
Hi 



Glass. 

Book ^Sfe^r 



/ 

A COMPREHENSIVE 



DICTIONARY OE THE BIBLE. 

MAINLY ABRIDGED FROM 

DR. WM. SMITH'S DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE, 

BUT COMPRISING 

IMPORTANT ADDITIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS 

i* FROM TIIE WORKS OF 

ROBINSON, GESENIUS, FURST, PAPE, POTT, WINER, KEIL, LANGE, KITTO, FAIRBAIRN 
ALEXANDER, BARNES, BUSH, THOMSON, STANLEY, PORTER, TRISTRAM, KING, AYRE, 
AND MANY OTHER EMINENT SCHOLARS, COMMENTATORS, TRAVELLERS, 
AND AUTHORS IN VARIOUS DEPARTMENTS. 

DESIGNED TO BE 

A COMPLETE GUIDE 

IN REGARD TO 

THE PRONUNCIATION AND SIGNIFICATION OF SCRIPTURAL NAMES ; THE SOLUTION OF DIFFICULTIES RESPECTING 
THE INTERPRETATION, AUTHORITY, AND HARMONY OF THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS J THE HISTORY 
AND DESCRIPTION OF BIBLICAL CUSTOMS, EVENTS, PLACES, PERSONS, ANIMALS, PLANTS, 
MINERALS, AND OTHER THINGS CONCERNING WHICH INFORMATION IS 
NEEDED FOR AN INTELLIGENT AND THOROUGH STUDY OF THE 
HOLY SCRIPTURES, AND OF THE BOOKS OF 
THE APOCRYPHA. 



EDITED BY 

REV. SAMUEL W. BARNUM. 




Jerusalem. 



ILLUSTRATED WITH FIVE HUNDRED MAPS AND ENGRAVINGS. 

A 

NEW YOEK: 
D. APPLETON AID COMPANY, 

549 & 551 BROADWAY. 
LONDON: 16 LITTLE BRITAIN. 
1871. 







Enteeed, according to Act of Congress, In the year 1867, by 
D. APPLETON & CO., 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. 



Transfer 



PREFACE 



Dr. "William Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, published in 1860-63, and containing, in 
its three octavo volumes, nearly 3,200 pages, is a work of acknowledged excellence ; but its 
size, cost, and scholarly character, unfit it for the use of the great mass of those who need a 
Dictionary of the Bible. The Concise Dictionary op the Bible, abridged from the larger 
work, under Dr. Smith's superintendence, by Mr. William A. Wright (1,039 pp., 8vo, 1865), 
is well executed in many respects ; but it leaves out a large part of the illustrations, references, 
tables, and some entire articles ; frequently presupposes a familiar acquaintance with the Script- 
ures and with the learned languages ; alters, often unsatisfactorily, the pronunciation of hundreds 
of proper names, and plainly evinces a lack of appreciation of the popular necessities. Dr. 
Smith's Smaller Dictionary of the Bible (617 pp., crown 8vo, 1866) is characterized, in 
general, by the same excellences and faults as the Concise Dictionary, and, while it has about 
twenty valuable maps and plates which are not in either of the other works, it is far from 
being commensurate with the wants of studious readers of the Bible. 

The Comprehensive Dictionary of the Bible, which is the fruit of three years of editorial 
labor, is a modified abridgment of Smith's larger Dictionary of the Bible, designed to present 
the results of modern scholarship in a complete, intelligible, and reliable form for popular use. 
It aims to be, in all respects, a Standard Dictionary for the People. 

The general principles which have guided the Editor in the preparation of the present work 
are the following : — 

I. To make every thing intelligible to those who understand only the English language, and 
to place them as nearly as possible on a level with the scholars who are familiar with the origi- 
nal languages of the Scriptures. 

EE. To condense the greatest possible amount of valuable information into one volume of 
convenient size and moderate cost. 

ILT. To guard against all influences hostile to Christian faith and love. 

In carrying out these general principles, the Comprehensive Dictionary is distinguished 
from Smith's Dictionaries of the Bible, as well as from most others, in respect to — 

1. Pronunciation. This Dictionary presents intelligibly and accurately the results of a dili- 
gent and extended examination of the principles, analogies, and jirevalent usage in this depart- 
ment. In some cases, two different modes of pronunciation are given, each of which has a 
foundation of authority or of reason to support it. All the words in the vocabulary are pro- 
nounced and divided into syllables, and words or parts of words are also respelled whenever 
this is needed to indicate the pronunciation. 

2. Etymology. The derivation and signification of the proper names are systematically given 
according to the best etymologists. 

3. Orthography. The Scriptural names and words in which there are diversities of spelling 
are inserted in the vocabulary under the different forms which are prevalent, with a reference 
from the less common to the usual form. 

4. Geography. Many important additions and corrections have been made in this depart- ! 
ment, giving the results of the latest investigations, identifying the ancient sites according to 
the opinions of the best-informed geographers and travellers, supplying numerous maps, plans, 
views of places, &c. Among the additions in this volume are the Plan of ancient Antioch in 
Syria after Miiller (from Conybeare & Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul), the Maps of 
Arabia and Egypt (from Cassell's Bible Dictionary), the Map of the Jordan (from Tristram's 



iv 



PREFACE. 



Land of Israel), the two maps Of Palestine (the first from Smith's Smaller Dictionary, the other 
from Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge), and the Map of the Countries visited by the Apostle 
Paul (from the last edition of Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Biblical Literature). In most other cases 
the authorities are given with the map or other important addition. 

5. History of Cities and Countries. Many articles in Smith's Dictionaries of the Bible pre- 
suppose the reader's access to Smith's Dictionary of Geography, &c, and thus omit important 
historical facts which the Comprehensive Dictionary briefly supplies. 

6. Theology and Church Order. This Dictionary aims, without inculcating either sectarian 
or latitudinarian views, to assist its readers in ascertaining for themselves the teachings of the 
Bible in regard to religious doctrines and ecclesiastical organization. It carries into this depart- 
ment of Biblical investigation the feature, which Smith's Dictionary adopts in respect to nat- 
vtral-bistory terms and some others, of giving the Hebrew and Greek equivalents of the English 
words with their exact significations and uses. 

7. Consistency of the Dictionary with itself. While no important opinion has been suppressed 
and no real difficulty evaded, great care has been taken to harmonize with the best authorities 
and with one another, if possible, the oft-conflicting opinions and statements of different writers 
in Smith's Dictionary, or to provide for each having its own proper influence by inserting 
cross-references and notes, and often giving the name of the original contributor in connection 
with his opinion or statement or article. 

8. References. The Scripture references of Smith's Dictionary have been diligently collated, 
often corrected, and in some articles considerably increased in number. The multitude of new 
cross-references to other articles in this Dictionary will greatly facilitate the finding of the in- 
formation contained in the work. 

9. Additions to the original icorlc. Many new articles have been added, and numerous addi- 
tions have been made to other articles, in order to give greater value and completeness to this 
Dictionary. One-third of the cuts and most of the maps are from other sources than Smith's 
Dictionaries. The additions and modifications in every part of this volume, and on every 
subject in it, make it, indeed, almost a new work. 

10. Authorities. The new matter has been drawn from a wide range of first-class authori- 
ties. The title-page and list of abbreviations give the names of a few only out of the more 
than 200 writers whose productions in various forms have been laid under contribution for the 
improvement of this Dictionary. Much use has been made, not only of Dictionaries of the 
Bible, Concordances, Lexicons, Commentaries, Cyclopaedias, Books of Travel, and other bound 
volumes of the highest character, but also of elaborate essays and reviews in various periodi- 
cals. Valuable aid in several departments has been received from officers of Yale College. 
From these and other sources, many of which are mentioned in the body of the work, the 
Editor has obtained the needed material to make this " A Comprehensive Dictionary of the 
Bible." 

11. Engravings. It is believed that no Dictionary of the Bible is so well illustrated; but 
its abundant Pictorial Illustrations, as well as its numerous Maps, are intended for instruction 
and general utility rather than for mere ornament. 

12. Typography. The large and open page, legible type, and accurate and beautiful me- 
chanical execution, need no commendation. 

To all who have aided him in the prosecution of his labors, and especially to the President 
and Librarian of Yale College, for the unrestricted use of the College Library, the Editor 
would return his hearty thanks. 

That the preparation and publication of this volume may promote the cause of true reli- 
gion and sound Biblical learning, is the earnest desire and prayer of 

THE EDITOR. 

New Haven, June 4, 1868. 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS TO THE ORIGINAL WORK. 



Very Rev. HENRY ALFORD, D. D., Dean of Canterbury; Author of an edition of the Greek Testa- 
ment with a critical and exegetical Commentary. 
Rev. HENRY BAILEY, B. D., Warden of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury. 
Rev. ALFRED BARRY, B. D., Principal of Cheltenham College. 
Rev. WILLIAM L. BEVAN, M. A., Vicar of Hay. 
Rev. JOSEPH W. BLAKESLEY, B. D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Rev. HORATIUS BONAR, D. D., Kelso; Author of "The Land of Promise," "The Desert of Si- 
nai," &c. 

Rev. THOMAS E. BROWN, M. A., Vice-Principal of King William's College, Isle of Man. 
Ven. ROBERT W. BROWNE, M. A., Archdeacon of Bath. 
Right Rev. E. HAROLD BROWNE, D. D., Lord Bishop of Ely. 

Rev. WILLIAM T. BULLOCK, M. A., Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. 
Rev. SAMUEL CLARK, M. A., Vicar of Bredwardine with Brobury. 
Rev. F. C. COOK, M. A., Canon of Exeter. 

Right Rev. GEORGE E. L. COTTON, D. D., Lord Bishop of Calcutta. 

Rev. J. LLEWELYN DAVIES, M. A., Rector of Christ Church, Marylebone. 

Rev. GEORGE E. DAY, D. D., Prof, of Hebrew and Biblical Theology, Yale College, New Haven, Ct. 
EMANUEL DEUTSCH, M. R. A. S., University of Berlin, and British Museum. 
Rev. WILLIAM DRAKE, M. A., Hon. Canon of Worcester. 

Rev. EDWARD P. EDDRUP, M. A., Principal of the Theological College, Salisbury. 

Right Rev. CHARLES J. ELLICOTT, D. D., Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol; Author of "A 

Critical and Grammatical Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles," &c. 
Rev. FREDERICK W. FARRAR, M. A., Assistant Master of Harrow School. 

JAMES FERGUSSON, F. R. S., F. R. A. S., Fellow of the Royal Institute of British Architects ; Author 
of " Essay on the Anc. Topography of Jerusalem," " Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis Restored," &c. 
EDMUND S. FFOULKES, M. A., late Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford. 
Right Rev. WILLIAM FITZGERALD, D. D., Lord Bishop of Killaloe. 
Rev. FRANCIS GARDEN, M. A., Subdean of the Chapel Royal. 

Rev. F. W. GOTCH, LL. D., Hebrew Examiner, University of London ; President of the Baptist College, 
Bristol. 

GEORGE GROVE, Crystal Palace, Sydenham. 

Rev. HORATIO B. H ACKETT, D. D., Prof, of Biblical Literature, Newton, Mass. ; Author of " A Com- 
mentary on t'ie Original Text of the Acts of the Apostles," " Illustrations of Scripture," &c. 
Rev. ERNEST HAWKINS, B. D., Canon of Westminster. 

Rev. HENRY HAYMAN, M. A., Head Master of the Grammar School, Cheltenham. 

Ven. LORD ARTHUR C. HERVEY, M. A., Archdeacon of Sudbury and Rector of Ickworth ; Author of 

" Genealogies of our Lord Jesus Christ." 
Rev. JAMES A. HESSEY, D. C. L., Head Master of Merchant Tailors' School, Preacher to the Hon. 

Society of Gray's Inn ; Prebendary of St. Paul's ; Bampton Lecturer for 1 860. 
JOSEPH D. HOOKER, M. D., F. R. S., Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. 
Rev JAMES J. HORNBY, M. A., Principal of Bishop Cosin's Hall. 

Rev. WILLIAM HOUGHTON, M. A., F. L. S., Rector of Preston on the Weald Moors, Salop. 



vi 



LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS TO THE ORIGINAL WORK. 



Rev. JOHN S. HOWSON, D. D., Principal of the Collegiate Institution, Liverpool ; Hulseau Lecturer for 

1863 ; Joint-Author with Rev. W. J. Conybeare of " The Life and Epistles of St. Paul." 
Rev. EDGAR HUXTABLE, M. A., Subdean of Wells. 
Rev. W. BASIL JONES, M. A., Prebendary of York and of St. David's. 

AUSTEN H. LAYARD, D. C. L., M. P., Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ; Author of "Nineveh 

and its Remains,'' " Discoveries among the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon," &c. 
Rev. STANLEY LEATHES, M. A., M. R. S. L., Prof, of Hebrew, King's College, London. 
Rev. JOSEPH B. L1GHTFOOT, M. A., Hulsean Prof, of Divinity, Cambridge. 
Rev. D. W. MARKS, Prof, of Hebrew, University College, London. 
Rev. FREDERICK MEYRICK, M. A., One of Her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools. 

Prof. JULES OPPERT, of Paris ; Author (in French) of an Assyrian Grammar, Annals of Sargon, 

Chronology of Babylon and Assyria, French Scientific Expedition in Mesopotamia, &c. 
Rev. EDWARD R. ORGER, M. A., Fellow and Tutor of St. Augustine's College, Canterbury. 
Ven. THOMAS J. ORMEROD, M. A., Archdeacon of Suffolk. 

Rev. JOHN J. S. PEROWNE, B. D., Vice-Principal of St. David's College, Lampeter. 

Rev. THOMAS T. PEROWNE, B. D., Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. 

Rev. HENRY W. PHILLOTT, M. A., Rector of Staunton-on-Wye. 

Rev. EDWARD H. PLUMPTRE, M. A., Prof, of Divinity, King's College, London. 

E. STANLEY POOLE, M. R. A. S., South Kensington Museum. 

R. STUART POOLE, M. R. S. L., British Museum; Author of " Horaj JSgyptiaeae," "Genesis of the 
Earth and of Man," &c. 

Rev. J. LESLIE PORTER, M. A., Author of " Handbook of Syria and Palestine," " Five Years in Damas- 
cus," &c. ; Prof, of Sacred Literature, Assembly's College, Belfast. 

Rev. CHARLES PRITCHARD, M. A., F. R. S., Hon. Secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society. 

Rev. GEORGE RAWLIN'SON, M. A., Camden Prof, of Ancient History, Oxford ; Bampton Lecturer for 
1859 ; Author of a new English version of the History of Herodotus, with Notes and Appendices, " The 
Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient World," &c. 

Rev. HENRY J. ROSE, B. D., Rector of Houghton Conquest, Bedfordshire. 

Rev. WILLIAM SELWYN. D. D., Lady Margaret's Prof, of Divinity, Cambridge. 

WILLIAM SMITH, LL. D. (Editor), Classical Examiner in the University of London. 

Rev. ARTHUR P. STANLEY, D. D., Regius Prof, of Ecclesiastical History, Oxford ; Dean of Westminster ; 
Author of " Sinai and Palestine," " History of the Eastern Church," &c. 

Rev. CALVIN E. STOWE, D. D., Hartford, Ct. ; late Prof, of Sacred Literature, Andover, Mass. 

Rev. JOSEPH P. THOMPSON, D. D., Pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle Church, New York; Author 
of " Egypt, Past and Present," &c. 

Most Rev. WILLIAM THOMSON, D. D., Lord Archbishop of York. 

Rev. JOSEPH F. THRUPP, M. A., Vicar of Barrington. 

SAMUEL P. TREGELLES, LL. D., Author of " An Account of the Printed Text of the Greek Testa- 
ment," a critical edition of the Greek New Testament, &c. 

Rev. H. B. TRISTRAM, M. A., F. L. S., Master of Greatham Hospital; Author of "The Land of 
Israel." 

Hon. EDWARD T. B. TWISTLETON', M. A., late Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. 
Rev. EDMUND VENABLES, M. A., Boncburch, Isle of Wight. 

Rev. BROOKE F. WESTCOTT, M. A., Assistant Master of Harrow School ; Author of " Introduction to 
the Study of the Gospels." 

Rev. CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH, D. D., Archdeacon and Canon of Westminster ; Author of a Com- 
mentary on the Bible. 

WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGHT, M. A., Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge ; Hebrew Examiner in the 
University of London. 



ABBEEYIATIOTsTS AND OTHEE SIGNS. 



abp. 
abr. 
A. C. 
A. D. 
adj. 
adv. 
M. 
Alex. 



Am. 
Amer. 
anc. 
Apoc. 

iff- 

At. 
Aram. 
Aristoph. 
art. 

A. U. C. 

A. V. 

AV. 

B. & D. 
Bar. 

B. C. 

bib. 

Bkt. 

Boch. 

bp. 

Brit. Mus. 
B. S. 

Cant. 

cent. 

eh. 

Chal. 

1 Chr. 

2Chr. 

chs. 

Cic. 

cir. 

Clem. Alex. 

Clem. Rom. 

Col. 

comm. 

comp. 

contr. 

Conyb. & H. 

1 Cor. 

2 Cor. 
Cyc. 
Dan. 
Deut. 
Diet. 
Dr. 
B. 

Eccl. 

eccles. 

Ecclus. 

ed. 

e.g. 

Eng. 

Eph. 

l^s'd. 

2Esd. 

Esth. 

Euseb. 

Euseb. & J. 

Ex. 



for archbishop. 
" abridged, or abridgment. 
" after Christ. 

" Anno Domini (L.)=in the year of our Lord. 
" adjective. 
" adverb. 

" aes (L.)=brass or copper (coin, or medal). 
" Alexandrine (MS. of the LXX., &c), Alex- 

andrinus (L.), or Alexandrian, i. e. of 

Alexandria. 
" Amos (O. T.) 
" American. 
" ancient, or anciently. 
" Apocrypha. 

" Appendix (of a work cited). 

" argentum (L.)=silver (coin, or medal). 

" Arabic, or Arabian, or Arabia. 

" Aramean, or Aramaic, i. e. of Aram. 

" Aristophanes, a Greek comic poet. 

" article (of the Diet., in grammar, &c.) 

" anno urbis condita (L.)= in the year of the 

building of the city (viz., Rome). 
" the authorized or common English version 

of the Scriptures. 
" aurum (L.)=gold (coin, or medal). 
" History of Bel and the Dragon (Apoc.) 
" Baruch (Apoc.) 
" before Christ. 
" biblical. 

" J. L. Burckhardt, Trav. in Syr. & the Holy 
Land, Trav- in Arabia, &c. 

" Rev. S. Bochart, Sacred Geog., Hicrozoicon, 
&c. 

" bishop. 

" British Museum. 

" Bibliotheca Sacra, Series I., N. Y„ 1843; 

Quarterly, Andover, 1844, &c. 
" Canticles, or Song of Solomon (O. T.) 
" century, or centuries. 
" chapter (of a book, &c.) 
" Chaldee, or Chaldean, or Chaldea. 
" 1st Book of Chronicles (O. T.) 
" 2d Book of Chronicles (O. T.) 
" chapters (of a book, &c.) 
" Marcus Tulllus Cicero, the Roman orator 

and author, b. c. 106-43. 
" circa (L.)=about. 

" Clemens Alexandrinus, or Clement of Al- 
exandria. 

" Clemens Romanus, or Clement of Rome. 

Ep. to the Colossians (N.T.y also, colonel. 
^ commentary, or commentaries. 

compare, or compared, or comparison 
" contracted, or contraction. 
" Rev. W. J. Conybeare & Rev. J. S How- 
son, Life and Epp. of St.. Paul. 

1st Ep. to the Corinthians (N. T.) 
" 2d Ep. to the Corinthians (N T j 
" Cyclopaedia. 
" Daniel (O. T.) 
" Deuteronomy (O. T.) 
" Dictionary. 

" doctor (of medicine, divinity, &c.) 
" East, or Eastern. 
" Ecclesiastes (O. T.) 
" ecclesiastical. 
" Ecclesiasticus (Apoc.) 
' edited or editor, or edition. 

exempli gratia (L.)=for the sake of ex- 
•i „ ample, or for example. 

England, or English. 
" epistle. 

" Ep. to the Ephesians (N. T.) 

epistles. 
" 1st Book of Esdras (Apoc.) 
' 2d Book of Esdras (Apoc.) 
" Esther (O. T. and Apoc.) 

Eusebius, Onom., Eccles. Hist., &c. 

Eusebius, Onom. with Jerome's L. tr. 
" Exodus (O. T.) 



Ez. 
Ezr. 
f. 

Fbn. 

fem. 
ff. 

fig- 
ir. 
Fr. 
Ffi. 

Gal. 

Gen. 

geog. 

geol. 

Ger. 

Ges. 

Gr. 

Gr. T. 

Hab. 

Hag. 

Hdt. 

Heb. 

hist. 

Hos. 

ib. 

id. 

i. e. 

in loc. 

introd. 
Is. 

Itin. Ant. 



Itiu. Hier. 

Jas. 
Jd. 
Jer. 
Jn. 

1 Jn. 

2 Jn. 

3 Jn. 
Jon. 
Jos. 

Jos. B. J. 

Jos. Ap. 

Josh. 

Jr.dg. 

1 K. 

2K. 

Kit. 

L. 

Lam. 
L. & S. 
lat. 
1. c. 

Ld. A. C. H 



Lev. 
Lex. 
lib. 
Linn. 

lit. 

Lk. 

loc. 

long. 

LXX. 

M. 

m. 

Mai. 

marg. 

masc. 

Mat. 



for Ezekiel (O. T.) 
" Ezra (O. T.) 

" following (verse, page, &c.) 

" Rev. Patrick Fairbaim, D. D., Imperial 

Diet, of the Bible, Ez., &c. 
" feminine. 

'■' following (verses, pages, &c.) 

11 figure, or figurative, or figuratively. 

" from. 

" French, or France. 

" Dr. Julius Fiirst, Heb. Lex., Heb. Concor- 
dance. 

" Ep. to the Galatians (N. T.) 
" Genesis (O. T.) 

" geography, or geographical, or geographer. 

" geology, or geological, or geologist. 

" German, or Germany. 

" Wm. Gesenius, Heb. Lexicon, &c. 

" Greek. 

" Greek Testament. 
" Habakkuk (O. T.) 
" Haggai (O. T.) 

" Herodotus, the (Gr.) "father of history," 

B. c. 484-424 ? 
" Hebrew, or Ep. to the Hebrews (N. T.) 
" history, or historical, or historian. 
" Hosea (O. T.) 

" ibidem (L.)=in the same place. 
" idem (L.)=the same. 
" id est (L.)=that is. 

" in loco (L.)=in the place, or (in comm.) on 

the passage cited. 
" introduction. 
" Isaiah (O. T.) 

" Itinerary of Antoninus, supposed dates 
varying from 44 b. c. to the 4th cent. 
a. c. 

" Itinerary of Jerusalem (L. Hierusalem), 

A. d. 333. 
" Ep. of James (N. T.) 
" Judith (Apoc.) 
" Jeremiah (O. T.) 
" Gospel according to John (N. T.) 
" 1st Ep. of John (N. T.) 
" 2d Ep. of John (N. T.) 
" 3d Ep. of John (N. T.) 
" Jonah (O. T.) 

" Flavius Josephue, Antiquities of the Jews. 

" Jos. Bellum Judaicum (L.)=Jewish War. 

" Jos. against Apion. 

" Joshua (O. T.) 

" Judges (O. T.) 

" 1st Book of Kings (O. T.) 

" 2d Book of Kings (O. T.) 

" John Kitto, D. D., Cyc. of Bib. Literature, 

&c. 
" Latin. 

" Lamentations of Jeremiah (0. T.) 
" H. G. Liddell & R. Scott's Gr. Lex. 
" latitude. 

" loco citato (L.)=at the place cited. 

" Lord Arthur C. Hervey, Genealogies of 

Christ, articles in Smith's Diet, of the 

Bible, &c. 
" Leviticus (0. T.) 
" Lexicon. 
" liber (L.)=book. 

" Carl von Linne or Linnaeus, a Swedish 

naturalist, 1707-1778. 
" literal, or literally. 
" Luke (N. T.) 
" loco. See " in loc." above. 
" longitude. 

" the Seventy, i. e. the Septuagint. 

" Monsieur (in Fr. names)=Mr. 

" mile, or miles. 

" Malachi (O. T.) 

" margin, or marginal. 

" masculine. 

" Matthew (N. T.) 



Vlll 



ABBREVIATIONS AND OTHER SIGNS. 



Mannd. 

lMc. 
2Mc. 
3Mc. 
Messrs. 

Mic. 

Mk. 

mod. 

MS. 

MSS. 

mt. 

mts. 

N. 

jr. 

D. 

Nah. 

nat. hist. 

Neh. 

neu. 

no. 

N. T. 

Num. 

N. Y. 

Ob. 

obj. 

ob'v. 

Ononi. 

ori & 
0. T. 

&L 

Pent, 

Pers. 

1 Pet. 

2 Pet. 
Phil. 
Phn. 
phys. 
pict. 
pi. 
pp 

prob. 
pron. 

Ptot. 

Pa. 

Ptol. 



Prr. 



Rbn. 



Rev. 
Rln. 



Bom. 
Eos. 

En. 

S. 

Sam. 
Sam. V. 

1 Sam. 

2 Sam. 
Sansc. 
sc. 
Schl. 
Sg.3H. 



for Eev. Henry Maundrell, Journey fr. Aleppo 

to Jerusalem, 1697. 
" 1st Book of Maccabees (Apoc.) 
" 2d Book of Maccabees (Apoc.) 
'• 3d Book of Maccabees (in LXX.) 
" Messieurs, Fr. pi. of M. ; used as Eng. pi. 

of Mr. 
" Micah {O. T.) 
" Mark (N. T.) 
" modern. 
" manuscript. 
" manuscripts. 
" mount, or mountain. 
'• mountains. 
" North, or Northern. 
" Xahr (At.) = river. 
" note (in a reference). 
" Nahum (O. T.) 
•• natural history. 
" Nehemiah (O. T.) 
" neuter. 

'* nvniero (L.) — - in number, or number. 

New Testament. 
•• Numbers (O. T.) 
" New York. 
" Obadiah (O. T.) 
" objection. 

" obverse (of a medal, or coin). 

" Onomasticon of Eusebius, Simonis, &c. 

" original, or originally. 

" Old Testament. 

" page. 

" Palestine, or Palestinian. 
" Pentateuch. 
" Persian. 

" 1st Ep. of Peter (N. T.) 

" 2d Ep. of Peter (N.T.) 

" Ep. to the Philippiana (N. T.) 

" Ep. to Philemon (N. T.) 

" physical. 

" pictorial. 

•' plural. 

" pages. 

" probable, or probably. 
'■ pronounce, or pronounced, or pronuncia- 
tion. 

" Proverbs (O. T.) 

" Psalm, or Psalms (0. T.) 

•' Ptolemy, viz. Claudius Ptolemy (geog., 

2d cent. a. c.) ; also Ptolemy I.. II.. <Sc. 

(kings of Egvpt, 4th cent., &c, b. c), 

&c. 

" Eev. J. L. Porter, 5 years in Damascus, 
Handbook for Syr. & Pal., articles in 
Smith's Diet, of the Bible and Kitto's 
Bib. Cyc., &c. 

" published, or publisher. 

" Rabbi (before a Jewish name). 

" Prof. Edward Bobinson. D. D., Bib. He- 
searches in Pal., Harmony of the Gos- 
pels, Phys Geog. of the Holy Land, A". 
T. Lex., &c. 

" Eevelation or Apocalypse (N. T.) ; Reve- 
rend: reverse (of "a medal or coin). 

" Eev. Prof. George Eawlinson, articles in 
Smith" s Diet, of the Bible, Hist. Evi- 
dence, Anc. Monarchies, &c. ; brother 
of Sir Henry Eawlinson. noted for re- 
searches in Assyria. Babylonia. <fcc. 

" Eoman. or Ep. to the Roman's (N. T.) 

•' Rosenmuller i.John G.. or Ernest F. C. ; 
father & son), commentator on SS., &c. 

'• Buth (O. T.) 

" South, or Southern. 

" Samaritan. 

" Samaritan Version. 

" 1st Book of Samuel (O. T.) 

" 2d Book of Samuel (O. T.) 

" Sanscrit. 

" scilicet (L.) = to wit. or that is to sav. 
'• John F. Schleusner. D. D.. A". T. Lex.. &c. 
Ch. " Song of the 3 Holy Children (Apoc.) 



Sim. for 

sing. 

SS. 

StL 

Str. 
Sus. 



Syr. 

Tab. Pent. 



Tac. " 

1 Th. " 

2 Th. 
Thn. 

1 Tim. " 

2 Tim. " 
Tit. 

Tob. 

tr. " 
trav. " 
Tnn. " 

II. C. 

U.S. or U.S.A. 
Vat. 

V. de V. 

ver. 

viz. ' 
vol. 

:; 

w. 



J. Simonis, Onomasticitm, Htb. Lex., &c. 

singular. 

Scriptures. 

Prof. A. P. Stanley, D. D.. Syr. & Pal., ar- 
ticles in Smith*s Diet, oj the Bible, Ac. 

Strabo, geographer, B. c. 64 ?— a. d. 24 ? 

History of t>u?auna (Apoc.) 

sub voce (L.) = under the word (in Lex., 
&c.) 

sub vocibus (L.) = under the words (in 
Lex., &c.) 

Syria, or Syriac, or Syrian. 

Peutingerian Table, 3d or 4th cent. A. c. ; 
named from Conrad Pcutingcr, a Ger- 
man, who had it in Kith century. 

Caius Cornelius Tacitus, Bom. hist., 1st 
century A. c. 

1st Ep. to the Thessalonians (N. T.) 

2d Ep. to the Thessalonians (N. T.) 

Bev. Wm. M. Thomson, D. L>., The Land 
& the Book. 

1st Ep. to Timothy (N. T.) 

2d Ep. to Timothy (N. T.) 

Ep. to Titus (N. T.) 

Tobit (Apoc.) 

translate, or translated, or translation. 

travels. 

Bev. H. B. Tristram, The Land of Israel. 

articles in Smith's Diet, of the Bible. 
year of Borne. Sec A. L". C. above. 
United States of America. 
Vatican (in Borne ; applied to a MS. of the 

LXX., &c.) 
Lieut. C. W. M. Van de Velde, Syr. <£ Pal., 

&c. 

verse, or verses. 
videlicet (L.) = namely, 
volume. 
Vulgate. 

West, or Western. 

Wady (Ar.) = valley or ravine with a 
stream : or the stream itself, usually 
dry in summer. 
Wisdom (Apoc.) 

Bev. John Wilson, D. D., Lands of the 

Bible. 

Dr. G. B. Winer, Biblisches Jtealubrter- 

buch (i. e. Bib. Cyc). &c. 
Xenophon. Greek general & anthor, b. c. 

443r-356?; Anabasis, Cyropadia, &c. 
Zecbariah (O. T.) 
Zephaniah (O. T.) 



Wis. 
Win. 

Wr. 

Xen. 

Zech. 
Zeph. 

* is prefixed to the articles inserted by the editor of this 

volume. 

[ ] inclose words or parts of words respelled to indicate 
the pronunciation. They are also sometimes used to dis- 
tinguish a parenthetical clause from the rest of a sentence 
or passage already inclosed in a parenthesis. 
': is used to denote some uncertainty in a signification, 
: derivation, statement, &c. 

= denote equal, or tqvivalerit to, to tqval, or to le equal 
| to. to signify, t denotes died. 

§ denotes section, or subdivision of a chapter, and §§ 
denote sections. The small Boman numerals denote vol- 
umes chapters, or other principal divisions of a book, &c. 
Thus' Is vi. 3 denotes Isaiah, ch. tith. ver. 3d: Bbn. iii. 
2S7 denotes Bobinson Bib. Researches, vol. 3d. p. 2»7 ; Ptr. 
l i 85 denotes Porters Five Tears in Damateui, vol. 1st. p. 

So: Jos. i. 2. § 3 denotes Josephus'6 Antiquities of the 
, Jeics. book 1st. ch. 2d. section 3d. 

Abbreviations of the names of books will be sufficiently 
' understood in most cases, as those indicating the authors 
, are usually explained, and the titles of their principal 
works are often given above. 
Words printed in small capitals, whether in a .sen- 
! tence or standing alone, are to be understood as referring 
to those articles in the Dictionary for further informa- 
tion. Thus, when " Benjamite " is defined " descendant 
! of Bexjamc- 1."' the reader is referred to the 1st name 
under the article Benjamin for information which it was 
i unnecessary to repeat under Benjamite. 



A COMPKEHEE SI YE 

DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE. 



A 

A'a-lar. Addan. 

Aar'on [air'on] (fr. Heb. = mountaineer ? Ges. ; 
enlightened, Fii.), the brother of Moses and Miriam, 
and son of Amram and Jochebed (Num. xxvi. 59, 
xxxiii. 39). He was three years older than Moses, 
and probably several years younger than Miriam (Ex. 
ii. 4, vii. 7). He is first mentioned in Ex. iv. 14, as 
" Aaron the Levite," who " could speak well." He 
was apparently, like many eloquent men, impulsive 
and comparatively unstable, leaning almost wholly 
on his brother ; incapable of that endurance of lone- 
liness and temptation, which is an element of real 
greatness ; but earnest in his devotion to God and 
man, capable of sacrifice and of discipline by trial, 
and deservedly styled " the saint of the Lord " (Ps. 
cvi. 16). He was appointed by Jehovah to be the 
Interpreter and " Mouth " (Ex. iv. 16) of Moses, 
who was " slow of speech ; " and accordingly he was 
not only the organ of communication with the Israel- 
ites and with Pharaoh (Ex. iv. 30, vii. 2), but also 
the actual instrument of working most of the mir- 
acles of the Exodus. (See Ex. vii. 19, &c.) Thus 
on the way to Mount Sinai, during the battle with 
Amalek, Aaron with Hur held up the weary hands 
of Moses, when they were lifted up for the victory of 
Israel, not in prayer, but to bear the rod of God 
(Ex. xvii. 9). Through all this period he was sub- 
ordinate to his brother. At Sinai, Aaron only ap- 
proaches with Nadab and Abihu, and the seventy eld- 
ers of Israel, by special command, near enough to see 
God's glory, but not so as to enter His immediate 
presence. Left then, on Moses' departure, to guide 
the people, Aaron fails to withstand the demand of 
the people for visible " gods to go before them " 
(see Ex. xxxii. ; Calf ; Idolatry). There can hard- 
ly be a stronger contrast with this weakness, and 
the self-convicted shame of his excuse, than the 
burning indignation of Moses, and his stern, decisive 
measures of vengeance ; although beneath these lay 
an ardent affection, which went almost to the verge 
of presumption in prayer for the people (Ex. xxxii. 
19-34), and gained forgiveness for Aaron himself 
(Deut. ix. 20). Immediately after this great sin, 
Aaron was consecrated by Moses to the new office 
of high-priest. The order of God for the consecra- 
tion is found in Ex. xxix., and the record of its exe- 
cution in Lev. viii. The solemnity of the office, and 
its entire dependence for sanctity on the ordinance 
J 



ABA 

of God, were vindicated by the death of his sons, 
Nadab and Abihu, for " offering strange fire" on the 
altar (Lev. x.). From this time the history of Aaron 
is almost entirely that of the priesthood, and its 
chief feature is the great rebellion of Korah and the 
Levites against his sacerdotal dignity, united with 
that of Dathan and Abiram and the Eeubenites 
against the temporal authority of Moses. The true 
vindication of Aaron's priesthood was, not so much 
the death of Korah by the fire of the Lord, as the 
efficacy of his offering of incense to stay the plague, 
by which he was seen to be accepted as an Inter- 
cessor for the people. The blooming of his rod, 
which followed, was a miraculous sign, visible to all, 
and capable of preservation, of God's choice of him 
and his house. The murmuring of Aaron and Miriam 
against Moses clearly proceeded from Aaron's trust 
in his priesthood, and Miriam's in her prophetic in- 
spiration, as equal commissions from God (Num. xii. 
2). It probably originated mainly with Miriam, and 
seems to have vanished at once before the declaration 
of Moses' exaltation above all prophecy and priest- 
hood, except that of One who was to come. Acting 
with Moses in the guidance of the people, he shared 
his sin at Meribah, and its punishment (Num. xx. 
10-12) Aaron's death, at the age of one hundred 
and twenty-three years (Num. xxxiii. 39), seems to 
have followed very speedily. It took place on Mount 
Hor, after the transference of his robes and office to 
Eleazar, who alone with Moses was present at his 
death, and performed his burial (Num. xx. 28). This 
mount is still called the " Mountain of Aaron." The 
wife of Aaron was Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23) ; and the 
two sons who survived him were Eleazar and Itha- 
mar. The high-priesthood descended to the former, 
and was in his family until the time of Eli, and 
again from Zadok onward. 

Aar'on-ites [air-] = descendants of Aaron (1 Chr. 
xii. 27, xxvii. 17). Priest. 

Ab (Heb. father). Abba ; Month. 

Ab'a-cnc (L. ; 2 Esd. i. 40) = Habakkuk. 

A-bad'don (Heb. destruction), Kev. ix. 11. Apol- 
lton. 

Ab-a-di'as = Obadiah, son of Jehiel (1 Esd. viii. 
35). 

A-bag'tha (Heb. fr. Sansc. — given by fortune, 
Bohlen, Ges. ; see Bigtha), one of the seven eunuchs 
in the Persian court of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Ab'a-na (L. fr. Heb. = Amana, Ges.), one of the 



2 



ABA 



ABI 



"rivers of Damascus " (2 K. v. 12), probably the 
modern Barada, the chief river of the city. This 
clear and limpid stream is the main source of the 
beauty and fertility of the plain of Damascus. It 
rises in the Antilibanus, at about twenty-three miles 
N. W. from the city, alter flowing through which, in 
several distinct streams, it runs across the plain and 
falls by different branches into the Bahrel el-Kibliych 
(" South Lake ") and Bahret esh-Shurkiyeh (" East 
Lake "), two of the three lakes or marshes fifteen or 
twenty miles E. of Damascus (Rbn. hi. 446 ; Ptr. chs. 
v. ix.). Amana ; Phappar. 

Ab'a-rim (Heb. regions beyond, Ges.), a mountain 
or range of highlands E. of the Jordan, in the land 
of Moab (Deut. xxxii. 49), facing Jericho, and form- 
ing the E. wall of the Jordan valley at that part. 
Its most elevated spot was '' the Mount Nebo, ' head ' 
of ' the ' Pisgah," from which Moses viewed the 
Promised Land before his death (Num. xxvii. 12, 
xxxiii. 47, 48 ; Deut. xxxii. 49 ; probably Jer. xxii. 
20, A. V. " passages "). Ije-Abarim. 

Abba (Chal. father = Heb. Ab), a term applied to 
God by the Lord Jesus (Mk. xiv. 36), and by St. Paul 
(Rom. viii. 15 ; Gal. iv. 6). 

Ab'da (fr. Heb. = servant, sc. of God, Ges.). 1. 
Father of Adoniram (1 K. iv. 6). — 2. Son of Sham- 
mua (Neh. xL 17) ; = Obadiah in 1 Chr. ix. 16. 

Ab'de-el (fr. Heb. = servant of God, Ges.), father 
of Shelemiah (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 

Ab'di (Heb. servant of Jehovah, Ges.). 1. A Me- 
rarite, ancestor of Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). 
— 2. A Merarite, father of Kisn 4 (2 Chr. xxix. 12). 
—3. One of the sons of Elam in the time of Ezra, 
who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). 

Ab-di'as (2 Esd. i. 39) = Obadiah. 

Ab'di-el (Heb. servant of God, Ges.), a Gadite, 
son of Guni and father of Ahi (1 Chr. v. 15). 

lb don (Heb. servile, Ges.). 1. A judge of Israel 
(Judg. xii. 13, 15), perhaps = Bedan in 1 Sam. xii. 
11.— 2. Son of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 23).— 3. First- 
born son of Jehiel, the father of Gibeon (1 Chr. 
viii. 30, ix. 35, 36). — 4. Son of Micah, and a contem- 
porary of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20) ; = Achbor in 2 
K. xxii. 12. — 5. A city of Asher, given to the Ger- 
shonites (Josh. xxi. 30 ; 1 Chr. vi. 74) ; = Hebron 2. 

A-bed'ne-gO (Chal. servant of Nego, perhaps = the 
Chal. god Nebo), the Chaldean name given to Dan- 
iel's friend Azariah, miraculously saved from the 
fiery furnace (Dan. i.-iii.). Azariah 24. 

A'bel (L. fr. Heb. hebel = breath, vapor, transilori- 
•less ; probably so called from the shortness of his 
life), second son of Adam, murdered by his brother 
Cain (Gen. iv. 1-1 6). Jehovah showed respect for 
Abel's offering, but not for Cain's, because (Heb. xi. 
4) Abel " by faith offered a more excellent sacrifice 
than Cain." The expression " sin," i. e. sin-offering, 
" lieth at the door " (Gen. iv. 7), seems to imply 
that the need of sacrifices of blood to obtain for- 
giveness was already revealed. Rather, " sin " (per- 
sonified in this address of God to Cain) " lieth " 
(lit. erouehelh, i. e. lieth in wait for thee, like a wild 
beast) " at the door " (so Ges., Bush, Fbn., &c). 
Our Lord spoke of Abel as the first martyr (Max. 
xxiii. 35); so did the early church subsequently. 
A legend connects his name with Abila (Abilene), 
near which is his reputed tomb, Nebi HabU — Pro- 
phet Abel (Stl. xii. n.). 

A'bcl (Heb. meadow, Ges.), the name of several 
places in Palestine. 1. A'bel-beth-ma'a-chah [-kah] 
(Heb. meadow of Beth-Maachah, Fli.), or A'bel- 
ma'im (Heb. Abel on, or meadow of, the waters), or 
simply A'bel, a towTi of some importance (" a city 



and a mother in Israel," 2 Sam. xx. 19), in the ex- 
treme N. of Palestine ; named with Dan, Cinneroth, 
Kedesh ; early a prey to the invading kings of Syria 
(1 K. xv. 20 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 4) and Assyria (2 K. xv. 
29). Here Sheba was overtaken and besieged by 
Joab (2 Sam. xx. 14, 15); and the city was saved 
by the exercise, on the part of one of its inhabi- 
tants, of its proverbial sagacity (18). It was prob- 
ably at the modern Abil, a village on a hill, one hour 
N. E. from Hnnhi (anciently Rehob?) (Rbn. iii. 372 ; 
Thn. i. 324). — ?. A'bel-miz'ra-im (1Kb. the mourn- 
ing of Egypt), the name given by the Canaanites to 
the floor of Atad (Gen. 1. 11). — 3. A'bel-siiit'tim 
(Heb. meadow of acacias) in the " plains " of Moab ; 
on the low level of the Jordan valley, in distinction 
from the cultivated " fields " on the upper level of 
the tabli'-laiid. II' re, their ri sting-place belt re cross- 
ing the Jordan, Israel " pitched from Beth -jesimoth 
unto Abel-Shittim " (Num. xxxiii. 49). The place is 
most frequently called Shittim. In the days of 
Josephus, it was known as Abila, the town embos- 
omed in palms, sixty stadia from the river. Among 
these palms (so Josephus) Deuteronomy was deliv- 
ered by Moses. The town and the palms have dis- 
appeared ; the acacia-groves still remain. — I.A'hkl- 
sie-ho'lah (Heb. meadow of the da7icc), named with 
Beth-shean and Jokneam(l K. iv. 12), and therefore 
in the N. part of the Jordan valley. To "the border 
of Abel-Meholah " and to Beth-shittah, the routed 
host fled from Gideon (Judg. vii. 22). Here Elisha 
was found at his plough by Elijah (1 K. xix. 16-19). 
— 5. A'bel-ce-ra'mim (or A. Cr&mim, Heb.; A. V., 

ihe plain nl i In' '. ine) ard> ' >, a place E. of Jordan, 
beyond Aroer, to w hich Jephthah's pursuit of the 
Ammonites extended (Judg. xi. 33). An Abel is 
mentioned by Eusebius at six miles beyond Philadel- 
phia (Rabbah) ; and another, where are now ruins, 
more to the N., twelve miles E. from Gadara. — 6. 
" The great ' Abel,' in the field of Joshua the Beth- 
shemite" (1 Sam. vi. 18). Probably (comp. ver. 14, 
15) for Abel should be read Eben('u\ Heb.) = " stone." 
Some, however, suppose the place named Abel from 
the "mourning" there (ver. 19 ; comp. Gen. 1. 11). 
The A. V. here inserts " stone of." 

A'bez (Heb. tin ? Ges.), a town of Issachar, named 
between Kishion and Remeth (Josh. xix. 20 only). 

A'bi (Heb. = Abijah, Ges.), mother of king Hez- 
ekiah (2 K. xviii. 2), called Abijah in 2 Chr. xxix. 1. 
Her father was Zachariah, or Zechariah. 

A-bi'a (fr. Heb. = Abijah). 1. Son of Rehoboam ; 
= Abijah 1, or Abijam (1 Chr. iii. 10; Mat. i. 7).— 
2. Chief of the eighth course of priests ; a descend- 
ant of Eleazar (Lk. i. 5) ; = Abijah 3. 

A-bi'ah (fr. Heb. = Abijah). 1. Son of Becher, 
Benjamin's son (1 Chr. vii. 8); supposed by Lord 
A. C. Hervey = Aphiah (?). — 2. Wife of Hezron 
(1 Chr. ii. 24). — 3. Second son of Samuel, whom 
together with his eldest son Joel he made judge in 
Beersheba (1 Sam. viii. 2 ; 1 Cbr. vi. 28). The cor- 
ruptness of their administration was the reason al- 
leged by the Israelites for demanding a king. 

A-bi-AI'bon = Abiel 2. 

A-bi'a-saph or E-bi'a-saph (Heb. whose /«(/ip)'[Ko- 
rah, Num. xvi.] God took away, Sim.; father of gath- 
ering, i. e. the gatherer, Fii. and Ges.), the head of a 
family of the Korhites. In Ex. vi. 24, he appears to be 
a son of Korah and brother of Assir and Elkanah : 
in 1 Chr. vi. 23, Ebiasaph (probably = Abiasaph) 
is son of Elkanah, the son of Assir, the son of Ko- 
rah (comp. v. 37). The natural inference from this 
would be that in Ex. vi. 24, " the sons of Korah " — 
the families into which the house of the Korhites 



ABI 



ABI 



13 



v. as subdivided (comp. 1 Chr. ix. 19). Among the 
remarkable descendants of Abiasaph, according to 
1 Chr. vi. 33-3V, were Samuel the prophet and El- 
kanah his father (1 Sam. i. 1), and Heman the 
singer. 

A-bi'a-thar (fr. Heb. == whose father survived, sc. 
deceased mother, Sim. ; father of excellence, or of 
abundance, Fii., Ges.), high-priest of the line of Eli 
and Ithamar. He was the only one of all the sons 
of Ahimelech who escaped the slaughter of his fa- 
ther's house by Saul (1 Sam. xxii.). Abiathar fled 
to David " with an ephod in his hand," and was thus 
enabled to inquire of the Lord for him (1 Sam. xxiii. 
6, 9, xxx. 7 ; 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. 19, &c). The fact of 
David having been the unwilling cause of the death 
of all Abiathar's kindred, coupled with his gratitude 
to Ahimelech, made him a firm and steadfast friend 
to Abiathar all his life. Abiathar on his part ad- 
hered to David in his wanderings, was with him in 
Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 1-3), carried the ark before him 
to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 11; IK. ii. 26), continued 
faithful to him in Absalom's rebellion (2 Sam. xv. 
24-36, xvii. 15-17, xix. 11); and " was afflicted in 
all wherein David was afflicted." He was also one 
of David's chief counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). Abi- 
athar was, however, one of Adonijah's chief parti- 
sans, while Zadok was on Solomon's side. For this 
Abiathar was superseded in the high-priesthood, and 
banished to his native Anathoth, and his life was 
spared by Solomon only on the strength of his long 
and faithful service to David. " Solomon thrust out 
Abiathar from being priest unto the Lord," and 
" Zadok the priest did the king put in the room of 
Abiathar "(IK. ii. 27, 35). Probably Abiathar did 
not long survive David, though he is mentioned in 1 
K. iv. 4 (comp. ver. 2, and 1 Chr. vi. 10). There 
are some difficulties connected with Abiathar. (1.) 
It is difficult to determine the position of Abiathar 
relatively to Zadok, and to account for the double 
high-priesthood. Zadok, descended from Eleazar, 
Aaron's elder son, is first mentioned in 1 Chr. xii. 28, 
as " a young man mighty of valor," who joined Da- 
vid while he reigned in Hebron. From this time 
we read, both in Samuel and Chronicles, of " Zadok 
and Abiathar the priests," Zadok being always named 
first. And yet Solomon on his accession put Zadok 
in the room of Abiathar. Perhaps Abiathar was the 
first, and Zadok the second priest ; but from the 
superior strength of the house of Eleazar, which fur- 
nished sixteen out of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. 
xxiv.), Zadok acquired considerable influence with 
David ; and this, added to his being the heir of the 
elder line, and perhaps also to some of the passages 
being written after Zadok's line were established in 
the high-priesthood, led to the precedence given him 
over Abiathar. Possibly jealousy of Zadok inclined 
Abiathar to join Adonijah's faction. It is remark- 
able how, first, Saul's cruel slaughter of the priests 
at Nob, and then the political error of the wise Abi- 
athar, led to the fulfilment of God's denunciation 
against the house of Eli, as noticed in 1 K. ii. 27. 
(High-priest.) (2.) In 2 Sam. viii. 17, 1 Chr. xviii. 
16, and 1 Chr. xxiv. 3, 6, 31, Ahimelech is substi- 
tuted for Abiathar, and Ahimelech (Ahimelech) the 
son of Abiathar, instead of Abiathar the son of Ahim- 
elech ; yet in 2 Sam. xx. 25, and elsewhere in the 
0. T., we are uniformly told that Abiathar was priest 
with Zadok in David's reign, and that he was the 
son of Ahimelech, and Ahimelech the son of Ahitub. 
The difficulty is increased by finding Abiathar spoken 
of as the high-priest in whose time David ate the 
shewbread, in Mk. ii. 26. However, David's friend 



was so clearly Abiathar the son of Ahimelech that 
one can only suppose a clerical error propagated 
from one passage to another. The mention of Abi- 
athar by our Lord in Mk. ii. 26, might be accounted 
for, if Abiathar persuaded his father to allow David 
to have the bread, and if, as is probable, the loaves 
were Abiathar's (Lev. xxiv. 9), and given by him 
with his own hand to David. Abiathar might then 
be spoken of by anticipation as high-priest (so 
Barnes), or as the same Greek word in the plural 
is commonly translated " chief-priests " in the N. T., 
Abiathar may be here designated simply as a chief- 
■priest ; compare Annas 2 (so Fairbairn ). 
A'bib. Month. 

A-M'dah or A-M'da (Heb. father of knowledge, 
i. e. knowing, Ges.), son of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4; 
1 Chr. i, 33). 

Ab'i-dan (Heb. father of the judge, Ges.), chief 
of Benjamin at the Exodus (Num. i. 11, ii. 22, vii. 
60, 65, x. 24). 

A'bt-el (Heb. father of strength, i. e. strong, Ges.). 

I. Father of Kish and Ner, and ancestor of Saul (1 
Sam. ix. 1), and of Abner (1 Sam. xiv. 51). (Ner ; 
Saul 2.) — 2. An Arbathite, one of David's mighty 
men (1 Chr. xi. 32). In 2 Sam. xxiii. 31, he is 
called Abi-albon, a name of the same meaning. 

A-bi-e'zer (Heb. father of help). 1. Eldest son 
of Gilead, and descendant of Manasseh, and appar- 
ently at one time the leading family of the tribe 
(Josh. xvii. 2 ; 1 Chr. vii. 18 ; Num. xxvi. 30, where 
the name is contracted Jeezer ; comp. Judg. vi. 15, 
34, viii. 2). The present text of 1 Chr. vii. 18, makes 
Abiezer a son of Gilead's sister. He was the an- 
cestor of Gideon. — 2. One of David's " valiant men " 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 27; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 12). 

A-bi-ez'rite = descendant of Abiezer 1 (Judg. vi. 

II, 24, viii. 32). 

Ab'i-gail [-gal] (fr. Heb. = whose father is exulta- 
tion, Ges.). 1. The beautiful wife of Nabal, a wealthy 
owner of goats and sheep in Carmel. When David's 
messengers were slighted by Nabal, Abigail took the 
blame upon herself, supplied David and his followers 
with provisions, and succeeded in appeasing his an- 
ger. Ten days after Nabal died, and David sent for 
Abigail and made her his wife (1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c). 
By her he had a son Chileab (2 Sam. iii. 3) or Daniel 
(1 Chr. iii. 1). — 2. A sister of David and of Zeruiah, 
married to Jether 3 the Ishmaelite (or Ithra ; Israel- 
ite in 2 Sam. xvii. 25, is probably a transcriber's er- 
ror) ; mother of Amasa (1 Chr. ii. 17). Nahash 2. 

* Ab'i-gal (Heb.) (2 Sam. xvii. 25, marg.) = Abi- 
gail 2. 

Ab-i-ha'il (fr. Heb. = father of might, i. e. mighty, 
Ges. ; in No. 2 and 4 = father of light, Sim.). 1 . 
Father of Zuriel, chief of the Levitical family of 
Merari under Moses (Num. iii. 35). — 2. Wife of Abi- 
shur (1 Chr. ii. 29).— 3. Son of Huri of the tribe of 
Gad (1 Chr. v. 14).— 4. Wife of Rehoboam, and 
daughter, i. e. descendant of Eliab, David's elder 
brother (2 Chr. xi. 18). — 5. Father of Esther and 
uncle of Mordecai (Esth. ii. 15, ix. 29). 

A-bi'hu (Heb. — to whom He [God] is father, 
Ges.), second son (Num. iii. 2) of Aaron by Elisheba 
(Ex. vi. 23), who with his father and his brother 
Nadab and seventy elders of Israel accompanied 
Moses to the summit of Sinai (Ex. xxiv. 1). Being, 
'together with Nadab, probably while intoxicated 
(comp. Lev. x. 8-11), guilty of offering strange fire 
(Lev. x. 1) to the Lord, they were both consumed by 
fire from heaven, and Aaron and his surviving sons 
were forbidden to mourn for them. 

A-bi'bnd (Heb. whose father is Judah, Ges. ; fa- 



4 



ABI 



ABI 



ther [God] is renown, Fii.), son of Bela and grand- 
son of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 3). 

A-bi'jab (Heb. whose father is Jehovah, Ges. ; = 
Abia, Abiah, &c.). 1. The son and successor of 
Rehoboam on the throne of Judah (2 Chr. xii. 16) ; 
called "Abijam" in 1 K., "Abia" in 1 Chr., &c, 
"Abijah " in 2 Chr. From 1 K. xv. we learn that Abi- 
jah endeavored to recover the kingdom of the Ten 
Tribes, and made war on Jeroboam ; that he walked 
in all the sins of Rehoboam (idolatry, &c, 1 K. xiv. 23, 
24) ; and that his heart " was not perfect before 
God as the heart of David his father." In 2 Chr. 
xiii. his war is more minutely described ; he was 
successful in battle, and took the cities of Bethel, 
Jeshanah, and Ephrain, with their dependent vil- 
lages. It is also said that his army consisted of 
400,000 men, and Jeroboam's of 800,000, of whom 
500,000 fell in the action ; but Keunicott maintains 
that our MSS. are frequently incorrect as to num- 
bers, and gives reasons for reducing these to 40,000, 
80,000, and 50,000, and Davidson ( 77ie Text of the 
O. T. considered) claims that copyists were led into 
error by using different modes of marking numbers 
and confounding the letters by which they were often 
denoted. (Census.) In 2 Chr. we are told that after 
his victory Abijah " waxed mighty, and married four- 
teen wives," whence we may well infer that he was 
elated with prosperity, and like Solomon fell into 
wickedness, as described in 1 K. He reigned three 
years. His mother was Maachah or Michaiah, and 
Abijah was probably descended from David both on 
his father's and mother's side. (Jddah, Kingdom 
of; Israel, Kingdom of.) — 2. The son of Jeroboam 
I., king of Israel, in whom alone, of all Jeroboam's 
house, was found " some good thing toward the Lord 
God of Israel," and who was therefore, unlike the 
rest, suffered to go down to the grave in peace. He 
died in his childhood, just after Jeroboam's wife had 
been sent in disguise to seek help for him, in his 
sickness, from the prophet Ahijah, who gave her the 
above answer (1 K. xiv.) — 3. A descendant of Elea- 
zar, who gave his name to the eighth of the twenty- 
four courses into which the priests were divided by 
David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10 ; 2 Chr. viii. 14). The Abi- 
jah in Neh. xii. 4, 17, may be a family name, or an 
individual descendant of this Abijah. (See No. 4.) 
To the course of Abijah or Abia belonged Zacharias 
the father of John the Baptist (Lk. i. 5). — 4. A priest 
who with Nehemiah covenanted to walk in God's 
law (Neh. x. 7) ; possibly a family name = No. 3. 
— 5. Mother of King Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 1); = 
Abi. 

A-bi'jam (Heb. father of the sea, mariner, Ges.), 
son and successor of Rehoboam (1 K. xiv. 31, xv. 1, 
7, 8) ; = Abijah 1. 

Ab'i-la. Abilene. 

Ab-i-Ie'ne (Gr. fr. Abila, which probably = Abel, 
meadow ; not from Abel the martyr), a tetrarchy of 
which the capital was Abila, a city on the E. slope 
of Antilibanus, in a district fertilized by the river 
Barada. (Abana.) The position of the city is desig- 
nated by the ancient itineraries as eighteen miles 
from Damascus, and thirty-eight (or thirty-two) miles 
from Heliopolis or Baalbec ; and its remains have 
been discovered in a remarkable gorge called the 
Suk Wady Barada, where the river breaks down 
through the mountain toward the plain of Damascus. 
It is impossible to fix the limits of the Abilene men- 
tioned (Lk. iii. 11 as the tetrarchy of Lysanias. Like 
other districts of the East it doubtless underwent 
many changes, both of masters and of extent, before 
it was finally absorbed in the province of Syria. 



A-bim'a-el (Heb., prob. = father of Mael, Ges.), a 
son of Joktan (Gen. x. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 22), and prob- 
ably the progenitor of an Arab tribe, perhaps the 
Minaei (Bochart). Arabia. 

A-bini'c-Icch [-lek] (Heb. father of the king or 
father-king), the name of several Philistine kings ; 
perhaps a common title of these kings ; compare 
Pharaoh, Cesar, the title Padishah ( = father-king) 
of the Persian kings, &c. In the title of Ps. xxxiv. 
the name Abimelech is given to the king, called 
Achish in 1 Sam. xxi. 11. 1. A Philistine, king of 
Gerar (Gen. xx. xxi.), who, exercising the right 
claimed by Eastern princes, of collecting all the beau- 
tiful women of their dominions into their harem 
(Gen. xii. 15 ; Esth. ii. 3), sent for and took Sarah. 
(Abraham.) — 2. Another king of Gerar who re- 
proved Isaac for his deception in relation to Re- 
beknh (Gen. xxvi. 1, &c). — 3. Son of Gideon by his 
Shechemite concubine (Judg. viii. 31). After his 
father's death he murdered his seventy brethren, 
except Jotham the youngest, who concealed himself ; 
and he then persuaded the Shechemites, through the 
influence of his mother's brethren, to elect him king. 
(Shechem.) When Jotham heard that Abimelech 
was made king, he addressed to the Shechemites 
his fable of the trees choosing a king (Judg. ix.). 
After Abimelech had reigned three years, the citi- 
zens of Shechem rebelled. He was absent at the 
time, but returned and quelled the insurrection. 
Shortly after he stormed and took Thebez, but was 
struck on the head by a woman with the fragment 
of a mill-stone (comp. 2 Sam. xi. 21); and lest he 
should be said to have died by a woman, he bade 
his armor-bearer slay him. Thus God avenged the 
murder of his brethren, and fulfilled Jotham's curse. 
— 4. Son of Abiathar (1 Chr. xviii. 16) ; = Ahime- 
i.ech in 2 Sam. viii. 17. Abiathar. 
' A-blll'a-dab (Heb. father of nobleness, or noble fa- 
ther, Ges.). 1. A Levite of Kirjath-jearim, in whose 
house the ark remained twenty years (1 Sam. vii. 1, 
2 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 7). — 2> Jesse's second son, who fol- 
lowed Saul to his war against the Philistines (1 Sam. 
xvi. 8, xvii. 13). — i. A son of Saul, slain with his 
father and brothers on Mount Gilboa (1 Sam. xxxi. 
2). — 4. Father of one of Solomon's twelve commis. 
saries, who is called in the margin Ben-abinadab (1 
K. iv. 11). 

Ab'i-ncr, a Hebrew form of Abner (1 Sam. xiv. 50, 

marg.). 

• A-bin'o-am (Heb. father of pleasantness, or of 
grace, Ges.), the father of Baiak (Judg. iv. 6, 12 ; v. 
1, 12). 

A-bi'ram (Heb. father of altitude, Ges.). 1. A 
Reubenite, son of Eliab, and conspirator with the 
Reubenites Dathan and On, and the Levite Korah, 
against Moses and Aaron (Num. xvi.). — 2. Eldest 
son of Hiel, the Bethelite, who died when his father 
laid the foundations of Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34). 

A-bi'ron = Abiram 1 (Ecclus. xiv. 18). 

Ab-i-se'i = Abishua 2 (2 Esd. i. 2). 

Ab'i-shag (Heb. father of error, Ges.), a beautiful 
Shunammite, taken into David's harem to comfort 
him in his extreme old age (1 K. i. 1-4). After Da- 
vid's death Adonijah induced Bathsheba to ask 
Solomon to give him Abishag in marriage ; but this 
imprudent petition cost Adonijah his life (1 K. ii. 
13, &c). 

A-bish'a-i or A-bi'shai (Heb. father of a gift, Ges.), 
son, probably eldest son, of David's sister Zeruiah, 
and brother to Joab and Asahel (1 Chr. ii. 16). He 
was an early, courageous, and devoted follower of 
David, and one of his chief officers. He accompa- 



ABI 



ABO 



5 



nied David in his desperate night expedition to Saul's 
camp, and was restrained by David from stabbing the 
sleeping king with his own spear (1 Sam. xxvi. 6-9). 
He is nest mentioned as associated with Joab in pur- 
suing Abner at Gibeon, burying Asahel, and after- 
ward slaying Abner (2 Sam. ii. 18, 24, iii. 30). In 
the war against Hanun, Abishai, as second in com- 
mand, was opposed to the army of the Ammonites 
before the gates of Rabbah, and drove them before 
him into the city, while Joab defeated the Syrians 
(2 Sam. x. 10, 14 ; 1 Chr. xix. 11, 15). The decisive 
defeat of the Edomites in the valley of salt (1 Chr. 
xviii. 12), which brought them to a state of vassal- 
age, was due to Abishai, acting perhaps under the 
immediate orders of the king (see 2 Sam. viii. 13), 
or of Joab (Ps. lx. title). He accompanied the king 
in his flight from Absalom, and was eager to punish 
the insolence of Shimei (2 Sam. xvi. 9, 12, xix. 21). 
In the battle in the wood of Ephraim Abishai com- 
manded one-third of the army (2 Sam. xviii. 2, 5, 12). 
In the absence of Amasa he was summoned to as- 
semble the troops in Jerusalem and pursue after the 
rebel Sheba (2 Sam. xx. 6, 10). He also rescued 
David from the gigantic Philistine, Ishbi-benob (2 
Sam. xxi. 17). His having successfully fought single- 
handed against three hundred, won for him a place 
as captain of the second three of David's mighty 
men (2 Sam. xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 20). Of the end 
of his life we have no record. 

A-bish'a-loni (Heb. = Absalom), father, or grand- 
father, of Maachah, who was the wife of Rehoboam, 
and mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10); called Ab- 
salom in 2 Chr. xi. 20, 21 ; probably David's son 
(see LXX., 2 Sara. xiv. 27). 

A-bish'n-a (Heb. father's welfare, Sim. ; father or 
lord of happiness, Fii. ; father of welfare, Ges.). 1. 
Son of Bela, of the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 
4). — 2. Son of Phinehas, and father of Bukki, in the 
genealogy of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 4, 5, 50, 51 ; 
Ezr. vii. 4, 5) ; called in the Apocrypha Abisei and 
Abisum. High-?riest. 

Ab'i-shur (Heb. father of the wall, Ges.), son of 
Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 28, 29). 

Ab i-snm = Abishua 2 (1 Esd. viii. 2). 

Ab'i-tal (Heb. whose father is the dew, Ges.), one 
of David's wives (2 Sam. iii. 4 ; 1 Chr. iii. 3). 

Ab'i-tub (Heb. father of goodness, Ges.), son of 
Shaharaim by Hushim (1 Chr. viii. 11). 

A-bi'nd (L. = Abihud), descendant of Zorobabel 
in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Mat. i. 13). Lord 
A. C. Hervey identifies him with Hodaiah and Jdda 
2, and supposes him the grandson of Zorobabel 
through his daughter Shelomith. 

*Ab'jects (Ps. xxxv. 15), the A. V. translation of 
the Heb. pi. nechim, which (so Ges.) = smiters, sc. 
with the tongue, i. e. railers, slanderers ; or (so Lu- 
ther, J. A. Alexander on Ps.) = smitten, sc. in the 
feet, i. e. the lame, cripples. 

Ab-lu tion. Purification. 

Ab'uer (Heb. father of a light — Abiner, Ges.). 
1. Son of Ner, Saul's uncle (see Saul 2), and com- 
mander-in-chief of his army (1 Sam. xiv. 50, 51 ; 1 
Chr. xxvi. 28). He conducted David into Saul's 
presence after the death of Goliath (xvii. 55-57) ; 
and afterward accompanied his master when he 
sought David's life at Hachilah (xxvi. 3-14). After 
Saul's death, he was the main stay of his family. Af- 
ter the disastrous battle of Mount Gilboa, David was 
proclaimed king of Judah in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 4), 
but the rest of the country being apparently in the 
hands of the Philistines, five years passed before 
Abner proclaimed Ishbosheth king of Israel, at Ma- 



hanaim. Ishbosheth was generally recognized, ex- 
cept by Judah. War soon broke out between the 
two rival kings, and a " very sore battle " was fought 
at Gibeon between the men of Israel under Abner 
and the men of Judah under Joab. When the army 
of Ishbosheth was defeated, Joab's swift-footed 
youngest brother Asahel pursued Abner, and in 
spite of warning refused to leave him, so that Ab- 
ner in self-defence killed him. After this the war 
continued, success inclining more and more to the 
side of David, till at last the imprudence of Ishbosh- 
eth deprived him of the counsels and generalship of 
the hero, who was the only support of his tottering 
throne. Abner had married Rizpah, Saul's concu- 
bine, and this, according to the views of Oriental 
courts, might imply a design upon the throne. (Ab- 
salom ; Adonijah.) Rightly or wrongly, Ishbosheth 
so understood it, and reproached Abner with it. Ab- 
ner, after an indignant reply, opened negotiations 
with David, by whom he was most favorably re- 
ceived at Hebron. He then undertook to procure 
his recognition throughout Israel ; but after leaving 
his court for the purpose was enticed back by Joab, 
and treacherously murdered by him and his brother 
Abishai, at the gate of the city, partly no doubt, as 
Joab showed afterward in the case of Amasa, from 
fear lest so distinguished a convert to their cause 
should gain too high a place in David's favor, but 
ostensibly in retaliation for the death of Asahel. 
This murder caused the greatest sorrow and indig- 
nation to David ; but, as the assassins were too 
powerful to be punished, he contented himself with 
showing every public token of respect to Abner's 
memory, by following the bier and pouring forth a 
simple dirge over the slain (2 Sam. iii. 33, 34). — 2. 
The father of Jaaaiel, chief of the Benjamites in Da- 
vid's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) ; probably= No. 1. 

* A-bom-i-na'tion, the A. V. translation of several 
Heb. words (shikkuts, shekels, tffebdh, &c), and of 
the Gr. bdclugma. " These words describe generally 
any object of detestation or disgust (Lev. xviii. 22 ; 
Deut. vii. 25); and are applied to an impure or de- 
testable action (Ez. xxii. 11, xxxiii. 26; Mai. ii. 11, 
&c.) ; to any thing causing a ceremonial pollution 
(Gen. xliii. 32, xlvi. 34; Deut. xiv. 3); more espe- 
cially to idols (Deut. vii. 26; IK. xi. 5, 7; 2 K. 
xxiii. 13, &c); also to food .offered to idols (Zech. 
ix. 7,) " _&c. (Kit.). The " abomination of the Egyp- 
tians " in Ex. viii. 26, according to some, denotes 
the cow, which all the Egyptians held sacred ; ac- 
cording to others, something in the rites of Hebrew 
worship, which would be peculiarly offensive to the 
Egyptians. See the next article. 

A-bom-i-na'tiffltt of Dcs-o-la'tion, mentioned by 
our Saviour (Mat. xxiv. 15 ; Mk. xiii. 14) as a sign 
of the approaching destruction of Jerusalem, with 
reference to Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11. The Jews 
considered the prophecy of Daniel as fulfilled in the 
profanation of the Temple under Antiochus Epipha- 
nes, when the Israelites themselves erected an idol- 
atrous altar upon the sacred altar, and offered sacri- 
fice thereon : this altar is described as " the abomi- 
nation of desolation " (1 Mc. i. 54, vi. 7). The pro- 
phecy, however, referred ultimately to the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem by the Romans, and consequently 
" the abomination of desolation " must be something 
connected with that event. But it is not easy to 
find one which meets all the requirements of the 
case : the introduction of the Roman standards into 
the Temple is not " the abomination of desolation," 
properly speaking, unless the Jews themselves parti- 
cipated in the worship of them ; moreover, this event, 



6 



ABR 



ABR 



as well as several others which have been proposed, 
e. g. the erection of the statue of Hadrian, &c, fails 
in regard to the time of occurrence, being subsequent 
to the destruction of the city. Probably the pro- 
fanities of the Zealots constituted " the abomina- 
tion," which was the sign of impending ruin (so 
Hug, Stier, Alford, &c). Abomination. 

A'bra-ham (Heb. father of a multitude), originally 
i'brani (Heb. father of elevation), son of Terah, 
and brother of Nahor and Haran ; the progenitor 
of the Hebrew nation and of several cognate tribes, 
" the father of all them that believe " (Rom. iv. 11), 
and " the Friend of God " ( Jas. ii. 23). His history 
is recorded with much detail in the Scriptures as the 
very type of a true patriarchal life. (Patriarch.) 
His character is free, simple, and manly ; full of hos- 
pitality and family affection ; truthful to all who 
were bound to him by their ties, though not un- 
tainted with Eastern craft toward aliens ; ready for 
war, but not a professed warrior or plunderer ; free 
and childlike in religion, and gradually educated by 
God's hand to a sense of its all-absorbing claims. 
Terah was an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 2). Abram ap- 
pears as the champion of monotheism, and to him 
are referred the beginnings of the Mosaic polity. — 
Abram was probably born when his father was one 
hundred and thirty years old, the statement in Gen. 
xi. 26, that Terah was seventy years old, probably 
referring to his age when his eldest sen Haran was 
born, and both Abram and Nahor being born sub- 
sequently (comp. Gen. xi. 26, 32, xii. 4, with Acts 
vii. 2-4). (Chronology.) In obedience to a call of 
God, Abram, with his father Terah, his wife Sarai, 
and his nephew Lot, left his native Ur of the Chal- 
dees, and dwelt for a time in Haran, where Terah 
died. After his father's death, Abram, now seventy- 
five years old, pursued his course, with Sarai and 
Lot, to the land of Canaan, whither he was directed 
by the divine command (Gen. xii. 5), when he re- 
ceived the general promise that he should become 
the founder of a great nation, and that all the fam- 
ilies of the earth should be blessed in him. He 
passed through the heart of the country by the great 
highway to Shechem, and pitched his tent at the 
oak (A. V. " in the plain ; " see Plain 7) of Moreh 
(Gen. xii. 6). Here be received in vision from Je- 
hovah the further revelation that this was the land 
which his descendants should inherit (xii. 7). An 
altar to Jehovah perpetuated the memory of this 
divine appearance. The next halting-place of the 
wanderer was in a strong position on a mountain E. 
of Bethel, between Bethel and Ai, where another 
altar was reared (Gen. xii. 8). But the country was 
suffering from famine, and Abram, like his descend- 
ants two centuries later, finding neither pasture for 
his cattle nor food for his household, journeyed still 
southward to the rich corn-lands of Egypt. As the 
caravan approached the entrance to the country, 
Abram, fearing that the great beauty of Sarai might 
tempt the powerful monarch of Egypt and expose 
his own life to peril, adopted a policy which, as on 
a subsequent occasion, produced the very conse- 
quences it was intended to avert. Sarai was to rep- 
resent herself as his sister, which, as she was prob- 
ably the daughter of his brother Haran, she might 
do with some semblance of truth. But her fresh 
northern beauty excited the admiration of the 
swarth-skinned Egyptians : the princes of Pharaoh 
saw her and praised her to the king, and she was 
taken into the royal harem, while Abram was loaded 
with munificent presents. But the deception was 
discovered, and Pharaoh with some indignation dis- 



missed him from the country (xii. 10-20). (Gene- 
sis.) How long Abram remained in Egypt is uncer- 
tain. It is supposed that he was there during the 
sway of the Shepherd kings in Memphis, and that 
from participating in their war of conquest he ac- 
quired the favor of the reigning prince. But this is 
mere conjecture, and the narrative in Genesis seems 
to imply that his residence in Egypt was not pro- 
tracted. — Abram left Egypt with great possessions, 
and, accompanied by Lot, returned by the S. of Pal- 
estine, to his former encampment between Bethel 
and Ai. The increased wealth of the two kinsmen 
was the ultimate cause of their separation. The soil 
was not fertile enough to support them both ; their 
herdsmen quarrelled ; and, to avoid dissensions in a 
country where they were surrounded by enemies, 
for " the Canaanite and Perizzite were then in the 
land," Abram proposed that each should follow his 
own fortune. Lot, eager to qidt the nomadic life, 
chose the fertile plain of the Jordan ; while Abram 
dwelt in tents, a pilgrim in the land of promise. On 
this occasion the two promises already received were 
reiterated in one. From the hill-top where he stood 
he looked N. and S. and E. and W. upon the country 
hereafter to be peopled by his numerous descendants. 
After parting from Lot, Abram, strong in numbers 
and wealth, quitted the hill-fastness between Bethel 
and Ai, and pitched his tent among the oak-groves 
(Oak; Plain 7) of Mamie, close to Hebron, where 
he built a third commemorative altar to Jehovah 
(Gen. xiii.). — The narrative is now interrupted by a 
remarkable episode in Abram's life, which vividly 
represents him in the light in which he was regard- 
ed by the contemporary chieftains of Canaan. The 
chiefs of the tribes who peopled the oasis of the 
Jordan had been subdued in a previous irruption of 
northern warriors, and for twelve years had been the 
tributaries of Chcdorlaomer, king of Elam. Their 
rebellion brought down upon Palestine and the 
neighboring countries a fresh flood of invaders from 
the N. E., who swept through the regions E. of the 
Jordan, and, returning, joined battle with the re- 
volted chieftains in the vale of Siddim. The king 
of Sodom and his confederates were defeated, their 
cities plundered, and a host of captives accompanied 
the victorious army of Chedorlaomer. Among them 
were Lot and his family. Abram, then confederate 
with Mainre the Amorite and his brethren, heard 
the tidings from a fugitive, and, hastily arming his 
trusty servants, started in pursuit. He followed the 
track of the conquerors to Dan, and in a night- 
attack completely routed their host, and checked 
for a time the stream of northern immigration. 
The captives and plunder were all recovered, and 
Abram was greeted on his return by the king of 
Sodom, and by Melchizkofk, king of Salem, priest 
of the Most High God, who blessed the patriarch, 
and received from him a tenth of the spoil. In 
this episode, Abram "the Hebrew" (xiv. 13), ap- 
pears as a powerful emir with numerous retainers, 
living on terms of equality with others like himself, 
who were anxious to court the friendship of so for- 
midable an ally, and combining with the peaceful 
habits of a pastoral life the same capability for war- 
fare which is characteristic of the Arab race. With 
great dignity he refuses to enrich himself by the re- 
sults of his victory, and claims only a share of the 
booty for his Amorite confederates to whom he ap- 
parently extends his protection in return for permis- 
sion to reside in their territory (Gen. xiv.). — During 
his residence at Hebron, and apparently while appre- 
hending the vengeance of the powerful king of Elam, 



ABR 



ABR 



7 



the thrice-repeated promise that his descendants 
should become a mighty nation and possess the land 
in which he was a stranger, was confirmed with all 
the solemnity of a religious ceremony. A deep sleep 
fell upon Abram, and in the horror of great dark- 
ness which shrouded him as he watched the sacri- 
fices, the future destinies of his race were symbol- 
ized and revealed with greater distinctness than 
heretofore. Each revelation acquired greater defi- 
niteness than the preceding. He is now assured 
that, though childless, the heir of his wealth and the 
inheritor of his blessing shall be no adopted stranger, 
but the issue of his own loins. Ten years had passed 
since, in obedience to the divine command, he had 
left his father's house, and the fulfilment of the prom- 
ise was apparently more distant than at first. But his 
faith was counted to him for righteousness, and when 
the lamp of fire had passed between the fragments 
of the sacrifice, Abram entered into a covenant with 
Jehovah (Gen. xv.). At the suggestion of Sarai, 
who despaired of having children of her own, he took 
as his concubine Hagar, her Egyptian maid, who 
bare him Ishmael in the eighty-sixth year of his age 
(Gen. xvi.). But this was not the accomplishment 
of the promise. Thirteen years elapsed, during which 
Abram still d.velt in Hebron, when the last step in the 
revelation was madp, that Sarai's son, and not Ish- 
mael, should inherit both the temporal and spiritual 
blessings. The covenant was renewed, and the rite 
of circumcision established as its sign. This most 
important crisis in Abram's life is marked by the 
significant change of his name to Abraham, while his 
wife's from Sarai became Sarah. In his ninety- 
ninth year Abraham was circumcised, in accordance 
with the divine command, together with Ishmael and 
all the males of his household, as well the servants 
born in his house as those purchased from the for- 
eigner (Gen. xvii.). The promise that Sarah should 
have a son was repeated in the remarkable scene 
described in ch. xviii. Three men stood before 
Abraham as he sat in his tent-door in the heat of 
the day. The patriarch, with true Eastern hos- 
pitality, welcomed the strangers, and bade them 
rest and refresh themselves. The meal ended, they 
foretold the birth of Isaac and went on their way to 
Sodom. Abraham accompanied them, and pleaded 
in vain with Jehovah to avert the vengeance threat- 
ened to the devoted cities of the plain (xviii. 17-33). 
— In remarkable contrast with Abraham's firm faith 
with regard to the magnificent fortunes of his pos- 
terity stands the incident which occurred during his 
temporary residence among the Philistines in Gerar, 
whither he had, for some cause, removed after the 
destruction of Sodom. 1 Sarah's beauty won the ad- 
miration of Abimelech, the king of the country ; 
Abraham's temporizing policy produced the same 
results as before ; and the narrative of ch. xx. is 
nearly a repetition of that in ch. xii. 11-20. Abime- 
leeh's dignified rebuke taught him that he was not 
alone in recognizing a God of justice. It is evident 
from Gen. xxi. 22-34, that Abraham's prosperity had 
at this time made him a powerful auxiliary, whom it 
was advisable for Abimelech to conciliate and court, 
and his conduct therefore evidences a singular weak- 
ness of character in one otherwise so noble and chiv- 
alrous.— At length Isaac, the long-looked-for child, 
was_ born. His birth was welcomed by all the re- 
joicings which could greet the advent of one whose 
future was of such rich promise. Sarah's jealousy, 



1 Perhaps the Hittites had driven out the Amorites from 
Hebron (comp. xxiii.). 



aroused by Ishmael's mockery of Isaac, whicn per- 
haps took place at the " great banquet " made by 
Abraham to celebrate the weaning of her son (Gen. 
xxi. 9), demanded that, with his mother Hagar, he 
should be driven out (Gen. xxi. 10). Abraham re- 
luctantly consented, consoled by the fresh promise 
that Ishmael too should become a great nation. But 
the severest trial of his faith was yet to come. After 
another long period (twenty-five years, so Josephus) 
he receives the strange command to take Isaac, and 
offer him for a burnt-offering at an appointed place. 
Such a bidding, in direct opposition to the prompt- 
ings of nature and the divine mandate against the 
shedding of human blood, Abraham hesitated not to 
obey. His faith, hitherto unshaken, supported him 
in this final trial, " accounting that God was able to 
raise up his son, even from the dead, from whence 
also he received him in a figure" (Heb. xi. 19) — 
probably the same faith to which our Lord refers, 
that God promised to be the " God of Isaac " (Gen. 
xvii. 19), and that he was not a " God of the dead, 
but of the living." The sacrifice was stayed by the 
angel of Jehovah, the promise of spiritual blessing 
for the first time repeated, 1 and Abraham with his 
son returned to Beersheba, and for a time dwelt 
there (Gen. xxii.). But we find him in his one hun- 
dred and thirty-seventh year again at Hebron, for 
there Sarah died (comp. Gen. xvii. 17 and xxiii. 1, 2), 
and was buried in the cave of Machpelah, which 
Abraham purchased of Ephron the Hittite, for the 
exorbitant price of four hundred shekels of silver. 
(Money.) The grasping character of Ephron and 
the generosity of Abraham are finely contrasted in 
Gen. xxiii. In the presence of the elders of Heth, 
the field of Machpelah, with the cave and trees that 
were in it, were made sure to Abraham : the first in- 
stance on record of a legal conveyance of property. 
In his one hundred and fortieth year (comp. Gen. xxi. 
5 and xxv. 20), Abraham commissioned the steward 
of his house (Eliezer 1) to seek a wife for Isaac from 
the family of his brother Nahor, binding him by the 
most solemn oath not to contract an alliance with the 
daughters of the Canaanites among whom he dwelt 
(Gen. xxiv.). For Abraham's marriage with Ketu- 
rah and her position, see Ketcrah. Her six sons, 
Zimram, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and 
Shuah, became the ancestors of nomadic tribes in- 
habiting the countries S. and S. E. of Palestine (Ara- 
bia). Her children, like Ishmael, were dismissed 
with presents, and settled in the East country during 
Abraham's lifetime, and Isaac was left sole heir of 
his father's wealth (Gen. xxv. 1-6). — Abraham lived 
to see the gradual accomplishment of the promise in 
the birth of his grandchildren Jacob and Esau, and 
witnessed their growth to manhood (Gen. xxv. 26). 
His last years appear to have been passed in tran- 
quillity, and at the goodly age of one hundred and 
seventy-five he was " gathered to his people," and 
laid beside Sarah in the tomb of Machpelah by his 
sons Isaac and Ishmael (xxv. 7-10). From his inti- 
mate communion with the Almighty, Abraham is 
distinguished by the high title of " the ' friend ' of 
God " (2 Chr. xx. 7 ; Is. xli. 8 ; Jas. ii. 23) ; and 
El-KhaW, " the friend," is the appellation by which 
he is familiarly known in the traditions of the Arabs, 
who have given the same name to Hebron, the place 



1 The promise, that "in his seed all nations should be 
blessed,'' would be now understood very differently, and 
felt to be far above the temporal promise, in which, per- 
haps, at first it seemed to be absorbed. Now preemi- 
nently "Abraham saw the day of Christ and was glad'' 
(Jn. viii. 56). 



8 



ABR 



ABS 



of his residence. — The legends recorded of him are 
numerous. According to Josephus he taught the 
worship of one God to the Chaldeans, and instructed 
the Egyptians in astronomy and mathematics. The 
Greek tradition related by Nicolaus of Damascus as- 
signs to him the conquest of that city, and makes 
him its king for a time (Jos. i. 7, §§ 1, 2). With 
the help of Ishmael he is said to have rebuilt, for 
the fourth time, the Kaaba over the sacred black 
stone of Mecca. The Rabbinical legends tell how 
Abraham destroyed the idols which his father made 
and worshipped, and how he was delivered from the 
fiery furnace into which he was cast by Nimrod. 

A'bra-ham's Bo'soni (Lk. xvi. 22). From the cus- 
tom of reclining on couches at meals, and consider- 
ing the guest who was next below the master of the 
house, and thus lay in his bosom, as especially priv- 
ileged (Meals), it was natural to speak of being in 
" Abraham's bosom " in order to convey an idea of 
one's enjoying the highest felicity and houor in heav- 
en (comp. Mat. viii. 11). 

A brum. Abraham. 

*Ab'rcch [-rek] (Heb., prob. fr. Egyptian) = " bow 
the knee," A. V. (Gen. xii. 43, marg.). 

Ab'sa-lom (L. fr. Heb. = father of peace). 1. 
Third son of David, by Maachah, daughter of Tal- 
mai, king of Geshur. He is scarcely mentioned till 
after David had committed his great crime (2 Sam. 
xi.), and then appears as the instrument by whom 
was fulfilled God's threat, that " evil should be raised 
up against him out of his own house, and that bis 
neighbor should he with his wives in the sight of the 
sun" (2 Sam. xii. 11). David's polygamy (Marriage) 
raised up jealousies and conflicting claims between 
the sons of different mothers, each apparently living 
with a separate house and establishment (2 Sam. xiii. 
8 ; xiv. 24 ; comp. 1 K. vii. 8, &c). Absalom's sis- 
ter Tamab was violated by her half-brother Amnon 
(2 Sam. xiii.) ; but the king, though indignant at the 
crime, would not punish his first-born. Absalom, 
the natural avenger of such an outrage (comp. Gen. 
xxxiv.), brooded over the wrong for two years, and 
then invited all the princes to a sheep-shearing feast 
at his estate in Baal-hazor. Here he ordered his ser- 
vants to murder Amnon, and then fled for safety to 
his grandfather's court at Geshur, where he remained 
for three years. David was overwhelmed by this ac- 
cumulation of family sorrows, and thought it impos- 
sible to pardon or recall him. But by an artifice of 
Joab, a woman of Tekoah (2 Sam. xiv.), having per- 
suaded David to prevent the avenger of blood from 
pursuing a young man who, she said, had slain his 
brother, induced David to recall Absalom from his 
banishment ; yet David would not see Absalom for 
two more years, though he allowed him to live in 
Jerusalem. At last, wearied with delay, and per- 
ceiving that his exclusion from court interfered with 
the ambitious schemes which he was forming, the 
impetuous young man sent his servants to burn a 
field of corn near his own, belonging to Joab. There- 
upon Joab, probably dreading some further outrage 
from his violence, brought him to his father, from 
whom he received the kiss of reconciliation. Absa- 
lom now began to prepare for rebellion, urged partly 
by his restless wickedness, partly perhaps by the 
fear lest Solomon should obtain the succession, to 
which he would feel himself entitled as being now 
David's eldest surviving son, since Chileab was prob- 
ably dead. It is harder to account for his temporary 
success, and the imminent danger which befell so 
powerful a government as his father's. As David 
grew older he may have become less attentive to in- 



dividual complaints, and to that personal administra- 
tion of justice which was one of an Eastern king's 
chief duties. And now Absalom, by his personal 
beauty and the luxuriant growth of his hair (2 Sam. 
xiv. 25, 26), his splendid retinue (xv. 1), and many 
fair speeches and courtesies, " stole the hearts of the 
men of Israel " (xv. 2-6). Probably too the great 
tribe of Judah had taken some offence at David's 
government, perhaps from finding themselves com- 
pletely merged in one united Israel ; and hoped se- 
cretly for preeminence under his son. Absalom selects 
Hebron, the old capital of Judah (now supplanted by 
Jerusalem), as the scene of the outbreak; Amasa, his 
chief captain, and Ahitliophel of Gilob his principal 
counsellor, are both of Judah, and after the rebellion 
was crushed we see signs of ill-feeling between Judah 
and the other tribes (xix. 41). The date of Absa- 
lom's rebellion, " after forty years," in 2 Sam. xv. 7, 
it seems better to consider a false reading for " four 
years" (Jos. vii. 9, § 1, has four years), than to in- 
terpret it of the fortieth year of David's reign. The 
revolt was at first completely successful ; David fled 
over the Jordan to Mahanaim. Absalom occupied 
Jerusalem, and by the advice of Ahitliophel took pos- 
session of David's harem, in which he had left ten 
concubines. This was considered to imply a formal 
assumption of all David's royal rights (Abner; Ado- 
kijah), and was also the fulfilment of Nathan's pro- 
phecy (2 Sam. xii. 11). But Ahithophel's vigorous 
counsels were afterward rejected through the crafty 
advice of Hushai, who insinuated himself into Absa- 
lom's confidence to work his ruin, and Ahitliophel 
himself went home to Giloh, and committed suicide 
(xvi., xvii.). At last, after being solemnly anointed 
king at Jerusalem (xix. 10), and lingering there far 
longer than was expedient, Absalom crossed the Jor- 
dan to attack his father, who by this time had tallied 
round him a considerable force, whereas, had Ahith- 




The so-called Tomb of Absalom. 



ophel's advice been followed, he would probably 
have been crushed at once. A decisive battle was 
fought in the wood of Ephraim. (Ephraim, the 
Wood of.) Here Absalom's forces were totally de- 
feated, and as he himself was escaping, his long hair 
was entangled in the branches of a terebinth (or oak), 
where he was left hanging while the mule on which 
he was riding ran away from under him. He was 



ABS 



ACC 



9 



dispatched by Joab in spite of the prohibition of 
David, who, when he heard of his death, lamented 
over him in the pathetic words, " my son Absa- 
lom ! my son, my son Absalom ! would God I had 
died for thee ! Absalom, my son, my son ! " He 
was buried in a great pit in the forest, and the con- 
querors threw stones over his grave, an old proof of 
bitter hostility (Josh. vii. 26). The sacred historian 
contrasts this dishonored burial with the tomb 
("Absalom's place") which Absalom had raised in 
the King's dale (comp. Gen. xiv. 17) for the three 
sons whom he had lost (comp. 2 Sam. xviii. 18, with 
xiv. 2V), and where he probably had intended that 
his own remains should be laid. Josephus (vii. 10, 
§ 3) mentions the pillar of Absalom as two stadia 
li mile) fr om Jerusalem. An existing monument in 
the valley of Jehoshaphat bears the name of the 
Tomb of Absalom ; but the Ionic pillars round its 
base show that it belongs to a much later period, 
even if it be a tomb at all. (Abishalom ; Tamar 3.) — 
2# The father of Mattathias (1 Mc. xi. 70) and Jona- 
than (1 Mc. xiii. 11). 

Ab'sa-lon (fr. Heb. = Absalom), ambassador from 
Judas Maccabeus and the Jews to Lysias(2 Mc. xi. 17). 

* ib'shai (Heb. 1 Chr. xix. 11, marg.) = Abishai. 

A-bn'bns (fr. Gr.), father of the Ptolemeus, who 
was son-in-law and murderer of Simon Maccabeus 
(I Mc. xvi. 11, 15). 



Ac'a-tan = Hakkatan (1 Esd. viii. 38). 

Ac'cad (Heb. band, i. e. fortress, castle, Ges.), one 
of the four cities in the land of Shinar, which were 
the beginning of Nimrod's kingdom (Gen. x. 10). 
Its position is quite uncertain. Jerome (Onom.) 
states the belief of the Jews in his day that Nisibis 
(now Nkibin) in N. E. Mesopotamia, on the Khabour, 
was Accad. The theory of Ravvlinson is, that " Ak- 
kad " was the name of the " great primitive Hamite 
race who inhabited Babylonia from the earliest 
time." He identifies the city " with a town in 
Lower Babylonia, called Kind Accad in the inscrip- 
tions, the site of which is not yet determined." Col. 
Taylor, Kitto, &c., place Accad, at Akker-koof, about 
fifty miles N.W. of Babylon, where is a remarkable 
ancient heap of ruins called " Nimrod's Hill." 

Ac'ca-ron. Ekron. 

Ac'cho [ak'ko] (Heb. sand healed by the sun, Ges.) 
= Ptolemais in 1 Mc. and N. T., now called 'Akka, 
or by Europeans, St. Jean d'Acre, or Acre, the most 
important seaport town on the coast of Palestine, 
about thirty miles S. of Tyre, on a slightly projecting 
headland, at the northern extremity of the spacious 
bay formed by the bold promontory of Carmel on the 
opposite side. The hills, which farther N. are close 
to the sea-shore, recede, and leave round Accho a 
fertile plain about fifteen miles long and six miles 
broad, watered by the small river Belus (Nahr Na 1 - 




' Akka or Acre = ancient Accho or Ptolemais (from Kitto). 



man), which discharges itself into the sea close un- 
der the walls of the town : to the S. E. is a road to 
the interior in the direction of Sepphoris. Accho, 
thus favorably placed in command of the approaches 
from the N., both by sea and land, has been justly 
termed the " key of Palestine." — In the division of 
Canaan, Accho fell to Asher, but was never wrested 
from its original inhabitants (Judges i. 31) ; and 
hence it is reckoned by the classical writers as a 
Phenician city. No further mention is made of it in 



the 0. T., but after the dismemberment of the Mace 
donian empire it was the most important town on 
the coast. Along with the rest of Phenicia it fell to 
Egypt, and was named Ptolemais, after one of the 
Ptolemies, probably Soter. In the wars that ensued 
between Syria and Egypt, it was taken by Anticchus 
the Great, and attached to his kingdom. When the 
Maccabees established themselves in Judea, it be- 
came the base of operations against them. Simon drove 
his enemies back within its walls, but did not take it 



10 



ACC 



ACH 



(1 Mc. v. 22). When Alexander Balas claimed the Syr- 
ian throne, Demetrius offered to Jonathan the posses- 
sion of Ptolemais and its district (1 Mc. x. 39). At 
Ptolemais Jonathan afterward had a conference with 
Alexander and the king of Egypt (x. 59-66), and here 
also he was subsequently slain (xii. 45-48). On the 
decay of the Syrian power, Ptolemais became inde- 
pendent. Ultimately it passed into the hands of the 
Romans, who constructed a military road along the 
coast, from Berytus to Sepphoris, passing through 
it, and elevated it to the rank of a colony. Herod's 
new city of Cesarea, however, far outshone it. The 
only notice of it in the N. T. is in connection with 
St. Paul's return from his third missionary journey 
(Acts xxi. 7). He came from Tyre to Ptolemais by 
sea (3), stayed one day with the Christian commu- 
nity here, then proceeded, probably by land, to Cesa- 
rea (8), and thence to Jerusalem (15-17). It was 
afterward the seat of a Christian bishopric, was 
a famous stronghold during the Crusades, was be- 
sieged unsuccessfully by Napoleon in 1799, and has 
since been twice (1832 and 1840) bombarded and 
laid in ruins. Few remains of antiquity are to be 
found in the modern town. 

Ac' cos, father of John and grandfather of Eupole- 
mus the ambassador from Judas Maccabeus to Koine 
(1 Me. viii. 17). 

Ac'coz (1 Esd. v. 38). Hakkoz ; Koz. 

* Ac-cnrs'cd. Anathema ; Excommunication. 

* Ac-co-sa'tion. Judge ; Trial ; Witness. 

* Ac-tn'ser. Accusation ; Satan. 

A-cel da-ma [-sel-] (fr. Chal. = field of blood), the 
name given by the Jews of Jerusalem to a " field " 
near Jerusalem purchased by Judas Iscariot with 
the money received for the betrayal of Christ, and 
so called from his violent death (Acts i. 19). In 
Mat. xxvii. 8, the " field of blood " was purchased 
by the priests with the thirty pieces of silver, after 
they had been cast down by Judas, as a burial-place 
for strangers, the locality being well known at the 
time as " the Potter's Field." These accounts 
have been reconciled by considering " purchased " 
in Acts i. 18 = gave occasion to purchase, i. e. did 
that in consequence of which the field was purchased 
with the money gained by his treachery. For anal- 
ogous examples in the N. T., see Mat. ii. 16, xxvii. 
60 ; Jn. iv. 1 ; Acts vii. 21 ; Rom. xiv. 15 ; 1 Cor. 
vii. 16 ; 1 Tim. iv. 16, &c. The great body of Bib- 
lical critics (Kuinoel, Tholuck, Olshausen, Rbn., &c.) 
adopt this view (Hack ett on Acts i. 18). Ecclesiastical 
tradition has distinguished the field for burying stran- 
gers from the place where Judas committed suicide. 
The traditional position of the latter has been 
changed at different times ; the latest makes the tree 
of Judas stand near the summit of the " Hill of 
Evil Counsel " (Stl. 105, 183). It is observable, that 
the passage in Acts does not state where Judas fell 
headlong or how he came thus to fall ; yet it has been 
generally supposed that the death took place in the 
field which was called Aceldama for the double rea- 
son that it was bought with the price of our Lord's 
blood and likewise stained with the blood of Judas. 
The " field of blood " or Aceldama, described by 
most travellers, and probably the same with that 
mentioned by Jerome ( Onom.), is on the steep south- 
ern face of the valley of Hinnom, near its eastern 
end, on a narrow plateau, more than half way up 
the hillside. Its modern name is Eak ed-damrn. It is 
separated by no enclosure ; a few venerable olive- 
trees occupy part of it, and the rest is covered by a 
ruined square edifice, half built, half excavated, which, 
perhaps originally a church, was in Maundrell's time 



in use as a charnel-house. It was believed in the mid- 
dle ages that the soil of this place rapidly consumed 
bodies buried in it, and, in consequence either of this 
or of the sanctity of the spot, great quantities of the 
cartli were taken away; e. g. by the Pisan Crusaders 
in 1218 for their Campo Santo a t Pisa, and by the Em- 
press Helena for that at Rome. Besides the charnel- 
house above mentioned, there are several large hol- 
lows in this immediate neighborhood which may 
have been caused by such excavations. The forma- 
tion of the hill is cretaceous, and hence favorable to 
the rapid decay of animal matter. 

A-cua'i-a [pron. a-kay'ya as an Eng. word], (Or., 
named fr. the Achaioi or Achat, one of the four 
ancient Greek races or tribes, said to have descended 
from Acha?us, grandson of Ilcllen), in the N. T., a 
Roman province, which included the whole of the 
Peloponnesus and the greater part of Greece proper 
with the adjacent islands. Achaia was thus nearly 
coextensive with the kingdom of modern Greece. 
The provinces of Achaia and Macedonia compre- 
hended the whole of Greece: hence "Macedonia 
and Achaia " frequently in the N. T. = all Greece 
(Acts xviii. 12, 27, xix.21 ; Rom. xv. 26, xvi. 5 [the 
best MSS. here read "Asia "] ; 1 Cor. xvi. 15; 2 
Cor. i. 1, ix. 2, xi. 10; 1 Th. i. 7, 8). A narrow slip 
of country on the northern coast of Peloponnesus 
was originally called Achaia, the cities of which 
were confederated in an ancient League, which was 
renewed, B. c. 280, for the purpose of resisting the 
Macedonians. This League subsequently included 
other Grecian states, and became the most powerful 
political body in Greece ; and hence the Romans ap- 
plied the name of Achaia to the Peloponnesus and the 
S. of Greece, when they took Corinth and destroyed 
the League, n. c. 146. Under Augustus, b. c. 27, 
Achaia was assigned to the senate, and was governed 
by a proconsul. Tiberius, a. d. 16, took it away 
from the senate, and made it an imperial province 
governed by a procurator ; but Claudius restored it 
to the senate. Gallio is therefore (Acts xviii. 12) 
correctly called the " proconsul " (A. V. " deputy ") 
of Achaia. Greece. 

A-eha'i-cns [a-kav'e-kus] (L. fr. Gr. = of Achaia, 
Achcan), a Christian associated with Stephanas, &c. 
(1 Cor. xvi. 17, and subscription); probably born 
and resident in Achaia. 

A than [kan] (Heb. trovbler, = Achar, Ges.), an 
Israelite of the tribe of Judah, who, when Jericho 
and all that it contained were devoted to destruction, 
secreted a portion of the spoil in his tent. For this 
sin Israel was defeated in the attack upon Ai. 
When Achan was taken by lot, and his guilt was 
manifest by his confession and the discoveiy of the 
booty, he was stoned to death with his whole family 
by the people in a valley between Ai and Jericho, 
and their remains, together with his property, were 
burnt. From this event the valley received the 
name of Achor. From the similarity of Achan to 
Achor, Joshua said to Achan, "Why hast thou 
troubled us ? the Lord shall trouble thee this day " 
(Josh. vii.). Aehan's family have been commonly 
regarded as accomplices in his sin, and therefore 
justly punished with him ; but some regard them 
as involved in the punishment of Achan through 
the sanguinary severity of Oriental nations, from 
which the Israelites were by no means free. 

A'char [-kar] = Achan (1 Chr. ii. 7). 

A'chaz [-kaz] = Ahaz, king of Judah (Mat. i. 9). 

Aeh'bor [ak-] (Heb. mouse, Ges.) 1. Father of 
Baalhanan, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 
Chr. i. 49). — 2, Son of Michaiah ; probably a court- 



ACH 



ACT 



11 



officer of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 12, 14 ; Jer. xxvi. 22, 
xxxvi. 12) ; = Abdon in 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20. 

A-chi-ach'a-rilS [-ke-ak'-], cupbearer and chief 
minister at the court of Sarohedonus, or Esarhaddon, 
king of Nineveh, and nephew to Tobit (Tob. i. 21, 
22, ii. 10, xi. 18, xiv. 10). From the mention of 
Aman in the last passage, it has been conjectured 
that Achiacharus is but the Jewish name of Morde- 
cai ; but the differences between Achiacharus and 
Mordecai are much more strongly marked than the 
resemblances. 

A-chi'as [-ki-] son of Phinees ; high-priest and 
progenitor of Bsdras (2 Esd. i. 2) ; probably con- 
founded with Ahiah 1, grandson of Phinehas. 

A'cbim [-kim] (fr. Heb. = Jachin), son of Sadoc, 
and father of Eliud, in our Lord's genealogy (Mat. 
i. 14). 

A'chi-or [-ke-] (fr. Keb. = brother of light), a general 
of the Ammonites in the army of Holofernes, repre- 
sented as becoming a proselyte to Judaism (Jd. v. 
vi. xiv.). 

A'cMsh [-kish] (Heb. angry? Ges. ; serpent master 
or charmer ? Fii.), a Philistine king of Gath, son of 
Maoch ; called (Ps. xxxiv., title) Abimelech. David 
twice found a refuge with him when he fled from 
Saul. On the first occasion, being recognized by the 
servants of Achish as one celebrated for his victo- 
ries over the Philistines, he was alarmed for his safe- 
ty, feigned madness (1 Sam. xxi. 10-13), and fled to 
the cave of Adullam. On a second occasion David 
fled to Achish with six hundred men, remained at 
Gath a year and four months, and received from 
him the town of Ziklag (xxvii.-xxix.). Whether 
Achish, to whom Shimei went in disobedience to the 
commands of Solomon (1 K. ii. 40), be the same 
person, is uncertain. 

A-chi'tob = Ahitub 1 (1 Esd. viii. 2 ; 2 Esd. i. 1). 

Acta'me-tha. Ecbatana. 

A'chor [-kor] (Heb. trouble), Val'ley of, the spot 
at which Achan was stoned (Josh. vii. 24, 26), on 
the northern boundary of Judah (xv. *J ; also Is. 
lxv. 10 ; Hos. ii. 15). 

Ach'sa [ak-] (1 Chr. ii. 49) = Achsah. 

Ach'sab [ak-] (Heb. ankle-chain, Ges.), daughter 
of Caleb, the son of Jephunneh. Her father prom- 
ised her in marriage to whoever should take Debir. 
Othniel, her uncle or cousin, took that city, and ac- 
cordingly received the hand of Achsah as his re- 
ward. Caleb, at Achsah's request, added to her 
dowry the upper and lower springs as suitable to 
her inheritance in a south country (Josh. xv. 15- 
19; Judg. i. 11-15). Achsah, or Achsa, is men- 
tioned again as the daughter of Caleb the son of 
Hezron, in 1 Chr. ii. 49. 

Acb'sbaph [ak'shaf ] (Heb. incantation, fascina- 
tion, Ges.), a city of Asher, named between Beten 
and Alammelech (Josh. xix. 25) ; originally the seat 
of a Canaanite king (xi. 1, xii. 20) ; possibly the 
modern Kesaf, ruins (Rbn. iii. 55) on the N.W. edge 
of the Huleh (Merom) ; more probably (so Mr. 
Grove) Chaifa or Haifa, under Mt. Carmel, an im- 
portant town, but not mentioned in the Scriptures, 
unless as Achshaph. 

Alb zib [ak-] (Heb. false, Ges.). 1. A city of 
Judah in the low country (Valley 5), named with 
Keilah and Mareshah (Josh. xv. 44 ; Mic. i. 14) ; 
probably = Chezib and Chozeba. In Mic. i. 14 is 
a play on the name : " the houses of Achzib shall 
be (Heb. achzab) a lie." — 2. A town of Asher (Josh, 
xix. 29), from which the Canaanites were not ex- 
pelled (Judg. i. 31) ; afterward Ecdippa. It is now 
ez-Zib, a village on the sea-shore at the mouth of the 



Nahr el-Kurn, two and one-third hours N. of Acre 
(Rbn. iii. 628). After the return from Babylon 
Achzib was considered by the Jews as the northern 
limit of the Holy Land. 

Ac'i-pha [as-] (1 Esd. v. 31) = Hakupha. 

Ac'i-tho [as-J (Jd. viii. 1); probably = Achitob 
or Ahitub. 

Ac-ra-bat ti-ne. Arabattine ; Akrabbim. 

* A-crab'bim (Josh. xv. 3, marg.) = Akrabbim. 

* A'cre. In 1 Sam. xiv. 14, occurs the expression, 
" within as it were a half-acre of land, which a yoke 
of oxen might plough " (marg. " half a furrow of an 
acre of land"), and in Is. v. 10, we have "ten 
acres." The Heb. tsemed (here translated " acre ") 
is literally a yoke, and as a measure of land denotes 
as much as a yoke of oxen can plough in a day 
(Ges.), i. e. probably about two-thirds of an acre. 
Comp. L. jugerum. 

Acts of tbe A-pos'tlcs, a second treatise by the 
author of the third Gospel (Luke). The identity of 
the writer of both books is shown by their great 
similarity in style and idiom, and the usage of par- 
ticular words and compound forms. It is, at first 
sight, somewhat surprising that notices of the au- 
thor are so entirely wanting, not only in the book 
itself, but also, generally, in the epistles of St. Paul, 
whom he must have accompanied for some years. 
But the habit of the apostle with regard to mention- 
ing his companions was very various and uncertain, 
and no epistles were, strictly speaking, written by 
him while our writer was in his company, before his 
Roman imprisonment ; for he does not seem to have 
joined him at Corinth (Acts xviii.), where 1st and 2d 
Thessalonians were written, nor to have been with 
him at Ephesus (xix.), whence, perhaps, Galatians 
was written ; nor again to have wintered with him 
at Corinth (xx. 3) at the time of his writing Romans, 
and, perhaps, Galatians. — The book commences with 
an inscription or dedication to Theophilus ; but it 
was evidently intended for the members of the 
Christian Church, whether Jews or Gentiles ; for its 
contents are of the utmost consequence to the whole 
Church. They are The fulfilment of the promise of 
the Father by the descent of the Holy Spirit, and the 
results of that outpouring, by the dispersion of the 
Gospel among Jews and Gentiles. Immediately after 
the Ascension, St. Peter becomes the prime actor 
under God in founding the Church. He is the centre 
of the first great group of sayings and doings. He 
opens the doors to Jews (ii.) and Gentiles (x.). The 
preparation of Saul of Tarsus for preaching the 
Gospel to the cultivated Gentile world, the progress 
in his hand, of that work, his journeyings, preach- 
ings, and perils, his stripes and imprisonments, his 
testifying in Jerusalem and being brought to testify 
in Rome, — these are the subjects of the latter half 
of the book, of which the great central figure ia the 
Apostle Paul. Probably the book was written at 
Rome, a. d. 63, about two years after St. Paul's ar- 
rival there (xxviii. 30). (Luke, Gospel of.) Had 
any considerable alteration in the apostle's circum- 
stances taken place before the publication, it would 
naturally have been noticed. Besides, the arrival in 
Rome was an important period in the apostle's life : 
the quiet which succeeded it was favorable to the 
publication of the historical material collected in 
Judea, and during the various missionary journeys. 
Or, taking another and not less probable view, Nero 
was beginning to undergo that change for the worse, 
which disgraced the latter portion of his reign, and 
brought on the bitter persecution of the Christians. 
— The genuineness of the Acts has ever been recog- 



12 



ACU 



ADA 



nized in the Church. It is mentioned (Euseb. Hist. [ 
Eccles.) among the acknowledged divine writings. It | 
is first directly quoted in the epistles of the churches 
of Lyons and Vienne to those of Asia and Phrygia 
(a. d. 1 77) ; then repeatedly and expressly by Ire- j 
naeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, &c. It i 
was rejected by the Marcionites (cent, iii.) and Man- 
icheans (cent, iv.) as contradicting some of their no- i 
tions. In modern Germany Baur and some others ' 
have attempted to throw discredit on it ; but their ( 
view has found no favor. (Canon ; Gospels ; In- 
spiration; John, Gospel of.)— The text of the Acts 
is very full of various readings ; more so than any 
other book of the N. T. To this several causes 
may have contributed ; e. g. attempts of copyists to 
assimilate the statements and expressions in this 
book to those in the Gospels and Epistles, to suit 
the views of after-times in respect to ecclesiastical 
order or usage, to save the dignity of the apostles, to 
produce verbal accordance in different accounts of 
the same event, &c. There are in this book an un- 
usual number of those remarkable interpolations of 
considerable length, which are found in the Codex 
Beza? (D) and its cognates. (New Testament.) 
Bornemann has published an edition in which these 
interpolations are inserted in full. But, while some 
of them appear genuine, the greater part are un- 
meaning and absurd. 

Ac'n-a (1 Esd. v. 30), prob. = Akkub 3. 

Ac'nb (1 Esd. v. 31), prob. = Bakbfk. 

Ada-dab (LTeb. festival, Ges.), a city in the ex- 
treme S. of Judah named with Dimonah and Kedesh 
(Josh. xv. 22) ; site unknown. 

A'dab (Heb. ornament, beauty.) 1. The first men- 
tioned of the two wives of Lamecii I, and mother 
of Jabal and Jubal (Gen. iv. 19). — 2t A Hittitess, 
Elon's daughter, one of the three wives of Esau, 
mother of his first-born son Eliphaz (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 
10 ff., 15 ff.); called Bashemath in Gen. xxvi. 34. 

A-da'i-ah [ah-da'yah] or Ad-a-i all (Heb. whom Je- 
hovah has adorned). 1. Maternal grandfather of 
king Josiah, and native of Boscath in Judah (2 K. 
xxii. 1). — 2. A Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph 
(1 Chr. vi. 41); = Ibdo in ver. 21. — 3. A Benjamite, 
son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21). — 4. A priest, son of 
Jeroham (1 Chr. ix. 12; Neh. xi. 12). — 5. Ancestor 
of Maaseiah, captain under Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 
1). — 6. A son of Bani and husband of a foreign 
wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 29) ; = Jedeus in Esd. ix. 
30. — 1. A son of another Bani, or another son (de- 
scendant) of the same (see Bani 3), who had also 
taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 39).— $, A man of 
Judah, of the line of Pharez, (Neh. xi. 5) ; perhaps 
- No. 5. 

A-daii-a (L. form of Heb. ; fr. Pers. = fire be- 
longing to Ized, or a fire-god, Fii.), a son of Hainan 
(Esth. ix. 8). 

Ad'am(Heb.), the name of the first man, apparent- 
ly from the ground (Heb. adarnuh) of which he was 
formed. The idea of redness of color seems to be 
inherent in the word. The Creation of man was 
the work of the sixth day. It was with reference 
to him that all things were designed by the Creator. 
In Gen. i.-x. there appear to be three distinct his- 
tories relating more or less to the life of Adam. 
The 1st (i. l.-ii. 3) records the creation ; the 2d (ii. 
4-iv. 26) gives an account of paradise, the original 
sin of man, and the immediate posterity of Adam ; 
the 3d (v.-ix.) contains mainly the history of Noah, 
referring it would seem to Adam and his descendants 
principally in relation to that patriarch. (Genesis.) 
— The Mosaic accounts declare Adam created in the 



image and likeness of God, which probably (so Prof. 
Leathes, the original author of this article) points to 
the Divine pattern and archetype after which man's 
intelligent nature was fashioned ; reason, understand- 
ing, imagination, volition, &c, being attributes of 
God. Man alone of the animals ol the earth is a 
spirit, created to reflect God's righteousness and 
truth and love, and capable of holding direct com- 
munion with him. As long as his will moved in 
harmony with God's will, he fulfilled the purpose of 
his Creator. When he refused submission to God, 
he broke the law of his existence and fell. Comp. 
Gen. ix. 6 ; 1 Cor. xi. 7 ; Jas. iii. 9, with Col. iii. 10. 
— The name Adam was not confined to the father 
of the human race, but like the Latin homo was ap- 
plicable to woman os well as man ; e. g. Gen. v. 1, 
2, "This is the book of the 'history' (A. V. "gen- 
erations "j of Adam in the day that God created 
'Adam' (A. V. "man"), in the likeness of God 
made He him ; male and female created He them ; 
and blessed them, and called their name Adam in 
the day when they were created." — Adam was placed 
in a garden which the Lord God had planted " east- 
ward in Eden," " to dress it and to keep it " (Gen. 
ii.). He was permitted to eat of the fruit of every 
tree in the garden but one, the " tree of the knowl- 
edge of good and evil." What this was, it is impos- 
sible to say. Its name seems to indicate that it had 
the power of bestowing the consciousness of the 
difference between good and evil ; in the ignorance 
of which man's innocence and happiness consisted. 
The prohibition to taste the fruit of this tree was 
enforced by the menace of death. Another tree was 
called " the tree of life." Some suppose this to have 
acted as a kind of medicine, and that by the con- 
tinual use of it our first parents, not created im- 
mortal, were preserved from death. (Abp. Whatclv.) 
While Adam was in Eden, he exercised the power of 
naming animals and objects of sense, a faculty which 
is generally considered as indicating mature and ex- 
tensive intellectual resources. There being no com- 
panion suitable for Adam, the Lord God caused a 
deep sleep to fall upon him, and took one of his 
ribs from him, which He fashioned into a woman 
and brought her to the man (Eve). At this time 
they were both naked, without the consciousness of 
shame. The first man is a true man before the 
Fall, with the powers of a man and the innocence 
of a child. He is "the figure of Him that was to 
come," the second Adam, Christ Jesus (Rom. v. 14). 
By the subtlety of the Serpent, Eve was beguiled 
into a violation of the command imposed upon them. 
She took of the fruit of the forbidden tree and gave 
it to her husband. Then their eyes were opened, 
and they knew that they were naked. The Scrip- 
tures teach that in consequence of sin Adam and all 
mankind suffer the death of the body as well as other 
manifold evil (Gen. iii. 16-19; Rom. v. 12 ; 1 Cor. 
xv. 22) ; yet it is a disputed point among theologians 
whether this death of the body, &c, which come 
upon all under an economy of grace and upon Jesus 
Christ, " the second Adam," properly constitute 
either wholly or in part the threatened penalty (Gen. 
ii. 17) of Death. The very prohibition to eat of the 
tree of life after his transgression was probably a 
manifestation of Divine mercy, because the greatest 
malediction of all would have been to have the gift 
of indestructible life superadded to a state of wretch- 
edness and sin. — In the middle ages discussions were 
raised as to the period of Adam's sinlessness in 
Eden ; Dante supposed Adam to have been in the 
earthly paradise not more than seven hours ; but, of 



ADA 



ADD 



13 



course, all this is conjectural. — Adam lived nine hun- 
dred and thirty years. (Chronology.) His sons 
mentioned in Scripture are Cain, Abel, and Seth ; it 
is implied, however, that he had other sons as well 
as daughters. Man ; Tongues, Confusion op. 

Ad'am (Heb. earth ; see above ; firmness, Fii.), a 
city on the Jordan " beside Zaretan," in the time of 
Joshua (Josh. iii. 16). It is not elsewhere men- 
tioned. 

Ad'a-mah (Heb. earth, Ges.), "a fenced city" of 
Naphtali, named between Chinnereth and Ramah 
(Josh. xix. 36) ; probably N.W. of the sea of Galilee. 

id'a-mant, the translation of the Heb. shdmir in 
Ez. iii. 9 and Zech. vii. 12. In Jer. xvii. 1, shdmir 
is translated " diamond." In these three passages 
the word = some stone of excessive hardness, and 
is used metaphorically. Our English adamant is de- 
rived from the Greek, and signifies " the unconquer- 
able," in allusion perhaps to the hard nature of the 
substance indicated, or because it was supposed to 
be indestructible by fire. The Greek writers gener- 
ally apply the word to some very hard metal, perhaps 
steel, though they do also use it for a mineral. In Eng- 
lish, adamant sometimes = the diamond, 1 but often 
any substance of impenetrable hardness. That some 
hard-cutting stone is intended in the Bible is evident 
from Jer. xvii. 1 : — " The sin of Judah is written 
with a pen of iron and with the point of a diamond." 
Since the Hebrews appear to have been unacquainted 
with the true diamond, it is very probable from Ez. 
iii. 9 (" adamant harder than flint "), that shdmir — 
some variety of corundum, a mineral inferior only to 
the diamond in hardness. Of this mineral there are 
two principal groups — the crystalline and the granu- 
lar ; to the crystalline varieties belong the indigo- 
blue sapphire, the red oriental ruby, the yellow 
oriental topaz, the green oriental emerald, the violet 
oriental amethyst, the brown adamantine spar. But 
the shdmir or " adamant " of the Scriptures most 
probably = the granular or massive variety of co- 
rundum, known by the name of emery, and exten- 
sively used for polishing and cutting gems and other 
hard substances. The Greek name for the emery- 
stone or the emery-powder is smt/ris or smiris, and 
the Hebrew lexicographers derive this word from 
the Hebrew shdmir. Shamir ; Thorns. 

Ad a-mi (Heb. human, Ges.), a place on the border 
of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33) ; connected by some 
with the next name (Neceb) ; called in the post- 
biblical times Damin. 

A'dar (Heb. Addar — height, top, Fii.), a place on 
the southern boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 3); = 
Hazar-addar. 

A'dar. Month. 

Ad'a-sa (Gr. = Hadasha, Wr.), a place in Judea, 
a day's journey from Gazera, and thirty stadia from 
Bethhoron (Jos. xii. 10, § 5). Here Judas Alacca- 
beus encamped before the battle in which Nicanor 
was killed (1 Mc. vii. 40, 45). 

Ad'be-el (Heb. miracle of God ? Ges.), a son of 
Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 29), and probably 
the progenitor of an Arab tribe. 

Ad'dan (Heb. strong, Fii.), a place from which 
some of the captivity returned with Zerubbabel who 
could not show their pedigree as Israelites (Ezr. ii. 
59); = Addon (Neh. vii. 61) and Aalar (1 Esd. v. 
36). Eden 2. 

Ad da i' (Heb. mighty one, lord, Fu.), son of Bela 
(1 Chr. viii. 3). Ard. 



1 Our English diamond is merely a corruption of adamant. 
Compare the French diamante and German demant. 



Ad'der. This is used in the A. V. as the repre- 
sentative of four Hebrew names of poisonous ser- 
pents, viz., 'achshub, pelhen, tsepha' or ttdph'dni, and 
shephiphdn. The word " adder " occurs five times in 
the text of the A. V., viz., Gen. xlix. 17 (marg. 
arrow-snake) ; Ps. lviii. 4 (marg. asp), xci. 13 (marg. 
asp), cxl. 3 ; Prov. xxiii. 32 (marg. cockatrice) ; — 
and three times in the margin, with cockatrice in the 
text, viz., Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 5. — 1. 'Aehshub is 
found only in Ps. cxl. 3 : " They have sharpened 
their tongues like a serpent ; adder's poison is under 
their lips." " Asp " is used in the quotation of this 




Tosicoaof Egypt, {Ec7tis arenicola.) 



from the LXX. in Rom. iii. 13. The poison of ven- 
omous serpents is often employed by the sacred 
writers figuratively to express the evil tempers of 
ungodly men. The Jews were probably acquainted 
with only five or six species of poisonous serpents 
(Serpent); and as Pelhen and ShepMpMn were 
probably the Egyptian Cobra and the Horned Viper, 
''Achshub may be the Toxicoa of Egypt and north- 
ern Africa, called by naturalists the Echis arenicola. 
At any rate the Jews were probably acquainted with 
this species, which is common in Egypt and probably 
in Syria. — 2. Pethen. (Asp.) — 3. Tsepha\ or TsipK- 
oni, occurs five times in the Hebrew Bible. In Prov. 
xxiii. 32, it is translated adder (marg. cockatrice), 
and in the text (see above) of Is. xi. 8, xiv. 29, lix. 
5 ; Jer. viii. 1*7, it is translated cockatrice. From 
Jeremiah we learn that it was of a hostile nature, 
and from the parallelism of Is. xi. 8, it appears that 




Horned Cerastes {Cerastes ffasselquislii).— (.From specimen in Brit. Mua.) 

it was considered even more dreadful than the 
Pelhen. Bochart makes TsipKoni = the Basilisk 
of the Greeks (the representative of Pethen [Asp] 
used by the LXX. in Ps. xci. 13), which was sup- 



14 



ADD 



ADO 



posed to destroy life, burn up grass, and break 
stones by the pernicious influence of its breath. 
Possibly the Tsiptioni may be the Algerine adder 
(Clo/ho rnaurilanica), but this is mere conjecture.— 
4. Shcphiphon occurs only in Gen. xlix. 17 : " Dan 
shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path, 
that biteth the horse-heels, so that Jiis rider shall 
fall backward." The habit of lurking in the sand 
and biting at the horse's heels, here alluded to, suits 
the character of a well-known species of venomous 
snake, and helps us to identify it with the celebrated 
horned viper, the asp of Cleopatra ( Cerastes Hassel- 
quislii), which is found abundantly in the dry sandy 
deserts of Egypt, Syria, and Arabia. The Cerastes 
is extremely venomous ; Bruce compelled one to 
scratch eighteen pigeons upon the thigh as quickly 
as possible, and they all died nearly in the same in- 
terval of time. The species averages from twelve 
to fifteen inches in length, but is occasionally found 
larger. 

Ad'di (Gr., prob. fr. Heb. = ornament). 1. Son 
of Cosam, and father of Melchi, in our Lord's geneal- 
ogy (Lk. iii. 28); probably contracted from Adiel or 
Adaiah. — 2. The name occurs in a very corrupt verse 
(1 Esd. ix. 31); comp. Ezr. x. SO. 

Ad'do = Iddo (1 Esd. vi. 1). 

Addon (Heb. strong, Fii.) = Addan. 

Ad'dns (L. fr. Gr.) I. Ancestor of a family enu- 
merated among the children of Solomon's servants 
in 1 Esd. v. 34 ; not in Ezr. ii. or Neh. vii. — 2. An- 
cestor of a family removed from their priesthood in 
Ezra's time for being unable to establish their priest- 
ly genealogy (1 Esd. v. 38). He is there said to 
have married Augia, daughter of Berzelus, or Bar- 
zillai. In Ezra and Nehemiah he is called Barzillai. 

A'der (Heb. Eder = fork, Ges. |, a Benjamite, son 
of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 15). 

Adi-da (Gr. fr. Heb.), a town on an eminence 
overlooking the low country of Judah, fortified by 
Simon Maccabeus in his wars with Tryphon (1 Mc. 
xii. 38, xiii. 13) ; probably = Hadid and Adithaim. 

A'di-el (Heb. = ornament of God, Ges.). 1, A 
prince of Simeon, participant in the murderous raid 
upon the shepherds of Gedor in the reign of Heze- 
kiah (I Chr. iv. 36). — 2. A priest, ancestor of Maasiai 
(1 Chr. ix. 12). — 3. Ancestor of Azmaveth, David's 
treasurer (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

A (lin (Heb. effeminate, volujjluous, Ges.), ancestor 
of a family of whom 454 (Ezr. ii. 15), or 655 (Neh. vii. 
20), returned with Zerubbabel, and 51 with Ezra (Ezr. 
viii. 6). They (or one of this name) joined with Ne- 
hemiah in a covenant to separate themselves from 
the heathen (Neh. x. 16). 

Ad'i-na (Heb. slender, pliant, Ges. ; a luxurious, 
effeminate one, Fii.), a Reubenite chief, one of Da- 
vid's captains beyond the Jordan (1 Chr. xi. 42). 
According to the A. V. and the Syriac he had the 
command of thirty men ; but the passage should be 
rendered " and over him were thirty," i. e. the thirty 
before enumerated were his superiors, just as Be- 
naiah (] Chr. xxvii.) was " above the thirty." 

Ad'i-no (Heb. = Aoina, Fii.) the Ez'nite, 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 8. Eznite ; Jashobeam. 

Ad i-nus = Jamin, the Levite <l Esd. ix. 48). 

Ad-i-tha'im (Heb. double ornament, Ges.), a city of 
Judah, in the low country (Valley 5) ; named, be- 
tween Sharaim and Gederah, in Josh. xv. 36 only ; 
probably = Hadid and Adida. 

Ad-jn-ra'tion. Exorcism ; Oath. 

Ad lai (Heb. God's justice, Ges.), ancestor of 
Shaphat, David's herdsman (1 Chr. xxvii. 29). 

Ad'mah (Heo. earth, Ges. ; fortress, Fii.), one of 



the " cities of the plain," always coupled with Ze- 
boim (Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2, 8 ; Deut. xxix. 23 ; Hos. 
xi. 8). It had a king of its own. Sodom. 

Ad'nia-tlia or Ad-ina'tha (Heb. fr. Pers. = given 
by the Highest Being, Fii.), one of the seven princes 
of Persia (Esth. i. 14). 

Ad'na (Heb. pleasure, Ges.) 1. One of the family 
of Pahath-Moab who married a foreign wife in Ezra's 
time (Ezr. x. 30). — 2. A priest, descendant of Harini 
in the days of high-priest Joiakim (Neh. xii. 15). 

Ad nail (Heb. pleasure, Ges.). 1. A Manassite 
captain who deserted from Saul and joined David on 
his road to Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 20). — 2. The captain 
over 300,000 men of Judah in Jehoshaphat's army 
(2 Chr. xvii. 14). 

* A-do nai (Heb. pi. of excellence) = Lord. 

A-dmi-i-bc'zck (Heb. lord of Bezck), the Canaanite 
king of Bezek, vanquished by the tribe of Judah 
(Judg. i. 3-7), who cutoff' his thumbs and great toes, 
and brought him prisoner to Jerusalem, where he 
died. He confessed that he had inflicted the same 
cruelty upon seventy conquered kings. 

Ad-o-ni jnh (i'r. Heb., my Ix>rd is Jehovah). 1. 
The fourth son of David, by Haggith, born at Hebron 
(2 Sam. iii. 4). On the death of his three brothers, 
Amnon, Chileab, and Absalom, he became eldest 
son ; and when his father was visibly declining, put 
forward his pretensions to the crown. David had 
promised Bath-shcba in accordance with the appoint- 
ment of Jehovah (1 Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 5) that 
Solomon should inherit the succession (1 K. i. 30). 
Adonijah's cause was espoused by Abiathar and Joab, 
with many captains of the royal army belonging to 
the tribe of Judah (comp. 1 K. i. 9 and 25); and 
these, with all the princes except Solomon, were en- 
tertained by Adonijah at a great sacrificial feast held 
" by the stone Zoheleth, which is by En-rogel." 
Nit I and Bath-shcba apprised David of these pro- 
ceedings, who immediately gave orders that Solomon 
should be conducted on the royal mule in solemn pro- 
cession to Gihon 2. Here he was anointed and pro- 
claimed king by Zadok, and joyfully recognized by 
the people. This decisive measure struck terror into 
the opposite party, and Adonijah fled to the sanctu- 
ary, but was pardoned by Solomon on condition that 
he should " show himself a worthy man," with the 
threat that " if wickedness were found in him he 
should die" (i. 52). The death of David quickly fol- 
lowed ; and Adonijah begged Bath-sheba (Queen) 
to procure Solomon's consent to his marriage with 
Abishag (1 K. i. 3). This was regarded as a fresh 
attempt on the throne (Absalom ; Abner) ; and 
therefore Solomon ordered him to be put to death by 
Benaiah,in accordance with the terms of his previous 
pardon. — 2. A Levite in the reign of Jehoshaphat 
(2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 3. A chief who sealed the covenant 
(Neh. x. 16) ; according to Ges., &c. = Adonikam. 

Ad-o-ni'kam (Heb. lord of (he enemy, Ges. ; lord is 
assisting, Fii.), ancestor of a family of whom 666 or 
667 returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
13 ; Neh. vii. 18 ; 1 Esd. v. 14), others with Ezra 
(Ezr. viii. 13 ; 1 Esd. viii. 39) ; = (so Ges., &c.) Ado- 
nijah 3. 

Ad-O-ni'ram (Heb. lord of altitude, Ges.), by con- 
traction Adoram, also Hadoram, chief receiver of the 
tribute during the reigns of David (2 Sam. xx. 24), 
Solomon (1 K. iv. 6), and Kehoboam (1 K. xii. 18 ; 
2 Chr. xii. 18). This last monarch sent him to col- 
lect the tribute from the rebellious Israelites, who 
stoned him to death. 

A-don-i-ze'dek (Heb. lord of jvstice), the Amorite 
king of Jerusalem, who with four other Amorite 



ADO 



ADR 



15 



kings having laid siege to Gibeon, Joshua marched 
to the relief of his new allies and put the besiegers to 
flight. The five kings took refuge in a cave at Mak- 
kedah, whence they were taken and slain, their 
bodies hung on trees, and then buried in the cave 
(Josh. x. 1-27). 

A-dop'tion, an expression metaphorically used by 
St. Paul in reference to the present and prospective 
privileges of Christians (Rom. viii. 15, 23; Gal. iv. 
5 ; Bph. i. 5). He probably alludes to the Roman 
custom of adoption, by which a person, not having 
children of his own, might adopt as his son one born 
of other parents. By it the adopted child was en- 
titled to the name and sacred rites of his new father, 
and ranked as his heir-at-law : while the adopter was 
entitled to the property of the son, and exercised 
toward him all the rights and privileges of a father. 
In short, the relationship was to all intents and pur- 
poses the same as between a real father and son. 
The selection ot a person to be adopted implied a 
decided preference and love on the part of the adopt- 
er : and St. Paul aptly transfers the well-known feel- 
ings and customs connected with the act to illustrate 
the position of the Christianized Jew or Gentile. 
The Jews themselves had no process of adoption 
(Esther ; Moses) : indeed, it would have been in- 
consistent with the regulations of the Mosaic law 
affecting the inheritance of property : the instances 
occasionally adduced as referring to the custom (Gen. 
xv. 3, xvi. 2, xxx. 5-9) are evidently not cases of 
adoption proper. 

A-do'ra (Gr.), or A'dor (L.). Adoraim. 

Ad-O-ra'im (Heb. two mounds, Ges.), a fortified city 
built by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 9), in Judah, appar- 
ently in or near the low country (Valley 5), since it 
is by Josephus almost uniformly coupled with Mare- 
shah ; probably = Adora or Ador (1 Mc. xiii. 20), 
unless that be Dor, on the sea-coast below Carmel. 
Robinson (ii. 215) identifies it with Dura, a large 
village on a rising ground, 2^ hours W. of Hebron. 

A-do'ram. Adoniram. 

Ad-o-ra'tion. The acts and postures by which the 
Hebrews expressed adoration were similar to those 
still in use among Oriental nations. To rise up and 
suddenly prostrate the body was the most simple 




Adoration. Ancient Egyptian. — (Wilkinson.) 



method ; but generally the prostration was more 
formal, the person falling upon the knee and then 
gradually inclining the body until the forehead 
touched the ground. Such prostration was usual in 
the worship of Jehovah (Gen. xvii. 3 ; Ps. xcv. 6) ; 
it was also the formal mode of receiving visitors 
(Gen. xviii. 2), of doing obeisance to superiors (2 
Sam. xiv. 4), and of showing respect to equals (1 K. 
ii. 19). Occasionally it was repeated three times 
(1 Sam. xx. 41), and even seven times (Gen. xxxiii. 
3). ^ It was accompanied by such acts as a kiss (Ex. 
xviii. 7), laying hold of the knees or feet of the per- 
son to whom the adoration was paid (Mat. xxviii. 9), 



and kissing the ground on which he stood (Ps. lxxii. 
9 ; Mic. vii. 17). Similar adoration was paid to 
idols (1 K. xix. 18) : sometimes, however, prostra^ 
tion was omitted, and the act consisted simply in 
kissing the hand to the object of reverence (Job 
xxxi. 27), and in kissing the statue itself (Hos. xiii. 
2). The same customs prevailed in our Saviour's 
time, as appears not only from their being often prac- 
tised toward Himself, but also from the parable of 
the unmerciful servant (Mat. xviii. 26), and from 
Cornelius's reverence to St. Peter (Acts x. 25), to 
which the apostle objected, as implying too great 
honor, especially as coming from a Roman, to whom 
prostration was not usual. Idolatry ; Prayer ; 
Sacrifice. 




Adoration, Modern Egyptian. — (Lane.) 



* A-doru'ing. Dress ; Hair ; Ornaments, Per- 
sonal. 

A-dram'me-Iech [-lek] (Heb.). 1. An idol wor- 
shipped in Samaria by the colonists from Sepharvaim 
(2 K. xvii. 31) with rites resembling those of Moloch, 
children being burnt in his honor. Gesenius ex- 
plains Adrammelech as from Hebrew eder hammelech 
= splendor of the king. Reland makes the word = 
fire-king, and regards Adrammelech as the sun-god. 
Sir H. Rawlinson regards Adrammelech as the male 
power of the sun, and Anammelech, mentioned with 
Adrammelech as a companion-god, as the female 
power of the sun.— 2. Son of the Assyrian king 
Sennacherib, whom Adrammelech, in conjunction 
with his brother Sharezer, murdered in the temple 
of Nisroch at Nineveh, after the failure of the As- 
syrian attack on Jerusalem. The parricides escaped 
into Armenia (2 K. xix. 37 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 21 ; Is. 
xxxvii. 38). 

Ad-ra-nij t ti-ora [ad-dra-mit'te-um] (fr. Gr. ; said 
to have been named from Adramys, brother of Croe- 
sus, king of Lydia), a seaport in the province of 
Asia, in the district anciently called JSolis, and also 
Mysia (see Acts xvi. 7). Adramyttium gave name 
to a deep gulf on this coast, opposite to the opening 
of which is the island of Lesbos. (Mitylene.) St. 
Paul was never at Adramyttium, except perhaps 
during his second missionary journey, on his way 
from Galatia to Troas (Acts xvi.); but his voyage 
from Cesarea was in a ship belonging to this place 
(Acts xxvii. 2). Adramyttium was in St. Paul's time 
a Roman assize-town, and a place of considerable 
traffic, on the great Roman road between Assos, 
Troas, and the Hellespont on one side, and Perga- 
mus, Ephesus, and Miletus on the other, and con- 
nected by similar roads with the interior of the 
country. The modern Adramyti is a poor village, 
but a place of some trade and ship-building. 

A'dri-a, more properly A'dri-as (Gr.), probably de- 
rived from the town of Adria, near the Po, at first 



16 



ADR 



ADIT 



denoted the part of the gulf of Venice which is in 
that neighborhood, afterward the whole of that gulf. 
Subsequently it obtained a much wider extension, 
and in the apostolic age denoted that natural divi- 
sion of the Mediterranean which Humboldt names 
the Syrtic basin (see Acts xxvii. 17), and which had 
the coasts of Sicily, Italy, Greece, and Africa for its 
boundaries. This definition is explicitly given by al- 
most a contemporary of St. Paul, the geographer 
Ptolemy, who also says that Crete is bounded on the 
W. by Adria. Later writers state that Malta divides 
the Adriatic sea from the Tyrrhenian sea, and the 
isthmus of Corinth the ^Egean from the Adriatic. 
Thus the ship in which Josephus started for Italy 
about the time of St. Paul's voyage foundered in 
Adria {Life, 3), and there he was picked up by a 
ship from Cyrene and taken to Putcoli (see Acts 
xxviii. 13). The apostle also thus passed through 
Adria (Acts xxvii. 27) before his shipwreck at Mal- 
ta. Melita. 

A dri-el (Heb. flock of God, Ges.), son of Bar- 
zillai the Meholathite, to whom Saul gave his daugh- 
ter Merab, previously promised to David (1 Sam. 
xviii. 19). His five sons were among the seven 
descendants of Saul whom David surrendered to the 
Gibeonites (2 Sam. xxi. 8). Rizpah. 

Ad'n-el (fr. Gr. = Adiel ?), an ancestor of Tobit 
(Tob. i. 1). 

A-dal lam (Heb. justice of the people, Sim., Ges.), 
in the Apocrypha Odollam, a city of Judah in the 
lowland (Valley 5 ; Josh. xv. 35 ; comp. Gen. 
xxxviii. 1, "Judah went down," and Mic. i. 15, where 
it is named with Mareshah and Achzib); the seat of 
a Canaanite king (Josh. xii. 15), and evidently a place 
of great antiquity (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12, 20) ; fortified 
by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 7), reoccupied by the Jews 
after their return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 30), and 
still a city in the time of the Maccabees (2 Mc. xii. 
38). — The city of Adullam may have been near Dcir 
Dnbbun, five or six miles N. of Eleutheropolis. The 
limestone cliffs of the whole of that locality are 
pierced with extensive excavations, some one of 
which (so Mr. Grove, with Stl., V. de V., &c.) may 
have been the "cave of Adullam," the refuge of 
David (1 Sam. xxii. 1 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 13 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
15). Monastic tradition (with which Kit., Fbn., 
Bonar, Ayre, Thn., &c, coincide) places the cave of 
Adullam at Rhureiiun, where is an immense natural 
cavern in the side of a precipice, about two hours 
S. E. of Bethlehem (Rbn. i. 481). 

A-dnl lam-ite = a native of Adullam (Gen. xxxviii. 
1, 12, 20). 

A-dnl'ter-y. The parties to this crime were a 
married woman and a man who was not her hus- 
band. The toleration of polygamy, indeed, renders 
it nearly impossible to make criminal a similar of- 
fence committed by a married man with a woman 
not his wife. In the patriarchal period the sanctity 
of marriage is noticeable from Abraham's fear, not 
that his wife will be seduced from him, but that he 
may be killed for her sake, and especially from the 
scruples ascribed to Pharaoh and Abimelech (Gen. 
xii., xx.). The woman's punishment, as commonly 
among Eastern nations, was no doubt capital, and 
probably death by fire (xxxviii. 24). The Mosaic 
penalty was that both the guilty parties should be 
stoned, and it applied as well to the betrothed as to 
the married woman, provided she were free (Deut. 
xxii. 22-24). A bondwoman so offending wa3 to be 
scourged, and the man was to make a trespass offer- 
ing (Lev. xix. 20-22 ; Punishments). — The system 
of inheritances, on which the polity of Moses was 



based, was threatened with confusion by the doubt, 
ful offspring caused by this crime, and this secured 
popular sympathy on the side of morality until a far 
advanced stage of corruption was reached. Probably, 
when that territorial basis of polity passed away — as 
it did after the captivity — and when the marriage tie 
became a looser bond, public feeling in regard to 
adultery changed, and the penalty of death was sel- 
dom or never inflicted. Thus, in the case of the 
woman brought to our "Lord (Jn. viii. 3-11), it is 
likely that no one then thought of stoning her in 
fact, though there remained the written law ready for 
the caviller. It is likely also that a divorce, in which 
the adulteress lost her dower and rights of mainte- 
nance, &c, was the usual remedy, suggested by a wish 
to avoid scandal and the excitement of commisera- 
tion for crime. The expression (Mat. i. 19) " to make 
her a public example," probably means to bring the 
case before the local Sanhedrim, which was the usual 
course, but which Joseph did not propose to take, 
preferring repudiation, because that could be man- 
aged privately. — Concerning the famous trial by the 
water of jealousy (Num. v. 11-31), it has been 
questioned whether a husband was, in ease of certain 
facts, bound to adopt it. The more likely view is, 
that it was meant as a relief to the vehemence of 
Oriental jealousy (so Mr. Hayman). The ancient 
strictness of the nuptial tie gave room for intense 
feeling : and in that intensity probably arose this 
strange custom, which no doubt Moses found pre- 
vailing, and which is said to be paralleled by a form 
of ordeal called the " red water " in western Africa. 
The forms of Hebrew justice (see Talmud) all tended 
to limit the application of this test. 1. By prescribing 
certain facts presumptive of guilt, to be established 
on oath by two witnesses. 2. By technical rules of 
evidence which made proof of those presumptive 
facts difficult. 3. By exempting certain large classes 
of women (all indeed, except a pure Israelitess mar- 
ried to a pure Israelite, and some even of them) from 
the liability. 4. By providing that the trial could 
only be before the great Sanhedrim. 5. By invest- 
ing it with a ceremonial at once humiliating and in- 
timidating, yet which still harmonized with the spirit 
of the whole ordeal in Num. v. But, 6. Above all, 
by the conventional and even mercenary light in 
which the nuptial contract was latterly regarded. — 
When adultery ceased to be capital, as no doubt it 
did, and divorce became a matter of mere conveni- 
ence, this trial was doubtless discontinued. And 
when adultery became common, as the Jews them- 
selves confess, it w ould have been impious to expect 
the miracle which it supposed. If ever the Sanhe- 
drim were constrained to adopt this trial, no doubt 
every effort was used, nay, was prescribed to over- 
awe the culprit and induce confession. Besides, 
however, the intimidation of the woman, the man 
was likely to be repelled from the public exposure 
of his suspicions. Divorce was a ready and quiet 
remedy. — Adultery is also used in the Scriptures in 
a wider sense to include fornication and all lewd- 
ness (Ex. xx. 14 ; Mat. v. 27, 28 ; 2 Pet. ii. 14), and 
often figuratively to denote unfaithfulness to cove- 
nant obligations toward God, or idolatry, apostasy, 
&c. (Jer. iii. 8, 9, comp. 20 ; Ez. xxiii. 37 ; Rev. ii. 
22, &c). Concubine ; Divorce ; Harlot ; Mar- 
riage. 

A-dum mini, the go'ing up to or of (Heb. ma'aleh 
adummim — the pass of the red) ; a landmark of 
the boundary of Benjamin, a risiDg ground or 
pass " over against Gilgal," and " on the S. side 
of the ' torrent ' " (Josh. xv. 7, xviii. 17), where is 



ADV 



AGR 



17 



1 still the road leading up from Jericho and the Jor- 
dan to Jerusalem, on the southern face of the gorge 
of the Wady Kelt. Jerome (Onom.) ascribes the 
name to the blood shed there by the robbers who 
infested the pass in his day, as they do still, and as 
they did in the days of our Lord, of whose parable 
of the Good Samaritan this is the scene. But the 
name is probably derived from some ancient tribe 
of " red men " in the country. 

* Ad'ver-sa-ry. Satan ; Trial ; War. 

* Ad'vo-cate (Gr. parakleios = called to one's aid, 
assisting; hence an advocate, a comforter, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.) — one who pleads another's cause before a 
judge; applied to Jesus Christ (1 Jn. ii. 1 ; Jddge ; 
Trial). The same Greek word is also applied to the 
Holy Ghost, and translated " Comforter." Spirit, 
the Holy. 

A-e-di'as (1 Esd. ix. 27), probably a corruption of 
Eliah. 

JE'gypt [ee'jipt] = Egypt. 

J?'ne-as [ee ne-as : in L. pron. ee-nee'as]= Eneas. 

M non [ee'non] = Enon. 

M ra [ee'ra], now written Era. Chronology. 

JH-thi-o'pi-a [ee-the-o'pe-a] = Ethiopia. 

Af-fin'i-ty. Marriage. 

Ag'a-ba (1 Esd. v. 30) = Hagab. 

Ag'a-bns (L. fr. Heb. = locust, Drusius ; fr. Heb. 
= to love, Grotius, &c), a Christian prophet in the 
apostolic age (Acts xi. 28, xxL 10). He predicted 
(Acts xi. 28) a famine in the reign of Claudius 
" throughout all the world." This expression may 
take a narrower or a wider sense, either of which 
confirms the prediction. As Greek and Roman 
writers used " the world " of the Greek and the Ro- 
man world, so a Jewish writer could use it naturally 
of the Jewish world or Palestine. Ancient writers 
give no account of any universal famine in the reign 
of Claudius, but they speak of several severe fam- 
ines in particular countries. Josephus (xx. 2, § 5, 
and 5, § 2) mentions one at that time iu Judea, 
which swept away many of the inhabitants. This 
probably is the famine to which Agabus refers. It 
took place (Jos. xx. 5, § 2) when Cuspius Fadus and 
Tibe 'ins Alexander were procurators ; i. e. it may 
have begun about the close of a. d. 44, and lasted 
three or four years. Fadus was sent into Judea on 
the death of Agrippa, which occurred a. d. 44. If 
we attach the wider sense to " world," the prediction 
may be of a famine throughout the Roman empire 
during the reign of Claudius (the year is not speci- 
fied), not necessarily in all parts at the same time. 
We find mention of three other famines during this 
reign : one in Greece, and two in Rome. 

Agag (Heb. fr. Ar. root = to burn, Ges.), possibly 
the title of the kings of Amalek, like Pharaoh of 
Egypt. One king of this name is mentioned in 
Num. xxiv. 7, and another in 1 Sam. xv. The latter 
Saul spared with the best of the spoil, although the 
Amalekites were by divine command to be extir- 
pated (Ex. xvii. 14; Deut. xxv. 17-19). For this 
disobedience Samuel was commissioned to declare 
to Saul his rejection, and he himself sent for Agag 
and cut him in pieces. Haman is called the Agag- 
ite (Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 3, 5). The Jews considered 
Haman a descendant of Agag, the Amalekite, and 
hence account for his hatred to their race. 

A'gag-ite. Agag. 

Agar = Hagar. 

A-gar-encs' [ay-gar-eenz'] (Bar. iii. 23) = Hagar- 
enes. 

Ag ate is mentioned four times in the A. V. (Ex. 
xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12 ; Is. liv. 12 ; Ez. xxvii. 16). In 
2 



Ex. wheretheHeb. word shebo is used to denote the 
second stone in the third row of the high-priest's 
breastplate, commentators are generally agreed that 
agate is intended ; in Isaiah and Ezekiel the Heb. word 
is cadedd, probably=the ruby (Ges.). In Ez. xxvii. 
16, where the text has agate, the margin has chryso- 
prase. Our English agate derives its name from the 
river Achates, in Sicily, on the banks of which, ac- 
cording toTheophrastus and Pliny, it was first found ; 
but as agates are met with in almost every country, 
this stone was doubtless from the earliest times 
known to the Orientals. It is a variety of quartz 
with stripes or bands of different colors or shades, 
and is met with generally in rounded nodules, or in 
veins in trap-rocks ; specimens are often found on 
the sea-shore, and in the beds of streams, the rocks 
in which they had been embedded having been de- 
composed by the elements, when the agates have 
dropped out. 

Age, Old. (For distinctions or exemptions on ac- 
count of age, see Lev. xxvii. 7 ; Num. viii. 25.) In 
early stages of civilization, when experience is the 
only source of practical knowledge, old age has its 
special value and honors. Besides, the Jew was 
taught to consider old age as a reward for piety, and 
a token of God's favor. In private life the aged 
were looked up to as the depositaries of knowledge 
(Job. xv. 10) : the young rose up in their presence 
(Lev. xix. 32) : they gave their opinion first (Job 
xxxii. 4) : gray hairs were a " crown of glory " and 
the "beauty of old men" (Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 29). 
The attainment of old age was regarded as a special 
blessing (Job v. 26), not only on account of the pro- 
longed enjoyment of life to the individual, but also 
because it indicated peaceful and prosperous times 
(Zech. viii. 4; 1 Mc. xiv. 9; Is. lxv. 20). In public 
affairs age carried weight with it, especially in the 
infancy of the state : under Moses the old men or 
elders acted as the representatives of the people in 
all matters of difficulty and deliberation, and thus be- 
came a class, the title gradually ceasing to convey 
the notion of age, and being used in an official sense, 
like the L. Patres (= Fathers, the official title of 
Roman senators), Senalores (= senators, fr. senex = 
old), &c. (Congregation ; Elder.) On the descrip- 
tion of old age in Eccl. xii. 1-7, see under Medicine. 

A'gee \jf as in get] (Heb. fugitive, Ges.), a Hararite, 
father of Shammah 3 (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). 

Ag-ge'us [g as in get] (1 Esd. vi. 1, vii. 3 ; 2 Esd. 
i. 40) = Haggai. 

* Ag'o-ny (fr. Gr., lit. a contest, struggle for vic- 
tory, L. & S.), used in 2 Mc. iii. 14, 16, 21, and Lk. 
xxii. 44, to denote an inward struggle or conflict, ex- 
treme mental anguish. Gethsemane ; Jesus Christ ; 
Sweat, Bloody. 

Ag'ri-cul-ture. This, though prominent in the 
lives of Adam, Cain, and Noah, was little cared for 
by the patriarchs ; more so, however, by Isaac and 
Jacob than by Abraham (Gen. xxvi. 12, xxxvii. 7), 
in whose time, probably, if we except the lower Jor- 
dan valley (xiii. 10), there was little regular" culture 
in Canaan. Thus in Gerar and Shechem pastoral 
wealth apparently predominated (xxxiv. 28). The 
herdmen strove with Isaac about his wells ; about 
his crops there was no contention (xxvi. 12-22). In 
Joshua's time (Num. xiii. 23, 24), Canaan was in a 
much more advanced agricultural state than when 
Jacob left it (Deut. viii. 8), resulting probably from 
the severe experience of famines, and the example 
of Egypt, to which its people were thus led. The 
pastoral life kept the sacred family distinct from 
mixture and locally unattached, especially in. Egypt. 



18 



AGR 



AGR 



Afterward agriculture became the basis of the Mo- 
saic commonwealth. It tended to check not only 
the contaminating influence of foreign nations, which 
commerce would have favored, but also the freeboot- 
ing and nomad life, and made a numerous offspring 
profitable, as it was already honorable by natural 
sentiment and by law. Taken in connection with 
the inalienable character of inheritances (Heir), it 
gave each man and each family a stake in the soil 
and nurtured a hardy patriotism. Every family felt 
its own life with intense keenness, and had its divine 
tenure to guard from alienation (Lev. xxv. 23). The 
prohibition of culture in the sabbatical year formed, 
under this aspect, a kind of rent reserved by the Di- 
vine Owner. Landmarks were sacred (Deut. xix. 
14), and the heritage reverted to the owner in the 
year of jubilee. (Jubilee, Year op.) — Agricultural 
Calendar. — The Jewish calendar, as fixed by the 
three great festivals, turned on the seasons of 
green, ripe, and fully-gathered produce. The year 
ordinarily consisting of twelve months (Month) was 
divided into six agricultural periods as follows : — 

I. Sowing Time. 
( beginning about "I 

Tisri, latter halK autumnal 

( equinox \ Early rain due. 

Marcheshvan | 

Chislou, former half J 

II. Unripe Time. 

Chisleu, latter half. 
Tebeth. 

Sebat, former half. 

III. Cold Season. 
Sebat, latter half, ] 

vca r daV)'. ::::::::::: «nn due. 

Nisan, former half J 

IV. Harvest Time. 

f Beginning about ver- 

Nisan, latter half , , ™1 equinox. 

[ Barley green. 
I. Passover. 

Sivan, former half. j ~oT 

V. Summer. 

Si van, latter half. 

Tammuz. 

Ab, former half. 

VI. Sultry Season. 

Ab, latter half. 
Elul. 

Tisri, former half Ingathering of fruits. 

Thus the six months from mid Tisri to mid Nisan 
were mainly occupied with the process of cultivation, 
and the rest with the gathering of the fruits. The 
ancient Hebrews had little notion of green or root- 
crops for fodder. Barley supplied food both to man 
and beast, and "Millet" was grazed while green, 
and its ripe grain made into bread. Mowing (Am. 
vii. 1 ; Ps. Ixiii. 6) aud hay-making were familiar 
processes. (Grass ; Hay.) — Climate and Soil. — A 
change in the climate of Palestine, caused by in- 
crease of population and the clearance of trees, must 
have taken place before the period of the N. T. A 
further change caused by the decrease of skilled agri- 
cultural labor, e. g. in irrigation and terrace-making, 
has since ensued. Yet wherever industry is secure, 
the soil still asserts its old fertility. (For the vari- 
eties in climate, soil, surface, kc'., see Palestine.) 
Timber. — The Israelites probably found in Canaan 
a fair proportion of woodland, which their necessities 
must have led them to reduce (Josh. xvii. 18; For- 



est). But even in early times timber seems to have 
been far less used for building material than among 
Western nations. (Architecture.) No store of 
wood-fuel seems to have been kept : ovens were 
heated with dung, hay, &e. (Ez. iv. 12, 15; Mat. vi. 
30) ; and, in any case of sacrifice on an emergency, 
some source of supply is mentioned for the wood 
(1 Sam. vi. 14; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22 ; 1 K. xix. 21 ; comp. 
Gen. xxii. 3, 6, 7; Bread; Coal; Cooking, &c). 
Rain and Irrigation. — The abundance of water in 
Palestine, from natural sources, made Canaan a con- 
trast to rainless Egypt (Deut. viii. 7, xi. 8-12). Rain 
was commonly expected soon after the autumnal equi- 
nox or mid Tisri ; and if by the first of Chisleu none 
had fallen, a fast was proclaimed. (Dew ; Famine.) The 
peculiar Egyptian method of irrigation supposed to be 
alluded to in Deut. xi. 10 — "where thou watercdst it 
with thy foot " — was not unknown, though less prev- 
alent in Palestine. That peculiarity seems to have 
consisted in making in the fields square shallow beds, 
like our salt-pans, surrounded by a raised border of 
earth to keep in the water, which was then turned from 
one square to another by pushing aside the mud, to 
cpi n one and close the next with the foot. Others (Nic- 
buhr, Kos., &c.) think Deut. xi. 10 refers to some la- 
borious method of raising water to the level of gar- 
dens, &c., by a machine turned by the foot. (See 
Egypt.) In Palestine irrigation was essential; and 
for this the large extent of rocky surface, easily exca- 
vated for cisterns and duets, was most useful. Even 
the plain of Jericho is watered not by canals from 
the Jordan, since the river lies below the land, but 
by rills converging from the mountains. In these 
features of the country lay its expansive resources to 
meet the wants of a multiplying population. The 
lightness of agricultural labor in the plains set free 
an abundance of hands for terracing and watering; 
and the result gave the highest stimulus to industry. 
Crops. — The cereal crops of constant mention are 
Wheat and Barley, and more rarely Rye (?) and 
Millet. The Vine, Olive, Fig, Cummin, Pitches (?), 
Beans, Lentiles, may also be named among the sta- 
ple produce. To these, later writers add many gar- 
den plants, e. g. kidney-beans, peas, lettuce, endives, 
leeks, garlics, onions, melons, cucumbers, cabbages, 
&c. (Garden.) The produce which foimed Jacob's 
present would keep, and had been preserved during 
the famine (Gen. xliii. 11; Flax). — Ploughing and 
Souring. — The plough probably was like the Egyptian, 
and the ploughing light, usually with one yoke of 
oxen. Such is still used in Asia Minor, and its parts 
are shown in fig. 1 ; a is the pole to which one of the 
yokes, b, is attached ; c, the share ; d, the handle ; e 
represents three modes of arming the share ; and / 
is a goad with a scraper at the other end, probably 
for cleaning the share. (Goad ; Harrow.) Mountains 





Fig. 1.— Plough, ic, as still used in Asia Minor.— (From Fellows 1 * Aula 

Minor.) 

and steep places were hoed. (Mattock.) New 
ground (broken up in the spring and ploughed a 



r 



AGR 



AGR 



19 



often took place without previous ploughing. In 
highly irrigated spots the seed was trampled in by 
cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), as in Egypt by goats. Some- 
times, however, the sowing was by patches only in 
well-manured spots, as in tig. 4, from Surenhusius on 




Fig. 2.— Ploughing, Hoeing, and Sowing.— Description de l'Egypte. (Fbn.) 




second time; see Is. xxviii. 24) and fallows (Jer. iv. 
3 • Hos. x. 12) were cleared of stones and of thorns 
(Is. v. 2) early in the year, sowing or gathering from 
"amon» thorns" being a proverb for slovenly 
husbandry < Job v. 5 ; Prov. xxiv. 30, 31). Sowing 



the Mishna. Where the soil was heavier, the plough- 
ing was best done dry ; but the formal routine of 
heavy Western soils "was not the standard of the 
naturally fine tilth of Palestine generally. Seventy 
days before the passover was the time prescribed for 




Fig. 4.— Grain growing in patches. — (SurenhuBius.) 



sowing for the "wave-sheaf," and probably, there- 
fore,' for that of barley generally. (Barley; First 



- 


,:. ; wjiijj 





















Fig. 5.— Sowing.— (Surenhusiua.) 



Fruits ; Palestine ; Wheat.) The custom of watch 
ing ripening crops and threshing floors against theft 



or damage, is probably ancient (Ru. iii. 4, 7 ; Is. i. 
8). — The rotation of crops, familiar to the Egyp- 
tians, was probably known to the Hebrews. Sow- 
ing a field with divers seeds was forbidden (Deut. 
xxii. 9), and minute directions are given by the rab- 









































jj 






-X \ v 


111 










C 




It 















Fig. 6.— Sowing.— (SurenhuBius.) 



bis for arranging a seeded surface with great variety, 
as in figs. 5, 6, yet avoiding juxtaposition of different 
kinds. Three furrows' interval was the prescribed 
margin. The blank spaces in fig. 5, a and b, repre- 
sent such margins, tapering to save ground. Wide 
spaces were often left round vines and olive-trees, 
and the rest of the ground cropped, as in fig. 7. 
Reaping and Threshing. — The wheat, &c, was reaped 
by the Sicklf, or was pulled up by the roots. It was 
bound in sheaves or heaped, as in fig. 9. The sheaves 



20 



AGR 



AGR 




Fig. 7.— Wheat -field with Olives.— (Surenausiua.) 

or heaps were carted (Am. ii. 13) to the floor — a cir- 
cular spot of hard ground, probably, as now, from 




Fig. 8.— Reaping wheat.— (Wilkinson, Tombs of the Kingt, Thebes.) 

fifty to eighty or a hundred feet in diameter. Such 
floors were probably permanent, and became well- 



known spots (Gen. 1. 10, 11 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 16, 18). 
On these the oxen, &c, forbidden to be muzzled 
(Deut. xxv. 4), trampled out the grain. At a later 
time the Jews used a threshing sledge, called morng 
(Is. xli. 15; 2 Sam. xxiv. 22 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 23), proba- 
bly resembling the noreg, still employed in Egypt — a 
stage with three rollers ridged with iron, which, aided 





Fig. 10.— The NSreg, a threshing machine nsed by the modern Egyptians. — (Fbn.) 



Fig. 9.— Reaping.— (Snrcnhuslua.) 

by the diiver's weight, crushed out, often injuring, 
the grain, and cut or tore the Straw. (Chaff.) 
Lighter grains were beaten out with a stick ( Is. 
xxviii. 27). Barley was sometimes soaked and then 
parched before treading out, which separated the 
pellicle of the grain. The use of animal manure is 
proved frequent by such expressions 
as " Dung upon the face of the 
earth," &c. (Ps. lxxxiii. 10; 2 K. ix. 
37 ; Jer. viii. 2, &c. ; see Forks). 
Winnowing. — The " shovel " and 
" fan " (Is. xxx. 24), the precise dif- 
ference of which is doubtful, indicate 
the process of winnowing — an im- 
portant part of ancient husbandry 
(IV. i. 4, xxxv. 5; Job xxi. 18; Is. 
xvii. 13). Evening was the favorite 
time (Ru. iii. 2), when there was 
mostly a breeze. The " fan " (Mat. 
iii. 12) was perhaps a broad shovel 
which threw the grain up against 
the wind. The last process was the 
shaking in a sieve to separate diit 
and refuse (Am. ix. 9 ; Barn ; Egypt ; 
Mill). — Fields and floors were not 
commonly enclosed ; vineyards most- 




3. 2- 1. 

Fig. 11.— Treading out the grain by oxen, and winncwin^. 1. RakiDg up the ears to the centre. 2. The driver. 3. Winnowing, with wooden 

6hovels.— ■ (Wiltinson, Thibet.) 



ly were with a tower and other buildings (Num. 
xxii. 24 ; Ps. lxxx. 13 ; Is. v. 5 ; Mat. xxi. 33 ; comp. 
Judg. vi. 11). Banks of mud from ditches were 
also used. — Rent, &c. — A tenant might pay a fixed 
money rent (Cant. viii. 11), or a stipulated share of 
the fruits (2 Sam. ix. 10 ; Mat. xxi. 34), one-half, one- 



third, &c, as local custom prescribed. A passer- 
by might eat any quantity of corn or grapes, but 
not reap or carry off fruit (Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Mat. 
xii. 1). Alms; Corner; Gleaning; Poor; Tithe. 

A-grip'pa (L. born with difficulty, Gellius, Schl.). 
Herod. 



AGU 



AHA 



21 



* A gue, Bnru'ing. Fever. 

A'gnr (Heb. perhaps = an assembler, one of the 
assembly, sc. of wise men, Ges.), the son of Jakeh ; 
an unknown Hebrew sage, who uttered or collected 
the sayings of wisdom recorded in Prov. xxx. Ewald 
attributes to him the authorship . of Prov. xxx. 1- 
xxxi. 9, in consequence of the similarity of style 
exhibited in the three sections therein contained, 
and places him not earlier than the end of the 
seventh or beginning of the sixth century b. c. The 
Rabbins, according to Rashi, and Jerome after them, 
interpreted the name symbolically of Solomon, who 
"collected understanding" and is elsewhere called 
" Koheleth " (A. V. " the Preacher "). Bunsen makes 
Agur an inhabitant of Massa, and probably a descend- 
ant of one of the five hundred Simeonites, who drove 
out the Amalekites from Mt. Seir (1 Chr. iv. 42, 43). 
Hitzig makes him the son of the Queen of Massa and 
brother of Lemuel. 

A'liab (Heb. father's brother, Ges.). 1. Son of 
Omri ; seventh king of the separate kingdom of 
Israel (Israel, Kingdom of), and second of his 
dynasty. The great lesson from his life (1 K. xvi.- 
xxii.) is the depth of wickedness into which a weak 
man may fall, even though not devoid of good feel- 
ings and amiable impulses, when he abandons him- 
self to the guidance of another person, resolute, un- 
scrupulous, and depraved. The cause of his ruin 
was his marriage with Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal, 
king of Tyre. Ahab's reign was distinguished by 
the ministry of Elijah, who was brought into direct 
collision with Jezebel when she introduced into Is- 
rael on a grand scale the impure worship of Baal and 
of Astarte (Ashtoreth ; Asherah), and proceeded 
systematically to hunt down and put to death God's 
prophets (Obadiah 10). How the worship of God 
was restored, and the idolatrous priests slain, in con- 
sequence of " a sore famine in Samaria," is related 
under Elijah. But heathenism and persecution 
were not the only crimes into which Jezebel led her 
yielding husband. One of his chief tastes was for 
splendid architecture, which he showed by building 
an ivory house and several cities. (Hiel ; Jericho.) 
The beautiful city of Jezreel he adorned with a pal- 
ace and park for his own residence, though Samaria 
remained the capital of his kingdom. Desiring to 
add to his pleasure-grounds there the vineyard of 
Naboth, he proposed to buy it or give land in ex- 
change for it ; and when this was refused by Naboth, 
in accordance with the Mosaic law (Lev. xxv. 23), a 
false accusation of blasphemy was brought against 
him, and he and his sons were stoned to death. Eli- 
jah now deelared that the entire extirpation of Ahab's 
house was appointed for his long course of wicked- 
ness, crowned by this atrocious crime. The execu- 
tion, however, of the sentence was delayed in conse- 
quence of Ahab's humbling himself. Ahab was en- 
gaged in two defensive campaigns against Ben-hadad 
II., king of Damascus, and in one offensive. In the 
first, Ben-hadad laid siege to Samaria ; and Ahab, 
encouraged by God's prophets, made a sudden attack 
on him whilst in the plenitude of arrogant confidence 
he was banqueting in his tent with his thirty-two 
vassal kings. The Syrians were totally routed, and 
fled to Damascus. Next year Ben-hadad, believing 
that his failure was owing to some peculiar power of 
the God of Israel over the hills, invaded Israel by 
way of Aphek 5. Yet Ahab's victory was so com- 
plete that Ben-hadad himself fell into his hands ; but 
was released (contrary to the will of God as an- 
nounced by a prophet) on condition of restoring all 
the cities of Israel which he held, and making 



"streets" for Ahab in Damascus; l. e. admitting 
into his capital permanent Hebrew officers, in an in- 
dependent position, with special dwellings for them- 
selves and their retinues, to watch over the commer- 
cial and political interests of Ahab and his subjects. 
A similar privilege had been exacted by Ben-hadad's 
predecessor from Omri in Samaria. After this great 
success Ahab enjoyed peace for three years, when, 
in conjunction with Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, he 
attacked Ramoth in Gilead, which was held by the 
Syrians, but claimed by Ahab as belonging to Israel. 
But God's blessing did not rest on the expedition, 
and Ahab was told by the prophet Micaiah that it 
would fail. For giving this warning Micaiah was im- 
prisoned ; but Ahab was led by n to disguise him- 
self, so as not to offer a conspicuous mark to the 
archers of Ben-hadad. But he was slain by a " cer- 
tain man who drew a bow at a venture ; " and, though 
staid up in his chariot for a time, he died toward 
evening, and his army dispersed. When he was 
brought to be buried in Samaria, and his chariot was 
washed in the pocl of Samaria (IK. xxii. 37, 38), 
the dogs licked up his blood ; a partial fulfilment of 
Elijah's prediction (1 K. xxi. 19), which was more 
literally accomplished in the case of his son (2 K. 
ix. 26). — 2. A lying prophet, who deceived the cap- 
tive Israelites in Babylon, and was burnt to death by 
Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. xxix. 21). 

Aha-rah (Heb. after the brother, Ges.), third son 
of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 1). Aher ; Ahiram. 

A-har'Iiel (Heb. behi?id the breastwork, sc. born, 
Ges.), ancestor of certain families of Judah, appar- 
ently descended through Coz from Ashur, the posthu- 
mous son of Hezron. The Targum of Rabbi Joseph 
on Chronicles identifies him with " Hur the first-born 
of Miriam" (1 Chr. iv. 8). 

A'lia-sai (Heb. = Ahaziah ? Ges. ; holder, pro- 
tector, Fii.), a priest, ancestor of Amashai (-Neh. xi. 
13). Jahzerah. 

A-Iias'bai (Heb. I lake refuge with Jehovah, Sim., 
Ges.; blooming, shining, sc. Jah is, Fii.), father of 
Eliphelet, David's captain (2 Sam. xxiii. 34) ; = Ur 
in 1 Chr. xi. 35. 

* A-hasb.-ve'rosh (Heb.) = Ahasuerus (Ezr. iv. 6, 
marg.). 

A-has-n-e'rns (fr. Heb. Aliashverosh [see above] 
or Achaxhverosh = Sansc. kshalra, " king,"= kshershe 
in the arrow-headed inscriptions of Persepolis = Gr. 
Xerxes ; see Artaxerxes), the name of one Median 
and two Persian kings in the 0. T. In the following 
chronological table of the Medo-Persian "kings from 
Cyaxares to Artaxerxes Longimanus, according to 
their ordinary classical names, their supposed Scrip- 
tural names are added in italics by Bishop CottoD, 
the original author of this article: — 1. Cyaxares, 
king of Media, and conqueror of Nineveh (son of 
Phraortes and grandson of Deioces), began to reign 
b. c. 634 ; = Ahasuerus. 2. Astyages (his son), 
last king of Media, b. c. 594 ; = Darius the Mcde. 
3. Cyrus (son of bis daughter Mandane and Cam- 
byses, a Persian noble), first king of Persia, 559 ; = 
Cyrus. 4. Cambyses (his son), 529 ; = Ahasuerus. 
5. A Magian usurper (who personated Smerdis, 
younger son of Cyrus), 521 ; = Artaxerxes. 6. Da- 
rius Hystaspis (raised to the throne on the over- 
throw of the Magi), 521 ; = Darius. 7. Xerxes 
(his son), 485 ; = Ahasuerus. 8. Artaxerxes Longi- 
manus (Gr. Artaxerxes Macrocheir) (his son), 495- 
465 ; = Artaxerxes. — 1, In Dan. ix. 1, Ahasuerus is 
said to be the father of Darius the Mede. Now 
Cyaxares almost certainly = Ahasuerus, Grecized 
into Axares with the prefix Cy- or Kai-, common to 



22 



AHA 



AHA 



the Kaian'un dynasty of kings (Malcolm's Persia, ch. 
iii.) ; compare Kai Kliosroo, the Persian name of 
Cyrus. Darius the Mede was probably Astyages 
(son of this Cyaxares), perhaps set over Babylon as 
viceroy by his grandson Cyrus, and allowed to live 
there in royal state. This first Ahasuerus, then, is 
Cyaxares, the conqueror of Nineveh. Accordingly 
Tob. xiv. 15, says that Nineveh was taken byNabu- 
chodonosor and Assuerus, i. e. Cyaxares. — 2. In 
Ezr. iv. 6, the enemies of the Jews, after the death 
of Cyrus, desirous to frustrate the building of Jeru- 
salem, send accusations against them to Ahasuerus, 
king of Persia. This must be Cambyses. For their 
opposition continued from the time of Cyrus to that 
of Darius (iv. 5), and .Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes 
(i. e. Cambyses and the pseudo-Smerdis) reigned be- 
tweeu them (iv. 6-24). (But see Ezha, Book of.) 
Xenophon calls the brother of Cambyses Tanyoxares 
(i. e. the younger Oxares), whence we infer that the 
elder Oxares or Axares, or Ahasuerus was Camby- 
ses. Bis constant wars probably prevented him 
from interfering in the concerns of the Jews. Be 
was plainly called after his grandfather, who was 
not a king, and therefore it is very likely that he 
also assumtd the kingly name or title of Axares or 
Cyaxares, which had been borne by his most illus- 
trious ancestor. — 3. The Ahasuerus of Esth. i.-x. 
Having divorced his queen Vashti for refusing to 
appear in public at a banquet, he married four years 
after, the Jewess Esther, cousin and ward of Mon- 
decai. Five years after this, Haman, having been 
slighted by Mordecai, prevailed upon Ahasuerus to 
order the destruction of all the Jews in the empire. 
But before the day appointed for the massacre, Es- 
ther and Mordecai destroyed Hainan's influence with 
the king, who put Haman to death, and gave the 
Jews the right of sell-defence. The Jew s then killed 
several thousands of their opponents. Now, from 
the extent assigned to the Persian empire (Esth. i. 
1 ), " from India even unto Ethiopia," Darius Hys- 
taspis is the earliest king to whom this history can 
apply, and it is hardly worth w hile to consider the 
claims of any after Artaxerxes Longimanus. But 
Darius's wives were the daughters of Cyrus and 
Otanes, and he differs from Ahasuerus both in name 
and character. The character of Artaxerxes Longi- 
manus is also very unlike that of Ahasuerus. Be- 
sides, in Ezr. vii. 1-7, 11-26, Artaxerxes, in the 
seventh year of his reign, issues a decree very favor- 
able to the Jews, and it is unlikely, therefore, that, 
in the 12th (Esth. iii. 7), Haman could speak to him 
of them as if he knew nothing about them, and per- 
suade him to sentence them to an indiscriminate 
massacre. Ahasuerus therefore = Xerxes (the names 
being identical) : and this conclusion is fortified by 
the resemblance of character, and by certain chrono- 
logical indications. As Xerxes scourged the sea, 
and put to death the engineers of his bridge because 
their work was injured by a storm, so Ahasuerus re- 
pudiated Vashti because she would not violate the 
decorum of her sex, and ordered the massacre of the 
whole Jewish people to gratify Haman. In the third 
year of the reign of Xerxes was held an assembly to 
arrange the Grecian war (Hdt. vii. 7 ff). In the 
third year of Ahasuerus was held a great feast and 
assembly in Shushan the palace (Esth. i. 3). In the 
seventh year of his reign Xerxes returned defeated 
from Greece, and consoled himself by the pleasures 
of the harem (Hdt. ix. 108). In the seventh year of 
his reign (Esth. ii. 16) Ahasuerus replaced Vashti 
by marrying Esther, one of the fair young virgins 
sought for the king (ii. 2). The tribute he "laid 



upon the land and upon the isles of the sea " (x. 
may well have been the result of the expenditure 
and ruin of the Grecian expedition. 

A-ba'va (Heb. prob. — water, Ges. ; river, stream, 
Fu), a place (Ezr. viii. 15), or a river (viii. 21), on 
the banks of which Ezra collected the second expe- 
dition which returned with him from Babylon to 
Jerusalem; called Tiieras in 1 Esd. viii. 41, 61. 
Various have been the conjectures as to its locality ; 
but Kawlinson considers Ahava - Ava and IviH, 
the modern Hit, on the Euphrates, due E. of Da- 
mascus. 

A'uaz (Heb. possessor ; in the N. T. Achaz) 1. 
The eleventh king of Judah (Judah, Kingdom of; 
Israel, Kingeom of), son of Jotham, ascended the 
throne in his twentieth (some say twenty-fifth ; see 
Hezekiaii) year (2 K. xvi. 2). At his accession, 
Kczin, king of Damascus, and Pekah, king of Israel, 
were leagued against Judah, and they proceeded to 
lay siege to Jerusalem. (Tabeal.) Upon this 
Isaiah gave advice and encouragement to Ahaz, and 
the allies failed in their attack on Jerusalem (Is. 

vii. — ix.). But the allies took a vast number of cap- 
tives, who, however, were restored on the remon- 
strance of the prophet Oded ; and they also inflicted 
a severe injury on Judah by the capture of Elath, 
<.n tin' Red S< a ; w hile the Philistines invaded the 
W. and S. (2 K. xvi. ; 2 Chr. xxviii.). Ahaz sought 
deliverance of Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, who 
invai <d Syria, took Damascus, killed Bezin, and de- 
prived Israel of its northern and trans-Jordanic dis- 
tricts. But Ahaz purchased this help at a costly 
price: he became tributary to Tiglath-pileser, sent 
liim all the treasures of the Temple and his own 
palace, and even appeared before him in Damascus 
as a vassal. He also sought for safety in heathen 
ceremonies ; making his son pass through the fire to 
Moloch, consulting wizards and necromancers (Is. 

viii. 10), sacrificing to the Syrian gods, introducing 
a foreign altar from Damascus, and probably the 
worship of '.he heavenly bodies frcm Assyiia and 
Babjlcn, as he seems to have set up the horses of 
the sun mentioned in 2 K. xxiii. 1 1 ; and " the altars 
on the top (or roof) of the upper chamber of Ahaz " 
(2 K. xxiii. 12) were connected with the adora- 
tion of the stars. We see another and blameless re- 
sult of this intercourse with an astionomieal people 
in the " sundial of Ahaz." (Is. xxxviii. 8 ; Dial). 
He died after a reign of sixteen years.— 2. Son 
of Micah the grandson of Jonathan through Merib- 
ba'al or Mtphiboshcth (1 Chr. viii. 35, 36, ix. 42). 

A-lia-zi all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah wslains. 1. 
Son of Ahab and Jezebel, and eighth king of Israel. 
(Israel, Kingdom of.) After the battle of Bamoth 
in Gilead the Syrians had the ccrr.mand of the coun- 
try E. of Jordan, and cut off all ecn munieation be- 
tween the Israelites and TMcabites, so that the vas- 
sal king of Moab refused his yearly tribute of 100,000 
lambs and 100,000 rams with their wool (comp. Is. 
xvi. 1). Before Ahaziah could enforce his claim, he 
was seriously injured by a fall through a lattice in 
his palace at Samaria. In his health he had wor- 
shipped his mother's gods, and now he sent to in- 
quire of the oracle of Baal-ztbub in the Philistine 
city of Ekron whether he should recover his health. 
But Elijah rebuked him for this impiety, and an- 
nounced to him his approaching death. He reigned 
two years. For his endeavor to join the king of 
Judah in trading to Ophir, see Jehoshafhat (1 K. 
xxii. 49-53; 2 K. i. ; 2 Chr. xx. 35-37).— 2. Fifth 
king of Judah (Judah, Kingdom of; Israel, King- 
dom of), son of Jehopam 2 and Al.ab's daughter 



AHB 



AHI 



23 



Athaliah, and therefore nephew of Ahaziah 1. He 
is called Azariah, 2 Chr. xxii. 6, probably by a copy- 
ist's error, and Jehoahaz, 2 Chr. xxi. 17. 2 K. viii. 
26, correctly makes him twenty-two years old at his 
accession, though 2 Chr. xxii. 2 has his age at that 
time forty-two ; for (2 Chr. xxi. 5, 20) his father Jeho- 
ram was forty when he died, so that a transcriber 
must have made a mistake in the numbers. Ahaziah 
was an idolater, and allied himself with his uncle 
Jehoram 2, king of Israel, against Hazael, the new 
king of Svria. The two kings were, however, de- 
feated at Ramoth Gilead, where Jehoram was so 
severely wounded that he retired to Jezreel to be 
healed." The revolution carried out in Israel by 
Jehu under the guidance of Elisha broke out while 
Ahaziah was visiting his uncle at Jezreel. As Jehu 
approached the town, Jehoram and Ahaziah went 
out to meet him ; but both the kings were slain. 
The apparent discrepancy between 2 K. ix. 27-29 
and 2 Chr. xxii. 9, Keil {Comm. on 2 K. 1. c.) re- 
moves thus : When Ahaziah saw Jehoram slain by 
Jehu, he fled first by the way to the garden-house 
and escaped to Samaria ; but was here, where he 
had hid himself, taken by Jehu's men who followed 
him, brought to Jeha, who was still at or near Jez- 
reel, and at his command slain at the hill Gur, be- 
side Ibleam, in his chariot, i. e. mortally wounded 
with an arrow, so that he, again fleeing, expired at 
Megiddo ; and as a corpse he was carried by his ser- 
vants to Jerusalem and buried there. The account 
in 2 Chr. is much curtailed. Ahaziah reigned one 
year (2 K. viii. 26, ix. 29). The difference between 
2 K. viii. 45, " in the twelfth year of Joram," and 
ix. 29, " in the eleventh year of Joram," is most 
simply explained by a different computation of the 
beginning of the years of his reign (Keil). 

Ah'b:m(Heb. brother of the wise, or brotherly, Ges.), 
son of Abishur of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 29). 

A'llEV (Heb. after, next, another, Ges.), ancestor of 
Hushim (1 Chr. vii. 12); by some translated "an- 
other ; " not improbablv = AHiRAM, Aharah, Ahoaft, 
Em. 

A'hi (Heb. = Ahijah, Ges.). 1. A Gadite, chief 
of a family in Bashau (1 Chr. v. 15). The LXX. 
translates Ahi " brother," the Vulgate " brethren." 
— 2. An Asherite, son of Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34). 

A-hi'all (fr. Heb. = brother [i. e. friend] of Je- 
hovah, Ges.; = Ahijah). 1, Son of Ahitub 1. He 
was the Lord's priest in Shiloh, wearing an ephod 
(1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18). There is a difficulty in recon- 
ciling the statement in 1 Sam. xiv. 18, concerning 
the ark being used for inquiring by Ahiah at Saul's 
bidding, and the statement that they inquired not at 
the ark in the days of Saul (1 Chr. xiii. 3). But all 
difficulty will disappear if we apply the expression 
in 1 Chr. xiii. 3, only to all the latter years of Saul, 
when the priestly establishment was at Nob, and not 
at Kirjath-jearim, where the ark was. The narrative 
in 1 Sam. xiv. is entirely favorable to the mention of 
the ark (comp. 2 Sam. vi. 3). (Gibeah 2, 3, 4.) 
Ahiah probably = Ahimelech the son of Ahitub. 
However, Ahimelech may have been, as Gesenius 
supposes, brother to Ahiah. — 2. One of the sons of 
Shisha, Solomon's scribes (IK. iv. 3). — 3. Son of 
Bela (1 Chr. viii. 7) ; = Ahoah. 

A-hi'am(Heb.ycrf/fer's brother, Ges.), one of David's 
thirty valiant men (2 Sam. xxiii. 33 ; 1 Chr. xi. 35). 

A-hi'an (Heb. brotherly, Ges.), a Manassite, son of 
Shemidah (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

A-hi-e'zcr (Heb. brother of help, Ges.). 1. Son 
of Ammishaddai, and chieftain of Dan under Moses i 
(Num. i. 12, ii. 25, vii. 66, 71, x. 25.-2. A Benja- I 



mite chief of a body of archers that came to David 
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

A-hi'lind (Heb. brother [i. e. friend'] of the Jews, 
Ges.). 1. Son of Shelomi, and prince of Asher; as- 
sistant in the division of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 27). 
— 2. (Heb. brother or friend of union, Ges.). A 
Benjamite, of the sons of Ehud (1 Chr. viii. 7). 

A-hijah (fr. Heb. = Ahiah). 1. A prophet of 
Shiloh (1 K. xiv. 2), hence called the Shilonite (xi. 
29), of whom we have two remarkable prophecies 
extant : the one in 1 K. xi. 31-39, addressed to Jer- 
oboam, announcing the rending of the ten tribes 
from Solomon, and the transfer of the kingdom to 
Jeroboam ; the other in 1 K. xiv. 6-16, delivered 
in the prophet's extreme old age to Jeroboam's wife, 
in which he foretold the death of Jeroboam's sick 
son (Abi jah 2), the destruction of Jeroboam's house 
on account of the images which he had set up, and 
the captivity of Israel " beyond the river " Euphrates. 
Jeroboam's speech concerning Ahijah (1 K. xiv. 2, 
3) shows the estimation in which he held his truth 
and prophetic powers. In 2 Chr. ix. 29, reference is 
made to a record of Solomon's reign in the " pro- 
phecy of Ahijah the Shilonite." — 2. Father of Baa- 
sha, king of Israel (1 K. xv. 27, 33).— 3. Son of 
Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 25) ; in the LXX. translated 
" his brother." — 1. One of David's valiant men, a 
Pelonite (1 Chr. xi. 36; Eliam 2). — 5. A Levite in 
David's reign, who was over the treasures of the 
house of God (1 Chr. xxvi. 20); in the LXX. trans- 
lated " their brethren." — 6. A chief who sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 26). 

A-bi'kam (Heb. brother of the enemy, Ges.), son of 
Shaphan the scribe, and an influential officer at the 
courts of Josiah, and of Jehoiakim. He was one 
of the delecates sent by Josiah to consult Huldah 
(2 K. xxii. 1 2-20 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20-28). In the 
reign of Jehoiakim he protected the prophet Jere- 
miah (Jer. xxvi. 24). His son Gedaliah was made 
governor of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar. 

A-hi'Itid (Heb. brother of one born, Ges.). 1. Father 
of Jehoshaphat, the recorder under David and Solo- 
mon (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 1 K. iv. 3 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 
15). — 2. Father of Baana, one of Solomon's com- 
missaries (1 K. iv. 12) ; = No. 1 ? 

A-him'a-az (Heb. brother of anger, Ges.). 1. Father 
of Saul's wife, Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 50). — 2. Son of the 
high-priest Zadok 1, and celebrated for his swiftness 
of foot. When David fled from Jerusalem, on account 
of Absalom's rebellion, Zadok and Abiathar, accom- 
panied by their sons, Ahimaaz and Jonathan, and 
Hoshai, remained behind at his bidding. Ahimaaz 
and Jonathan stayed outside the walls of the city at 
En-Rogel. A message soon came to them from 
Zadok and Abiathar through a maid-servant, that 
Ahithophel had counselled an immediate attack upon 
David, and that the king must cross the Jordan 
without delay. They started at once on their errand, 
but a lad went and told Absalom, who ordered a hot 
pursuit. In the mean time, they reached Bahurim, 
where a woman hid them in a well in the court-yard, 
and covered the well's mouth with ground or bruised 
corn. (Court ; Well.) Absalom's servants coming 
up searched for them in vain ; and as soon as they 
were gone, Ahimaaz and Jonathan hasted on to 
David, and told him Ahithophel's counsel. David 
with his whole company crossed the Jordan that 
night (2 Sam. xv. 24-37, xvii. 15-22). After Absa- 
lom was killed, Ahimaaz was very urgent with Joab 
to be employed as the messenger to run and carry 
the tidings to David. Joab at first would not allow 
him to bear such tidings ; but after Cushi had start- 



24 



AHI 



AHO 



ed with the tidings, Ahimaaz was so importunate to 
be allowed to run too that at length Joab consented. 
Taking another way by the plain Ahimaaz outran 
Cushi, and, arriving first, reported to the king the 
good news of the victory, suppressing his knowledge 
of Absalom's death, and leaving to Cushi the task 
of announcing it (2 Sam. xviii. 19-33). This is the 
last we hear of Ahimaaz. The assertion of Josephus 
fx. 8, § 6), that he filled the office of high-priest, may 
be merely an inference from his coming between 
Zadok and Azariah in the genealogy of the high- 
priests (1 Chr. vi. 8, 9). From comparing 1 K. iv. 2 with 
1 Chr. vi. 10, we should conclude that Ahimaaz died 
before Zadok, and that Zadok was succeeded by his 
grandson Azariah. — 3. Solomon's son-in-law and com- 
missary in Naphtali ; husband of Basmath (1 K. iv. 15). 

A-lli man (Heb. brother of a gift, Ges.). 1. One 
of the three giant Anakim of Hebron (Num. xiii. 22, 
33), seen by Caleb and the spies, and afterward slain 
by the tribe of Judah (Judg. i. 10). — 2. A Levite, 
porter at the king's gate (1 Chr. ix. 1*7). 

A-bini'e-lech [-lek] (Heb. brother of the king, Ges.). 
1. Son of Ahitub (1 Sam. xxii. 11, 12), and high-priest 
at Nob in the days of Saul. He gave David the shew- 
bread to eat, and the sword of Goliath ; and for so 
doing was, upon the accusation of Doeg the Edomite, 
put to death with his whole house by Saul's order. 
Eighty-five (the LXX. read 305) priests were thus 
cruelly slaughtered ; Abiathar alone escaped. 
On Ahimelech's identity with Ahiah, see Aiiiah 1. 
On theconfusion between A himchrh and Abin/har in 
1 Chr., see Abiathar. — 2. A Hittite, one of David's 
companions while he was persecuted by Saul ; called 
in the LXX. Abimclech (1 Sam. xxvi. 6). 

A-hi'moth (Heb. brother of death, Ges.), a Koha- 
thite Levite of the house of the Korhitea (1 Chr. vi. 
25>- = Mahath in verse 35. 

A-bin'a-dab (Heb. liberal or noble brother, Ges.), 
son of Iddo, and commissary of Solomon in the dis- 
trict of Mahanaim (1 K. iv. 14). 

A-hin'o-am (Heb. brother of graee). 1, The daugh- 
ter of Ahimaaz and wife of Saul ( 1 Sam. xiv. 50). — 
2i A Jezrcelitess, married to David during his wan- 
dering life (1 Sam. xxv. 43), with him and his other 
wife Abigail at the court of Achish (xxvii. 3), taken 
prisoner with her by the Amalekites at Ziklag (xxx. 
5), but rescued by David (18), again mentioned as 
with him in Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 2) ; mother of his 
eldest son Amnon (iii. 2 ; 1 Cbr. iii. 1). 

A-bi'o (Heb. brotherly, Ges.). 1, Son of Abinadab, 
who accompanied the ark when it was brought out 
of his father's house (2 Sam. vi. 3, 4 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 7). 
— 2. A Benjamite, son of Beriah 3 (1 Chr. viii. 14). 
— 3. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, the father of Gibe- 
cn (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37). 

A-M'ra (Heb. brother of evil, Ges.), chief of Naph- 
tali under Moses (Num. i. 15, ii. 29, vii. 78, 88, x. 27). 

A-hi'ram (Heb. brother of (he high, Ges.), son of 
Benjamin, and ancestor of the Ahiramites (Num. xxvi. 
38). In Gen. xlvi. 21, for Ahiram appears " Ehi 
and Kosh," the former being probably the true read- 
ing, of which the latter was an easy corruption. Aher. 

A-hi'ram-ites = the descendants of Ahiram (Num. 
xxvi. 38). 

A-Ms'a-mach [-mak] (Heb. brother of help, Ges.), 
a Danite, father of Aholiab (Ex. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 34, 
xxxviii. 23). 

A-hish'a-bar (Heb. brother of the dawn, Ges.), a 
Benjamite, son of Bilhan (1 Chr. vii. 10). 

A-hi'shar (Heb. brother of (lie singer, or brother of 
the upright, Ges.), the controller of Solomon's house- 
hold (1 K. iv. 6). 



A-hith'o-pbel [-fell (Heb. brother of folly, Ges.), a 
native of Giloh, in Judah, and privy councillor of 
David, whose advice had the authority of a divine 
oracle (2 Sam. xvi. 23). He was, according to many, 
the grandfather of Bath-sheba. (Eliam.) Absalom 
on revolting sent for him, and when David heard 
that Ahithophel had joined the conspiracy, he prayed 
Jehovah to turn his counsel to foolishness (xv. 31), 
alluding possibly to the signification of his name. 
David's grief at the treachery of his confidential 
friend found expression in Ps. xli. 9, Iv. 12-14. To 
show to the people that the breach between Absalom 
and his father was irreparable, Ahithophel persuaded 
him to take possession of the royal harem (2 Sam. 
xvi. 21). David, in order to counteract his counsel, 
sent Hcshai to Absalom. Ahithophel had recom- 
mended an immediate pursuit of David ; but Hushai 
advised delay. When Ahithophel saw that Hushai's 
advice prevailed, he despaired of success, and return- 
ing to his own home, " put his household in order and 
haii^cd liiniM'U' " ( w ii. I -i:; ). 

A-hi'tub (Heb. brother or friend of goodness, Ges.). 
1. A priest of the house of Eli and family of Itha- 
mar; son of Phimlias, and elder brother of Ichabod, 
also father of Ahimelech 1 or Ahiah 1 (1 Sam. xiv. 
3, xxii. 9, 11). There is no record that he ever was 
high-priest. — 2. A priest of the house of Eleazar ; 
son of Amariah, and lather (or grandfather; see 
Meraiotii) of Zadok the high-priest (1 Chr. vi. 7, 8; 
2 Sant viii. 17; Ezr. vii. 2). From 1 Chr. ix. 11, 
where he is styled " the ruler of the house of God," 
like the high-priest Azariah (2 Chr. xxxi. 13), it is 
probable that Ahitub was high-priest. See also 
Nch. xi. 11. It is difficult to determine the exact 
time of Ahitub's high-priesthood. If he was father 
to Zadok he must havt lit en high-priest with Ahime- 
lech ; but if grandfather, his age coincided with No. 
1. — 3. In 1 Chr. vi. 11, 12, a priest or high-priest, 
son of another Amaiiah, and father of another Zadok. 
(Zadok 2.) 

Ab'lab (Heb. fatness, fertility, Ges.), a city of 
Asher from which the Canaanites were not driven 
out (Judg. i. 31): supposed by Bertheau = Acil- 
Shapii ; more probably the place known in later his- 
tory as Gush Chaleb or Gush Halab (Giscala), iden- 
tified with the modern village of el-Jish, near tsafid, 
in the hilly country N. W. of the sea of Galilee (Kob- 
inson, ii. 446, iii. 73). 

Ah lai (Heb. = thai! Ges.), daughter of She- 
shan, and wife of Jariia (1 Chr. ii. 31, 35); foun- 
dress of an important branch of the Jerahmeelites 
(xi. 41). 

A-ho ah (Heb. prob. = Ahiah), son of Bela, the . 
son of Benjamin ( 1 Chr. viii. 4) ; = Ahiah 3. Aher ; 
Ahiram ; comp. Gera ; Naaman 2. 

A-ho bite = descendant of Ahoah (2 Sam. xxiii. 
9, 28; 1 Chr. xi. 12, 29, xxvii. 4). 

A-bo'!ah (Heb. [she has] her tent, or her tabernacle, 
Ges.), a harlot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol of 
Samaria (Ez. xxiii. 4, 5, 36, 44). 

A-ho'Ii-ab (Heb. tent of his father, Ges.), a Danite 
of great skill as a weaver and embroiderer, whom 
Moses appointed with Bezaleel to erect the taber- 
nacle (Ex. xxxi. 6, xxxv. 30, 35, xxxvi. 1, 2, xxxviii. 
23). ( 

A-hol i-bah (Heb. my tabernacle is in her, Ges.), a 
harlot, used by Ezekiel as the symbol of Judah (Ez. 
xxiii. 4, 11, 22, 36, 44). 

A-hal-i-ba inah (Heb. tent of the height, Ges.), one 
(probably the second) of Esau's three wives; daugh- 
ter of Anah, a descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen. 
xxxvi. 2, 25), and mother of three of Esau's sons, 



AHU 



AJA 



25 



Jeush, Jaalam, Korah (ver. 5, 14, 18). In Gen. 
xxvi. 34, Aholibamah is called Judith, daughter of 
Beeri, the Hittite. Probably Judith was her proper 
personal name, and the name Aholibamah which she 
received as the wife of Esau and foundress of three 
tribes of his descendants ; she is therefore in the 
narrative called Judith, and in the genealogical table 
Aholibamah. This is confirmed by the recurrence 
of the name Aholibamah in the concluding list of the 
table (Gen. xxxvi. 40-43 ; see also 1 Chr. i. 51-54), 
which we must regard as a list of names of places 
and not of persons. The district named from Aholi- 
bamah, or perhaps rather from which she received 
her married name, was no doubt (as the name in- 
dicates) in the heights of the mountains of Edom, 
probably therefore near Mount Hor and Petra. 

A-liu'niai (Heb. brother of [i. e. dwelling near] 
water, Ges.), son of Jahath, and head of a family of 
Zorathites (1 Chr. iv. 2). 

A-hnzam (Heb. Ahuzzam = their possession, Ges.), 
son of Ashur, the father of Tekoa, by his wife Naa- 
rah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 

A-huz'zath (Heb. possession. Ges.), a friend of the 
Philistine king Abimelech, who accompanied him at 
his interview with Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 26). 

Ai (Heb. heap of ruins, Ges.). 1. A royal city 
(comp. Josh. viii. 23, 29, x. 1, xii. 9) of Canaan, al- 
ready existing in the time of Abraham (Gen. xii. 8 ; 
Hai), and lying E. of Bethel (comp. Josh. xii. 9), 
and "beside Bethaven" (Josh. vii. 2, viii. 9). The 
Israelites, after destroying Jericho, attempted to 
take Ai, but were at first unsuccessful. (Achan.) 
Afterward the city was taken by an ambuscade, and 
was " utterly destroyed " (Josh, vii., viii., ix., 3, x. 1, 
2, xii. 9). However, the name Aiath (probably = 
Ai) was still attached to the locality at the time of 
Sennacherib's march on Jerusalem (is. x. 28). The 
" men of Bethel and Ai " (223 in Ezr. ii. 28 ; 123 
in Neh. vii. 32) returned from the captivity with Ze- 
rubbabel ; and " Michmash, Aija (probably =: Ai), 
and Bethel," with their " daughters," were among 
the places reoccupied by the Benjamites (Neh. xi. 
31). Travellers differ as to the site of the city which 
Joshua doomed to be a " heap and a desolation for- 
ever." Robinson (ii. 573-5) supposes it on a low 
hill with ruins, about three miles S. S. E. of Bethel ; 
Van de Velde (ii. 278-9), on an isolated hill with a 
great heap of stones, about one mile and a half 
E. S. E. of Bethel. It is the opinion of some that 
Avim in Josh, xviii. 23, and Gaza in 1 Chr. vii. 28 
are corruptions of Ai. — 2. A city of the Ammonites, 
probably attached to Heshbon (Jer. xlix. 3). 

Ai'ah [like Isaiah] (Heb. = cry, clamor, Ges.). 1. 
Son of Zibeon, and brother of Anah (1 Chr. i. 40); 
called in Gen. xxxvi. 24, Ajah. — 2. Father of Riz- 
pah, the concubine of Saul (2 Sam. in. 7, xxi. 8, 10, 11). 
Ai'ath (fr. Heb.), probably = Ai (Is. x. 28). 
Ai'ja (fr. Heb.), probably = Ai (Neh. xi. 31). 
Ai'ja-lon (fr. Heb. = a place of deer or gazelles — 
Deerfield, Ges.). 1. A city of the Kohathites (Josh, 
xxi. 24 ; 1 Chr. vi. 69), originally allotted to Dan 
(Josh. xix. 42 ; A. V. " Ajalon "), which tribe, how- 
ever, could not dispossess the Amorites of the place 
(Judg. i. 35). Aijalon was fortified by Rehoboam 
(2 Chr. xi. 10) during his conflicts with the new 
kingdom of Ephraim (1 K. xiv. 30), and we last hear 
of it as in the hands of the Philistines (2 Chr. 
xxviii. 18, A. V. "Ajalon;" see also 1 Chr. viii. 
13). Being on the frontier of the two kingdoms, 
Aijalon is spoken of sometimes (1 Chr. vi. 69, comp. 
with 66) as in Ephraim, and sometimes (2 Chr. xi. 10 ; 
1 Sam. xiv. 31) as in Judah and Benjamin. Aijalon 



is identified with the modern Yah, a village a little 
N. of the Jaffa road, about fourteen miles W. N. W. 
of Jerusalem, on the side of a long hill which forms 
the southern boundary of a fine valley of wheat and 
barley fields. This valley, now Merj Ibn ' Omeir, 
was undoubtedly " the valley of Ajalon " (Josh. x. 
12), which witnessed the defeat of the Canaanites by 
Joshua (Rbn. ii. 253, iii. 145). — 2. A place in Zebu- 
lun, the burial-place of Elon, one of the judges 
(Judg. xii. 12). 

Ai je-letu Slia'liar (fr. Heb. = the hind of the morn- 
ing dawn), found only in the title of Ps. xxii., and 
variously interpreted. Some take it for the name of 
a musical instrument : others suppose it to express 
allegorically the argument of Ps. xxii. ; the Chaldee 
Paraphrast translates " the power of the continual 
morning sacrifice," implying a direction to the chief 
musician respecting the time of chanting the psalm ; 
but the weight of authority predominates in favor of 
the interpretation which assigns to the phrase the 
sole purpose of describing to the musician the mel- 
ody (not now extant, but well known in David's 
time and afterward) to which the psalm was to be 
played. 

Ain (Heb. 'ayin) = an eye, and also, in the simple 
but vivid imagery of the East, a spring = fountain, 
or natural burst of living water, the well or tank of 
artificial formation being always designated by the 
Hebrew words Beer and Bor. Ain oftenest occurs 
in combination (in the form of En = Heb. 'eyu), as 
in En-gem, En-gannim, &c. It occurs alone in three 
cases : — 1. One of the landmarks on the eastern 
boundary of Palestine, as described by Moses (Num. 
xxxiv. 11), Riblah being "on the E. side of the 
spring" (A. V. "Ain"). This is probably Mm el- 
Azy, the main source of the Orontes, and a fountain 
remarkable for its force and magnitude, about nine 
miles S. W. of the modern Ribleh (Rbn. iii. 534 ; 
Ptr. ii. 335-6, 358).— 2. One of the southernmost 
cities of Judah (Josh. xv. 32), afterward allotted to 
Simeon (Josh. xix. 7 ; 1 Chr. iv. 32), and given to 
the priests (Josh. xxi. 16). In 1 Chr. vi., Ashan 
takes the place of Ain. (En-Rimmon.) — 3. The six- 
teenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). 
Number; Writing. 

* Air, the translation in the A. V. of — 1. Hebrew 
shdmayim ( = heaven) cnly in Prov. xxx. 19, and 
in the phrases "bird of the air" (2 Sam. xxi. 10; 
Eccl. x. 20), "fowl of the air " (Gen. i. 26 fF., &c.).— 
2# Hebrew ruah or ruach (Job xii. 14 only); usu- 
ally translated " breath " (Gen. vi. 17, &c), " wind" 
(Gen. viii. 1, &c.) or "spirit" (Gen. i. 2, &c). — $, 
Greek ouranos ( = heaven), only in the phrases 
"birds of the air" (Mat. viii. 20, &c.), and "fowls 
of the air " (Jd. xi. 7 ; Mat. vi. 26, &c.) ; in LXX. 
= No. 1. — 4. Greek pneuma ( = breath, spirit), once 
in Wis. v. 11, where " the light air .... is passed 
through " by a bird ; in LXX. = No. 2.-5. Greek 
aer (in Homer, &c. = the lower air, atmosphere, the 
thick air or haze that surrounds the earth ; opposed 
to Greek aither, i. e. the pure upper air ; hence, 
misty darkness, mist, gloom ; in later writers, air, 
L. & S.), uniformly translated " air " in N. T. (Acts 
xxii. 23 ; 1 Cor. ix. 26, xiv. 9 ; Eph. ii. 2 ; 1 Th. iv. 
17; Rev. ix. 2, xvi. 17), also in Apocrypha (Wis. ii. 
3, v. 11, 12, vii. 3, xvii. 10 [Gr. 9]; 2 Mc. v. 2).— 
" The prince of the power of the air " (Eph. ii. 2) 
= Satan. 

A-i'rns, one of the " servants of the Temple," or 
Nethinim, whose sons came up with Zorobabel (1 
Esd. v. 31) ; perhaps = Reaiah. 

A'jah = Aiah 1 (Gen. xxxvi. 24). 



26 



AJA 



ALE 



ij'a-lOIl (Josh. x. 12, xix. 42 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18) = 
Aijalon 1, the Hebrew being the same in both. 

A kan (Heb. (wist, turn, Ges. ; criminal, Fii.), son 
of Ezer, and descendant of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 27) ; = 
Jakan and Jaakan. 

Ak'knb (Heb. insidious, Ges.). ]. A descendant 
of Zerubbabel and son of Elioenai (1 Chr. iii. 24). — 
2. A Levite, porter or doorkeeper at the E. gate of 
the Temple ; — Dacobi (1 Esd. v. 28). His descend- 
ants succeeded to his office, and appear among those 
who returned from Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 17; Ezr. ii. 
42 ; Neh. vii. 45, xi. 19, xii. 25).— 3. One of the 
Nethinim, whose family returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 45) ; probably = Acua in 1 Esd. v. 30. — 

4. A Levite who assisted Ezra in expounding the 
law to the people (Neh. viii. 7); = Jaccbus in 1 
Esd. ix. 48. 

A-krab'bim (Heb. scorpions, Ges.), the as-tent' of, 
and the go'ing up to ; also " Ma'a-leii-a-ckab'bim " 
(Heb. the scorpion pass). A pass between the S. 
end of the Dead Sea and Zin, on the southern 
boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 3) and of the Holy 
Land (Num. xxxiv. 4). Also the northern (?) boun- 
dary of the Amorites ( Judg. i. 3(i). Judas Maccabeus 
gained here a great victory over the Edomites (1 Mc. 
v. 3 ; "Arabatti.se"). Perhaps Akrabbim is the 
steep pass es-Sufdh, by which the final step is made 
from the desert to the level of the actual land of 
Palestine. (Zephatii.) Robinson (ii. 120) identifies 
Akrabbirn with the line of chalk cliffs, seven or 
eight miles long, and from fifty to one hundred and 
fifty feet high, which cross the Arabah in an irreg- 
ular curve from N. W. to S. E., six or eight miles 

5. of the Dead Sea. Akrabbim must not be con- 
founded with Akrabattene, a district or toparchy, 
under the Romans, between Neapolis and Jericho 
(Jos. B. J. ii. 12, § 4, &c.; Rbn. iii. 296). Arbat- 

TI3. 

Al'a-bas-ter (Gr. alabastron or alabastros, original- 
ly [so Stephanus] the name of the vessels, of pecu- 
liar shape [see cut], in which ointments were kept, 
hence applied to the material of which the vessels 
were commonly made) occurs in the N. T. only in 
the notices of the alabaster-box of ointment with 
which a woman anointed our Lord when he sat at 
meat (Mat. xxvi. 7 ; Mk. xiv. 3 ; Lk. vii. 37 ; Mary 
Magdalene). The modern alabaster includes both 




Alabaster Vessels.— From the British Museum. The inscription on tbe 
centre vessel denotes the quantity it holds. 

a granular variety of gypsum and the oriental ala- 
baster. Gypsum is a hydrous sulphate of lime, and 
forms, when calcined and ground, the well-known 



plaster of Paris. The oriental alabaster, so much 
valued on account of its translucency, and for its 
variety of colored streakings, red, yellow, gray, &c., 
is a carbonate of lime, known in mineralogy as sta- 
lagmite. The ancient alabaster principally, if not 
solely = the oriental alabaster (Dana). Both these 
kinds of alabaster, but especially the latter, are and 
have been long used for various ornamental pur- 
poses, such as in the fabrication of vases, boxes, &c. 
The ancients considered alabaster (carbonate of 
lime) the best material in which to preserve their 
ointments. "Unguents," says Pliny, "keep best 
in alabaster." In Mk. xiv. 3, the woman who 
brought " the alabaster-box of ointment of spike- 
nard " is said to break the box before pouring out 
the ointment, which probably only means breaking 
the seal which kept the essence of the perfume from 
evaporating. 

Al'a-mcth (Heb. covering, Ges.), a son of Becher, 
the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 

A-laui me-lf) h [-lek] (Heb. king's oak), a place in 
Asher, named between Achshaph and Amad (Josh, 
xix. 26 only); site unknown. 

Al'a-motil (Heb.; Ps. xlvi. title ; 1 Chr. xv. 20), 
supposed by some to be a musical instrument, by 
others a particular melody (comp. Aijeletb Shaiiak). 
Gesenius interprets the Hebrew 'al 'aldmolh (A. V. 
" upon Alamoth ") to mean ajter the manner of vir- 
gins, i. e. with the female voice — our treble or 
soprano. So also Prof. J. A. Alexander (on Ps. 
xlvi.). 

Al ri-mns [-se-] (fr. Gr. = valiant, a name, as- 
sumed, according to the prevailing fashion, as rep- 
resenting Eliakim), a Jewish priest of the Hellen- 
izing party. On the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, 
though not of the pontifical family, was appointed 
bigh priest by the influence of Lysias, to the exclu- 
sion of Onias, the nephew of Menelaus. When Deme- 
trius Sotcr obtained the kingdom of Syria he paid 
court to that monarch, who confirmed him in his of- 
6ce, and through his general Bacchides established 
him at Jerusalem. His cruelty, however, was so 
great that, in spite of the force left in his command, 
he was unable to withstand the opposition which he 
provoked, and he again fled to Demetrius, who im- 
mediately took measures for his restoration. The 
first expedition under Nicanor proved unsuccessful ; 
but upon this Bacchides marched a second time into 
Judea with a large army, routed Judas (Maccabees), 
who fell in the battle (161 b. c), and reinstated Al- 
cimus. After his restoration, Alcimus seems to 
have attempted to modify the ancient worship, and 
as he was pulling down " the wall of the inner court 
of the sanctuary " (i. e. which separated the court 
of the Gentiles from it) he was " plagued " (by paral- 
ysis), and " died at that time," 160 B. C. (1 Mc. vii. 
ix. ; comp. 2 Mc. xiv. xv.). 

Al'e-ma (fr. Gr.), a large and strong city in Gilead 
in the time of the Maccabees (1 Mc. v. 26); site un- 
known. 

Al'e-meth (Heb. covering, Ges.), a Benjamite, de- 
scended from Jonathan the son of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 

36, ix. 42). 

Al e-meth (Heb. 'Allemet7i = concealment, Ges. & 
Fii.), a city of the priests in Benjamin (1 Chr. vi. 
60) ; = Almon ; probably at 'Almit, a low, naked 
hill about one mile N. E. of 'Andta (Anathoth). 

* A'leph (fr. Phenician = ox, Ges.), tbe first letter 
of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Alpha ; Num- 
ber ; Writing. 

Al-ex-an'der (L. fr. Gr. Alexandros = the helper 
of men) III., king of Macedon, surnamed the Great, 



ALE 



ALE 



27 



"the son of Philip" (1 Mc. i. 1-9, vi. 2) and Olym- 
pias, was born at Pella, b. c. 356. On his mother's 
side he claimed descent fr. Achilles. At an early age 
he was placed under the care of Aristotle ; and while 
still a youth, he turned the fortune of the day at 
CliEeronea, b. c. 338. On the murder of Philip (b. c. 
336) Alexander put down the disaffection and hos- 
tility by which his throne was menaced. In b. c. 
334 he crossed the Hellespont to carry out the plans 
of his father, and execute the mission of Greece to 
the civilized world. The battle of the Granicus was 
followed by the subjugation of western Asia, and 
the next year the fate of the East was decided at Issus. 
Tyra and Gaza, the only cities in western Syria which 
offered Alexander any resistance, were reduced and 
treated with unusual severity (b. c. 332). Egypt 
next submitted to him ; in b. c. 331 he founded 
Alexandria, and finally defeated Darius at Gauga- 
mela ; and in b. c. 330 his unhappy rival was mur- 
dered by Bessus, satrap of Bactria. The next two 
years Alexander was consolidating his Persian con- 
quests and reducing Bactria. In b. c. 327 he crossed 
the Indus, penetrated to the Hydaspes, and was 
there forced by the discontent of his army to turn 
West. He reached Susa, b. c. 325, and then pro- 
ceeded to Babylon, b. c. 324, which he chose as the 
capital of his empire. There (b. c. 323) he died in 
the midst of his gigantic plans ; and those who in- 
herited his conquests left his designs unachieved and 
unattempted (comp. Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5, xi. 3). — The 
famous tradition of Alexander's visit to Jerusalem 
during his Phenician campaign (Jos. xi. 8, § 1 ff.) 
has been a fruitful source of controversy. The Jews, 
it is said, bad provoked his anger by refusing to 
transfer their allegiance to him, and after the reduc- 
tion of Tyre and Gaza he turned toward Jerusalem. 
Jaddua (Jaddus) the high-priest (Neh. xii. 11, 22), 
who had been warned in a dream how to avert the 
king's anger, calmly awaited his approach, and when 
he drew near went out to meet him, clad in his robes 
of hyacinth and gold, and accompanied by a train of 
priests and citizens arrayed in white. Alexander was 
so moved by the solemn spectacle that he did rever- 
ence to the holy name inscribed upon the tiara of 
the high-priest ; and when Parmenio expressed sur- 
prise, he replied that " he had seen the god whom 
Jaddua represented in a dream at Dium, encouraging 
him to cross over into Asia, and promising him suc- 
cess." After this, it is said, he visited Jerusalem, 
offered sacrifice there, heard the prophecies of Daniel 
which foretold his victory, and conferred important 
privileges upon the Jews in Judea, Babylonia, and 
Media, which they enjoyed under his successors. 
The narrative is repeated in the Talmud and in later 
Jewish writers. On the other hand, no mention of 
the event occurs in Arrian, Plutarch, Diodorus, or 
Curtius. But though the details as given by Jose- 
phus may be incorrect, the main fact harmonizes 
with statements made by Justin and Curtius, and 
with the subsequent actual possession by the Jews 
of important privileges ; and internal evidence is de- 
cidedly in favor of the story even in its details. 
From policy or conviction Alexander delighted to 
represent himself as chosen by destiny for the great 
act which he achieved. The siege of Tyre arose pro- 
fessedly from a religious motive. The battle of Issus 
was preceded by the visit to Gordium ; the invasion 
of Persia by the pilgrimage to the temple of Ammon. 
And the silence of the classical historians, who noto- 
riously disregarded and misrepresented the fortunes 
of the Jews, cannot be conclusive against the occur- 
rence of an event which must have appeared to them 



| trivial or unintelligible. The tradition, whether true 
or false, presents an important aspect of Alexander's 
character. Orientalism (Alexandria) was a neces- 
sary deduction from his principles. His final object 
was to " unite and reconcile the world." The first 
and most direct consequence of his policy was the 
weakening of nationalities, and this prepared the way 
for the dissolution of the old religions. The spread 
of commerce followed the progress of arms ; and the 
Greek language and literature became practically uni- 
versal. The Jews were at once most exposed to the 
powerful influences thus brought to bear upon the 
East ( Antiochus II.-VII.), and most able to support 
them. Their powerful hierarchy, their rigid ritual- 
ism, and their great doctrine of the unity of God, 
combined to keep them faithful to the God of their 
fathers. (Dispersion, Jews op the.) Alexander's 
conquest furnished them the occasion and the power 
of fulfilling their mission to the world. — In the pro- 
phetic visions of Daniel the influence of Alexander 
is necessarily combined with that of his successors. 
But some traits of " the first mighty king " (Dan. viii. 
21, xi. 3) are given with vigorous distinctness. The 
he-goat by which he is typified suggests the notions 
of strength and speed ; and the universal extent (Dan. 
viii. 5, . . . . from the west on the face of the whole 
earth) and marvellous rapidity of his conquests (Dan. 
1. c, he touched not the ground) are brought forward 
as the characteristics of his power, which was direct- 
ed by the strongest personal impetuosity (Dan. viii. 
6, in the fury of his power). He ruled with great do- 
minion, and did according to his will (xi. 3), " and 
there was none that could deliver . . . out of his 
hand " (viii. 7). 




Tetradrachm (Attic talent) of Lyaimachus, King of Thrace. 
Obverse, Head of Alexander the Great as a young Jupiter Ammon. 
Reverse, Baeileos Luaitnachou = of King Li/simacKuB. In field, monogram 
and 2 = S, Pallas seated to left, holding a Victory. 

Al-ex-an'der Ba'las (L. Alexander, see above ; 
Balas = lord, fr. Aram.?), according to some, a 
natural son of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, but more 
generally regarded as an impostor who falsely as- 
sumed the connection. He claimed the throne of 
Syria, 152 b. c, in opposition to Demetrius Soter. 
After landing at Ptolemais Alexander gained the 
warm support of Jonathan (Maccabees) ; and though 
at first unsuccessful, in 150 b. c. he completely routed 
the forces of Demetrius, who himself fell in the re- 
treat. Afterward Alexander married Cleopatra, 
daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor ; and appointed 
Jonathan governor of Judea. But after obtaining 
power he gave himself up to a life of indulgence ; 
and Demetrius Nicator, son of Demetrius Soter, 
having landed in Syria 147 b. c, found powerful sup- 
port. At first Jonathan defeated and slew Apollo- 
nius, the governor of Celosyria, who had joined the 
party of Demetrius, for which exploit he received 
fresh favors from Alexander ; but shortly afterward 
(b. c. 146) Ptolemy entered Syria with a large force, 
and after he had placed garrisons in the chief cities 
on the coast, which received him by Alexander's 
commands, suddenly pronounced himself in favor of 



28 



ALE 



ALE 



Demetrius, alleging, probably with truth, the exist- 
ence of a conspiracy against his life. Alexander, 
who had been forced to leave Antioch, was in Cilicia 
when he heard of Ptolemy's defection. He hastened 
to meet him, but was defeated, and fled to Abae in 
Arabia, where he was murdered, b. c. 146. 1 Mc. x. 
xi. and Jos. xiii. show clearly the partiality of the 
Jews for Alexander " as the first that entreated of 
true peace with them," and the same feeling was ex- 
hibited afterward in the zeal with which they sup- 
ported his son Antiochus VI. 

Al-ex-an'der (L. fr. Gr. ; see above), in N. T. 1. 
Son of Simon the Cyrenian ; mentioned with his 
brother Rufus probably as well known among early 
Christians (Mk. xv. 21). — 2. A kinsman of Annas 
the high-priest (Acts iv. 6), apparently in some high 
office ; supposed by some = Alexander the Alabarch 
at Alexandria, brother of Philo Judseus, and an old 
friend of the Emperor Claudius (Jos. xviii. 8, § 1, 
six. 5, § 1). — :>. A Jew at Ephesus, put forward 
Juring the tumult raised by Demetrius the silver- 



smith (Acts xix. 33), to plead with the mob for the 
Jews, as being unconnected with the attempt to 
overthrow the worship of Diana. Or (so Calvin, &c., 
suppose) a Jew ish convert to Christianity, whom the 
Jews were willing to expose as a victim to the mob. 
— 4« An Ephcsian Christian, reprobated by St. Paul 
(1 Tim. i. 20) as having made shipwreck concerning 
the faith. This may be the same with — 5a Alexan- 
der, the coppersmith, who had done the apostle 
many mischiefs, and of whom Timothy was exhorted 
to beware (2 Tim. iv. 14). 

Al-ex-an dri-a [in L. Al-ex-an-dri'a] (L. fr. Gr. ; 
named fr. Alexander ; 3 Mc. iii. 1 ; Acts xviii. 24), 
the Hellenic, Roman, and Christian capital of Egypt, 
was founded by Alexander the Great, b. c. 332, who 
himself traced the ground-plan of the city, which he 
designed to make the metropolis of his Western em- 
pire. The work thus begun was continued after the 
death of Alexander by the Ptolemies. Every natural 
advantage contributed to its prosperity. The climate 
and site were singularly healthy. The harbors, 




ASTCIEAT 

ALEXANDRIA 

Stadia 

4i a a 

-Hw UlsTiTpgt 

<j(juo bOOO 



,f ir7^ • u„;l, _-.roMae.oi. o^;i»»io 

_yhoyaJ 
-r_ J TDoclsyaras 

JEWS 
QUARTER 




KgghjmgB Q n n V 
. ' ' w U Tacatte 
J -soionim x^- 6 ^. SomiMy Mfrary U 

CZ1 > CT r~l ft Sta/tinm. 
-A -< V M iisen m 

- . r — y _ — .-. 



n 



t GymoaslmttiraU of Justice /? 

71? 




nippo- 

dromo 



Plan of Alexandria. — (From Fbn.) 



formed by the island of Pharos on which was the 
magnificent light-house, one of the seven wonders of 
the ancient world, and the headland Lochias, were 
safe and commodious, alike for commerce and for 
war ; and the Lake Mareotis was an inland haven 
for the merchandise of Egypt and India. Under the 
despotism of the later Ptolemies the trade of Alexan- 
dria declined, but its population and wealth were 
enormous. After the victory of Augustus (b. c. 31) 
it suffered for its attachment to the cause of Antony ; 
but its importance as one of the chief corn-ports of 
Rome 1 secured for it the general favor of the first 
emperors. In later times the seditious tumults for 



1 The Alexandrian corn-vessels were large and handsome. 
They generally sailed direct to Puteoli ; but from stress of 
weather often kept close under the Asiatic coast (Acts 
xxvii. xxviii). Ship. 



which the Alexandrians had always been notorious, 
desolated the city, and religious feuds aggravated 
the popular distress. Yet even thus, though Alex- 
andria suffered greatly from constant dissensions 
and the weakness of the Byzantine court, the splen- 
dor of " the great city of the West" amazed Amrou, 
its Arab conqueror (a. d. 640); and after centuries 
of Mohammedan misrule and the loss of trade conse- 
quent on the discovery of the route to India by the 
Cape of Good Hope, it promises again to justify the 
wisdom of its founder. — The population of Alexan- 
dria was mixed from the first ; and this fact formed 
the groundwork of the Alexandrian character. The 
three regions into which the city was divided (Rigio 
Judceorum, Brucheium, Rhacotix) corresponded to the 
three chief classes of its inhabitants, Jews, Greeks, 
Egyptians ; but it had also representatives of alnu st 



ALE 



ALE 



29 



every nation. According to Josephus, Alexander 
himself assigned to the Jews a place in his new 
city ; " and they obtained equal privileges with the 
Macedonians," in consideration " of their services 
against the Egyptians." Ptolemy I., after the cap- 



ture of Jerusalem, removed a considerable number 
of its citizens to Alexandria. Many others followed 
of their own accord ; and all received the full Mace- 
donian franchise, as men of known and tried fidelity. 
The numbers and importance of the Egyptian Jews 




Alexandria from the Southwest.— Description de lTgypte. — (Prom Fbn.) 



rapidly increased under the Ptolemies. Philo esti- 
mates them in his time at little less than a million ; 
and adds, that two of the five districts of Alexandria 
were called " Jewish districts ; " and that many Jews 
lived scattered in the remaining three. Julius Cesar 
and Augustus confirmed to them their previous priv- 
ileges, and they retained them, with various inter- 
ruptions, during the tumults and persecutions of 
later reigns. They were represented, at least from 
the time of Cleopatra to the reign of Claudius, by 
their own officer (called " ethnarch," " alabarch," 
&c), and Augustus appointed a council (i. e. Sanhe- 
drim) " to superintend the affairs of the Jews " ac- 
cording to their own laws. The establishment of 
Christianity altered the civil position of the Jews, 
but they maintained their relative prosperity, and 
when Alexandria was taken by Amrou, forty thou- 
sand tributary Jews were reckoned among the marvels 
of the city. — For some time the Jews both in Alex- 
andria and Jerusalem were subject to the civil power 
of the first Ptolemies, and acknowledged the high- 
priest as their religious head The persecution of 
Ptolemy Philopator (217 b. c. ; Maccabees, 3d 
Book of) first alienated the Jews of Palestine, who 
from that time were connected with Syria (Anti- 
ochus III.); and the same policy which alienated 
them, gave unity and decision to the Jews of Alex- 
andria. The Septuagint translation, and the temple 
of Leontopolis (161 b. c. ; Onus 5), widened the 
breach thus opened. Yet at the beginning of the 
Christian era the Egyptian Jews still paid the contri- 
butions to the temple-service. Jerusalem was still 
the Holy City, and the Alexandrians had a synagogue 
there (Acts vi. 9). The internal administration of 
the Alexandrian church was independent of the San- 
hedrim at Jerusalem ; but respect survived submis- 
sion. — The religion and philosophy of Alexandria, 
however, combined with other causes to produce 
there a distinct form of the Jewish character and 
faith, of which Philo is the most distinguished rep- 
resentative. (Wisdom of Solomon.) Alexander the 
Great symbolized the spirit with which he wished to 
■ animate his new capital by founding a temple of Isis 
aide by side with the temples of the Grecian gods. 
The creeds of the East and West were to coexist in 
friendly union ; and afterward the mixed worship of 
Serapis was characteristic of the Greek kingdom of 
Egypt. The monarchs who favored the worship of 
Serapis founded and embellished the museum and 
the celebrated Library ; and part of the Library was 
in the temple of Serapis. The Egyptian Jews im- 
bibed the spirit which prevailed around them. 
Aristobulus 1 and other Jews wrote in Greek. The 



histories of the 0. T. were adapted to classical mod- 
els. The precepts of Leviticus were versified, and 
the Exodus was dramatized. Aristobulus endeavored 
to show that the Pentateuch was the real source of 
Greek philosophy, and it became a chief object of 
Jewish speculation to trace out the subtle analogies 
between these. The facts of the Scriptures were 
supposed to be essentially symbolic, and the lan- 
guage a veil over the truths there contained. Thus 
the Supreme Being might be withdrawn from im- 
mediate contact with the world, and the Biblical nar- 
ratives might be applied to the phenomena of the 
soul. In the time of Philo (b. c. 20-a. c. 50) the 
theological and interpretative systems of the Alex- 
andrian Jews, both of which have an important 
bearing upon the Apostolic writings, were evidently 
fixed even in many of their details. This Alexan- 
drian teaching powerfully furthered the reception of 
Apostolic truth, while the doctrine of the Word 
(Memra) and the system of mystical interpretation, 
which, through the influence of Greek literature and 
philosophy grew up within the Rabbinic schools of 
Palestine, had a closer connection with the expression 
of this truth in the language of St. John and the 
" allegories " of St. Paul. Philo's phraseology is 
strikingly like that of St. John, while the idea is 
dissimilar. Thus he represents the Logos ( = Word) 
as divine, at one time as the reason of God in which 
the archetypal ideas of things exist, at another as 
the Word of God by which He makes Himself known 
to the outward world ; but he nowhere realizes the 
notion of one who is at once Revealer and the Reve- 
lation. The allegoric method of Philo also prepared 
for the spiritual interpretation of the Scriptures, but 
did not anticipate it. While Philo regarded that 
which was positive in Judaism as the mere symbol 
of abstract truths, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, 
it appears as the shadow of blessings realized (x. 1) 
in a personal Saviour. The speculative doctrines 
which thus worked for the general reception of 
Christian doctrine were also embodied in a form of 
society which was afterward transferred to the 
Christian church. Numerous bodies of ascetics 
( Therapeutce), especially near Lake Mareotis, devoted 
themselves to discipline and study, abjuring society 
and labor, and often forgetting, it is said, the simplest 
wants of nature in contemplating the hidden wisdom 
of the Scriptures. Eusebius (H. E. ii. 16) even 
claimed them as Christians ; and some of the forms 
of monasticism were evidently modelled after the 
Therapeutse. According to the common legend St. 
Mark first " preached the Gospel in Egypt, and 
founded the first church in Alexandria." At the be 



30 



ALE 



ALL 



ginning of the second century the number of Chris- 
tians at Alexandria must have been very large, and 
the great leaders of Gnosticism who arose there 
(Basilides, Valentinus) exhibit an exaggeration of 
the tendency of the church. Apollos, Clement of 
Alexandria, and Origen have been among the dis- 
tinguished Christians born at Alexandria. The 
Bishop (afterward Patriarch) of Alexandria had l'or 
ages great influence in the Christian Church. New 
Testament ; Old Testament. 

Al-ex-au di i-ans. 1. The Greek inhabitants of 
Alexandria (3 31c. ii. 30, iii. 21).— 2. The Jewish 
colonists of that city, who were admitted to the priv- 
ileges of citizenship, and had a synagogue at Jeru- 
salem (Acts vi. 9). ' Alexandria. 

Algum or Al'mng (both Heb.) Trees; the former 
occurring in 2 Chr. ii. 8, ix. 10, 11, the latter in 1 
K. x. 11, 12. These words are undoubtedly identi- 
cal. From 1 K. x. 11, 12; 2 Chr. ix. 10, 11, we learn 
that these trees were brought in great plenty from 
Ophir, together with gold and precious stones, by 
the fleet of Hiram, for Solomon's Temple and house, 
and for the construction of musical instruments. In 
2 Chr. ii. 8, Solomon is represented as desiring Hiram 
to send him " cedar-trees, fir-trees, and algum-trees 
out of Lebanon." From 1 K. it seems clear that the 
almug-trees came from Ophir ; and as it is improb- 
able that Lebanon should also have been a locality 
for them, the passage which appears to ascribe the 
growth of them to Lebanon (so Mr. Houghton) must 
be an interpolation of some transcriber, or else it must 
bear a different interpretation. Perhaps the wood 
had been brought from Ophir to Lebanon, and Solo- 
mon instructed Hiram to send on to Jerusalem the 
timber imported from Ophir that was lying at the 
port of Tyre, with the cedars which had been cut in 
Mount Lebanon. The algum or almug tree may 
have been the red sandal-wood (Plcrocarpus sanlah- 
nus). This tree is a native of India and Ceylon. 
The wood is very heavy, hard, and fine grained, 
and of a beautiful garnet color. Dr. Royle (in Kit.) 
favors the white sandal-wood (Sanlalum album). 
This tree grows in the mountainous parts of the 
coast of Malabar, &c, and is deliriously fragrant in 
the parts near the root. It is much used in the man- 
ufacture of work-boxes, cabinets, and other orna- 
ments, and by the Chinese as incense. 

A-li'ah = Alvah. 

A-Ii'an = Alvan. 

* Alien (ale'ven). Stranger. 

Al'lc-go-i'v, a figure of speech, defined by Bishop 
Marsh, in accordance with its etymology, as " a rep- 
resentation of one thing which is intended to excite 
the representation of another thing; " the first rep- 
resentation being consistent with itself, but requir- 
ing, or capable of admitting, a moral or spiritual in- 
terpretation over and above its literal sense. An 
allegory has been considered by some as a lengthened 
or sustained metaphor, or a continuation of meta- 
phors, as by Cicero, thus standing in the same rela- 
tion to metaphor as parabla to simile ; but the inter 
pretation of allegory differs from that of metaphor, 
in having to do not with words but things. In every 
allegory there is a twofold sense : the immediate or 
historic, which is understood from the words, and the 
ultimate or allegorical, which is concerned with the 
things signified by the words. Thus in Gal. iv. 24, 
the apostle gives an allegorical interpretation to the 
historical narrative of Hagar and Sarah ; not treating 
that narrative as an allegory in itself, as our A. V. 
would lead us to suppose, but drawing from it a 
deeper sense than is conveyed by the immediate rep- 



resentation. For an example of pure allegory, see 
Lk. xv. 11-32; for examples of mixed allegory (i. e. 
with more or less of application), see Ps. lxxx. ; Jn. 
xv. 1-8. 

Al-lc-ln'ia [-yah] (L. from Heb. ; Rev. xix. 1 ff.)= 
Hallelujah. 

Al-lian-eef. The Israelites in Palestine at first 
formed no connections w ith the surrounding nations. 
(Gideonites ; Nethinim.) But under the kings they 
were brought more into contact w ith foreigners (coin- 
pare also Abraham, Isaac, Jacob.) Solomon con- 
eluded two important commercial treaties: (1.) with 
Hiram, king of Tyro, originally to obtain materials 
and workmen for the Temple, and aiterward for the 
supph of ship-builders ami sailors (1 K. v. 2-12, ix. 
27); (2.) with a Pharaoh, king of Egypt, by which 
he secured a monopoly of the trade in horses and 
other products of that country (1 K. x. 28, 29; 
Commerce). After the division of the kingdom, the 
alliances were offensive and defensive. The kings of 
Judah and Israel both sought a connection with 
Syria, on which side Israel was particularly assailable 
(1 K. xv. 19); but Asa ultimately secured the active 
cooperation of Ben-hadad against Baasha (1 K. xv. 
16-20). An alliance between Israel and Judah was 
formed under Ahab and Jehoshaphat, which was 
maintained until the end of Ahab's dynasty: it oc- 
casionally extended to commercial operations (2 
Chr. xx. 36). When war broke out between Ama- 
ziah and Jeroboam II. a coalition was formed be- 
tween Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah on the one 
side, and Ahaz and Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, 
on the other (2 K. xvi. 5-9). By this means an 
opening was afforded to the advances of the Assyrian 
power : and the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, as 
they were successively attacked, sought the alliance 
of the Egyptians. Thus Hoshea made a treaty with 
So, and rebelled against Shalmaneser (2 K. xvii. 4). 
Hezekiah adopted the same policy in opposition to 
Sennacherib (Is. xxx. 2); but in neither ease was the 
alliance productive of much good ; though afterward, 
when Egypt itself was threatened, the Assyrians 
were defeated, and a temporary relief was afforded 
thereby to Judah (2 K. xix. 9, 36). On the restora- 
tion of independence Judas Maccabeus sought an al- 
liance with the Romans as a counterpoise to Syria (1 
Mc. viii. ; Ambassador). This alliance was renewed 
by Jonathan (1 Mc. xii. 1) and by Simon (1 Mc. xv. 
17). On the last occasion the independence of the 
Jews was recognized and formally notified to the 
neighboring nations, b. c. 140 (1 Mc. xv. 22, 23). 
Treaties of a friendly nature were at the same period 
concluded with the Lacedemonians under an impres- 
sion that they came of a common stock (1 Mc. xii. 
2, xiv. 20). The Roman alliance was again renewed 
by Hyrcanus, b. c. 128, but it ultimately proved fatal 
to Jewish independence; the rival claims of Hyr- 
canus and Aristobulus having been referred to Pom- 
pey, b. c. 63, he availed himself of the opportunity 
to place the country under tribute. Finally, Herod 
was made king by the Roman Senate. — The forma- 
tion of an alliance was attended with various reli- 
gious rites (Covenant ; Oath), a feast, &c. Presents 
were also sent by the parties soliciting the alliance 
(1 K. xv. 18; 2 K. xvi. 8; 1 Mc. xv. 18). Mar 

■ RIAGE. 

Al'lom = Ami = Amon (1 Esd. v. 34 ; eomp. Ezr. 
ii. 57; Neh. vii. 59). 

Al'lon (Heb. oak, Ges.), a Simeonite, ancestor of 
Ziza (1 Chr. iv. 37). 

Al'lon (Heb. allon or elon = an oak, Ges.). 1. A 
place named among the cities of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 



ALM 



ALM 



31 



&S). Probably it should be taken with the following 
word, i. e. " the oak by Zaanannim," or " the oak of 
the loading of tents," as if named from some nomad 
tribe frequenting the spot. (Zaanaim.)— 2. Al lon- 
ba'fhntlt [-kuth] (Heb. oak of weeping), the tree un- 
der which Rebekah's nurse, Deborah, was buried 
(Gen. xxxv. 8). Deborah 1, 2 ; Tabor, the Plain of. 

* Al-migllt'y (Heb. Shaddai ; Gr. pantokrator), a 
title of God from his boundless might or power (Gen. 
xlix. 25 ; Num. xxiv. 4, 16 ; Ru. i. 20, 21 ; Job v. 
17, vi. 4; Wis. vii. 25; Ecclus. 1. 14; Rev. i. 8, 
&c). Jehovah. 

il-mo'dad (Heb. the extension or measure, Fii. ?), 
the first, in order of the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 
28; 1 Chr. i. 20), and the progenitor of an Arab 
tribe. His name appears to be preserved in that of 
Muddd, a famous personage in Arabian history, the 
reputed father of Ishmael's Arab wife, and chief of 
the Joktanite tribe of Jurhum. 

11' moil (Heb. concealment, Ges.), a city of the 
priests in Benjamin (Josh. xxi. 18); = Alemeth. 

Alnion-Dib-la-thaim (fr. Heb. = concealment of 
the two cakes, prob. fr. the shape of the city, Ges.), 
a station of the Israelites between Dibon-gad and 
the mountains of Abarim (Num. xxxiii. 46, 47); 
probably = Beth-diblathaim. 

Almond-tree, Almond [ah'mund]. This word is 
found in Gen. xliii. 11 ; Ex. xxv. 33, 34, xxxvii. 19, 
20 ; Num. xvii. 8 ; Eccles. xii. 5 ; Jer. i. 11, in the 
text of the A. V. It is invariably represented by 
the Hebrew shdked, which sometimes stands for the 
whole tree, sometimes for the fruit or nut ; e. g. in 
Gen. xliii. 11, Jacob commands his sons to take as 
a present to Joseph " a little honey, spices and 
myrrh, nuts and almonds ; " here the fruit is clearly 
meant. In Exodus the- " bowls made like unto al- 
monds," which were to adorn the golden candlestick, 
seem to allude to the nut also. Aaron's rod, that 
miraculously budded, yielded almond-nuts. In Ec- 
clesiastes and Jeremiah the Hebrew is translated 
almond-tree, which from the context it certainly rep- 
resents. It is clearly then a mistake to suppose with 
some writers that shdked exclusively = almond-nuts, 
and that luz (translated " hazel " in Gen. xxx. 37, A. 
V.) = the tree. Probably this tree, conspicuous as it 
was for its early flowering and useful fruit, was known 
by these two different names. Shdked is derived 
from a root which signifies " to be wakeful," " to 
aasten," for the almond-tree blossoms very early in 
the season, the flowers appearing before the leaves. 
Hence it was regarded by the Jews as a welcome 
harbinger of the spring, reminding them that the 
winter was passing away, that the flowers would 
soon appear on the earth, that the time of the sing- 
ing of birds was come, and the voice of the turtle 
would soon be heard in the land (Cant. i. 11, 12). 
The word shdked, therefore, or the tree which hast- 
ened to put forth its blossoms, was a very beautiful 
and fitting synonyme for the luz, or almond-tree, in 
the language of a people so fond of imagery and 
poetry as were the Jews. The almond-tree has been 
noticed in flower at Sidon as early as the 9th of 
January; the 18th, 19th, and 23d are also recorded 
dates at other places in Palestine. This fact will ex- 
plain Jer. i. 11, 12, "The word of the Lord came 
unto me, saying, Jeremiah, what seest thou ? And 
I said, I see the rod of an almond-tree (shdked). 
Then said the Lord unto me, Thou hast well seen, for 
I will hasten (shdked) my word to perform it." The 
expression in Eccl. xii. 5, " the almond-tree shall 
flourish," is generally understood as emblematic of 
ths hoary locks of old age thinly scattered on the 



head, as the white blossoms appear on the yet leal- 
less boughs of this tree. Gesenius translates " the 
almond is rejected," because the flowers are gener- 
ally pink or rose-colored, though they are sometimes 




Almond-tree and blossoms. 



nearly white. But all the old versions agree with the 
A. V., and the allusion may refer to the hastening of 
old age in the case of him who remembered not his 
Creator in the days of his youth. (See also under 
Medicine.) — The almond-tree has always been re- 
garded by the Jews with reverence, and even to this 
day the English Jews on their great feast-days carry 
a bough of flowering almond to the synagogue, just 
| as the Jews of old presented palm branches in the 
[ temple. The almond-tree (Amygdalus communis) is 
I a native of Asia and northern Africa, but it is culti- 
vated in the milder parts of Europe, &c. The tree 
is about twelve or fourteen feet high ; the flowers are 
pink, and arranged mostly in pairs ; the leaves are 
long, ovate, with a serrated margin, and an acute 
point. The covering of the fruit is downy and suc- 
culent, enclosing the hard shell which contains the 
kernel. It is curious to observe, in connection with 
the almond-bowls of the golden candlestick, that, in 
the language of lapidaries, Almonds are pieces of 
rock-crystal, even now used in adorning branch- 
candlesticks. 

Alms [ahmz]. This word is not found in our ver- 
sion of the 0. T., but it occurs repeatedly in the N. 
T., and in Tobit and Ecclesiasticus. Instead of 
" righteousness " the LXX. have " alms " in Deut. 
xxiv. 13, and Dan. iv. 24 (27 A. V.); while some 
manuscripts read with the Vulgate in Mat. vi. 1, 
" righteousness." Almsgiving is strictly enjoined 
by the law. (Blind ; Corner ; Gleaning ; Loan ; 
Poor; Tithe; Widow.) For the theological esti- 
mate of it among the Jews see Job xxxi. 17 ; Esth. 
ix. 22 ; Ps. cxii. 9 ; Acts ix. 36, x. 2 ; also Tob. iv. 
10, 11, xiv. 10, 11 ; and Ecclus. iii. 30, xl. 24. And the 
Talmudists interpret righteousness by almsgiving in 
Gen. xviii. 19 ; Ps. xvii. 15 ; Is. liv. 14, &c. — In the 
women's court of the Temple were thirteen recep- 
tacles for voluntary offerings (Mk. xii. 41), one of 
which was devoted to alms for the education of poor 
children of good family. — After the Captivity, but at 
what time is unknown, a definite system of alms- 
giving was introduced and even enforced under pen- 
alties. Collectors received money for the poor of the 
city in a chest or box every Sabbath in the syna- 
gogue, and distributed it in the evening ; and also 
collected food and money for the poor in general in a 
dish every day from house to house which they dis- 



32 



ALT 



tributed. Special collections and distributions were 
made on fast-days. The Pharisees were zealous and 
ostentatious in almsgiving (Mat. vi. 2). The expres- 
sion " do not sound a trumpet " is probably only a 
mode of denouncing their display, by a figure drawn 
from the frequent and well-known use of trumpets 
in religious and other celebrations, Jewish as well as 
heathen. — The duty of relieving the poor was not 
neglected by the Christians (Mat. vi. 1^ ; Lk. xiv. 
IS ; Acts xx. 35 ; Gal. ii. 10). Every Christian was 
exhorted to lay by on the first day of each w eek 
some portion of his profits, to be applied to the wants 
of the needy (Acts xi. 30 ; Rom. xv. 25-27 ; 1 Cor. 
xvi. 1-4). 

Al'mng-trees = Algum-trees. 

Alna-than or Al-na tbau (Gr.) = Elnathan 2 (1 
Esd. viii. 44). 

Al oes [al'oze], Lign-AI'ccs [lig-nal'oze, or line-ar- 
oze] (in Heb. ahulim, uhulo'.li), the name of a costly 
and sweet-smelling wood mentioned in Num. xxiv. 6 ; 
Ps. xlv. 8 ; Prov. vii. 17 ; Cant. iv. 14. The word 
" aloes " occurs once in the N. T. (Gr. aloe, Jn. xix. 
39), when Nicodemus brings " a mixture of myrrh 
and aloes, about a hundred pound weight," for anoint- 
ing the body of our Lord. It is usually identified with 
the agalloclium or aloes-wood of commerce, much val- 




Aqoilarifi aeralloctinm. 



ued in India for fumigation and for incense on account 
of its aromatic qualities. The tree which produces 
this wood, the Aquilaria agallochum of northern 
India, grows to the height of one hundred and twenty 
feet, being twelve feet in girth. It is, however, un- 
certain whether the uhalim or ahdloth is in reality 
the aloes-wood of commerce, which in its turn must 
not be confounded with the aloes used in medicine ; 
some kind of odoriferous cedar may be the tree de- 
noted by these Hebrew terms. 

A loth (Heb. ascents ?) a place or district, forming 
with Asher the jurisdiction of Baanah, Solomon's 
commissary (1 K. iv. 16). The LXX. and later 
scholars read " Bealoth " as one word, instead of 
"in (— Heb. be) Aloth" (A. V.). 



Al pha (see Aleph), the first letter of the Greek al- 
phabet, as Omega is the last. Its significance is 
plainly indicated in the context, " I am Alpha and 
Omega, the beginning and the end, the first and the 
last" (Rev. xxii. 13, i. 8, 11, xxi. 6; comp. Is. xli. 
4, xliv. 6). Both Greeks and Hebrew s employed the 
letters of the alphabet as numerals. Number ; 
Writing. 

Alpha-bet. Writing. 

Al-pbaVus [-fee-] (L.) = Alpheus. 

Al-pke us [-fee-] (L. Alphceus ; fr. Aram. Halpal 
or Chalpai - exchange ?), the father of the apostle 
James the Less (Mat. x. 3 ; Mk. iii. 18 ; Lk. vi. 15 ; 
Acts i. 13), and husband of that Mary who, with the 
mother of Jesus and others, was standing by the 
cross during the crucifixion (Jn. xix. 25 ; Mary of 
Cleophas). In this latter place he is called " Clo- 
pas " in the margin (text of A. V. " Cleophas ") ; a 
variation arising from the double pronunciation of 
the Hebrew letter Chetii ; and found also in the 
rendering of Hebrew names by the LXX. Whether 
Alpheus = the Ci.eopas of Lk. xxiv. 18, can never 
be satisfactorily determined. If, as commonly, we 
read in Lk. vi. 16, Acts i. 13, " Judas the brother of 
James," then the apostle (Judas, the .Brother of 
James) was another son of Alpheus. And in Mk. 
ii. 14, Levi (or Matthew) is also said to have been 
the son of Alpheus. For further particulars see 
James. 

Al-ta-ne'us (fr. Gr. ; 1 Esd. ix. 33) = Mattenai 1. 

Al tar [awl'tar]. A. The first altar of which we 
have any account is that built by Noah when he left 
the ark (Gen. viii. 20). In the early times altars were 
usually built in certain spots hallowed by religious 
associations, e. g. where God appeared (Gen. xii. 7, 
xiii. 18, xxvi. 25, xxxv. 1)? Generally of course 
they were erected for offering sacrifice (Sacrifice); 
but in some instances they appear to have been only 
memorial, e. g. that built by Moses, and called Je- 
hovah-Nissi (Ex. xvii. 15, 16), and that built by the 
Reubenites, &c, " in the borders of Jordan," to be 
"a witness " between them and the rest of the tribes 
(Josh. xxii. 10-29). Altars were probably originally 
made of earth. The Law of Moses allow ed them to 
be made either of earth or unhewn stones (Ex. xx. 
24, 25) ; any iron tool would profane the altar — but 
this could only refer to the body of the altar, and 
that part on which the victim was laid, as directions 
were given to make a casing of shittim-wood over- 
laid with brass for the altar of burnt-offering. (See 
below.) In later times they were frequently built on 
high places, especially in idolatrous worship (Deut. 
xii. 2; High Places; Tabernacle; Temple). The 
sanctity attaching to the altar led to its being re- 
garded as a place of refuge or asylum (Ex. xxi. 14 ; 
1 K. i. 50, ii. 28). — B. The Law of Moses directed 
that two altars should be made, the Altar of Burnt- 
offering (called also simply "the Altar"), and the 
Altar of Incense. — I. The Altar of Bcrnt-offering, 
or " brazen altar" (Ex. xxxviii. 30), called in Mai. i. 
7, 12, "the table of the Lord," perhaps also in Ez. 
xliv. 16. It differed in construction at different 
times. — (1). In the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvii. 1 ff., 
xxxviii. 1 ff.) it was portable, square, five cubits long, 
five broad, and three high, made of plunks of shittim- 
wood (Shittah-tree) overlaid with brass. The in- 
terior was hollow, and probably filled up with earth 
(so Rashi) whenever the tabernacle was set up. At 
the four corners were four projections called horns, 
also made of shittim-wood overlaid with brass (Ex. 
xxvii. 2). They probably were of one piece with the 
altar, and projected upward ; and to them the vie- 



ALT 



ALT 



33 



tim was bound when about to be sacrificed (Ps. cxviii. 
27). At the consecration of priests (Ex. xxix. 12) 
and the offering of the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 7 ff.) the 
blood of the victim was sprinkled on the horns of the 
altar. Round the altar, midway between the top 
and bottom, ran a projecting ledge (A. V. " com- 
pass "), on which perhaps the priests stood when 
they officiated. To the outer edge of this ledge a 
grating or net-work of brass was affixed, and reached 
to the bottom of the altar, which thus appeared 
larger below than above. At the four comers of the 
net-work were four brazen rings, into which were in- 
serted the staves of shittim-wood by which the altar 
was carried. As the priests were forbidden to 
ascend the altar by steps (Ex. xx. 26), it has been 
conjectured that a slope of earth led gradually up 
(Jewish tradition says on the S. side) to the ledge 
from which they officiated. The place of the altar 
was at "the door of the tabernacle of the tent 
of the congregation " (Ex. xl. 29). The various 
utensils for the service of the altar (Ex. xxvii. 
3) were: (a.) Pans to clear away the fat and ashes 
with. (Pan.) (b.) Shovels for removing ashes. 
(c.) Basins, in which the blood of the victims was re- 
ceived, and from which it was sprinkled. (Basin.) 
(d.) Flesh-hooks (three-pronged, see 1 Sam. ii. 13, 14), 
by which the flesh was removed from the caldron or 
pot. (Hook.) (e.) Fire-pans, or censers ("snuff- 
dishes " in Ex. xxv. 38), for taking coals from the 
fire on the altar (Lev. xvi. 12), or for burning in- 
cense (Num. xvi. 6, 7 ; Fike-Pan). All these utensils 
were of brass. — (2.) In Solomon's Temple the altar 
as well as the building was considerably larger, 
square as before, but twenty cubits long, twenty 
broad, and ten high (2 Chr. iv. 1), made entirely of 
brass (1 K. viii. 64 ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). It had no grat- 
ing : and the ascent to it was probably by three 
successive platforms, with steps leading to each, as 




Altar of Burnt-Offering, from Surenhusius'a Mlshna. 



in the figure annexed. The Law indeed positively 
forbade the use of steps (Ex. xx. 26), and Josephus 
asserts that in Herod's Temple the ascent was by an 
inclined plane. On the other hand steps are intro- 
duced in the Temple of Ezekiel (Ez. xliii. 17), and 
Ex. xx. 26, has been interpreted as prohibiting a 
continuous flight of stairs, and not a broken ascent. 
But the Biblical account is so brief that we cannot 
determine the question. Asa " renewed " this altar 
(2 Chr. xv. 8), i. e. repaired it, or more probably 
perhaps reconsecrated it after it had been polluted by 
idol-worship. Subsequently Ahaz had it removed to 
the N. side of the new altar which Urijah had made 
by his direction (2 K. xvi. 14). It was " cleansed " 
by command of Hezekiah (2 Chr, xxix. 18), and Ma- 
3 



nasseh, after the repentance, either repaired or re- 
built it (xxxiii. 16 j. It may have been broken up, 
and the brass carried to Babylon, but this is not 
mentioned (Jer. lii. 17 ff.). — (3.) The altar in the 
second (Zerubbabel's) Temple was built before the 
foundations of the Temple were laid (Ezr. iii. 2), on 
the same spot (so Jos. xi. 4, § 1) on which that of 
Solomon had stood. It was constructed, as we may 
infer from 1 Mc. iv. 47, of unhewn stones. Antio- 
chus Epiphanes desecrated it (1 Mc. i. 54); and (so 
Jos. xii. 5, § 4) removed it altogether. Judas Mac- 
cabeus built a new altar of unhewn stone (1 Mc. iv. 
47). — (4.) The altar erected by Herod is thus de- 
scribed (Jos. B. J. v. 5, § 6) : " In front of the Temple 
stood the altar, fifteen cubits in height, and in 
breadth and length of equal dimensions, viz. fifty 
(Rufinus says forty) cubits ; it was built foursquare, 
with horn-like corners projecting from it ; and on 
the S. side a gentle acclivity led up to it. Moreover 
it was made without any iron tool, neither did iron 
ever touch it at any time." The dimensions given 
in the Mishna are different. In connection with the 
horn on the S. W. was a pipe to receive the blood of 
the victims sprinkled on the left side of the altar, 
and carry it by a subterranean passage into the 
brook Kidron. Under the altar was a cavity into 
which the drink-offerings passed. It was covered 
with a slab of marble, and emptied from time to 
time. On the north side of the altar were a number 
of brazen rings, to secure the animals brought for 
sacrifice. Round the middle of the altar ran a scar- 
let thread to mark where the blood was to be sprin- 
kled, whether above or below it. According to Lev. 
vi. 12, 13, a perpetual fire was to be kept burning 
on the altar. This was the symbol and token of the 
perpetual worship of Jehovah. It was essentially 
different from the perpetual fires of the Persians and 
of Vesta, which were not sacrificial fires at all. 




Supposed form of the Altar of Incense. 



(Fire.) This perpetual fire was one of the five 
things in the first temple which Jewish tradition de- 
clares to have been wanting in the second. — II. The 
Altar of Incense, called also the " golden altar " (Ex. 
xxxix. 38 ; Num. iv. 11), to distinguish it from No. 
I. Probably this is the "altar of wood" (Ez. xli. 
22), described as the " table that is before the Lord." 
The name " altar " was not strictly appropriate, as 
no sacrifices were offered upon it ; but once in the 
year, on the great day of atonement, the high-priest 
sprinkled upon its horns the blood of the sin-offeriDg 



34 



ALT 



AMA 



(Ex. xxx. 10). — (1.) That in the Tabernacle was of 
shittim-wood, overlaid with pure gold, a cubit in 
length and breadth, and two cubits in height. Like 
the Altar of Burnt-offering it had horns at the four 
corners. It had also a top or roof, on which the 
incense was laid and lighted. Many, following the 
Vulgate {craliculam ejus), have supposed a kind of 
grating to be meant ; but for this there is no author- 
ity. Round the altar was a border or wreath 
(" crown," A. V.). Below this were two golden rings 
" for places for the staves to bear it withal." The 
staves were of shittim-wood overlaid with gold. Its 
appearance may be illustrated by the preceding figure. 
This altar , stood in the Holy Place, " before the 
veil that is by the ark of the testimony " (Ex. xxx. 
6, xl. 5). — (2.) The altar in Solomon's Temple was 
similar (1 K. vii. 48; 1 Chr. xxviii. 18), but was 
made of cedar overlaid with gold (1 K. vi. 20, 22). — 
(3.) The Altar of Incense is mentioned as removed 
from the Temple of Zerubbabel by Antiochus Epiph- 
anes (1 Mc. i. 21). Judas Maccabeus restored it, 
with the holy vessels, &c. (1 Mc. iv. 49). On the 
arch of Titus no Altar of Incense appears. But that 
it existed in the last Temple, and was richly over- 
laid, we learn from the Mishua. As the sweet incense 
was burnt upon it every day, morning and evening 
(Ex. xxx. 7, 8), and the blood of atonement was 
sprinkled upon it (v. 10), this altar had a special im- 
portance attached to it. It is the only altar which 
appears in the Heavenly Temple (Is. vi. 6 ; Rev. viii. 
3, 4).— C. Other Altars. (1.) Altars of brick. There 
seems to be an allusion to such in Is. lxv. 3, though 
Rosenmi'iller (and so Gesenius and Maurcr) supposes 
the allusion is to some Babylonish custom of burn- 
ing incense on bricks covered with magic formula; 
or cuneiform inscriptions. — (2.) An Altar to an Un- 
known God (Acts xvii. 23). St. Paul mentions in 
his speech on Mars' Hill that he had himself seen 
such an altar in Athens. Pausanias and Philostratus 
mention " altars of unknown gods " at Athens. It is 
not probable that such an inscription referred to the 
God of the Jews, as One whose Name it was unlawful 
to utter, as some have supposed. Diogenes Laertius 



JL ,1 








Various Altare. 

1, 2. Epyplian, from bas-reliefs. — (Rosellini.) 

3. Assyrian, found at Kborsabad.— {Layard.) 

4. Babylonian, BibliotAiqut National?. — (Layard.) 

5. Assyrian, from Kborsabad. — (Layard.) 

says that in the time of a plague, when the Atheni- 
ans knew not what god to propitiate in order to 
avert it, Epimenides caused black and white sheep 
to be let loose from the Areopagus, and wherever 
they lay down, to be offered to the respective divini- 
ties. It was probably on this or similar occasions 
that altars were dedicated to an Unknown God, since 
they knew not what god was offended and required 
to be propitiated. 



Al-tas'chith [-kith] (fr. Heb. = destroy not), in the 
title of Ps. 1 vii., lviii., lis., lxxv., probably the begin- 
ning of some song or poem to the tunc of which 
those psalms were to be chanted. Comp. Aijeletii 

Shahar, &c. 

A'lusli (Heb. a crowd of men, Talmud), a station 
of the Israelites on their journey to Sinai, the last 
before Repiiidim (Num. xxxiii. 13, 14); given in the 
Seder Olam as eight miles from Rcphidim. Wilder- 
ness of the Wandering. 

Al'vali (Heb. evil, Gcs.), a duke of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 40); = Aliah in 1 Chr. i. 51. 

Al'van (Heb. tall, thick, Ges.), a Horite, son of 
Shobal (Gen. xxxvi. 23) ; = Alian in 1 Chr. i. 40. 

A niad (Heb. people of duration, Ges.), an un- 
known place in Asher, between Alammelech and 
Mishc-al (Josh. xix. 26 only.) 

A-uiad'a-tha (Esth. xvi. 10, 17), and A-nlad'a-tbns 
(Esth. xii. 6) ; = Hanmedatiia. 

A'uial (Heb. labor, Ges.), an Asherite, son of Helem 
(1 Chr. vii. 35). 

Aiu'a-lek (Heb. a people that licks up ? Fbn., Ayre, 
&c). 1. Son of Eliphaz by his concubine Timna ; 
grandson of Esau, and a chieftain ("duke," A.V.) of 
Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 12, 16; 1 Chr. i. 36). — 2. "Ama- 
lek " often = Amalekites, as in Ex. xvii.; Num. 
xxiv. 20; Deut. xxv. 17-19, &c. 

Am'n-lek-ltcs (fr. Amalkk), a nomadic tribe which 
occupied the peninsula of Sinai and the wilderness 
between the southern hill-ranges of Palestine and 
the border of Egypt (Num. xiii. 29 ; 1 Sam. xv. 7, 
xxvii. 8). Arab historians represent them as origi- 
nally dwelling on the shores of the Persian Gulf, 
whence they were pressed W. by the growth of the 
Assyrian empire, and spread over a portion of Ara- 
bia before its occupation by the descendants of Jok- 
tan. This account of their origin harmonizes with 
Gen. xiv. 7, where the "country" of the Amalek- 
ites is mentioned several generations before the birth 
of the Edomite Amalek, though the passage does 
not assert that the Amalekites were then in that 
"country": it throws light on the traces of a per- 
manent occupation of central Palestine in their pas- 
sage W., as indicated by the names " Amalek " and 
"Mount of the Amalekites" (Judg. v. 14, xii. 15): 
and it accounts for the silence of Scripture as to 
any relationship between the Amalekites and the 
Edomites or the Israelites. That a mixture of the 
two former races occurred at a later period, would 
in this case be the only inference from Gen. xxxvi. 
16, though many writers have considered that pas- 
sage to refer to the origin of the whole nation, ex- 
plaining Gen. xiv. 7, as a case of prulepsis or anti- 
cipation. The physical character of the district, 
which the Amalekites occupied, necessitated a no- 
madic life, and they took their families with them 
even on a military expedition (Judg. vi. 5). Their 
wealth consisted in flocks and herds. Mention is 
made of a " town " (1 Sam. xv. 5), but their towns 
could have been little more than stations, or nomadic 
enclosures. The kings or chieftains perhaps had the 
hereditary title Agag (Num. xxiv. 7 ; 1 Sam. xv. 8). 
Two important routes led through the Amalekite 
district, viz., from Palestine to Egypt by the Isthmus 
of Suez, and to southern Asia and Africa by the 
Elanitic arm of the Red Sea. It has been conjec- 
tured that the expedition of the four kings (Gen. 
xiv.) had for its object the opening of the latter 
route ; and it was by the former that the Amalekites 
first came in contact with the Israelites, whose prog- 
ress they attempted to stop by a guerilla warfare 
(Deut. xxv. 18), but were signally defeated at Rephi- 



AMA 



AMB 



35 



dim (Ex. xvii.). In union with the CanaaDites they 
again attacked the Israelites on the borders of Pal- 
estine, and defeated them near Hormah (Num. xiv. 
45). Afterward they were at one time in league 
with the Moabites (Judg. iii. 13) defeated by Ehud 
near Jericho; at another time with the Midianites 
(Judg. vi. 3) defeated by Gideon. Saul overran their 
whole district from Havilah to Shur, and inflicted an 
immense loss upon them (1 Sam. xv.); and an Ama- 
lekite in turn claimed to have slain Saul (2 Sam. i.). 
Their power was thenceforth broken, and they de- 
generated into a horde of banditti. Their contests 
with David and destruction of Ziklag ended in their 
signal defeat (1 Sam. xxvii., xxx.). The last notice 
of the Amalekites is that the Simeonites in the days 
of Hezekiah smote " the rest " or the remnant of 
them (1 Chr. iv. 43). The words of Moses (Deut. 
xxv. 19) and of Balaam (Num. xxiv. 20) seem to 
have been fulfilled in their complete destruction. 
Haman. 

A main (Heb. gathering-place, FiL), a city in the S. 
of Judah, named with Shema and Moladah in Josh, 
xv. 26 only. Kerioth 1. 

A' man = Haman (Tob. xiv. 10 ; Esth. x. 7, xii. 6, 
xiii. 3, 12, xiv. IV, xvi. 10, 17). 

Am'a-na (fr. Heb. = confirmation, Ges. ; the estab- 
lished, determined, Fii.), a mountain (Cant. iv. 8); 
commonly regarded as the part of Anti-Lebanon in 
which the river Abana (2 K. v. 12; written ''Ama- 
na" in marg. of A. V., Heb. Keri, &c.)has its source. 

Am-a-ri'ah (Heb. whom Jehovah said, i. e. prom- 
ised, Ges.). 1. Father of Ahitcb 2, and son of Me- 
raioth, in the line of the high-priests (1 Chr. vi. 7, 
52 ; High-Priest ; Zadok). — 3. High-priest in the 
reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xix. 11) ; son of Aza- 
riah, and the seventh in descent from No. 1 (1 Chr. 
vi. 11). — 3. Head of a family of Kohathite Levites 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). — I. A priest in Heze- 
kiah's time (2 Chr. xxxi. 15) ; supposed by Lord A. 
C. Hervey to be a family name = Eumer 1. — 5. A son 
of Bani in Ezra's time ; husband of a foreign wife 
(Ezr. x. 42). — 6. A priest who returned with Zerub- 
babel (Neh. x. 3, xii. 2, 13).— 7. A descendant of 
Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 4) ; probably = 
Imri in 1 Chr. ix. 4. — S. An ancestor of Zephaniah 
the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). 

Am-a-ri'as (Gr. ; 1 Esd. viii. 2 ; 2 Esd. i. 2) = Ama- 
riah 1. 

Am'a-sa (Heb. burden). 1. Son of Ithra or Jether, 
by Abigail, David's sister (2 Sam. xvii. 25). He was 
Absalom's commander-in-chief (Absalom), and was 
totally defeated by Joab (xviii.). Afterward he was 
forgiven by David, recognized by him as his nephew, 
and appointed Joab's successor (xix. 13). Joab 
afterward, when they were both in pursuit of the 
rebel Sheba, pretending to salute Amasa, stabbed 
him with his sword (xx. 10), which he held in his 
left hand.— 2. One of the princes of Ephraim in 
Pekah's reign, who succored the captives from Judah 
(2 Chr. xxviii. 12). 

Am'a-sai(Heb. burdensome, Ges.). 1. A Kohathite, 
father of Mahath and ancestor of Samuel and Heman 
the singer (1 Chr. vi. 25, 35).— 2. Chief of the cap- 
tains of Judah and Benjamin, who joined David at 
Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 18); whether = Amasa, David's 
nephew, is uncertain. — 3. One of the priests who 
blew trumpets before the ark, when David brought 
it from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 24). — 
J. Another Kohathite, father of another Mahath, in 
the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12), unless the 
name is that of a family. 

Am a-shai (fr. Heb. = Amasai), son of Azareel, 



and priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. xi. 13); ap- 
parently = Maasiai (1 Chr. ix. 12). 

Am-a-si'ah (Heb. whom Jehovah bears in his arms, 
Ges.), son of Zichri, and captain of 200,000 warriors 
of Judah under Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 16). 

A'mathi Hamath. 

* Ani'a-tkas. Amathis. 

Ani-a-the'is (1 Esd. ix. 29). Athlai. 

Am'a-tbis (or Am'a-thas), "the land of" = the 
region or district of Hamath (1 Mc. xii. 25). 

Aui-a-zi all (fr. Heb. whom Jehovah strengthens, 
Ges.), son of Joash 1, and eighth king of Judah 
(Judah, Kingdom of ; Israel, Kingdom of), succeeded 
to the throne at the age of twenty-five, on the mur- 
der of his father, and punished the murderers, but 
spared their children, in accordance with Deut. xxiv. 
16 (2 K. xiv. 6). He made war on the Edomites, de- 
feated them in the valley of salt (Salt, Vallet of), 
and took their capital, which he named Joktheel. 
We read in 2 Chr. xxv. 12-14, that the victorious 
Jews threw 10,000 Edomites from the cliffs, and 
that Amaziah worshipped the gods of the country ; 
an exception to the general character of his reign 
(comp. 2 K. xiv. 3, with 2 Chr. xxv. 2). In conse- 
quence of this he was overtaken by misfortune. 
Having already offended the Hebrews of the north- 
ern kingdom by sending back, in obedience to a 
prophet, 100,000 troops whom he had hired from it, 
he had the foolish arrogance to challenge Joash 2, 
king of Israel, to battle. But Judah was completely 
defeated, and Amaziah himself was taken prisoner, 
and conveyed by Joash to Jerusalem, which opened 
its gates to the conqueror (so Josephus). A portion of 
the northern wall of Jerusalem was broken down, 
and treasures and hostages were carried off to Sa- 
maria. Amaziah lived fifteen years after the death 
of Joash ; and in the twenty-ninth year of his reign 
was murdered by conspirators at Lachish, whither 
he had retired for safety from Jerusalem. This is 
recorded as a consequence of his turning away from 
Jehovah (2 Chr. xxv. 27). — 2. A descendant of 
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 34). — 3. A Levite, ancestor of 
Ethan the singer (vi. 45). — 4. Priest of the golden 
calf at Bethel, who endeavored to drive the prophet 
Amos from Israel (Am. vii. 10, 12, 14). 

Ani-lias'sa-dor = an official representative of one 
sovereign or people at the court or seat of govern- 
ment of another sovereign or people. Examples of 
ambassadors occur in the cases of Edom, Moab, and 
the Amorites (Num. xx. 14, xxi. 21 ; Judg. xi. 17- 
19), afterward in that of the fraudulent Gibeonites 
(Josh. ix. 4, &c), and in the instances mentioned 
Judg. xi. 12, 14, and xx. 12. They are alluded to 
more frequently during and after the contact of the 
great monarchies of Syria, Babylon, &c, with those 
of Judah and Israel, as in the invasion of Sennache- 
rib. They were usually men of high rank (2 Sam. 
viii. 10 ; 2 K. xviii. 17, 18 ; Is. xxx. 4). Ambassa- 
dors were employed, not only on occasions of hostile 
challenge or insolent menace (2 K. xiv. S ; 1 K. xx. 
2, 5, 6 ; 2 K. xix. 9, 14), but of friendly compliment, 
of request for alliance or other aid, of submissive 
deprecation, and of curious inquiry (2 Sam. x. 2 ; 
2 K. xvi. 7, xviii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 31 ; Lk. xiv. 32 ; 
Alliances). See also Is. xviii. 2; Ez. xvii. 15, &c. 
— The apostle Paul claims for himself and Timothy 
in preaching the Gospel the deference due to ambas- 
sadors of the Lord Jesus Christ (2 Cor. v. 20 ; Eph. 
vi. 20). 

Am'lKT (Heb. hashm.al or chashmal) occurs only in 
Ez. i. 4, 27, viii. 2. (Colors.) It is usually supposed 
by biblical critics, but by no means certain, that the 



36 



AMB 



AMM 



Hebrew word denotes a metal, and not the fossil 
resin called amber. The LXX. and Vulgate afford 
no certain clew to identification, for the Greek word 
electron (L. electrum) employed as its equivalent, was 
used to express both amber and a certain metal, 
which was composed of four parts of gold to one of 
silver, and held in very high estimation by the an- 
cients. 

* Am bush, Ambusb-ment. War. 

A'meil' (Heb. firm, true, truth ; often used in Gr. 
of N. T., and at the beginning of a sentence usually 
in A. V. translated " verily," i. e. in truth, certainly, 
in other positions usually not translated, and then = 
so be it, let it be tine), a word used in strong assev- 
erations, fixing as it were the stamp of truth upon 
the assertion which it accompanied, and making it 
binding as an oath (comp. Num. v. 22). In Deut. 
xxvii. 15-26, the people were to say "Amen," as 
the Levites pronounced each of the curses upon 
Mount Ebal, signifying by this their assent to the 
conditions under which the curses would be inflicted. 
So among the Rabbins, " Amen " involves the ideas 
of swearing, acceptai ce, and truthfulness. The first 
two are illustrated by the passages alreadv quoted ; 
the last by 1 K. i. 36; Jn. iii. 3, 5, 11 (A. V. 
"verily"), in which the assertions are made with 
the solemnity of an oath, and then strengthened by 
the repetition of " Amen." "Amen " was the prop- 
er response of the person to whom an oath was ad- 
ministered (Neh. v. 13, viii. 6; 1 dir. xvi. 36; Jer. 
xi. 5, marg., text of A. V. " so be it "), and the 
Deity to whom appeal is made on such occasions 
is called "the God of Amen'''' (Is. lxv. 16, A. V. 
" truth "), as being a witness to the sincerity of the 
implied compact. With a similar significance Christ 
is called " the Amen, the faithful and true witness " 
(Rev. iii. 14 ; comp. Jn. i. 14, xiv. 6 ; 2 Cor. i. 20). 
It is matter of tradition that in the Temple the 
" Amen " was not uttered by the people, but that, 
instead, at the conclusion of the priest's prayers, 
they responded, " Blessed be the name of the glory 
of his kingdom for ever and ever." Of this a trace 
is supposed to remain in the concluding sentence 
of the Lord's Prayer (comp. Rom. xi. 36). But in 
the synagogues and private houses it was custom- 
ary for the people or members of the family who 
were present to say " Amen " to the prayers offered 
by the minister or the master of the house, and 
the custom remained in the early Christian Church 
(Mat. vi. 13 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 16). And not only pub- 
lic prayers, but those offered in private, and dox- 
ologies were appropriately concluded with "Amen " 
(Rom. ix. 5, xi. 36, xv. 33, xvi. 27 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 14, 
&c). 

* A-merce', to, = to punish by inflicting a fine 
(Deut. xxii. 19). Punishments. 

Am'e-thyst (Heb. ahldmdh or achldmah ; Gr. 
amelhustos, the origin of amethyst, generally regarded 
as thus named from its supposed power of dispelling 
drunkenness in those who wore it). Mention is 
made of this precious stone, which formed the third 
in the third row of the high-priest's breastplate, in 
Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, "And the third row a 
ligure, an agate, and an amethyst." It occurs also 
in the N. T. (Rev. xxi. 20 ; Gr. amethustos) as the 
twelfth stone which garnished the foundations of the 
wall of the heavenly Jerusalem. Modern mineralo- 
gists by the term amethyst usually understand the 
amethystine variety of quartz, or rose quartz, which 
is crystalline, highly transparent, and of a violet or 
purplish-violet color. The oriental amethyst is a 
variety of corundum, of a violet color. (Adamant ; 



Sapphire.) The Hebrew and Greek terms doubtless 
denoted one or both of these two minerals. 

A'nii (Heb. prob. corrupted from Amon), one of 
" Solomon's servants " (Ezr. ii. 57) ; = Amon 3, and 
Allom. 

A-min a-dab (Gr. and L. ; Mat. i. 4 ; Lk. iii. 33) 

= Amminadab 1. 

A-mit'tai (Heb. inn, veracious, Ges.). father of the 
prophet Jonah (2 K. xiv. 25 ; Jon. i. 1). 

Am'iuah (Heb. beginning, head, Ges. ; waterfall, 
Fii.), the hill of, a hill " facing" Giah by the way of 
the wilderness of Gibeon ; the point to which Joab's 
pursuit of Abner extended (2 Sam. ii. 24); site un- 
known. Metiikg-Ammah. 

Aim ini (Heb. my people), a figurative name, appli< d 
to the kingdom of Israel in token of God's reconcilia- 
tion witli them (Hos. ii. 1), in contrast with Lo-ammi. 
Comp. Ruhahab and Lo-Ri'iiamaii. 

Am mi-doi (Gr.), in some copies Am-mld'i-ol (Gr. ; 

1 Esd. v. 20). " They of Chadias and Ammidoi " 
are named here, not in Ezra or Nehemiah, among 
those who came up from Babylon with Zoroha- 
bel. 

Ani'mi-cl (Heb. kindred [i. e. servants or uorship- 
jiers] of God, Ges.). 1. The spy selected by Moses 
from the tribe of Dan (Num. xiii. 12). — 2. Father of 
Machir of Lodebar (2 Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii, 27). — 3. 
Father of Bath-sheba (1 Chr. iii. 5); called Eli am in 

2 Sam. xi. 3. — 1. Sixth son of Obcd-edom (1 Chr. 
xxvi. 5), and a doorkeeper of the Temple. 

Am'mi-hud I Heb. kindred of Judah, Ges.). 1. An 
E) hraimite, father of Elishama, the chief of the tribe 
under Moses (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 53, x. 22; 
1 Chr. vii. 26), and ancestor of Joshua. — 2. A Sim- 
eonite, father of Shemuel, a prince of the tribe 
(Num. xxxiv. 20) at the division of Canaan. — 3. 
Father of Pedahel, a prince of Naphtali at the same 
time (xxxiv. 28). — 4. (Heb. text and A. V. marg. 
Arnmihnr = kindred of nobles, Ges.; Keri, Ammi- 
hud.) Father of Talmai, the king of Geshur (2 Sam. 
xiii. 37). — 5. A descendant of Pharcz, son of Judah 
(1 Chr. ix. 4). 

* Ani'mi-liur = Ammihtjd 4. 

Ani-mill a-dab (Heb. kindred of the prince, Ges. ; 
man of generosity, Fii.). 1. In N. T. Aminadab. 
Son of Ram or Aram, and father of Nahshon, who 
was the prince of Judah under Moses (Num. i. 7, ii. 
3; Ru. iv. 19, 20; 1 Chr. ii. 10), and of Elisheba 
Aaron's wife (Ex. vi. 23). He probably died in 
Egypt before the Exodus. — 2. A Kohathite Levite, 
chief of the one hundred and twelve sons of Uzziel, 
summoned by David, with other chief Levites and 
priests, to bring the ark of God to Jerusalem (1 Chr. 
xv. 10-12).— 3. In 1 Chr. vi. 22 = Izhak. 

Am-min'a-dib (Heb.). In Cant. vi. 12, it is uncer- 
tain whether we ought to read, Ammiuadib, with 
the A. V., or my willing people ( = Heb. 'amrni nd- 
dib), as in the margin. 

Am-mi-shad'da-i or Am-mi-shad'dai (Heb. kindred 
[i. e. servant] of the Almighty, Ges.), father of Ahi- 
ezer, the prince of Dan at the Exodus (Num. i. 12, 
ii. 25, vii. 66, 71, x. 25). 

Am-miz'a-bad (Heb. kindred of the Giver, i. e. of 
Jehovah, Ges.), son of Benaiah, and apparently 
Benaiah's lieutenant in the third division of David's 
army (1 Chr. xxvii. 6). 

Arn'mon (Heb. = Ben-Ammi, Ges.); Am'mon-ites, 
Chil'dren of Arn'mon, a people descended from Ben- 
Ammi, the son of Lot by his younger daughter (Gen. 
xix. 38 ; comp. Ps. lxxxiii. 7, 8), as Moab was by 
the elder ; and dating from the destruction of Sodom. 
The near relation between the two peoples indicated 



AMM 



AMO 



37 



in their origin continued through their existence 
(comp. Judg. x. 6 ; 2 Chr. xx. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 8, &c). 
Indeed, so close was their union that each appears 
to be occasionally spoken of under the name of the 
other. See Deut. ii. 19; xxiii. 4; Judg. xi., &c. 
Unlike Moab, the precise position of the territory of 
the Ammonites is not ascertainable. In the earliest 
mention of them (Deut. ii. 20) they are said to have 
destroyed the Zamzummim, and to have dwelt in 
their place, Jabbok being their border (Num. xxi. 
24 ; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). " Land " or " country " 
is, however, rarely ascribed to them, nor is there any 
reference to those habits and circumstances of civ- 
ilization, which so constantly recur in the allusions 
to Mcab (Is. xv., xvi. ; Jer. xlviii.). On the contrary 
we find everywhere traces of the fierce habits of 
marauders in their incursions (1 Sam. xi. 2 ; Am. i. 
13), and a very high degree of crafty cruelty to their 
foes (Jer. xl. 14; Jd. vii. 11, 12). Probably Moab 
was the settled and civilized half of the nation of 
Lot, and Amnion its predatory and nomad section. 
On the W. of Jordan they never obtained a footing. 
In the times of the Judges they passed over once 
with Moab and Amalek, and seized Jericho (Judg. 
iii. 13), and a second time "to fight against Judah 
and Benjamin, and the house of Ephraim " (x. 9) ; 
but they quickly returned to the freer pastures of 
Gilead. (Chephar ha-Ammonai.) The hatred of 
the Israelites toward the Ammonites arose partly 
from their opposition or denial of assistance to the 
Israelites on their approach to Canaan, but mainly 
from their share in the affair of Balaam (Deut. 
xxiii. 4 ; Neh, xiii. 1). The command, " distress 
not the Moabites .... distress not the children of 
Ammon, nor meddle with them " (Deut. ii. 9, 19 ; 
and comp. 37), is followed by a sentence excluding 
Moab and Ammon from the congregration for ten 
generations (Deut. xxiii. 3). This animosity con- 
tinued in force to the latest date. Subdued by Jeph- 
thah who smote twenty cities (Judg. xi. 33), and scat- 
tered with great slaughter by Saul (1 Sam. xi. 11, 
xiv. 47), they enjoyed under his successor a short 
respite, probably from the connection of Moab with 
David (l Sam. xxii. 3). But this was soon brought 
to a close by their king's shameful treatment of the 
friendly messengers of David (2 Sam. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. 
xix. 4), for which he destroyed their city, and in- 
flicted on them the severest blows (2 Sam. xii. ; 
1 Chr. xx. ; Rabbah). In the days of Jehoshaphat 
they made an incursion into Judah with the Moabites 
and the Maonites (Mehdnim), but were signally re- 
pulsed, and so many killed that three days were oc- 
cupied in spoiling the bodies (2 Chr. xx. 1-25). Be- 
fore Amos prophesied, they made incursions, and com- 
mitted atrocities in Gilead (Am. i. 13) ; they paid 
tribute to Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 8 ; the LXX. ascribe 
this to the Mehdnim) ; Jotham had wars with them, 
and exacted from them a heavy tribute of " silver 
(comp. "jewels," 2 Chr. xx. 25), wheat, and barley" 
(2 Chr. xxvii. 5). They took possession of the cities 
of Gad, from which the Jews had been removed by 
Tiglath-pileser (Jer. xlix. 1-6) ; and other incursions 
are elsewhere alluded to (Zeph. ii. 8, 9). At the cap- 
tivity many Jews took refuge among the Ammonites 
from the Assyrians (Jer. xl. 11), but on the return 
from Babylon, Tobiah the Ammonite and Sanballat 
(probably a Moabite) were foremost among the op- 
ponents of Nehemiah's restoration. The Ammonites 
are mentioned in Jd. v., vi., vii. and 1 Mc. v. 6, 30-43. 
(Ammon itess.) — The tribe was governed by a king 
(Nahash 1 ; Judg. xi. 12, &c. ; 1 Sam. xii. 12 ; 2 Sam. 
x. 1 ; Jer. xl. 14), and by " princes " (2 Sam. x. 3 ; 



1 Chr. xix. 3). — The divinity of the tribe was Mo 
lech, also written Milcom and Malcham. 

Arn'mon-i-tess [i as in Ammonite] = an Ammonite 
woman. Naamah 2, the mother of Rehoboam (1 K. 
xiv. 21, 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13), and Shimeath, the mother 
of one of the murderers of Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26) 
were of the race of Ammon. For allusions to these 
mixed marriages see 1 K. xi. 1 ; Ezr. ix. 1 ff. ; Neh. 
xiii. 23 ff. Marriage, II. i. 

Ani'non (Heb. faithful, Ges.). 1. Eldest son of 
David, by Ahinoam the Jezreelitess, born in Hebron 
while his father's royalty was only acknowledged in 
Judah. He dishonored his half-sister Tamar, and 
was in consequence murdered by her brother Absa- 
lom (2 Sam. iii. 2, xiii. 1-29 ; 1 Chr. iii. 1).— 2. Son 
of Shimon (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

A'mok (Heb. deep, Ges.), a chief priest, companion 
of Zerubbabel (Neh. xii. 7, 20). 

A'oiou (Heb.), an Egyptian divinity, whose name 
occurs in No-Amon 
(Nah. iii. 8, marg.), 
or Thebes. The 
Greeks called this 
divinity Ammon. The 
ancient Egyptian 
name is Amen ="the 
hidden." Amen was 
one of the eight gods 
of the first order, and 
chief of the triad of 
Thebes. He was wor- 
shipped at that city 
as Arnen-Ra ( = " A- 
men the sun "), repre- 
sented as a man wear- 
ing a cap with two 
high plumes, and 
Amen-Ra ka mutef 
( = " Amen-Ra, who 
is both male and fe- 
male "), represented 
as the generative principle, 




Amon. — From Sculptures, British 
Museum (Ayre). 



The Greeks identified 
Amen with Zeus, and he was therefore called Zeus 
Ammon and Jupiter Ammon. 

A'mon (Heb. architect, Ges. ; others say, son or 
faster-child, Ges.). 1. King of Judah, son and suc- 
cessor of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 18-26 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 
20-25; Mat. i. 10; Judah., Kingdom of; Israel, 
Kingdom of). Following his father's example, Amon 
devoted himself wholly to the service of false gods, 
but was killed in a conspiracy after a reign of two 
years. The people avenged him by putting all the 
conspirators to death, and made his son Josiah king. 
To Anion's reign we must refer the terrible picture 
of idolatry supported in Jerusalem by priests and 
prophets (Zeph. i. 4, iii. 4), the poor ruthlessly op- 
pressed (iii. 3), and shameless indifference to evil 
(iii. 11). — 8. Prince or governor of Samaria in the 
reign of Ahad (1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 25). The 
precise nature of his office is not known. Perhaps 
the prophet Micaiah was intrusted to his custody as 
captain of the citadel. — Z. See Ami. 

Aim'o-rite, tlie Am'o-ritcs (fr. Heb. = the dwellers 
on the summits, mountaineers), one of the chief na- 
tions who possessed the land of Canaan before its 
conquest by the Israelites. " Amorite " (so Mr. G. 
Grove) was a local term, and not the name of a dis- 
tinct tribe. Gesenius says the name is sometimes 
taken in a wide sense, so as to include all the other 
Canaanitish tribes (Gen. xv. 16, xlviii. 22, &c). In 
Gen. x. 16, "the Amorite" is given as the fourth son 
of Canaan. The Amorites as dwelling on the eleva- 



38 



AMO 



AMR 



ted portions of the country, are contrasted with the 
Canaanites, who dwelt in the lowlands ; and the two 
thus formed the main broad divisions of the Holy 
Land. " The Hittite, and the Jebusite, and the Anio- 
rite, dwell in the mountain (of Judah and Ephraini), 
and the Canaanite dwells by the sea (the lowlands 
of Philistia and Sharon) and by the ' side ' of Jor- 
dan " (in the Arabah) — was the report of the spies 
(Num. xiii. 29 ; and see Josh. v. 1, x. 6, xi. 3 ; Deut. 
i. 7, 20, " mountain of the Amorites," 44). In the 
earliest times (Gen. xiv. 7) they occupied the barren 
heights W. of the Dead Sea. (En-cedi ; Hazezon- 
Tamar.) From this point they stretched W. to He- 
bron, where Abram was then dwelling (Gen. xiv. 13). 
We next meet them on the high table-lands E. of 
the Jordan. Sihon, their king, had taken the rich 
pasture-land S. of the Jabbok, and driven the Moab- 
ites across the Anion (Num. xxi. 13, 26). The Is- 
raelites apparently approached from the S. E., 
keeping " on the other (i. e., E.) side" of the upper 
part of the Arnon, which there bends S., so as to 
form the eastern boundary of Moab. Their request 
to pass through his land was refused by Sihon ; he 
" went out" against them, was killed with his sons 
and his people, and his land, cattle, and cities were 
taken by Israel (Num. xxi. 21-31 ; Deut. ii. 26-36). 
This rich tract, bounded by the Jabbok on the N., 
the Arnon on the S., Jordan on the W., and " the 
wilderness " on the E., was, perhaps, especially the 
" land of the Amorites " (Num. xxi. 31 ; Josh. xii. 2, 
3, xiii. 9 ; Judg. xi. 21, 22) ; but their possessions 
extended to Hermon (Deut. iii. 8, iv. 48), embracing 
" all Gilead and all Bashan " (iii. 10), with the Jor- 
dan valley on the E. of the river (iv. 49), and form- 
ing together the land of the " two kings of the Amo- 
rites," Sihon and Og (Deut, xxxi. 4 ; Josh. ii. 10, ix. 
10, xxiv. 12). After the passage of the Jordan the 
Amorites disputed with Joshua the conquest of the 
W. country (Josh. x. 5, &c, xi. 3, &c). After the 
conquest of Canaan the Bible scarcely mentions the 
Amorites, except in designating the earlv inhabitants 
of the countrv (Judg. i. 34-36 ; 1 Sam. vii. 14 ; IK. 
ix. 20, 21 ; 2 K. xxi. 11, &c). 

A mos (Heb. a burden). 1. A native of Tekoa in 
Judah, originally a shepherd and dresser of sycamore- 
trees, called by God to be a prophet, although not 
trained in any of the regular prophetic schools (Am. 
i. 1, vii. 14, 15). He travelled from Judah into the 
kingdom of Israel or Ephraim, and there exercised 
his ministry, probably not for any long time. His 
date cannot be later than the death cf Jeroboam II. 
(about 784 b. c. ; see Israel, Kingdom of), for he 
prophesied " in the reigns of Uzziah, king of Judah, 
and Jeroboam the son of Joash, king of Israel, two 
years before the Earthquake " (i. 1). But his min- 
istry probably took place earlier, perhaps about the 
middle of Jeroboam's reign, for Amos speaks of his 
conquests as completed (vi. 13 ; comp. 2 K. xiv. 25), 
yet the Assyrians, who toward the end of his reign 
were approaching Palestine (Hos. x. 6, xi. 5), do not 
seem as yet to have caused any alarm. Amos pre- 
dicts indeed that Israel and other neighboring na- 
tions will be punished by certain wild conquerors 
from the N. (i. 5, v. 27, vi. 14), but does not name 
them. Israel was now at the height of power, wealth; 
and security ; but the poor were oppressed (viii. 4), 
the ordinances of religion thought burdensome (viii. 
5 ), and idleness, luxury, and extravagance were gen- 
eral (iii. 15). The source of these evils was Idola- 
try — that of the golden calves. CALF-worship was 
specially practised at Bethel, also at Gilgal, Dan, 
and Beersheba in Judah (iv. 4, v. 5, viii. 14), and 



was offensively united with the true worship of the 
Lord (v. 14, 21-23 ; comp. 2 K. xvii. 33). Amos 
went to rebuke this at Bethel, but the high-priest 
Amaziah 2 complained of him to Jeroboam, and en- 
deavored to drive him from the northern kingdom. 
The book of the prophecies of Amos seems divided 
into four principal portions closely connected to- 
gether. (1.) From i. 1 to ii. 3 he denounces the 
sins of the nations bordering on Israel and Judah ; 
(2.) from ii. 4 to vi. 14, he describes the state of 
these two kingdoms, especially the former ; (3.) in 
vii. 1 to ix. 10, after reflecting on the previous 
prophecy, he relates his visit to Bethel, and sketches 
the impending punishment of Israel which he pre- 
dicted to Amaziah ; (4.) he rises to a loftier strain, 
looking forward to the time when the hope of the 
Messiah's kingdom will be fulfilled, and His people 
forgiven and established in the enjoyment of God's 
blessings to all eternity. The chief peculiarity of the 
style consists in the number of allusions to natural 
objects and agricultural occupations, as might be 
expected from the early life of the author. See i. 3, 
ii. 13, iii. 4, 5, iv. 2, 7, 9, v. 8, 19, vi. 12, vii. 1, ix. 
3, 9, 13, 14. The references to it in the N. T. are 
two : v. 25, 26, 27 is quoted in Acts vii. 42, 43, and 
ix. 11 in Acts xv. 16. As the book is not a series 
of detached prophecies, but logically and artistically 
connected in its several parts, it was probably writ- 
ten by Amos as we now have it after his return to 
Tekoa from his mission to Bethel. (Canon.)— 2. Son 
of Naum, and ancestor of Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 25). 

A'nioz (Heb. dirndls = strong, Ges.), father of the 
prophet Isaiah, and, according to Jiabbinical tradi- 
tion, brother of Amaziah, king of Judah (2 K. xix. 2, 
20, xx. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 20, 32 ; Is. i. 1, 
ii. 1, xiii. 1, xx. 2, xxxvii. 2, 21, xxxviii. 1). 

Am-|ililp o-lls [-fip-](Gr. round the city ; for the 
river Strymon flowed almost round Amphipolis), a 
city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas 
passed on their way from Philippi to Thessajonica 
(Acts xvii. 1). It was thirty-three Roman miles from 
Philippi. It stood upon an eminence on the left or 
E. bank of the Strymon, just below the lake Cercini- 
tis, and about three miles from the sea. It was a 
colony of the Athenians, and was memorable in the 
Peloponnesian war for the battle fought under its 
walls, in which both Brasidas and Cleon were killed. 
On its site is now a village called Neokhdrio, in 
Turkish Jeni-Keui, or " New Town." 
• Ani'pli-as (Gr. fr. L. = extended, enlarged, Sehleus- 
ner), a Christian at Rome, styled by the Apostle Paul 
"my beloved in the Lord " (Rom. xvi. 8^. 

All) ram (Heb. kindred of the High, l. e. of God, 
Ges.). 1. A son of Kohath, and grandson of the 
patriarch Levi ; husband of Jocliebed, his father's 
sister ; father of Moses, Aaron, and Miriam (Ex. vi. 
18, 20; Num. iii. 19, xxvi. 58, 59; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 3, 
18). Mr. Wright and others suppose that in this 
genealogy several generations have been omitted ; 
for from Joseph to Joshua ten generations are 
recorded (Gen. xlvi. 20 ; 1 Chr. vi. 22-27), while 
from Levi to Moses there are but three ; and again, 
the Kohathites in the time of Moses mustered 8,600 
males, from a month old and upward (Num. iii. 28). 
But Jochebed, Amram's w ife, is described as a daugh- 
ter of Levi, born to him in Egypt (Num. xxvi. 59) ; 
though the suggestion has been made that " Levi " 
here may = the tribe of Levi instead of the individ- 
ual. (Chronology II. ; Genealogy.) The faith 
and firmness of Amram and his wife are favorably 
noticed (Heb. xi. 23).— 2. (Heb. Hamran or Cham- 
ran, prob. an error for Hemdan, Ges.) A son cf 



AMR 



ANA 



3D 



Dishon and descendant of Seir (1 Chr. i. 41); = 
Hemdan. — 3. A son of Bani in Ezra's time, husband 
of a foreign wife (Ezr. s. 34) ; = Omaerus in 1 Esd. 
ix. 34. 

Ani'ram-ites = descendants of Amram 1 ; a branch 
of the Kohathite Levites (Num. iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 
23). 

Am'ra-plicl (Heb. fr. Sanscrit = keeper of the gods, 
Ges.), a king of Shinar or Babylonia, who joined the 
incursion of Chedorlaomer against the kings of Sod- 
om, Gomorrah, &c. (Gen. xiv.). 

Ani'n-lefs were ornaments, gems, scrolls, &c, worn 
as preservatives against enchantments, and generally 
inscribed with mystic forms or characters. The word 
does not occur in the A. V., but the " ear-rings " in 
Gen. xxxv. 4, were probably amulets taken from the 
slain Shechemites. They were among the spoils of 
Midian (Judg. viii. 24), and perhaps their objection- 
able character was the reason why Gideon asked for 
them. In Hos. ii. 13, " decking herself with ear- 
rings " is mentioned as one of the signs of the " days 
of Baalim." The " ear-rings " in Is. iii. 20, were also 
amulets. (Ear-rings ; Enchantments 3 ; Ephesus ; 
Frontlets.) The Jews were particularly addicted 
to amulets, and the only restriction placed by the 
Rabbis on their use was, that none but approved 
amulets (i. e. such as were known to have cured three 
persons) were to be worn on the Sabbath. Div- 
ination ; Ephesus; Frontlets; Magic; Tera- 
phim. 

Am'zi (fr. Heb. — strong, Ges.). 1. A Levite of 
the family of Merari, and ancestor of Ethan the singer 
(1 Chr. vi. 46). — 2. A priest, ancestor of Adaiah in 
Nehemiah's time (Neh. xi. 12). 

A'nab (Heb. = place of clusters? Ges.), a town in 
the mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 50), once belong- 
ing to the Anakim (Josh. xi. 21). It has retained 
its ancient name, and lies among the hills six or eight 
miles S. S. W. of Hebron (Rbn. i. 494). 

An'a-Pl (Gr. = Haniel ?), brother of Tobit (Tob. 
i. 21). 

A'nab (Heb. answer, sc. to prayer, Ges.), son of 
Zibeon, the son of Seir the Horite, and father of 
Aholibamah, one of Esau's wives (Gen. xxxvi. 2, 14, 
18, 24, 25, 29; 1 Chr. i. 40, 41). Anah was prob- 
ably the head (A. V. " duke ") of a tribe independent 
of, and equal with, his father's tribe ; and Anah is 
therefore mentioned (Gen. xxxvi. 20 ; 1 Chr. i. 38) 
among the sons of Seir who were heads of tribes. 
In Gen. xxxvi. 2, Aholibamah is described as " the 
daughter of Anah, the daughter (' son ' LXX. and 
Sam.) of Zibeon the Hivite;" "daughter" in the 
second case (here = descendant, grand-daughter) 
referring still to Aholibamah, and not to Anah, as is 
evident from verse 25. But in Gen. xxvi. 34, the 
same wife of Esau is called Judith, the daughter of 
Beeri the Hittite. If therefore Judith = Aholiba- 
mah, Beeri the Hittite apparently = Anah the Hivite, 
and on this supposition there seems to arise a two- 
fold discrepancy. Anah was a Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 
20) ; but " Hivite," in verse 2, is probably a mistake 
of the transcriber for " Horite " (and the Alexandrian 
MS. of the LXX. actually reads " Horite " here), or, 
as Hengstenberg supposes, Anah may have belonged 
to that branch of the Hivites, who from living in 
caves were called Horites or Troglodytes. Hengsten- 
berg conjectures that from his discovering the hot 
springs in the wilderness (Mule 3), Anah obtained 
the name Beeri (— the man of the wells), and that 
the " Hittite," in Gen. xxvi., is a general term =: 
" Canaanite" (comp. Gen. xxvii. 46 with xxviii. 1). 

An-a-ua'rath (Heb. hollow way or pass, Fii.), a 



place in Issachar, named with Shihon and Rabbith 
(Josh. xix. 19) ; site unknown. 

A-nai'ah [ah-nay'yah] or An-a-i'an (Heb. whom 
Jehovah answers, Ges.). 1. Probably a priest; one 
who stood on Ezra's right hand as he read the law 
to the people (Neh. viii. 4) ; = Ananias in 1 Esd. ix. 
43. — 2. A chief of the people who sealed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 22). 

Anak. Anakim. 

Au'a-kim or An'a-kims (Heb. 'an&kim, fr. 'ancik — 
length of neck, Ges.), a race of giants, descendants 
of Arba(Josh. xv. 13, xxi. 11), dwelling in the south- 
ern part of Canaan, particularly at Hebron, or Kir- 
jath-Arba. They are also called sons of Anak (Num. 
xiii. 33), descendants of Anak (Num. xiii. 22), and 
sons of Anakim (Deut. i. 28). These designations 
show "Anak" to be the name of the race rather 
than that of an individual, and accordingly Arba, 
their progenitor, " was a great man among the Ana- 
kim " (Josh. xiv. 15). The race appears to have 
been divided into three tribes or families, bearing 
the names Sheshai, Ahiman, and Talmai. Though 
the warlike- appearance of the Anakim had struck 
the Israelites with terror (Num. xiii. 28 ; Deut. ix. 
2), they were dispossessed by Joshua, and utterly 
driven from the land, except a small remnant that 
found refuge in Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod (Josh. xi. 
21, 22). Hebron became the possession of Caleb, 
who drove out from it the three sons of Anak men- 
tioned above, i. e. the three families or tribes of the 
Anakim (Josh. xv. 14 ; Judg. i. 20). Giants. 

Aii'a-niim (Heb.), a Mizraite people or tribe, set- 
tled probably in or near Egypt (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 11). Mizraim. 

i-nam'me-lecQ (Heb. prob. = image of the king, 
or [so Hyde] head of the king, i. e. the constellation 
Cepheus, Ges.), an idol of the colonists introduced 
into Samaria from Sepharvaim (2 K. xvii. 31); the 
companion-god to Adrammelech. 

A'uan (Heb. covering, cloud, Ges.). 1. A chief of 
the people who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. x. 26).— 3. Hanan 4 (1 Esd. v. 30). 

A-na'ni (Heb. = Ananiah, Ges.), seventh son of 
Elioenai, and descendant of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 24). 

An-a-ni'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jclwvah covers, i. e. 
protects, Ges.), probably a priest, and ancestor of 
Azariah 19 (Neh. iii. 23). 

An-a-ni'ah (see above), a place, named between 
Nob and Hazor, in which the Benjamites lived after 
the captivity (Neh. xi. 32). 

Au-a-ni'as (Gr. fr. Heb = Ananiah or Hananiah). 
1. Ancestor of a family of 101 (Vulgate 130) under 
Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 16) ; not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 
—2. Hanani 3 (1 Esd. ix. 21).— 3. Hananiah 9 (1 
Esd. ix. 29).— 4. Anaiah 1 (1 Esd. ix. 43).— 5. 
Hanan 5 (1 Esd. ix. 48). — 6. Father of the Azarias 
personated by Raphael (Tob. v. 12, 13). In the 
LXX. he appears to be Tobit's elder brother. — 7. 
Ancestor of Judith (Jd. viii. 1). — 8. Hananiah 7, or 
Shadrach (Sg. 3 H. Ch. 66 ; 1 Mc. ii. 59).— 9. A 
high-priest in Acts xxiii. 2-5, xxiv. 1. He was the 
son of Nebedffius, succeeded Joseph son of Camydus, 
and preceded Ismael son of Phabi. (High-Priest.) 
He was nominated to the office by Herod, king of 
Chalcis, in a. d. 48 ; and in a. d. 52 sent to Rome 
by the prefect Ummidius Quadratus to answer before 
the Emperor Claudius a charge of oppression brought 
by the Samaritans. He appears, however, not to 
have lost his office, but to have resumed it on his 
return. He was deposed shortly before Felix left 
the province ; but still had great power, which he 
used violently and lawlessly. He was assassinated 



40 



ANA 



AND 



by the sicarii (or robbers) at the beginning of the 
last Jewish war. — 10. A disciple of Jerusalem, hus- 
band of Sapphira (Acts v. 1-11). Having sold his 
goods for the benefit of the church, he kept back a 
part of the price, bringing to the apostles the re- 
mainder, as if it were the whole, his wife also being 
privy to the scheme. St. Peter, being enabled by 
the Spirit to see through the fraud, denounced him 
as having lied to the Holy Ghost, i. e. having at- 
tempted to pass upon the Spirit resident in the 
apostles an act of deliberate deceit. On hearing 
this, Ananias fell down and expired. That this inci- 
dent was no mere physical consequence of St. Peter's 
severity of tone, as some German writers have main- 
tained, distinctly appears by the direct sentence of a 
similar death pronounced by the same apostle upon 
Sapphira a few hours after. Ananias's dealh may 
indeed have been unlooked for by the apostle, who 
was in this matter only the organ and announcer of 
the divine justice which was pleased by this act of 
deserved severity to protect the morality of the in- 
fant church and strengthen its posver for good. — II. 
A Jewish disciple of Damascus (Acts is. 10-17), "a 
devout man according to the law, having a good re- 
port of all the Jews which dwelt there " (Acts xxii. 
12). Being ordered by the Lord in a vision, he 
sought out Saul (Paul) during the blindness and 
dejection which followed his conversion, and an- 
nounced to him his future commission as a preacher 
of the Gospel, conveying to him at the same time, 
by the laying on of his hands, the restoration of 
sight, and commanding him to arise, and be baptized, 
and wash away his sins, calling on the name of the 
Lord. Tradition makes him afterward bishop of 
Damascus, and a martyr. 

A-nan'i-el (Gr. prob. = Hananeel), forefather of 
Tobit (Tob. i. 1). 

A'uath (Heb. answer, sc. to prayer, Ges.), father 
of Shamgar (Judg. iii. 31, v. 6). 

A-nath c»ma (Gr. ), literally a thing suspended, in 
X. T. generally translated " accursed," = Hebrew 
hirem or eherem, signifying a thing or person devoted. 
Any object so devoted to the Lord was irredeemable: 
if an inanimate object, it was to be given to the 
priests (Num. xviii. 14) ; if a living creature, it was 
to be slain (Lev. xxvii. 28, 29). Generally such a 
vow respected only the idolatrous nations marked 
out for destruction by the special decree of Jehovah 
(Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 17 ; but occasionally the 
vow was made indefinitely (Judg. xi. 31 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 
24 ; Jefhthah ; Jonathan 1). The breach of such 
a vow by any one directly or indirectly participating 
in it was punished with death (Josh. vii. 25 ; Achan). 
When applied to the extermination of idolatrous na- 
tions, according to God's positive command (Ex. xxii. 
20 ; 1 Sam. xv. 3, 21), the idea of a vow appears to 
be dropped, although a vow was occasionally super- 
added to the command (Num. xxi. 2 ; Josh. vi. 17 ; 
Hormah ; Jericho). Anathema is translated " ac- 
cursed" in N. T. four times (Rom. ix. 3, comp. Ex. 
xxxii. 32 ; 1 Cor. xii. 3 ; Gal. i. 8, 9) ; once it is not 
translate i (1 Cor. xvi. 22 ; see Maranatha), and once 
(Acts xxiii. 14) it cccurs with its kindred verb ana- 
thematizo (= to anathematize, to make an anathema, 
to declare accursed), and the two are translated " we 
have bound (ourselves) under a great curse," literally 
we have anathematized ourselves icith an anathema. 
The Greek verb anathematizo also occurs in ilk. xiv. 
71 (A. V. "to curse"), Acts xxiii. 12 (A.V. "bound 
under a curse"), 21 (A. V. "have bound with an 
oath "), and in 1 Mc. v. 5 (A. V. " destroyed utter- 
ly"). Curse; Excommunication; Vows. 



Ana-thoth (Heb. answers, sc. to prayers, Ges.). 1. 
Son of Becher, a son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). — 2. 
A chief of the people who scaled the covenant with 
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 19) ; or perhaps = " the men of 
Anathoth " in Neh. vii. 27. 

An'a-tliotk (see above), a priests' city, in the tribe 
of Benjamin (Josh. xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. vi. 60), the na- 
tive place of Abiatiiar, Abiezer 2, Jehu 5, and 
Jeremiah the prophet. The " men " of Anathoth 
returned from the captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
23; Neh. vii. 27; 1 Esd.'v. 18). Anathoth lay on 
or near the great road from the N. to Jerusalem (Is. 
x. 30), and is placed by Eusebius and Jerome at 
three miles from the city. Its position has been dis- 
covered (Robinson) at 'Andta, on a broad ridge an 
hour and a quarter N. N. E. from Jerusalem. The 
cultivation of the priests survives in tilled fields of 
grain, with figs and olives. There are the remains 
of walls and strong foundations ; and the quarries 
still supply Jerusalem with building stone. 

A mil or. Ship. 

* An cient [ane'shent]. (Age, Old; Elder.) 

"The Ancient of Days" (Dan. vii. 9, 13, 22) is a 
title of the Supreme King and Judge, i. e. God (comp. 
' the Eternal"). 

An'diew (fr. Gr. Andreas = manly), one among 
the first colled of the apostles of our Lord (Jn. i. 
40; Mat. iv. 18); brother (whether elder or younger 
is uncertain) of Simon Peter. He was of Bethsaida, 
and had been a disciple of John the Baptist. On 
hearing Jesus a second time designated by him as 
the Lamb of God, he left his former master, and, 
with another of John's disciples, attached himself to 
our Lord. He brought his brother Simon to Jesus 
(Jn. i. 41). The apparent discrepancy with Mat. iv. 
18 ff., >lk. i. 10 AT., where the two appear to have 
been called together, is no real one; St. John rela- 
ting the first introduction of the brothers to Jesus, 
the other evangelists their formal cull to follow Him 
in His ministry. In the catalogue of the apostles, 
Andrew appears, in Mat. x. 2, Lk. vi. 14. second, 
next after Peter; but in Ilk. iii. 16, Acts i. 13, 
fourth, after Peter, James, and John, and in com- 
pany with Philip. And this appears to haw; been 
his real place of dignity among the apostles ; for in 
Mk. xiii. 3, we find Peter, James, John, and Andrew, 
inquiring privately of our Lord about His coming ; 
and in Jn. xii. 22, when certain Greeks wished for 
an interview with Jesus, they applied through An- 
drew, who consulted Philip, and with him made the 
request known to our Lord. This last circumstance, 
with the Greek character of both their names, may 
perhaps point to some slight Hellenistic connection 
on the part of the two apostles ; though it is extreme- 
ly improbable that any of the twelve were Hellenists 
in the proper sense. When the five thousand in 
the wilderness want food, Andrew points out the 
little lad with the five barley loaves and two fishes 
(Jn. vi. 8 ff.). Scripture relates nothing of him be- 
yond these scattered notices. Traditions about him 
are various. Eusebius makes him preach in Scythia ; 
Jerome and Theodorct in Achaia (Greece) ; Nicepho- 
rus in Asia Minor and Thrace. He is said to have 
been crucified at Patrse in Achaia on a cross decus- 
sate (= X), hence called "St. Andrew's cross." 
(Cross 2.) Some ancient writers speak of an apoc- 
ryphal Acts of Andrew. 

An-dro-ni'tns (L. fr. Gr. = man-conquering). 1. 
An officer left as viceroy (A. V. " deputy," 2 Mc. iv. 
31) in Antioch by Antiochus Epiphanes (b. c. 171). 
At the instigation of Menelaus, Andronicus put to 
death the high-priest Onias 3. This murder excited 



ANE 



ANG 



41 



general indignation ; and on the return of Antiochus, 
Andronicus was publicly degraded and executed (2 
Mc. iv. 31-38). — 2. Another officer of Antiochus 
Epiphanes left by him on Garizim (2 Mc. v. 23), 
probably in occupation of the temple there. (Geri- 

ZIM .) 3. A Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul 

(Rom. xvi. 7), together with Junias (Junia), both 
being called "kinsmen " and "fellow-prisoners," and 
" of note among the apostles " (Dr. Alford takes 
" apostles " here in the wider sense of this term = 
Christian messengers and teachers ; Prof. Stuart, 
Conybeare and Howson, and many others take 
" apostle " in the common meaning, and " of note " 
as = well known), and described as converted to 
Christ before himself. One tradition makes him 
bishop of Pannonia ; auother, of Spain. 

A'nem (Heb. two fountains, Ges.), a city of Issa- 
char, allotted to the Gershonites (1 Chr. vi. 73); 
perhaps = En-gannim 2. 

A'uer (Heb. boy, Ges. ; juvenility, Fii.), a city of 
Manasseh W. of Jordan, allotted to the Kohathites 
(1 Chr. vi. 70) ; = Taanach ? 

A'ncr (see above), one of the three Amorite chiefs 
of Hebron who aided Abraham in pursuing and rout- 
ing the four invading kings (Gen. xiv. 13, 24). Che- 

DORLAOMER. 

* A-lie'thon (Gr. ; Mat. xxiii. 23, marg.). Anise. 

An'e-thotli-ite (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), An'c-totli-itc (1 
Chr. xxvii. 12), and An'totll-ite (1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3) 
— an inhabitant of Anathoth in Benjamin. 

An'c-toth-ite = Anethothite. 

An-ga-reu'o (Gr.). Compel. 

An'gels [ane'jelz] (fr. Gr. = messengers — Heb. 
maldcfdm). A race of spiritual beings, exalted 
above man, although infinitely below God, whose of- 
fice is " to do Him service in heaven, and by His 
appointment to succor and defend men on earth." I. 
Scriptural use of the word. — In many passages "the 
angel of God," " the angel of Jehovah," is a mani- 
festation of God himself. Compare Gen. xxii. 1 1 with 
12, and Ex. iii. 2 with 6 and 14; where the " angel 
of Jehovah " is called " God," and " Jehovah," and 
accepts the worship due to God alone. (Contrast 
Rev. xix. 10, xxii. 9.) See also Gen. xvi. 7, 13, xxxi. 
11, 13, xlviii. 15, 10; Num. xxii. 22, 32, 35, and 
eomp. Is. lxiii. 9 with Ex. xxxiii. 14, &c, &c. Side 
by side with these expressions, we read of God's be- 
ing manifested in the form of man ; as to Abraham 
at Mamre (Gen. xviii. 2, 22, comp. xix. 1), to Jacob 
at Peniel (Gen. xxxii. 24, 30), to Joshua at Gilgal 
(Josh. v. 13, 15), &c. Apparently both sets of pas- 
sages refer to the same kind of manifestation of the 
Divine Presence. Now, since "no man hath seen 
God " (the Father) "at any time," and "the only- 
begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, 
He hath revealed Him " (Jn. i. 18), the " Angel of the 
Lord " in such passages must be He, who is from the 
beginning the " Word," i. e. the Manifester or Re- 
vealer of God, and these appearances must be " fore- 
shadowings of the Incarnation." Besides this highest 
application of " angel " or " messenger," it is used of 
any messengers of God, as the prophets (Is. xlii. 19 ; 
Hag. i. 13; Mai. iii. 1), the priests (Mai. ii. 7), and 
the rulers of the Christian churches (Rev. i. 20). 
Compare Apostle, and see Synagogue. Rev. I. Jen- 
nings, of Ongar, England, maintains that " the angels 
of the seven churches" (Rev. i. 20, &c.) = the mes- 
sengers of the churches to which the epistles were 
addressed (ii., iii.), whom he supposes those churches 
sent to the apostle in Patmos {B. S. xii. 346 ff.). — 
II. Nature of Angels. — Little is said of their nature 
as distinct from their office. They are termed 



" spirits" (as in Heb. i. 14). The word is the same 
(Gr. pneuma) as that used of the soul of man, when 
separate from the body (e. g. Mat. xiv. 26 ; Lk. xxiv. 
37, 39; 1 Pet. iii. 19). Many of the Christian 
Fathers and of the philosophers of the middle ages 
as well as some modern theologians have maintained 
the corporeality or materiality of the angelic nature. 
But their arguments — that the word pneuma denotes 
only the supersensuous and rational, yet not necessa- 
rily immaterial, element of man's nature, that there 
is a " spiritual (Gr. psuchikon) body " (1 Cor. xv. 44), 
that men, after the resurrection, having this spiritual 
body, are yet "like the angels" (Gr. isanggeloi, Lk. 
xx. 36), and that there is a general resemblance in 
titles (e. g. " sons of God," " gods ") and appearance 
(Gen. xviii., xix; Lk. xxiv. 4; Acts i. 10, &c.) be- 
tween angels aud men, and that therefore the angels 
are now both in nature and character what mankind 
will be in heaven — are all fairly met by arguments 
drawn from the use of the same word to denote the 
nature of God (Jn. iv. 24) and designate the Holy 
Ghost (Spirit, the Holt), from the known fact that 
angels .are not ordinarily visible or perceptible to 
human sense, and hence must be, when they become 
visible, different in some important respect from 
what they usually are, from the fact that the spiritual 
or glorified bodies of the redeemed are represented 
as like Christ's (Phil. iii. 21) and not as angelic, and 
from the acknowledged imperfection of the figurative 
human language which the sacred writers must use 
in attempting to describe all invisible things, inclu- 
ding the human soul and God Himself. (See Prof. 
Stuart in B. S. for 1843, pp. 88-154, or in Comm. 
on Apocalypse, ii. 397-409.) — The angels are re- 
vealed to us as finite, created beings, holy and 
lovely, happy and immortal, endowed with power 
and might, knowledge and wisdom, desires and sym- 
pathies, affections and wills ; in short, as superhu- 
man moral agents, beings who think and feel and 
choose, and are capable of unlimited progress, the 
proper and glorious inhabitants of heaven (Ps. viii. 5, 
ciii. 20 ; Mat. vi. 10, xviii. 10, xxiv. 36 ; Mk. xiii. 32 ; 
Lk. xv. 10 ; Eph. iii. 10 ; Col. i. 16 ; 2 Th. i. 7 ; 1 Pet. 
i. 12 ; 2 Pet. ii. 11 ; Rev. vii. 11, &c.).— -The angels are 
very numerous (Dan. vii. 10 ; Heb. xii. 22 ; Rev. v. 11, 
&c), and are called the "holy angels," "angels of 
God," " elect angels," " angels of light," " holy ones," 
&c. (Gen. xxviii. 12 ; Dan. iv. 13, 23, viii. 13; Mat. 
xxv. 31; Lk. ix. 26; 2 Cor. xi. 14; 1 Tim. v. 21, 
&c.), in distinction from the angels which "kept not 
their first estate," or "the devil and his angels," &c. 
(Apollyon; Demon; Devil; Satan.) — III. Office of 
the angels. — Of their office in heaven, we have only 
vague prophetic glimpses (1 K. xxii. 19 ; Is. vi. 1-3; 
Dan. vii. 9, 10; Rev. v. 11, &c), which show us 
nothing but a never-ceasing adoration. Their office 
toward man is far more fully described. They are 
represented as, in the widest sense, agents of God's 
providence, natural and supernatural, to the body 
and to the soul. The operations of nature are spoken 
of, as under angelic guidance fulfilling the will of 
God. Thus the pestilences which slew'the first-born 
(Ex. xii. 23 ; Heb. xi. 28), the disobedient people in 
the wilderness (1 Cor. x. 10), the Israelites in the 
days of David (2 Sam. xxiv. 16 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 16), and 
the army of Sennacherib (2 K. xix.' 35 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 
21), as also the plague which cut off Herod (Acts xii. 
23), are plainly spoken'of as the work of the " angel 
of the Lord." Nor can the numerous declarations 
of the Apocalypse be resolved into mere poetical im- 
agery. (See especially Rev. viii. and ix.) More par- 
ticularly, however, angels are spoken of as ministers 



42 



ANG 



ANI 



of the supernatural (or spiritual) providence of God ; 
as agents in the spiritual redemption and sanctifica- 
tion of man. In Job (i. 6, ii. 1, xxxviii. 7) they are 
spoken of vaguely, as surrounding God's throne 
above, and rejoicing in the completion of His creative 
work, without any hint of their direct and visible ap- 
pearance to man. In Genesis, after the call of Abra- 
ham, the angels mingle with and watch over the 
chosen family, entertained by Abraham and by Lot 
(Gen. xviii., xix.), guiding Abraham's servant to Pa- 
dan-aram (xxiv. 7, 40), seen by the fugitive Jacob 
at Bethel (xxviii. 12), and welcoming his return at 
Mahanaim (xxxii. 1). Their ministry hallows domes- 
tic life, and is closer, more familiar, and less awful 
than in after-times. (Contrast Gen. xviii. with Judg. 
vi. 21, 22, xiii. 16, 22.) In the subsequent history 
of the chosen nation, the records of their appearance 
belong especially to the periods of the Judges, and 
of the Captivity, the former one destitute of direct 
revelation or prophetic guidance, the latter one of 
special trial and unusual contact with heathenism. 
In Judges angels appear to rebuke idolatry (ii. 
1-4), to call Gideon (vi. 11, &c.) and consecrate 
Samson (xiii. 3, &c.) to the work of deliverance. 
During the prophetic and kingly period, angels ap- 
pear when needed by the prophets themselves (1 IC. 
xix. 5 ; 2 K. vi. 17), and are (as noticed above) min- 
isters of God in the operations of nature. But in the 
Captivity, angels are revealed as watching, not only 
over Jerusalem, but also over heathen kingdoms, un- 
der the providence, and to work out the designs, of 
the Lord. (See Zech.; also Dan. iv. 13, 23, x. 10, 
13, 20, 21, &e.) The Incarnation marks a new 
epoch of angelic ministration. " The angel of Jeho- 
vah," the lord of all created angels, having now de- 
scended from heaven to earth, it was natural that His 
servants should continue to do Him service there. 
Whether to predict and glorify His birth itself (Mat. 
i. 20 ; Lk. i., ii.), to minister to Him after His temp- 
tation and agony (Mat. iv. 11 ; Lk. xxii. 43), or to de- 
clare His resurrection and triumphant ascension 
(Mat, xxviii. 2; Jn. xx. 12; Acts i. 10 11) they 



seem now to be indeed " ascending and descending 
on the Son of man," almost as though transferring 
to earth the ministrations of heaven. The N. T. is 
the history of the Church of Christ, every member 
of which is united to Him. Accordingly, the angels 
are revealed now, as " ministering spirits " to each 
individual member of Christ for His spiritual guid- 
ance and aid (Heb. i. 14). The records of their visi- 
ble appearance are unfrequent (Acts v. 19, viii. 26, 
x. 3, xii. 7, xxvii. 23) ; but their presence and aid arc 
referred to familiarly ever after the Incarnation. 
They watch over Christ's little ones (Mat. xviii. 10), 
rejoice over a penitent sinner (Lk. xv. 10), are pres- 
ent in the worship of Christians (I Cor. xi. 10) and, 
perhaps, bring their prayers before God (Rev. viii. 3, 
4), and bear the souls of the redeemed into Paradise 
(Lk. xvi. 22). In one word, they are Christ's minis- 
ters of grace now, as they shall be of judgment here- 
after (Mat. xiii. 39, 41, 49, xvi. 27, xxiv. 31, &c). 
The mode of their action is not made known to us. 
(For the evil angels, see Demon ; Dkmoniac; Devil; 
Satan.) That there are degrees of the angelic nature, 
fallen and unfallcn, and special titles and agencies 
belonging to each, is clearly declared (Eph. i. 21 ; 
Rom. viii. 38). Ahchangel ; Cherubim; Seraphim; 
Michael ; Gabriel. 
Angling. Fishing. 

A'ui-nni (Heb. sighing of the people, Ges.), a Manas- 
site, son of Shcmidah (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

A'nim (Heb. fountains, Ges.), a city in the moun- 
tains of Judah, named with Eshtemoh and Goshen 
(Josh. xv. 50) ; probably at the ruined village el- 
i , 'In i ir, ; ,, ;il]<mi ten miles south of Hebron (Win. i. 
354 ; Rbn. ii. 204). 

An'isc [an'nis] (Gr. anelhon). This word occurs 
only in Mat. xxiii. 23, " Woe unto you, scribes and 
Pharisees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe of mint and 
anise (marg. "Gr. anethon, dill ") and cummin." It 
is by no means certain whether the anise (Pimpinella 
Anisum, Linn.) or the dill (Anethum graveolens) is 
here intended, but more probably the latter. Both 
the dill and the anise are umbelliferous plants, and 






AnJae (Pimpinella Anisum.) 



Common Dill (Anethum graveoltnt.) 



ANK 



ANO 



43 



are much alike in external character ; the seeds of 
both, moreover, are aromatic, and have been long em- 
ployed in medicine and cookery, as condiments and 
carminatives. Both are cultivated, but dill is said 
to be more a plant of Eastern cultivation than anise. 

Ank let. This word does not occur in the A. V., 
but the thing denoted by it is mentioned in the plu- 
ral (Is. iii. 18, Heb. 'ach&sim, A. V. " tinkling orna- 
ments about their feet ; " see also Is. iii. 16). Anklets 
were fastened to the ankle-b ind of each leg, were as 
common as bracelets and armlets, and made of much 
the same materials ; the pleasant jingling and tink- 
ling which they made as they knocked against each 
other, was no doubt a reason why they were admired. 
They are still worn in the East, and Lane (Mod. 
Egypt) quotes from a song, in allusion to the pleas- 
ure caused by their sound, " the ringing of thine 
anklets has deprived me of reason." Hence Moham- 
med forbade them in public ; " let them not make a 
noise with their feet, that their ornaments which 
they hide may (thereby) be discovered " (Koran, 
xxiv. 31). Bells; Chain; Ornaments, Personal. 




Anklets (fr, Ayre). 
1. 2, 8, 4. Fgyptian from painting. 5. Modern, worn by dancing- girls. 
6, 7. Assyrian, ol iron and bronze, from originals in the Nineveh Collection, 
British Museum. 

Anna (G. and L. fr. Heb. = Hannah), the name 
in Punic of Dido's sister (Virgil, JEneid, iv.); used 
in the LXX. and Vulgate for Hannah (1 Sam. 1. 2 
ff.) and in the Vulgate for Edna (Tob. vii. 2 ff.). 
I. The wife of Tobit (Tob. i. 9 ft'.).— 2. An aged 
widow and " prophetess " in Jerusalem at the time 
of our Lord's presentation in the Temple (Lk. ii. 
36). She was of the tribe of Asher. 

An'na-as (1 Esd. v. 23) = Senaah. 

Annas (Gr.). 1. Harim (1 Esd. ix. 32).— 2. (fr. 
Heb. = Hanan, Fii.). A high-priest of the Jews. 
He was son of one Seth, and was appointed high- 
priest a. d. V, by Quirinus, imperial governor of 
Syria ; but was obliged by Valerius Gratus, procura- 
tor of Judea, to give way to Ismael, son of Phabi, 
at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, a. d. 14. \ 
But soon Ismael was succeeded by Eleazar, son of j 
Annas ; then followed, after one year, Simon, son of j 
Camithus, and then, after another year, (about a. d. 
25), Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas (Jn. xviii. I 



13). But in Lk.iii. 2, Annas and Caiaphas are both 
called high-priests, An ias being mentioned first. Our 
Lord's first hearing (Jn. xviii. 13) was before Annas, 
who then sent him bound to Caiaphas. In Acts iv. 6, 
Annas is plainly called the high-priest, and Caiaphas 
merely named with others of his family. Winer sup- 
poses that Annas retained the title from his former 
enjoyment of the office. Wieseler and Selden main- 
tain that the two, Annas and Caiaphas, were together 
at the head of the Jewish people, Caiaphas as actual 
high-priest, Annas as president of the Sanhedrim. 
Others again suppose that Annas held the office of 
sagan, or substitute of the high-priest, mentioned by 
the later Talmudists. (Comp. Abiathar.) He lived 
to old age, having had five sons high-priests. 

An-nn'us (fr. Gr. ; 1 Esd. viii. 48). Probably a 
corruption of the Hebrew word ilto, A. V. " with 
him " (Ezr. viii. 19). 

A-noiut'ing in the Scriptures is either I. Material, 
with oil, or II. Spiritual, with the Holy Ghost. — I. 
Material. — 1. Ordinary. Anointing the body or 
head with oil was a common practice with the Jews, 
as with other Oriental nations (Deut. xxviii. 40 ; Ru. 
iii. 3 ; Mic. vi. 15 ; Bath). Abstinence from it was 
a sign of mourning (2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Dan. x. 3 ; Mat. 
vi. 17). Anointing the head with oil or ointment 
seems also to have been a mark of respect some- 
times paid by a host to his guests (Lk. vii. 46 and 
Ps. xxiii. 5 ; see also Jn. xi. 2, xii. 3), and was an 
ancient Egyptian custom at feasts. Erom the dis- 
continuance of anointing in times of sorrow and dis- 
aster, to " be anointed with oil " = to enjoy success 
or prosperity (Ps. xcii. 10; comp. Eccl. ix. 8 ; Oil; 
Ointment). — 2. Official (Messiah). (a) Prophets 
were occasionally anointed to their office (1 K. xix. 
16), and are called messiahs, or anointed (1 Chr. 
xvi. 22; Ps. cv. 15). (b) Priests, at the institution 
of the Levitical priesthood, were all anointed to their 
offices, Aaron's sons as well as Aaron himself (Ex. 
xl. 15 ; Num. iii. 3) ; but afterward anointing seems 
to have been especially reserved for the high-priest 
(Ex. xxix. 29 ; Lev. xvi. 32) ; so that " the priest 
that is anointed" (Lev. iv. 3) probably = the high- 
priest (so the LXX. and most). See also Lev. iv. 5, 
16, and vi. 22. (c) The Hebrews were familiar with 
anointing kings before they had any (Judg. ix. 8, 
15). Anointing was the principal and divinely- 
appointed ceremony in the inauguration of their 
kings (1 Sam. ix. 16, x. 1 ; 1 K. i. 34, 39); indeed, 
'• the Lord's anointed " was a common designation 
of the theocratic king (1 Sam. xii. 3,' 5 ; 2 Sam. i. 
14, 16 ; xix. 21). David was thrice anointed to be 
king : (1.) privately by Samuel, before Saul's death, 
to confer on him a right to the throne (1 Sam. xvi. 
1, 13); (2.) over Judah at Hebron (2 Sam. ii. 4) ; (3.) 
over the whole nation (2 Sam. v. 3). After the sep- 
aration, the kings both of Judah and of Israel seem 
still to have been anointed (2 K. ix. 3, xi. 12). So 
late as the Captivity the king is called " the anointed 
of the Lord" (Ps. lxxxix. 38, 51; Lam. iv. 20). 
Some, however, think, that after David, subsequent 
kings were not anointed, except when, as in the cases 
of Solomon, Joash, and Jehu, the right of succession 
was disputed or transferred (Jahn, Bib. Arehceology). 
Hazael was to be anointed king over Syria (IK. xix. 
15). Cyrus also is called the Lord's anointed, as 
raised by God to the throne to deliver the Jews out 
of captivity (Is. xlv. 1). (d) Inanimate objects were 
anointed with oil as -set apart for religious service. 
Thus Jacob anointed a pillar at Bethel (Gen. xxxi. 
13) ; the tabernacle and all its furniture were conse- 
crated by anointing (Ex. xxx. 26-28). — 3. Ecclesias- 



ANO 



ANT 



tieal. Anointing with oil in the name of the Lord 
is prescribed by St. James to be used together with 
prayer, by the elders of the church, for the recovery 
of the sick (Jas. v. 14). Analogous to this is the 
anointing with oil practised by the twelve (ilk. vi. 
13), and our Lord's anointing the eyes of a blind 
man with clay made from saliva, in restoring him 
miraculously to sight (Jn. ix. 6, 11). — II. Spiritual. — 
1. In the 0. T. a deliverer is promised under the title 
of Messiah, or Anointed (Ps. ii. 2 ; Dan. ix. 25, 26) ; 
and his anointing is described to be with the Holy 
Ghost (Is. lxi. 1 ; see Lk. iv. 18). As anointing with 
oil betokened prosperity, and produced a cheerful 
aspect (Ps. civ. 15), so "this spiritual unction is fig- 
uratively described as anointing " with the oil of 
gladness " (Ps. xlv. 7 ; Eeb. i. 9). In the N. T. Jesus 
of Nazareth is shown to be the Messiah, or Christ, 
or Anointed of the 0. T. (Jn. i. 41 ; Acts ix. 22, 
xvii. 2, 3, xviii. 5, 28); and his being anointed with 
the Holy Ghost is asserted and recorded (Jn. i. 32, 
33 ; Acts iv. 27, x. 38). — 2. Spiritual anointing with 
the Holy Ghost is conferred also upon Christians by 
God (2 Cor. i. 21 ; 1 Jn. ii. 20, 27 ; Spirit, The 
Holy). To anoint the eyes with eye-salve figura- 
tively denotes the process of obtaining spiritual 
perception (Rev. iiL 18). 

A'nos (fr. Gr.), a son of Maani or Bani; perhaps = 
Vaniah (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Ant (Heb. nSmdldh). This insect is mentioned 
twice in the 0. T. : in Prov. vi. 6, " Go to the ant, 
thou sluggard ; consider her ways, and be wise ; " 
in xxx. 25, " The ants are a people not strong, yet 
they prepare their meat in the summer." In the 
former passage the unforced diligence of this insect 
is instanced as an example worthy of imitation ; in 
the latter the ant's rvisdorn is especially alluded to, 
for these insects, though " little upon the earth, are 
exceeding wise." It is well known that the ancient 
Greeks and Romans believed that the ant stored up 
food, which it collected in the summer, ready for 
the winter's consumption ; but this is now considered 
by most naturalists an error. Ants are carnivo- 
rous, or rather omnivorous, in their habits of living. 
They eat sweet fruits, crumbs of bread, animal food 
of various kinds &c. ; but their favorite food is the 
saccharine secretion from the bodies of the aphides 
or plant-lice. The European species of ants are all 
dormant in the winter, and consequently require no 
food ; but until we know more accurately the habits 
of ants in Palestine and other warm countries " it 
would be rash to affirm that no ants have maga- 
zines for provisions " (Kirby and Spence, Lttrod. to 
Entomology, ii. 46). " They are great robbers ; 
and ihe farmer must keep a sharp eye to his floor 
in harvest, or they will abstract a large quantity 
of grain in a single night" (Thn. i. 520-1). — The 
words of Solomon do not necessarily teach that ants 
store up food for future use, though they have been 
commonly so understood. Kirby and Spence say : 
" He does not affirm that the ant, which he proposes 
to the sluggard as an example, laid up in her maga- 
zine stores of grain against winter, but that, with 
considerable prudence and foresight, she makes use 
of proper seasons to collect a supply of provisions 
sufficient for her purposes. She prepares her bread 
and gathers her food (viz., such food as is suited to 
her) in summer and harvest (i. e. when it is most 
plentiful), and thus shows her wisdom and prudence 
by using the advantages offered to her." The accu- 
racy of Solomon may also be vindicated, if, as is not 
improbable, the Heb. nimalah includes the termites, 
or " white ants," which, although belonging to a dif- 



ferent order of insects, are yet popularly associated 
with " ants." " White ants" are especially abundant 
in tropical regions, but one or more among the nu- 
merous species may be found in most temperate 
climes. They form populous societies, and their hab- 
itations often contain large stores of vegetable food. 

An (i-llll ist (fr. Gr. = against Christ or instead of 
Christ). This term is employed only by the Apostle 
John in his second and third Epistles. Nevertheless, 
by an almost universal consent, the term has been 
applied to the Man of Sin in 2d Thessalonians, to the 
Little Horn and to the fierce-countenanced King in 
Daniel, and to the two Beasts of Revelation, as 
well as to the false Christ spoken of in Mat. xxiv. — 
I. In Mat. xxiv. 3-31, our Lord is not speaking of 
any one individual (or polity), but rather of those 
forerunners of the Antichrist who are his servants 
and actuated by his spirit. This passage does not 
therefore elucidate for us the characteristics of the 
Antichrist. — II. The Antichrist is mentioned in sev- 
eral passages in the Epistles of John (1 Jn. ii. 18-23, 
iv. 1-3 ; 2 Jn. 5-7). The whole teaching here with 
regard to the Antichrist himself seems to be confined 
to the words twice repeated, " Yo have heard (i. e. 
by oral teaching from the apostle) that the Anti- 
christ shall come." The rest appears to be rather a 
practical application of the doctrine of the Anti- 
christ than a formal statement of it. The apostle 
warns his readers that the spirit of the Antichrist 
could exist even then, though the coming of the 
Antichrist himself was future, and that all who de- 
nied the Messiahship and Sonship of Jesus were 
Antichrists, as being wanting in that divine principle 
of love which is the essence of Christianity, and 
thus being types of the final Antichrist who was to 
come— III. St. Paul (2 Th. ii. 1-12; 1 Tim. iv. 1-3; 
2 Tim. iii. 1-5) does not employ the term Antichrist, 
but there can be no hesitation in identifying with the 
Antichrist who was to come " that Man of Sin, the 
Son of Perdition, who opposeth and exalted himself 
above all that is called God or that is worshipped." 
He also refers to his previous oral teaching, and says 
that " the mystery of iniquity (i. e. the spirit of Anti- 
christ or Antiehristianism) doth already work." He 
adds an assurance that the Antichrist should not he 
revealed in person until some present obstacle to his 
appearance should have been taken away, and until 
the predicted " falling away " or apostasy should 
have occurred. From St. John and St. Paul together 
-we learn (1.) that the Antichrist would come; (2.) 
that he would not come until a certain obstacle to 
his coming (supposed by the early Christian writers 
to be the power of secular law existing in the Roman 
empire) was removed; (3.) nor till the time of, or 
rather till after the " falling away ; " (4. ) that his 
characteristics would be (a) open opposition to God 
and religion, (b) a claim to the incommunicable attri- 
butes of God, (c) iniquity, sin, and lawlessness, (d) a 
power of working lying miracles, (e) marvellous ca- 
pacity of beguiling souls; (5.) that he would be 
actuated by Satan; (6.) that his spirit was already 
at work, manifesting itself, partially, incompletely, 
and typically, in the teachers of infidelity and im- 
morality already abounding in the Church. This 
last is considered as referring to such as Cerinthus r 
Simon Magus, the Gnostics, &c. — IV. The fierce- 
countenanced King of Dan. viii. 8-25, xi. 36-39, is 
universally recognized to be Antiochus Epiphanes, 
who is regarded as the chief prototype of the Anti- 
christ ; and the prophecy may therefore be consid- 
ered as typically descriptive of the Antichrist. — V. 
In the prophecy of the Little Horn (Dan. vii. 7-27) 



ANT 



ANT 



45 



the four beasts represent four kings, i. e. four king- 
doms or empires ( = the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, 
and Roman empires), and the last (the Roman) 
breaks up into ten kingdoms, among which grows 
up another (the Little Horn) which gets the mastery 
over three of the ten. This Little Horn is not an 
individual, but a kingdom or polity, and therefore 
cannot be identified with the Antichrist of St. John's 
and St. Paul's Epistles. — VI. The Apocalyptic Beast 
of St. John (Rev. xiii. 1-8, xvii. 1-18) is clearly 
identical with the Little Horn of Daniel, and there- 
fore is not the Antichrist. But it is evident that the 
two former sustain some relation to the Antichrist. 
There are four classes of writers on the Antichrist : 
— (1.) those who regard him as an individual yet 
future, among whom are most of the early Christian 
Fathers, the early Waldenses, &c. ; (2.) those who 
regard him as a polity now present, among whom 
are the Waldenses of the fourteenth century, Wick- 
liffites, Hussites, Luther, Calvin, Cranmer, &c, all 
regarding the system of Popery as the Antichrist ; 
(3.) those who regard him as an individual already 
past, among whom are Roman Catholics on one side, 
and Grotius, Eichhorn, Hug, Ewald, Stuart, Davidson, 
&c, on the other, their general view being that the 
Apocalypse describes the triumph of Christianity over 
Judaism ia the first century and over Heathenism in 
the third ; (4.) those who consider the Antichrist as 
an antichristian and lawless principle not embodied 
either in an individual or in a special polity, e. g. 
Koppe, Storr, Nitzsch, Pelt. Of these four opinions 
the first two appear to contain the truth between 
them (so Mr. Meyriek). The Apocalyptic Beast may 
be identified with " the falling away" (2 Th. ii. 3 ; 
not " a falling away," as in A. V.), and the antitype 
of both may be found in the corrupted Church of 
Christ, in which there has been a falling away from 
her purity and first love into unfaithfulness to God, 
exhibited especially in idolatry and creature- worship. 
As a religious defection grows up by degrees, we 
cannot point to its precise commencement. Cyril 
of Jerusalem (fourth century) considered it already 
existing. The decrees of the second Council of 
Nice, a. d. 787, and the theory of the Papal Suprem- 
acy put forth by Pope Gregory VII. (eleventh cen- 
tury) and subsequently prevalent to the sixteenth 
century and onward, are noticeable in this connec- 
tion. According to the view here presented, the fall 
of Babylon (i. e. of Rome) would be as yet future, 
as well as the still subsequent destruction of the 
corrupted Church, on the day of the coming of Christ. 
The period of the three and a half times would con- 
tinue down to this destruction. — VII. The Apoca- 
lyptic Beast from the Earth (Rev. xiii. 11-18), or 
the False Prophet (xix. 11-21 ; comp. xvi. 13), ap- 
parently represent the Antichrist, if the Antichrist 
appears at all in the Apocalypse. The characteris- 
tics of this Beast are (1.) miracle-working, (2.) a 
special power of beguiling, (3.) an outward resem- 
blance to the Messiah ("horns like a Iamb"), (4.) 
the title " The False Prophet," our Lord being em- 
phatically "The Prophet." Compare 2 Th. ii. 1-12, 
and III. 4 above. The antitype of this might be an 
individual person who will at some future time arise, 
and ally himself with the corrupted Church, repre- 
sent himself as her minister and vindicator (Rev. xiii. 
12), compel men by violence to pay her reverence 
(14), breathe a new life into her decaying frame by 
his use of the secular arm in her behalf (15), forbid- 
ding civil rights to those who renounce her authority 
and reject her symbols (17), and putting them to 
death by the sword (15), while personally he is an 



atheistical blasphemer (1 Jn. ii. 22), and sums up in 
himself the evil spirit of unbelief which has been 
working in the world from St. Paul's days to his 
(2 Th. ii. 7). The Antichrist would thus combine 
the forces, generally and happily separated, of Infi- 
delity and Superstition. In this would consist the 
special horror of his reign. Hence also the special 
sufferings of the faithful believers until Christ Him- 
self once again appears to vindicate the cause of 
Truth and Liberty and Religion. 

* Atl'ti-lib'a-nus (L. over against Lebanon; Jd. i. 7), 
the range of mountains E. of Lebanon, also called 
Anti-Lebanon. Mount Hermon is its southern and 
highest summit. Coslesyria or Celosyria lies be- 
tween Antilibanus and Lebanon. 

An'ti-och [-te-ok] (fr. Gr. ; named from Antiochus, 
father [sou, so some] of the founder). 1 . In Syria. 
The capital of the Grecian kings of Syria, and after- 
ward the residence of the Roman governor of the pro- 
vince of Syria ; situated where the chain of Lebanon 
running N., abruptly meets that of Taurus running 
E. Here the Orontes breaks through the mountains, 
and Antioch was placed at a bend of the river, partly 
on an island, partly on the level which forms the left 
bank, and partly on the steep and craggy ascent of 
Mount Silpius, which rose abruptly on the S. In the 
immediate neighborhood was Daphne, the celebrated 
sanctuary of Apollo, with its temple and fountains 




Gate of St. Paul, AntioA. 



and grove of laurels and cypresses, a nursery of 
heathenish pollution (2 Mc. iv. 33); whence the city 
was sometimes called " Antioch by Daphne." Anti- 
och was founded 300 b. c, by Seleucus Nicator. 
Jews were settled there from the first in largo num- 
bers, were governed by their own ethnarch, and al- 
lowed to have the same political privileges with the 
Greeks. Antioch grew under the Seleucid kings, till 
it became a city of great extent and of remarkable 
beauty. Some of the most magnificent buildings 
were on the island. One feature, apparently char- 
acteristic of the great Assyrian cities — a vast street 
with colonnades, intersecting the whole from end to 
end — was added by Antiochus Epiphanes. For some 
notices of the Antioch of this period, and of its rela- 
tion to Jewish history, see 1 Mc. iii. 37, xi. 13; 2 
Mc. iv. 7-9, v. 21, xi. 36. It is the Antioch of 
the Roman period with which we are concerned in 
the N. T. By Pompey it had been made a free city, 
and such it continued till the time of Antoninus Pius. 
The early emperors raised there some large and im- 



46 



ANT 



ANT 



portant structures, such as aqueducts, amphitheatres, 
and baths. . Herod the Great contributed a road and 
a colonnade. The citizens of Antioch under the Em- 
pire were noted for scurrilous wit and the invention 
of uicknames. This perhaps was the origin of the 



name Christian. — No city, after Jerusalem, is so 
intimately connected with the history of the apos- 
tolic church. These two cities were closely asso- 
ciated in certain points. Oue of the seven deacons 
appointed at Jerusalem, was Nicolas, a proselyte of 




Antioch (Acts vi. 5). The Christians, dispersed from 
Jerusalem at Stephen's death, preached ,the Gospel 
at Antioch (xi. 19). From Jerusalem, Agabus, who 
foretold the famine, and other prophets, came to An- 
tioch (xi. 27, 28); and Barnabas and Saul were con- 
sequently sent on a mission of charity from Antioch 
to Jerusalem (xi. 30, xii. 25). From Jerusalem the 
Judaizers came, who disturbed the church at Antioch 
(xv. 1) ; and at Antioch St. Paul rebuked St. Peter 




Antioch in Pisidia. — From Arundell's Discoveries in Asia Minor.— (Fbn.) 



for conduct into which he had been betrayed through 
the influence of emissaries from Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 
11, 12). — At Antioch the first Gentile church was 
founded (Actsxi. 20, 21); here the disciples of Jesus 
Christ were first called Christians (xi. 26) ; here St. 



n Syria. — From Smith's Smaller Dictionary. 

Paul exercised his ministerial work (xi. 22-26, xiv. 
26-28, xv. 35, and xviii. 22, 23) ; here he began and 
ended his first and second missionary journeys (xiii. 
1-3, xiv. 26, xv. 36, xviii. 22), and entered upon the 
third (23). To the Gentile converts at Antioch were 
especially addressed the letters from the apostles, 
&c., at Jerusalem (xv. 23). Antioch was afterward 
an important centre for Christian progress. Ignatius, 
who suffered martyrdom under Trajan at Rome, was 
bishop of Antioch forty 
years ; Cbrysostom, the elo- 
quent preacher, was born 
at Antioch. The bishop has 
been styled patriarch of An- 
tioch since the fourth cen- 
tury; and this title is now 
borne by prelates of three 
Oriental churches (Greek, 
Syriac, and Maronite), 
though for a long time none 
of them have resided at An- 
tioch. The nominal Chris 
tians at Antioch (mod. Aula- 
kia) were estimated at 
2,000, and the whole pop- 
ulation at 20,000, in 1856, 
when American Protestant 
missionaries began to preach 
the Gospel there. Antioch 
has suffered greatly from 
wars and earthquakes. It 
was a principality under the Crusaders a. d. 1098- 
1269. In 1269 its churches were destroyed by its 
captor, the Sultan Bibars. — 2. In Pisidia (Acts xiii. 
14, xiv. 19, 21 ; 2 Tim. iii. 11), on the borders of 
Phrygia, at the modern Yalobatch, which is distant 



ANTIOCH. 




PLAN OP ANCIENT ANTIOCH AFTER MULLER. 



48 



ANT 



ANT 



from Ak-sher (now known to be the ancient Philo- 
ruelium, but formerly supposed to be the site of 
Antioeh in Pisidia) six hours over the mountains. 
The ruins are very considerable. This city, like 
No. 1, was founded by Seleucus Nicator. Under 
the Romans it became a colony, and was also 
called Cesarea. When St. Paul first visited the city, 
(Acts xiii. 14), in his first missionary journey with 
Barnabas, his preaching in the synagogue led to the 
reception of the Gospel by many Gentiles : and this 
resulted in a violent persecution by the Jews, who 
first drove liim from Antioeh to Iconium (50, 51), 
and subsequently followed him even to Lystra (xiv. 
19). St. Paul, on his return from Lystra, revisited 
Antioeh to strengthen the disciples (21). He prob- 
ably visited Antioeh again at the beginning of his 
second journey, when Silas was his associate, and 
Timotheus (Timothy), a native of this neighborhood, 
had just been added to the party. Phkygia ; Pi- 
sidia. 

An-ti-a-chi'a [-ki'ah] (1 Mc. iv. 35, vi. 63 ; 2 Mc. 

iv 33, v. 21) = Antioch 1. 

An-ti-o ehi-ans [-ke-anz], partisans of Antiochus 
Epiphanes (2 Mc. iv. 9, 19). 

An-ti'o-cliis [-Iris] (Gr.) concubine of Antiochus 
Epiphanes (2 Me. iv. 30). 

An-tio-ehas [-kus] (L. fr. Gr. = the withstander), 
father of Nuraenius, ambassador from Jonathan to 
the Romans (1 Mc. xii. 1G, xiv. 22). 

An-tio-clins (see above) [I., king of Syria, sur- 
named The'os (Gr. the God), succeeded his father 
Antiochus Soter, b. c. 261. During the earlier part 
of his reign he was engaged in a fierce war with 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in the course 
of which Parthia and Bactria revolted and became 
independent kingdoms. At length (b. c. 250) peace 
was made, and the two monarchs "joined themselves 
together," and Ptolemy (" the king of the South ") 
gave his daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus 
(" the king of the North "), who set aside his former 
wife, Laodice, to receive her. When Ptolemy died 
(b. c. 247), Antiochus recalled Laodice and her chil- 
dren Seleucus and Antiochus to court. Thus Bere- 
nice was " not able to retain her power ; " and Lao- 
dice, in jealous fear lest she might again lose her 
ascendency, poisoned Antiochus (him " that strength 
ened her," i. e. Berenice), and caused Berenice and 
her infant son to be put to death, b. c. 246. After 
the death of Antiochus, Ptolemy Euergetes, brother 
of Berenice (" out of a branch of her roots "), who 
succeeded his father Ptolemy Philadelphus, avenged 
his sister's death by an invasion of Syria, in which 
Laodice was killed, her son Seleucus Callinicus 
driven for a time from the throne, and the whole 
country plundered. The hostilities thus renewed 
continued many years ; and on the death of Seleu- 
cus, b. c. 226, after his " return into his own land," 
his sons Alexander (Seleucus) Ceraunus and Antio- 
chus "assembled a multitude of great forces" 
against Ptolemy Philopator, the son of Euergetes, 
and one of them (Antiochus) threatened to overthrow 
the power of Egypt (Dan. xi. 6-10). 

An-ti'o-chns III. (see above), surnamed the Great, 
succeeded his brother Seleucus Ceraunus, who was 
assassinated after a short reign b. c. 223.. He pros- 
ecuted the war against Ptolemy Philopator with vig- 
or, and at first with success, b. c. 218 he drove the 
Egyptian forces to Sidon, conquered Samaria and 
Gilead, and wintered at Ptolemais, but was defeated 
next year at Raphia, near Gaza (b. c. 217), with im- 
mense ioss, and in consequence made a peace with 
Ptolemy, in which he ceded to him the disputed prov- 



inces of Celosyria, Phenicia, and Palestine. During 
the next thirteen years Antiochus was strengthen- 
ing his position in Asia Minor, and on the fron- 
tiers of Parthia, and by his successes gained his sur- 
name of the Great, b. c. 205, Ptolemy Philopator 
died, and left his kingdom to his son Ptolemy Epiph- 
anes, who was only five years old. Antiochus then 
united with Philip III. of Macedon to conquer 
and divide the Egyptian dominions. The Jews, 
exasperated by the conduct of Ptolemy Philopator 
both in Palestine and Egypt, openly espoused his 
cause, under the influence of a short-sighted policy 
(" the factious among thy people shall rise," i. e. 
against Ptolemy). Antiochus occupied the three 
disputed provinces, but was recalled to Asia by a 
war with Attains, king of Pergamus ; and his ally 
Philip was embroiled with the Romans. Then Ptol- 
emy, by the aid of Scopus, again made himself mas- 
ter of Jerusalem, and recovered the territory which 
he had lost. b. c. 198, Antiochus reappeared in the 
field and gained a decisive victory '' near the sources 
of the Jordan;" and afterward captured Scopus 
and the remnant of his forces in Sidon. The Jews, 
who had suffered severely during the struggle, wel- 
comed Antiochus as their deliverer, and " he stood 
in the glorious land which by his hand was to be 
consumed." His further designs against Egypt were 
frustrated l>\ Roman intervention; and his daughter 
Cleopatra, whom he gave in marriage to Ptolemy 
Epiphanes, with the Phenician provinces for her 
dower, favored the interests of her husband rather 
than those of her father. From Egypt Antiochus 
turned again to Asia Minor, and after various suc- 
cesses, crossed over to Greece, and by the advice 
of Hannibal entered on a war with Rome. His vic- 
torious course was checked at Thcrmopyla; (b. c. 
191), and he was finally defeated at Magnesia in 
Lydia, b. c. 190. By the peace concluded b. c. 188, 
he was forced to cede all his possessions " on the 
Roman side of Mount Taurus," and to pay an enor- 
mous sum to defray the expenses of the war. 




Tetrndracbm (Attic talent) of Antiochus III. 

Obverse, Head of King to right. Reverse, Btuihdl Anliochou (Gr. ™ of 
Kina Antiochus). In field, two monograms. Apollo, naked, seated on 
cortina (L. — a tripod in tlie form of a caldron) to left. 



Thi3 last condition ied to his ignominious death. 
b. c. 187 he attacked a rich temple of Belus in Ely- 
mais, and was slain by the people who rose in its de- 
fence. Thus " he stumbled and fell, and was not 
found " (Dan. xi. 11-19). — Antiochus not only as- 
sured to the Jews perfect freedom and protection in 
their worship, but made splendid contributions tow- 
ard the support of the temple ritual, and gave various 
immunities to the priests and other inhabitants of Je- 
rusalem. He also transported two thousand families 
of Jews from Mesopotamia to Lydia and Phrygia, to 
repress the tendency to revolt manifested in those 
provinces. Two sons of Antiochus succeeded him, 
first Seleucus Philopator, then Antiochus IV. 

Au-ti'o-clias (see above) IT., E-pipli'a-nes [e-pif 'a- 
neez] 'Gr. the ^lustrious), the youngest son of Antio- 



ANT 



ANT 



49 



chus the Great. He was given as a hostage to the 
Romans (b. c. 188) after his father's defeat at Mag- 
nesia, b. c. 175 he was released by the intervention 
of his brother Seleucus, who substituted his own 
son Demetrius in his place. Antiochus was at Athens 
when Seleucus was assassinated by Heliodorus. By 
the assistance of Eumenes and Attalus, he easily ex- 
pelled the usurper Heliodorus, and himself " obtained 
the kingdom by flatteries," to the exclusion of his 
nephew Demetrius. The accession of Antiochus was 
immediately followed by desperate efforts of the Hel- 
lenizing party at Jerusalem to assert their supremacy. 
Jason 4 persuaded the king to transfer the high- 
priesthood from his brother Onias III. to him, and 
bought permission to carry out his design of habitu- 
ating the Jews to Greek customs ; but three years 
afterward Menelaus, who offered the king a larger \ 
bribe, was appointed high-priest, while Jason took j 
refuge among the Ammonites. From these circum- j 
stances, and from the marked honor with which An- 
tiochus was received at Jerusalem very early in his 
reign (about b. c. 173), it appears that he easily re- 
gained the border provinces given as the dower of 
his sister Cleopatra to Ptolemy Epiphanes. But his 
ambition led him to undertake four campaigns against 
Egypt, b. c. 171, 170, 169, 168, and his complete con- 
quest of the country was prevented only by Roman 
interference. The exhaustion of his treasury, and 
the armed conflicts of the rival high-priests whom he 
had appointed, furnished the occasion for an assault 
upon Jerusalem on his return from his second Egyp- 
tian campaign (b. c. 170), which he had probably 
planned with Ptolemy Philometor, who was at that 
time in his power. The Temple was plundered, a 
terrible massacre took place, and a Phrygian govern- 
or was left with Menelaus in charge of the city. 
At the close of the fourth Egyptian expedition, two 
years afterward, Antiochus detached a force under 
Apollonius to occupy Jerusalem and fortify it, and 
availed himself of the assistance of the ancestral ene- 
mies of the Jews. The decrees then followed which 
have rendered his name infamous. The Temple was 
desecrated, and the observance of the law was for- 
bidden. " On the 15th day of Casleu the Syrians 
set up the abomination of desolation (i. e. an idol 
altar) upon the altar." Ten days afterward an 
offering was made upon it to Jupiter Olympius. At 
Jerusalem all opposition appears to have ceased; 
but Mattathias and his sons organized a successful 
resistance ("holpen with a little help"). (Macca- 
bees.) Meanwhile Antiochus turned his arms tow- 
ard Parthia and Armenia. Hearing not long after- 
ward of the riches of a temple of Nanea in Elymais 
(comp. Antiochus III.), he resolved to plunder it. 
The attempt was defeated ; and the event hastened 
his death. He retired to Babylon, and thence to 
Tabae in Persia, where he died, b. c. 164, the victim 
of superstition, terror, and remorse, having first 
heard of the successes of the Maccabees in restoring 
the Temple- worship at Jerusalem (1 Mc. i.-vi. ; 2 Mc. 
i., iv., v.). " He came to his end and there was none 
to help him." — The reign of Antiochus was the last 
great crisis in Jewish history before the coming of our 
Lord. The prominence given to it in prophecy (Dan. 
vii. 8, 25, viii. 11 ff, xi. 21-45) fitly accords with its 
typical and representative character. (Antichrist.) 
'! he conquest of Alexander the Great (Alexan- 
dria) had introduced Greek thought and life into 
the Jewish nation ; and now, after one hundred and 
fifty years, an outward struggle must decide whether 
Jui'aism was to be merged in a rationalized Pagan- 
ism, or to become purer and more vigorous. The 



exposed position of Judea between Syria and Egypt, 
the terrible crimes of the wars of " the N. and S." 
and the persecutions first from Egypt and then from 
Syria, all betokened the approaching struggle. Po- 
litically the Jews must now either be independent, 
or abandon every prophetic hope. Nor. was their 
social and religious position less perilous. Foreign 
influence had made itself felt in daily life ; and be- 
fore the rising of the Maccabees no opposition was 
offered, even by the priests, to the execution of the 
king's decrees. (Jason 4.) Antiochus at first imi- 
tated the liberal policy of his predecessors ; and the 
occasion for his attacks was furnished by the Jews 
themselves. Able, energetic, and liberal to profu- 
sion, Antiochus was reckless and unscrupulous in the 




Tetradrachm (Attic talent) of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes. 
Obverse, Head of King to right." Reverse, Banileoa Antiocnou Theou Epiph- 
aneut Nikiphorou (Gr. = of King Antioehm Theou Epiphanes Nictpho- 
rus, i. e. bringing victory). Jupiter Beated, to left, holding a victory. In 
field, monogram. 



execution of his plans. He had learned at Rome to 
court power and to dread it. He gained an empire, 
and remembered that he had been a hostage. Re- 
gardless himself of the gods of his fathers, he did 
not appreciate religion in others ; and he became a 
type of the enemy of God (Antichrist) by the disre- 
gard of every higher feeling. " He magnified him- 
self above all." His real deity was the Roman war- 
god ; and fortresses were his most sacred templet?. 
Confronted with such a persecutor, the Jew realized 
the spiritual power of his faith. The evils of heathen- 
ism w ere seen concentrated in a personal shape. The 
outward forms of worship became invested with a 
sacramental dignity. Common life was purified and 
ennobled by heroic devotion. An independent nation 
asserted the integrity of its hopes in the face of 
Egypt, Syria, and Rome. 

An-ti'o-(lins (see above) V., En'pa-tor (Gr. of 
noble descent), succeeded his father Antiochus IV., 
b. c. 164, while still a child, under the guardianship 
of Lysias, though Antiochus had on his death-bed 
assigned this effice to Philip, his own foster-brother. 
Shortly after his accession he marched against Jeru- 
salem with a large army, accompanied by Lysias, to 
relieve the Syrian garrison. He repulsed Judas 
(Maccabees) at Pethzacharias, and took Bethsura. 
But when the Jew ish force in the Temple was on the 
point of yielding, Lysias persuaded Antiochus to 
make peace that he might advance to meet Philip, 
who had made himself master of Antioch. Philip 
was speedily overpowered ; but the next year (b. c. 
162) Antiochus and Lysias fell into the hands of 
Demetrius Soter, who caused them to be put to 
death in revenge for his own wrongs from Antiochus 
Epiphanes (1 Mc. iii. 32, 33, vi., vii. 2-4 ; 2 Mc. ix. 
29, xiv. 1, 2). 

An-ti'o-elms (see above) VI. was the son of Alex- 
ander Balas and Cleopatra. After his father's 
death (146 b. c.) he remained in Arabia; but though 
still a child, he was soon brought forward by Try- 
phon (about 146 b. c.) as a claimant to the throne 
of Syria against Demetrius Nicator. Tryphon 



50 



ANT 



APO 



succeeded in gaining Antioch ; and afterward the 
most of Syria submitted to Antiochus. Jonathan 
(Maccabees), confirmed by him as high-priest and 
ruler of Judea, &c, contributed greatly to his suc- 
cess, occupying Ascalon and Gaza, reducing the 
country as far as Damascus, and defeating the troops 
of Demetrius. (Nasor.) Tryphon having now gained 
the supreme power in Antiochus's name, took Jona- 
than by treachery and put him to death, b. c. 143 ; 
and afterward murdered Antiochus, and ascended 
the throne (1 Mc. xi. 39-xiii. 31). 

An-ti o-chus (see above) VII., Si-de'tes [-teez] 
(Gr. of Side, in Pamphylia), king of Syria, was the 
second son of Demetrius I. When his brother, 
Demetrius Nicator, was taken prisoner (about 141 
B. c.) by the king of Parthia (Arsaces VI.), he mar- 
ried his wife Cleopatra and took the throne (137 
b. c.) from the usurper Tryphon. At first he made 
a very advantageous treaty with Simon (Maccabees), 
but afterward violated it and sent against him a force 
under Cendebeus, who occupied Cedron 1, and 
harassed the surrounding country. After the defeat 
of Cendebeus by Simon's sons, Antiochus undertook 
an expedition against Judea in person. He laid siege 
to Jerusalem, but (so Josephus) granted honorable 
terms to John Hyrcanus (b. o. 133), who had made 
a vigorous resistance. Antiochus next turned his 
arms against the Parthians, and Hyrcanus accompa- 
nied him in the campaign. But after some successes 
he was entirely defeated by Phraortes II. (Arsaces 
VII.), and fell in the battle, about b. c. 127-6 
(1 Mc xv., xvi.). 

An'ti-pas (Gr. = Antipater, Rbn. iV. T. Lex. ; 
against all, Fbn.). 1. Sec Herod 2. — 2. A martyr at 
Pergamos (Rev. ii. 13); according to tradition, the 
bishop of Pergamos ; said to have suffered martyr- 
dom under Domitian by being cast into a burning 
brazen bull. 

An-tip'a-ter (L. fr. Gr. = over against [i. e. like'] 
his father), son of Jason ; Jewish ambassador to the 
Lacedemonians (1 Mc. xii. 16, xiv. 22). 

An-tip'a-tris (Gr. ; named fr Antipater, Herod's 
father), a town to which the soldiers conveyed St. 
Paul by night on their march from Jerusalem to 
Cesarea (Acts xxiii. 31); anciently named Caphar- 
saba ; rebuilt and named Antipatri3 by Herod. It 
was (Itin. Hier.) forty-two miles from Jerusalem and 
twenty-six from Cesarea. The modern village Kefr- 
Sdba answers to the ancient name, and its position 
is in sufficient harmony with what Josephus says of 
the position of Antipatris, in a well-watered and well- 
wooded plain, near a hilly ridge, and with his notices 
of a trench dug from thence for military purposes 
to the sea near Joppa by one of the Asmonean 
princes. 

An-to'ni-a (L.), a fortress (A V. " castle," Acts 
xxi. 34, &e.), built by Herod on the site of the more 
ancient Baris, N. W. of the Temple, and named by 
him after his friend Antony. (Jerusalem.) The 
word nowhere occurs in the Bible. 

An-to-thi'jah (Heb. answers from Jehovah, Ges.), a 
Benjamite, son of Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 24). 

An'to-thite (fr. Anathoth), a dweller at Anathoth 
(1 Chr. xi. 28, xii. 3); = Anethothite. 

A'nnb (Heb. bound together, Ges.), son of Coz and 
descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Anns, a Levite (1 Esd. ix. 48) ; = Bani 7. 

*An'viI, a smith's iron block (Is. xii. 7 ; Ecclus. 
xxxviii. 28). Handicraft. 

Ap'a-me (Gr.), concubine of Darius, and daughter 
of Bartacus (1 Esd. iv. 29). 

A-pel'Ies [-leez] (Gr. given by Apollo, A. F. Pott), 



a Christian saluted by St. Paul (Bom. xvi. 10) as 
" approved in Christ." Tradition makes him bishop 
of Smyrna or Heraclea. 

Apes (Heb. kophim), occur in 1 K. x. 22, "once 
in three years came the navy of Tharshish (Tarshish 
2), bringing gold, and silver, ivory, and apes, and 
peacocks," and in the parallel passage of 2 Chr. ix. 
21. Probably the Hebrew word here used was not 
intended to refer to any one particular species of 
ape, but may have denoted any animals of the mon- 
key tribe, including apes, baboons, and monkeys 
proper. 

A-phar'sath-ebites [ kites], A-phar sites, A-pliar- 

sa-cllites [a-far'sa-kites] (all fr. Heb.), certain tribes, 
colonies from which had been planted in Samaria by 
Asnapper (Ezr. iv. 9, v. 6). The first and last are 
regarded as the same, and have been supposed to be 
the Parastacae or Para;taceni (= mountaineers), a 
tribe on the borders of Media and Persia ; the second 
has been referred to the Parrhasii, and by Gcsenius 
to the Persians. 

A'phck [-fek] (Heb. strength, fortress, a strong 
city, Ges.). 1. A royal city of the Canaanites, the 
king of which was killed by Joshua (Josh. xii. 18); 
probably = APHEKAH. — 2. A city, apparently in the 
extreme N. of Asher (Josh. xix. 30) ; probably = 
Aphik, and the city on the N. " bonier of the Amor- 
ites," apparently beyond Sidon, identified with the 
Aphaca of classical times, famous for its temple of 
Venus, the ruins of which are the modern Afkaonthe 
N.W. slopes of Lebanon, midway between Baalbek 
and Byblus (Jcbcil). — 3. A place at which the Phi- 
listines encamped, before the battle in which Eli's 
sons were killed and the ark taken (1 Sam. iv. 1); 
apparently N.W. of, and not far from Jerusalem. — 4. 
The scene of another encampment of the Philistines, 
before the defeat and death of Saul (1 Sam. xxix. 1); 
possibly = No. 3. — 5. A walled city on the military 
road from Syria to Israel, apparently a common spot 
for engagements with Syria (1 K. xx. 26 ff. ; 2 K. 
xiii. 17). It was situated in "the plain" (1 K. xx. 
25 ; Plain 4) E. of the .Ionian, where is the modern 
village of Fik, at the head of the Wady Fik, six 
miles E. of the sea of Galilee, the great road between 
Damascus, Ndbufus, and Jerusalem still passing 
through it. 

A-phe'kah (Heb. strong place, Ges.), a city of Ju- 
dah, in the mountains (Josh. xv. 03) ; probably = 
Aphek 1. 

A-pher'e-ma (fr. Gr.), one of the three " govern- 
ments," " Apherema, and Lydda, and Ramathem," 
added to Judea from Samaria by Demetrius Soter, 
and confirmed by Nicanor (1 Mc. xi. 34); probably = 
Ephraim and Ophrah 1. 

A-pher'ra (Gr.) ancestor of some of the sons of 
Solomon's servants who returned with Zerubbabel 
(1 Esd. v. 34); not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

A-phi'ah (Heb. rekindled, refreshed, Ges.), ancestor 
of King Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1); supposed by Lord A. 
C. Hervey — Abiah 1 (?). 

A'phik (Heb. strong, Ges.), a city of Asher (Judg. 
i. 31); probably = Aphek 2. 

Aph'rah (Heb. female fawn, Ges.), the House of, 
a place (Mic. i. 10), supposed by some = Ophrah 1. 

Aph'ses [afseez] (L. fr. Heb. the dispersion, Ges.), 
chief of the eighteenth course of priests (1 Chr. xxiv. 
15). 

A-poc'a-lypse [-lips] (fr. Gr. = revelation). Rev- 
elation of St. John. 

A-poc'ry-pha (fr. Gr. ; primarily = hidden, secret, 
sc. books ; apparently associated, toward the end 
of the second century, with the idea of spurious ; 



APO 



APO 



51 



afterward = spurious), a term popularly applied to 
the following fourteen books : 1 Esdras ; 2 Esdras ; 
Tobit; Judith; Esther x. 4-xvi. ; Wisdom; Ecclesi- 
asticus ; Baruch ; Song of the Three Holy Children ; 
History of Susanna ; Bel and the Dragon ; Prayer of 
Manasses ; 1 Maccabees ; 2 Maccabees. These 
books are treated of under their titles. For their re- 
lation to the canonical books of the 0. T. see Canon. 
(Inspiration.) These books represent the period of 
transition and decay after the return of the Jews 
from Babylon, and most (perhaps all) were probably 
written b. c. 300-30. We may notice in them (1.) 
the absence of the prophetic element; (2.) the al- 
most total disappearance of the power shown in the 
poetry of the 0. T. ; (3.) the appearance of works of 
fiction resting or purporting to rest on an historical 
foundation; (4.) the growth of a purely legendary 
literature ; (5.) the tendency to pass off supposititious 
books under the cover of illustrious names ; (6.) the 
insertion of unauthenticated formal documents as au- 
thentic ; (7.) abundant errors and anachronisms ; 
(8.) some peculiarities connected with the religious 
and ethical development of Judaism, as the manifest 
influences of the struggle against idolatry under An- 
tiochus, the growing hostility to the Samaritans, the 
prominence assigned in Tobit to alms-giving, with 
the growing belief in the individual guardianship of 
angels and the germs of a grotesque demonology 
there apparent, and (in Wisdom) the teachings in 
respect to wisdom, to the kingdom of God and its 
eternal blessings, and to the love and righteousness 
of God. 

Ap-ol-lo'ni-a (Gr. fem. = of or from Apollo), a 
city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas 
passed in their way from Philippi and Amphipolis to 
Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 1). It was thirty Roman 
miles from Amphipolis, and thirty-seven from Thes- 
salonica (Itiu. Ant.)^ 

Ap-oMo'ni-cis (L. fr. Gr. masc. = of or from 
Apollo). 1. Son of Thraseas, governor of Celosyria 
and Phenice, under Seledcus IV. Philopator, b. c. 
187 ff., a bitter enemy of the Jews (2 Mc. iv. 4), who 
urged the king at the instigation of Simon 3, to 
plunder the Temple at Jerusalem (iii. 6 ff. ; Helio- 
dorus). — 2. An officer of Antiochus Epiphanes, and 
governor of Samaria, who led out a large force against 
Judas Maccabeus, but was defeated and slain, b. c. 
166 (1 Mc. iii. 10-12) ; probably the same who was 
chief commissioner of the revenue of Judea, spoiled 
Jerusalem, taking advantage of the Sabbath, and oc- 
cupied a fortified position there, b. c. 168 (1 Mc. i. 
29 ff. ; 2 Mc. v. 24-26.-3. Son of Menestheus (pos- 
sibly = No. 2); an envoy sent (b. c. 173) by Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes to congratulate Ptolemy Philometor 
on his being enthroned (2 Mc. iv. 21). — 4. Son of 
Genneus; a Syrian general under Antiochus V. Eu- 
pator, about b. c. 163 (2 Mc. xii. 2). — 5. Apollonivs 
Baits of Josephus (= Apohonius of the Dahse or Dai, 
a people of Sogdiana ; comp. Dehavites), a governor 
of Celosyria under Alexander Balas, who embraced 
the cause of Demetrius Nicator, and was appointed 
to a chief command. Apollonius with a large force 
attacked Jonathan (Maccabees), but was entirely 
defeated by him (b. c. 147) near Azotus (1 Mc. x. 
69-87). 

Ap-wl-loph'a-nes [-lofa-neez] Gr. revealed by or 
as Apollo), a companion of Timotheos 2, killed by 
Judas Maccabeus at Gazara (2 Mc. x. 37). 

A-poI'los (Gr. = Apollonios, or Apollodorus, i. e. 
given by Apollo), a Jew from Alexandria, " elo- 
quent" (the Gr. may = learned) and mighty in -the 
Scriptures : one instructed in the way of the Lord, 



according to the imperfect view of the disciples of 
John the Baptist (Acts xviii. 25), but on his coming 
to Ephesus during a temporary absence of St. Paul, 
a. d. 54, more perfectly taught by Aquila and Pris- 
cilla. After this he became a preacher of the Gospel, 
first in Achaia and then in Corinth (Acts xviii. 27, 
xix. 1), where he watered that which Paul had 
planted (1 Cor. iii. 6). When the apostle wrote 1 
Corinthians, Apollos was with or near him (1 Cor. 
xvi. 12 , probably at Ephesus in a. d. 57, unwilling 
at that time to journey to Corinth, but proposing to 
do so when he should have convenient time. In Tit. 
iii. 13, Titus is desired to " bring Zenas the lawyer 
and Apollos on their way diligently, that nothing may 
be wanting to them." After this nothing is known 
of him. Tradition makes him bishop of Cesarea. 
Another tradition, credited by Jerome, made him at 
last bishop of Corinth ; others still, bishop of Colo- 
phon, of lconium, &c. — Apollos's exact part in the 
missionary work of the apostolic age can never be 
ascertained. After the entire amity between St. Paul 
and him which appears in 1 Corinthians, it is hardly 
possible to imagine any important difference in the 
doctrines which they taught. There may have been 
difference enough in the outward character and ex- 
pression of the two to attract the lover of eloquence 
and philosophy rather to Apollos, somewhat perhaps 
to the disparagement of St. Paul. Luther and others 
supposed Apollos the author of the epistle to the 
Hebrews. 

A-poU'yon [in L. pron. A-pol'ly-on] (Latinized Gr. 
= destroyer Eeb. Abaddon), in Rev. ix. 11, "the 
angel of the bottomless pit." The Hebrew Abad- 
don, here a synonyme of A\ ollyon, is really abstract 
:= " destruction " (Job xxvi. 6, xxviii. 22 ; Prov. xv. 
11, &c). The angel Apollyon is further described 
as the king of the locusts which rose from the smoke 
of the bottomless pit at the sounding of the fifth 
trumpet, from the occurrence of the Hebrew word 
in Ps. lxxxviii. 11, the Rabbins made Abaddon the 
nethermost of the two regions into which they di- 
vided the lower world. But in Rev. ix. 11, Abaddon 
and Apollyon are names of the aEgel and not of the 
abyss. There is no authority for connecting it with 
" the destroyer " in 1 Cor. x. 10. Asmodeus, the 
king of the demons in Jewish mythology, is probably 
connected with Apollvon as "the destroyer" or de- 
stroying angel. See also Wis. xviii. 22, 25. Satan. 

A-pcs'tle [a-pos'l] (fr. Gr. = one sent forth), in the 
N. T., originally the official name of those twelve of 
the disciples whom Jesus chose to send forth first to 
preach the Gospel, and to be with Him during His 
ministry on earth (Lk. vi. 13). Afterward it was ex- 
tended to others (Matthias ; Paul) who, though 
not of the twelve, yet were equal with them in office 
and dignity (1 Cor. ix., &c). The word also appears 
to have been used in a non-official sense to designate 
a much wider circle of Christian messengers and 
teachers (see 2 Cor. viii. 23 ; Phil. ii. 25 ; A. V. 
" messenger " in these passages). It is once applied 
to the Lord Jesus Christ, the one sent from God 
(Heb. iii. 1 ; comp. Mai. iii. 1 ; Jn. iii. 34 ; Ex. iii. 
10-15 ; Angels). This article, abridged from one 
by Dr. Alford, treats only of those who w ere officially 
designated apostles. The original qualification of an 
apostle, as stated by St. Peter (Acts i. 21, 22), on 
occasion of electing a successor to the traitor Judas, 
was, that he should have been personally acquainted 
with the whole ministerial course of our Lord, from 
His baptism by John till the day when He was taken 
up into heaven. He Himself describes them as 
" they that had continued with Hirn in His tempta- 



52 



APO 



APO 



tions" (Lk. xxii. 28). By this close personal inter- I 
course with Him, they were peculiarly fitted to give 
testimony to the facts of redemption ; and we gather, 
from His" own words (Jn. xiv. 26, xv. 26,27, xvi. 13), 
that by an especial bestowal of the Spirit's influence 
their memories were quickened, and their power of 
reproducing what they had heard from Him increased 
above the ordinary measure of man. The apostles 
were from the lower ranks of life, simple and un- 
educated ; some of them were related to Jesus ac- 
cording to the flesh; some had been disciples of 
John the Baptist. Our Lord chose them early in 
His public career, though it is uncertain precisely at 
what time. (Jesus Christ.) Some of them had 
certainly partly attached themselves to Him before ; 
but after their call as apostles they appear to have 
been continuously with Him or in His service. They 
s:;ern to have been all on an equality, both during 
and after the ministry of Christ on earth. We find 
one indeed (Peter), from fervor of personal char- 
acter, usually prominent among them, and distin- 
guished by having the first place assigned him in 
founding the Jewish and Gentile churches (Mat. xvi. 
18 ; Acts ii. 14, 42, xi. 11 ; comp. Bev. xxi. 14 ; Eph. 
ii. 20) ; but we never find the slightest trace in Scrip- 
ture of any superiority or primacy being in conse- 
quence accorded to him. We also find that he and 
two others, James and John, the sons of Zebedee, 
are admitted to the inner privacy of our Lord's acts 
and sufferings on several occasions (Mat. xvii. 1-9, 
xxvi. 37 ; Mk. v. 37) ; but this is no proof of su- 
periority in rank or office. Early in our Lord's min- 
istry, He sent them out two and two to preach re- 
pentance and perform miracles in His name (Mat. x. ; 
Lk. ix.). This mission was of the nature of a solemn 
call to the children of fsrael, to whom it was con- 
fined (Mat. x. 5, 6). The apostles were early warned 
by their Master of the solemn nature and the danger 
of their calling (x. 17). They accompanied Him in 
His journeys of teaching and to the Jewish feasts, 
saw His wonderful works, heard His discourses ad- 
dressed to the people (Mat. v.-vii., xxiii. ; Lk. vi. 13- 
49), or those which He held with learned Jews (Mat. 
xix. 13 ff. ; Lk. x. 25 ff.), made inquiries of Him on 
religious matters, sometimes concerning His own 
savings, sometimes of a general nature (Mat. xiii. 10 
ff., xv. 15 ff., xviii. 1 ff., xxiv. 3 ff., Lk. viii. 9 ff., xii. 
41 ; Jn. ix. 2 ff., xiv. 5, 22, &c): sometimes they 
worked miracles (Mk. vi. 13 ; Lk. ix. 6), sometimes 
attempted to do so without success (Mat. xvii. 16). 
They recognized their Master as the Christ of God 
(Mat. xvi. 16 ; Lk. ix. 20), and ascribed to Him 
supernatural power (Lk. ix. 54); but in the recogni- 
tion of the spiritual teaching and mission of Christ, 
they made very slow progress, held back as they 
were by weakness of apprehension and by national 
prejudices (Mat. xv. 16, xvi. 22, xvii. 20, 21; Lk. ix. 
54, xxiv. 25; Jn. xvi, 12): they were compelled to 
ask of Him the explanation of even His simplest 
parables (Mk. viii. 14 ff. ; Lk. xii. 41 ff.), and openly 
confessed their weakness of faith (xvii. 5). Even at 
the removal of our Lord from the earth they were 
yet weak in their knowledge (xxiv. 21 ; Jn. xvi. 12), 
though He had so long been carefully preparing and 
instructing them. And at His apprehension by the 
chief priests and Pharisees, of which He had so 
often forewarned them, thev all forsook Him and 
fled (Mat. xxvi. 56). They "left His burial to one 
who was not of their number, and to the women, 
and were only convinced of His resurrection on the 
very plainest proofs furnished by Himself. It was 
first when this fact became undeniable that light 



seems to have entered their minds, and not even 
then without His special aid, opening their under, 
standings that they might understand the Scriptures. 
Even after that, many of them returned to their com- 
mon occupations (Jn. xxi. 3 ff.), and it required a 
new direction from the Lord to recall them to their 
mission, and reunite them in Jerusalem (Acts i. 4). 
Before the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Church, 
Peter, at least, seems to have been specially inspired 
by Him to declare the prophetic sense of Scripture 
respecting the traitor Judas, and direct his place to 
be filled up. On the feast of Pentecost, ten days 
after our Lord's ascension, the Holy Spirit came 
down on the assembled church (Acts ii.) ; and from 
that time the apostles became altogether different 
men, giving witness with power of the life and death 
and resurrection of Jesus as He had declared they 
should (Lk. xxiv. 48 ; Acts i. 8, 22, ii. 32, iii. 15, v. 
32, xiii. 31). First of all the mother-church of Je- 
rusalem grew up under their hands (iii.-vii.), and 
(heir superior dignity and power were universally 
acknowledged by the rulers and the people (v. 12 
ff.). Even the persecution which arose about Ste- 
phen, and put the first check on the spread of the 
Gospel in Judea, does not seem to have brought 
peril to the apostles (viii. 1). Their first mission 
out of Jerusalem was to Sumaiia (viii. C-25), 
where the Lord Himself had, during His ministry, 
sown the seed of the Gospel. Here ends, prop- 
erly speaking (or rather perhaps with the general 
visitation hinted at in Acts ix. 31, 32), the first pe- 
riod of the apostles' agency, during which its centre 
is Jerusalem, and the prominent figure is St. Peter. 
The centre of the second period of the apostolic 
agencj is Antioch, where a church soon was built 
up, consisting of Jews and Gentiles ; and the central 
figure of this and of the subsequent period is St. 
Paul, not originally of the twelve, but wonderfully 
prepared and miraculously won for the high office. 
This period, whose history (all that we know of it) 
is related in Acts xi. 19-30, xiii. 1-5, was marked 
by the united working of Paul and the other apos- 
tles, in the cooperation and intercourse of the two 
churches of Antioch and Jerusalem. From this time 
the third apostolic period opens, marked by the 
almost entire disappearance of the twelve from the 
sacred narrative, and the exclusive agency of St. 
Paul, the great apostle of the Gentiles. The re- 
maining narrative of the Acts is occupied with 
■his missionary journeys ; and when we leave him 
at Borne, all the Gentile churches from Jerusalem 
round about unto Illyricum owe to him their foun- 
dation, and look to him for supervision. Of the 
missionary agency of the rest of the twelve, v.c 
know absolutely nothing from the sacred narra- 
tive. Some notices of their personal history will be 
found under their respective names, together with 
the principal legends which have come down to us 
respecting them. (See Peter, James, John espe- 
cially.) — The apostolic office seems to have been pre- 
eminently to found the churches, and uphold them 
by supernatural power specially bestowed for that 
purpose. It ceased, as a matter of course, with its 
first holders : all continuation of it, from the very 
conditions of its existence (comp. 1 Cor. ix. 1 ), being 
impossible. The bishops of the ancient churches 
coexisted with, and did not in any sense succeed, the 
apostles ; and when it is claimed for bishops or any 
church officers that they are their successors, it c::u 
be understood only chronologically, and not officially. 
Acts of the Apostles. 

* A-pos'tle-sfaip [-pos'l-], the office of an apos- 



APO 



AQU 



53 



tle (Acts i. 25 ; Rom. i. 5 ; 1 Cor. ix. 2 ; Gal. ii. 
8). 

* A-poth'e-ta»ry. Medicine; Ointment. 

Ap'pa-ini (Heb. the two nostrils, face, Ges. ; face, 
i. e. presence, sc. of God, Fii.), son of Nadab, and 
descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 30, 31). 

* Ap-par'el. Dress. 

ip-pcal'. The principle of appeal w as recognized 
by the Mosaic law in the establishment of a central 
court under the presidency of the judge or ruler for 
the time being, before which all cases too difficult for 
the local courts were to be tried (Deut. xvii. 8, 9 ; 
Judge ; Trial). Thus the appeal lay in the time 
of the Judges to the judge (Judg. iv. 5), and under 
the monarchy to the king, who appears to have de- 
puted certain persons to inquire into the facts of the 
case, and record his decision thereon (2 Sam. xv. 3). 
Jehoshaphat delegated his judicial authority to a 
court permanently established for the purpose (2 
Chr. xix. 8). These courts were reestablished by 
Ezra (Ezr. vii. 25). After the institution of the 
Sanhedrim the final appeal lay to them. A Roman 
citizen under the republic had the right of appealing 
in criminal cases from the decision of a magistrate 
to the people ; and as the emperor succeeded to the 
power of the people, there was an appeal to him in 
the last resort. St. Paul, as a Roman citizen, exer- 
cised a right of appeal from the local court at Jeru- 
salem to the emperor (Acts xxv. 11). But as no 
decision had been given, there could be no appeal, 
properly speaking, in his case : the language used 
(ver. 9) implies the right on the part of the accused 
of electing to be tried either by the provincial magis- 
trate, or by the emperor. Since the procedure in 
the Jewish courts at that period was of a mixed and 
undefined character, the Roman and Jewish authori- 
ties coexisting and carrying on the course of justice 
between them, Paul availed himself of his undoubted 
privilege to be tried by the pure Roman law. 

Ap'plii-a [affe-ah] (Gr. form of L. Appia), a 
Christian woman addressed jointly with Philemon 
and Archippus in Phn. 2 ; apparently a member 
of Philemon's household, and not improbably his 
wife. 

Ap'plins [af fus] (L. fr. Heb. = the wary, Micha- 
clis), surname of Jonathan Maccabeus (1 Mc. ii. 5). 

Ap'pi-i Fo'rnm (L. market-place of Appius, i. e. 
probably of Appius Claudius), a well-known station 
on the Appian Way or great road from Rome to the 
neighborhood of the bay of Naples. St. Paul, hav- 
ing landed at Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13) on his arrival 
from Malta, proceeded under the charge of the cen- 
turion along the Appian Way toward Rome, and 
found at Appii Forum, forty-three miles from Rome 
(Itin. Ant. ; Itin. Hier.), a group of Christians who 
had gone to meet him (ver. 15). Horace describes 
Appii Forum as full of taverns and boatmen. This 
arose from its being at the N. end of a canal which 
ran parallel with the road, through a considerable 
part of the Pomptine or Pontine Marshes. The site 
is at some ruins near Treponti. Three Taverns. 

Ap'ple-Tree, Ap ple (Heb. tappHah or tappuach). 
The A. V. mentions the apple-tree in the following 
passages. Cant. ii. 3 : "As the apple-tree among 
the trees of the wood, so is my beloved among the 
sons. I sat down under his shadow with great de- 
light, and his fruit was sweet to my taste." Cant, 
viii. 5 : "I raised thee up under the apple-tree : there 
thy mother brought thee forth." Joel i. 12, where 
the apple-tree is named with the vine, fig, pomegran- 
ate, and palm trees, as withering under the desolat- 
ing effects of the locust, palmer-worm, &c. The fruit 



of this tree is mentioned in Prov. xxv. 11: "A word 
fitly spoken is like apples of gold in pictures of sil- 
ver." In Cant. ii. 5 : " Comfort me with apples, for 
I am sick of love ;" vii. 8, " The smell of thy nose 
(shall be) like apples." Celsius and others maintain 
that the quince rather than the apple is meant in the 
above passages. The quince was sacred to Venus, 
and its fragrance was held in high esteem by the 
ancients. " Its scent," says an Arabian author, 
" cheers my soul, renews my strength, and restores 
my breath." On the other hand, Dr. Royle (in Kit.) 
thinks that the citron is meant, and says, "The rich 
color, fragrant odor, and handsome appearance of 
the tree, whether in flower or in fruit, are particu- 
larly suited to all the above passages of Scripture." 
Yet neither the quince nor the citron is " sweet to 
the taste." Thomson (ii. 328-9) favors the A. V. in 
its translation of " apples." He says of Askelon, " It 
is especially celebrated for its apples, which are the 
largest and best I have ever seen in this country. 
When I was here in June, quite a caravan started 
for Jerusalem loaded with them, and they would not 
have disgraced even an American orchard. The 
Arabic word for apple is almost the same as the 
Hebrew, and it is as perfectly definite, to say the 
least, as our English word, as much as the word for 
grape, and just as well understood ; and so is that 

for citron As to the smell and color, all the 

demands of the biblical allusions are fully met by 
these apples of Askelon; and no doubt, in ancient 
times and in royal gardens, their cultivation was far 
superior to what it is now, and the fruit larger and 
more fragrant." Most travellers assert that the 
apples of Palestine are generally of a very inferior 
quality. It is questionable (so Mr. Houghton) 
whether the apple would merit the Scriptural char- 
acter for excellent fragrance. The orange would 
answer all the demands of the Scriptural passages, 
and orange-trees are found in Palestine ; but there 
is not sufficient evidence that this tree was known in 
the earlier times to the inhabitants of Palestine, the 
tree having been probably introduced at a later 
period. Tristram (p. 605) maintains that the apricot, 
which abounds in Palestine, a " deliriously perfumed 
fiuit," — " golden fruit" on a tree of " bright yet pale 
foliage," — is the "apple" of the Scriptures. The <■ 
question of identification, therefore, is still an open 
one. As to the apples of Sodom, see Vine of Sod- 
om. The expression " apple of the eye " occurs in 
Deut. xxxii. 10 ; Ps. xvii. 8 ; Prov. vii. 2 ; Lam. ii. 
IS ; Zech. ii. 8. The English word here is the rep- 
resentative of the Hebrew word ishon, i. e. "little 
man " = the English pupil, Latin pupillus. 

* Ap-pre-Iicnd', to. Games; Officer; Trial. 

*A'piCD [a'purn], the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Hebrew h.agSru'h or chagordh (Gen. iii. 7, n.aig. 
" things to gird about) ;" usually translated " Gir- 
dle " (2 Sam. xviii. 11, &c.). — 2. Hebrew mitpahath 
or mitpachath (Ru. iii. 15 marg. "vail" in text); 
see Dress, III. — 3. Greek simikintliion (Acts xix. 
12); see Handkerchief. 

Aq'lli-la [ak'we-lah] (L. eagle),_ a Jew whom St. 
Paul found at Corinth on his arrival from Athens 
(Acts xviii. 2). He was a native of Pontus, but had 
fled, with his wife Priscilla, from Rome in conse- 
quence of an order of Claudius commanding all 
Jews to leave the city. He became acquainted with 
St. Paul, and they abode together, and wrought at 
their common trade of making the Cilician tent or 
hair cloth. On the apostle's departure from Corinth, 
one and a half years afterward, Priscilla and Aquila 
accompanied him to Ephesus on his way to Syiia. 



54 



AR 



ARA 



There they afterward taught Apollos the way of the 
Lord more perfectly. At what time they became 
Christians is uncertain. When 1 Corinthians xvi. 19 
was written, Aquila and his wife were still in Ephesus ; 
but in Rom. xvi. 3 ff. we find them again at Rome, 
and their house a place of assembly for the Chris- 
tians. They are there described as having endangered 
their lives for that of the apostle. In 2 Tim. iv. 19, 
they are saluted as with Tiniothcus, probably at 
Ephesus. There is a vague tradition that they were 
afterward beheaded. 

Ar (Heb. city, Ges.), or Ar of Mo'ab, one of the 
chief places of Moab (Is. xv. 1 ; Num. xxi. 28) ; — 
Rabbah 2 ; known in the time of Eusebius and Je- 
rome as Areopolis and Rabbath-Moab. The site, still 
called Rahba, lies about half way between Kerak 
(ancient Kir of Moab) and the Wady Mojeb (ancient 
Anion), ten or eleven miles from each, the Roman 
road passing through it. The remains are not im- 
portant. In the books of Moses, Ar appears = the 
whole nation of Moab; see Deut. ii. 9, 18, 29; Num. 
xxi. 15. 

A'ra (Heb. = lion? Ges.), a son of Jethcr, of the 
tribe of Asher (1 Chr. viu 38). 

A'rab (Heb. ambush, Ges.), a city in the mountains 
of Judah, probably near Hebron (Josh. xv. 52). 

Ar'a-bitll (Heb. 'arabah = arid trad, sterile region, 
Ges.), a word of frequent occurrence in the Hebrew, 
though only in Josh, xviii. 18 in the A. V. It is 
used generally to indicate a barren, uninhabitable 
district (translated " wilderness " in the A. V. in Job 
xxiv. 5, xxxix. 6; Is. xxxiii. 9; Jer.li. 48; "desert" 
in Is. xxxv. 1, 6, xl. 3, xli. 19, li. 3; Jer. xvii. 6, 1. 
12; "deserts" in Jer. ii. 6, v. 6, marg.); but the 
Arabah (tr. in the A. V. "plain" in Deut. i. 1,1, ii. 
8, iii. 17, twice, iv. 49; Josh. iii. 16, viii. 14, xi. 16, 
xii. 1, 3, twice; 1 Sam. xxiii. 24; 2 Sam. ii. 29, iv. 
7 ; 2 K. xiv. 25, xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, hi. 7 ; 
" plains " in Josh. xi. 2, xii. 8 ; " champaign " in 
Deut. xi. 30; "desert "in Ez. xlvii. 8 ; " wilderness" 
in Am. vi. 14) indicates more particularly the deep- 
sunken valley or trench which extends from the 
slopes of Hermon to the Elanitic Gulf ( Gulf of 
'Akabah) of the Red Sea ; the most remarkable de- 
pression known to exist on the surface of the globe. 
• Through the N. portion of this the Jordan rushes 
through the lakes of Hideh and Gennesaret down its 
tortuous course to the Dead Sea. (Sea, The Salt.) 
This portion, about one hundred and fifty miles in 
length, called by Jerome ( Onom.) Anion (Gr. chan- 
nel), is known among the Arabs as cl-Ghor. (Pales- 
tine ; Plain 5.) The S. boundary of the Ghor is 
the wall of cliffs which crosses the valley about six 
or eight miles S. of the Dead Sea. (Akrabbim.) 
From their summits, S. to the Gulf of 'Akabah, the 
valley changes its name, or rather retains its old 
name of Wady el- Arabah. This S. portion is rather 
more than one hundred miles long, varying in width 
from two (or four, so some) miles at the Gulf of 
' Akabah to fourteen or sixteen miles at about seventy 
miles N. of this. It lies between the long and deso- 
late limestone ranges of the Tih on the W. (Wil- 
derness of the Wandering) and the mountains of 
Edom on the E. Its surface is dreary and desolate, 
and the heat is terrible. The drainage of the N. part 
(probably to about sixty miles S. from the Dead Sea) 
is by the Wady el-Jeib into the Dead Sea, that of the 
remainder into the Gulf of 'Akabah. — In the Bible, 
in the times of the conquest and the monarchy the 
name Arabah was applied to the valley in the entire 
length of both its S. and N. portions. Thus in Deut. 
i. 1 (prob.) and ii. 8 (A. V. " plain " in both cases), 



the allusion is to the S. portion, while the other pas- 
sages, in which the name occurs, points to the N. 
portion. See Deut. iii. 17, iv. 49; Josh. iii. 16, xi. 
2, xii. 3 ; and 2 K. xiv. 25. The allusions in Deut. 
xi. 30 ; Josh. viii. 14, xii. 1, xviii. 18 ; 2 Sam. ii. 29, 
iv. 7 ; 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4, Hi. 7, become in- 
telligible with this meaning of the Arabah. In Josh, 
xi. 16 and xii. 8 the Arabah ("plain" or "cham- 
paign" A. V.) is one of the great natural divisions 
of the conquered country. 

Ar-a-bat'ti-ne, in Idumea (1 Mc. v. 3). Akrab- 
bim. 

A-ra'bi-a (Gr. and L. ; see below), a country 
known in the 0. T. under two designations. — 1. The 
East Country, Heb. erets kedem (see East; Gen. xxv. 
6): or perhaps the East, Heb. kedem (x. 30; Num. 
xxiii. 7 ; Is. ii. 6 ; the last two passages relate to 
Mesopotamia and Babylonia, Ges.); and Land of the 
sons ("people" A. V.) of the East (Gen. xxix. 1); 
gentile name, Heb. bBney kedem — sons ("children" 
or "men," A. V.) of the East (Judg. vi. 3, 33, vii. 
12; 1 K. iv. 30; Job i. 3; Is. xi. 14; Jer. xlix. 
28 ; Ez. xxv. 4). From these passages it appears 
that the Land of the East anil Sou* of the East indi- 
cate, primarily, the country E. of Palestine and N. of 
the Arabian peninsula, and the tribes descended 
from Ishmacl and from Kcturah ; and that this ori- 
ginal signification may have become gradually ex- 
tended to Arabia and its inhabitants generally, 
though without any strict limitation. — 2. 'Arab and 
'Arab (Heb. = arid, sterile, Ges.), whence "Arabia" 
(2 Chr. ix. 14 ; Is. xxi. 13 ; Jer. xxv. 24; Ez. xxvii. 
21). This name seems to have the same geographi- 
cal reference as the former. Among geographers in 
general, however, both classical and modern, " Ara- 
bia " designates the whole of the extensive region 
which occupies the S. W. corner of the continent of 
Asia. According to this prevalent usage, Arabia 
reaches from 12^' to 34£ J N. latitude, and from 32^° 
to 60° E. longitude from Greenwich, or from 109^° 
to 137 ' E. longitude from Washington. This region 
is bounded on the N. by Palestine and Syria ; on the 
E. by the Euphrates (or ancient Babylonia, Chaldea, 
&c), the Persian Gulf, and the Sea of Arabia; on the 
S. by the Sea of Arabia or Indian Ocean, and the 
Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb ; on the W. by the Red Sea, 
or Arabian Gulf, and Egypt. The name Erythrean 
Sea was ancicntlv applied to the Arabian and Persian 
Gulfs (especially the former ; see Red Sea), as well 
as to the sea or ocean on the S. of Arabia. Accord- 
ing to the above description, the greatest length of 
Arabia, from Egypt to the Sea of Arabia, is about 
1,650 miles ; its greatest width, from near ancient 
Palmyra to a point on the coast E. of the Strait of 
Bab-el-Mandeb, is about 1,450 miles. Its area would 
thus be nearly 1,100,000 square miles. Geogra- 
phers have differed greatly in their estimates of the 
extent of Arabia, some making it embrace an area 
equal to more than one-third of that contained in the 
whole United States, and others reducing it to about 
one-fourth of the area of the United States. Much 
of-this discrepancy is due to the unsettled boundary 
of North Arabia (see II. below), which spreads out in 
that direction into deserts that meet those which may 
be considered as belonging to the neighboring coun- 
tries, and are occupied by roving tribes of Arabs 
having scarcely a nominal subjection to any superior 
authority. Arabia is indeed one of the few countries 
of the south where the descendants of the aboriginal 
inhabitants have neither been extirpated nor expelled 
by northern invaders. — " There is no people," says 
Ritter, " who are less circumscribed to the territory 



ARA 



ARA 



55 




ISQWrJULOcLerTL -nam es are -written thuxiAHeiL} 
4|0 



usually assigned to them than the Arabs ; their 
range outstrips geographical boundaries in all direc- 
tions" (Morren, in Kit.). Arabia was divided by the 
ancient classical geographers into Arabia Felix (L., 
Happy Arabia), Arabia Deserla (L., Desert Arabia), 
and Petroea (L., Stony Arabia, or [so some] named 
from its chief city Petra ; see Sela). It may be 
more conveniently divided into Arabia Proper, 
Northern Arabia, and Western Arabia. — 1. Arabia 
Proper, or the Arabian peninsula, consists of 
high table-land, declining toward the N. ; its 
most elevated portions being the chain of mountains 
nearly parallel to the Red Sea, and the territory E. 
of the S. part of this chain. The high land is en- 
circled from the Gulf of 'Akabah to the head of the 
Persian Gulf by a belt of low littoral country. So 
far as the interior has been explored it consists of 



mountain and desert tracts, relieved by large districts 
under cultivation, well peopled, watered by wells and 
streams, and enjoying periodical rains. There are 
no navigable rivers. The desert of Ahkaf, accord- 
ing to Mr. W. G. Palgrave, extends from about 23£° 
to 17° N. latitude. The most fertile tracts are those 
on the S. W. and S. Arabia Proper may be subdi- 
vided into five principal provinces : the Yemen in the 
S. W., on the Red Sea and Indian Ocean ; the dis- 
tricts of Hadramawt, Mahreh, and 'Oman, on the 
Indian Ocean, and the entrance of the Persian Gulf; 
El-Bahreyn, toward the head of the Persian Gulf ; 
the great central country of Nejd and Yemameh ; 
and the Hijaz and Tihameh on the Red Sea. The 
modern Yemen is especially productive and pictu- 
resque. The deserts afford pasturage after the rains. 
The products mentioned in the Bible as coming from 



56 



ARA 



ARA 



Arabia will be found described under their respec- 
tive heads. (Ass; Camel; Frankincense ; Gold; 
Horse ; Locust ; Ostrich ; Serpent ; Shittah-tree ; 
Spice; Stones, Precious, &c.) — II. Northern Ard- 
bia or the Arabian Desert — divided by the Arabs 
(who do not consider it as strictly belonging to their 
country) into the Deserts of Mesopotamia, Syria, and 
El-'Ir&k — is a high, undulating, parched plain, of 
which the Euphrates forms the natural boundary 
from the Persian Gulf to the frontier of Syria, whence 
it is bounded by the latter country and the desert 
of Petra on the N. W. and W., the peninsula of Ara- 
bia forming its southern limit. It has few oases, the 
water of the wells is generally either brackish or un- 
pot able, and it is visited by the Simoom. (Winds.) 
The Arabs find pasture for their flocks and herds 
after the rains, and in the more depressed plains ; 
and the desert generally produces prickly shrubs, 
&c, on which the camols feed. The inhabitants, 
principally descendants of Ishmael and of Keturah, 
were tyiown to the ancients as " dwellers in tents," 
L. Seenitie (compare Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer. xlix. 31 ; Ez. 
xxxviti. 11); and they extended from Babylonia on 
the E. (compare Num. xxi.i. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 16 ; Is. ii. 
6, xiii. 20„ to the borders of Egypt on the W. Their 
predatory habits are mentioned in 2 Chr. xxi. 16, 17, 
xxvi. 7; Job i. 15; Jer. iii. 2. They conducted a 
considerable trade of merchandise of Arabia and In- 
dia from the shores of the Persian Gulf (Ez. xxvii. 
20-24), whence a chain of oase3 still forms caravan- 
stations ; and they likewise with the Idumeans 
traded from the western portions of the peninsula, 
probablv in the products of Southern Arabia and 
Ethiopia (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 28; 1 K. x. 15, 25; 2 
Chr. ix. 14, 2i ; Is. lx. 6 ; Jer. vi 20).— III. West- 
ern Arabia includes the peninsula of Sinai, and the 
desert of Petra, corresponding generally with the 
ancient Arabia Petraea. It was in the earliest times 
inhabited by the Horites. Its later inhabitants 
were in part the same as those of Northern Arabia, 
but mostly descendants of Esau, and it was called 
the land of Edom, or Idumea, also the desert of Seir, 
or Mount Seir. The common origin of the Idu- 
means from Esau and Ishmael is found in Esau's 
marriage with Ishraael's daughter (Gen. xxviii. 9, 
xxxvi. 3). The Xabatheans (see Nebaioth) succeed- 
ed to the Idumeans, and Idumea is mentioned only 
as a geographical designation after the time of Jo- 
sephus. Petra was in the great route of the west- 
ern caravan-traffic of Arabia, and of the merchan- 
dise brought up the Elanitic Gulf. (See Northern 
Arabia; Edom ; Elath ; Ezion-geber, &c.) — Inhabit- 
ants. The Arabs, like every other ancient nation 
of any celebrity, have traditions representing their 
country as originally inhabited by races which be- 
came extinct at a very remote period. These were 
the tribes of 'Ad, Thamood, Umeiyim, 'Abeel, Tasm, 
Jedees, 'Emleek (Amalek?), Jurhum (the first of 
this name), and Webari : some omit the fourth, 
eighth, and ninth, but add Jasim. The majority of 
their historians derive these tribes from Shera ; but 
some, from Ham, though not through Cush. Their 
traditions refer the origin of the existing nation (1.) 
to Kahtan, whom they and most European scholars 
identify with Joktan; and (2.) to Ishmael, who, they 
say, married a descendant of Kahtan. They are si- 
lent respecting Cushite settlements in Arabia ; but 
certain passages in the Bible seem to agree with 
modern research, that Cushites were among its early 
inhabitants. (Cush ; Dedan ; Eden 1 ; Ethiopia ; 
Hatilah ; Nimrod ; Raamah ; Sabtah ; Sabtecha ; 
Seba; Sheba.) 1. The descendants of Joktan occu- 



pied the principal portions of the S. and S. W. of the 
peninsula, with colonies in the interior. (Mesiia ; 
Sephar.)— The principal Joktanite kingdom, and 
the chief state of ancient Arabia, was that of the 
Yemen, founded (according to the Arabs) by Y.iarub, 
son (or descendant) of Kahtan (Joktan). Its most 
ancient capital was probably San'd, formerly called 
Azdl. (Uzal.) The other capitals were Ma-rib, or 
Seba, and Zafari. (Sephar.) This was the Bible 
kingdom of Sheba. Its rulers, and most of its 
people, were descendants of Seba ( = Sheba), w hence 
the classical Sabcei. The dominant family was ap- 
parently that of Himyer, son (or descendantjof Selia. 
A member of this family founded the more modern 
kingdom of the Hirnyerites, the latter appellation ap- 
parently superseding the former only shortly before 
the Christian era, i. e. after the foundation of the 
later kingdom. The rule of the Hirnyerites (whence 
the Ihiitu <•/'/«' df classical authors) probably extend- 
ed over the modern Yemen, lluilramitwl, and Mtih- 
reh. Their kingdom lasted until a. n 525, when it 
fell before an Abyssinian invasion. Already, about 
the middle of the fourth century, the kings of Axura 
appear to have become masters of part of the Ye- 
men, adding to their titles the names of places in 
Arabia belonging to the Hirnyerites. After four 
reigns they were succeeded by Himyerite princes, 
vassals of Persia, the last of whom submitted to Mo- 
hammed. Kings of Hadramawt(= Hazarmavf.th, 
the classical C/uUramotiUe) are also enumerated by 
the Arabs. The Greek geographers mention a fourth 
people in conjunction w ith the Saba'i, Homeritm, and 
Cliatramotitu:, — the Mined, who have not been iden- 
tified with any biblical or modern name. Some 
place thein as high as Mecca ; but Fresnel places 
them in Hadramiiwt. The other chief Joktanite 
kingdom was that of the Hijaz, founded by Jurhum 
( = Hadoram 1 ?), brother of Yaarub, who left the 
Yen. en and settled near Mecca. The Arab lists of 
its kings are inextricably confused ; but the name 
of their leader and of two of his successors was Mu- 
dad (or El-Mudad), probably = Al.modad. Ishmael, 
according to the Arabs, married a daughter of the 
first Mudad, whence sprang 'Adnan the ancestor of 
Mohammed. This kingdom merged, by intermar- 
riage and conquest, into the tribes of Ishmael. 
Other Joktanite kingdoms were founded in North- 
ern Arabia, as that of El-Heereh in El-Irak (after- 
ward Ishmaelitic) and that of Ghassan on the 
.confines of Syria (many of whose rulers were 
named El-Harith, perhaps = Aretas). The his- 
tory of all the Arabs for more than a thousand 
years past has been closely connected with Mo- 
hammedanism. (See Religion, below.) — 2. The 
Ishmaelites appear to have entered the peninsula 
from the N. W. That they have spread over the 
whole of it (except one or two districts on the S. 
coast which are said to be still inhabited by unmixed 
Joktanite peoples), and that the modern nation is 
predominantly Ishmaelite, is asserted by the Arabs. 
(See the articles on Ishmael and his sons, also Ha- 
garenes.) They extended N. from the Hijaz into 
the desert, where they mixed with Keturahites and 
other Abrahamic peoples : and W. to Idumea, where 
they mixed with Edomites, &c. The tribes sprung 
from Ishmael have always been governed by petty 
chiefs or heads of families (sheikhs and emeers) ; 
they have generally followed a patriarchal life and 
have not originated kingdoms, though they have in 
some instances succeeded to those of Joktanites, the 
principal one of these being that of El-Heereh (see 
above). — 3. The descendants of Keturah appear to 



ARA 



ARA 



57 



have settled chiefly X. of the peninsula in Desert 
Arabia, from Palestine to the Persian Gulf. (Dedan ; 
Sheba, &c.). — 4. In Northern and Western Arabia 
are other peoples, sometimes classed with the Arabs. 
(Amalek ; Esad, &c). — Religion. The most ancient 
idolatry of the Arabs must have been fetichism, of 
which there are striking proofs in the sacred trees 
and stones of historical times, and in the worship of 
the heavenly bodies, or Sabeism. (Idol ; Idolatry.) 
The objects of the earlier fetichism, the stone-wor- 
ship, tree-worship, &c, of various tribes, are too 
numerous to mention. Manah, the goddess wor- 
shipped between Mecca and Medina, has been com- 
pared with Meni (Is. lxv. 11), A. V. "number." 
Magianism (Magi) never had veiy numerous follow- 
ers. Christianity was introduced in southern Arabia 
toward the close of the second century. It flourished 
chiefly in the Yemen, where many churches were 
built. It also rapidly advanced in other portions of 
Arabia through the kingdom of Heereh, Ghassdn, kc. 
The persecutions of the Christians brought about 
the fall of the Himyerite dynasty (see above) by the 
invasion of the Christian ruler of Abyssinia. Juda- 
ism was propagated in Arabia, principally by Kara- 
ites, at the Captivity, but it was introduced before 
that time : it became very prevalent in the Yemen, 
and in the Hijaz, especially at Kheybar and Medina, 
where there are said to be still tribes of Jewish ex- 
traction. Mohammedanism has almost wholly super- 
ceded other religions in Arabia. Its fundamental 
principle is, " There is one God, and Mohammed is 
his prophet." Mohammed, born near Mecca in or 
about a. d. 5V0, assumed the prophetic office in his 
fortieth year as the restorer of the pure religion re- 
vealed by God to Abraham, and afterward promul- 
gated his doctrines in the Koran. His religion (Is- 
lam, or Islamism) is made up of Christianity, Juda- 
ism, and Paganism. In 622 a plot against his life 
constrained him to flee from Mecca to Medina. This 
flight (called the Hegira, from the Arabic) is the era 
from which Mohammedans reckon time by lunar 
years of 354 days each. The citizens of Medina em- 
braced the prophet's cause, and from this time his 
religion was propagated by the sword. Before his 
death at Medina in 632, he had brought all Arabia 
under his dominion. Medina was the capital of Mo- 
hammed's successors, who were styled caliphs, about 
twenty-five years ; Ali, fourth caliph, Mohammed's 
son-in-law, removed to Kufa on the Euphrates, and 
was there assassinated (661) after reigning five years; 
then Damascus was the seat of the caliphs till 752 ; 
afterward Bagdad for several centuries. About 934 
the caliphate became a mere nominal dignity, and 
various Mohammedan countries had their own abso- 
lute rulers. Syria and Palestine came under Arab 
sway between 632 and 639 ; Egypt in 640 ; Persia, 
Mesopotamia, and Armenia about 640 ; northern 
Africa within the seventh century ; Spain was in- 
vaded in 709, and a kingdom established there, 
which lasted till 1492, though the progress of the 
Arabs (also called Saracens and Moors) in western 
Europe was stopped by the victory gained over them 
in 732 by Charles Martel of France. In one hun- 
dred years from the Hegira the dominion, faith, and 
language of the Arabs overspread the regions be- 
tween the Atlantic and the Indus. Afterward vari- 
ous tribes of Tartars embraced Mohammedanism, 
and made it the state religion in their empires in 
India, Turkey, &c. The present number of Moham- 
medans in the world is probably 160,000,000, prin- 
cipally in Arabia, Turkey, Persia, and neighboring 
countries in Asia, and in northeastern and central 



Africa. The three holy cities of Mohammedans are 
Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem. Mohammedans are 
divided into sects : the great majority are Sonnites 
or Sunnites, who receive the sunna (Ar. = tradition) 
as well as the Koran ; while the Shiites (Persians 
and Kurds) reject the sunna and maintain that Ali, 
fourth caliph, was the first lawful successor of Mo- 
hammed. The Wahabees or followers of Abd-el- 
Wahab (born in Eastern Arabia between 1720 and 
1730, died 1787), who aimed to restore Mohammed- 
anism to its original purity, and founded a kingdom 
in 1770, were at one time masters of nearly all Ara- 
bia, held Mecca and Medina, but were defeated in 
1818, and their power was supposed to be broken; 
but Mr. W. G. Palgrave in 1862 found their kingdom 
extending from 26£° to 23^° N. Lat., and from the 
Persian Gulf on the E. to the province of HijElz on 
the W., and now stronger than ever, its new capital 
Riadh being a very beautiful and populous town. 
(See the articles Arabia, Mohammedanism, and Wa- 
habees in the New Amer. Cyc, and Exploration 
and Discovery in the Annual Cyc. for 1864.) — Lan- 
guage. Arabic, the language of Arabia, and gener- 
ally regarded as the language of the Ishmaelites, is 
the vernacular tongue through southwestern Asia 
and northern Africa, and the language of religion 
wherever Mohammedanism prevails. (See above.) 
It is the most developed and the richest of the She- 
mitic languages, and the only one of which we have 
an extensive literature : it is, therefore, of great im- 
portance to the study of Hebrew. Probably in Ja- 
cob's time (Gen. xxxi. 47) and Gideon's (Judg. vii. 
9-15) theShemitic languages differed much less than 
in after-times. But it appears from 2 K. xviii. 26, 
that in the eighth century b. c. only the educated 
Jews understood Aramaic. Apparently, the Himye- 
ritic is to be regarded as a sister of the Hebrew, 
and the Arabic (commonly so called) as a sister of 
the Hebrew and Aramaic, or, in its classical phasis, 
as a descendant of a sister of these two ; but the 
Himyeritic probably is mixed with an African lan- 
guage. Respecting the Himyeritic, the ancient lan- 
guage of Southern Arabia, until lately little was 
known ; but monuments bearing inscriptions in this 
language have been discovered, principally in Hadra- 
mawt and the Yemen, and some of the inscriptions 
have been published. (Shemitic Languages ; Ver- 
sions, Arabic.) — For several centuries after a. d. 
800 the Arabs (or Saracens) were preeminent in 
mathematics, philosophy, geography, astronomy, 
medicine, architecture, poetry, romance, &c. The 
court at Bagdad was then the world's centre of 
learning and civilization, while Europe was in dark- 
ness — The manners and customs of the Arabs are 
of great value in illustrating the Bible. No one 
can mix with this people without being constantly 
and forcibly reminded either oi the early patriarchs 
or of the settled Israelites. (Age, Old ; Beard ; 
Dress ; Father ; Frontlets ; Ornaments, Personal ; 
Ring; Sandal; Seal; Shepherd; Veil; Writing, 
&c.) — References in the Bible to the Arabs them- 
selves are still more clearly illustrated by the manners 
of the modern people in their predatory expeditions, 
mode of warfare, caravan-journeys, &c. To the inter- 
pretation of the book of Job, an intimate knowledge 
of this people and their language and literature is es- 
sential. — Commerce. While the Ishmaelite tribes have 
been caravan-merchants, the Joktanites of Southern 
Arabia have been the chief traders of the Red Sea, car- 
rying their commerce to the shores of India as well 
as of Africa. See passages in the Scriptures relating 
to Solomon's fleets and the maritime trade. (Ship.) 



58 



ARA 



ARA 



The commerce of Southern Arabia with Palestine 
was evidently by the two great caravan routes from 
the head of the Red Sea and from that of the Persian 
Gulf : the former especially taking with it African 
produce ; the latter, Indian. All testimony goes to 
show that from the earliest ages the people of Ara- 
bia have travelled and formed colonies in distant 
lauds. 

A-ra'bi-ans (in the Scriptures : see Arabia), the 
nomadic tribes inhabiting the country E. and S. of 
Palestine, who in the early Hebrew history were 
known as Ishmaelites and descendants of Keturah. 
Their roving pastoral life in the desert is alluded to 
in Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer. iii. 2; 2 Mc. xii. 11 ; their coun- 
try is associated with that of the Dedanim, the trav- 
elling merchants (Is. xxi. 13), with Dedan, Tenia, 
and Buz (Jer. xxv. 24), and with Dedan and Cedar 
(Ez. xxvii. 21), all of which were probably in the 
N. part of the peninsula later known as Arabia. 
During the reign of Jehoshaphat, the Arabians, with 
the Philistines, were tributary to Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 
11); but in the reign of his successor they revolted, 
ravaged the country, plundered the royal palace, 
slew all the king's sons except the youngest, and car- 
ried oil" the royal harem (2 Chr. xxi. 16. xxii. 1). The 
Arabians of Gur-baal were again subdued by Uzziah 
(xxvi. 7). On the return from Babylon they were 
among the foremost in hindering Nehemiah's work 
of restoration, and plotted with the Ammonites and 
others for that end (Neh. iv. 7). Gcsh'em, or Gash- 
mu, a leader of the opposition, was of this race (ii. 
19, vi. 1). In later times the Arabians served under 
Timotheus against Judas Maccabeus, but were de- 
feate 1 (1 Mc. v. 39 ; 2 Mc. xii. 10). The Zabadeans, 
an Arab tribe, were routed by Jonathan, brother 
and successor of Judas (1 Mc. xii. 31). Zibdiel, the 
assassin of Alexander Balas (xi. 17), and Simalcue 
who brought up Alexander Balas's young son An- 
tiochus (xi. 39), afterward Antiochus VI., were both 
Arabians. The "Arabians" in Acts ii. 11, were 
Jews or Jewish proselytes from Arabia (compare 
ver. 5-10). 

A'rad (Heb. wild ass, Ges., Fii.), a Benjamite, son 
of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 15). 

A'rad (Heb. see above), a royal city of the Ca- 
naanites, named with Horraah and Libnah (Josh. xii. 
14). The wilderness of Judah was to " the S. of 
Arad" (Judg. i. 16). It is also undoubtedly named 
in Num. xxi. 1 (corap. Hormah in ver. 3), and xxxiii. 
40, translated properly " the Canaanite king of 
Arad," A. V. " king Arad the Canaanite." The site 
of Arad has been identified (Rbn. ii. 101) with "a 
barren-looking eminence," Tell 'Arad, one hour and 
a half N. E. by E. from Milh (Moladah), and eight 
hours from Hebron. 

Ar'a-dns (fr. Gr.) = Arvad (1 Mc. xv. 23). 

A' rah (Heb. perhaps = wayfaring, Ges.). 1, An 
Asherite, of the sons of Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39). — 2. An- 
cestor of a family of 775 (Ezr. ii. 5) or 652 (Neh.vii. 
10) who returned with Zerubbabel. One, Sheehaniah, 
was father-in-law of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 
18). Arah = Ares in 1 Esd. v. 10. 

A'ram (Heb. high region, highlands, Ges.). 1. The 
name by which the Hebrews designated, generally, 
the country lying to the N. E. of Palestine ; the high 
table-land which stretches from the Jordan to the 
Euphrates ; also the region beyond the Euphrates, 
especially the mountainous region and high plain be- 
tween it and the Tigris N. of 35°, called in Hebrew 
Aram-naharaim = (he highland of the two rivers 
(see Haran ; Ps. lx. thle ; also in Heb., A. V. " Me- 
sopotamia," in Gen. xxiv. 10 ; Deut. xxiii. 5 [4] ; 



Judg. iii. 8 ; 1 Chr. xix. 6), Paoan-aram (Gen. xxv 
20, &c), Aram simply (Num. xxiii. 7; Judg. iii. 10, 
marg.; comp. 2 Sam. x. 16, A. V. "Syrians [Heb. 
Aram'] beyond the river "). Aram is usually trans- 
lated, as in the Vulgate and LXX., "Syria" or 
" Syrians." The Hebrew derivative Arammi = 
the Aramite, translated "Syrian" in A. V., is used 
in Gen. xxv. 20, and other parts of the Pentateuch, 
to designate a dweller in Aram-naharaim ; in 2 K. 
v. 20, &c, an inhabitant of that part of Syria which 
had Damascus for its capital. (See Aram-damme, 
sck below.) The shortened Hebrew plural Ramrnim 
for Arammim, A. V. " Syrians," occurs in 2 Chr. 
xxii. 5 ; compare Ram 3. (See Shemitic Languages.) 
Besides Aram-naharaim and Padan-aram, we meet 
with the following small nations or kingdoms form- 
ing parts of the general land of Aram: — 1. Aram- 
zobah (Ps. lx. title ; also in Heb., A. V. " Syrians of 
Zoba," 2 Sam. x. 6, 8), or simply Zoiiaii (1 Sam. 

xiv. 47, &c). 2. Aram beth-rehob, A. V. " Syriatu 
of Beth-rchob" (2 Sam. x. 6), or Reiiob (x. 8). 3. 
Aram-maachah, A. V. " Syria-maachah " (1 Chr. 
xix. 6), or Maacah only (2 Sam. x. 6; Maacaii 2). 

4. Geshur, "in Aram," A. V. "in Syria" (2 Sain. 

xv. 8). 5. Aram-dammcsek (Damascus) (2 Sam. viii. 

5, 6 ; 1 <'lu'. xviii. 5, 6). The whole of these petty 
states are spoken of collectively as "Aram" (2 Sam. 

x. 1) 11'.), but Damascus gradually absorbed the small- 
er powers (1 K. xx. 1), and took the name of "Aram" 
alone (Is. vii. 8 ; also 1 K. xi. 25, xv. 18, &c). See* 
also Hamatii ; Hamath-Zobah ; Isii-tob. — According 
to Gen. x., Aram was a son of Shem, and his breth- 
ren were Blam, Asshur, Arphaxad, and Lud. — 2. Son 
of Kemuel, and descendant of Nahor (Gen. xxii. 21) ; 
probably = Ram 3. — 3, An Asherite, son of Shamer 
(l Chr. vii. 34). — 1, Son of Esrom, or Ilezron ; = 
Ram 1 (Mat. i. 3, 4 ; Lk. iii. 33). 

A'ram-i-tcss [i as in vine] (fr. Heb.) = a female 
inhabitant of Aram; a Syrian woman (1 Chr. vii 
14). 

A lam-nn-ha-ra im (Heb. ; Ps. lx. title). Aram 1 

A'ram-zo'uau (Heb.; Ps. lx. title). Aram 1. 

A'ran (Heb. wild goat, Ges.), a Horite, son ot 
Dishan (Gen. xxxvi. 28; 1 Chr. i. 42). 

* Al-a-lli ah (fr. Heb. ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 18, marg.) = 
Araunah. 

Ar'a-rat (Heb. fr. Sansc. = holy land, Bohlcn, 
Ges.), a mountainous district of Asia mentioned in 
the Bible — (1.) as the resting-place of the Ark af- 
ter the Deluge (Gen. viii. 4): (2.) as the asylum of 
the sons of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37, marg; Is. 
xxxvii. 38, marg. ; A. V. " the land of Armenia ") : 
(3.) as the ally, and probably the neighbor, of Min- 
ni and Ashchenaz (Jer. Ii. 27 ; Armenia). In Gen. 

xi. 2, " from the E." A. V., apparently indicating 
its position as E. of Mesopotamia, is more correctly 
in the margin " eastward," as in Gen. ii. 8, xii. 8, 
xiii. 11, with reference to the writer's own country 
rather than to Ararat. The name Ararat, though un- 
known to Greek and Roman geographers and to the 
modern Armenians, was an indigenous and an an- 
cient name for a portion of Armenia, for Moses of 
Chorene gives Araratia as the designation of the 
central province. In its biblical sense Ararat = gen- 
erally the Armenian highlands — the lofty plateau 
which overlooks the plain of the Araxes on the N., 
and of Mesopotamia on the S. Various opinions have 
been put forth as to the spot where the ark rested, 
as described in Gen. viii. 4. Josephus (i. 3, § 6) 
quotes a tradition from Berosus the Chaldean, fixing 
the spot on the mountains of Kurdistan. Local tra- 
dition still points to the Jebel Judi, in this range, as 



AKA 



ARB 



59 



the scene of the event, and reports, with Berosus, 
that fragments of the ark exist on its summit. Jose- 
phus also(l. c.) gives another tradition from Nicolaus 
Damascenus that a mountain in Armenia named 
Baris, beyond Minyas, was the spot. Josephus 
states himself (i. 3, § 5) that the spot where Noah 
left the ark had received an Armenian name which 
he renders Apobaterion ( = the place of descent), and 
which seems identical with Nachdjevan, on the banks 
of the Araxes. To this neighborhood native Arme- 
nians now assign all the associations connected with 
Noah, and Europeans have so far indorsed this last 
opinion as to give the name Ararat exclusively to 
the mountain called Massis by the Armenians, Agri- 
Dagh ( = Steep Mountain) by the Turks, and Kah- 
i-Nuh ( = Noah's Mountain) by the Persians. This 
mountain, the loftiest and most imposing in the re- 
gion, rises immediately out of the plain of the Araxes, 
and terminates in two conical peaks, named the Great 
and Less Ararat, about seven miles apart, the former 
of which is 17,200 feet above the level of the sea 
and about 14,000 above the plain of the Araxes, 
while the latter is lower by 4,000 feet. The summit 
of the higher rises about 3,000 feet above the limit 
of perpetual snow. It is of volcanic origin. The 
summit of Ararat was first ascended in 1829 by Par- 
rot, who describes a secondary summit about 400 




yards from the highest point, and on the gentle de- 
pression between the two eminences he surmises that 
the ark rested. The region immediately below the 
limit of perpetual snow is barren and unvisited by 
beast or bird. Arguri, the only village known to 
have been built on its slopes, was the spot where, 
according to tradition, Noah planted his vineyard. 
Lower down, in the plain of Araxes, is Nachdjevan, 
where the patriarch is reputed to have been buried. 
— Taking the Armenian plateau from the base of 
Ararat in the N. to the range of Kurdistan in the 
S. as = " the mountains of Ararat " (Gen. viii. 4), 
we notice — (1.) Its elevation. It rises to a height 
of from 6,000 to 7,000 feet above the sea, presenting 
a surface of extensive plains, whence spring lofty 
mountain ranges, having a generally parallel direc* 
tion from E. to W, and connected with each other 
by transverse ridsres of moderate height. (2.) Its 
geographical position. It is equidistant from the 
Euxine and the Caspian seas on the N., and between 



the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean on the S. 
Viewed with reference to the dispersion of the na- 
tions, Armenia is the true centre of the world : and 
Ararat is now the great boundary-stone between the 
empires of Russia, Turkey, and Persia. (3.) Its 
physical character. Though of volcanic origin, Ar- 
menia differs materially from other regions of similar 
geological formation, for it does not rise to a sharp 
well-defined central crest, but expands into plains 
separated by a graduated series of subordinate 
ranges. It is far more accessible, both from with- 
out, and within its own limits, than other districts 
of similar elevation. The fall of the ground in the 
centre of the plateau is not decided in any direction ; 
for the Araxes, which flows into the Caspian, rises 
W. of either branch of the Euphrates, and runs N. 
at first; while the Euphrates, which flows to the S. 
rises N. of tl e Araxes, and runs W. at first. (4.) 
The climate. Winter lasts from October to May, and 
is succeeded by a brief spring and summer of intense 
heat. In April the Armenian plains are still covered 
with snow ; and in the early part of September it 
freezes keenly at night. (5.) The vegetation. Grass 
grows luxuriantly on the plateau, and furnishes 
abundant pasture during the summer to the flocks 
of the nomad Kurds. Wheat, barley, and vines ripen 
at lar higher altitudes than on the Alps and the Pyre- 
nees ; and the harvest is brought 
gr-jmr:---- ■■ to maturity with wonderful 

• i>i>i'eil. These observations s-liow 

— ~ - ~ ._ ; " that, while the elevation ot the 
Armenian plateau constituted it 
' the natural resting-] lace of the 
^ KjVZgjp -vSSV ark alter the Deluge, its geo- 
graphical position and physical 
character secured an impartial 
di>trilmtion of mankind to the 
- ~'. ' various quarters of the world. 

The climate furnished a power- 
lid indui-ciiM nt to seek the more 
tempting regions on all sides of 
it. At the same time the char- 
acter of the vegetation was re- 
markably adapted to the nomad 
state in which Noah's early de- 
scendants probably lived. 

Ai'a-rath (Tob. i. 21) = Ara- 
rat. 

A-rJ5u'nah (fr. Heb. various- 
ly written ; = Jah is strong, 
Fii.), a Jebusite who sold to 
David a site for an altar to 
xxiv. 18-24); = Ornan. Keil 
(on 1 Chr. xxi. 25, Eng. tr.) says of the apparent 
discrepancy between 1 Chronicles and 2 Samuel in 
regard to the price, &c. ; " in 1 Chr. xxi. 25, it is 
stated that David gave to Ornan for the place (prob- 
ably the hill, Mount Moriah) 600 shekels of gold. 
On the other hand, in 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, we read that 
David bought the threshing-floor and the oxen for 50 
shekels of silver. The very words of the two pas- 
sages show that the authors were writing of different 
things, and, therefore, there is no reason to suppose 
that there is any error." From 2 Sam. xxiv. 23, 
" these things did Araunah the king, give unto the 
king," it has been inferred that he was one of the 
royal race of the Jebusites. 

Ar'ba (Heb. giant-Baal or Baal-Hercules, Fii.), the 
progenitor of the Anakim, from whom Hebron was 
called Kirjath-arba (Josh. xiv. 15, xv. 13, xxi. 11). 

Ar'bab (= Arba), the tit'y of = Kirjath-arba or 
Hebron Gen. xxxv. 27). 



Jehovah (2 Sam. 



60 



ARB 



ARC 



Ar'batta-ite (fr. Heb.), the, = a native of the Ara- 
bah or Ghor. Gesenius makes Arbathite = one 
from Beth-arabah. Abi albon the 'Arbathite was 
one of David's valiant men (2 Sam. xxiii. 31 ; 1 Chr. 
xi. 32). 

Ar-ltat'tis (fr. Gr.), a district of Palestine (1 Mc. v. 
23 only) ; according to Ewald, the district N. of the 
sea of Galilee, part of which is still called Ard el- 
Balihah, but perhaps a corruption of Acrabattine = 
the toparchy between Neapolis and Jericho. Akrab- 

BIM. 

Ar-be'la (Gr. fr. Heb. = citadel of God, Wr.), only 
in 1 Mc. ix. 2, denning the situation of Masaloth, 
which was besieged and taken by Bacchides and Al- 
cimus. According toJosephus this Arbela was a city 
of Galilee near the lake of Gennesarct, and remark- 
able for certain impregnable caves, the resort of 
robbers and insurgents, and the scene of more than 
one desperate encounter. Arbela is identified with 
the existing Irbid, a site with a few ruins W. of 
Medjcl (Magdala), on the S. E. side of the Wady cl- 
HamAm, in a small plain at the foot of the hill of 
Kurun Hattin. The caverns arc in the opposite face 
of the ravine, and bear the name of Kula'at Ibn 
Matin. Arbela may be the Betii-arbel of Hos. x. 
14. 

Ar'bitc, the (fr. Heb. = native of Arab, Ges.). 
Paarai the Arbite was one of David's heroes (2 
Sam. xxiii. 35) ; called iu 1 Chr. xi. 37, Naarai the 
son of Ezbai. 

Ar-bo'nai (Or. Abronas),a torrent, apparently near 
Gilicia; possibly the Nahr Abraim or Ibrahim (an 
cient Adonis), which rises in Lebanon at Afka (ancient 
Aphek), and falls into the Mediterranean at Med 
(Byblos) ; or a corruption of the Hebrew 'iber han- 
nahar = beyond the river, i. e. Euphrates (Jd. ii. 24). 

* Arch. The arch was used by the Egyptians at 
Thebes as early as b. c. 1540 (Wilkinson), and by 
the ancient Assyrians (Rawlinson). It was therefore 
probably known to the Israelites. The plural of the 
Hebrew eyldm is translated " arches " in Ez. xl. 16 
ff. A. V. (margin, " galleries " or " porches ") ; but 
the real meaning is doubtful. The Targums, IAX., 
Vulgate, Fairbairn (on Ezekiel), ke., translate porches; 
but Gesenius says they were carried round an edifice, 
and are distinguished from the porches. Fiirst de- 
fines it a sort of halldike space that recedes and pro- 
jects. Temple. 

* Arch-an gel [ark-ane'jel] (fr. Gr. = a chief of 
the ayigels) 1 Th. iv. 16 ; Jude 9. Angel ; Gabriel ; 
Michael ; Raphael ; Uriel. 

Ar-che-la'us [-ke-] (L. fr. Gr. = leading the people, 
a chief, L. & S.), son of Herod the Great, by a Sa- 
maritan woman, Malthace, and, with his brother 
Herod Antipas, brought up at Rome. At the death 
of Herod (b. c. 4) his kingdom was divided between 
his three sons, Herod Antipas, Archelaus, and Philip. 
Herod by will gave to Archelaus " the kingdom," 
but Augustus, though he confirmed the will in gen- 
eral, appointed Archelaus ethnarch, promising him 
the dignity of king afterward, if he governed well. 
He received half of what had been subject to Herod, 
including Idumea, Judea, Samaria, with the cities of 
Cesarea, Sebaste, Joppa, and Jerusalem, the whole 
yielding him six hundred talents' income (Jos. xvii. 
8, § 1, and 11, § 4). In the tenth year of his reign 
(ninth, so Dion Cassius), a. d. 6, a complaint was 
preferred against him by his brothers and his sub- 
jects on the ground of his tyranny, in consequence 
of which he was banished to Vienne in Gaul, where 
he is generally said to have died. But Jerome re- 
lates that he was shown the sepulchre of Archelaus 



near Bethlehem. He seems to have been guilty of 
great cruelty and oppression (Mat. ii. 22). Josephus 
relates that he put to death three thousand Jews in 
the Temple not long after his accession. Archelaus 
wedded illegally Glaphyra, once the wife of his bro- 
ther Alexander, who had had children by her. 
Arch'e-ry. Arms. 

Ar'che-vitcs [-ke-] (fr. Heb.), perhaps — inhabit- 
ants of Erech, placed as colonists In Samaria (Ezr. 
iv. 9). 

Ar (hi [-ki] (Heb.) Josh. xvi. 2. Archite. 

Ar-ebip'pus [-kip-] (L. fr. Gr. = ruling horses), a 
Christian teacher in Colosse (Col. iv. 17), called by 
St. Paul his "fellow-soldier" (1'hn. 2); probably a 
member of Philemon's family. Some suppose him 
to have been overseer of the church at Colosse ; 
others (improbably) a teacher at Laodicea. There is 
a legend that he was one of the seventy disciples, 
and suffered martyrdom at Chouse, near Laodicea. 

Ar'chitc [-kite] (fr. Heb. as if from a place named 
Erech), the, the usual designation of David's friend 
Hushai (2 Sam. xv. 32, xvii. 5, 14 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 33). 
The same word (in the Hebrew) occurs in Josh. xvi. 
2, where " the borders of Archi " (i. c. " the Ar- 
chite") are named as somewhere near Bethel. 

Ar'chi-tcc-turc [ ke-]. Gen. iv. 17, 20, 22, ap 
pears to divide mankind into the " dwellers in tents" 
ami (he " dwellers iu cities." (City; Fenced City.) 
The race of Shem ((Jen. x. 11, 12, 22, xi. 2-9) 
founded the cities in the plain of Shinar, Babylon, 
Nineveh, &e., one of which, Resen, is called '' a great 
city." We have in (Jen. \i. 3-9, an account of the 
earliest recorded building, and of the materials em- 
ployed in its construction. (Babel, Tower or.) In 
Esth. i. 2, mention is made of the palace at Susa 
(SHUSHAN), the spring residence of the kings of 
Persia (Esth. iii. 15) ; and in Tobit and Judith, of 
Ecbatana, to which they retired during the heat of 
summer (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 14 ; Jd. i. 14). In Egypt 
the Israelites appear first as builders of cities (I'ithom 
and Raamses), compelled to labor at the buildings of 
the Egyptian monarchs (Ex. i. 11). The Israelites 
were by occupation shepherds, and by habit dwell- 
ers in tents (Gen. xlvii. 3). They had therefore 
originally, speaking properly, no architecture. In 
Canaan they became dwellers in towns and in houses 
of stone (Lev. xiv. 34, 45 ; IK. vii. 10); but these 
were not all, nor indeed in most cases, built by them- 
selves (Deut. vi. 10; Num. xiii. 19. 22; Josh. xiv. 
15). The peaceful reign and vast wealth of Solo- 
mon gave great impulse to architecture; for besides 
the Temple and his other great works, he built for- 
tresses and cities in various places, Baalath, Tadmor, 
&c. (IK. ix. 15-24). Subsequent kings are recorded 
as builders: Asa(l K. xv. 23), Baasha (xv. 17), 
Omri (xvi. 24), Ahab (xvi. 32, xxii. 39), Hezekiah 
(2 K. xx. 20 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27-30), Jchoash, and 
Josiah (2 K. xii. 11, 12, xxii. 6); and Jehoiakim, 
whose winter palace is mentioned (Jer. xxii. 14, 
xxxvi. 22 ; see also Am. iii. 15). On the return from 
captivity the chief care of the rulers was to rebuild 
the Temple and the walls of Jerusalem in a substan- 
tial manner, with stone, and with timber from Leba- 
non (Ezr. iii. 8, v. 8 ; Neh. ii. 8, iii.). Under Herod 
and his successors not onl y was the Temple magnifi- 
cently rebuilt, but the fortifications and other public 
buildings of Jerusalem were enlarged and embel- 
lished (Lk. xxL 5). Herod also built the town of 
Cesarea ; enlarged Samaria, and named it Sebaste ; 
built the cities of Agrippeum and Phasaelis ; and 
even adorned with buildings many foreign cities. 
His sons built or rebuilt Cesarea Philippi, Tiberias, 



ARC 



ARG 



61 



Bethsaida, &c. These great works were undoubted- 
ly splendid, and probably formed on Greek and 
Roman models. For details in regard to the palace 
of Solomon, the temples, &c, at Jerusalem, see Je- 
rusalem ; Marble ; Palace ; Temple, &c. For the 
domestic architecture of the Jews, see Handicraft; 
House. 

Arc-tn'rus (L. fr. Gr. = bear's tail). The Hebrew 
words 'ds/i and 'ayish(=a barrow bearer, the Arabic 
name of the Great Bear, Ges.), rendered " Arcturus" 
in the A. V. of Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 32, in conformity 
with the Vulgate of the former passage, are now 
generally believed to be identical, and to represent 
the constellation Ursa Major, known commonly as 
the Great Bear, or Charles's Wain. The star now 
known as Arcturus is a star of the first magnitude 
in the constellation Bootes, and is nearly in a line 
with two bright stars in the tail of the Great Bear. 
The ancient versions differ greatly in their render- 
ings. The LXX. render \ish by the "Pleiades" in 
Job ix. 9 (unless the text which they had before 
them had the words in a different order), and 'ayish 
by " Hesperus," the evening star, in Job xxxviii. 32. 
In the former they are followed or supported by the 
Chaldee, in the latter by the Vulgate. 

Al'd (Heb. fugitive), son of Bela and grandson of 
Benjamin (Num. xxvi. 40) ; ancestor of the Ardites ; 
probably = Ard, the " son " of Benjamin in Gen. 
xlvi. 21 ; = Addar in 1 Chr. viii. 3. Becher; Naa- 
man 2. 

Ar'dath— "the field called Ardath " (2 Esd. ix. 
26). 

Ai'd'ites - the descendants of Ard (Num. xxvi. 
40). 

Ai don (Heb. fugitive, Ges.), son, by Azubah, of 
Caleb the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 18). 

A-re'li (Heb. son of a hero, Ges. ; see Ariel), a son 
of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16; Num. xxvi. 17); ancestor of 
the Arelites. 

* A-re'lites = a family descended from Areli 
(Num. xxvi. IT). 

A-re-op'a-gite [-jite] = a member of the court of 
Areopagus (Acts xvii. 34). 

A-re-op'a-gus (L. fr. Gr. = Ml of Ares ; the Gr. 
Ares = L. Mars ; Acts xvii. 19 ; literally translated 
Mars' Hill in verse 22), a rocky height in Athens, 
opposite the W. end of the Acropolis, from which it 
is separated only by an elevated valley. It rises 
gradually from the N. end, and terminates abruptly 
on the S., over against the Acropolis, at which point 
it is about fifty or sixty feet above the valley already 
mentioned. Tradition deiives its name from the 
legendary trial, before the sods assembled here, of 
Mars for murdering Neptune's son Halirrhothius. 
This spot was the place of meeting of the celebrated 
Council of Areopagus, often called simply " the Are- 
opagus," the most ancient and venerable of the 
Athenian courts. This court consisted of those who 
had held the office of Archon, and they were Areopa- 
gites for life, unless disqualified by misconduct. At 
first the court tried only cases of wilful murder, 
wounding, poison, and arson; but Solon gave it ex- 
tensive censorial and political powers. It continued 
to exist under the Roman emperors. Its meetings 
were held on the S. E. summit of the rock. There 
are still sixteen stone steps cut in the rock, leading 
up to the hill from the valley of the Agora or " mar- 
ket " below ; and immediately above the steps is a 
bench of stones excavated in the rock, forming three 
sides of a quadrangle, and facing the S. Here the 
Areopagites sat as judges in the open air. On the 
E. and W. side are raised blocks, probably those de- 



scribed by Euripides as assigned, one to the accuser, 
the other to the accused. — The Areopagus was the 
spot from which St. Paul delivered his memorable 
address to the men of Athens (Acts xvii. 22-31). 
Some commentators suppose that St. Paul was 
brought before the Council of Areopagus ; but there 
is no trace in the narrative of any judicial proceed- 
ings. He "disputed daily" in the "market" (ver. 
17), which was S. of the Areopagus in the valley. 
Attracting more and more attention, " certain philos- 
ophers of the Epicureans and Stoics " brought him 
up from the valley, probably by the stone steps al- 
ready mentioned, to the Areopagus above, that they 
might listen to him more conveniently. Here the 
philosophers probably took their seats on the stone 
benches usually occupied by the members of the 
Council, while the multitude stood on the steps and 
in the valley below. 

A'rcs (L.) = Arah 2 (1 Esd. v. 10). 

Ar'e-tilS (Gr. fr Ar. — a cutter, graver, Pococke, 
Wr.), a common appellation of many of the Arabian 
kings or chiefs. (Arabia ; Edom ; Nebaioth.) Only 
two require menfton here. — 1. A contemporary of 
Antiochus Epiphanes (b. c. 170) and Jason (2 Mc. v. 
8). — '2. The father-in-law of Herod Antipas, and 
king of Arabia Petraea, whose ethnarch (" gov- 
ernor," A. V.) kept the city of Damascus with a 
garrison, desirous to apprehend St. Paul (2 Cor. xi. 
32). There is a somewhat difficult chronological 
question respecting the subordination of Damascus 
to this Aretas. Under Augustus and Tiberius the 
city was attached to the province of Syria ; and it is 
probable that a change in the rulership took place 
after the death of Tiberius. There had been war for 
some time between Aretas and Herod Anlipas. A 
battle was fought, and the army of Antipas destroyed. 
Vitellius, governor of Syria, was sent to his aid 
against Aretas ; but while on his march he heard of 
the death of Tiberius (a. d. 37), and remained at 
Antioch. By this change of affairs at Rome a com- 
plete reversal took place in the situation of Antipas 
and Aretas. The former was (a. d. 39) banished to 
Lyons, and his kingdom given to his nephew and 
enemy Herod Agrippa, who was intimate with the 
new emperor Caligula. It would be natural that 
Aretas should be received into favor ; and the more 
so as Vitellius had an old grudge against Antipas, 
which, Josephus says, he concealed till he obtained 
revenge under Caligula. Now in a. d. 38, Caligula is 
known to have made several changes in the E. ; and 
these facts, coupled with the non-existence of any 
Damascene coins of Caligula or Claudius, make it 
probable that about this time Damascus, which had 
belonged to the predecessor of Aretas, was granted to 
him by Caligula. The other hypotheses, that the 
ethnarch was only visiting the city, or that Aretas 
had seized Damascus on Vitellius's giving up the ex- 
pedition against him, are very improbable (so Dr. 
Alford). 

A-re'ns (fr. Gr.), a king of the Lacedemonians, 
whose letter to the high-priest Onias is given in 1 
Mc. xii. 20-23. There were two Spartan kings of 
the name of Areus, of whom the first reigned b. c. 
309-265, and the second, grandson of the former, 
died at eight years old, b. c. 257. The first high- 
priest of the name of Onias held the office b. c. 323- 
300, and probably wrote the letter to Areus I. be- 
tween 309 and 300. 

Ar'gob (Heb. the stony), a tract of country on the 
E. of the Jordan, in Bashan, containing sixty great 
and fortified cities. Argob was in the portion allot- 
ted to the half-tribe of Manasseh, and was taken pes- 



62 



ARG 



ARK 



session of by Jair. (Havoth-Jair.) It afterward 
formed one of Solomon's commissariat districts under 
an officer at Ramoth-Gilead (Deut. iii. 4, 13, 14 ; 1 K. 
iv. 13). In later times Argob was called Tracho- 
matis, apparently a mere translation of the older 
name ; and it is now apparently identified with the 
Lejah, a very remarkable district S. of Damascus, 
and E. of the Sea of Galilee. This extraordinary 
region — about twenty-two miles from N.' to S. by 
fourteen from W. to E., and of a regular, almost 
oval, shape — has been described as an ocean of ba- 
saltic rocks and bowlders, tossed about in the wild- 
est confusion, and intermingled with fissures and 
crevices in every direction. " Strange as it may 
seem, this forbidding region is thickly studded with 
deserted cities and villages, all solidly built and of 
remote antiquity " (Ptr. ii. 241). The peculiar He- 
brew word constantly attached to Argob (hcbc!, or 
chebel, literally = rope, A. V. " region ") accurately 
designates the remarkably defined boundary of tne 
Lejah, " sweeping round in a circle clearly defined as 
a rocky shore line ; " " resembling a Cyclopean wall 
in ruins " (Ptr. ii. 219). 

Ar'gub (Heb. ; see above), a man killed with Pek- 
ahiah, king of Israel (2 K. xv. 25) ; perhaps a Gil- 
eadite officer, who was governor of Argob ; accord- 
ing to some, an accomplice of Pekah in the murder 
of Pekahiah. Sebastian Schmid makes Argob and 
Arieh — two princes of Pekahiah, whom Pekah slew 
with the king. Rashi makes Argob = the royal 
palace, near which was the castle in which the mur- 
der took place. 

A-ri-a-ra'thes f-thecz] (Gr., probably fr. Sansc. = 
great, or honorable, master) (properly Mithridates) VI. 
Plli-lop'a-tor (Gr. loving his father), king of Cappa- 
docia, b. c. 103-130. He was educated at Rome, and 
his subservience to the wishes of the Romans (b. c. 
158) cost him his kingdom ; but he was shortly 
afterward restored by the Romans to a share in the 
government ; and on the capture of his rival Olopher- 
nes by Demetrius Soter, regained the supreme power. 
He fell, b. c. 130, in the war of the Romans against 
Aristo.iicus. Letters were addressed to him from 
Rome in favor of the Jews (1 Mc. xv. 22), who, in 
after-times, seem to have been numerous in his king- 
dom (Acts ii. 9 ; compare 1 Pet. i. 1). 

1-rid'a-i or A-ri'dai (Heb. fr. Pers. = the strong? 
Ges. ; perhaps fr. Zend = giving what is worthy, Fii.), 
ninth son of Haman (Esth. ix. 9). 

A-rid'a-tlia or Ar-i-da'tha (etymology = Aridai, 
Ges.), sixth son. of Haman (Esth. ix. 8). 

A ri-eh (Heb. the lion, probably from his daring as 
a warrior), either an accomplice of Pekah in his con- 
spiracy against Pekahiah, king of Israel ; or (so Se- 
bastian Schmid) a prince of Pekahiah, who was put 
to death with him (2 K. xv. 25). Rashi explains it 
literally of a golden lion which stood in the castle. 
Argob. 

A'ri-el (Heb. lion, i. e. hero, of God, or hearth of 
God ; see below). 1. One of the " chief men " under 
Ezra in the caravan from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. 
viii. 16). — The Hebrew word occurs also in reference 
to two Moabites slain by Benaiah (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 
1 Chr. xi. 22). Many with Gesenius and A. V. re- 
gard the word as an epithet, " lion-like ; " but The- 
nius, Winer, Fiirst, &c, make it a proper name, and 
translate "two (sons) of Ariel" (comp. Areli). — 2. 
A designation of the city of Jerusalem (Is. xxix. 1, 2, 
V). Gesenius, Ewald, Havernick, and many others 
make it = lion of God ; Umbreit, Knobel, and most 
ancient Jewish expositors make it = hearth of Gol, 
tracing the first part to the Arabic. The latter mean- 



ing is suggested by the use of the word in Ez. xliii. 
15, 16 (where, however, the reading is doubtful), as 
a synonyme for the altar of burnt-offering, though 
Havernick makes it even here = lion of God. 

Ar-i-uia-thse'a (L.) = Arimatiiea. 

Ar-i-ma-tlie'a (L. Arimathma, fr. Heb. Ramath- 
aim), "a city of Judea;" the birthplace or residence 
of Joseph of Arimatiiea (Mat. xxvii. 57 ; Mk. xv. 43 ; 
Lk. xxiii. 51 ; Jn. xix. 38); probably = the Ramuh 
of 1 Sam. i. 1, 19. Ramah 2. 

A ri-ocli [-ok] (Assyrio-Chal. fr. Sansc. = vener- 
able, Bohlen, Ges. ; noble, Fii.). 1. The king of 
Ellasar, an ally of Chedorlaomer in his expedition 
against Sodom, &c. (Gen. xiv. 1, 9). — 2. The captain 
of Nebuchadnezzar's body-guard (Dan. ii. 14, &c). 
— 3. King of the Elymeans (Jd. i. 6). Junius and 
Tremellius make him = l)i i ioces, king of part of Media. 

A-ris'a-i or A-ri sai (Pers. fr. Sansc. = Vishnu's 
arrow, Bolden), eighth son of Unman (Esth. ix. 9). 

Ar-is-tar elms [-kus] (L. fr. Gr. = excellent ruler, 
L. & S.), a Thessalonian, who accompanied St. Paul 
on his third missionary journey, and with Gaius was 
seized in the tumult at Ephesus (Acts xix. 29). He 
was with the apostle on his return to Asia (xx. 4); 
and again (xxvii. 2) on his voyage to Rome. He was 
afterward St. Paul's fellow-prisoner and fellow-laborer 
in Rome (Col. iv. 10; Phn. 24). Tradition makes 
him bishop of Apamea. 

Ar-is-to-bu'lus (L. fr. Gr. = best advised, or best 

a, /rising, L. &. S.). I. A Jewish priest, who resided 
in Egypt in the reign of Ptolemy VI. Philomctor. 
In a letter of Judas Maccabeus he is addressed (165 

b. c.) as the representative of the Egyptian Jews, 
and "tin- master" (i. e. counsellor?) of the king 
(2 Mc. i. 10). He was probably the peripatetic philos- 
opher who dedicated to Ptolemy Philometor his alle- 
goric exposition of the Pentateuch. Considerable 
fragments of this work have been preserved by Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus and Eusebius, but the authenticity 
of the quotations, though now generally conceded, 
has been vigorously contested. The object of Aris- 
tobulus was to prove that the peripatetic doctrines 
were based on the Law and the Prophets. (Alex- 
andria.) — 2. A resident at Rome, some of whose 
household are greeted in Rom. xvi. 10. Tradition 
makes him one of the seventy disciples, and after- 
ward a preacher of the Gospel in Britain. 

* Ark, the A. V. translation of the Heb. dron (see 
Ark of the Covenant ; Chest 1), and tebdh, and the 
Gr. kibotos. The Heb. tebdh is used of both Noah's 
"ark" (Gen. vi.-viii. ; see Noah), and the "ark" 
in which Moses was put (Ex. ii. 3, 5 ; see Reed 2). 
The Gr. kibotos in N. T. and Apocrypha denotes 
both Noah's "ark" (Mat. xxiv. 38, &c.) and the 
" ark " of the covenant (2 Mc. ii. 4, 5 ; Heb. ix. 
4, &c). 

Ark of the Cov'e-nant [kuv-]. The first piece of 
the tabernacle's furniture, for which precise direc- 
tions were delivered (Ex. xxv.). — I. It appears to 
have been an oblong chest (Ark) of shittim (acacia) 
wood, two and a half cubits long, by one and a half 
broad and deep. Within and without gold was over- 
laid on the wood, and on the upper side or lid, which 
was edged with gold, the Mercy Seat (Cherubim) 
was placed. The ark had a ring at each of the four 
corners, and through these were passed staves of the 
same wood similarly overlaid, by which it was car- 
ried by the Kohathites (Num. vii. 9, x. 21). The 
ends of the staves were visible without the veil in 
the holy place of the temple of Solomon (1 K. viii. 
I 8). The ark, when transported, was enveloped in 
I the " veil " of the dismantled Tabernacle, in the 



ARK 



ARM 



63 



curtain of badger's skins, and in a blue cloth over all, 
and was therefore not seen (Num. iv. 5, 20). — II. Its 
purpose or object was to contain inviolate the Divine 
autograph of the two tables, that " covenant " from 
which it derived its title. It was also probably a 
reliquary for the pot of manna and the rod of Aaron. 
1 K. viii. 9 says " there was nothing in the ark save 
the two tables of stone which Moses put there at 
Horeb." Yet Heb. ix. 4 asserts that, besides the 
two tables of stone, the " pot of manna " and " Aa- 
ron's rod that budded " were inside the ark ; prob- 
ably by Solomon's time these relics had disappeared. 
The A. V. in 1 Chr. xiii. 3, " we inquired not at it," 
seems to imply a use of the ark for an oracle ; but 
the LXX. translate " we sought it not." (Ahiah 1.) 
— Occupying the most holy spot of the sanctuary, it 
tended to exclude any idol from the centre of wor- 
ship. It was also the support of the mercy seat, 
materially symbolizing, perhaps, the "covenant" as 
that on which " mercy " rested. Jer. iii. 16 predicts 
the time when even " the ark should be no more re- 
membered," as the climax of spiritualized religion. — 
III. For the chief facts in the earlier history of the ark, 
see Josh. iii. and vi. In the decline of religion in a 
later period a superstitious security was attached to 
its presence in battle (1 Sam. iv.). Yet, though this was 
rebuked by its permitted capture, its sanctity, when 
captured, was vindicated by miracles, in its avenging 
progress through the Philistine cities (v.). After- 
ward it came back, first to Beth-shemesh (vi.) ; then 
it sojourned among several, probably Levitical, fam- 
ilies (vii. 1, 2; 2 Sam. vi. 3, 11 ; 1 Chr. xiii. 13, xv. 
24, 25) in the border villages of E. Judah, and did 
not take its place in the tabernacle, but dwelt in cur- 
tains, i. e. in a separate tent pitched for it in Jeru- 
salem by David. Its bringing up by David thither 
was a national festival. Subsequently the Temple, 
when completed, received, in the installation of the 
ark in its shrine, the signal of its inauguration by 
the effulgence of Divine glory instantly manifested. 
Several Psalms contain allusions to these events, 
e. g. xxiv., xlvii., cv., cxxxii. — When idolatry became 
more shameless in Judah, Manasseh placed "a 
carved image " in the "house of God," and probably 
removed the ark to make way for it. This may ac- 
count for its being reinstated by Josiah (2 Chr. 
xxxiii. 7, xxxv. 3). It was probably taken or de- 
stroyed by Nebuchadnezzar (2 Esd. x. 22). Pri- 
deaux's argument that there must have been an ark 




Egyptmu Art. — (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians.) 



in the second temple is of no weight against express 
testimony, such as that of Josephus, &c. Accord- 
ing to the Rabbins, a sacred stone, the " stone of 
drinking," stood in its stead. — The ancient Egyp- 
tians, Etruscans, Greeks, Romans, &c, had also 
mystic chests or arks. 

Ark'ite (fr. Heb. = inhabitant of Area or of Arce, 
Ges.), the, one of the families of the Canaanites 



(Gen. x. IV ; 1 Chr. i. 15), located in the N. of Phe- 
nicia. The city of Arce or Area is mentioned by 
Josephus, Pliny, Ptolemy, &c. From ^Elius Lampri- 
dius we learn that it contained a temple dedicated 
to Alexander the Great. It was the birthplace of 
Alexander Severus, and was thence called Cajsarea 
Libani. The Crusaders besieged it, a. d. 1099, for 
two months in vain, but afterward took it. In 1202 
it was destroyed by an earthquake. The site, now 
'Ai-kd, lies on the coast, two to two and a half hours 
from the shore, about twelve miles N. of Tripoli, and 
five S. of the Nahr d-Khebir. A rocky hill rises to 
the height of one hundred feet close above the Nahr 
'Arka ; on the top of this is an area of about two 
acres, on which and on a plateau to the N. the ruins 
of the former town are scattered. 

* Arm, one of the upper limbs of the human body 
(2 Sam. i. 10, &c), often figuratively = strength, 
might, power (Ex. xv. 16; Ps. xliv. 3; Jn. xii. 38, 
&c). Hence " to break one's arm " = to destroy his 
power (Ps. x. 15, &c). "With a stretched-out 
arm " (Ex. vi. 6, &c), and " to make bare the arm " 
(Is. Iii. 10), refer to the position of an ancient war- 
rior ready for battle and prepared to use his strength 
to the best advantage. Dress. 

Ar-ma-ged don [g hard] (fr. Heb. = hill of Megid- 
no), a place (Rev. xvi. 16). The locality implied in 
the Hebrew term is the great battle-field of the O. T. 
In a similar passage in Joel (iii. 2, 12), the sense of 
the Divine judgments is spoken of as the " valley of 
Jehoshaphat," the fact underlying the image being 
Jehoshaphat's great victory (2 Chr. xx. 26 ; see Zech. 
xiv. 2, 4). So here the scene of the struggle of good 
and evil is suggested by that battle-field, the plain 
of Esdraelon, which was famous for two great vic- 
tories, of Barak over the Canaanites (Judg. iv., v.), 
and of Gideon over the Midianites (vii.) ; and for two 
great disasters, the deaths of Saul (1 Sam. xxxi. 8), 
and of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30; 2 Chr. xxxv. 22). 
The same figurative language is used in Zech. xii. 
11. 

Ar-me'ni-a (L. and Gr., fr. Heb. = mountains of 
Minni ; see below) is not in the Hebrew, though it 
occurs in A. V. (2 K. xix. 3*7; Is. xxxvii. 38) for 
Ararat (comp. marg.). The Hebrew writers use the 
names Ararat, Minni, and Togarmah to describe 
certain districts of Armenia (see below). — The limits 
of the region called Armenia have varied greatly, 
but are described in general under Ararat. The Ar- 
menians claim descent from Haig or Haik, son of 
Thorgom ( = Togarmah). The ancient kingdom of 
Armenia fell before the Macedonian power b. c. 328. 
Afterward it was sometimes independent, sometimes 
under the Syrian or other foreign rule. Lesser Ar- 
menia (the part W. of the Euphrates) became a 
Roman province under Vespasian. Greater Arme- 
nia (E. of the Euphrates) was an independent king- 
dom 190-34 b. c, and was afterward for centuries 
an object of contention between the Romans and 
Parthians, who by turns appointed and deposed its 
rulers. Many of the Armenians became Christians 
in the fourth century, and the W. part of Armenia 
was attached to the Roman empire a. d. 387 ; the 
E. part was then assigned by compact to Persia, and 
soon became a field of heathenish persecution. The 
Armenians are now widely scattered through Turkey 
and other countries ; all nominally Christians ; every- 
where, like the Jews, a distinct trading people, but 
nowhere an independent nation. The Armenian is 
one of the chief Oriental churches ; and in its forms, 
&c, is much like the Greek church. — The acquaint- 
ance of the Hebrews with this country was probably 



64 



ARM 



ARM 



derived from the Phenicians. In the prophets, Ar- 
menia is one of the extreme N. nations known to the 
Jews. (1.) Ararat, properly the central district of 
Armenia, whither the sons of Sennacherib fled (2 K. 
xix. 37, mar". ; Is. xxxvii. 38, marg.), is summoned 
in Jer. li. 27, with Minni and Ashchenaz, to the de- 
struction of Babylon. (2.) Minni, only in Jer. li. 27, 
is probably - the district Minyas, in the upper val- 
ley of the Mnrad-su branch of the Euphrates. (3.) 
Togarmah is noticed in two passages of Ezekiel, in 
both of which it apparently — Armenia. In xxvii. 
14, he speaks of Togarmah in connection with Me- 
shech and Tubal ; in xxxviii. 6, it is described as 
"of the N. quarters" in connection with Gomer. 
These particulars, the known relationship between , 
Togarmah, Ashkenaz, and Riphath (Gen. x. 3), and 
the traditional belief of the Armenians that they arc j 
descendants from Togarmah, unite to establish the 
conclusion that Togarmah = Armenia. Tongues, 
Confusion of ; Versions, Ancient (Armenian). 

Arm let, an ornament universal in the East, espe- , 
cially among women ; used by princes as one of the | 
insignia of royalty, and by distinguished persons in 
general. The word is not used in the A. V. ; in 
Num. xxxi. 50, the Hebrew elsWdah is translate ! 
"chains;" in 2 Sam. i. 10, "the bracelet on his 
arm." Sometimes only one was worn, on the right 
arm (Ecclus. xxi. 21). From Cant. viii. 6, it appears 
that the signet sometimes consisted of a jewel on the 
armlet. These ornaments were worn by most an- 
cient princes. They are frequent on the sculptures 
of Persepolis and Nineveh, and were worn by the 
kings and people of Persia, by the old British chiefs, 
tc. In the Egyptian monuments kings are often 
^presented with armlets and bracelets. They are 
still worn among the most splendid regalia of modern 




Assyrian Armlet. — (From NiDeveh Marbles, British Museum.) 



oriental sovereigns, and it is even said that those of the 
king of Persia are worth a million pounds sterling. 
Now, as in ancient times, they are sometimes made 
plain, sometimes enchased ; sometimes with the ends 
not joined, and sometimes a complete circle. Their 
enormous weight may be conjectured from Gen. 
xxiv. 22. Bracelet ; Gold ; Ornaments, Personal. 

Ar-mo'ni (Heb. of a fortress, palatine, Ges.), son 
of Saul by Rizpah (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 

* Ar'mor. Arms. 

* Ar mor-bear er, one who bears another's shield, 
&c. ; one who carries the arms or armor of a king 
or military chief. Abimelech (Judg. ix. 54), Saul (1 
Sam. xvi. 21, xxxi. 4 ff. ; 1 Chr. x. 4 f.), Jonathan 
his son (1 Sam. xiv. 1 ff.), Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 
41), and Joab (2 Sam. xxiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. xi. 39), are 
mentioned as having had each his armor-bearer. 
David was armor-bearer to Saul, and Naharai to 
Joab. Joab had ten armor-bearers at Absalom's 
death (2 Sam. xviii. 15). 

* Ar mo-ry, a building for receiving arms or armor, 
or for suspending them within or upon it (Neh. iii. 
19; Cant. iv. 4; compare 1 K. x. 17 ; 2 Chr. xi. 12 ; 
Ez. xxvii. 10, 11). It is used figuratively in Jer. 1. 25. 

Arms, Ar'mor^ The subject naturally divides itself 
into — 



I. Offensive weapons : Arms. 

II. Defensive weapons : Armor. 

I. Offensive weapons. — 1. The "Sword" (Ileb. 
hereb or chereb) is frequently mentioned (Gen. iii. 24, 
xxvii. 40, xxxi. 2(5, xxxiv. 25, 26, &c.) ; but very 
little can be gathered as to its shape, size, material, 




Rr. heavy-unm-d Warrior — Fro-n Hope's Gothtmi ft/ tht- Ant'ttntt. — (Fbn.) 

or mode of use. Ehud's sword (' dagger," A. V., 
but the same in Hebrew, as above) was only a cubit 
long, concealed under his garment, and we do not 
know that it was shorter than usual. But even if it 
was, the narratives in 2 Sam. ii. 16, and xx. 8-10, 
and the ease with which David used the sword of Go- 
hath (1 Sam. xvii. 51 ; xxi. 9), go to show 'that the 
Hebrew sword was both lighter and shorter than the 
modern sword It was carried in a sheath (Heb. 
fa'ar in 1 Sam. xvii. 51, &c. ; ndddn in 1 Chr. xxi. 
27), slung by a girdle (1 Sam. xxv. 13), and resting 
upon the thigh (Ps xlv. 3; Judg. iii. 16), or upon 
the hips (2 Sam. xx. 8). The common Greek sword 
(Gr. xiphos, A. V. "sword," only in 2 Mc. xiv. 41; 

• = Heb. hereb in LXX., in Josh.' x. 28 ff., &c.) had a 
short cut-and-thrust blade, diminishing gradually from 
hilt to point, made in early times of bronze, afterward 
of iron, and was worn on the left side. A long and 
broad sword (Gr. rhomphaia ; sec Rbn. N. T. Lex.), 

, like that used by the Thracians, and carried on the 

• right shoulder == "sword" in Ecclus. xxi. 3, xxii. 
! 21, xxvi. 28, xxxix. 30, xl. 9, xlvi. 2; Bar. ii. 25 ; 

1 Mc. ii. 9, iii. 3, iv. 33, vii. 38, viii. 23, ix. 73 ; 2 Mc. 
xv. 15, 16 ; Lk. ii. 35 ; Rev. i. 16, ii. 12, 16, vi. 8, 
xix. 15, 21 : also in the LXX. in Gen. iii. 24 ; Ex. v. 
21, xxxii. 27, &c. = Heb. liereb. The Gr. rnachaira 
(originally [so L. & S.] a large knife or dirk ; as a 
weapon, a short sword or dagger; afterward a sabre or 
bent svmrd ; compare xiphos, above) is translated 
" sword" in Ecclus. xxviii. 18 ; 1 Mc. iii. 12, x. 85 : 
Mat. x. 34, xxvi. 47 ff., and often in the N. T. ; and 
very often in the LXX. = Heb. hereb (Gen. xxvii. 
40, &c). " Girding on the sword " symbolically = 
commencing war; and a similar expression denotes 
those able to serve (Judg. viii. 10; 1 Chr. xxi. 5). 
We read of swords with two edges (Judg. iii. 16 ; 
Ps. cxlix. 6; Ecclus. xxi. 3 Heb. iv. 12 ; Rev.i. 16. 



ARM 



ARM 



65 



ii. 12), and " whetting " the sword (Deut. xxxii. 41 . 
Ps. lxiv. 3 ; Ez. xxi. 9). Douotless it was of metal, 
for it was bright and " glittering ;" but Josh. v. 2, 
3 ("swords of rock," A. V. "sharp knives") per- 
haps implies that in early times the material was 



flint. (Axe; Knife.) — 2. The "Spear," of which 
there were at least three distinct kinds, a. The 
" Spear" (Heb. haiiUh or chanith), apparently of the 
largest kind. It was the weapon of Goliath ( 1 Sa.n. 
xvii. 7, 45 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 19 ; 1 Chr. xx. 5), and of 





Roman Soldier. — Bartoli'fl Arch of Severus.— (Fbn.) 



Assyrian Spearman. — (Fbn.) 



Egyptian heavy-armed Soldier. — (Fbn.) 



other giants (2 Sam. xxiii. 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 23) and 
mighty warriors (2 Sam. ii. 23, xxiii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
11, 20). It was the habitual companion of King 
Saul (1 Sam. xxii. 6, xxvi. 7 ff. ; 2 Sam. i. 6). This 
heavy weapon (not the lighter "javelin," A. V.) he 
cast at David (1 Sam. xviii. 10, 11, xix. 9, 10), and 
at Jonathan (xx. 33). The " hinder end " of this, 




Persian Sword, or AcinaceB. 

Abner drove through the body of Asahel (2 Sam. ii. 
23). It is mentioned also in 1 Sam. xiii. 19, 22, 
xxi. 8 ; 2 K. xi. 10 ; 1 Chr. xii. 34 ; 2 Chr. xxiii, 9, 
and numerous poetical passages. — b. The " Javelin " 
(Heb. cidon), apparently lighter than the preceding. 
It was appropriate for such manoeuvring as in Josh, 
viii. 14-27, and could be held outstretched for a 
5 



considerable time (18, 26 ; A. V. " spear "). When 
not in action it was carried on the warrior's back 
(1 Sam. xvii. 6, A. V. " target "). In Job xxxix. 23, 
the A. V. inconsistently, with the Vulgate, translates 
" shield," as, with the Vulgate and LXX., in 1 Sam. 
xvii. 45 ; in xii. 29 (Heb. 21) " spear," as in Jer. vi. 
23 ; in Jer. 1. 42, " lance." — c. Another kind of 
spear (Heb. romah or rornach). This occurs 
in Num. xxv. 7 (A. V. "javelin"); Judg. v. 
8 ; 1 K. xviii. 28 (A. V. " lancets ; " of 1611, 
" lancers ") ; often in the later books, espe- 
cially in the phrase " shield and spear " 
(= arms); 1 Chr. xii. 8 (A. V. "buckler"), 
24 (" spear"), 2 Chr. xi. 12, xiv. 8 (Heb. 7), 
xxv. 5; Neh. iv. 13, 16, 21 (Heb. 7, 10, 
15); Ez. xxxix. 9, &c. — d. Probably a lighter 
missile or " dart " (Heb. shelah or shelach — 
something sad) ; translated in A. V. in 2 Chr. 
xxiii. 10, "weapon," xxxii. 5, "darts;" 
Neb. iv. 17 (Heb. 11) "weapon," 23 (Heb. 
17, "weapon" in marg.); Job xxxiii. 18, 
xxxvi. 12, "sword" in both; Joel ii. 8, 
" sword," " dart " in margin. The Gr. belos 
(Eph. vi. 16) and botis (Heb. xii. 20), both 
translated " dart" in A. V., = shelah or Mis 
{arrow, No. 3, below) in LXX. — e. The Heb. 
shebet, ordinarily = a rod (Ex. xxi. 20, &c), 
or staff (2 Sam. xxiii. 21, &c), and hence a 
baton or sceptre (Gen. xlix. 10, &c), is used 
once for the "darts" with which Joab dis- 
patched Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 14). The 
plural of the Gr. xitlon, translated "staves" 
in Mat. xxvi. 47, 55; Mk. xiv. 43, 48; Lk. 
xxii. 52, literally = wood, hence things of wood, clubs, 
staves, &c. — The Heb. makkel yad, literally transla- 
ted in LXX., Vulgate, A. V., &c., " hand-staves " (Ez. 
xxxix. 9), according to Gesenius = dart, or javelin. — 
<7. The Heb. kayin (= spear, lance, Ges.) occurs once 
(2 Sam. xxi. 16), and is translated " spear" in the A. 
V., as in the LXX. and Vulgate.— h. The Heb. tothdh 



66 



ARM 



ARM 



or tothdch, translated in A. V. " darts " in Job xii. 29 
(Heb. 21), but in the LXX. and Vulgate "hammer," 
"mallet," or " maul," = club, bludgeon, Gesenius. — i. 
The Heb. massd, translated " dart " in A. V. in Job 
xli. 26 (Heb. 18), = dart, arrow, Gesenius. — " Spear " 




Swords, various, from Lnyard, Bottn, Kor Porter, Ac. — (Fbrj.) 
1, Assyrian Sword-hilt. 2, Assyrian curved Sword. 3, Persian Acinaces. 
4, End of Assyrian Sword-sheath. 6, Roman Sword. 6, Greek Sword. 

occurs in the N. T. only in Jn. xix. 34, and there = 
the Gr. longclie, which the LXX. use in 1 Sam. xvii. 
7 as = Goliath's " spear's head " (its proper mean- 
ing), but in Judg. v. 8, &c, as = Heb. romah. In 
the Apocrypha " spear " is the translation of the 




Egyptian Javelins. Spear and Dart bends, from Wilkinson. — (Fbn.) 
1, Javelins. 2, Javelin-bead. 3, 4, Spear-heads. b, Dart head. 



Gr. words longche (2 Mc. xv. 11), doru (Jd. xi. 2; 
Ecclus. xxix. 13), and gaisos (Jd. ix. 7). Of these 
the third is used in the LXX. as = Heb. cidon in 
Josh. viii. 18. The second (doru) is the common 
translation of the Heb. hanith, also of romah in 2 
Chr. xi. 12, xiv. 8, xxvi. 14, &c, and of kayin in 2 
Sam. xxi. 16. "Darts" in Jd. i. 15 = plural of Gr. 
zibune, which the LXX. use for haniih (" spear ") in 
Is. ii. 4, and for cidon (" spear") in Jer. vi. 23. — 
" Pikes " in 2 Mc. v. 3 = the plural of Gr. kamax 
( = any long piece of wood, shaft of a spear, &c, L. 
&S.).— 3. The " Bow " (Heb. kesh'eth ; Gr. toxon) is 
met with in the earliest history, in use both for the 
chase (Gen. xxi. 20, xxvii. 3) and war (xlviii. 22). In 
later times archers accompanied the Philistine (1 
Sam. xxxi. 3 ; 1 Chr. x. 3) and Syrian armies (1 K. 
xxii. 34). Hebrew common soldiers, captains high 
in rank (2 K. ix. 24), and even kings' sons (1 Sam. 
xviii. 4), carried the bow, and were expert in its use 



(xx. 20, 36 ; 2 Sam. i. 22). The tribe of Benjamin 
seems to have been especially addicted to archery 
(1 Chr. viii. 40, xii. 2 ; 2 Clir. xiv. 8, xvii. 17); but 
there were also bowmen among Reuben, Gad, Manas- 
seh (1 Chr. v. 18), and Ephraim (Ps. lxxviii. 9). The 




Egyptian Archer and Quiver.— From Wilkinson.— (Fbn.) 

bow seems to have been bent by the aid of the foot, 
the Hebrew being literally treaders of the bow, tic., in 
1 Chr. v. 18, viii. 40; 2 Chr. xiv. 8; Is. v. 28; Ps. 
vii. 12, &c. Bows of "steel" (?) are mentioned as 
if specially strong (2 Sam. xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24 ; Ps. 
xviii. 34). It is possible that in 1 Chr. xii. 2, a kind 
of bow for shooting bullets or stones is alluded to 
(Wis. v. 22, "stone-bow"). The "Arrows" (Heb. 
hets or diets, plural hitstsim or chttstsim) were carried 
in a Quiver. The bow and arrows are called 
"artillery " (1 Sam. xx. 40; marg. "instruments"), 
i. e. weapons. (Furniture 1.) From Job vi. 4, they 
seem to have been sometimes poisoned ; and Ps. cxx. 
4, may point to a practice of using arrows with some 
burning material at- 
tached to them. (Div- 
ination 10; Magog.) 
— 4. The " Sling" 
(Heb. kela 1 ; Greek 
sphendone) consists of 
two strings of sinew 
or some fibrous sub- 
stance, attached to a 
leathern receptacle 
for the stone in the 
centre ; it is swung 
once or twice round 
the head, and the 
stone is then dis- 
charged by letting go 
one of the strings. 
The sling is first al- 
luded to in Judg. xx. 
16, in noticing the 
seven hundred Ben- 
jamites who with their 
left hand could "sling 
stones at an hair- 
breadth and not miss" 
(comp. 1 Chr. xii. 2). 
David killed Goliath 

of a Hebrew or Syrian shepherd (1 Sam. xvii. 40 ff.), 




Roman Slinger. — From Column of Aii- 
toninus. — (Fbn.) 

with this common weapon 



ARM 



ARM 



67 



who by using it kept at a distance and drove off any 
thing attempting to molest his flocks. Abigail's 
bold metaphor — " the souls of thine enemies, them 
shall God sling out, as out of the middle of a sling" 
(1 Sam. xxv. 29) — was natural for the wife of a man 
whose possessions in flocks were so great as those of 
Nabal. The sling was advantageously used among 
the Syrians as well as the Hebrews in attacking 
and defending towns, and in skirmishing (1 Mc. 
lx. 11). In action the stones were carried in a 
bag round the neck (1 Sam. xvii. 40) or were heaped 
up at the feet of the combatant. Under the mon- 
archy, slingers formed part of the regular army (2 K. 
iii. 25), though the slings with which they could 
break down the fortifications of Kir-haraseth must 
have been more ponderous than in early times, and 
more like the engines which king Uzziah contrived 
to " shoot great stones " (2 Chr. xxvi. 15 ; Engine). 
In 2 Chr. xxvi. 14, mention is made of stones espe- 
cially adapted for slings (i. e. smooth stones ; com- 
pare 1 Sam. xvii. 40): — "Uzziah prepared .... 
shields and spears . . . bows and sling-stones " (see 
margin ; A. V. "slings to cast stones"). 

II. Armor.— 1. The " Breastplate " occurs in 1 
Sam. xvii. 5, in describing Goliath's equipments, 
Heb. shirydn kaskassim, A. V. " coat of mail," 
literally breastplate of scales, and further (38), where 
Shirydn alone is translated "coat of mail." This 
passage contains the most complete inventory of 
the furniture of a warrior to be found in the sacred 
history. The Heb. shirydn (A. V. " harness ; " 
margin, " breastplate ") occurs in 1 K. xxii. 34, 
and 2 Chr. xviii. 33, in the phrase translated in 
A. V., after the Syriac, "between the joints of the 
harness," where the real meaning is probably " be- 
tween the joints and the breastplate." One of the 
three forms, shirydn, shiryon, shirydh, is also found 
in 2 Chr. xxvi. 14 and Neh. iv. 16 (Heb. 10, trans- 
lated in A. V. " habergeons " in both) ; in Job xli. 
26 (Heb. 18 ; A. V. " habergeon ; " margin, " breast- 
plate"), and Is. lix. 17 (A. V. "breastplate"). 
(Siiuon.) — A kindred word (Heb. sirydn = coat of 
mail, Ges.) is translated " brigandine " in the A. V. 
of Jer. xlvi. 4, li. 3. The Gr. thorax occurs in Rev. 



defines the Hebrew " a military garment, properly of 
linen, strong and thickly woven, and furnished round 
the neck and breast with a breastplate or coat of 





Egyptian Cuirasses. — From Wilkinson. — (Fbn. 

ix. 9, 17 ; figuratively in Eph. vi. 14 ; 1 T'u. v. 8 ; in 
LXX. for shirydn, &c. The " breastplate" orcuirass, 
covered the body from the neck to the thighs, and 
consisted of two parts, one covering the front, the 
other the back (Rbn. A 7 ". T. Lex.\ It was of bronze 
(Brass), iron, sometimes of gold, &c. (High-priest.) 
— 2. The Heb. tahrd or tachrd, in A. V. " habergeon " 
(i. e. a quilted shirt or doublet put on over the head), 
is mentioned but twice — in reference to the gown of 
the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 32, xxxix. 23). Gesenius 



mm 





Cuirass. — From Layard. — (Fbn.) 



mail." — 3. The "Helmet" (Heb. cdba 1 or kdba' ; 
Gr. perikephalaia ; 1 Sam. xvii. 5, 38 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 
14 ; Ez. xxvii. 10 ; Eph. vi. 17, &c), for covering 
and defending the head, was originally made of 






Egyptian Helmets.— From Wilkinson. — (Fbn.) 

leatner or skin, frequently strengthened or adorned 
with bronze or gold, with or without a crest, some- 
times wholly of metal, or of wood, of cloth in many 
folds, &c. — 4. " Greaves " (Heb. mitshdh or mitschdh), 
or defences for the feet (so Mr. Grove), or for the 
legs (so Ges., Kit., Pbn., &c), 
made of brass, are named in 1 
Sam. xvii. 6, only. — 5. Two or 
more kinds of " Shield " are dis- 
tinguishable, a. The large shield 
(Heb. tsinudli), encompassing (Ps. 
v. 12, xxxv. 2, A. V. "buckler," 
xci. 4) and protecting the whole 
person. When not in actual con- 
flict, it was carried before the 
warrior (1 Sam. xvii. 7, 41). The 
word is used in the formula 
" shield and spear," &c, in 1 Chr. 
xii. 8, 24, 34 ; 2 Chr. xi. 12, &c, to denote weapons 
generally (see " Spear," a, 6, above), b. Of smaller 
dimensions was the buckler or target (Heb. mdgen), 
probably for use in hand-to-hand fighting. The 
difference in size between this and the tsinndh is 
evident from 1 K. x. 16, 17; 2 Chr. ix. 15, 16, 
where a much larger quantity of gold is used for the 
tsinndh (A. V. "target") than for the mdgen (A. V. 
"shield "). The mdgen is mentioned in 2 Sam. i. 21, 
xxii. 31 (A. V. "buckler"); 2 Chr. xii. 9, 10; Job 
xv. 26 (A. V. " bucklers ") ; Ps. iii. 3 (Heb. 4, A. V. 
"shield"); xviii. 2 (Heb. 3, A. V. " buckler "), &c. 
It also occurs in a formula for weapons of war, with 
the bow (2 Chr. xiv. 8 [Heb. 7, A. V. "shields"], 
xvii. 17), darts (2 Chr. xxxii. 5). The ordinary 
shield consisted of a frame-work of wood covered 
with leather, and thus might be burned (Ez. xxxix. 



Aetyrian Greaves. — 
From Layard.— (Fbn.) 



6S 



ARM 



ARM 



9). The " boss " (Job xv. 36) was the exterior con- 
vex pait or back (Ges.). The mdgen was frequently 
cased with metal, either brass or copper; its appear- 
ance in this case resembled gold, when the sun shone 
onit(l Mc. vi. 39), and to this rather than to the 
practice of smearing blood on the shield, we may 
refer the redness in Nah. ii. 3. Shields were anointed 
(Oil), and protected from the weather by being kept 
covered, except in actual conflict (Is. xxii. G). The 
shield was worn on the left arm, to which it was at- 
tached by a strap. Shields of state were covered 
with beaten gold. Solomon made such for use in 
religious processions (1 K. x. 16, 17). Shields were 




Shields— 1, Assyrian. 2, 3, Persian.— Fro-n Liynrd, Ker PorU'r.— (Fbn .) 



suspended about public buildings for ornamental 
purposes (1 K. x. 17 ; 1 Me. iv. 57, vi. 2). In meta- 
phorical language the " shield " = protection or pro- 
lector, generally spoken of Go J (Gen. xv. 1 ; Pa. iii. 

3, xxviii. 7, lxxxiv. 11 [Heb. 12], &c), but in Ps. 
xlvii. 9 (Heb. 10), of earthly rulers, in Eph. vi. 16, of 
faith. The Gr. thureos (= "shield," A. V., Eph. vi. 
16) is used in the LXX. for both mdgen (Judg. v. 8; 
2 Sam. i. 21, &c.) and tsinndh ("target," A. V., 2 
Chr. ix. 15, &c). So the Gr. aspvs (— " shield," A. 
V., in Jd. ix. 7; Ecclus. xxix. 13 ; 1 Mc. xv. 18, 20; 

2 Mc. v. 3) in the LXX. — mdgen (1 Chr. v. 18 ; 2 
Chr. ix. 16. &c.) and tsinndh once (Jer. xlvi. 3, xxvi. 

3 Gr.). The plural of the Gr. atpidiske (= small 
shields) is once used (1 Mc. iv. 57, "shields," A. V.). 
The Gr. hoplou, a general term for arms (used in the 
LXX. for " weapons " in Ez. xxxix. 9), is translated 
in the plural " shields " in 1 Mc. vi. 2, and in the 
LXX. — mdgen (1 K. x. 17, xiv. 26, 27, &c), both 
shelah (see I. 2, d, above) aud mdgen (A. V. " darts 
and shields," 2 Chr. xxxii. 5), shelct (see 6, below ; 
A. V. " weapon," 2 Chr. xxiii. 9), and both tsinndh 
and soherdh (see c, below ; A. V. " shield and buck- 
ler," Ps. xci. 4, xc. 4 Gr.). — c. The Heb. soherdh or 
sdchsrdh, a poetical term occurring only in Ps. xci. 

4, = " shield," Ges., or " buckler," A.V.— 6. The Heb. 
shelet is translated by some (after Rashi) " quiver," 
by some " weapons " generally, by others (Kimchi, 
Ges., A. V., and most) a " shield." It denoted cer- 
tain weapons of gold taken by David from Hadade- 
zer, king of Zobah (2 Sam. viii. 7 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 7), 
and dedicated in the Temple (2 K. xi. 10 ; 2 Chr. 
xxiii. 9 ; Cant. iv. 4). In Jer. li. 11 ; Ez. xxvii. 11, 
the word refers to foreign armor. Egypt ; Persians. 

Army. I. Hebrew army. — The military organiza- 
tion of the Hebrews commenced with their depar- 



ture from Egypt. Every man above twenty years of 
age was a soldier (Num. i. 3) : each tribe formed a 
regiment with its own banner and leader (ii. 2, x. 
14) : their positions in the camp or on the march 
were accurately fixed (ii. x. ; Encampment) : the 
whole army started and stopped at a given signal (x. 
5, 6) : thus they came up out of Egypt ready for 
the fight (Ex. xiii. 18). On the approach of an ene- 
my, a conscription was made from the general body 
under the direction of a muster-master (A. V. "of- 
ficer " or " scribe of the host," Dcut. xx. 5 ; 2 K. 
xxv. 19 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 11), by whom also the officers 
were appointed (I)eut. xx. 9). The army was then 
divided into thousands and hundreds under their re- 
spective captains (Num. xxxi. 14), and still further 
into families (ii. 34; 2 Chr. xxv. 5, xxvi. 12). From 
the time the Israelites entered Canaan until the es- 
tablishment of the kingdom, little progress was 
made in military affairs ; their wars resembled I/order 
forays. (War.) No general muster was made at 
this period ; but the combatants were summoned on 
the spur of the moment. — With the kings arose the 
custom of maintaining a body-guard, winch formed 
the nucleus of a standing army. Thus Saul had 
3,000 select warriors (1 Sam. xiii. 2, xiv. 52, xxiv. 
2), and David, before his accession to the throne, 
000 (xxiii. 13, xxv. 13). This band he retained after 
he became king,' and added the Ciierethites and 
Peletiiites (2 Sam. xv. 18, xx. 7), together with an- 
other class (called in Hebrew s/uilishim, literally 
third men ; hence chariot-warriors, so Gesenius, be- 
cause each chariot contained three soldiers ; the 
thirty officers of the guard, so Ewald, see 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 23 ff), officers of high rank (A. V. "captains" 
n 1 K. ix. 22; 2 K. x. 25 ; 1 Chr. xi. 11, &c), the 
chief of whom (2 K. vii. 2, A. V. "lord;" 1 Chr. 
xii. 18, A. V. "chief of the captains") was imme- 
diately about the king's person. David further or- 
ganized a national militia, divided into twelve regi- 
ments, each serving under its own officers a year (1 
Chr. xxvii. 1); at the head of the army when in 
active service he appointed a commander-in-chief (A. 
V. "captain of the host," 1 Sam. xiv. 50; 2 Sam. 
xix. 13 ; or " general," 1 Chr. xxvii. 34). — Hitherto 
the army had consisted entirely of infantry (A. V. 
" footmen," 1 Sam. iv. 10, xv. 4), the use of horses 
having been restrained by divine command (Deut. 
xvii. 16); but David reserved 100 chariots from the 
spoil of the Syrians (2 Sam. viii. 4) : these probably 
served as the foundation of the force which Solomon 
afterward enlarged to 1,400 chariots and 12,000 
horsemen (1 K. x. 26 ; 2 Chr. i. 14 ; Chariot; Horse). 
— It does not appear that the system established by 
David was maintained by the kings of Judah ; but 
in Israel the proximity of Syria necessitated the 
maintenance of a standing army. The militia was 
occasionally called out in time of peace (2 Chr. xiv. 
8, xxv. 5, xxvi. 11); but such cases were excep- 
tional. On the other hand the body-guard appears 
to have been regularly kept up (1 K. xiv. 28 ; 2 K. 
xi. 4, 11). Occasional reference is made to war- 
chariots and horsemen (viii. 21, xviii. 23, 24, &c). 
— Of the arrangement and manoeuvring of the army 
in the field, we know but little. A division into 
three bodies is frequently mentioned (Judg. vii. 16, 
ix. 43; 1 Sam. xi. 11 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 2). Jehoshaphat 
divided his army into five bodies (2 Chr. xvii. 14- 
18). The maintenance and equipment of the soldiers 
at the public expense dates from the establishment 
of a standing army. It is doubtful whether the sol- 
dier ever received pay even under the kings (the 
only recorded instance of pay applies to mercenaries, 



ARN 



ARP 



69 



2 Chr. xxv. 6): but he was maintained, while on 
active service, and provided with arms (1 K. iv. 27, 
x. 16, 17; 2 Chr. xxvi. 14). At the Exodus the 
number of the warriors was 600,000 (Ex. xii. 37) or 
603,550 (xxxviii. 26 ; Num. i. 46) ; at the entrance 
into Canaan 601,730 (xxvi. 51). In David's time the 
army amounted, according to 2 Sam. xxiv. 9, to 
1,300,000, viz. 800,000 for Israel and 500,000 for 
Judah; but according to 1 Chr. xxi. 5, 6 to 1,570,- 
000, viz. 1,100,000 for Israel and 470,000 for Judah. 
(Number.) The militia in service, a division for 
each month of the vear, then amounted to 24,000 x 
12 = 288,000 (1 Chr. xxvii. 1 fif.). Afterward the 
army of Judah under Abijah is stated at 400,000, 
and that of Israel under Jeroboam at 800,000 (2 
Chr. xiii. 3). Still later, Asa's army, derived from 
Judah and Benjamin alone, is put at 580,000 (xiv. 
8) and Jehoshaphat's at 1,160,000 (xvii. 14 ff. ; Cen- 
sus). The system adopted by Judas Maccabeus was 
in strict conformity with the Mosaic law (1 Mc. iii. 
55) : and though he maintained a standing army (iv. 
6 ; 2 Mc. viii. 16), yet the custom of paying the sol- 
diers appears to have originated afterward with 
Simon (1 Mc. xiv. 32). The introduction of merce- 
naries commenced with John Hyrcanus; the intes- 
tine commotions in the reign of Alexander Janna?us 
obliged him to increase the number to 6,200 men ; and 
the same policy was followed by Alexandra and by 
Herod the Great, who had in his pay Thracian, Ger- 
manic, and Gallic troops. The discipline aid arrange- 
ment of the army was gradually assimilated to that 
of the Romans, and the titles of the officers borrowed 
from it. — II. Roman Army. — This was divided into 
legions, the number of which varied considerably, 
each under six tribunes ("chief captain," Acts xxi. 
31), who commanded by turns. The legion was sub- 
divided into ten cohorts ("band," Acts x. 1), the co- 
hort into three maniples, and the maniples into two 
centuries, containing originally a hundred men, as 
the name implies, but subsequently from fifty to 
a hundred, according to the strength of the legion. 
There were thus in a legion sixty centuries, each 
under a centurion (Acts x. 1, 22 ; Mat. viii. 5, xxvii. 
54). In addition to the legionary cohorts, indepen- 
dent cohorts of volunteers served under the Roman 
standards. One of these cohorts was named the 
Italian (Acts x. 1), as consisting of volunteers from 
Italy. The cohort named "Augustus' " (xxvii. 1) 
may have been an independent cohort, known as the 
Augustan or imperial, because it held some such re- 
lation to the procurator as the imperial life-guard at 
Rome held to the emperor. It may have been = 
the Italian cohort above (Hackett, on Acts, 1. c). 
The headquarters of the Roman forces in Judea were 
at Cesarea. Captain ; Ensign ; Quaternion ; Spear- 
men. 

Ar'na (L.), an ancestor of Ezra (2 Esd. i. 2); = 
Zerahiah 1, or Zaraias 1. 

Ar'nan ( Heb. active, nimble, Ges.), a man whose 
sons are in Zerubbabel's genealogy (1 Chr. iii. 21); 
according to the LXX., Vulgate, and Syriac versions, 
son of Rephaiah. 

Arnon (Heb. a rushing, roaring, i. e. a roaring 
stream, Ges.), the river or torrent which formed the 
N. boundary of Moab, separating Moab from the 
Amorites (Num. xxi. 13 fiF. ; Judg. xi. 22), and after- 
ward from Israel (Reuben) (Deut. ii. 24, 36, iii. 8, 

12, 16, iv. 48; Josh. xii. 1, 2, xiii. 9> 16; Judg. xi. 

13, 26 ; 2 K. x. 33 ; Jer. xlviii. 20). From Judg. xi. 
18, it seems to have been also the E. border of Moab. 
Its lords are mentioned in Is. xvi. 2 ; its High 
Places in Num. xxi. 28. By Josephus it is described 



as rising in the mountains of Arabia and flowing 
through all the wilderness till it falls into the Dead 
Sea. Ihe modern Wady el-M6jeb undoubtedly = 
the Arnon. Its principal source is near Katrane, on 
the route of the Mecca pilgrims. Thence it flows 
I N.W. under several names, and takes that of Wady 
el-M6jcb one hour E. of 'Ard'ir (Aroer), whence it 
flows W. to the Dead Sea, On the S. edge of the 
ravine through which it flows are some ruins called 
Mchatet el Haj, and on the N. edge, directly oppo- 
site, those of Ard'ir. Burckhardt judged the width 
across the ravine here to be about two miles ; the 
descent on the S. side to the water is extremely 
steep and almost impassable. The stream (in June 
and July) runs through a level strip of grass some 
forty yards in width, with a few oleanders and wil- 
lows on the margin. It enters the Dead Sea through 
a chasm about one hundred feet wide and a low 
delta at its mouth. 

A'lcd (Heb. perhaps = wild ' ass, Ges.), a son of 
Gad; ancestor of the Akodites (Num. xxvi. 17); 
called Arodi in Gen. xlvi. 16. 

A-ro'di (Heb.) = Arod. 

A'rcd-itcs. Arod. 

A-ro'cr (Heb. ruins, places whose foundations are 
laid bare, Ges.), the name of several towns of E. 
and W. Palestine. 1. A city "by the brink" or 
"on the bank of," or "by" the torrent Arnon, the 
S. point of the territory of Sihon, king of the Amor- 
ites, and afterward of the tribe of Reuben (Deut. ii. 
36, iii. 12, iv. 48; Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9, 16 ; Judg. xi. 
26 ; 2 K. x. 33 ; 1 Chr. v. 8), but later again in pos- 
session of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 19). The description 
of Aroer by Eusebius and Jerome agrees with thatof 
Burckhardt, who found ruins named 'Ard'ir on the 
old Roman road, upen the very edge of the precipi- 
tous N. bank of the Wady Mojeb. Burckhardt 
found also between the Arnon and Wady Lejum, one 
hour E. of Aroer, a hill with ruins, perhaps " the 
city that is in the midst of the river" (Josh. xiii. 9, 
16, &c. ; Arnon). — 2. Aroer "that is 'facing' (A. 
V. "before") Rabbah 1," a town built by and be- 
longing to Gad (Num. xxxii. 34 ; Josh. xiii. 25 ; 2 Sam. 
xxiv. 5) ; probably the place mentioned in Judg. xi. 
33; perhaps at Ayra, a ruined site, two and a half 
hours S. W. of cs-Salt (Ritter). — 3. Aroer, in Is. 
xvii. 2, if a place at all, must be still further N. than 
No. 2, and dependent on Damascus. Rosenmiiller, 
Gesenius (formerly), &c, however took it to be = 
No. 2: Gesenius (Lex. 1854, ed. by Rbn.) translated 
"Aroer" here ruins. — 4. A town in Judah (1 Sam. 
xxx. 28 only), identified (Rbn. ii. 199) with some 
ruins called 'Ar'drah, in Wady 'Ar'drah, on the road 
from Petra to Gaza, about eleven miles E. S. E. of 
Beer-shebr. 

A-ro'ci'-itC (ft. Heb. : one from Aroer), a designa- 
tion of Hothan (1 Chr. xi. 44). 

A'rom (Gr.), ancestor of thirty-two men, said to 
have returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 16); possi- 
bly = Hashum 1. 

* Ar-pacli'shad [-pak-] (Heb.; Gen. x. 22, marg.) 
= Arphaxad. 

Ar'pad (Heb. prop, support, i. e. fortified city, 
Ges.), a city or district in Syria, apparently depend- 
ent on Damascus (Jer. xlix. 23) ; invariably named 
with Hamath, but otherwise unknown (2 K. xviii. 
34, xix. 13; Is. x. 9); = A. V. " Arphad " in Is. 
xxxvi. 19, xxxvii. 13. Some have supposed Arpad 
== Arvad, but the similarity of names does not 
prove this. 

Ar'phad [-fad] = Arpad. 

Ar-pliax'ad (Gr. and L. ; Heb. Arpachshad = the 



70 



ARR 



ASA 



stronghold of the Chaldees, Ewald). 1. Son of Shem 
and ancestor of Eber (Gen. x. 22, 24, xi. 10-13 ; Lk. 
iii. 36). Bochart supposed the name preserved in 
that of the province Arrapachitis in N. Assyria. — 2. 
A king " who reigned over the Medes in Ecbatana, 
and strengthened the city by vast fortifications," and 
was afterward entirely defeated, taken, and slain by 
" Nabucho;lonosor, king of Assyria" (Jd. i.) ; fre- 
quently identified with Deioces, the founder of Ecbat- 
ana ; but more like his son Phraortes, who fell in a 
battle with the Assyrians, 663 b. c. Niebuhr endeav- 
ors to identify the name with Astyages. Judith. 

Ar-ray'. Dress; Ornaments, Personal. 

Arrows. Arms. 

* Ar'row-soake (Gen. xlix. 17, marg.) Adder. 
Ar-sa'ccs [-seez] (L. fr. Armenian, &c. ; = [so Rln.] 

the venerable ?) VI., a king of Parthia who assumed 
the royal title Arsaces in addition to his proper 
name, Mithridates I. He made great additions to 
the empire by successful wars; defeated and cap- 
tured Demetrius II. Nicator, b. c. 138 (1 Mc. xiv. 
1-3) ; treated him with respect and gave him his 
daughter in marriage, but kept him in confinement 
till his own death, about B. c. 130. 

Ar'sa-retb, a region beyond the Euphrates, ap- 
parently of great extent (2 Esd. xiii. 45). 

Ar-tax-crxcs [ar-tag-zerk'seez] (Gr. ; Heb. Artah- 
or Arlach-shushla or -shast ; fr. old Pers. = great 
king), the name probably of two different kings of 
Persia mentioned in the 0. T. 1. The Artaxerxes 
in Ezr. iv. 7, who stopped the rebuilding of the 
temple, appears = Smerdis, the Magian impostor, 
and pretended brother of Cambyses (Ahasuerus 2), 
who usurped the throne b. c. 522, and reigned eight 
months. The name Artaxerxes may have been 
adopted or conferred on him as a title. — 2. The Ar- 
taxerxes of Neh. ii. 1, who permits Nehemiah to 
spend twelve years at Jerusalem, in order to settle 
affairs there, may be identified with Artaxerxes 
Longimanus, theson of Xerxes, who reigned n. c. 464- 
425, and is probably the same king who had allowed 
Ezra to go to Jerusalem for a similar purpose (Ezr. 
vii. 1). Some have supposed the Artaxerxes of Ezr. 
vii. 1 = Xerxes. Ahasuerus 3. 

Ar'te-mas (Gr. g'ven by Artemis ; see Diana), a 
companion of St. Paul (tit. iii. 12). According to 
tradition he was bishop of Lystra. 

* Ar-tif i-ter. Handicraft. 

* Ar-til'le-ry in 1 Sam. xx. 40 = weapons ; see 
Arms I. 3 ; Furniture, 1 : in 1 Mc. vi. 51 = engines 
to cast missiles ; see Engine. 

* Arts. See Agriculture ; Architecture ; Han- 
dicraft ; Medicine, &c. " Curious Arts " (Acts xix. 
19) ; see Magic. 

Ar'u-both (fr. Heb. — lattices, windows, Ges. ; 
court, Fii.), the third of Solomon's commissariat dis- 
tricts (1 K. iv. 10). It included Sochoh, and there- 
fore probably — the rich corn-growing lowland coun- 
try. Sephela ; Yallet 5. 

A-rn'mah (Heb. height, Fii.), a place apparently 
near Shechem, at which Abimelech resided ( Judg. ix. 
41) ; possibly = Klmah. 

Ar'vad (Heo. prob. = a wandering, Ges.), a place 
in Phenicia, the men of which are named w ith those 
of Zidon as the navigators and defenders of Tyre in 
Ez. xxvii. 8, 11. In agreement with this, "the Ar- 
vadite"in Gen. x. 18, and 1 Chr. i. 16, is a son of 
Canaan. Arvad is undoubtedly the island of Ruwad 
(anciently Aradus), which lies "off Tortosa ( Tarlus ), 
two or three miles from the Phenician coast, some 
distance above the mouth of the river Eleutherus, 
now the Nahr el-Kebir. The island is high and 



rocky, but very small, hardly one mile in circum- 
ference. 

Ar'vad-itc (fr. Heb.) = a native of Arvad. 

Ar'za (Heb. earth, Ges.), prefect of the palace at 
Tirzah under Elah, king of Israel, who was assassi- 
nated at a banquet in Arza's house by Ziniri (IK. 
xvi. 9). 

A'sa (Heb. curing, physician). 1. Son of Abijah, 
and third king of Judah, conspicuous for his earnest- 
ness in supporting the worship of God and rooting 
out idolatry, and for the vigor and wisdom of his 
government (1 K. xv. ft'. ; 2 Chr. xiv. ft. ; Mat. i. 7, 
8; High Places). In his zeal against heathenism 
he did not spare his grandmother Maachah, the 
"King's Mother." (Mother; Queen.) Asa burnt 
the symbol of her religion (1 K. xv. 13 ; InoL 4), and 
threw its ashes into the brook Kidron, and then de- 
posed Maachab from her dignity. He also placed 
in the Temple certain gifts which his father had ded- 
icated, and renewed the great altar which the idola- 
trous priests apparently had desecrated (2 Chr. xv. 
8). Besides this, he fortified cities on his frontiers, 
and raised an army, amounting, according to 2 Chr. 
xiv. 8, to 580,000 men (comp. Abijah 1 ; Number). 
Thus Asa's reign marks the return of Judah to a 
consciousness of the high destiny to which God had 
called her. The good effects of this were visible in 
the enthusiastic resistance of the people to Zeraii 5, 
the Ethiopian. At the head of an enormous host (a 
million of men, 2 Chr. xiv. 9) Zerah attacked Ma- 
RESiiAn. There he was utterly defeated, and driven 
back with immense loss to Gerar. As Asa returned, 
laden w ith spoil, he was commended and encouraged 
by a prophet (AZARIAH 9), and then in the fifteenth 
year of his reign convoked an assembly of his own 
people with many from Israel, and solemnly renewed 
national covenant with God (2 Chr. xv.). The 
peace which followed this victory was broken by the 
attempt of Baalim of Israel to fortify Ramah, " that 
he might not suffer any to go out or come in unto 
Asa, king of Judah" (xvi. 1). To stop this Asa pur- 
chased the help of Ben-had id I., king of Damascus, 
by a large payment of treasure, forced Baasha to 
abandon his purpose, and destroyed the works at 
Ramah, using the material to fortify Geba 1 and 
Mizpeh. (Mizpah 6 ) The wells w hich he sunk at 
Mizpeh were famous in Jeremiah's time (Jer. xli. 9). 
The means by which he obtained this success were 
censured by the prophet Hanani, who seems even to 
have excited some discontent in Jerusalem, in con- 
sequence of which he was imprisoned, and suffered 
other punishments (2 Chr. xvi. 10). In his old age 
Asa suffered from the gout, and " he sought not to 
the Lord, but to the physicians." He died greatly 
loved and honored in the forty-first year of his reign. 
There are some difficulties connected with its chro- 
nology. Thus, in 2 Chr. xvi. 1, we read that Baasha 
fortified Ramah in the thirty-sixth year of Asa's 
reign, while from 1 K. xv. 33, Baasha appears to 
have died in the twenty-sixth. The former number 
is supposed by the marginal note of A.V., by Clinton, 
&c.. to -efer to the year of the separate kingdom of 
Judah = Asa'3 sixteenth year &nd Baasha's thir- 
teenth. So in 2 Chr. xv. 19, the "thirty-fifth year 
of Asa's reign " may = thirty-fifth year of the king- 
dom of Judah. (Israel, Kingdom of ; Judah, King- 
dom of.) — 2. A Levite, ancestor of Berechiah 3 (1 
Chr. ix. 16). 

As-a-di'as (Gr. ; prob. = Hasadiah), son of Chel- 
cias, or Hilkiah, and ancestor of Baruch (Bar. i. 1). 

A'sa-el, an ancestor of Tobit (Tob. L 1) ; = Jahzeex, 
or Jahziel ? 



ASA 

A'sa-hel (Heb. whom God made, or constituted, 
Ges.). 1. A nephew of David ; youngest son of his 
sister Zeruiah, and brother of Abishai and Joab ; one 
of David's thirty valiant men ; celebrated for his 
swiftness of foot; slain at Gibeon by Abner (2 Sam. 
ii. 18 £f., xxiii. 24; 1 Chr. ii. 16, xi. 26).— 2. One of 
the Levites sent by Jehoshaphat to teach in Judah 
(2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 3. A Levite in Hezekiah's reign ; 
overseer of tithes, &c. (xxxi. 13). — 4. Father of 
Jonathan 7 (Ezr. x. 15) ; called Azael in 1 Esd. ix. 
14. 

is-a-hi'ah (fr. Heb. = Asaiah), a servant of king 
Josiah, sent with Ililkiah, &c, to inquire of Jehovah 
respecting the book of the law found in the Temple 
(2 K. xxii. 12, 14) ; also called Asaiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 
20). 

A-sai'ah [ah-sa'yah] or As-a-i'ab (fr. Heb. = whom 
Jehovah made or constituted). 1. A prince of the 
Simeonites in Hezekiah's reign, participant in the 
extermination of the Hamite shepherds of Gedor (1 
Chr. iv. 36). — 2. A Levite, chief of the 220 sons 
of Merari, summoned by David with other Levites 
and priests, to bring the ark of God to Jerusalem 
(vi. 30, xv. 6, 11). — 3. The firstborn of the Shilon- 
ites, resident with his family in Jerusalem after the 
return from Babylon (ix. 5) ; supposed by some = 
Maaseiah 9. — i. Asahiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20). 

As a-na (L.) = Asnah (1 Esd. v. 31). 

A'saph (Heb. collector, Ges.). I. A Levite, son of 
Berechiah, and one of the leaders of David's choir 
(1 Chr. vi. 39, xv. 17, xxv. 6, 9). Psalms 1. and 
lxxiii.-lxxxiii. are attributed to him (Psalms) ; and 
he was in after-times celebrated as a seer (Prophet) 
as well as a musical composer (2 Chr. xxix. 30; Neh. 
xii. 46). The office appears to have remained hered- 
itary in his family, unit ss he was the founder of a 
school of poets and musical composers, who were 
called after him " the sons of Asaph," as the Home- 
ridae from Homer (1 Chr. xxv. 1 f. ; 2 Chr. xx. 14, 
xxix. 13*; Ezr. ii. 41, iii. 10; Neh. vii. 44, xi. 22). — 
2. Father or ancestor of Joah, the recorder under 
Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 18, 37 ; Is. xxxvi. 3, 22) ; not 
improbably = No. 1. — 3. Keeper of the royal forest 
or " paradise " of Artaxerxes (Neh. ii. 8), probably a 
Jew.— 4. Ancestor of Mattaniah 2 (1 Chr. ix. 15; 
Neh. xi. 17); probably = No. 1 and 2. — 5. In 1 Chr. 
xxvi. 1, Asaph probably = Abiasaph or Ebiasaph. 

A-sa're-el (Heb. whom God hath bound, sc. by a 
vow, Ges.), a son of Jehaleleel in the genealogies of 
Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

As-a-re'Iah (fr. Heb. = upriyht toward God, Ges ), 
one of the sons of Asaph 1 (1 Chr. xxv. 2); = Jesh- 
arelah in verse 14. 

* As a-rites, a misprint in some copies for Ata- 
rites in 1 Chr. ii. 54, marg. 

As'ca-lon (L ) = Ashkelon. 

* As-cen'sion. Bethany 1 ; Jesus Christ. 
A-se'as (L.) = Ishijah (1 Esd. ix. 32). 
A-scb-e-bi'a (Gr.) = Sherebiah (1 Esd. viii. 47). 
As-e-bi'a = Hashabiah 7 (1 Esd. viii. 48). 

As e-nath (Heb ; fr. Egyptian = she who ts of 
Neith [the Egyptian Neith = Rom. Minerva], Ges. ; 
perhaps rather [comp. Bithiah], a Hebrew name re- 
ceived on her marriage to Joseph, = [comp. Asnah] 
storehouse or bramble), daughter of Potipherah, 
priest, or prince, of On ; wife of Joseph (Gen. xli. 
45), and mother of Manasseh and Ephraim (xli 50, 
xlvi. 20). 

Aser or As'cr (L. fr. Heb.) = Asher (Tob. i. 2 ; 
Lk. ii. 36; Rev. vii. 6). 
As'e-rer = Sisera 2 (1 Esd. v. 32). 

* Ash (Heb.), Job ix. 9, marg. Arcturos. 



ASH 71 

Ash (Heb. oren) occurs only in Is. xliv. 14, as one 
of the trees out of the wood of which idols were 
carved : " He heweth him down cedars, and taketh 
the cypress and the oak which he strengthened for 
himself among the trees of the forest ; he planteth 
an ash and the rain doth nourish it." It is impos- 
sible (so Mr. Houghton) to determine the tree de- 
noted by the Hebrew word ; the LXX. and the Vul- 
gate understand some species of pine-tree. The trans- 
lation in A. V. ("ash") was probably adopted from 
the similarity of the L. ornus (— ash) to the Heb. 
oren, and Dr. Royle (in Kitto) says the Manna Ash 
(Ornus Europcea) is found in Syria, but being culti- 
vated it may have been introduced. 

A'shan (Heb. smoke, Ges.), a city in the low coun- 
try of Judah, named in Josh. xv. 42, with Libnah 
and Ether ; in Josh. xix. 7, and 1 Chr. iv. 32, with 
Ain and Rimmon, as belonging to Simeon ; in 1 Chr. 
vi. 59, as a priests' city, occupying the same place 
as Ain 2, in Josh. xxi. 16 ; perhaps = Chorashan 
in 1 Sam. xxx. 30. Wilton (in Fbn., art. Libnah) 
identifies Ashan with Sehdn near Gaza. 

Ash-be'a (Heb. / adjure, Ges.), a proper name, but 
whether of a person or place is uncertain (1 Chr. iv. 
21). Houbigant makes it a place, and would render 
" the house of Ashbea " by Beth-ashbea. The whole 
clause is obscure. The Targum of Rabbi Joseph 
paraphrases it " and the family of the house of man- 
ufacture of the fine linen for the garments of the 
kings and priests, delivered to the house of Eshba." 

Ash be! (Heb. determination of God, Ges. ; = Esh- 
baal, Fii.), son of Benjamin and ancestor of the 
Ashbelites (Gen. xlvi. 21; Num. xxvi. 38; 1 Chr. 
viii. 1). 

Ash'bel-ites = descendants of Ashbel (Num. xxvi. 
38). 

Ash'che-naz [-ke-] (1 Chr. i. 6 ; Jer. Ii. 27) = Ash- 

ejenaz. 

Asb'dod (Heb. stronghold, castle, Ges.), A-ZO'tns 
(L. fr. Heb.) in Acts viii. 40; one of the five confed- 
erate cities of the Philistines, situated about thirty 
miles from the S. frontier of Palestine, three from 
the Mediterranean, and nearly midway between Gaza 
and Joppa. It stood on an elevation overlooking 
the plain, was strongly fortified, and was one of the 
seats of the worship of Dagon (1 Sam. v. 5). It was 
assigned to Judah (Josh. xv. 47), but was never sub- 
dued by the Israelites, though Uzziah broke down 
the wall of the town, and established forts on the 
adjacent hills ; and even down to Nehemiah's age it 
preserved its distinctiveness of race and language 
(Neh. xiii. 23, 24). It occupied a commanding posi- 
tion on the high-road from Palestine to Egypt, and 
was besieged by Tartan about b. c. 716, apparently 
to frustrate Hezekiah's league with Egypt (Is. xx. l). 
The effects of its siege of twenty-nine years by 
Psammetichus (b. c. 630) are incidentally referred to 
in Jer. xxv. 20. It apparently recovered from this 
blow, and was allied with the Arabians, &c. against 
Jerusalem (Neh. iv. 7). It was destroyed by the 
Maccabees (1 Mc. v. 68, x. 84), and lay in ruins until 
the Roman conquest of Judea, when it was restored 
by Gabinius (b. c. 55). The only notice of it in the 
N. T. is in connection with Philip's return irom Gaza 
(Acts viii. 40). It is now an insignificant village 
called Esdud. (See cut on next page.) 

Ash'dod-ites = the inhabitants of Ashdod (Neh. 
iv. 7) ; called Ashdothites in Josh. xiii. 3. 

Ash'doth Pis'gall (Heb. outpourings of torrents [or 
ravines'] of Pisgah, Ges.) ; only in Deut. iii. 17 ; Josh, 
xii 3, xiii. 20 ; and in Deut. iv. 49, A. V. " springs 
of Pisgah." In Deuteronomy the words form part of 



72 



ASH 



ASH 




Ashdoil. 



a formula (A. V. " under Ashdoth Pisgah eastward," 
"eastward under the springs of Pisgah "), apparently 
defining the mountains which enclose the Dead Sea 
on the E. The same intention is evident in Josh, 
xii. 3 and xiii. 20 ; and in Josh. x. 40 and xii. 8, 
Ashdoth (A, V. "the springs") is used alone to 
denote one of the main natural divisions of the coun- 
try. A kindred word (Heb. eshed, A. V. " stream ") 
is used in Num. xxi. 15, which also refers to the E. 
of the Dead Sea. 

Ash'doth-ites (Josh. xiii. 3) = Ashdodites. 

Ash'er (Heb. happy, blessed, Ges.). 1. (In Apoc. 
and X. T. Aser). Eighth son of Jacob, by Zilpah, 
Leah's handmaid (Gen. xxx. 13). This passage is 
full of paronomastic turns : And Leah said, ' In 
my happiness am I, for the daughters will call me 
happy,' and she called his name Asher" (i. e. "hap- 
py "). A similar play occurs in the blessing of Moses 
(Deut. xxxiii. 24). — Asher is in the lists of the tribes 
in Gen. xxxv., xlvi. ; Ex. i. ; Num. i., ii., xiii., &c. 
During the march through the desert Asher's place 
was between Dan and Naphtali on the N. side of the 
tabernacle (ii. 27). — The territory assigned to Asher 
was on the sea-shore from Carmel northward, with 
Manasseh on the S., Zebulun and Issachar on the S. E., 
and Naphtali on the X. E. The boundaries and towns 
are given in Josh. xix. 24-31, xvii. 10, 11 ; and Judg. i. 
31, 32. The S. boundary was probably one of the 
streams which enter the Mediterranean S. of Dor (mod- 
ern Tantura) — either Xahr el-Defuch or Nahr Zurka. 
The tribe had the maritime portion of the rich plain 
of Esdraelon, probably for eight or ten miles from the 
shore. The boundary then appears to have run N., pos- 
sibly bending to theE. to embrace Ahlab, and reaching 
Zidon by Kanah, whence it turned and came down 
by Tyre to Achzib. This territory contained some 
of the richest soil in Palestine ; and to this fact, as 
well as to their proximity to the Phenicians, the de- 
generacy of the tribe may be attributed (Judg. i. 31, 
v. 17). A; the numbering of Israel at Sinai, Asher 
was more numerous than Ephraim, Manasseh, or Ben- 
jamin (Num. i. 32—41); but in the reign of David, 
its name is altogether omitted from the list of the 



chief rulers (1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22). Pome from Asher 
came to Jerusalem to attend Hezekiah'S Passover 
(2 Chr. xxx. 1 1). Simeon and Asher have been said 
to be the only tribes W. of the Jordan which fur- 
nished no hero or judge to the nation. " One name 
alone shines out of the general obscurity — the aged 
widow ' Anna the daughter of Phanuel of the tribe 
of Asher,' who in the very close of the history de- 
parted not from the Temple, but ' served God with 
fastings and prayers night and day'" (Stl. 261). — 2. 
A place on the S. boundary of the tribe of Manasseh 
(Josh. xvii. 7) ; piaeed by Eusebius on the road from 
Shechem to Bethshan or Rcythopolis, about fifteen 
miles from the former ; supposed by Porter {Hand- 
book, p. 348) to have been at the modern hamlet of 
Teydxir, three-quarters of an hour from Tubus (an- 
ciently Thebez). 

A-slic rah (Heb. prob. fr. a root signifying to be 
straight, direct), the name of a Phenician goddess, or 
rather of the idol itself ; translated in A. V. "grove," 
. after the LXX. and Vulgate. Asherah is very closely 
connected n ith Ashtoreth and her worship, and with 
Baal (Judg. iii. 7, cotnp. ii. 3 ; vi. 25 ; 1 K. xviii. 19 ; 
2 K. xxiii. 13-15). Many critics have regarded Ashe- 
rah and Ashtoreth as identical ; but Berthcau's view 
appears to be correct, that Ashtoreth is the proper 
name of the goddess, whilst Asherah is the name of 
her image or symbol. This symbol se£ms in all 
cases to have been of wood (see Judg. vi. 25-30 ; 2 
K. xxi. 7, xxiii. 6, 14). 

Ash'cr-ites = descendants of Asiier 1, and mem- 
bers of his tribe (Judg. i. 32). 

Ash'es. The ashes on the altar of burnt-offering 
were gathered into a cavity in its surface. On the 
days of the three solemn festivals the ashes were not 
removed, but the accumulation was taken away 
afterward in the morning, the priests casting lots for 
the office. The ashes of a red heifer burnt entire 
(Num. xix.), ceremonially purified the unclean (Heb. 
ix. 13), but polluted the clean. (Purification.) 
Ashes about the person, especially on the head, were 
a sign of sorrow. (Mourning.) "Ashes" figura- 
tively = anything light, worthless, fallacious (Job 



ASH 



ASH 



73 



xiii. 12; Is. xliv. 20). "Dust and ashes" (Gen. 
xviii. 27, &c.) is a proverbial expression for the low- 
ness and frailty of human nature (Ges.). 

Asll'i-ma (Heb. ; according to the Talmudists, a 
goal without hair, or rather with short hair), a god 
worshipped by the Hamathite colonists in Samaria 
(2 K. xvii. 30). Ashinia has been regarded as = 
the Mendesian god of the Egyptians, the Pan of 
the Greeks. It has also been identified with the 
Phenician god Esmun, to whom belong the charac- 
teristics both of Pan and of Jisculapius. 

Ash'ke-lon (Heb., perhaps = migration, Ges.), also 
written As'ke-Ioil, in the Apocrypha As'csi-lon, one 
of the five cities of the lords of the Philistines (Josh, 
xiii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 17), on the shore of the Mediter- 
ranean, W. S. W. from Jerusalem, on the main road 
from Egypt through Gaza to central and northern 
Palestine. The village near the ruined site retains its 
ancient name. Samson went down from Timnath to 
Ashkelon (Judg. xiv. 19), as if to a remote place 
whence his slaying thirty men and taking their spoil 
was not likely to be heard of. Ashkelon is also 
mentioned in Judg. i. 18 ; 2 Sam. i. 20 ; Jer. xxv. 
20, xlvii. 5, 7; Am. i. 8 ; Zeph. ii. 4, 7 ; Zech. ix. 5 ; 
in the Apocrypha in Jd. ii. 28 ; 1 Mc. x. 80, xi. 60, 
xii. 33. In post-biblical times Ashkelon rose to 
considerable importance. Near the town were the 
temple and sacred lake of Derceto, the Syrian Venus. 
(Atargatis.) The soil around was remarkable for 
its fertility. The " Eschalot " or " Shallot," a kind 
of onion, was first grown there. Ashkelon was a 
famous stronghold in the Crusades. By the Moham- 
medan geographers it was called " the bride of Syria." 
Its position is naturally very strong, and a small 
harbor toward the E. advanced a little way into the 
town. 

Asli'kc-liaz (Heb. ; see below), one of the three 
sons of Gomer, son of Japheth (Gen. x. 3), i. e. one 
of the peoples or tribes belonging to that part of the 
Japhetic division of the human race which bears the 
name of Gomer. The original seat of the people of 
Ashkenaz was undoubtedly in the neighborhood of 
Armenia, since they are connected (Jer. Ii. 27 ; A. V. 
" Ashchenaz ") with the kingdoms of Ararat and 
Minni. We may probably recognize the tribe of 
Ashkenaz afterward on the N. shore of Asia Minor, 
in the name of Lake Ascanius, and in Europe in the 
name Scand-ia, iV«wrf-inavia. Knobel regards Ash- 
kenaz as a compound (Ash-kenaz = the ^4s-race ; 
perhaps the origin of the name Asia), and considers 
Ashkenaz = the German race. 

Ash'nall (Heb. the strong, fortified, Ges.), the name 
of two cities, both in the Lowland of Judah: (1.) 
named between Zoreah and Zanoah, and therefore 
probably W. of Jerusalem (Josh. xv. 33); and (2.) 
between Jiphtah and Nezib, and therefore S. W. 
of Jerusalem (xv. 43). Wilton (in Fbn. under 
Libnah) identifies this Aslmah with Dcir Esneid, 
a village about six miles N. E. of Gaza. 

Asll'pc-naz (Heb. ; fr. Pers. and Sansc. = nose of 
the horse, Rodiger, Ges.), Nebuchadnezzar's master 
of the eunuchs (Dan. i. 3). 

Asll'ri-cl (1 Chr. vii. 14), properly Asriel. 

Ash'ta-rotll. 1. Hebrew plural of Ashtoreth 
(Judg. ii. 13 ; 1 Sam. vii. 3, xxxi. 10) ; associated 
with the plural Baalim (Judg. x. 6 ; 1 Sam. vii. 4, 
xii. 10). Gesenius maintains that these plurals = 
statues of Ashtoreth and Baal ; but probably (so 
Movers) they indicate different modifications of the 
divinities themselves. — i, A city on the E. of Jordan, 
in Bashan, in the kingdom of Og, doubtless so called 
from being a seat of the worship of the goddess 



Ashtaroth or Ashtoreth. It is generally mentioned 
in describing Og (Deut. i. 4 ; Josh. ix. 10, xii. 4, 
xiii. 12). It fell to the half tribe of Manasseh (Josh, 
xiii. 3l), and was given with its suburbs to the Ger- 
shonites (1 Chr. vi. 71, Heb. 56). Jerome states that 
in his time it lay six miles from Adra, which again 
was twenty-five from Bostra. Eusebius and Jerome 
speak of two villages or castles, nine miles apart, be- 
tween the cities Adara and Abila. One of these was 
possibly Ashtaroth ; the other may have been Ashte- 
roth-Karnaim. The only trace of the name yet re- 
covered in these districts is Tell-Ashterah, or Ashe- 
rah, a large mound or hill about six miles W. of 
Edr'a (ancient Edrei ?). Ashtaroth is also written 
Astaroth, and probably == Beeshterah. 

Ash'tc-rath-ite = a native or inhabitant of Ashta- 
roth (1 Chr. xi. 44) beyond Jordan. Uzziathe Ash- 
terathite was one of David's valiant men. 

Ash'tc-roth Kar-na'im (Heb. Ashtaroth of the two 
hons or peaks), a place of very great antiquity, the 
abode of the Rephaim at the incursion of Chedorla- 
omer (Gen. xiv. 5). The name reappears as Carnaim 
or Carnion (1 Mc. v. 26, 43, 44 ; 2 Mc. xii. 21, 26), 
" a strong and great city " in " the land of Galaad." 
It is usually assumed (probably incorrectly) = Ash- 
taroth 2. Es-Sanamein (= the two idols), by which 
the word is rendered in the Arabic version of Saa- 
diah, is now an important place on the route of the 
Mecca pilgrims, about twenty-five miles S. of Damas- 
cus, and to the N. W. of the Lejah. 

Ash'to-retU (Heb. = star, Ges., Eii., Movers, &c), 
the principal female divinity of the Phenicians, as 




Figure of Astarte found in Etruria, from Rawlinaon's Herodotus. H. 449. 

Baal was the principal male divinity. (Ashtaroth.) 
The name Ishtar (undoubtedly = Ashtoreth of the 
O. T. and the Greek and Roman Astarte) appears to 



74 



ASH 



ASP 



be clearly identified in the list of the great gods of 
Assyria. " The worship of Astarte seems to have ex- 
tended wherever Phenician colonies were founded. 
The character and attributes of Ashtoreth are in- 
volved in considerable perplexity. There can be no 
doubt that the general notion symbolized is that of 
productive power, as Baal symbolizes that of genera- 
tive power ; and it would be natural to conclude 
that as the sun is the great symbol of the latter, and 
therefore = Baal, so the moon is the symbol of the 
f ormer and must = Astarte. That this goddess was 
so typified can scarcely be doubted (compare the 
name Ashterotii-Kaunaim). It is certain that she 
was by some ancient writers identified with the moon. 
On the other hand the Assyrian Ishtar appears to 
have been not the moon-goddess, but the planet 
Venus : and it is certain that Astarte was by many 
ancient writers identified with the goddess Venus (or 
Aphrodite), and also with the planet of that name. 
Movers distinguishes two Astartes, one Carthaginian- 
Sidonian, a virgin goddess symbolized by the moon, 
the other SvroPhenician symbolized by the planet 
Venus. Whether this be so or not, it is certain that 
the worship of Astarte became identified with that 
of Venus, and that this worship was connected with 
the most impure rites is apparent from the close 
connection of this goddess with Asherah (1 K. xi. 5, 
33; 2 K. xxiii. 13). 

Ash'nr (fr. Beb. perhaps — blackness, Ges.), pos- 
thumous son of Hezron by his wife Abiah (1 Chr. ii. 
24, iv. 5) ; " father " or founder of Tekoa. 

Asn'or-ites (fr. Heb.), a people named among Ish- 
bosheth's subjects (2 Sam. ii. 9). The Arabic, 
Syriac, and Vulgate versions, and Ewald take Ashur- 
ites = the Geshurites (Aram; Gesiiur); but Geshur 
had a king of its own, Talmai. David's father-in-law 
(1 Chr. iii. 2, compare 4; 2 Sam. xiii. 37), and was 
too remote. It may therefore be safer to follow the 
Targum of Jonathan, which has Beth-Asher(= house 
of Ashcr), and is supported by several MSS. of the 
original text " The Asherites " will then = the 
inhabitants of the country W. of the Jordan above 
Jezreel. Box -tree. 

Ash vatll (Heb. firmer, stronger, Fii.), an Asherite, 
son of Japhlet (1 Chr. vii. 33). 

A sia [in Gr. or L. pron. a'she-ah, but in English 
usually a'shah] (Gr. and L. ; fr. a root denoting au- 
rora, orient, the East, Pott ; see Ashkenaz). In the 
N. T. this occurs in Acts ii. 9, vL 9, xvi. 6, xix. 10, 
22, 26, 27, xx. 4, 16, 18, xxi. 27, xxvii. 2; Rom. xvi. 
5 (in A. V., &c., " Achaia ") ; 1 Cor. xvi. 19 ; 2 Cor. 
i. 8 ; 2 Tim. i. 15 ; 1 Pet.i. 1 ; Rev. i. 4, 11. ("Chief 
of Asia": see Asiarcas.) In all these passages the 
word — not " the continent of Asia," nor what we 
commonly understand by " Asia Minor," but a Ro- 
man province which embraced the W. part of the 
peninsula of Asia Minor, and of which Ephesus was 
the capital. This province originated in the bequest 
of Attalus, king of Pergamus, or king of Asia, who 
left by will to the Roman Republic his hereditary 
dominions in the W. of the peninsula (b. c. 133). 
In the division made by Augustus of senatorial and 
imperial provinces, it was placed in the former class, 
and was governed by a proconsul. It contained 
many important cities, among which were the seven 
churches of the Apocalypse, and was divided into 
assize districts for judicial business. It included the 
territory anciently subdivided into iEolis, Ionia, and 
Doris, and afterward into Mvsia, Lydia, and Caria. 
(Ltcia; Bithynia; Phrtgia ; Galatia.) The title 
" King of Asia " was used by the Seleucid monarchs 
of Antioch (1 Mc. xi. 13). 



A'sl-archs [a'she-arks] (fr. Gr. = rulers of Asia ; 
"chief of Asia," A. V.; Acts xix. 31), officers chosen 
annually by the cities of that part of the province of 
Asia, of which Ephesus was, under Roman govern- 
ment, the metropolis. They had charge of the pub- 
lic Games and religious theatrical spectacles, the ex- 
penses of which they bore. Their office was thus, in 
great measure at least, religious, and they are conse- 
quently sometimes called " high-priests." The office 
of Asiarch was annual, and subject to the approval 
of the proconsul, but might lie renewed ; and the 
title appears to have been continued to those who 
had at any time held the office. 

As-i-bi as (fr. Gr.), a son of Phoros or Parosh (1 
Esd. ix. 20); apparently — Malciiijaii 3. 

A'si-Cl (1Kb. created of God, Ges.). 1. A Simeon- 
ite, ancestor of Jehu 4 (1 Chr. iv. 35). — 2. One of the 
five swift writers taken by Esdras to write the law 
and the history of the world (2 Esd. xiv. 24). 

As'i-pha (1 Esd. v. 29) = Hasupha. 

As'ke-lon (Judg. i. 18; 1 Sam. vi. 17) = Asiike- 

LON. 

As-mo-de ns (L., fr. Heb. root = to destroy, or [so 
Reland | fr. Pers. = to ton/it) = Amaddon or Aroi.- 
i.yon (Tob. iii. 8, 17). Since the Talmud calls him 
" king of the demons," some identify him with Beel- 
zebub, and others with Azrael. In Tobit this evil 
spirit is represented as loving Sara, the daughter of 
Hague], and causing the deatli of seven husbands; 
but Tobias, instructed by Raphael, having burnt the 
heart and liver of a fish on " the ashes of the per- 
fumes," " the evil spirit fled into the utmost parts of 
Egypt, and the angel bound him" (Tob. viii. 1-3). 

As nail (Heb. storehouse or tkornbitsh, Ges.), an- 
cestor of certain Nethinim under Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
50) ; = As an a. 

As-nap'per (Heb. Asnappar, fr. Sansc. = leader of 
an army? Bohlen), in Ezr. iv. 10, the "great and 
noble " person who settled the Culheans and others 
in the cities of Samaria. He has been variously 
identified with Shalmixneser, Sennacherib, and Esar- 
haddon, but was more probably a general of the lat- 
ter king. 

A'som (Gr. and L.) = Hasiium (1 Esd. ix. 33). 

Asp. 1. The Heb. pethen occurs in Deut. xxxii. 
33 ; Job xx. 14, 16 ; Ps. lviii. 5 (4, A. V.), xci. 13 ; 
Is. xi. 8 ; and is translated in A. V. in Psalms " ad- 
der" (margin, "asp "), elsewhere "asp." "Asp" 
among the ancients (Gr. and L.aspis) probably stood 
for several different kinds of venomous serpents ; in 
modern zoology it generally = an Alpine species, 
the Vipera asjns of Linnasus. The " adder" (" asp," 
margin) of Ps. lviii. 5, was a snake upon which the 
serpent-charmers practised their art. In this pas- 
sage the wicked are compared to " the deaf adder 
that stoppeth her ear, which will not hearken to the 
voice of charmers, charming never so wisely." From 
Is. xi. 8, "the sucking child shall play on the hole 
of the asp," it would appear that this serpent dwelt 
in holes of walls, kc. The true explanation of Ps. 
lviii. 5, is that some serpents defy all the attempts 
of the charmer: in the language of Scripture such 
may be termed deaf. The point of the rebuke con- 
sists in the fact that this serpent could hear the 
charmer's song, but would not. The individual case 
in question was an exception to the rule. Serpents, 
though comparatively deaf to ordinary sounds, are 
no doubt capable of hearing the sharp, shrill sounds 
which the charmer produces either by his voice or 
by an instrument ; and this comparative deafness is 
probably the very reason why such sounds as the 
charmer makes produce the desired effect in the sub- 



ASP 



ASS 



75 



ject under treatment. (Serpent-Charming.) As the 
Egyptian cobra is more frequently used than any 
other species by the serpent-charmers of the Bible 
lands, is fond of concealing itself in walls and in 
holes, and as the probable derivation of the Hebrew 
word pethen (from a root signifying to dislend or ex- 
pand) may refer to the expanding powers of this 
serpent's neck when irritated, it appears to have the 
best claim to represent the " asp " of the A. V. — 2. 
The Gr. aspis, translated " asp,'' occurs in Rom. iii. 
13, and in the LXX. of Ps. cxl. 3, as = Heb. Wj- 
shub. (Adder 1.) See above under No. 1. 




Egyptian Cobra. — (Naia Haje.) 



As-pal'a-tlins (L. fr. Gr.), a sweet perfume men- 
tioned in Eccl. xxiv. 15. Theophrastus enumerates 
it with cinnamon, cassia, and many other articles 
used for ointments. Probably at least two kinds or 
varieties of plants were, anciently known by this 
name; one was white, inodorous, and inferior; the 
other had red wood under the bark, and was highly 
aromatic. The plant was of so thorny a nature that 
Plato says cruel tyrants were punished with it in the 
lower world. The Lignum Rhodianum is by some 
supposed to be the substance indicated by the aspal- 
athus ; the plant which yields it is the Convolvulus 
scoparius of Linnaeus, a native of the Canary Isl- 
ands. 

As'pa-tha or As-pa'tha (Pers., prob. fr. Sansc. = 
given by a horse, i. e. by Bramah under the form of 
a horse, Benfey, Pott, Ges., Fii.), third son of Haman 
(Esth. ix. 1). 

As'pfcar, the pool in "the wilderness of Thecoe" 
(1 Mc. ix. 33). Can this name (Gr. lakkos Asphar) 
= laciis Asphalliles, i. e. Dead Sea ? 

As-phar'a-sus (1 Esd. v. 8) = Mispereth or Miz- 
par. 

As'ri-el (Heb. vow of God, Ges.), son of Gilead, 
and great-grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 31 ; 
Josh. xvii. 2) ; ancestor of the Asrielites ; errone- 
ously Ashriel in the A. V. of 1 Chr. vii. 14. Ac- 
cording to 1 Chr. vii. 14 in the LXX., Asriel was the 
son of Manasseh by his Syrian concubine. 

As'ri^el-ites = a family of Manassites, descend- 
ed from Asriei. (Num. xxvi. 31). 

Ass. Five Hebrew names of the genus A sinus ( — 
the "Ass" kind) occur in the 0. T. 1. Uamor or 
Chamor (A. V. "ass," " he-ass ") = the male do- 
mestic ass, also in a general sense any ass whether 
male or female. The ass is frequently mentioned in 
the Bible : it was used for carrying burdens, for 
riding, for ploughing, for grinding at the mill, and 
for carrying baggage in wars. Issachar was com- 
pared to a strong ass (Gen. xlix. 14), not reproach- 



fully, but because the ass is ■' a patient, drudging 
animal, capable of enduring the severest labor with- 
out suffering any diminution of strength or hardi- 
hood " (Bush, in loc.). The ass in Eastern countries 
is a very different animal from what he is in Western 
Europe or America. The most noble and honorable 
among the Jews were wont to be mounted on asses : 
and in this manner our Lord Himself made his trium- 
phant entry into Jerusalem (Mat. xxi. 2). He came 
indeed " meek and lowly," but it is a mistake to 
suppose that the fact of His riding on the ass had 
aught to do with his meekness ; although thereby, 
doubtless, He meant to show the peaceable nature 
of His kingdom, as horses were used only for war 
purposes. In illustration of Judg. v. 10, " Speak ye 
that ride on white asses " (the Hebrew here is plural 
of athon = she-ass ; see below), it may be mentioned 
that Buckingham tells us that one of the peculiari- 
ties of Bagdad is its race of white asses, which are 
saddled and bridled for the conveyance of passen- 
gers. . . . that they are large and spirited, and have 
an easy and steady pace. In Deut. xxii: 10 " plough- 
ing with an ox and an ass together" was forbidden, 
probably because they could not pull pleasantly to- 
gether on account of the difference in size and 
strength ; perhaps also this prohibition may have 
some reference to the law given in Lev. xix. 19 (com- 
pare 2 Cor. vi. 14). The ass was not used for food. 
The Mosaic law considered it unclean, as "not 
dividing the hoof and chewing the cud." In extreme 
cases, however, as in the great famine of Samaria, 
when " an ass's head was sold for eighty pieces of 
silver" (2 K. vi. 25), the flesh was eaten. — 2. Athon 
(A. V. "she-ass," "ass") := the common domestic 
she-ass (Gen. xii. 16, xlix. 11, A. V. "ass," &c.) 
Balaam rode on a she-ass (Num. xxi. 23, &c). The 
asses of Kish which Saul sought were she-asses (1 
Sam. ix. 3, &c). The Shunammite (2 K. iv. 22, 24) 




Syrian Wild Ass (Asians ITemippus\— Specimen in Zoological 
Gardens, London. 



rode on one when she went to seek Elisha. She- 
asses formed the special charge of one of David's 
oflBcers (1 Chr. xxvii. 30).— 3. 'Ayir (A. V. "foal," 
"ass colt," "young ass," "colt") = a young ass 
(Gen. xxxii. 16, A. V. 15, "foals," xlix. 11, A. V. 
"foal ;" Judg. x. 4, xii. 14; Job xi. 12; Is. xxx. 6, 
24 ; Zech. ix. 9). Sometimes this is' spoken of as 
being old enough for riding upon, for carrying bur 
dens, and for tilling the ground. — 4. Pere (A. V. 
" wild ass") = a species of wild ass (Gen. xvi. 12, 
A. V. " wild man," literally " wild-ass man ; " Ps. 
civ. 11; Job vi. 5, xi. 12, xxiv. 5, xxxix. 5, first 
clause; Hos. viii. 9; Jer. ii. 24, xiv. 6; Is. xxxii. 
14). Hosea compared Israel to a wild ass of the 
desert, — 5. ^Arod (A. V. " wild ass ") occurs only in 
the latter clause of Job xxxix. 5 ; but in what respect 
it differs from the Pere (mentioned in the former 



76 ass 

clause ; see above) is uncertain. The Chaldee plural 
'Arddayyd (A. V. "wild asses") occurs in Dan. v. 
21. Bochart, Gesenius, &c, suppose No. 4 = No. 5; 
but they may be different animals. — The species of 
the Ass kind known to the ancient Jews and repre- 
sented by the preceding Hebrew words and by the 
Greek words onos, hupozugion (= beast of burden), 
and onagros (— " wild ass," Ecclus. xiii. 19) in the 
N. T. and Apocrypha, are the Asinus Hemippus, a 
wild ass which inhabits the deserts of Syria, Mesopo- 
tamia, and N. Arabia ; the Asinus vulgaris of the N. 
E. of Africa, the true onager or aboriginal wild ass, 
whence the domesticated breed has sprung ; and 
probably the Asinus Onager, the Koulan or Ghor- 
kbur, which is found in Western Asia from 48° N. 




■ I. r-! r or Koulan Asinu* Onager).— Specimen In British Mtuetim. 



latitude S. to Persia, Beluchistan, and Western India. 
Mr. Layard remarks that in flcetness the wild ass 
(Asinus Hemippus) equals the gazelle, and to over- 
take them is a feat which only one or two of the 
most celebrated mares have been known to accom 
plish. Compare Job xxxix. 5-8. 

As-sa-bi'as (1 Esd. i. 9) = IlASitABiAn C. 

As-siU'i-motli (1 Esd. viii. 36) — Shelomith 6. 

As-sa-ni'as ( 1 Esd. viii. 54) = Hasiiabiah 8. 

*As-SllV, to —to essay, to attempt, to try (Deut. iv. 
34 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 39 ; Job iv. 2 ; 2 Mc. ii. 23 ; Acts 

ix. 26, xvi. 7 ; Heb. xi. 29). 

* As-sem'bly, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. 
mffed (from a verb signifying to point out or appoint, 
hence to meet by appointment, Ges.) (Lam. i. 15 ; Ez. 
xliv. 24) ; often translated " congregation " (Num. 
xvi. 2, &c), once "synagogue" (Ps. lxxiv. 8); also, 
translated variously " set time " (Gen. xvii. 21, &c), 
"time appointed" (Gen. xviii. 14, &c), "appointed 
season" (Num. ix. 2 ff.), "season" (Gen. i. 14, &c.), 
"time" (Dan. xii. 7), "solemn day" (Num. x. 10, 
&c), "solemn feast" (xv. 3, &c), "set feast" (xxix. 
39, &c), "solemnity" (Deut. xxxi. 10, &c), "solemn 
assembly" (Zeph. iii. 18), "feast" (2 Chr. xxx. 22), 
"place of the assembly" (Lam. ii. 6). — 2. Heb. 
moshab (Ps. cvii. 32 only) ; elsewhere translated 
"dwelling" (Gen. x. 30, &c), "habitation" (xxxvi. 
43, &c), or "seat" (1 Sam. xx. 18, 25, &c.).— 3. 
Heb. mikrd (Is. i. 13, iv. 5); elsewhere translated 
" convocation- " (Ex. xii. 16, &c.), "calling" (Num. 

x. 2), "reading" (Neh. viii. 8). — 4. Heb. sod (Ps. 
lxxxix. 7, Heb. 8, cxi. 1 ; Jer. vi. 11, xv. 17; Ez. 
xiii. 9); also translated "secret" (Gen. xlix. 6, 
&c.), "counsel" (Ps. Iv. 14, Heb. 15, &c), "se- 
cret counsel" (Ps. lxiv. 2, Heb. 3), &c. — 5. Heb. 
y eddh (Num. x. 2, 3, &c.) ; usually translated " con- 
gregation" (Ex. xii. 3, 6, 19, 47, &c.).— 6. Heb. 
'a/sdrdh or \~dsereth (Jer. ix. 2, Heb. 1, only) ; else- 
where translated " solemn assembly " (Lev. xxiii. 36, 



ASS 

&c), "solemn meeting" (Is. i. 13).— 7. Heb. kdhdl 
(Gen. xlix. 6; Ex. xii. 6, xvi. 3; Lev. iv. 13, &c.) ; 
usually translated "congregation" (iv. 14, 21, &c), 
sometimes "company" (Num. xxii. 4, &cA once 
"multitude" (Gen. xxviii. 3). — 8. Heb. kShilldh 
(Neh. v. 7 only); elsewhere translated "congrega- 
tion" (Deut. xxxiii. 4 only). — 9. Gr. ekklesia (liter- 
ally = what is called out or summoned) (Jd. vi. 16, 
21, vii. 29, xiv. 6 ; Acts xix. 32, 39, 41); also trans- 
lated "congregation" (Ecclus. xxiv. 2, xxxi. 11 
|xxxiv. 11, Gr.], xxxiii. 18 [Gr. 19], xxxviii. 33, 1. 
13,20; 1 Mc. ii. 56, iv. 59, xiv. 19); uniformly 
translated " church " in N. T. except in Acts xix. ; 
in LXX. = Heb. kdhdl (No. 7 above) in Deut. ix. 10, 
xviii. 16, xxiii. 1, 2, 3, 8, xxxi. 30; Josh. viii. 35. — 
10. Gr. sunagoge (literally = a bringing together, a 
gathering, a collection) (Sus. 41, 60; Jas. ii. 2) ; 
translated " congregation " (Ecclus. i. 30, iv. 7, xxi. 
9, xxiv. 23, xiv. 18; 1 Mc. xiv. 28 ; Acts xiii. 43); 
elsewhere in N. T. translated " synagogue ;" in LXX. 
= Hili. 'eddhwaA kdhdl I No. 5 and 7) usually; also 
= Heb. sod (No. 4) in Jer. vi. 11 ; also = Heb. Xv- 
/////..// in Deut. \x\iii. 4. — 11. Gr. sustrophe (literally 
= a turning together, a rolling up together, a gather- 
ing or union in a mass) (1 Mc. xiv. 44); translated 
"concourse" (Acts xix. 40). In Acts xxiii. 12, 
" banded together" in A. V. (Gr. poicsantes sustro- 
pliin) = having made a gathering, viz., in secret, i. e. 
formed a combination or conspiracy. Compare use 
of the word in the IAX. — lleli. soil (Xo. 1 above) in 

Ps. lxiv. 2 (3, Heb. ; lxiii. 3, Gr.). — 12. Gr. paneguris, 
J translated "general assembly" (Heb. xii. 23 only); 
i — in Herodotus, &c, an assembly of a whole nation, 

especially for a public festival such as the Olympic 

games, &c, a high festival, a solemn assembly at a 
J high festival (L. & S.). Church ; Congregation ; 
! Synagogue. 

As'slmr [ash'ur] (Heb.). Assiicrim; Assyria. 
As-shn'rim [ash-shu'rim] (Heb. steps? see Assiiur, 
I under Assyria), a tribe descended from Dedan, the 

grandson of Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 3); 

nol identified with certainty. Knobcl considers them 

= the Asshur of Ez. xxvii. 23, and connected with 

S. Arabia. 

As-si-dc'ans [as-se-dec-'anz] (fr. Heb. H&sidim or 
Chasidim - the pious, puritans = " saints " in Ps. 
lxxix. 2, and "Chasidim," the name adopted by a 
Jewish sect originating in Poland about a. d. 1740), 
the name assumed by a section of the orthodox 
Jew3 (1 Mc. ii. 42, vii. 13; 2 Mc. xiv. 6) as distin- 
guished from the Hellenizing faction (A.V. "the un- 
godly " and " the wicked "). They appear to have 
existed as a party before the Maccabean rising, and 
were probably bound by some peculiar vow to the 
external observance of the Law. Frankel has shown 
that both theEssENES and the Pharisees are sections 
of the Assideans, and that all three orders are fre- 
quently spoken of under the same name (Ginsburg 
in Kitto, art. Essenes). 

As'sir (Heb. one bound, a captive, Ges.). 1. Son 
of Korah (Ex. vi. 24; 1 Chr. vi. 22).— 2. Son of Ebi- 
asaph, and ancestor of Samuel (vi. 23, 37). — 3. Son 
of Jeconiah (iii. 17), unless "Jeconiah the captive" 
be the true rendering. 

As'sos (Gr.) or As'sus (L.), a seaport of the Roman 
province of Asia, in the district anciently called 
Mysia. It was situated on the N. shore of the gulf 
of Adramyttium, ahout seven miles from the oppo- 
site coast of Lesbos, near Methymna. A good 
Roman road, connecting the central parts of the 
province with Alexandria Troas (Troas) passed 
through Assos, which was about twenty miles from 



ASS 



ASS 



77 



Troas. These geographical points illustrate St. Paul's 
rapid passage through the town (Acts xx. 13, 14). 
The ship in which he was to accomplish his voyage 
from Troas to Cesarea, went round Cape Lectum, 
while he took the much shorter journey by land. 



Thus he was able to join the ship without difficulty, 
and in sufficient time for her to anchor off Mitylene 
at the close of the day on which Troas had been left. 
Assos was entirely a Greek city. The remains are 
numerous and remarkably well preserved, partly be- 




Assos. The Acropolis. 



cause many of the buildings were of granite. — The 
Greek word asson (A. V. " close by ") in Acts xxvii. 
13, is translated in the Vulgate as a proper name, 
and was erroneously supposed to be a city in Crete. 
The Rhemish Testament translates " when they had 
loosed from Asson, they sailed close by Crete." 

As-su-e'rns (L.) = Aiiasuekus (Tob. xiv. 15). 

As'snr (L.). 1. Asshur or Assyria (Ezr. iv. 2; 
Ps. lxxxiii. 8 ; 2 Esd. ii. 8 ; Jd. ii. 14, v. 1, vi. 1, 17, 
vii. 20, 24, xiii. 15, xiv. 3, xv. 6, xvi. 4). — 2. Harhur 
(1 Esd. v. 31). 

* As-sn'railfe [ash-shu'rans] = a making secure or 
sure, hence, that which gives security or sureness, a 
state of security or of being sure (Deut. xxviii. 66 ; 
Is. xxxii. 17). In N. T. it is once (Acts xvii. 31) 
the translation of the Gr. pistis (which is almost uni- 
formly and correctly translated " faith "). The Gr. 
plerophoria ( = full conviction, certainty, L. & S.) 
is once (1 Th. i. 5) translated "assurance," and three 
times (Col. ii. 2; Heb. vi. 11, x. 22) " full assu- 
rance." 

As-syr'i-a (L. form), As'shnr (Heb. step, Ges. ; hero, 
mighty [as a man's name], and level, plain [as a 
name of the land], Fii.), a great and powerful coun- 
try lying on the Tigris (Gen. ii. 14), the capital 
of which was Nineveh (x. 11, &c). It derived 
its name apparently from Asshur, the son of Shem 
(Gen. x. 22), who in later times was worshipped by 
the Assyrians as their chief god. The boundaries of 
Assyria differed greatly at different periods. Prob- 
ably in the earliest times it was confined to a small 
tract of low country, lying chiefly on the left bank 
of the Tigris. Gradually its limits were extended, 
until it came to be regarded as comprising the whole 
region between the Armenian mountains (lat. 37° 
30') on the N., and the country about Bagdad (lat. 
ZZ* 30') on the S. The E. boundary was the high 
range of Zagros, or mountains of Kurdistan ; the W. 



was, according to some, the Mesopotamian desert, 
according to others, the Euphrates. The greater 
part of the region embraced in ancient Assyria is 
now nominally subject to the Turkish sultan. It is 
peopled by Turks, who are found in the towns and 
larger villages ; by Kurds, who as well as the Turks 
are Mohammedans (Arabia, Religion), but are much 
more numerous, and are some of them stationary in 
villages, while others are nomadic ; and by Christians, 
including Chaldeans, Nestoiians, Syrians, Armenians, 
&c, who are scattered over the whole region, though 
most numerous in the N. — 1. General character of 
the country. — On the N. and E. the high mountain- 
chains of Armenia and Kurdistan are succeeded by 
low ranges of limestone-hills of a somewhat arid as- 
pect, with some rich plains and fertile valleys. To 
these ridges there succeeds at first an undulating 
country, well watered and fairly productive, which 
finally sinks down upon the great Mesopotamian 
plain, the modern district of El-Jezirch. (Mesopo- 
tamia.) This vast flat, two hundred and fifty miles 
in length, is interrupted only by the Sinjar range, a 
conspicuous and beautiful narrow limestone range 
rising abruptly out of the plain. Above and below 
this barrier is an immense level tract, not alluvial, 
in most places considerably above the rivers, scantily 
watered on the right bank of the Tigris, but abun- 
dantly supplied on the left. All over this vast flat, 
now mostly a wilderness, rise " grass-covered heaps, 
marking the site of ancient habitations," which serve 
to mark the extent of the real Assyrian dominion. 
They are numerous on the left bank of the Tigris, 
and on the right they thickly stud the entire coun- 
try. — 2. Provinces. — The classical geographers di- 
vided Assyria into a number of regions, which ap- 
pear to be chiefly named from cities, as Arbelitis 
from Arbela ; Calacine (or Calachene) from Calah or 
Halab ; Apolloniatis from Apollonia : Sittacene from 



7S 



ASS 



ASS 



Sittace, &o. Adiabcno, however, the richest region 
of all, derived its appellation from the Zab (Diab) 
river on which it lay. — 3. Chief Cities. — The chief 
cities of Assyria in the time of its greatness appear 
to have been — NlNEVEH ; Calah or Halah ; Asshur 
(now Kileh Shcrghal); Sargina, or Dur-Sargina (now 
Khorsabad) ; Arbela (still Arbil) ; Opis (at the junc- 
tion of the Diyaleh with the Tigris) ; and Sittace (a 
little farther down the latter river, if this place 
should not rather be reckoned to Babylonia). — 4. 
j\ T atiuHS bordering on Assyria. — On the N. lay Ar- 
menia ; on the E. in the mountains were originally 
many independent tribes (now represented by the 
Kurds, &c.), and beyond them was Media, which ul- 
timately subjected the mountaineers, and was then 
brought into direct contact with Assyria; on the S. 
were Elam or Susiana, and Babylonia; on the W., 
Arabia, Syria, and the country of the Hittites. — .">. 
History of Assyria — original peopling. — Scripture 
informs us that Assyria was peopled from Babylon 
(Gen. x. 11), and both classical tradition and the 
monuments of the country agree in this representa- 
tion. In Herodotus (i. 7), Ninus, the mythic foun- 
der of Nineveh, is the son (descendant) of Belua, the 
mythic founder of Babylon — a tradition in which the 
derivation of Assyria from Babylon, and the greater 
antiquity and superior position of the latter in early 
times are shadowed forth sufficiently. Recent re- 
searches clearly show that Babylonian greatness and 
civilization was earlier than Assyrian, and that while 
the former was of native growth, the latter was de- 
rived from the neighboring country (see § 16, be- 
low). — 6. Dale of t/ie foundation of the kingdom. — 
As a country, Assyria was evidently known to Moses 
(Gen. ii. 14, xxv. 18; Num. xxiv. 22, 2-1); but it 
does not appear in Jewish history as a kingdom till 
the reign of Menahem (about b. c. 770). Ctesias 
represents the empire as founded b. c. 2182; but 
his account is untrustworthy. Herodotus relates 
that the Assyrians were "lords of Asia" for 520 
years, and then, after a period of anarchy, the Me- 
dian kingdom was formed, 179 years before the 
death of Cyrus, or b. c. 708. He would thus, it ap- 
pears, have assigned to the foundation of the As- 
syrian empire a date not much before b. c. 1228. 
Berosus, who made tha empire last 526 years to the 
reign of Pul, would certainly have placed the rise 
of the kingdom within the thirteenth century. This 
is, perhaps, the utmost that can be determined with 
any approach to certainty. Dr. Brandis fixes B. c. ■ 
1273 as the dale. — 7. Early kings, from the founda- 
tion of the kingdom to Pu'. — According to Rawlin- 
son, whose views are given in this article, the resi- 
dence of the earliest kings and of the previous Baby- 
lonian governors Of the country, was at Kileh- Sher- 
rjhal, on the right bank of the Tigris, sixty miles S. 
of the later capital. (But see Nineveh.) The kings 
proved to have reigned there are fourteen, divisible 
into three groups, and reigning probably from b. c. 
1273 to b. c. 930. The most remarkable of the 
series was called Tiglath-pileser, apparently king tow- 
ard the close of the twelfth century, and thus con- 
temporary with Samuel. The other monarchs of the 
Kileh- Sherghat series, both before and after Tiglath- 
pileser, are comparatively insignificant. Sardanapa- 
lus the first, probably the warlike Sardanapalus of 
the Greeks, transferred the seat of government from 
Kileh-Sherghat to Nimrud, where he built the first 
of those magnificent palaces recently exhumed (see 
Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, ii. ch. 11). He 
was a great conqueror, carrying his arms W. to 
Syria and the Mediterranean. His son Shalmaneser 



or Shalmanubar, was a still greater conqueror. He 
appears to have been opposed in his Syrian wars 
by Ben-hadad and Hazael, and to have taken trib- 
ute from Jehu, king of Israel. His son and grand- 
son followed in his steps, but scarcely equalled his 
glory. The latter is thought = the biblical Put., 
Phul, or Phaloch. — 8. The kings from Pul to h'snr- 
haddon. — The succession of the Assyrian kings from 
Pul almost to the close of the empire is rendered 
tolerably certain, not merely by the inscriptions, but 
also by the Jewish records. In 2 Kings we find Put., 
Tiglatii-pileskr, Sh almaneseh, Sennacheiiib, and 
EsaR-HADDON, following one another in rapid succes- 
sion (2 K. xv. 19, 29, xvii. 3, xviii. 13, xix. 37); and 
in Isaiah (xx. 1) we have Saroon, a contemporary 
of the prophet, and evidently belonging to the same 
series. The inscriptions show us that Sargon was 
tin father of Sennacherib, and give us for the last 
half of the eighth and the first half of the seventh 
century b. c. the (probably) complete list of Tiglath- 
pileser II., Shalmaneser II., Sargon, Sennacherib, and 
Esar-haddon. — 9. Lower Dynasty. — It seems to be 
certain that at, or near, the accession of Pul, about 
b. c. 770, a great change occurred in Assyria. It 
was only twenty-three years later, that the Babylo- 
nians considered their independence to have com- 
menced (b. c. 747). Tradition seems to show that 
about the middle of the eighth century b. 0. there 
must have been a break in the line of Assyrian 
kings, and probably the Pul or Phaloch of Scripture 
was really the last king of the old monarchy, and 
Tiglath-pileser II., his successor, was the founder of 
what has been called the " Lower Empire." — 10. 
Supposed loss of the empire at this period. — Many 
writers of repute (Clinton, Niebuhr, &c.) have been 
inclined to accept the statement of Herodotus with 
respect to the breaking up of the whole empire at 
this period. It is evident, however, from Scripture, 
that in the reigns of Tiglath-pileser, Shalmaneser, 
Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon, Assyria was 
as great as at any former era. These kings all warred 
successfully in Palestine and its neighborhood ; 
some attacked Egypt (Is. xx. 4) ; one was master of 
Media (2 K. xvii. 6) ; another had authority over 
Babylon, Susiana, and Elymais (xvii. 24; Ezr. iv. 9). 
The Assyrian annals also represent the empire as 
continually rising under these monarchs, and reach- 
ing its culminating point under Esar-haddon. This 
representation is fully borne out by the indications 
of greatness in the architectural monuments, and 
by the statements of the writers supposed to have 
drawn from Berosus. This second Assyrian kingdom 
was evidently greater and more glorious than the 
first. Herodotus may have supposed, erroneously, 
though naturally, that when Babylon became free 
(b. c. 747), there was a general dissolution of the 
empire. Yet even as regards Babylon, the Assyrian 
loss was not permanent. Sargon, Sennacherib, and 
Esar-haddon, all exercised full authority over that 
country. — 11. Successors of Esar-haddon. — By the 
end of Esar-haddon's reign, the kingdoms of Hamath, 
of Damascus, and of Samaria, had been successively 
absorbed ; Phenicia had been conquered ; Judea had 
been made a feudatory ; Philistia and Idumea had 
been subjected, Egypt chastised, Babylon recovered, 
cities planted in Media. A profound peace seems 
now to have followed. Esar-haddon's son, Sardana- 
palus II., occupied almost his whole time in the 
pleasures of the chase. In Scripture we hear nothing 
of Assyria after Esar-haddon, and profane history is 
equally silent until the attacks begin which brought 
about her downfall. — 12. Fall of Assyria. — This 



ASS 



ASU 



79 



was long before predicted (Is. x. 5-19). The first 
Median attack on Nineveh took place (so Herodotus) 
about 6. c. 633. For some time their efforts were 
unsuccessful ; but after a while, having won over the 
Babylonians to their side, they became superior to 
the Assyrians in the field, and about b. c. 625, or a 
little earlier, laid final siege to the capital. (Media.) 
Saracus, the last king — probably grandson of Esar- 
haddon — after a stout and prolonged defence, col- 
lected his wives and treasures in bis palace, and with 
his own hand setting fire to the building, perished 
in the flames. — 13. Fulfilment of prophecy. — The 
prophecies of Nahum and Zephaniah (ii. 13-15) 
against Assyria were probably delivered shortly be- 
fore the catastrophe. Ezekiel, writing afterward, bears 
witness (Ez. xxxi.) to the complete destruction of 
Assyria. In accordance with Nahum's announcement 
(Nah. iii. 19), Assyria never succeeded in maintain- 
ing a distinct nationality. Once only was revolt at- 
tempted, about a century after the Median conquest, 
but it failed signally, and the Assyrians were thence- 
forth submissive subjects of the Persian empire. — 14. 
General character of the empire. — Like all the early 
monarchies of any great extent, it was composed of a 
number of separate kingdoms. The Assyrian mon- 
archs bore sway over many petty kings (compare 2 
Chr. ix. 26) — the native rulers of the several coun- 
tries — who held their crowns by the double tenure of 
homage and tribute. Menahem (2 K. xv. 19), Hoshta 
(xvii. 4), Ahaz (xvi. 8), Hezekiah (xviii. 4), and Ma- 
nasseh (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11-13), were certainly in this po- 
sition, as were many native kings of Babylon. It is not 
quite certain how far Assyria required a religious con- 
formity from the subject people. Her religion was a 
gross and complex polytheism, comprising the worship 
of thirteen principal and numerous minor divinities, at 
the head of all of whom stood the chief god, Asshur, 
who seems to be the deified patriarch of the nation 
(Gen. x. 22). (Ashtoreth ; Atargatis ; Baal ; Da- 
gon ; Grove ; Idolatry.) The inscriptions appear to 
state that in all conquered countries the Assyrians 
set up "the laws of Asshur," and "altars to the 
Great Gods." It was probably from this Assyrian 
requirement that Ahaz, on his return from Damas- 
cus, where he had made his submission to Tiglath- 
pileser, incurred the guilt of idolatry (2 K. xvi. 10- 
16). Yet Hezekiah, though tributary, was not an idol- 
ater. — 15. Its extent. — The native mounments and the 
Scriptures indicate the following boundaries : on the 
W., the Mediterranean and the river Halys ; on the 
N., a fluctuating line, never reaching the Euxine nor 
extending beyond the N. frontier of Armenia ; on 
the E., the Caspian Sea and the Great Salt Desert ; 
on the S., the Persian Gulf and the Desert of Arabia. 
The countries within these limits are — Susiana, Chal- 
dea, Babylonia, Media, Matiene, Armenia, Assyria 
Proper, Mesopotamia, parts of Cappadocia and Cili- 
cia, Syria, Phenicia, Palestine, and Idumea. Cyprus 
was also for a while a dependency of Assyria, as 
were perhaps at one time certain portions of Lower 
Egypt. — 16. Civilization of the Assyrians. — This, as 
already observed, was derived originally from the 
Babylonians. The Assyrians were a Shemitic race, 
originally resident in Babylonia (then Cushite), who 
ascended the valley of the Tigris and established a 
separate nationality. Their modes of writing and 
building, the form and size of their bricks, their 
architectural ornamentation, their religion and wor- 
ship, in a great measure, were drawn from Babylon, 
which they always regarded as a sacred land — the 
original seat of their nation, and the true home of 
all their gods, except Asshur. Still, as their civiliza- 



tion developed, it became in many respects peculiar. 
Their art is of home growth. The alabaster quarries 
in their neighborhood supplied them with a material 
unknown to the Babylonians. Their emblematical 
figures of the gods have a dignity and grandeur in- 
dicating the possession of some elevated feelings. 
Their pictures of war, and of the chase, and even 
sometimes of the more peaceful incidents of human 
life, have a fidelity, a spirit, a boldness, and an ap- 
pearance of life which place them high among real- 
istic schools. The advanced condition of the As- 
syrians in various other respects is abundantly evi- 
denced by the sculptures and the remains discov- 
ered among their buildings. They attained to a very 
high degree of material comfort and prosperity. (Arch ; 
Armlet ; Arms ; Bottle ; Chariot ; Cherub ; Engine ; 
Glass ; Horse ; Metals ; Shemitic Languages, &c.) 
They were still, however, in the most important points 
barbarians. Their government was rude and in- 
artificial ; their religion coarse and sensual ; their 
conduct of war cruel ; even their art materialistic 
and so debasing; they had served their purpose 
when they had prepared the East for centralized 
government, and been God's scourge to Israel (Is. x. 
5, 6) ; they were, therefore, swept away to allow 
the rise of that Aryan race (Medes) which, with 
less appreciation of art, was to introduce into western 
Asia a more spiritual form of religion, a better treat- 
ment of captives, and a superior governmental or- 
ganization. 

* As-syr'i-an = a native or inhabitant of Assyria 
(Is. x. 5, 24, &c). 

As'ta-rotli (Deut. i. 4) = Ashtaroth 2. 
As-tar'te (Gr. and L.) = Ashtoreth. 
As'tatk (Gr.) = Azgad (1 Esd. viii. 38). 

* As-ton'icd [-id], an old English word = aston- 
ished (Ezr. ix. 3 ; Job xvii. 8, xviii. 20 ; Ez. iv. 17 ; 
Dan. iii. 24, iv. 19, v. 9). 

* As-trol'o-gers [-jerz] (Is. xlvii. 13 ; Dan. i. 20, ii. 
2, 10, 27, iv. 7, v. 7, 11, 15). Astronomy. 

* As-tron'o-my was especially cultivated among 
the ancient Chaldeans. The Egyptians (Egypt) 
made considerable progress in astronomical obser- 
vations, and are supposed to have been the first 
instructors of the Greeks in this branch of knowl- 
edge. Both these nations connected astronomy 
with religious observances (Ashtoreth ; Baal ; 
Idolatry; Queen of Heaven) and the prediction 
of future events (Divination ; Magi), as well as with 
the computation of time (Chronology ; Day ; Dial ; 
Hour; Month; Year). The Hebrews are not 
known to have made much advance in astronomi- 
cal science, though there are many allusions in the 
Scriptures to the visible heavens. ( Arcturus ; Crea- 
tion ; Darkness ; Earth ; Firmament ; Heaven ; 
Lucifer ; Mazzaroth ; Moon ; Orion ; Pleiades ; 
Star of the Wise Men ; Sun.) 

As-ty'a-ges [-jeez] (L. fr. Zend Aj-dahak, Sir H. C. 
Rawlinson ; = the biting snake, the emblem of the 
Median power), the last king of the Medes, b. c. 595 
-560, or b. c. 592-558, conquered by Cyrus (B. and 
D. 1). 

A-snp'pim (Heb. gatherings'), and House of A-snp'- 

pim (= house of the gatherings) (1 Chr. xxvi. 15, 
17); a proper name of chambers on the S. side of 
the Temple (so some) ; certain store-rooms (Gese- 
nius and Bertheau) ; the council-chambers in the 
outer court of the Temple in which the elders held 
their deliberations (Fiirst, after the Vulgate); "lin- 
tels " (Targum of Rabbi Joseph). The Hebrew word 
in Neh. xii. 25, A. V., is translated " thresholds," 
margin " treasuries," or " assemblies." 



80 



AST 



ATI! 



A-syn'cri-tns (L. fr. Gr. = incomparable or unsocial, 
L. & S.), a Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul 
(Rom. xvi. 14). 

A'tad (Heb. thorn), the thresh ing-lloor of, a spot 
"beyond (i. e. W. of) Jordan," at which Joseph and 
his brethren, on their way from Egypt to Hebron, 
made their seven days' " great and very sore mourn- 
ing " over the body of Jacob ; in consequence of 
which it acquired from the Canaanites (" the in- 
habitants of the land " VV. of Jordan ; see Gen. 1. 
13; Canaan, &c.) the new name of Abel-Mizraim 
(Gen. 1. 10, 11). According to Jerome it was 
in his day called Betliagla or Bethacla (Beth- 
Bogla) ; more probably it was S. of Hebron (Thn. ii. 
385). 

At a-rah (Heb. crown, Ges.), a wife of Jerahmeel, 
and mother of Onam ( 1 Chr. ii. 26). 

A-tar'ga-tis, or Dcr'ce-to (both L. fr. Gr. ; orig. 
fr. Syr. = an opening, Michaelis ; a fish, Ges.), a 
Syrian goddess, represented generally with the body 
of a woman and the tail of a fish (compare Dagon) 
Her most famous temples were at Hierapolis (Ma- 
bug) and Ascalon. Herodotus identified her with 
Aphrodite (= Roman Venus) Urania. Lucian com- 
pared her with Here( = Roman Juno), though he 
allowed that she combined traits of other deities. 
Plutarch says that some regarded her as " Aphro- 
dite, others as Here, others as the cause and nat- 
ural power which provides the principles and seeds 
for all things from moisture." This last view is 
pronounced an accurate description of the attributes 
of the goddess, and explains her fish-like form and 
popular identification with Aphrodite. A temple of 
Atargatis (2 Mc. xii. 2tj) at Carnion was destroyed 
by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. v. 44). Some have sup- 
posed that Atargatis was the tutelary goddess of 
the first Assyrian dynasty, and that the name ap- 
pears in Tiglath- or Tilgath-pileser. 

* At a-rites (1 Chr. ii. 54, marg.) Ataroth 4. 

At'a-roth (Heb. crowns). 1, One of the towns in 
the " land of Jazer and land of Gilead " (Num. 
xxxii. 3), taken and built by the tribe of Gad (xxxii. 
34). From its mention with places on the N. E. of 
the Dead Sea near Jebe! ( = mount) Atlarus, a con- 
nection has been assumed between Ataroth and that 
mountain. But this seems too far S. (Athotii.) 
— 2. A place on the (S. ?) boundary of Ephraim 
and Manasseh (Josh. xvi. 2, 7) ; = No. 3 ? — 3. At'a- 
rotb-a'dar or At'a-roth-ad'dar (Heb. crowns of Ad- 
dar, Ges.), on the W. border of Benjamin, "near 
the hill thai lieth on the S. side of the nether Beth- ' 
horon " (Josh. xvi. 5, xviii. 13). The Onomasticon 
mentions an Atharoth in Ephraim, in the mountains, 
four miles N. of Sebaste ; also two places of the name 
not far from Jerusalem The former cannot be the 
large village on a hill about fifteen miles N. of 
Jerusalem, now ^Atara (Rbn. ii. 265). Another 
'Atdra, ruins, six or seven miles N. of Jerusalem 
(Rbn. i. 575), is too far. E. to be = No. 3, and too 
far S. to be — No. 2.-4. "Ataroth, the house of 
Joab," a place (?) occurring in the list of the de- 
scendants of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54 ; margin "Alarites, 
or crowns of the house of Joab"). Gesenius, Kitto, 
&c, make it Ataroth-beth-Joab, a city of Judah. 
Beth. 

Ater (Heb. shut up, bound, perhaps dumb, Ges.). 
1. Ancestor of certain porters of the Temple who 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45); 
= Jatal in 1 Esd. v. 28.-2. " The children (de- I 
scendants) of Ater of Hezekiah " (ninety-eight in 
number) returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 16 ; Neh. 
vii. 21), and are supposed to have been among the 



chief of the people who sealed the covenant with 
Nehcmiah (x. 17; A. V. "Ater, Hizkijah "). The 
name appears in 1 Esd. v. 15, as Atekezias. 

A-ter-C-zi'as, a corruption of Ater of Hezekiah (1 
Esd. v. 15). Ater 2. 

A 'that'll [-thak] (fr. Heb. = lodging- place, Ges.), 
one of the places in Judah, which David and his men 
frequented during his residence at Ziklag (1 Sam. 
xxx. 30) ; supposed by some a copyist's error for 
Etheis (Josh. xv. 42). In the Vatican LXX. it is 
written Nombe. 

A-thai'ah [ah-tha'yah] or Atli-a-i ah (Heb.; per- 
haps = Asaiaii, Ges.), a descendant of I harez and 
resident at Jerusalem alter the return from Babylon 
(Neh. xi. 4) ; = Utiiai in 1 Chr. ix. 4. 

Ath-a-li'llh (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah afflicts, 
Ges.). 1. Daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, and wife 
of Jehouam 2, the son of Jehoshaphat, king of Ju- 
dah. She probably introduced into the S. kingdom 
the worship of Baal. After the great revolution un- 
der Jehu in Samaria, she killed all the royal family 
of Judah who hud escaped Ins sword ( 2 K. xi. 1 ; 2 
Chr. xxii. 10), availing herself probably of her posi- 
tion as King's Mother (Mother; Queen) to perpe- 
ii ite the crime. Prom the slaughter of the royal 

I ae Ahaziah's youngest son Joash 1 was rescued 

by his aunt Jkiiosiikiia, who had married Jehoiada 
4, the high-priest. The child was brought up under 
Jehoiada's care, and concealed in the Temple six 
',. ;n-, during which period Athaliah reigned over 
Judah. At length Jehoiada, communicating his de- 
sign to five " captains of hundreds" (2 Chr. xxiii. 1), 
and securing the cooperation of the Levites and 
chief men in the country-towns, brought the young 
Joash into the Temple to receive the allegiance of 
the soldiers of the guard. It was customary on the 
Sabbath for one-third of them to do duty at the pal- 
ace, while two-thirds restrained the crowd of visitors 
and worshippers at the Temple by occupying the 
gates. On the day fixed for the outbreak there was 
no change in the arrangement at the palace, lest 
Athaliah, who did not worship in the Temple, should 
form suspicions from missing her usual guard, but the 
other two-thirds, armed with King David's "spears 
and bucklers and shields " (Arms), protected the 
king's person in the Temple. Athaliah was first 
roused to a sense of her danger by the shouts and 
music at the inauguration of her grandson, and hur- 
ried into the Temple. She arrived, however, too 
late, and was immediately put to death by Jehoiada's 
commands, without the precincts. The only other 
recorded victim of this happy revolution, was Mat- 
tan 1, the priest of Baal. (Judah, Kingdom ok; Is- 
rael, Kingdom ok.) — 2. A Benjamite chief, son of 
Jeroham, who dwelt at Jerusalem (1 Chr. viii. 26). 
— 3. A son (descendant) of Elam, whose son Jeshai- 
ah with seventy males returned with Ezra from Baby- 
lon (Ezr. viii. 7). 

Ath-a-ri as, a corruption of "the Tirshatha " (1 
Esd. v. 40). 

A-the ni-ans = natives or citizens of Athens (Acts 

xvii. 21 ): 

Ath^e-no'bi-as (L. fr. Gr. = having life, or strength, 
from Minerva ; see Athens), "the king's friend," 
an envoy of Antiochus VII., Sidetes, to Simon Mac- 
cabeus (i Mc. xv. 28-36). 

Ath'ens [-enz] (fr. Gr. goddess Athena = Roman 
Minerva), the capital of Attica, and the chief seat of 
Grecian learning and civilization during the golden 
period of the history of Greece ; said to have been 
founded by Cecrops, b. c. 1556, and ruled by kings 
(one of whom, Theseus, is said to have united the 



ATH 



ATO 



81 



twelve cities of Attica into one confederacy with 
Athens at its head) till the death of Codrus, b. c. 
1069, then by archons, who through the influence 
of the popular assembly became at length simply 
municipal officers of high rank. The laws of Solon 
(about b. c. 594) were the foundation of the Athenian 




Plan of Athens, showing the position of the Ag< 



civil polity, though the ordinances of Draco, which 
punished capitally the smallest theft as well as mur- 
der, were retained in regard to many religious mat- 
ters. Athens was captured by the Romans under 
Sylla b. c. 86, and its commerce was annihilated. It 
fell into the power of the Turks a. n. 1456, and was 
afterward twice (1467 and 1687) taker, by the Vene- 
tians, and twice (1470 . and 1688) recaptured by the 
Turks. During the war for Grecian independence, 




The Areopagus, or Mnrs' Hill, and Acropolis.— From a vie' 

Athens was taken by the Greeks (1822) and retaken 
by the Turks (1827), who kept possession of it till 
1832. Since 1835, it has been the capital of the 
kingdom of Greece (see New Amer. Cyc., art. 
Athens). — Athens was the city of Pericles, Demos- 
thenes, Socrates, Plato, &c. ; long distinguished for 
it? spirit of liberty and its culture of eloquence, phi- 
6 



losophy and the fine arts. It has still in the Parthe- 
non, &c, some of the noblest monuments of ancient 
art. — St. Paul visited Athens in his journey from Ma- 
cedonia, and appears to have remained there some 
time (Acts xvii. 14-34; comp. 1 Th. iii. 1). During 
his residence he delivered his memorable discourse on 
the Areopagus to the "men of 
Athens " (Acts xvii. 22-31). The 
Agora or " market," where St. Paul 
disputed daily, was situated in the 
valley between four hills, being 
bounded by the Acropolis on the 
N.E. and E., by the Areopagus on 
the N., by the Pnvx on the N. W. 
and W. and by the Museum on the 
S. The inquisitive character of the 
Athenians (Acts xvii. 21) is at- 
tested by the unanimous voice of 
antiquity. Demosthenes rebuked 
his countrymen for their love of 
constantly going about in the 
market, and asking one another, 
What news ? The " superstitious " 
character of the Athenians (Acts 
xvii. 22) is also confirmed by the 
ancient writers. Thus Pausanias 
says that the Athenians surpassed 
all other states in attention to the 
worship of the gods ; and hence 
the city was crowded in every 
direction with temples, altars, and 
other sacred buildings. On the 
" altar to the Unknown God," see Altar. Of 
the Christian church, founded by St. Paul at Athens, 
according to ecclesiastical tradition, Dionysics the 
Areopagite was the first bishop. 

Ath'Iai (Heb. = Athaliah, Ges.), a son of Bebai, 
who put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 28) ; called 
Amatheis in 1 Esd. ix. 29. 

At'i-pha (1 Esd. v. 32) = Hatipha. 
* A-toue'mcnt, in the 0. T. and Apocrypha (see 
No. 6, below) is an expia- 
tion or satisfaction for sin 
by which forgiveness is ob- 
tained. (Blemish; Sacri- 
fice.) Several Hebrew and 
Greek words are thus trans- 
lated in the A. V— 1. The 
Hebrew plural cippurim is 
translated " atonement " or 
"atonements" (Ex. xxix. 
36, xxx. 10, 16 ; Lev. xxiii. 
27, 28, xxv. 9 [Atonement, 
Day of] ; Num. v. 8, xxix. 
11).— 2. The Hebrew verb 
caphar (literally = to cover 
over sin, to cover sin, Ges.) 
is usually translated " to 
make atonement " (Ex. 
xxix. 33, 36, 37, xxx. 10, 
15, 16, &c), sometimes 
" to make reconciliation " 
(Lev. viii. 15; Dan. ix. 
24, &c), "to purge away" 
(Ps. Ixv. 3 [4 Heb.], &c), 
;. 14, &c), "to be merci- 



by Bnrtlett.— (Fbn.) 

"to purge" (1 



purge" (1 Sam. 
fill" (Deut. xxxii. 43, &c), "to forgive" (Ps. 
lxxviii. 38 ; Jer. xviii. 23), &c— 3. The Hebrew 
noun copher is translated " atonement " in the mar- 
gin of Job xxxiii. 24, and " ransom " in the text (as 
in Ex. xxx. 12; Job xxxvi. 18, &c). (Camphire ; 
Pitch.) — 4. The Greek compound verb exilaskomai 



82 



ATO 



ATO 



( — to appease or win over, L. & S.) is translated " to 
make atonement " in Ecclus. ill- 3, 30 ; usually in the 
LXX. = caphar (N T o. 2, above ; compare No. 5, be- 
low). 5. The Greek hilasmos ( = a means of ap- 
peasing, a propitiation, a sacrifice, L. k S.) is trans- 
lated " atonement " in 2 Mc. iii. 33, and " propitia- 



1 

tion " in 1 Jn. ii. 2, iv. 10 ; in the LXX. = cippu- 
rim (No. 1, above) in Lev. xxv. 9 and Num. v. 8. 
The Greek verb hilaskomai ( — to reconcile to one's 
self, sc. bv expiation, to propitiate, Rbn. K T. Lex.) 
in' the LXX. = cdphar (No 2, above ; comp. No. 4) 
in Ps. lxv. 3 (4, Heb., and lxiv. 4, Gr.), lxxviii. 38 
(lxxvii. 38, Gr.); it is also used in the N. T. in Lk. 
xviii. 13 (A. V. " be merciful ") and Heb. ii. 17 (A. 
V. " to make reconciliation "). The kindred Greek 
word hilasterion is translated "propitiation " in Rom. 
iii. 25, and " Mercy-seat " in Heb. ix. 5, and is com- 
monly used in the LXX. lor the latter (Ex. xxv. 18 
ff., &c.).— 6. The Greek kalallage (literally exchange, 
change, sc. of feeling, &c. ; hence settlement of difficul- 
ties), translatel " atonement" in Rom. v. 11, is trans- 
lated in the margin " reconciliation," as in the text 
of 2 Cor. v. 18, 19, and is translated "reconciling " 
in Rom. xi. 15. Jesus Christ; Saviour. 

A-tone' incut, the Day of (called "the fast" in 
Acts xxix. 9, A.V), the great day of national humil- 
iation, and the only one commanded in the Mosaic 
law. (Fasts.) The mode of its observance is de- 
scribed in Lev. xvi. ; the victims offered, besides those 
strictly belonging to the special service of the day 
and to the usual daily sacrifice, are enumerated in 
Num. xxix. 7-11 ; and the conduct of the people is 
emphatically enjoined in Lev. xxiii. 26-32. — II. It 
was kept on the 10th day of Tisri, i. e. from the 
evening of the 9th to the evening of the 10th of that 
month, five days before the Feast of Tabernacles. 
(Festivals.) — III. The observances of the day are 
thus described in the law. It was to be kept by the 
people as a solemn sabbath. On this occasion only 
the high-priest was permitted to enter into the Holy 
of Holies. Having bathed his person and dressed 
himself entirely in the holy white linen garments, he 
brought a young bullock for a sin-offering and a ram 
for a burnt-offering, purchased at his own cost, for 
himself and his family, and two young goats for a 
sin-offering with a ram for a burnt-offering, which 
were paid for out of the public treasury, for the 
people. He then presented the two goats before the 
Lord at the door of the tabernacle and cast lots upon 
them. On one lot " for Jehovah'" was inscribed, and 
on the other " for Azazel " (" for the scape-goat," A. 
V.). He next sacrificed the young bullock as a sin- 
offering for himself and his family. Taking with 
him some of the blood of the bullock, he filled a 
censer with burning coals from the brazen altar, took 
a handful of incense, and entered into the most holy 
place. He then threw the incense upon the coals 
and enveloped the mercy-seat in a cloud of smoke. 
Then, dipping his finger into the blood, he sprinkled 
it seven times before ("upon," A. V. and Ewald) the 
mercy-seat eastward. The goat upon which the lot 
" J 'or Jehovah" had fallen was then slain, and the 
high-priest sprinkled its blood, like the bullock's, be- 
fore the mercy-seat. He then purified the holy place, 
sprinkling some of the blood of both the victims on 
the altar of incense (see Ex. xxx. 10). At this time 
no one besides the high-priest was suffered to be 
present in the holy place. After the purification of 
the Holy of Holies, and of the holy place, the high- 
priest laid his hands upon the head of the goat on 
which the lot u for Azazel" had fallen, and confessed 
over it all the sins of the people. The goat was 



then led. by a man chosen for the purpose, into the 
wilderness, into " a land not inhabited," and was 
there let loose. The high-priest after this returned 
into the holy place, bathed himself again, put on his 
usual garments of office, anil offered the two rams as 
burnt-offerings, one for himself and one for the 
people. He also burnt upon the altar the fat of the 
two sin-offerings, while their flesh was carried away 
and burned outside the camp. They who took away 
the flesh and the man who had led away the 
goat had to bathe their persons and wash their 
clothes as soon as their service was performed. 
The accessary burnt-offerings mentioned Num. xxix. 
7-11, were a young bullock, a ram, seven lambs, 
and a young goat. — IV. Josephus, giving of course 
the practice in the second Temple, when the ark 
of the covenant had disappeared, states that the 
high-priest sprinkled the blood with his finger seven 
times on the ceiling and seven times on the floor of 
the most holy place, and seven times toward it 
(apparently outside the veil), and round the golden 
altar; then going into the court he either sprinkle 1 
or poured the blood round the great altar. The 
kidneys, the top of the liver, and the extremities of 
the victims were burned with the fat. — V. TheMish- 
na ( Yoma) professes to give the observances of the 
day according to the usage, in the second Temple. 
1. The high-priest himself, dressed in his colored 
official garments, performed on the Day of Atone- 
ment, all the duties of the ordinary daily service, 
lighting the lamps, presenting the daily sacrifices, 
&c. After this he bathed himself, put on the white 
garments, and commenced the special rites of the 
day 2. The high-priest went into the Holy of Holies 
four times this dav : (1.) with theeenserandincen.se; 
(2.) with the bullock's blood ; (3.) with the goat's 
blood; (4.) after the evening sacrifice, to bring out 
the censer and incense-plate. This is not opposed 
to Heb. ix. 7. Compare Lev. xvi. 12, 14, 15. 3. 
The blood of the bullock and that of the goat were 
each sprinkled eight times, once toward the ceiling 
and seven times on the floor (see above, IV.). 4. 
After he had gone into the most holy place the third 
time, ami had returned into the holy place, the high- 
priest sprinkle I the blood of the bullock (and so of 
the goat) eight times toward the veil. Having then 
mingled the Wood of the two victims together and 
sprinkled the altar of incense with the mixture, he 
came into the court and poured out what remained 
at the foot of the altar of burnt-offering. 5. For 
seven days before the Day of Atonement the high- 
priest kept away from his own house, and dwelt in 
a chamber appointed for his use. To provide further 
for his incurring some uncleanness, a deputy was 
chosen who might act for him when the day came. 
Compare Jos. xvii. 6, § 4. During these seven days 
as well as on the Day of Atonement, the high-priest 
performed the ordinary duties of the daily service. 
On the third and seventh days h > was sprinkled witli 
the ashes of the red heifer to cleanse him if he had 
touched a dead body without knowing it. 6. The 
two goats of the sin-offering were to be of similar 
appearance, size, and value. The lots were put into 
a little box or urn, into which the high-priest put 
both his hands and took out a lot in each, while the 
two goats stood before him. The lot in each hand 
belonged to the goat in the corresponding position. 
The high-priest then tied a piece of scarlet cloth on 
the scape-goat's head, called " the scarlet tongue," 
from its shape. A prayer was then offered by the 
high-priest over the head of the goat, which was led 
away by the man appointed. As soon as it reached 



ATO 



AUG 



83 



a certain spot, a signal was made to the bigh-priest, 
who waited for it. The man who led the goat is 
said to have taken him to the top of a high precipice 
and thrown him down backward, so as to dash him 
to pieces. Originally, however, the goat was set free 
(Lev. xvi. 22, 26). 7. The high-priest, on receiving 
the signal that the goat had reached the wilderness, 
read some lessons from the law, and offered up some 
prayers. He then bathed himself, resumed his col- 
ored garments, and offered cither the whole, or a 
great part, of the accessary offering (Num. xxix. 7- 
11) with the regular evening sacrifice. After this, 
he washed again, put on the white garments, and 
entered the most holy place for the fourth time (see 
above, V. 2). 8. All (except invalids and children 
under thirteen years) are forbidden to eat any thing 
that day so large as a date, to drink, or to wash from 
sunset to sunset. In the law itself no express men- 
tion is made of abstinence from food. — VI. In re- 
gard to the Hebrew word Azazel (" scape-goat," A. 
V.), the opinions most worthy of notice are — 1. A 
designation of the goat itself. The old interpreters 
in general, the Vulgate, Pymmachus, Aquila, Luther, 
the A. V., &c., supposed it, = the goat sent away, or 
let loose. But the application of Azazel to the goat 
itself involves the Hebrew text in difficulty. If one 
expression in Lev. xvi. 8, &c. = for Jehovah, the 
other naturally = for Azazel, with the preposition 
in the same sense. If this is admitted, taking Azazel 
= the goat itself, an inconsistency appears in Lev. 
xvi. 10, 26. 2. The name of the place to which the 
goat was sent. But the place is specified in Lev. 
xvi. 10, 21, 22(Ges.). 3. A personal being to whom 
the goat was sent, (a.) Gesenius makes Azazel — 
averler, expiator, and supposes it to be some false 
deity who was to be appeased by a sacrifice of the 
goat, (b.) Others have regarded him as an evil 
spirit, or the devil himself. Spencer (on the Heb. 

Ritual Laws) supposes that the goat was given up to 
the devil. Hengstenberg, confidently affirming that 

Azazel = Satan, repudiates the conclusion that the 
goat was a sacrifice to Satan, and maintains that the 
goat was sent away laden with the sins of God's peo- 
ple, now forgiven, in order to mock their spiritual 
enemy. 4. An explanation of the word which seems 
less objectionable, if not wholly satisfactory, would 
render the designation of the lot (Lev. xvi. 8, &c, 
" for the scape-goat," A. V.) "for complete sending 
away" (Tholuck, Biihr, Winer, &c.).— VII. The Tal- 
mudists regarded the Day of Atonement as an oppor- 
tunity afforded them of wiping off the score of their 
more heavy offences. Philo speaks of the day as an 
occasion for self-restraint in regard to bodily indul- 
gence, and for bringing home to our minds the truth 
that man does not live by bread alone, but by what- 
ever God is pleased to appoint. It cannot be doubted 
that what especially distinguished the symbolical ex- 
piation of this day from that of the other services 
of the law, was its broad and national character, 
with perhaps a deeper reference to the sin which be- 
longs to the nature of man. — In the particular rites 
of the day, three points appear very distinctive. 1. 
The white garments of the high-priest. 2. His en- 
trance into the Holy of Holies. 3. The scape-goat. 
Heb. ix. 7-25, teaches us to apply the first two par- 
ticulars. The high-priest himself, with his person 
cleansed and dressed in white garments, was the 
type of that pure and holy One who was to purify 
His people from their sins. But the subject of the 
scape-goat is one of great doubt and difficulty. Of 
those who take Azazel = the Evil Spirit. (VI. 3, 
above), some have supposed that the goat was a sort 



of bribe, or retaining fee, for the accuser of men. 
Spencer made it a symbol of the punishment of the 
wicked ; while Hengstenberg considers it significant 
of the freedom of those who had become reconciled 
to God. Some few have supposed that the goat was 
taken into the wilderness to suffer there vicariously 
for the sins of the people. But it has been generally 
considered that it was dismissed to signify the carry- 
ing away of their sins, as it were, out of the sight of 
Jehovah. Since the two goats were parts of one and 
the same sin-offering, they form together but one 
symbolical expression. There may have been two, 
simply because a single material object could not 
symbolically embrace the whole truth to be expressed 
(compare Heb. ix.). Hence some, regarding each goat 
as a type of Christ, supposed that the one slain 
represented his death, and the one set free his resur- 
rection. But we shall take a simpler, and perhaps a 
truer view (so Mr. Clark, the original author of this 
article), if we look upon the slain goat as setting 
forth the act of sacrifice, in giving up its own life for 
others " to Jehovah," in accordance with the require 
ments of the Divine law ; and the goat which carried 
off its load of sin " for complete removal," as signi- 
fying the cleansing influence of faith in that sacrifice 
(compare Ps. ciii. 12). 

At'roth (Heb. crowns, Ges.), a city of Gad (Num. 
xxxii. 35). No doubt the name should be taken 
with that following it, Shophan, to distinguish this 
place from Ataf.oth 1, in the same neighborhood. 

At'tai [-tay] (Heb. perhaps = opportune, Ges.). 
1. Grandson of Sheshan the Jerahmeelite through 
his daughter Ahlai the wife of Jarha (1 Chr. ii. 85, 
36). — 2. The sixth of the mighty Gadite captains, 
who forded the swollen Jordan, and joined David in 
the wilderness (1 Chr. xii. 11). — 3. A son of King 
Rehoboam by Maachah (2 Chr. xi. 20). 

At-ta-li'a (L. fr. Gr.), a coast-town of Pamphylia 
(Acts xiv. 25), from which Paul and Barnabas sailed 
on their return to Antioch from their missionary 
journey into Asia Minor. It was built by Attalus 
Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, about 150 B.C., and 
named after him. It was intended to command the 
trade with Egypt and Syria. It is still an important 
town, the modern Aclalia or Satalia, on the gulf of 
the same name on theS. coast of Asia Minor (Leake ; 
Spratt and Forbes). 

At'ta-lns (L. fr. Gr.), the name of three kings of 
Pergamus who reigned respectively b. c. 241-197, 
159-138 (Philadelphus), 138-133 (Philometor). It 
is uncertain whether the letters sent frcm Borne in 
favor of the Jews (1 Mc. xv. 22) were addressed to 
Attalus II. (Philadelphus), or Attalus III. (Philo- 
metor), as their date falls in b. c. 139-8 (Lucius), 
about the time when the latter succeeded his uncle. 

At-tha-ra'tes (Gr.), a corruption of "the Tirsba- 
tha" (1 Esd. ix. 49). Atharias. 

* At-tire'. Diadem ; Dress. 

An'gi-a [aw'je-ah] (Gr.), daughter of Berzelus or 
Barzillai, and wife of Addus (1 Esd. v. 38); not in 
Ezra or Nehemiah. 

An-gns'tus Ce'sar or An-gns'tns Ctc'sar [-see'zar] 
(L. Augustus [= consecrated, august, majestic] Cccsar; 
see Cesar), the first Roman emperor. During his 
reign Christ was born (Lk. ii. 1 ffi). Augustus was 
born a. u. c. 691, b. c. 63. His father was Caius 
Octavius ; his mother Atia, daughter of Julia, the 
sister of Caius Julius Ca;sar ( = Julius Cesar, the 
dictator). He bore the same name as his father, 
Caius Octavius. He was principally educated by his 
great-uncle Julius Cesar, and was made his heir. 
After his murder, b. c. 44, the young Octavius, then 



8i 



AUG 



AX 



Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, was taken into the 
Triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, and, after the 
removal of the latter, divided the empire with An- 
tony. The struggle with Antony for the supreme 
power was terminated in favor of Octavianus by the 
battle of Actium, b. c. 31. On this victory, he was 




Coin of Augustus.— (Fbn.) 



saluted emperor bv the senate, who conferred on him 
the title Augustus'(B. c. 27). He managed with con- 
summate tact to consolidate his power by gradually 
uniting in himself all the principal state offices. 
After the battle of Actium, Herod, who had espoused 
Antony's side, found himself pardoned, taken into 
favor and confirmed, nay even increased in his 
power. After Herod's death in a. n. 4, Augustus 
divided his dominions almost exactly according to 
his dying directions, among his sons, but afterward 
exiled Arciielacs. Augustus died at Nola in Cam- 
pania, August 19, a. c. c. 767, a. d. 14, in his seventy- 
sixth year; but long before his death he had asso- 
ciated Tiiikrius with him in the empire. 

An-gns'tns' Band (Acts xxvii. 1). Army, II. 

An-ra nus (L. fr. Gr.), leader of a riot at Jerusa- 
lem (2 Mc iv. 40). 

Au-te'as (1 Esd. ix. 48) = HonuAn 1. 

* An-tlior'l-ty. Army; Chain; Elder; Father; 
Governor ; Judge ; Kino ; Law ; Prince ; Trial, 
&c. 

A'va (fr. Hob. = overturning, Ges.), a place in the 
empire of Assyria, from which colonists (Avites 2) 
were brought to Samaria (2 K. xvii. 24) ; probably 
(so Rawlinson) = Aiiava and IVAH. 

Av'a-ran (fr. Ar., in allusion to his killing the royal 
elephant ; see 1 Mc. vi. 43-46), the surname of Ele- 
azar, brother of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. ii. 5), er- 
roneously Savaran in 1 Mc. vi. 43. 

A'ven (Heb. nothingness). 1. The " plain of Aven" 
(" Bikath-aven," margin), mentioned by Amos (i. 5) 
in his denunciation of Syria and the country N. of 
Palestine, has not been identified with certainty. 
The LXX. translate "the plain of On," i. e. of He- 
liopolis or Ba'albek=the modern cl-Buku'a. (Plain 
2). — 2. In Hos. x. 8, " the high places of Aven," 
the word clearly = Beth-aven, i. e. Bethel. — 3. In 
Ez. xxx. 17, "Aven" = On, the sacred city of Ilc-li- 
opolis in Egypt. 

* A-ven'ger of Blood. Blood, Avenger of. 

A Tim, A' vims, or A' vites (Heb. Avvim = dwellers 
among ruins, Ges.). 1. A people among the early 
inhabitants of Palestine, dwelling in the S. W. cor- 
ner of the sea-coast, whither they may have made 
their way Is. from the desert. In Deut. ii. 23 we see 
them dwelling in the villages (" Hazerim," A. V.) in 
the S. part of the great western lowland (Plain 6), 
" as far as Gaza." In these rich possessions they 
were attacked by " the Caphtorim which came forth 
out of Caphtor," and who after " destroying" them 
and "dwelling in their stead," appear to have pushed 
them further N. Possibly a trace of their existence 
is found in"Avim" (or " the Avim ") among the 
cities of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23). Yet "Avim" 
here may — Ai. It is a curious fact that both the 



LXX. and Jerome identified the Avim with the Hi. 
vites, and also that the town of Avim was in the 
actual district of the Hi vites (Josh. ix. 7, 17, com- 
pare with xviii. 22-27). — 2. "Avites," the people of 
Ava, sent as colonists into Samaria (2 K. xvii. 31). 
They were idolaters, worshipping Nibhaz and Tar- 
tak. 

A'vith (Heb. ruins, Ges.), the city of Hadad, the 
son of Bedad, an early king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
36 ; 1 Chr. i. 46). 

* A-way' with is several times used elliptically or 
peculiarly in the A. V. In Jn. xix. 15 and Acts xxi. 
36, " away with him " = 170 away with him, i. e. take 
him away, or put him out of the way, viz., by killing 
him. So also in Lk. xxiii. 18; Acts xxii. 22. — In 
Is. i. 13, " I cannot away with "= I cannot go with, 
1 cannot be in fellowship villi, I cannot endure. 

Awl, a tool for boring, only noticed in connection 
with boring the servant's ear (Ex. xxi. 6 ; Deut. xv. 
17). The ancient Egyptian awl was much like the 
well-known modern instrument. Medicine. 

Ax or Axe. Seven Hebrew words are translated 
"ax "(thus spelled in the English authorized edi- 
tions) in the A.V. — 1. Garzcn, from a root signifying 
to cut or sever. It consisted of a head of iron (com- 
pare Is. x. 34), fastened, with thongs or otherwise, 
upon a handle of wood, and so liable to slip off 
(Deut. xix. 5 ; compare 2 K. vi. 5). It was used for 
felling trees (Deut. xx. 19; Is. x. 15), and also for 
shaping the wood when felled, perhaps like the 
modern adze (1 K. vi. 7). — 2. Hereb or chcreb, 
usually translated "sword" (Arms), is used of 
other cutting instruments, as a " knife " (Josh. v. 
2) or razor (Ez. v. 1), or a tool for hewing or 
dressing stones (Ex. xx. 25), and is once translated 
" ax " (Ez. xxvi. 9), evidently denoting a weapon 
for destroying buildings, a pick-axe. — 3. Cashxhil 
occurs but once (Ps. lxxiv. 6), and is evidently a 
later word, denoting a large axe. —4. Magzerdh (2 
Sam. xii. 31), and, 5,Megirdh (1 Chr. xx. 3) are 




Ancient Egyptian and Assyrian Axes. — (Fbn.) 
1, 2, 3, Egyptian. — WiluinBon. 4, 5, Assyrian. — British Mnsenm. 



found in the description of the punishments inflicted 
by David upon the Ammonites of Rabbah. The lat- 
ter word is properly " a saw," and is probably a copy- 
ist's error for the former. — 6. Ma'alsdd, translated 
"ax" in Is. xliv. 12 (marg.), and Jer. x. 3, was an 
instrument employed both by the iron-smith and the 
carpenter, and is supposed to be a curved knife or 
bill, smaller than — 7. Karde/m, which was a large 
axe used for felling trees (Judjr. ix. 48 ; 1 Sam. xiii. 



AXL 



AZA 



85 



20, 21 ; Ps. Ixxiv. 5 ; Jer xlvi. 2-2).— The " battle- 
ax" (Heb. moppets, Jer. li. 20) was probably a 
heavy mace or maul, like that which gave his French 
surname to Charles Mattel. — The Gr. axhie, trans- 
lated " ax " in the N. T. (Mat. iii. 10; Lk. lii. 9), is 
used in the LXX. for the Heb. yarzen (No. 1, above) 




s 



Ancient Egyptian Battle-axes, Pole-axe, Macea, and Ciub. — (Fbn.) 

in Deut. xix. 5 and Is. x. 15, and uniformly for kar- 
dom (No. 7, above). — The Gr. pelehis, translated 
"ax" in Bar. vi. 15 (Ep. Jer. i. 14 in Gr.), and used 
in the LXX. for garzen once (1 K. vi. 7) and for 
caslishil (No. 3, above) in Ps. Ixxiv. 6 (lxxiii. 6 in 
Gr.) = an axe or hatchet, usually a carpenter's axe 
(L. & S.). 

* Axle-tree is the translation in the A. V. of — I. 
Heb. plural of y&d (literally, hand) (1 K. vii 32, 33). 
— 2. Gr. axon (Ecclus. xxxiii. 5). Cart , Chahioi ; 
Laver ; Wagon. 

A'za-el = Asahel 4. 

Az-a-e Ins, probably merely a repetition of the pre- 
ceding name Esril (i Esd. ix. 34); perhaps = Aza- 
reel 4. 

A'zal (fr. Heb. = aide, near, Vulg., Henderson), a 
name mentioned (Zech. xiv. 5 only) as the limit to 
which the ravine of the Mount of Olives will extend 
when " Jehovah shall go forth to fight." Several 
commentators agree with the Vulgate in taking Azal 
as an appellative. 

Az-a-li'all (Heb. whom Jehovah has reserved, Ges.), 
father of Shaphan the scribe (2 K. xxii. 3 ; 2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 8). 

Az-a-ni'ah (Heb. whom Jehovah hears, Ges.), a 
Levite, father of Jeshua in Nehemiah's time (Neh. 
x. 9). 

A-za'phi-on (1 Esd. v. 33), possibly a corruption 

Of SOPHERETH. 

Az'a-ra, one of the "servants of the Temple" (1 
Esd. v. 31) ; not in Ezra. 

A-za'ra-el (Heb. = Azareel), a Levite-musician 
(Neh. xii. 36). 

A-za're-cl (Heb. whom God helps, Ges.). 1. A 
Korhite who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 6). 
— 2. A Levite musician in David's time ; son of He- 
man (xxv. 18); called Uzziel in xxv. 4. — 3. Son 
of Jeroham, and prince of Dan under David (xxvii. 
22). — 4. A son or descendant of Bani, who put away 
his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 41); probably = Esril or 
Azaelus in 1 Esd. ix. 34. — 5. A priest, father of 
Amashai (Neh. xi. 13).- 

Az-a-ri'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah helps, Ges. ; 
L. and Gr. Azarias). 1. Son of Ahimaaz (1 Chr. 
vi. 9). He appears from 1 K. iv. 2, to have suc- 
ceeded his grandfather Zadok as High-priest in Sol- 



omon's reign. To him probably (so Lord A. C. Her- 
vey), instead of to his grandson (No. 6), belongs the 
notice in 1 Chr. vi. 10, " He it is that executed the 
priest's office in the temple that Solomon built at 
Jerusalem." — 2. A chief officer of Solomon's, the son 
of Nathan ; perhaps David's grandson (IK. iv. 5). — 
3. Tenth king of Judah, more frequently called Uz- 
ziah (2 K. xiv. 21, xv. 1, 6, 7, 8, 17, 23, 27; 1 Chr. 
iii. 12). — 4. Son of Ethan, and great-grandson of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. ii. 8). — 5t A captain of Judah at the in- 
auguration of Joash ; son of Jehu, and grandson of 
Obed (1 Chr. ii. 38, 39; 2 Chr. xxiii. 1); compare 
No. 13.— 6. Son of Johanan (1 Chr. vi. 10, 11); prob- 
ably high-priest (see No. 1, above) in the reigns of 
Abijah and Asa, as his son Amariah was in the days 
of Jehoshaphat ; but we know nothing of his char- 
acter or acts. — 7. Son of Hilkiah 2, the high-priest, 
and father of Seraiah 2 (1 Chr. vi. 13). This Aza 
riah is by some considered different from the ances- 
tor of Ezra in 1 Chr. ix. 11 and Ezr. vii. 1. — 8. Son 
of Zephaniah, a Kohathite, and ancestor of Samuel 
the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 36).— 9. Son of Oded(2 Chr. 
xv. 1), called simply Oded in ver. 8, a prophet, and 
a contemporary of Azariah 6, and of Hanani the 
seer. His brief but pithy exhortation (ver. 2-7) 
moved king Asa and the people of Judah and Ben- 
jamin to put away idolatry and renew the national 
covenant with Jehovah, in which reformation many 
from the northern kingdom joined them. — 10, 
Son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah (2 Chr. xxi. 
2). — 11. Another son of Jehoshaphat, and brother 
of No. 10 (ib.).— 12. In 2 Chr. xxii. 6, Azariah = 
Ahaziah 2. — 13. A captain of Judah in Athaliah's 
time ; son of Jeroham (2 Chr. xxiii. 1) ; compare No. 
5. — 14. The High-priest in the reign of Uzziah, king 
of Judah (2 Chr. xxvi. 17-20). When King Uzziah, 
elated by his great prosperity and power, " trans- 
gressed against the Lord his God, and went into the 
Temple of the Lord to burn incense upon the altar 
of incense," Azariah the priest, with eighty of his 
brethren, went in boldly after him, withstood him, 
and thrust him out after he was smitten with leprosy. 
Azariah was contemporary with the prophets Isaiah, 
Amos, and Joel, and doubtless witnessed the great 
earthquake in Uzziah's reign (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. xiv. 5). 
— 15. Son of Johanan ; one of the Ephraimite prin- 
ces in Pekah's time who succored and sent back the 
captives from Judah (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). — 16. A Ko- 
hathite, father of Joel in Hezekiah's time (xxix. 12). 
— 17. A Merarite in Hezekiah's time; son of Jehal- 
elel (xxix. 12). — 18. The high-priest in the days of 
Hezekiah (xxxi. 10, 13). He appears to have co- 
operated zealously with the king in the thorough 
purification of the Temple and restoration of the 
temple-services. — 19. One who repaired part of the 
wall of Jerusalem in Nehemiah's time ; son of Maa- 
seiah (Neh. iii. 23, 24). — 20. One of those who re- 
turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (vii. 7) ; also 
called Seraiah (Ezr. ii. 2) and Zacharias (1 Esd. v. 
8). — 21. An expounder of the law with Ezra; = 
Azarias 3; probably a Levite (Neh. viii. 7). — 22. 
A priest who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah(x. 
2), and probably the same who assisted in the dedi- 
cation of the city wall (xii. 33). — 23. Jezaniah (Jer. 
xliii. 2.) — 24. The original name of Abed-nego, one 
of Daniel's three friends (Dan. i.-iii.). (Meshach ; 
Shadrach). — 25. A priest, father of Amariah 1, and 
grandfather of Ahitub 2 (Ezr. vii. 3). 

Az-a-ri'as (L. and Gr. = Azariah). 1. Uzziah 3 
(1 Esd. ix. 21). — 2. Urijah 3 (ix. 43 ; compare Neh. 
viii. 4). — 3. Azariah 21 (1 Esd. ix. 48) — 4. Priest 
in the line of Esdras (2 Esd. i. 1) ; = Azariah 7 and 



86 



AZA 



AZZ 



Ezerias. — 5. Name assumed by the angel Raphael 
(Tob. v. 12, vi. 6, 13, vii. 8, ix. 2).— 6. A captain 
under Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. v. 18, 50, 60). — 7. 
Azariah 24 (Sg. 3 H. Ch. 2, 26, 66). 

A'zaz (Heb. strong, Ges.), a Reubcnitc, father of 
Bela (1 Chr. v. 8). 

* A-za zel (Lev. xvi. 8, marg.). Atonement, Day 

OF, VI. 

Az-a-zi'all (Heb. whom Jehovah strengthens, Ges.). 
1. A Levite in the reign of David, appointed to play 
the harp when the ark was brought up from the 
house of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xv. 21). — 2. Father of 
Hoshea, prince of Ephraim under David (xxvii. 20). 
— 3. One of the Levites in Hezekiah's reigu, who 
had charge of the tithes, &c. (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 

Az-baz'a-reth (L), king of the Assyrians, probably 
a corruption of EsAR-H ADDON (1 Esd. v. 69). 

Az bnk (Heb. strong devastation, Ges.), father of 
Nehemiah 3 (Neh. iii. 16). 

A-ZC'kall (Heb. a field dug over or broken up, Ges.), 
a town of Judah with dependent villages, lying in 
the lowland (Plain 6) near Sot-on 1 (Josh. xv. 35). 
Joshua's pursuit of the Canaanites after the battle 
of Beth-horon extended to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11). 
Between Azekah and Socoh the Philistines encamped 
before the battle in which Goliath was killed (1 Sam. 
xvii. 1). It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 9), 
was still standing at the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar 
(Jer. xxxiv. 7), and was rcoccupicd by the Jews alter 
the Captivity (Neh. xi. 30). The site of Azekah is ! 
possiblv (so Schwarz) at Tell Zakariya, a hill near 
'Ain-sficms (Beth-shemcsh). 

A'zel (fr. Heb. = noble, Ges.), a descendant of Saul' 
(1 Chr. viii. 37, 38, ix. 43, 44). 

A'zem (fr. Heb. = bone, Ges.), a city in the ex- 
treme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 29), afterward allotted 
to Simeon (xix. 3); = Ezem. Wilton (The NegcbV 
and Rowlands (in Fairbairn under " S. Country") 
connect Azem with the preceding word in xv. 29 as 
one name (lim-azem or Ijc-azem), which they identify 
with el-Aujeh or cl-Abdeh, a site w ith extensive 
ruins, including a church, strong fortresses, &c, now 
the headquarters of the Azdziineh Arabs, thirty to 
thirty -five miles S. W. of Beer-sheba. liobinson iden- 
tifies this place with the Eboda of Ptolemy. 

Az-e-pkurith, or more properly Ar-si-pliu'rith, a 
name w hich, in the LXX. of 1 Esd. v. 16, occupies 
the place of Jorah in Ezr. ii. 18, and of Haripii in 
Neh. vii. 24; perhaps a corrupt combination of these 
names. 

A-ze'tas (Gr.). "Sons of Ceilan and Azetas" re- 
turned with Zorobabel according to 1 Esd. v. 15, but 
are not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

Az'gad (Heb. strong in fortune, Ges.), ancestor of 
a family, of whom 1,222 (2,322, so Neh. vii. 17) re- 
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 12); 110, with Joha- 
nan at their head, with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). With 
the other heads of the people they, or one of this 
name, joined in the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. 
x. 15). The name is Sadas in 1 Esd. v. 13, and the 
number of the family is there given 3,222. In 1 Esd. 
viii. 38, it is Astath. 

A-zi'a, a " servant of the temple" (1 Esd. v. 31), 
= Uzza 3. 

A-zi'e-i (2 Esd. i. 2), ancestor of Esdras ; = Aza- 
riah 25 and Ezias. 

A'zi-el (Heb.) = Jaaziel (1 Chr. xv. 20). 

A-zi za (Heb. strong, Ges.), a son of Zattu in Ezra's 
time, husband of a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27); = Sar- 
deus in 1 Esd. ix. 28. 

Az-ma'vetli (Heb. strong as death ? Ges.). 1. One 



of David's " valiant men," a native of Bahurim (2 
Sam. xxiii. 31; 1 Chr. xi. 33); probably a Benja- 
mite.— 2. A descendant of Mephibosheth, or Merib- 
baal (1 Chr. viii. 36, ix. 42).— 3. Father of Jeziel 
andPelet, Benjamite slingers and archers who joined 
David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3); perhaps = No. 1. 
Possibly " sons of Azmaveth " here denotes natives 
of the place of that name (see next article). — 4. 
Overseer of the royal treasures in the reign of David 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

Az-ma'vetli (Ileb. ; sec above), a place, probably 
in Benjamin ; according to Mr. Finn, at the modern 
village of llizmeh S. E. of er-Rdm. (Uamaii 1.) 
Forty-two of " the children of Azmaveth " ( = " men 
of Betii-Azmaveth," in Neh.) returned from the 
Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 24). The " sons 
of the singers " seemed to have settled round it 
(Neh. xii. 29). 

Az'motl (fr. Heb. = strong), a place named on the 
S. boundary of Palestine, between Kadesh and "the 
river of Egvpt " (Wady el-Arish) (Num. xxxiv. 4, 
6; Josh. xv. 4); identified by Wilton (in Fairbairn, 
art. Karkaa) with Wady el-h'usdimeh, about forty- 
five miles s. S. W, ol Beer-sheba. 

Az'noth-ta bor (Heb. ears [i. e. possibly, summits] 
of Tabor), a place on the boundary of Naplitali 
(Josh. xix. 34); not identified; mentioned by Fuse- 
bins as in the plain in the confines of Diocaesarea 
(Sepphoris). 

A'zor (Gr. and L. fr. Heb. ~ Azdr), son of Elia- 
kim, in the line of our Lord (Mat. i. 13, 14). 
A-zo'tus (L.) = Ashdod. 

A-zo'tas (L. = Ashdod), Mount. In the battle in 
which Judus Maccabeus fell, he broke the right 
wing of Bacchides' army, and pursued them to 
Mount Azotus (1 Mc. ix. 15), which is supposed 
(Rbn. Phys. Oeog., p. 47) to be the low round hill 
on which Azotus (Ashdod) was, and still is, situated. 

Az'ri-el (Heb., help of God, Ges.). 1. A chieftain 
and warrior of Manas ich E. of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). 
— 2. A Naphtalite, father of Jcrirnoth in David's 
time (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). — 3. Father of Seraiah, an 
officer of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 

Az-ri kam, compare Ahikam (Heb. help against 
the enemy, Ges.). 1. A descendant of Zerubbabel, 
and son of Neariah (1 Chr. iii. 23). — 2. Eldest son 
of Azel, and descendant of King Saul ( viii. 38, ix. 44). 
— 3. A Levite, ancestor of Shemaiah in Nehemiah's 
time (ix. 14 ; Neh. xi. 15). — 1. Governor of the 
• house, or prefect of the palace to King Ahaz ; slain 
by Zichri in Pekah's invasion of Judah (2 Chr. xxviii. 

A-zu'bah (Heb forsaken, deserted, Ges.). 1. Wile 
of Caleb, son of Hezron(l Chr. ii. 18, 19).— 2. Mother 
of King Jehoshaphat (1 K. xxii. 42; 2 Chr. xx. 31). 

A'znr (Heb. Azzlr = helper, Ges.). 1. A Benja- 
mite (priest? so Hitzig) of Gibeon, and father of 
Hananiah the false prophet (Jer. xxviii. 1). — 2. 
Father of the Jaazaniah against whom Ezekiel pro 
phesied (Ez. xi. 1). 

A-zn ran, ancestor of 432 enumerated in 1 Esd. v. 
15, among those who returned from Babylon with 
Zorobabel ; not in Ezr. ii. and Neh. vii. , perhaps = 
Azzur. 

Az'zah (Heb. strong, fortified, Ges.) = GAZA(Deut. 
ii. 23 ; 1 K. iv. 24 : Jer. xxv. 20). 

Az'zan (Heb. strong or sharp, Fii.), a man of Is 
sachar ; father of Paltiel (Num. xxxiv. 26). 

Az'znr (Heb. helper, Ges. ; = Azur), a chief who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 17); 
probably a family name. 



BAA 



BAA 



87 



B 

Ba'al (Heb. lord, master, possessor, owner, Ges.), 
1. Father of the Reubenite prince Beerah (1 Chr. v. 
5). — 2. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel, the father or 
founder of Gibeon (viii. 30, ix. 36). 

Ba'al (Heb. ; see above), the supreme male divinity 
of the Phenician and Canaanitish nations, as Ashto- 
reih was their supreme female divinity. Both names 
are used in the plural to designate, not, as Gesenius 
maintains, statues of the divinities, but different 
modifications of the divinities themselves. The 
plural Baalim is found frequently alone (Judg. ii. 11, 

x. 10; 1 K. xviii. 18; Jer. ix. 14; Hos. ii. 17), as 
well as in connection with Ashtaroth (Judg. x. 6 ; 1 
Sam. vii. 4) and with Asherah (A. V. " the groves,'' 
Judg. iii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 3). There can be no 
doubt of the very high antiquity of the worship of 
Baal. We find it established among the Moabites 
and their allies the Midianites in the time of Moses 
(Num. xxii. 41), and through these nations the 
Israelites were seduced to the worship of this god 
under the particular form of Baal-peor (Num. xxv. 
3-18; Deut. iv. 3). Notwithstanding the fearful 
punishment which their idolatry then brought upon 
them, the succeeding generation returned to the 
worship of Baal (Judg. ii. 10-13), and, with the ex- 
ception of the period when Gideon was judge (vi. 25, 
&c, viii. 33), this form of idolatry seems to have 
prevailed among them up to the time of Samuel 
(x. 10; 1 Sam. vii. 4), at whose rebuke the people 
renounced the worship of Baalim Yet afterward 
the worship of Baal spread greatly, and with that 
of Asherah became the religion of the court and peo- 
ple of the ten tribes under Ahab and Jezebel (1 K. 
xvi. 31-33, xviii. 19, 22; Rom.' xi. 4). iEluah.) 
And though this idolatry was occasionally put down 
(2 K. iii. 2, x. 28), it appears never to have been per- 
manently abolished among them (xvii. 16). In the 
kingdom of Judah also Baal-worship extensively pre- 
vailed. During the reign of Ahaziah and the usur- 
pation of his mother Athaliah, Ahab's sister, it ap- 
pears to have been the religion of the court (viii. 27 ; 
comp, xi. 18), as afterward under Ahaz (xvi. 3 ; 2 Chr. 
xxviii. 2), and Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 3). The worship 
of Baal among the Jews seems to have been with 
much pomp and ceremonial. Temples were erected 
to him (1 K. xvi. 32 ; 2 K. xi. 18); his images were 
set up (x. 26); his altars were very numerous (Jer. 

xi. 13), were erected particularly on lofty eminences 
(1 K. xviii. 20; High Places), and on the roofs of 
houses (Jer. xxxii. 29) ; there were priests in great 
numbers (1 K. xviii. 19), and of various classes (2 K. 
x. 19); the worshippers appear to have been arrayed 
in appropriate robes (x. 22) ; the worship was per- 
formed by burning incense (Jer. vii. 9) and offering 
burnt^sacrifices, occasionally of human victims (xix. 
5). The officiating priests danced with frantic shouts 
around the altar, and cut themselves with knives to 
excite the attention and compassion of the god (1 K. 
xviii. 26-28). Through all the Phenician colonies 
we find traces of the worship of this god, in names, 
as Asdru-6a/, Haniu-W, &c, and in inscriptions ; nor 
need we hesitate to regard the Babylonian Bel (Is. 
xlvi. 1) or Belus, as essentially — Baal, though per- 
haps under some modified form. The same perplex- 
ity occurs respecting the connection of this god with 
the heavenly bodies, as in regard to Ashtorkth. 
Creuzer and Movers declare Baal to be the Sun god; 
on the other hand, Herodotus makes Bel = the Greek 



Zeus (= Roman Jupiter), and there seems to be no 
doubt that Bel-Merodach is the planet Jupiter. Pro- 
bably the symbol of Baal as well as of Ashtoreth 
varied at different times and in different localities. 
Among the compounds of Baal in the O. T. are : — 1. 
Ba'al-be'rith (Heb. covenant-Baa/, the god who comes 
j into covenant with the worshippers). This form of 
i Baal was worshipped at Shechem by the Israelites 
j after the death of Gideon (Judg. viii. 33, ix. 4). — 2. 

Ba'al-ze'bub (Heb. Baal, or Lord, of the fly), wor- 
i shipped at Ekron (2 K. i. 2, 3, 16). The Greeks 
gave a similar epithet to Zeus (Jupiter), and Pliny 
I speaks of a Fly-god. The name in the N. T. is 
Beelzebub. — 3. Ba'al-ha nan (Heb. Baal is gracious), 
a. An early king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 38, 39 ; 1 Chr. 
; i. 49, 50). b. David's superintendent of his olive 
j and sycamore plantations (l Chr. xxvii. 28); "the 
| Gederite," perhaps of Canaanitish origin. — 4. Ba'al- 
i pe'or (Heb. Lord of opening, in obscene sense, Ges.). 
j We have already referred to the worship of this god. 

The narrative (Num. xxv.) seems clearly to show 
j that this form of Baal-worship was connected with 
licentious rites. Baal-peor was identified by the 
Rabbins and early Fathers with Priapus, the god of 
procreation. 

Ba'al (see above), geography. This word, the pre- 
! fix or suffix to the names of several places in Pales- 
j tine, never seems to have become a naturalized 
Hebrew word (compare Hos. ii. 16); and such places 
called by this name or its compounds as can be 
identified, were either near Phenicia, or in proximity 
to some other acknowledged seat of heathen worship. 
The places in the names of which Baal forms a part 
are : — 1. Ba'al, a town of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 33 only), 
: apparently = Baalath-Beer. — 2. Ba'al-ah (Hebrew 
j fem. of Baal), (a.) Another (probably the earlier 
! or Canaanite) name for Kirjath-Jearim, or Kirjath- 
Baal. It is mentioned in Josh. xv. 9, 10 ; 1 Chr. 
I xiii. 6. In Josh. xv. 11, it is called Mount Baalah, 
I and in xv. 60, and xviii. 14, Kirjath-Baal. In 2 Sam. 
j vi. 2, the name is "Baale (Heb. pi. of Baal; = 
| Baalim) of Judah." Robinson (Phys. Geog., p. 47) 
j supposes Mount Baalah — a short line of hills, 
nearly parallel with the coast, and not far W. of 
Ekron. (b.) A town in the S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 
29), called also (xix. 3) Balah, and (1 Chr. iv. 29) 
Bilhah. (Bizjothjah ) — 3. Baal-atta (Heb. = Ba- 
alah), a town of Dan named with Gibbethon, Gath- 
rimmon, and other Philistine places (Josh. xix. 44); 
probably = the Baalath afterward built or rebuilt 
by Solomon (1 K. ix. 18; 2 Chr. viii. 6).— 4. Ba al- 
ath-be'er (Heb. Baal of the well = Holy-ivell) = 
Baal 1, a town in the S. part of Judah, given to 
Simeon, which also bore the name ot Ramath of 
the South. — 5. Ba al-gad (Heb. Baal the Fortune 
bringer), used to denote the most N. (Josh. xi. 17, 
xii. 7) or perhaps N. W. (xiii. 5) point to which 
Joshua's victories extended ; probably a Phenician 
or Canaanite sanctuary of Baal under the aspect of 
Gad, or Fortune ; supposed by some = Baalbek ; 
more probable (so Schwarz, Rbn., &c.) at the mod- 
ern Bdmds. (Cesarea Philippi.) — 6. Ba al-ha'mon 
(Heb. Baal of multitude), a place at which Solomon 
had a vineyard, evidently of great extent (Cant. viii. 
11). The only clew to its situation is the mention 
in Jd. viii. 3, of a Belamon or Balamcin (A. V. Ba- 
lamo) near Dothaim; and therefore in the mountains 
of Ephraim, not far N. of Samaria. Rosenmiiller, 
Wilson, &c, suppose Baal-hamon = Baal-gad (above) 
and Baalbek ; Ewald supposes it = Hammon 1. — 7. 
Ba al-ha'zor (Heb. Baal's village), a place "by (A. 
V. " beside ") Ephraim," where Absalom appears to 



88 



BAA 



BAB 



have had a sheep-farm, and where Amnon was mur- 
dered (2 Sam. xiii. 23). — 8. Mount Ba'al-ucr'mon 

(Judg. iii. 3), and simply Baal-hermon (1 Clir. v. 23). 
This is usually considered as a distinct place from 
Mount Hermon ; but we know that this mountain 
had at least three names (Deut. iii. 9), and Baal- 
hermon may have been a fourth in use among the 
Phenician worshippers of Baal (so Mr. Grove), Gcse- 
niusand Robinson make Baal-hermon =Baal-gad( No. 
5, above), and Mount Baal-hermon =an adjacent moun- 
tain near (or part of (Mount Hermon. — 9. Ba'al-mc'on 
(Heb. ; Meon = dwelling, habitation, Ges.), one of the 
towns built or rebuilt by the Reubenites , named 
with Nebo (Num. xxxii. 38 ; 1 Chr. v. 8) ; proba-bly 
= Beth-uaal-meon, Beon, and Bkth-meon. In the 
time of Ezekiel it was Moabite, one of the cities 
which were "the glory of the country" (Ez. xxv. 9). 
In the days of Eusebius and Jerome it was still 
called Balmano, nine miles from lleshbon, and re- 
puted to be the native place of Elisha. The site is 
supposed to be at Md'in, a ruined place of consider- 
able size, one hour S. of Heshbon ( Ron., Phys. Geog., 
61). — 10. Ba'al-per a-zim (Heb. ; Peraznn = bursts 
or destruction*), the scene of a victory of David over 
the Philistines, and of a great destruction of their 
images (2 Sam. v. 20; 1 Chr. xiv. 11); perhaps pre- 
viously the seat of a high place or sanctuary of Baal. 
(Pkrazim, Miuni'. i — li. Ba al-sliali-slia (IV. Heb. ; 
see Shalisha), a place named only in 2 K. iv. 42 ; 
apparently not far from Gilgal (compare ver. 38) ; 
possibly in the district, or "land," of Shalisha. — 
12. Ba'al-ta'oiar (Heb. high plaec'[or sanctuary] of 
the palm), a place (Judg. xx. 33 only) near Gibeah 
of Benjamin. The palm-tree of Deborah (iv. 5) was 
in this region, and is possibly alluded to. — 13. Ba'al- 
ze pliou (Heb. place of Zephon, i. e. of a watch-tower, 
R. S. Poole ; place o f Typhon or sacred to Tt/phon, 
Ges.), a place in Egypt near where the Israelites 
crossed the Red Sea (Ex. xiv. 2, 9 ; Num. xxxiii. 7). 
From the position of Goshen and the indications af- 
forded by the narrative of the route of the Israelites, 
Mr. R. S. Poole places Baal-zephon on the W. shore of 
the Gulf of Suez, a little below its head, which at that 
time was about thirty or forty miles N. of the present 
head. (Pi-hahiroth ; Red Sea, Passage of.) 

Ba'al-ah. Baal, geography, 2. 

Ba al-ath. Baal, geography, 3, 4. 

Ba'al-e of J ml ah. Baal, geography, 2, a. 

* Ba'al-i (fr. Heb. = mv Baal, i. e. my husband) 
(Hos. ii. 16). Ism. 

Ba'al-im, Hebrew plural of Baal. 

Ba a-lis (Heb. son of exultation, Ges.) king of the 
Ammonites when Jerusalem was destroyed by Nebu- 
chadnezzar (Jer. xl. 14). Ishmael 6. 

Ba a-ua (Heb. son of affliction, Ges.) 1. Solomon's 
commissary in Jezreel and the N. of the Jordan val- 
ley W. of the river ; son of Ahilud (1 K. iv. 12). — 
2. Father of Zadok in Nehemiah's time (Neh. iii. 4). 
—3. Baanah 4 (1 Esd. v. 8). 

Ba'a-nah (Heb. son of affliction, Ges.). 1. Son of 
Rimmon ; a Benjamite captain who with his brother 
Rechab murdered Ish-bosheth. For this they were 
killed by David, and their mutilated bodies hung up 
over the pool at Hebron (2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, 6, 9). — 2. 
A Netophathite, father of David's warrior Heleb or 
Heled (xxiii 29; 1 Chr. xi. 30).— 3. Son of Hushai; 
Solomon's commissary in Asher (1 K. iv. 16). — 4. A 
man who accompanied Zerubbabel on his return 
from the Captivity (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7) ; possibly 
the chief who sealed the covenant with Nehemiaii 
(x. 27). Baana 3. 

Ba-a-ai'as (1 Esd. ix. 26) = Benaiah 8, a. 



Ba'a-ra (Ileb. brutish, Ges.), one of the wives of 
the Benjamite Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 8). 

Ba-a-sei'all [-see'yah] (Heb. work of Jehovah, 
Ges.), a Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph (1 Chr. 
vi. 40, Heb. 25). 

Ba a-sha (Ileb. ; from a root signifying to be bad, 
offensive, Ges. ; in the work, or he who seeks and lays 
waste, Calmet), third sovereign of the separate king- 
dom of Israel, and the founder of its second dynasty. 
(Israel, Kingdom of.) He was son of Ahijah of the 
tribe of Issachar, anil conspired against King Nadab, 
son of Jeroboam, when he was besieging the Philis- 
tine town of ( •ihbethon (1 K. xv. 27), and killed him 
with his whole family. He appears to have been of 
humble origin (xvi. 2). It was probably in the thir- 
teenth year of his reign that he made war on Asa, 
and began to fortify Raroah. He was defeated by 
the unexpected alliance of Asa with Ben-hadad I. 
of Damascus. Baasha died in the twenty-fourth 
year of his reign, and was honorably buried in the 
beautiful city of Tirzah, which he had made his 
capital (xvi. 6 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 1-6). 

* Babe. Child. 

Ba'bel (Heb. confusion, Ges. ; dial Babil = the 
gate of the god II, or the gate of God, Chaldee ety- 
mology, so Rawlinson), Bab y-Ion (L. form), is prop- 
erly the capital city of the country, which is called 
in Genesis Shin ah, and in the later Scriptures 
Chaldea, or the land of the Chaldeans. The archi- 
tectural remains discovered in S. Babylonia, taken 
in conjunction with the monumental records, seem 
to indicate (Rawlinson's views are given in this ar- 
ticle and the next ; compare Assyria and Nine- 
veh) that it was not at first the capital, nor, in- 
deed, a town of very great importance. Erech, Ur, 
and Ellasar appear to have been all more ancient 
than Babylon, and were capital cities when Babil 
was a provincial village. The first rise of the 
Chaldean power was in the region close upon the 
Persian Cult'; thence the nation spread N. up the 
course of the rivers, and the seat of government 
mov. d in the same direction, being finally fixed at 
Babylon, perhaps not earlier than n. c. 1700. — I. 
Topography of Babylon — Ancicrd Descriptions of 
the City. — The descriptions of Babylon in classical 
writers are derived chiefly from Herodotus and Cte- 
sias. According to Herodotus, the city, which was 
built on both sides of the Euphrates, formed a vast 
si|iiare, enelo-ei| within a double line of high walls, 
the extent of the outer circuit being 480 stades, or 
•about 56 miles. The entire area included would 
thus have been about 200 square miles. The 
houses, which were frequently three or four sto- 
ries high, were laid out in straight streets crossing 
each other at right angles. In each division of the 
town there was a fortress or stronghold, consisting 
in the one case of the royal palace, in the other of 
the great temple of Belus. The two portions of the 
city were united by a bridge, composed of a series 
of stone piers with movable platforms of wood 
stretching from one pier to another. According to 
Ctesias, the circuit of the city was 360 stades, a 
little under 42 miles. It lay, he says, on both 
sides of the Euphrates, and the two parts were con- 
nected together by a stone bridge 5 stades (above 
1,000 yards) long and 30 feet broad, of the kind de- 
scribed by Herodotus. At either extremity of the 
bridge was a royal palace, that in the E. city being 
the more magnificent. The two palaces were joined, 
not only by the bridge, but by a tunnel under the 
river ! Ctesias's account of the temple of Belus 
has not come down to us. — In examining these de- 



BAB 



BAB 



89 



scriptions, we shall most conveniently commence 
from the outer circuit of the town. All the ancient 
writers appear to agree that a district of vast size, 
more or less inhabited, was enclosed within lofty 
walls, and included under the name of Babylon. 
With respect to the exact extent of the circuit they 
differ. Herodotus and Pliny make it 480 stades, 
Strabo 385, Quintus Curtius 368, Clitarchus 365, and 
Ctesias 360 stades. Here we have merely the mod- 
erate variations to be expected in independent meas- 
urements, except in the first of the numbers. Per- 



haps (so Oppert) Herodotus spoke of the outer wall 
which could be traced in his time, while the later 
writers, who never speak of an inner and an outer 
barrier, give the measurement of Herodotus's inner 
wall, which may have alone remained in their day. 
Taking the lowest estimate of the extent of the cir- 
cuit, we shall have for the space within the rampart 
an area of above 100 square miles : nearly five times 
the size of London ! It is evident that this vast 
space cannot have been entirely covered with houses. 
Diodorus confesses that but a small part of the en- 




Chart of the Country round Babylon, with Limits of the Ancient City, according to Oppert. 



closure was inhabited in his own day, and Quintus Cur- 
tius says that as much as nine-tenths consisted, even 
m the most flourishing times, of gardens, parks, para- 
dises, fields, and orchards. The height of the walls 
Herodotus makes 200 royal cubits, or 337^ feet ; 
Ctesias 50 fathoms, or 300 feet ; Pliny and Solinus 
200 royal feet ; Strabo 50 cubits, or 75 feet. We 
are forced to fall back on the earlier authorities, 
who are also the only eye-witnesses ; and, surprising 
as it seems, perhaps we must believe the statement, 
that the vast enclosed space above mentioned was 
surrounded by walls which have well been termed 
"artificial mountains," being nearly the height of the 
dome of St. Paul's ! The thickness of the wall Herod- 
otus makes 50 royal cubits, or nearly 85 feet ; Pliny 
and Solinus, 50 royal, or about 60 common feet ; and 
Strabo, 32 feet. The latter may belong properly to 



the inner wall, which was of less thickness than the 
outer. According to Ctesias the wall was strength- 
ened with 250 towers, irregularly disposed to guard 
the weakest parts ; and according to Herodotus it had 
100 gates of brass, with brazen lintels and side-posts. 
The gates and walls are mentioned in Scripture ; the 
height of the one and the breadth of the other being 
specially noticed (Jer. li. 58 ; compare 1. 15, and li. 53). 
Herodotus and Ctesias both relate that the banks 
of the river as it flowed through the city were on 
each side ornamented with quays. Some remains of 
a quay or embanumcnt (E) on the E. side of the 
stream still exist, upon the bricks of which is read 
the name of the last king. Perhaps a remarkable 
mound (K) which interrupts the long flat valley — 
evidently the ancient course of the river — may be a 
trace of the bridge which both these writers de- 



90 



BAB 



BAB 



scribe. — II. Present Stale of the Ruins. — About five 
miles above Hillah, on the opposite or left bank of 

DO 




a ... *"':» . 




3 



Present Stato of the Kulosof Babylon. 

the Euphrates, occurs a series of artificial mounds 
of enormous size. They consist chiefly of three great 
masses of building — the high pile (A) of unbaked 



brickwork called by Rich ' MujeUibc,' but known to 
the Arabs as 'BabiT; the building denominated the 




Portions of Ancient Babylon diBtingulahsblo In the present Ruioa. 

'JTasr' or palace (B); and a lofty mound (C), upon 
which stands the modern tomb of Arnrdrn-ibn- Alb. 
Besides these principal masses the most remarkable 




View of Tabil, iiom ihe West. 



BAB 



BAB 



91 



features are two parallel lines of rampart (FF) 
bounding the chief ruins on the E., some similar but 
inferior remains on the N. and W. (I I and H), an 
embankment along the river-side (E), a remarkable 
isolated heap (K) in the middle of a long valley, 
which seems to have been the ancient bed of the 
stream, and two long lines of rampart (G G), meet- 
ing at a right angle, and with the river forming an 
irregular triangle, within which all the ruins on this 
side (except Babil) are enclosed. On the W., or 
right bank, there is the appearance of an enclosure, 
and of a building of moderate size within it (D), but 
there are no other ruins near the river. Scattered 
over the country on both sides of the Euphrates, are 
a number of remarkable mounds, usually standing 



single, which are plainly of the same date with the 
great mass of ruins upon the river bank. Of these, 
by far the most striking is the vast ruin called the 
Birs-Nimrud. (Babel, Tower of.) — III. Identifica- 
tion of Sites. — On comparing the existing ruins with 
the accounts of ancient writers, the great difficulty 
which meets us is the position of the remains almost 
exclusively on the left bank of the river. All the 
old accounts agree in representing the Euphrates as 
running through the town, and the principal build- 
ings as placed on the opposite sides of the stream. 
Perhaps the most probable solution is to be found in 
the fact, that a large canal (called Shebil) intervened 
in ancient times between the Kasr mound (B) and 
the ruin now called Babil (A), which may easily ijave 




View of the Kaar. 



been confounded by Herodotus with the main stream. 
If this explanation be accepted as probable, we may 
identify the principal ruins as follows: — 1. The great 
mound of Babil = the ancient temple of Belus. It 
is an oblong mass, about 200 yards long, 140 yards 
broad, and 140 feet high, composed chiefly of un- 
baked brick, but originally coated with fine-burnt 
brick laid in mortar. It formed the tower of the 
temple, and was surmounted by a chapel, but the 
main shrine, the altars, and no doubt the residences 
of the priests, were at the foot, in a sacred precinct. 
2. The mound of the Kasr = the site of the great 
palace of Nebuchadnezzar. It is an irregular square 
of about 700 yards each way, and apparently chiefly 
formed of the old palace-platform, on which are still 
standing certain portions of the ancient palace or 
" Kasr." The walls are of pale yellow burnt bricks 
of excellent quality, laid in fine lime cement. No 
plan of the palace is to be made out from the exist- 
ing remains, which are tossed in apparent confusion 
on the highest point of the mound. 3. The mound 
of Amrdm is thought by M. Oppert = the "hanging 
gardens" of Nebuchadnezzar; but as they were 
only 400 feet each way, it is much too large for 
them ; and most probably it — the ancient palace, 
coeval with Babylon itself, of which Nebuchadnez- 



zar speaks in his inscriptions as adjoining his own 
more magnificent residence. 4. The ruins marked 
D D on either side of the Euphrates, together with 
all the other remains on the right bank, may = the 
lesser palace of Ctesias, which is said to have been 
connected with the greater by a bridge across the 
rivet', as well as by a tunnel under the channel of 
the stream. 5. The two long parallel lines of em- 
bankment on the E. (F F in the plan), may — the 
lines of an outer and inner enclosure, of which 
Nebuchadnezzar speaks as defences of his palace; 
or = the embankments of an enormous reservoir, 
which is often mentioned by that monarch as adjoin- 
ing his palace toward the E. 6. The embankment 
(E) is composed of bricks marked with the name o* - 
Labynetus or Nabunit, and is undoubtedly a portion 
of the work which Berosus ascribes to the last king. 
The most remarkable fact connected with the mag- 
nificence of Babylon, is the poorness of the material 
with which such wonderful results were produced. 
With bricks (Brick) made from the soil of the coun- 
try, and at first only " slime for mortar " (Gen. xi. 
3), were constructed edifices so vast that they still 
remain among the most enormous ruins in the world. 
— IV. History of Babylon. — Scripture represents the 
" beginning of the kingdom " as in the time of Nim 



92 



BAB 



BAB 



rod, the grandson of Ham (Gen. x. 6-10). The most 
ancient inscriptions appear to show that the primi- 
tive inhabitants of the country were really Cushitc, 
i. e. identical in race with the early inhabitants of S. 
Arabia and of Ethiopia. The seat of government 
was then, as has been stated, in lower Babylonia, 
Erech and Ur being the capitals. The country was 
called Shinar, aud the people the Akkadim. (Ac- 
cad.) Of the art of this period we have specimens 
in the ruins of the ancient capitals, which date from 
at least the twentieth century d. c. The early an- 
nals of Babylon are filled by Berosus, the native his- 
torian, with three dynasties ; one of forty-nine Chal- 
dean kings, who reigned 458 years; another of nine 
Aral) kings, who reigned 245 years ; and a third of 
forty-nine Assyrian monarchs, who held dominion 
for 520 years. It would appear then as if Babylon, 
after having had a native Chaldean dynasty (Chedor- 
laomer), fell wholly under Shemitie influence, becom- 
ing subject first to Arabia for two centuries and a 
half, and then to Assyria for above five centuries, 
and not regaining even a qualified independence till 
the time marked by the close of the Upper and the 
formation of the Lower Assyrian empire. But the 
statement is too broad to be exact; and the monu- 
ments show that Babylon was at no time absorbed 
into Assyria, or even for very many years together 
a submissive vassal. The line of Babylonian kings 
becomes exactly known to us from the era of Nabo- 
nassar, d. c. 747. The " Canon of Ptolemy " gives 
us the succession of Babylonian monarchs, with the 
exact length of the reign of each, from n. c. 747, 
when Nabonassar mounted the throne, to B. c. 331, 
wiien the last Persian king was dethroned by Alex- 
ander. Of the earlier kings of the Canon, the only 
one worthy of notice is Mardocempalus (b. c. 721), 
the Merodach-Baladan of the Scriptures ; but with 
Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar's father, a new era in 
the history of Babylon commences. lie was ap- 
pointed to the government of Babylon by the last 
Assyrian king, when the Medes were about to make 
their final attack (Xineveii): whereupon, betraying 
the trust reposed in him, he went over to the enemy, 
arranged a marriage between his son Nebuchadnez- 
zar and the daughter of the Median leader, and 
joined in the last siege of the city. On the success 
of the confederates (n. c. 625) Babylon became not 
only an independent kingdom, but an empire. The 
Jews with others then passed from dependency on 
Assyria to dependency on Babylon. At a later date 
hostilities broke out with Egypt. Nechoh (Pharaoh 
9) invaded the Babylonian dominions on the S. W. 
(2 K. xxiii. 29, &c., xxiv. 7; 2 Chr. xxxv. 20). Na- 
bopolassar was now advanced in life ; he therefore 
sent his son Nebuchadnezzar against the Egyptians, 
and the battle of Carehemish restored to Babylon the 
former limits of her territory (compare 2 K. xxiv. 
7 with Jer. xlvi. 2-12). Nebuchadnezzar, by far 
the most remarkable of all the Babylonian monarchs, 
was acknowledged king upon his father's death, b. c. 
604. He died b. c. 561, having reigned forty-three 
years, and was succeeded by Etil-Merodach, his 
son, called in the Canon Illoarudamus. This prince 
was murdered two years afterward, by Neriglissar, 
his brother-in-law=the Nerigassolassar of the Canon 
=(apparently ) the " Nf.rgal-shar-ezer, Rab-mag " of 
Jer. xxxix. 3, 13. Neriglissar built the palace at 
Babylon, which seems to have been placed originally 
on the right bank of the river. He reigned but four 
years, and left the crown to his son, Laborosoarchod. 
This prince, when he had reigned nine months, be- 
came the victim of a conspiracy. Nabonidus (or 



Labynctus), one of the conspirators, succeeded b. c. 
555, very shortly before the war broke out between 
Cyrus and Croesus. Having entered into alliance 
with the latter of these monarchs against the former, 
he provoked the hostility of Cyrus, who, b. c. 539, 
advanced at the head of his irresistible hordes, but 
wintered upon the Diyaleh or Gyndes, making his 
final approaches in the ensuing spring. Nabonidus 
took the field in person at the head of his army, leav- 
ing his son Belsiiazzar to command in the city. He 
was defeated and forced to shut himself up in Bor- 
sippa (marked now by the Birs-Nimrud), till after 
the fall of Babylon. Belshazzar guarded the city, 
but allowed the enemy to enter the town by the 
channel of the river. Babylon was thus taken by 
a surprise, as Jeremiah had prophesied (li. 31) — by 
an army of Modes and Persians, as intimated one 
hundred and seventy years earlier by Isaiah (xxi. 
1-9), and, as Jeremiah had also foreshown (li. 39), 
during a festival. In the carnage which ensued 
upon the taking of the town, Belshazzar was slain 
(Dan. v. 30). According to Dan. v. 31, it would 
seem as if Babylon was taken, not by Cyrus, king 
j of Persia, but by a Median king, named Darius. 
There is, however, sufficient indication that "Darius 
the Mede" was not the real conqueror, but a mon- 
arch with a certain delegated authority (see Dan. v. 
31, and ix. 1). With the conquest by Cyrus com- 
menced the decay and ruin of Babylon, though it 
continued a ioyal residence through the entire 
period of the Persian empire. The defences an 1 
public buildings suffered grievously from neglect 
during the long period of peace after the reign of 
Xerxes. After the death of Alexander the Great, 
the removal of the seat of empire to Antioch under 
the Seleucida; gave the finishing blow to the 
prosperity of the place. Since then Babylon has 
been a quarry from which all the tribes in the 
vicinity have derived the bricks with which they 
have built their cities (Selcucia, Ctesiphon, Bagdad, 
Hillah, &c). The "gnat city," "the beauty of the 
Chaldees' excellency," has thus emphatically "be- 
come heaps " (Jer. li. 37). Her walls have alto- 
gether disappeared — they have " fallen " (li. 44), 
been " thrown down "(1. 15), been "utterly broken " 
(li. 58). "A drought is upon her waters" (1. 39); 
for the system of irrigation, on which, in Babylonia, 
fertility altogether depends, has long been laid aside 
(Chaldea) ; " her cities " are everywhere " a desola- 
tion " (li. 43) ; ' her " land a wilderness ; " " wild 
beasts of the desert lie there ; " and " owls dwell 
there" (compare Layard, Nin. and Bab., p. 484, with 
Is. xiii. 21, 22, and Jer. 1. 39): the natives regard 
the whole site as haunted, and neither will the "Arab 
pitch tent, nor the shepherd fold sheep there " (Is. 
xiii. 20). 

Ba bel (Heb. ; see above), Tow'cr of. The " tower 
of Babel " is only mentioned once in Scripture (Gen. 
xi. 4-9), and then as incomplete. (Tongues, Confu- 
sion of. ) It was built of bricks, and the " slime" used 
for mortar was probably bitumen. (Brick ; Mortar ; 
Slime.) A Jewish tradition declared that fire fell from 
heaven, and split the tower through to its foundation ; 
while Alexander Polyhistor and the other profane 
writers who noticed the tower, said that it had been 
blown down by the winds. Such authorities there- 
fore as we possess, represent the building as de- 
stroyed soon after its erection (so Rawlinson). When 
the Jews, however, were carried captive into Baby- 
lonia, they were struck with the vast magnitude and 
peculiar character of certain of the Babylonian tem- 
ples in one or other of which they thought to rec- 



BAB 



BAB 



93 



ognize the very tower itself. The predominant opin- 
ion was in favor of the great temple of Nebo at 
Borsippa, the modern Birs-Nimrud,, although the 
distance of that place from Babylon is an insuperable 
difficulty in the way of the identification (see below). 
The Birs-Nimrud appears to have been a sort of 
oblique pyramid built in seven receding stages. 
Upon a platform of crude brick, raised a few feet 
above the level of the alluvial plain, was built of 
burnt brick the first or basement stage — an exact 
square, 272 feet each way, and 26 feet in perpen- 



dicular height. Upon this stage was erected a second, 
230 feet each way, and likewise 26 feet high ; which, 
however, was not placed exactly in the middle of the 
first, but considerably nearer to the S. W. end or 
back of the building. The other stages were ar- 
ranged similarly — the third being 188 feet, and again 
26 feet high ; the fourth, 146 feet square, and 1 5 feet 
high ; the fifth, 104 feet square, and 15 feet high; 
the sixth, 62 feet square, and 15 feet high; and the 
seventh 20 feet square, and 15 feet high. On the 
seventh stage was probably placed the ark or taber- 




Temple of Bira-Ximrud at Borsippa. 



nacle, which seems to have been again 15 feet high, 
and must have nearly, if not entirely, covered the 
top of the seventh story. The entire original height, 
allowing 3 feet for the platform, would thus have 
been 156 feet, or, without the platform, 153 feet. 
The whole formed a sort of oblique pyramid, the 
gentler slope facing theN. E., and the steeper inclin- 
ing to the S. W. On the N. E. side was the grand 
entrance, and here stood the vestibule, a separate 
building, the ruins of which having joined those 
from the temple itself, fill up the intermediate space, 
and very remarkably prolong the mound in this di- 
rection. (See Rawl'inson's Belt, ii. 483.) The Birs 
temple, called the " Temple of the Seven Spheres," 
was ornamented with the planetary colors, but this 
was most likely a peculiarity. The other chief fea- 
tures of it seem to have been common to most, if 
not all of the Babylonian temple-towers. — To the 
preceding description, from Rawlinson, may here be 
added the following from Professor Oppert. The 
history of the confusion of languages was preserved 
at Babylon, as we learn from classical and Babylo- 
nian authorities. The Talmudists say that the true 
site of the Tower cf Babel was at Bor.rif, the Greek 



Borsippa, the Birs-Nimrud, 7£ miles S. W. from 
Hillah, and nearly 11 miles from the N. ruins of 
Babylon. The Babylonian name of this locality is 
Barsip or Barzipa — Tower of Tongues. This 
building, erected by Nebuchadnezzar, and named the 
temple of the Seven Lights of (he Earth, i. e. the 
planets, is the same that Herodotus describes as the 
Tower of Jupiter Belus. The temple consisted of a 
large substructure, a stade (600 Babylonian feet) in 
breadth, and 75 feet in height, over which were built 
seven other stages of 25 feet each. The top was 
the temple of Nebo. Nebuchadnezzar thus notices 
this building in the Borsippa inscription : — " We say 
for the other, i. e. this edifice, the house of the Seven 
Lights of the Earth, the most ancient monument of 
Borsippa : A former king built it (they reckon forty- 
two ages) but he did not complets its head. Since a 
remote time people had abandoned it, without order 
expressing their words. Since that time the earth- 
quake and the thunder had dispersed its sun-dried 
clay ; the bricks of the casing had been split, ar.d 
the earth of the interior had been scattered in heaps. 
Merodacb, the great lord, excited my mind to repair 
this building. I did not change the site, nor did I 



94 



BAB 



BAB 



take away the foundation-stone As it had 

been in former times, so I founded, I made it : as it 
had been in ancient days, so I exalted its summit." 
— It is not necessary (so Rawlinson) to suppose that 
any real idea of " scaling heaven " was present to 



the minds of those who raised the Tower of Babel or 
any other of the Babylonian temple-towers. The ex- 
pression used m Gen. xi. 4, is a mere hyperbole 
for great height (compare Deut. i. '28; Dan. iv. 11, 
&c), and should not be taken literally. Military 



Temple of tfae Sovcn Spberea a*. Uoraipp*. 

(Elevation restored.) 

A The bnaement story— black. 

I> Tho id atngo— ornnge. 

C The 3d «tnge— red. 

D Tho 4th tinge— golden (t). 

E The 5th Binge— yellow 

F The 6th etnge-blue. 

G The 7th etage— ellver(l) 

H The ahrlne or chapel. 




272 

defence was probably the primary object of such 
edifices in early times : but with the wish for this 
may have been combined further secondary mo- 
tives, which remained when such defence was other- 
wise provided for. Diodorus states that the great 
tower of the temple of Belus was used by the 
Chaldeans as an observatory, and the careful em- 
placement of the Babylonian temples with the angles 
facing the four cardinal points, would be a natural 
consequence, and may be regarded as a strong con- 
firmation of the reality of this application. 

Ba'bl (1 Esd. viii. 37) = Bebai. 

Baby-Ion (L. fr. Gr. Babulon; see Babel). I. The 
occurrence of this name in 1 Pet. v. 13 has given 
rise to a variety of conjectures, viz. — a. That Bab-" 
ylon tropically denotes Rome (so CEcumenius, Je- 
rome, Grotius, Lardner, Cave, Whitby, Macknight, 
Hales, Home, &c). In support of this opinion is 
brought forward a tradition recorded by Eusebius 
(H. E. ti. 15), on the authority of Papias and Clem- 
ent of Alexandria, that 1 Peter was composed at 
Rome. But there is nothing to indicate that the 
name is used figuratively, and the subscription to 
an epistle is the last place we should expect to find 
a mystical appellation. — b. Cappellus and others 
take Babylon, with as little reason, to mean Jeru- 
salem. — c. Bar-Hebraens understands by it the 
house in Jerusalem where the apostles were as- 
sembled on the day of Pentecost. — d. Others place 
it on the Tigris, and identify it with Seleucia or 
Ctesiphon, but for this there is no evidence. — e. 
That Babylon = the small fort of that name which 
formed the boundary between Upper and Lower 
Egypt. Its site is marked by the modern Baboul 
in the Delta, a little N. of Fostat, or old Cairo. 
According to Strabo it derived its name from some 



Babylonian deserters who had settled there. In 
his time it was the headquarters of one of the 
three legions which garrisoned Egypt. Josephus 
(ii. 15, § 1) says it was built on the site of Lctop- 
olis, when Cambyses subdued Egypt. That this 
is the Babylon of 1 Peter is the tradition of the 
Coptic Church, and is maintained by Le Clerc, Mill, 
Pearson, &c. There is, however, no proof that the 
apostle Peter was ever in Egypt, and a very slight 
degree of probability is created by the tradition 
that his companion Mark was bishop of Alexandria. 
— f. The most natural supposiiion of all (adopted 
by Erasmus, Drusius, Beza, Lightfoot, Bengel, Wet- 
stein, A. Clarke, Barnes, Davidson, Tregelles, Words- 
worth, &c.) is that Babylon here = the old Babylon 
on the Euphrates (Babel), which was largely inhab- 
ited by Jews at the time in question (Jos. xv. 3, 
§ 1). The only argument against this view is the 
negative evidence supplied by the silence of his- 
torians as to St. Peter's having visited Babylon, 
but this cannot be allowed to have much weight. 
In support of it, Lightfoot suggests that this city 
"was one of the greatest knots of Jews in the 
world," and St. Peter was the minister of the cir- 
cumcision — 2. In the Apocalypse, the symbolical 
name by which Rome is denoted (Rev. xiv. 8, xvii., 
xviii.). The power of Rome was regarded by the 
later Jews as that of Babylon by their forefathers 
(compare Jer. li. 7 with Rev. xiv. 8), and hence, what- 
ever the people of Israel be understood to symbolize, 
Babylon represents the antagonistic principle. Anti- 
christ ; Revelation. 

Bab-y-lo'ni-ans = inhabitants of Babylon (Ba- 
bel), who were among the colonists planted in the 
cities of Samaria by the conquering Assyrians (Ezr. 
iv. 9J. Afterward, when the warlike Chaldeans ac- 



BAB 



BAG 



95 



quired the predominance in the seventh century b. c, 
"Chaldean" and "Babylonian" became almost sy- 
nonymous (Ez. xxiii. 14, 15, IV ; compare Is. xlviii. 
14, 20). 

Bab-y-lo'nish Gar'meut, literally "robe of Shin ar" 
(Josh. vij. 21). An ample robe, probably made of 
the skin or fur of an animal (compare Gen. xxv. 25), 
and ornamented with embroidery, or perhaps a va- 
riegated garment with figures inwoven in the fashion 
for which the Babylonians were celebrated. Dress ; 
Embroiderer. 

15a oa (Heb. tveeping, lamentation, Ges.), the Val - 
ley of (Heb. 'emek ; see Valley 1), a valley some- 
where in Palestine, through which the exiled Psalm- 
ist sees in vision the pilgrims passing in their 
march toward the sanctuary of Jehovah at Zion 
(Ps. lxxxiv. 6) ; translated by the Targum, Ge- 
henna (Hinnom, Valley of), by the Vulgate, 
" vaie of tears." The explanation of Baca, as = 
the Valley of Mulberry-Trees (Heb. bicdim; 2 Sam. 
v. 23, 24 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 13, 14) is now very commonly 
abandoned for the one given in the ancient versions, 
the "vale of weeping" or "of sorrow," a beautiful 
poetical description of the present life as one of suf- 
fering (J. A. Alexander on Ps. lxxxiv.). 

Bae'tlli-dcs (Gr. son of Bacchus ), a friend of An- 
tiochus Epiphanes and governor of Mesopotamia, 
commissioned by Demetrius Soter to investigate the 
charges which Alcimus preferred against Judas Mac- 
cabeus. After the defeat and death of Nieanor, he 
led a second expedition into Judea. Judas Macca- 
beus fell in battle (b. c. 161), and Bacchides reestab- 
lished the supremacy of the Syrian faction. Bac- 
chides next attempted to surprise Jonathan, but he 
escaped across the Jordan. Having completed the 
pacification of the country, Bacchides returned to 
Demetrius (b. c. 160). Alter two years he came 
back at the request of the Syrian faction, but, meet- 
ing with ill success, he turned against those who had 
induced him to undertake the expedition, and sought 
an honorable retreat. When this was known by 
Jonathan he sent envoys to Bacchides and conclud- 
ed a peace, b. c. 158 (1 Mc. vii. ix.). 

Baotfin'rns f-ku-] (L. fr. Gr.), one of the " holy 
singers," who had taken a foreign wife (1 Esd. ix. 
24) ; not in Ezr. x. 

Bac'chus [-kus] (L. fr. Gr. Bakchos ; also written 
in L. Jacchus, Dionysus, fr. Gr. Jakchos, Dionusos), 
properly the god of wine, in Roman and Greek my- 
thology, said to have been the son of Jupiter and 
Semele. In later times the most varied attributes 
were centred in him as the source of luxuriant fertil- 
ity of nature, and the god of civilization, gladness, 
and inspiration. His worship was greatly modified 
by the introduction of Eastern elements, and as- 
sumed the twofold form of wild orgies and mystical 
rites. " The feast of Bacchus " called Dionysia or 
Bacchanalia (2 Mc: vi. 7), was celebrated, especially 
in later times, with wild extravagance and licentious 
enthusiasm. Women, as well as men, joined in the 
processions, acting the part of Bacchantes, crowned 
with ivy and bearing the thyrsus. Before the per- 
secution of Antiochus Epiphanes, 168 b. c, in which 
"the Jews were compelled to go in procession to 
Bacchus, carrying ivy," the secret celebration of the 
Bacchanalia in Italy had been revealed to the Roman 
senate (b. c. 186), and a decree was passed forbid- 
ding its observance in Rome or Italy. To the Jews 
Bacchus would necessarily appear as the embodi- 
ment of paganism in its most revolting shape, sanc- 
tioning the most tumultuous passions and the worst 
excesses. Nieanor is said to have threatened to 



erect a temple of Bacchus on the site of the Temple 
at Jerusalem (xiv. 33). 

Ba-te'lioi' [-see ] (L. fr. Gr.), apparently a captain 
of horse unuer Judas Maccabeus (2 Mc. xii. 35). 

Badl rites [bak-] (fr. Heb.), tlie = the family of 
Becher, son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35). 

Bad ger-skins. The Heb. lahash or tachash, which 
the A. V. renders badyer, occurs with the Heb. 'o?-, 
'oroth (= "skin," "skins"), in Ex. xxv. 5, xxvi. 
14, xxxv. 7, 23, xxxvi. 19, xxxix. 34; Num. iv. 6,8, 
10, 11, 12, 14, and without 'or, 25. In Ez. xvi. 10, 
it is mentioned as the substance out of which 
women's shoes were made ; in the former passages 
the skins are named in relation to the tabernacle, 
ark, &c, and appear to have formed the exterior 
covering of these sacred articles. There is much 
obscurity as to the meaning of the Hebrew word ; 
the ancient versions seem nearly all agreed that it 
denotes not an animal, but a color, either black or 
sky-blue ; but this interpretation has no ground 
either in its etymology or in the cognate languages. 
Some versions, as the German of Luther and the 
A. V., have supposed that it denotes the badger, but 
the badger is a quadruped not found in the Bible 
lands. Whatever is the substance indicated by the 
Hebrew word, it evidently (Ex. xxxv. 23) was some 
material in frequent use among the Israelites during 
the Exodus, and the construction of the sentences 
where the name occurs seems to imply that the skin 
of some animal and not a color is denoted by it. 
The Arabian duchash or luchash denotes a dolphin, 
but probably is not restricted in its application, but 
may refer to either a seal or a cetacean. The skin of 
the dugong, which is a cetacean, allied to the dol- 
phins, trom its hardness would be well suited lor 
making soles for shoes, and the Arabs near Cape 
Mussendum iniploy the skins of these animals for a 
similar purpose. The " Dugong of the Red Sea " 
H as named by Professor Riippell Hahcore Taber- 
nacidi, under the impression that it was the animal 
whose skin was used to cover the tabernacle, &c. 
Perhaps the animal was a seal, the skin of which 
would suit all the demands of the Scriptural allu- 
sions (so Mr. Houghton). Colonel C. H. Smith (in 
Kitto), and Mr. P. H. Gosse (in Pairbairn) suppose it 
some species of antelope, probably of an iron-gray 
or slate color, and adduce the ceremonial unclean- 
ness of seals and cetaceans (Lev. xi. 10-12) as an 
argument that their skins would not be used to cover 
the tabernacle and its holy vessels (compare ver. 31 
-47). Palestine, Zoology. 

Bag is the A. V. rendering of several words. 1. 
Heb. harUim or ch&ritim, the " bags " in which 
Naaman bound up the two talents of silver for Ge- 
hazi (2 K. v. 23), probably so called, according to 
Gesenius, from their long, cone-like shape. The 
word only occurs besides in Is. iii. 22 (A. V. 
" crisping-pins "), and there denotes the reticules 
carried by the Hebrew ladies. 2. Heb. cts, a bag 
for carrying weights (Deut. xxv. 13 ; Prov. xvi. 11 ; 
Mic. vi. 11), also used as a purse (Prov. i. 14; Is. 
xlvi. 6). 3. Heb. cli or cell, translated " bag," in 1 
Sam. xvii. 40, 49, is a word of most general mean- 
ing, commonly translated "vessel" or "instru- 
ment." (Furniture 1.) In Gen. xlii. 25, it is the 
" sack " in which Jacob's sons carried the corn from 
Egypt, and in 1 Sam. ix. 7, xxi. 5 (Heb. 6), it denotes 
a bag, or wallet, for carrying food (A. V. " vessel ; " 
compare Jd. x. 5, xiii. 10, 15). The shepherd's 
" bag " (marg. " vessel," 1 Sam. xvii. 40) of David 
seems to have been worn by him as necessary to his 
calling, and was probably (compare Zech. xi. 15, 16, 



96 



BAG 



BAL 



where A. V. " instruments " is the same Hebrew 
word) for carrying the lambs which were unable to 
walk or were lost, and contained materials for heal- 
ing such as were sick, and binding up those that 
were broken (compare Ez. xxxiv. 4, 16) ; so Mr. W. 
A. Wright ; but see Arms I. 3 ; Scrip. 4. Heb. 
tsA-or, properly a " bundle " (Gen. xlii. 35 ; 1 Sam. 
xxv. 29), appears to have been used by travellers for 
carrying money during a long journey (Prov. vii. 20 ; 
Hag! i. 6 ; compare Lk. xii. 33 ; Tob. ix. 5). In such 
" bundles " the priests bound up the money contrib- 
uted for the restoration of the Temple under Je- 
hoiada (2 K. xii. 10, A. V. " put up in bags "). Job 
(xiv. 17) represents his sin as sealed up in a " bag," 
i. e. carefully put up and kept as treasure by the 
Almighty.— The Gr. pera, translated " bag " in Jd. 
x. 5, xiii. 10, 15, is translated " scrip " in N. T. 
The Gr. thnlakion (= little bag, L. and S.) occurs in 
the plural in Tob. ix. 5 (A. V. " bags ") as used for 
holding money. The " bag " (Gr. qldssokomon, used 
for " chest " in LXX. in 2 Chr. xxiv. 8, 10, 11) which 
Judas carried was probably a small box or chest I -In. 

xii. 6, xiii. 29). The Gr. balantion, translated in the 
plural " bags" (Lk. xii. 33), is elsewhere in the N. 
T. translated " Purse," and in the LXX. = tseror (No. 
4 above ; Job. xiv. 17), and = cis (No. 2, above ; 
Prov. i. 14). 

Ba go (Gr.) = Bigvai 1 (1 Esd. viii. 40). 

Ba-go'as (Gr. fr. Pers. = eunuch, Pliny ; happy, 
fortunate. Pott; protected by the gods, Oppert, Rln.), 
the eunuch in attendance upon Holofernes, who had 
charge of all that he had, and was the first to dis- 
cover his master's assassination (Jd. xii. 11, 13, 15, 

xiii. 1, 3, xiv. 14). 

Bag o-i (Gr.) = Bigvai 1 (1 Esd. v. 14). 

Ba-ha-ru'mitc (fr. Heb.), the. BAnr/RiM. 

Ba-hu rim (Heb. young men's village, Ges.), a vil- 
lage, apparently on, or close to the road leading up 
from the Jordan valley to Jerusalem. Shimei the 
son of Gera resided here (2 Sam. xvi. 5; 1 K, ii. 8). 
Here in the court of a house was the well in which 
Jonathan and Ahimaaz eluded their pursuers (2 Sam. 
xvii. 18). Here Phaltiel, the husband of Michal, bade 
farewell to his wife when on her return to King Da- 
vid at Hebron (iii. 16). Bahurim must have been 
very near the S. boundary of Benjamin, and Dr. 
Barclay conjectures that the pl.ice lay where some 
ruins still exist clo=e to a Wady Ruwaby, which runs 
in a straight course for three miles from Olivet di- 
rectly toward Jordan. Azsiaveth " the Barhumite ". 
(xxiii". 31), or "the Baharumite" (1 Chr. xi. 33), is 
the only native of Bahurim that we hear of except 
Shimei. 

Ba'jith (fr. Heb. = the home), referring to the 
" temple " of the false gods of Moab, as opposed to 
the " high places " (Is. xv. 2 ; compare xvi. 12). 

Bak-bak'kar (Heb., perhaps = wasting of the 
mountain, Ges.), a Levite, apparently a descendant 
of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). 

Bak'bnk (Heb. bottle, Ges.), ancestor of certain 
Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; 
Neh. vii. 53). 

Bak-bn-ki'ah (Heb. emptying [i. e. wasting'] o f Je- 
hovah, Ges.). 1. A prominent Levite in Xehemiah's 
time (Xeh. xi. 17, xii. 9). — 2. A Levite porter, ap- 
parently = No. 1 (xii. 25). 

Ba'king. Bread. 

Balaam [-lam] (Heb., perhaps = foreigner, stran- 
ger, Ges. ; lord of the people, Vitringa ; destruction 
of the people, Sim.), the son of Beor, a man endowed 
with the gift of prophecy (Num. xxii. 5), and occu- 
pying a prominent place in O. T. history (xxii. -xxiv., 



xxxi. 8, 16, &c). He was son of Beor (compare 
Bela 2), and seems to have lived at Pethor, a city of 
Mesopotamia (Deut. xxiii. 4). He himself speaks 
of being " brought from Aram out of the mountains 
of the E." (Num. xxiii. 7). Balaam is one of those 
instances in Scripture of persons dwelling among 
heathens but possessing a certain knowledge of the 
one true God. He was a poet and a prophet, appar- 
ently celebrated for wisdom and sanctity. At this 
time the Israelites were encamped in the plains of 
Moab. Balak, the king of Moab, having witnessed 
the discomfiture of his neighbors, the Amorites, by 
this people, entered into a league with the Midianites 
against them, and dispatched messengers to Balaam 
with the rewards of divination in their hands. (Ma- 
gic.) When the elders of Moab and Midian told 
him their message, he seems to have had some mis- 
givings as to the lawfulness of their request, for he 
invited them to tarry the night with him that he 
might learn how the Lord would regard it. These 
misgivings were confirmed by God's express prohi- 
bition of his journey. Balaam reported the answer, 
ami the messengers of Balak returned. The king 
of Moab, however, not deterred by this failure, sent 
again more and more honorable princes to Balaam. 
The prophet again refused, but notwithstanding in- 
vited the embassy to tarry the night with him, that 
he might know what the Lord would say unto him 
further ; and thus by his importunity he obtained 
from God the permission he desired, but was warned 
at the same time that his actions would be overruled 
according to the Divine wdl. Balaam therefore pro- 
ceeded on his journey with the messengers of Balak. 
But God's anger was kindled at this manifestation 
of determined self-will, and the angel of the Lord 
stood in the way for an adversary against him. 
" The dumb ass, speaking with man's voice, forbade 
the madness of the prophet" (2 Pet. ii. 16). It is 
evident that Balaam, although acquainted with God, 
was desirous of throwing an air of mystery round 
his wisdom, from the instructions he gave Balak to 
offer a bullock and a ram on the seven altars he 
everywhere prepared for him. His religion, there- 
| fore, was probably the natural result of a general 
' acquaintance with God not confirmed by any cove- 
: nant. There is an allusion to Balaam in Mic. vi. 5, 
where Bishop Butler thinks that a conversation is 
preserved which occurred between him and the king 
j of Moab upon this occasion. But such an opinion 
is hardly tenable. " The doctrine of Balaam " is 
spoken of in Rev. ii. 14, where an allusion has been 
supposed to Nicolas, the founder of the sect of the 
Nicolaitass, the two names being probably similar 
in signification. Balaam's love of the wages of un- 
righteousness and his licentious counsel are referred 
to in 2 Pet. ii. 15 and Jude 11 ; compare Rev. ii. 14. 
Though the utterance of Balaam was overruled so 
that he could not curse the children of Israel, he 
nevertheless suggested to the Moabites the expedient 
of seducing them to commit fornication. The effect 
of this is recorded in Num. xxv. A battle was af- 
terward fought against the Midianites, in which Ba- 
laam sided with them and was slain by the sword of 
the people whom he had endeavored to curse (Num. 
xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 22). Messiah ; Prophet. 
Ba'lac (Rev. ii. 14) = Balak. 
Bal'a-dan (Heb. Bel is his lord, vorshipper of Bel, 
Ges. ; having pov;er and riches, Fii.). Merodach- • 
Baladan. 

Ba'Iah (Heb.) = Baal, geography, 2, b, and Bil- 
hah 2 (Josh. xix. 3). 

Ba'lak (Heb. empty, vacant, Ges.), son of Zippor, 



BAL 



BAQ 



97 



king of the Moabites, at the time when the children 
of Israel were bringing their journeyings in the wil- 
derness to a close. Balak entered into a league with 
Midian and hired Balaam to curse the Israelites ; 
but his designs were frustrated (Num. xxii.-xxiv.). 
He is mentioned also at Josh. xxiv. 9; Judg. xi. 25 ; 
Mic. vi. 5; Rev. ii. 14 ("Balac," A. V.). 

Bal'a-mo (fr. Gr.). Baal, geography, 6. 

Bal ance or Bal'an-ces, is the translation in the 
A. V. of two Hebrew and two Greek words. 1. 
Heb. mdzenayim, the dual form of which points 
to the double scales (Lev. xix. 36 ; Job xxxi. 6, 
&c). The balance in this form is found on the 
Egyptian monuments as early as Joseph's time. 
The weights used were at first probably stones, and 
hence " stone " — any weight whatever, though af- 
terward made of lead (Lev. xix. 36 ; Deut. xxv. 13, 
15; Prov. xi. 1, xx. 10, 23; Zech. v. 8). These 
weights were carried in a Bag. (Money.) — 2. Heb. kd- 
neh, translated "balance" in Is. xlvi. 6, generally = a 
measuring-rod, and it also = the tongue or beam of 
a balance. — 3. Gr. plastingx, originally applied to 
the scale-pan alone, = " balance " in Wis. xi. 22 
(Gr. 23) ; 2 Mc. ix. 8.-4. Gr. zugos, literally a yoke, 
is translated " a pair of balances " in Rev. vi. 5, "a 
balance " in Ecclus. xxi. 25, xxviii. 25. This (also 
the neuter zvgon) is used in the LXX. as = No. 1. 
— The balance is a well-known symbol of strict jus- 
tice (Job xxxi. 6 ; Dan. v. 27, &c); but in Rev. vi. 
5, many consider it a symbol of famine (compare 
ver. 6, and Lev. xxvi. 26). Scales ; Weights and 
Measures. 

Ba-las'a-mns (fr. Gr.) = Maaseiah 6 (1 Esd. ix. 
43). 

Baldness. There are two kinds of baldness, viz., 
artificial and natural. The latter seems to have 
been uncommon, since it exposed people to public 
derision, and is perpetually alluded to as a mark of 
squalor and misery (2 K. ii. 23 ; Is. iii. 24, " instead 
of well-set hair, baldness, and burning instead of 
beauty ; " Is. xv. 2 ; Jer. xlvii. 5 ; Ez. vii. 18, &c). 
For this reason it seems to have been included under 
the disqualifications for priesthood (Lev. xxi. 20, 
LXX., Jewish interpretation). In Lev. xiii. 29, &c, 
very careful directions are given to distinguish "a 
plague upon the head and beard," from mere natural 
baldness which is pronounced to be clean, ver. 40. 
(Leper.) Artificial baldness marked the conclusion 
of a Nazarite's vow (Acts xviii. 18; Num. vi. 9, 18), 
and vi as a sign of Mourning. It is often alluded to 
in Scripture ; as in Mic. i. 16 ; Am. viii. 10, &c. ; and 
in Deut. xiv. 1, 2, the reason for its being forbidden 
to the Israelites is their being " a holy and peculiar 
people." (See Lev. xix. 27, and Jer. ix. 26, marg.) 
The practices alluded to in the latter passages were 
adopted by heathen nations in honor of various 
gods. Beard; Hair; Idolatry. 

Balm [bahm] (Heb. tsori, tseri) occurs in Gen. 
xxxvii. 25, as one of the substances which the Ish- 
maelites were bringing from Gilead to take into 
Egypt; in Gen. xliii. 11, as one of the presents 
which Jacob sent to Joseph ; in Jer. viii. 22, xlvi. 
11, li. 8, where it appears that the balm of Gilead 
had a medicinal value ; in Ez. xxvii. 17 (margin, 
" rosin ") as an article of commerce brought by 
Judah into Tyre. It is impossible to identify it with 
any certainty. Perhaps it does not refer to an ex- 
udation from any particular tree, but was intended 
to denote any resinous substance which had a medi- 
cinal value. If the produce of any particular tree 
is intended by the word, it was probably either Mas- 
tich, or the " Balm of Gilead," also known as bal- 
1 



sam of Mecca, or opobalsam. (Spice 1.) The latter 
is highly esteemed by the Arabs as a stomachic and 
as an external remedy for wounds. 

Bal-nu'us (fr. Gr.) = Binndi 2 (1 Esd. ix. 31). 

Bal-tha'sar (fr. Gr.) = Belshazzar (Bar. i. 11, 
12). _ 

Ba mall (Heb. high place), appears in its Hebrew 
form only in one passage (Ez. xx. 29), very obscure, 
and full of paronomasia : " What is the high-pla.ee 
whereunto ye hie (A. V. " go ") ? and the name of 
it is called Bamah (= high place) unto this day." 
High Places. 

Ba'moth (Heb. heights, Ges.), a halting-place of 
the Israelites on their way to Canaan (Num. xxi. 18, 
19), situated in the Amorite country N. of the Ar- 
non, between Nahaliel and Pisgah ; = Bamoth-Baal, 
and identified with a site marked by stone heaps on 
Jebel Alt&i-us (so Knobel). 

Ba'moth -Ba'al (Heb. high places of Baal), a sanc- 
tuary of Baal in the country of Moab (Josh. xiii. 
17); probably - the "high places" in Is. xv. 2, 
A. V., in the enumeration of the towns of Moab. 

Ban (fr. Gr.) = Tobiah 1 (1 Esd. v. 37). 

Ba-nai'as (Gr.) = Benaiah 8. d (1 Esd. ix. 35). 

* Band. Army ; Chain ; Children ; Cord ; Pun- 
ishments ; Ship; Troop, &c. 

Ba'ni (Heb. built, Ges.). 1. A Gadite, one of 
David's heroes (2 Sam. xxiii. 36 ; Mibhar). — 2. A 
Levite of the line of Merari, aud ancestor of Ethan 
(1 Chr. vi. 46). — 3. A man of Judah of the line of 
Pharez (ix. 4). — 4. " Children (or " sons") of Bani" 
returned from captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 10, 
x. 29, 34; 1 Esd. v. 12); supposed by some to be 
represented collectively in Neh. x. 14. (Binnui 4 ; 
Mani ; Maani.). — S. An Israelite " of the sons of 
Bani" (Ezr. x. 38; Bannus).— 6. A Levite, father 
of Rehum (Neh. iii. 17). — 7. A I tvite in Nehemiah's 
time (viii. 7; ix. 4, 5 ; x. 13); possibly = No. 6, 
if the name is that of a family. (Anus.) — 8. An- 
other Levite, of the sons of Asaph (xi. 22). 

Ba'nid (Gr. Banias; L. Bania), (1 Esd. viii. 36), 
represents a name which some suppose has escaped 
from the present Hebrew text (see Ezr. viii. 10). 

* Ban'ish-ment. Punishments. 

* Bank. Money-Changers ; War. 
Ban-nai'a (fr. Gr.) = Zabad 5 (1 Esd. ix. 33). 

* Ban'ner. Ensign. 

Ban'nns (fr. Gr.) = Bani 5, or Binnui 3 (1 Esd. 
ix. 34). 

Banquets [bank'wets], among the Hebrews, were 
not only a means of social enjoyment, but were a 
part of the observance of religious festivity. At 
the three solemn Festivals, when all the males ap- 
peared before the Lord, the family also had its do- 
mestic feast (Deut. xvi. 11). Probably both males 
and females went up (1 Sam. i. 9) together, to hold 
the festival. Sacrifices, both ordinary and extraor- 
dinary, as in heathen nations (Ex. xxxiv. 15; Judg. 
xvi. 23), included a banquet, and Eli's sons made 
this latter the prominent part. Besides religious 
celebrations, weaning a son and heir, a Marriage, 
the separation or reunion of friends, sheep--hearing, 
&c., were customarily attended by a banquet or 
revel (Gen. xxi. 8, xxix. 22, xxxi. 27, 54; 1 Sam. 
xxv. 2, 36 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 23). Birthday-banquets 
are mentioned in the cases of Pharaoh and Herod 
(Gen. xl. 20 ; Mat. xiv. 6 ; Birthdays). The usual 
time of the banquet was the evening, and to begin 
early was a mark of excess (Is. v. 11 ; Eccl. x. 16). 
The most essential materials of the banqueting-room, 
next to the viands and wine, which lust was often 
drugged with spices (Prov. ix. 2 ; Cant. viii. 2), were 



98 



BAN 



BAP 



perfumed ointments, garlands or loose flowers, white 
or brilliant robes ; alter these, exhibitions of music, 
singers, and dancers, riddles, jesting and merriment 
(Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wis. ii. 7 ; 2 Sam. xix. 35 ; Is. xxv. 
6, v. 12; Judg. xiv. 12 ; Neh. viii. 10; Eccl. x. 19; 
A.m. vi. 5, 6 ; Mat. xxii. 11; Lk. xv. 25). Seven 
days was a not uncommon duration of a festival, 
especially for a wedding, but sometimes fourteen 
(Gen. xxix. 27; Judg. xiv. 12; Tob. viii. 19); hut 
if the bride were a widow, three days formed the 
limit. There seems no doubt that the Jews of the 
0. T. period used a common table for all the guests. 
In Joseph's entertainment a ceremonial separation 
prevailed ; but the common phrase to " sit at table," 
or " eat at any one's table," shows the originality of 
the opposite usage. The posture at tabic in early 
times was sitting, and the guests were ranged in 
order of dignity ((Jen. xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22) : the 
words which imply the recumbent posture belong to 
the N. T. In religious banquets the wine was mixed, 
by rabbinical regulation, with three parts of water, 
and four short forms of benediction were pronounced 
over it. Drink, Strong ; Food ; Meals ; Passover ; 
Reciiabites ; Wine. 

Ban'u-as (1 Esd. v. 26), probably a corruption of 
Heb. bineti — sons or "children" (of Hodaviah); 
compare Ezr. ii. 40 and Neh. vii. 43. 

Baptism (fr. Gr. : see VII. below). I. It is well 
known that ablution or bathing was common in 
most ancient nations as a preparation for prayers 
and sacrifice or as expiatory of sin. There is a natural 
connection in the mind between the thought of 
physical and that of spiritual pollution. In warm 
countries this connection is probably even closer 
than in colder climates; and hence the frequency of 
ablution in the religious rites throughout the East. 
— II. The history of Israel and the Law of Moses 
abound with such lustrations (Gen. xxxv. 2 ; Ex. 
xix. 10 ; Lev. xiii., xiv., xv.,xvi. 26, 28, xvii. 15, xxii. 
4, 6 ; Num. xix.). Before great religious observances 
such purifications were especially solemn (Jn. xi. 
55); and in the later times of the Jewish history 
there appear to have been public baths and buildings 
set apart for this purpose, one of which was prob- 
ably the pool of Bethesda (v. 2). It was natural 
that, of all people, the priests most especially should 
be required to purify themselves in this manner. 
The consecration of the high-priest was first by 
baptism, then by unction, and lastly by sacrifice 
(Ex. xxix. 4, xl. 12; Lev. viii.). The spiritual sig- 
nificance of all these ceremonial washings was well 
known to the devout Israelite. " I will wash my 
hands in innocency," says the Psalmist, "and so will 
I compass thine altar" (Ps. xxvi. 6 ; compare li. 2, 
lxxiii. 13). The prophets constantly speak of pardon 
and conversion from sin under the same figure (Is. i. 
16, iv. 4; Jer. iv. 14; Zech. xiii. 1). From the 
Gospel history we learn that at that time ceremonial 
washings had been greatly multiplied by traditions 
of the doctors and elders (Mk. vii. 3, 4), and the tes- 
timony of the Evangelist is fully borne out by that 
of the later writings of the Jews. The most im- 
portant and probably one of the earliest of these 
traditional customs was the baptizing of Proselytes. 
There is a universal agreement among later Jewish 
writers (Talmud, Maimonides, &c.) that all the Isra- 
elites were brought into covenant with God by cir- 
cumcision, baptism, and sacrifice, and that the same 
ceremonies were necessary in admitting proselytes 
(so Bishop E. H. Browne, the original author of this 
article). — III. The Baptism of John. — These usages 
of the Jews will account for the readiness with which 



all men flocked to the baptism of John the Baptist. 

Corresponding with the custom of cleansing by water 
from legal impurity and with the baptism of prose- 
lytes from heathenism to Judaism, it seemed to call 
upon them to come out from the unbelieving and 
sinful habits of their age, and to enlist themselves 
into the company of those who were preparing for 
the manifestation of the deliverance of Israel. 
John's baptism appears to have been a kind of 
transition from the Jewish baptism to the Chris- 
tian. All ceremonial ablutions under the Law pic- 
tured to the eye that inward cleansing of the heart 
which can come only from the grace of God, and 
which accompanies forgiveness of sins. So John's 
baptism was a " baptism of repentance for remission 
of sins" (Mk. i. 4); it was accompanied with con- 
fession (Mat. iii. 6) ; it was a call to repentance; it 
conveyed a promise of pardon ; and the whole was 
knit up with faith in Him that should come after, 
even Christ Jesus (Acts xix. 4). Jesus himself 
deigned to be baptized with it, and perhaps some of 
His disciples received no other baptism but John's 
until they received the special baptism of the Holy 
Ghost on the day of Pentecost. Yet John himself 
speaks of it as a mere baptism with water unto re- 
pentance, pointing forward to Him who should bap- 
tize with the Holy Ghost and with fire (Mat. iii. 11). 
And the distinction between John's baptism and 
Christian baptism appears in the ease of Apollos 
(Acts wiii. 25-27), and of the disciples at Ephesus 
(xix. 1-6). Wc cannot but draw from this history 
the inference that (here was a deeper spiritual signif- 
icance in Christian baptism than in John's baptism, 
and that, as John was a greater prophet than any 
that before him had been born of women, and yet 
the least in the kingdom of heaven was greater than 
he (Mat. xi. 11), so his baptism surpassed in spirit- 
ual import all Jewish ceremony, but fell equally 
short of the sacrament ordained by Christ. — IV. 
Tlie Baptism of Jem*. — Plainly the most important 
action of John as a baptist was his baptism of Jesus. 
No doubt it was the will of Christ in the first place, 
by so submitting to baptism, to set His seal to the 
teaching and the ministry of John. Again, as He 
was to be the Head of His Church and the Captain 
of our salvation, He was pleased to undergo that 
rite which He afterward enjoined on all His follow- 
ers. And, once more, His baptism consecrated the 
baptism of Christians forever; even a3 afterward 
.His own partaking of the Eucharist gave still further 
sanction to His injunction that His disciples ever 
after should continually partake of it. But, beyond 
all this, His baptism was His formal setting apart 
for His ministry, and was a most important portion 
of His consecration to be the High Priest of God. 
He was just entering on the age of thirty (Lk. iii. 
23), the age at which the Levites began their min- 
istry and the rabbis their teaching. It has been 
mentioned (II. above) that the consecration of Aaron 
to the high-priesthood was by baptism, unction, and 
sacrifice (Lev. viii.). All these were undergone by 
Jesus. First, He was baptized by John. Then, 
just as the high-priest was anointed immediately 
after his baptism, so when Jesus had gone up out of 
the water, the heavens were opened unto Him, and 
the Spirit of God descended upon Him (Mat. iii. 16); 
and thus " God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with 
the Holy Ghost and with power " (Acts x. 38). The 
sacrifice indeed was not till the end of His earthly 
ministry, when He offered up the sacrifice of Him- 
self; and then at His resurrection and ascension He 
fully took upon Him the office of priesthood, enter- 



BAP 



BAP 



99 



ing into the presence of God for us, pleading the ef- 
ficacy of His sacrifice, and blessing those for whom 
that sacrifice was offered. Baptism, therefore, was 
the beginning of consecration ; unction was the im- 
mediate consequent upon the baptism ; and sacrifice 
was the completion of the initiation, so that He was 
thenceforth perfected, or fully consecrated as a 
Priest for evermore (Heb. vii. 28). — V. Baptism of 
the Disciples of Christ. — Whether our Lord ever 
baptized has been doubted. The only passage which 
may distinctly bear on the question is Jn. iv. 1, 2, 
where it is said " that Jesus made and baptized more 
disciples than John, though Jesus Himself baptized 
not, but His disciples." We necessarily infer from 
it, that, as soon as our Lord began His ministry, 
and gathered to Him a company of disciples, He, 
like John the Baptist, admitted into that company 
by the administration of baptism. The making dis- 
ciples and the baptizing them went together. After 
the resurrection, when the Church was to be spread 
and the Gospel preached, our Lord's own commis- 
sion conjoins the making of disciples with their bap- 
tism (Mat. xxviii. 19 ; compare Acts ii. 38, viii. 12, 
36, 38, ix. 18, x. 47, 48, xvi. 15, 33, &c). Baptism 
then was the initiatory rite of the Christian Church, 
as circumcision was of Judaism. As circumcision 
admitted to the Jewish covenant — to its privileges 
and responsibility — so baptism, which succeeded it, 
was the mode of admission to the Christian cove- 
nant, to its graces and privileges, duties and service. 
— VI. The Types of Baptism. — 1. In 1 Pet. iii. 21, 
the deliverance of Noah in the Deluge is compared 
to the deliverance of Christians in baptism. The 
connection in this passage between baptism and 
" the resurrection of Jesus Christ " may be com- 
pared with Col. ii. 12. — 2. In 1 Cor. x. 1, 2, the pas- 
sage of the Red Sea and the shadowing of the mirac- 
ulous cloud are treated as types of baptism. The 
passage from the condition of bondmen in Egypt 
was through the Red Sea and with the protection of 
the luminous cloud. It is sufficiently apparent how 
this may resemble the enlisting of a new convert 
into the body of the Christian Church. — 3. Another 
type of, or rather a rite analogous to, baptism was 
circumcision (Col. ii. 11). The obvious reason for 
the comparison is, that circumcision was the en- 
trance to the Jewish Church and the ancient cove- 
nant, baptism to the Christian Church and to the 
new covenant. — 4. In more than one instance death 
is called a baptism (Mat. xx. 22, 23 ; Mk. x. 38, 39 ; 
Lk. xii. 50). It is generally thought that baptism 
here = an inundation of sorrows, and that our Lord 
meant to indicate that He Himself had to pass 
through " the deep waters of affliction." Is it not 
probable that some deeper significance attaches 
to the comparison of death, especially of our Lord's 
death, to baptism, when we consider too that the 
connection of baptism with the death and resurrec- 
tion of Christ is so much insisted on by St. Paul? 
— VII. Names of Baptism. — 1. "Baptism " (Gr. bap- 
lisma : the Greek baptismos occurs only four times, 
viz. : Mk. vii. 4, 8 ; Heb. vi. 2, ix. 10). The Greek 
verb baptizein (fr. baplein, to dip), is the rendering 
by the LXX. in 2 K. v. 14 of the Heb. tabal = 
" dip " in A. V. In Dan. iv. 33 (Gr. 30) baptein in 
the LXX. corresponds to " wet " in A. V. The Lat- 
in Fathers render baptizein by lingere (= to wet, 
moisten, bathe with or in any liquid, Andrews' L. 
Lex.), mergere (= to dip, dipin, immerse, Andrews' 
L. Lex.), and mergitare ( = to dip in, immerse, An- 
drews' L. Lex.). By the Greek Fathers, the word 
baptizein is often used, frequently figuratively, for to 



immerse or overwhelm with sleep, sorrow, sin, &c. 
Hence baptisma properlv and literally = immersion 
(so Bishop Browne).'— 2. "The Water" (A. V. 
" water ") is a name of baptism in Acts x. 47. 
With this phrase "the water," used of baptism, 
compare " the breaking of bread " as a title of the 
Eucharist (Acts ii. 42).— 3. "The Washing of 
Water" (literally "the bath of the water") is an- 
other Scriptural term, by which baptism is signified 
(Eph. v. 26 ). There appears clearly in these words 
a reference to the bridal bath (Marriage III.) ; but 
the allusion to baptism is clearer still. — 4. "The 
washing of regeneration " (literally " the bath of 
regeneration ") is a phrase (Tit. iii. 5) naturally con- 
nected with the foregoing. All ancient and most 
modern commentators have interpreted it of bap- 
tism. There is so much resemblance, both in the 
phraseology and in the argument, between Tit. iii. 5 
and 1 Cor. vi. 11, that the latter ought by all means 
to be compared with the former. Another passage 
containing very similar thoughts, clothed in almost 
the same words, is Actsxxii. 16. — 5. "Illumination " 
(Gr. photismos). It has been much questioned 
whether " enlightened " (Gr. pMlizcsthai), in Heb. vi. 
4, x. 32, be used of baptism or not. Justin Martyr, 
Clement of Alexandria, and almost all the Greek 
Fathers, use photismos as = baptism. This use is 
now very commonly considered entirely ecclesiasti- 
cal, not Scriptural. But the Greek plwtagogia ( — 
illumination) was a term for admission into the an- 
cient mysteries. Baptism was without question the 
initiatory rite in reference to the Christian faith. 
Now, that Christian faith is more than once called 
by St. Paul the Christian " mystery " (Eph. i. 9, iii. 
4, vi. 19 ; Col. iv. 3). Hence, as baptism is the ini- 
tiatory Christian rite, admitting us to the service of 
God and to the knowledge of Christ, it may not im- 
probably have been called photismos, and afterward 
plwtagogia, as having reference, and as admitting, 
to the mystery of the Gospel, and to Christ Himself, 
who is the Mystery of God (Col. i. 27, ii. 2). — VIII. 
Other Prominent Texts referring to Baptism. — 1. The 
passage in Jn. iii. 5 — " Except a man be born of 
water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the 
kingdom of God" — has been a well-established 
battle-field from the time of Calvin. Stier quotes 
with entire approbation the words of Meyer (on Jn. 
iii. 5): — "Jesus speaks here concerning a spiritual 
baptism, as in chapter vi. concerning a spiritual feed- 
ing; in both places, however, with reference to their 
visible auxiliary means." — 2. The prophecy of John 
the Baptist, that our Lord should baptize with the 
Holy Ghost and with fire (Mat. iii. 11), may be inter- 
preted (so Bp. Browne) by a hendiadys. The water 
of John's baptism could but wash the body; the 
Holy Ghost w ith which Christ was to baptize, should 
purify the soul as with fire. Many commentators, 
ancient and modern, understand this verse thus : He 
will either overwhelm (richly furnish) }ou with all 
spiritual gifts, or overwhelm with fire unquenchable 
(Rbn. V. T. Lex.).— 9. Gal. iii. 27 : "For as many of 
you as have been baptized into Christ, have put on 
Christ." The contrast is between the Christian and 
the Jewish church : one bond, the other free; one in- 
fant, the other adult. And the transition-point is nat- 
urally that at which by baptism the service of Christ 
is undertaken and the promises of the Gospel are 
claimed. This is represented as putting on Christ 

1 It is unquestionable, however (so Bishop Browne), that 
in Mk. vii. 4, baptizesihai (translated '-wash" A. V.) is 
used, whore immersion of the whole tody is not intended 
(compare Heb. vi. 2, ix. 10). 



100 



BAP 



BAR 



and in Him assuming the position of full-grown men. 
In this more privileged condition there is the power 
of obtaining justification by faith, a justification 
which the Law had not to offer. — 4. 1 (Jor. xii. 13: 
" For by one Spirit (or, in one spirit) we were all 
baptized into one body, whether Jews or Greeks, 
whether bond or free, and were all made to drink of 
one Spirit." The resemblance of this passage to the 
I ist is very clear. In the old dispensation there was 
a marked division between Jew and Gentile (Greek) : 
under the Gospel there is one body in Christ. Pos- 
sibly there is an allusion to both sacraments. Both 
our baptism and our partaking of the cup in the 
communion are tokens and pledges of Christian uni- 
ty. — 5. Rom. vi. 4 and Col. ii. 12, are so closely par- 
allel that we may notice them together. Probably, 
as in the former passages St. Paul had brought for- 
ward baptism as the symbol of Christian unity, so 
in these he refers to it as the token and pledge of the 
spiritual death to sin and resurrection to righteous- 
ness ; and of the final victory over death in the last 
day, through the power of the resurrection of Christ. 
— IX. Recipients of Baptism. — The command to 
baptize was co-extensive with the command to 
preach the Gospel. All nations were to be evangel- 
ize 1 ; and they were to be made disciples, admitted 
into the fellowship of Christ's religion, by baptism 
(Mat. x.wiii. 19). Whosoever believed the Gospel 
was to be baptized (Mk. xvi. 16). On this command 
the apostles acted. Every one who received as truth 
the teaching of the first preachers of the Gosper, 
and was willing to enroll himself in the company of 
the disciples, appears to have been admitted to bap- 
tism on a confession of his faith. There is no dis- 
tinct evidence in the N. T. that there was in those 
early days a body of catechumens gradually prepar- 
ing for baptism, such as existed in the ages imme- 
diately succeeding the apostles. The great question 
has been, whether the invitation extended, not to 
adults only, but to infants also. The universality of 
the invitation, Christ's declaration concerning the 
blessedness of infants and their fitness for His king- 
dom (Mk. x. 14), the admission of infants to circum- 
cision and to the baptism of Jewish proselytes, the 
mention of whole households, and the subsequent 
practice of the Church, have been principally relied 
on by the advocates of infant baptism. The silence 
of the N. T. concerning the baptism of infants, the 
constant mention of faith as a pre-requisite or con- 
dition of baptism, the great spiritual blessings which 
seem attached to a right reception of it, and the re- 
sponsibility entailed on those who have taken its 
obligations on themselves, seem the chief objections 
urged against pedo-baptism. But here we must leave 
ground which has been so extensively occupied by 
controversialists. — X. The Mode of Baptism. — The 
language of the X. T. and of the primitive Fathers 
sufficiently points to immersion as the common mode 
of baptism. But in the case of the family of the 
jailer at Philinpi (Acts xvi. 33), and of the 3,000 
converted at Pentecost (Acts ii.), it seems hardly 
likely that immersion should have been possible. 
Moreover the ancient Church, which mostly adopted 
immersion, was satisfied with affusion in case of 
clinical baptism — the baptism of the sick and dying. 
— Questions and Answers. — In the early times of 
the Christian Church we find the catechumens re- 
quired to renounce the devil and to profess their 
faith in the Holy Trinity and in the principal articles 
of the Creed. It is supposed by many that St. Peter 
(1 Pet. iii. 21) refers to a custom of this kind as ex- 
isting from the first (compare 1 Tim. vi. 12; 2 Tim. 



i. 13). — XI. Hie Formula of Baptism. — It would seem 
from our Lord's own direction (Mat. xxviii. 19) that 
the words made use of in the administration of bap- 
tism should be those generally retained : " I baptize 
thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and 
of the Holy Ghost." — The expressions in Acts ii. 
38, viii. 16, x. 48, xix. 5 — " in the name of Jesus 
Christ," " of the Lord Jesus," " of the Lord " — mean 
only that those who were baptized with Christian 
baptism were baptized into the faith of Christ, not 
that the form of words was different from that en- 
joined in Matthew. — Sponsors. — There is no mention 
of sponsors in the N. T. In very early ages of the 
Church sponsors were in use both for children and 
adults. — XII. Baptism for the Dead. — 1 Cor. xv. 29. 
" Else what shall they do which are baptized for the 
dead, if the dead rise not at all ? Why are they 
then baptized for the dead ?" 1. Tertullian tells us 
of a custom of vicarious baptism as existing among 
the Marcionites ; and Chrysostom relates of the same 
heretics, that, when one of their catechumens died 
without baptism, they used to put a living person 
under the dead man's bed, and asked whether he de- 
sired to be baptized ; the living man answering that 
he did, they then baptized him in place of the de- 
parted. Epiphanius relates a similar custom among 
the Cerinthians, which, he said, prevailed from fear 
that in the resurrection those should suffer punish- 
ment who had not been baptized. The question 
naturally occurs, Bid St. Paul allude to a custom of 
this kind, which even in his days had begun to pre- 
vail among heretics and ignorant persons ? If so, he 
no doubt adduced it as an argumenliim ad homincm 
(i. e. an argument founded on principles, right or 
v, rong, which the reader admitted). " If the dead rise 
not at all, what benefit do they expect who baptize 
vicariously for the dead ? " Perhaps the greater 
number of modern commentators have adopted this, 
as tin- simplest and most rational sense of the apos- 
tle's words. It is, however, equally conceivable that 
the passage in St. Paul gave rise to the subsequent 
practice among the Marcionites anil Cerinthians. 2. 
Chrysostom (and so Tertullian, Theodoret, &c.) be- 
lieves the apostle to refer to the profession of faith 
in baptism, part of which was " I believe in the resur- 
rection of the dead." Robinson (N. T. Lex.) explains 
" baptized for the dead" as = baptized on account 
of the dead, i. e. into a belief of the resurrection of 
the dead ; but says some explain it as = baptized 
(overwhelmed) with calamities for the dead, i. e. ex- 
posed to great suffering in the hope of a resurrection. 
— 3. " What shall they do, who are baptized when 
death is close at hand ? " (Epiphanius.) — 4. "Over 
the graves of the martyrs." Vossius adopted this 
interpretation ; but it is very unlikely that the cus- 
tom prevailed in the days of St.. Paul. — 5. " On ac- 
count of a dead Saviour." — 6. " What shall they 
gain, who are baptized for the sake of the dead in 
Christ ? " — 7. " What shall they do, who are bap- 
tized in the place of the dead?" i. e. who, as the 
ranks of the faithful are thinned by death, come for- 
ward to be baptized, that they may fill up the com- 
pany of believers (Le Clerc, Doderlein, Olshausen, 
Fairbairn, &c.). 

* Bap'tist. John the Baptist. 

Bar-ab'bas (Gr. fr. Aram. ; = son of Abba, Sim., 
orson of the father, Rbn.), a robber, who had com- 
mitted murder in an insurrection in Jerusalem, and 
was lying in prison at the time of the trial of Jesus 
before Pilate. He instead of Jesus was released by 
Pilate at the request of the Jewish multitude (Mat. 
xxvii. lfi-26; Mk. xv. 7-15; Lk. xxiii. 18-25; Jn. 



BAR 



BAR 



101 



xviii. 40). His name in Mat. xxvii. 16, IV, accord- 
ing to many of the cursive, or later, MSS., was Jesus 
Barabbas. Thieves, the two. 

Bar'a-chel [-kel] (Heb. whom God hath blessed, 
Ges.), " the Buzite," lather of Elihu 1 (Job xxxii. 
2, 0). Buz 1. 

* Bar-a-chi'ah, in some editions for Berechiah 
(Zech. i. 1, 7). 

Bar-a-chi'as (Gr.) = Barachiah or Berechiah 
(Mat. xxiii. 35). Zacharias. 

Ba'rak (Heb. lightning), son of Abinoam of Kedesh- 
naphtali (Kedesh 3), incited by Deborah 2 to deliver 
Israel from the yoke of Jabin (Judg. iv. 6 ff. ; Heb. 
xi. 32). Accompanied, at his express desire, by Deb- 
orah, Barak led his rudely-armed force of 10,000 
men from Naphtali and Zebulun to an encampment 
on the summit of Tabor, and utterly routed the un- 
wieldy host of the Canaanites in the plain of Jezreel 
(Esdraelon), "the battle-field of Palestine." The vic- 
tory was decisive, Harosheth taken (Judg. iv. 16), 
Sisera murdered, and Jabin ruined. The victors 
composed a splendid ode in commemoration of their 
deliverance (v.). Lord A. C. Hervey supposes the 
narrative to be a repetition of Josh. xi. 1—1 2, but 
there are geographical and other difficulties in the 
way. Compare Josh. xi. 7-9 with Judg. iv. 6, 7, 
12-16 and v. 18-21. 

Bar-ba'ri-an (fr. Gr.). " Every one not a Greek 
is a barbarian " is the common Greek definition, and 
in this strict sense the word is used in Romans i. 14, 
" I am debtor both to Greeks and barbarians." 
" Greeks and barbarians " is the constant division 
found in Greek literature, but Thucydides points out 
that this distinction is subsequent to Homer. It 
often retains this primitive meaning, as in 1 Cor. xiv. 
11 (of one using an unknown tongue), and Acts xxviii. 
'2 (" barbarous people," A. V.), 4 (of the Maltese, 
who spoke a Punic dialect). The ancient Egyptians, 
like the modern Chinese, had an analogous word 
(Hdt, ii. 158). So completely was the term " bar- 
barian" accepted, that even Josephus and Philo 
scruple as little to reckon the Jews among them, as 
the early Romans did to apply the term to them- 
selves. Afterward only the savage nations were 
called barbarian.". Compare Gentiles ; Heathen. 

* Bar ber. Handicraft ; Razor. 
Bar-unniiie (fr. Heb.), the. Bahurim. 
Ba-ri'ah (Heb. fugitive, Ges.), a son of Shemaiah, 

a descendant of the royal family of Judah (1 Chr. 

iii. 22). 

Bar-Je'sns (fr. Heb. = son of [Jesus, or] Joshua). 
Elymas. 

Bar-Jo'na (fr. Heb. or Aram. = son of Jonas or 
of Jonah, Rbn. N. T. Lex., &c. ; others make it = 
son of Joanna or of Johanan). Peter. 

Bar'kns (Heb. painter, Ges.), ancestor of certain 
Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 53 ; 
Neh. vii. 55). 

Bar In (Heb. se'drdh), the well-known cereal, often 
mentioned in the Bible. It was grown by the He- 
brews (Lev. xxvii. 16; Deut. viii. 8; Ru. ii. 17; 2 
Chr. ii. 10, 15, &c), who used it for baking into 
bread, chiefly amongst the poor (Judg. vii. 13 ; 2 K. 

iv. 42; Jn. vi. 9, 13): for making into bread by 
mixing it with wheat, beans, lentils, millet, &c. (Ez. 
iv. 9); for making into cakes (12); and as fodder 
for horses (1 K. iv. 28). The bailey harvest is 
mentioned Ru. i. 22, ii. 23 ; 2 Sam. xxi 9, 10. It 
takes place in Palestine in March and April, and in 
the hilly districts as late as May ; but the period of 
course varies according to the localities. The barley 
harvest always precedes the wheat harvest, in some 



places by a week, in others by fully three weeks 
(Rbn. i. 430, 551). In Egypt the barley is about a 
month earlier than the wheat, whence its total de- 
struction by the hail-storm (Ex. ix. 31). Barley was 
sown at any time between November and March, ac- 
cording to the season. Barley bread is even to this 
day little esteemed in Palestine. This fact elucidates 
some passages in Scripture. Why, e. g., was barley 
meal, and not the ordinary meal-offering of wheat 
flour, to be the jealousy-offering (Num. v. 15)? Be- 
cause thereby is denoted the low reputation in which 
the implicated parties were held. The homer and a 
half of barley, as part of the purchase-money of 
the adulteress (Hos. iii. 2), has doubtless a similar 
typical meaning. With this circumstance in re- 
membrance, how forcible is the expression (Ez. xiii. 
19), "Will ye pollute me among my people for 
handfuls of barley?' 1 '' The knowledge of this fact 
aids to point out the connection between Gideon 
and the barley-cake, in the dream which the " man 
told to' his fellow " (Judg. vii. 13). Gideon's "family 
was poor in Manasseh — and he was the least in his 
father's house;" and doubtless the Midianites knew 
it. " If the Midianites were accustomed in their ex- 
temporaneous songs to call Gideon and his band 
' eaters of barley bread,' as their successors the 
haughty Bedawin often do to ridicule their enemies, 
the application would be all the more natural " 
(Thn. ii. 166). Agriculture; Bread; Food. 

* Barn. The words " barn," " garner," " store- 
house," appear to be used indiscriminately in the 
A. V. to represent a number of Hebrew and Greek 
words. 1. Heb. goren, usually translated "thresh- 
ing floor," is translated "barn" in Job xxxix. 12, 
and " barn-floor " in 2 K. vi. 27. — 2. Heb. megurah. 
is translated " barn " (Hag. ii. 19). — 3. Heb. plural 
usamim is translated " storehouses " in Deut. xxviii. 
8, and " barns " in the margin and in Prov. iii. 10. 
—4. Heb. plural mamguroth is translated " barns " 
(Joel i. 17). — 5. Heb. otsdr, usually translated 
"treasure" or "treasury" is in the plural translated 
"storehouses" (1 Chr. xxvii. 25, &c.), and "gar- 
ners" (Joel i. 17). — 6. Heb. mezev is in the plural 
translated " garners " (Ps. cxliv. 13). — 7. Heb. maa- 
bus is in the plural translated " storehouses " ( Jer. 
1. 26). — 8. Heb. plural misenoth or misetnoth (2 Chr. 
xxxii. 28) is translated " storehouses." — 9. Gr. 
apotheke is translated " barn " (Mat. vi. 26, xiii. 30; 
Lk. xii. 18, 24) and "garner" (Mat. iii. 12 ; Lk. iii. 
17); in LXX. = No. 7, above. — 10. Gr. lameion is 
translated "storehouse" (Ecclus. xxix. 12; Lk. xii. 
24;, and in LXX. = No. 3 above. — Barns for stor- 
ing hav are unknown in the East, but buildings, 
chambers, cells, &c, for storing wheat and other 
produce, often under ground, are common. Domes- 
tic animals are often sheltered in the same room or 
enclosure with their master. Agriculture; Food; 
Grass ; House ; Inn ; Manger ; Ox ; Straw, &c. 

Bar'na-bas (Gr. fr. Heb. = son of propiheey, or of 
exhortation, or, but less probably, of eonsolatwn, as 
A. V.), a name given by the apostles (Acts iv. 36) 
to Joses, a Levite of the island of Cyprus, who was 
early a disciple of Christ. He introduced (ix. 27) 
the newly-converted Saul to the apostles at Jerusa- 
lem, in a way which seems to imply previous ac- 
quaintance between the two. On tidings coming to 
the church at Jerusalem that men of Cyprus and 
Cyrene had been preaching to Gentiles at Antioch, 
Barnabas was sent thither (xi. 19-26), and went to 
Tarsus to seek Saul, as one specially raised up to 
preaih to the Gentiles (xxvi. 17). Having brought 
Saul to Antioch, he was sent with him to Jerusalem 



102 



BAR 



BAR 



with relief for the brethren in Judea (xi. 30). On 
their return to Antioch, they (xiii. 2) were solemnly 
set apart by the church for the missionary work, 
and sent forth (a. d. 45). From this time Barnabas 
and Paul enjoy the title and dignity of apostles (xiv. 
14 ; 1 Cor. ix. 6; Apostle). Their first missionary 
journey (Acts xiii., xiv.) was confined to Cyprus and 
Asia Minor. After their return to Antioch (a. d. 47 
or 48), they were sent (a. d. 50), with some others, 
to Jerusalem, to determine with the apostles and el- 
ders the difficult question respecting the necessity of 
circumcision for the Gentile converts (xv. ; Gal. ii.). 
On that occasion Paul and Barnabas were recognized 
as the apostles of the uncircumeision. After an- 
other stay in Antioch on their return, a variance 
took place between Barnabas and Paul on the ques- 
tion of taking with them, on a second missionary 
journey, John Mark, sister's son to Barnabas (Acts 
xv. 36, ft"). " The contention was so sharp, that they 
parted asunder," and Barnabas took Mark and sailed 
to Cyprus, his native island. He is mentioned after- 
ward only in 1 Cor. ix. 6 : Gal. ii. 1, 9, 13 ; Col. iv. 
10. As to his further labors and death, traditions 
differ. Some say that he went to Milan, and be- 
came first bishop of the church there. There is ex- 
tant an apocryphal work, probably of the fiftli cen- 
tury, Acta el I'assio Barnabw in Cypro ; and a still 
later encomium of Barnabas by a Cyprian monk 
Alexander. We have an epistle in twenty-one cha|>- 
ters called by the name of Barnabas. Its authen- 
ticity has been defended by some great writers ; but 
it is very generally given up now, and the epistle is 
believe 1 to have been written early in the second 
century (so Dr. Alford). 

Ba-ro'dis (Gr.), a name inserted among those 
" servants of Solomon " whose " sons " returned 
with Zorobabcl (1 Esd. v. 34) ; not in Ezra and Nc- 
hemiah. 

* Bar rcl, the translation in four passages (1 K. 

xvii. 12, 14, 16, xviii. 33 [34 Heb.]) of the Hebrew 
cdd, usually translated " pitcher." 

* Bar'reu-ness. Children ; Palestine. 
Bar'sa-bas (fr. Heb. = son of Sabas or of Saba). 

Joseph Barsabas; Jddas Barsadas. 

Bar'til-cns (fr. Gr.), father of Apame, the concu- 
bine of King Darius (1 Esd. iv. 29). "The admir- 
able " was probably an official title belonging to his 
rank. 

Bai'-tbol O-mew (Gr. Bartho'omaios ; L. Bartholo- 
mceiis ; fr. Heb. == son of Talmai or of Tolmai), one 
of the twelve apostles of Christ (Mat. x. 3 ; Mk. iii. 18 ; 
Lk. vi. 14 ; Acts i. 13); probably = Nathanael 1. 
If this may be assumed, he was born at Cana, of Gali- 
lee: and is said to have preached the Gospel in India, 
i. e. probably Arabia Felix. Some allot Armenia to 
him as his mission-field, and report him to have 
been there flayed alive and then crucified with his 
head downward. 

Bar-ti-mse ns (L.) = Bartimeus. 

Bar-ti-nie us (L. Bar/imcens ; fr. Heb. = son of 
Timeus, or Timai), a blind beggar of Jericho who 
(Mk. x. 46 ft'.) sat by the wayside begging as our 
Lord was passing, and was miraculously healed by 
Him of his blindness. Mark may be reconciled with 
Mat. xx. 29 ff. and Lk. xviii. 35 ff., in several ways. 
Some suppose our Lord remained several days in 
Jericho, and healed Bartimeus while returning from 
an excursion out of the city ; others translate in Lk. 

xviii. 35 " was nigh " instead of " was come nigh," 
and consider Lk. xix. 1, a mere passing announce- 
ment not defining the time of the miracle as previous I 
or of the visit to Zaccheus as subsequent to his en- I 



tering and passing through Jericho; others still sup? 
pose Bartimeus cried out to Jesus as He was enter- 
ing the city and again as He was leaving it, and was 
healed perhaps a day or more after his first outcry 
upon a second more importunate one, &c. The men- 
tion of Bartimeus or of one beggar in Matthew and 
Mark is, of course, not inconsistent with the men- 
tion of two in Luke ; the second may have been less 
prominent, or even absent altogether at the first out- 
cry. Jesus Christ. 

15a nu ll [-rukj (Heb. blessed — Benedict). 1. Son 
of Neiiah, the friend (Jer. xxxii. 12), amanuensis 
(xxxvi. 4-32), and faithful attendant of Jeremiah 
(xxxvi. 10 ft'.) in the discharge of his prophetic of- 
fice. He was of a noble family (compare Jer. Ii. 
59 ; Bar. i. 1 ), and of distinguished acquirements ; 
and his brother Seraiah was a court officer of Zedc- 
kiah. His enemies accused him of influencing Jer- 
emiah in favor of the Chaldeans (Jer. xliii. 3 ; com- 
pare xxxvii. 13); and he was thrown into prison 
with that prophet, where he remained till the cap- 
ture of Jerusalem, b. c. 586. By the permission of 
Nebuchadnezzar he remained with Jeremiah at Mlz- 
peh (Jos. x. ".), 4; 1) ; but was afterward forced to go 
down to Egypt (Jer. xliii. 6). According to one tra- 
dition he went after Jeremiah's death to Babylon, 
and died there; according to another (Jerome) 
Baruch and Jeremiah both died in Egypt. — 2# Son 
of Zabbai ; an earnest laborer with Nehcmiah in re- 
building the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 20). — 3. 
A priest, or family of priests, who sealed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (x. 6). — I. Son of Col-hozeh, a 
descendant of Judah through Perez, or Pharez (xi. 
5). 

Ba'-rniil, the Book of, is remarkable as the only 
book in the Apocrypha which is formed on the 
model of the prophets; and though wanting in 
originality, it presents a vivid reflection of the an- 
cient prophetic fire. It may be divided into two 
main parts, (1.) i.-iii. 8, anil (2.) iii. 9-end. The 
first consists of an introduction (i. 1-14), followed 
by a confession and prayer (i. 1 G — iii. 8). The second 
opens with an abrupt address to Israel ( iii. 0— iv. 30), 
pointing out their sin in neglecting the divine teach- 
ing of Wisdom (iii. 9-iv. 8), and introducing a noble 
lament of Jerusalem over her children, through 
which hope still gleams (iv. 9-30) ; afterward the 
writer addresses Jerusalem in words of triumphant 
joy, and paints in glowing colors the return of God's 
chosen people and their abiding glory (iv. 30-v. 9). 
— I. The book at present exists in Greek, and in 
several translations made from the Greek. Of the 
two Old Latin versions which remain, that which 
is incorporated in the Vulgate is generally literal ; 
the other is more free. The vulgar Syriac and 
Arabic follow the Greek text closely. — 2. The 
assumed author is undoubtedly the companion of 
Jeremiah, but the details of the book are incon- 
sistent with the assumption. It exhibits not only 
historical inaccuracies, but also evident trace3 
of a later date than the beginning of the Captivity 
(iii. 9 fT., iv. 22 ff. ; i. 3 ft'; compare 2 K. xxv. 27).— 
3. The book was held in little esteem among the 
Jews ; though it is stated in the Greek text of the 
Apostolical Constitutions that it was read, together 
with the Lamentations, " on the tenth day of the 
month Gorpiaeus " (i. e. the Day of Atonement). 
From the time of Irenasus it was frequently quoted 
both in the East and in the West, and generally as 
the work of Jeremiah. It was, however, "obelized" 
throughout in the LXX. as deficient in the Hebrew. 
At the Council of Trent it was admitted into the Ro- 



BAS 



103 



man Catholic canon ; but the Protestant churches 
have unanimously placed it among the Apocryphal 
books. — 4. Considerable discussion has been raised 
as to the original language of the book. Those 
who advocated its authenticity generally supposed 
that it was first written in Hebrew. Others again 
have maintained that the Greek is the original text. 
The truth appears to lie between these extremes. 
The two divisions of the book are distinguished by 
marked peculiarities of style and language. The 
Hebraic character of the first part is such as to mark 
it as a translation and not as a work of a Hebraizing 
Greek. The second part, on the other hand, closely 
approaches the Alexandrine type. (Alexandria.)— 

5. The most probable explanation of this contrast is 
gained by supposing that some one thoroughly con- 
versant with the Alexandrine translation of Jeremiah 
found the Hebrew fragment which forms the basis 
of the book already attached to the writings of that 
prophet, and wrought it up into its present form. — 

6. There are no certain data by which to fix the time 
of the composition. The Hebrew portion may be 
assigned to the close of the Persian period (4th cent. 
b. a); but the present book must be placed consid- 
erably later, probably about the time of the war of 
liberation (b. c. 160), or somewhat earlier. — 7. The 
E]>islle of Jeremiah, which, according to the author- 
ity of some Greek MSS., stands in the A. V. as the 
sixth chapter of Baruch, is the work of a later period. 
It may be assigned probably to the first century b. c. 
— 8. A Syriac first Epistle of Baruch " to the nine 
and a half tribes" is found in the London and Paris 
Polyglots. Fritzsche considers it to be the produc- 
tion of a Syrian monk. 

Bar'zc-lai (1 Esd. v. 38, marg.). Addus 2 ; Bar- 
zillai 1, 2. 

Bar-zil'la-i or Bar-zil'lai [Heb. iron,]. 1. A wealthy 
Gileadite who showed hospitality to David when he 
fled from Absalom (2 Sam. xvii. 27 ; 1 K. ii. 7). On 
the score of his age, and probably from a feeling of 
independence, he declined the king's offer of ending 
his days at court (2 Sam. xix. 31-39). — 2. The hus- 
band of a daughter of No. 1, whose descendants were 
unable, after the captivity, to prove their priestly 
genealogy (Ezr. ii. 61; Neh. vii. 63). (Addus; 
Augia.)— 3. A Meholathite, whose son Adriel mar- 
ried Michal, Saul's daughter (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 

Bas'a-lotli (1 Esd. v. 31) = Bazlith. 

Bas'ta-ma (L. fr. Gr.), a place in Gilead where 
Jonathan Maccabeus was killed by Tryphon (1 Mc. 
xiii. 23); site unknown. 

Ba'shan (Heb. light sandy soil, Ges. ; basali-land, 
Fit.), an extensive district, embracing all the N. part 
of the land possessed by the Israelites on the E. of 
Jordan. It is sometimes spoken of as " the land of 
Bashan" (1 Chr. v. 11; compare Num. xxi. 33, 
xxxii. 33), and sometimes as " all Bashan " (Deut. 
iii. 10, 13; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 30), but most com- 
monly as " Bashan " simply. It was taken by the 
children of Israel after their conquest of the land of 
Sihon from Arnori to Jabbok. They " turned " from 
their road over Jordan and " went up by the way of 
Bashan" to Eduei. Here they encountered Og, king 
of Bashan, who " came out," probably from the natu- 
ral fastnesses of Argob, only to meet the entire de- 
struction of himself, his sons, and all his people 
(Num. xxi. 33-35 ; Deut. iii. 1-3). The limits of 
Bashan are very strictly defined. It extended from 
the " border of Gilead " on the S. to Mount Hermon 
on the N. (Deut. iii. 3, 10, 14 ; Josh. xii. 5 ; 1 Chr. 
v. 23), and from the Jordan valley on the W. to Sal- 
chah and the border of the Geshurites, and the Ma- 



achathites on the E. (Josh. xii. 3-5 ; Deut. iii. 10). 
This important district was bestowed on the half 
tribe of Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 29-31), together with 
" half Gilead." It is named in the list of Solomon's 
commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 13). It was devas- 
tated by Hazael in the reign of Jehu (2 K. x. 33). 
It was famous for its oaks (Is. ii. 13 ; Ez. xxvii. 6 ; 
Zech. xi. 2) and rich pasture lands and superior cat- 
tle (Ps. xxii. 12; Jer. 1. 19; Ez. xxxix. 18, &c). 
Stanley (114, n.) supposes "the hill (literally 
"mount") of Bashan " in Ps. Ixviii. 15 = Antiliba- 
nus, of which Mount Hermon is the highest part. 
After the Captivity, Bashan was divided into four 
provinces — Gaulanitis (Golan), Auranitis (Hauran), 
Trachonitis (Argob), and Batansea, or Ard-el-Bathan- 
ych, which lies E. of the Lejah and N. of the range 
of Jebel Hauran or ed-Druze. 

Ba'sliaii-ha'votb-ja'ir (fr. Heb. = Bashan of the 
villages of Jair), a name given to Argob after its con- 
quest by Jair (Deut. iii. 14). Havoth-jair. 

Bash e-math (fr. Heb. = fragrant), daughter of 
Ishmael, and the third of Esau's three wives (Gen. 
xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), from whose son, Reuel, four tribes 
of the Edomites were descended. When first men- 
tioned she is called Mahalath (xxviii. 9) ; whilst, on 
the other hand, the name Bashemath is in the narra- 
tive (xxvi. 34) given to another of Esau's wives, the 
daughter of Elon the Hittite. (Adah 2.) The Samar- 
itan text seeks to remove this difficulty by reading 
Mahalath instead of Bashemath in the genealogy. 
We might with more probability suppose that this 
name (Bashemath) has been assigned to the wrong 
person in one or other of the passages ; but if so it 
is impossible to determine which is erroneous. Ahol- 
ibamah. 

Basin. Four Hebrew words (mizrak, aggdn, ee- 
phor or cplwr [see Frost 3], saph), and one Greek 
word (nijjter) are translated " basin," " basins," in 
the A. V. ; but between the " basin," " bowl," 
"charger," "cup," "dish," "goblet," it is scarcely 
possible now to ascertain the precise distinction. 
Their form and material can only be conjectured from 
the analogy of ancient Assyrian and Egyptian speci- 
mens of works of the same kind, and from modern 
Oriental vessels for culinary or domestic purposes. 
Among the smaller vessels for the Tabernacle or 
Temple service, many must have been required to 
receive from the sacrificial victims the blood to be 
sprinkled for purification. Moses, on the occasion 
of the great ceremony of purification in the wilder- 
ness, put half the blood in " the basins," or bowls, 
and afterward sprinkled it on the people (Ex. xxiv. 
6,' 8). Among the vessels cast in metal, whether 
gold, silver, or brass, by Hiram, for Solomon, besides 
the laver and great sea, mention is made of basins, 
bowls, and cups. Of the first (margin, bowls) he is 
said to have made one hundred (2 Chr. iv. 8, 11, 22 ; 
1 K. vii. 40, 45, 46, 50 ; compare Ex. xxv. 29 and 
1 Chr. xxviii. 14, 17). The "basin" from which 
our Lord washed the disciples' feet (Gr. nipler, Jn. 
xiii. 5), was probably deeper and larger than the 
hand-basin for sprinkling. Washing the Hands and 
Feet. 

Bas'ket. The five following Hebrew terms = " bas- 
ket," " baskets," in the A. V. : (1.) Sal, so called from 
the twigs of which it was originally made, specially 
used for holding bread (Gen. xl. 16 ff. ; Ex. xxix. 3, 
23 ; Lev. viii. 2, 26, 31 ; Num. vi. 15, 17, 19). The 
form of the Egyptian bread-basket is delineated in 
Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, iii. 226, after the 
specimens represented in the tomb of Rameses III. 
These were of gold, and hence the term sal must 



104 



BAS 



BAT 



have passed from its strict etymological meaning to 
any vessel applied to the purpose. In Judg. vi. 19, 
meat is served up in a sd, which could hardly have 
been of wickenvork. The "white baskets " (Gen. 
xl. 16) are supposed to be baskets of white (peeled) 
twigs (so Rashij, or baskets of white bread (Ges.), 
or baskets " full of holes " (marg.), i. e. open-work 
baskets. (2.) Salsilldth, a word of kindred origin, 
applied to the basket used in gathering grapes (Jer. 
vi. 9). (3.) Tenc, in which the first-fruits of the 
harvest were presented (Deut. xxvi. 2, 4). From its 




Egyptian IlnaLeU.— (From Wilkinson.) 



being coupled with the kneading-bowl (A. V. "store," 
Dew. xxviii. 5, 17), we may infer that it was also 
used for household purposes, perhaps to bring the 
corn to the mill. (4.) Celub or club, so called from 
its similarity to a bird-cage or trap, probably in re- 
gard to its having a lid : it was used for carrying 
fruit (Am. viii. 1, 2). Cage. (5.) Dud, used for 
carrying fruit (Jer. xxiv. 1, 2), as well as on a larger 
scale for carrying clay to the brick-yard (Ps. lxxxi. 
6 ; " pots," A. V.), or for holding bulkv articles 
(2 K. x. 7).— In the N. T. the three Greek terms, 
kophinos, spuria, sargane = " basket." The last 
occurs only in 2 Cor. xi. 33, in describing St. Paul's 
escape from Damascus, for which Acts ix. 25 uses 
the second. The first is exclusively used in the 
description of the miracle of feeding the five thousand 
(Mat. xiv 20, xvi. 9; Mk. vi. 43; Lk. ix. 17; Jn. 
vi. 13) ; the second is used in that of the four thou- 
sand (Mat. xv. 37 ; Mk. viii. 8) : the distinction be- 
tween these is most' definitely brought out in Mat. 
xvi. 9, 10 and Mk. viii. 19, 20. Handicraft. 

Bas'oiilth (Heb. fragrant), daughter of Solomon, 
married to his commissary, Ahimaaz (1 K. iv. 15). 

* lla son = Basin. 

Bas'sa(Gr.) = Bezai (1 Esd. v. 16). 

Bas'tai (fr. Gr.) = Besai (1 Esd. v. 31). 

Bastard. Among those who were excluded from 
entering the congregation, even to the tenth genera- 
tion, was the one called in Heb. mamzer ( A. V. " bas- 
tard "), who was classed in this respect with the Am- 
monite and Moabite (Deut. xxiii. 2). The term is 
not, however, applied indefinitely to any illegitimate 
offspring, but, according to the rabbins, to one born 
of relations between whom marriage is forbidden, or 
one whose parents are liable to the punishment of 
"cutting off" by the hands of Heaven, or one whose 
parents are liable to death by the house of judgment, 
as, e. g. the offspring of adultery. The ancient ver- 
sions (LXX., Vulgate, Syriae) add another class, the 
children of a harlot, and in this sense the term 
manzer or mamer survived in the Latin Pontifical 
law. The child of a non-Israelite and a mamzer 
was also reckoned by the Talmudists a mamzer, as 
was the issue of a slave and a mamzer, and of a 
mamzer and female proselyte. The term also occurs 
in Zech. ix. 6, " a bastard shall dwell in Ashdod," 



where it seems to denote a foreign race of mixed and 
spurious birth. Dr. Geiger infers from this passage 
that mamzer specially signifies the issue of such mar- 
riages between the Jews and the women of Ashdod 
as are alluded to in Neh. xiii. 23, 24, and applies it 
exclusively to the Philistine bastard. — "Bastards" 
(Gr. nolhoi) in Heb. xii. 8, figuratively = those whom 
God regards .is not His true children or people. 

Bat (Heb. 'atalleph; Gr. nufcteris). There is no 
doubt that the A. V. is correct in its rendering of 
these words. In the A. V. of Lev. xi. 19, and Deut. 




Rat — (Taj'/tocoua [itrforatus.} 

xiv. 18, the "bat" closes the lists of "fowls that 
shall not be eaten ; " but it must be remembered 
that the ancients considered the bat to partake of 
the nature of a bird, and the Heb. oph translated 
"fowls" (literally = a wing) might be applied to 
any winged creature (compare Lev. xi. 20). Besides 
the passages cited above, the bat is mentioned in Is. 
ii. 20: " In that day a man shall cast his idols .... 
to the moles and to the bats;" and in Bar. vi. 22, in 
the passage that so graphically sets forth the vanity 
of Babylonish idols : " Their faces are blacked 
through the smoke that cometh out of the temple. 
Upon their bodies and heads sit bats, swallows, and 
birds, and the cats also." Many travellers have 
noticed the immense numbers of bats found in cav- 
erns in the East, and Layard says that on the occa- 
sion of a visit to a cavern these noisome beasts 
compelled him to retreat. 

Balli, Ba thing. This was a prescribed part of the 
Hebrew ritual of purification in cases of accidental, 
•leprous, or ordinary uncleanness (Lev. xv., xvi. 26, 
28, xvii. 15, 16, xxii. 6 ; Num. xix. 7, 8, 19 ; 2 Sam. 
xi. 2, 4 ; 2 K. v. 10); as also after mourning, which 
always implied defilement (Ru. iii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xii. 
20; Washing). The high-priest at his inauguration 
(Lev. viii. 6) and on the day of atonement, once be- 
fore each solemn act of propitiation (xvi. 4, 24), was 
also to bathe. A bathing-chamber was probably in- 
cluded in houses even of no great rank in cities from 
early times (2 Sam. xi. 2); much more in those of 
the wealthy in later times ; often, in gardens (Sus. 
15). With bathing, Anointing ' was customarily 
joined ; the climate making both these essential 
alike to health and pleasure, to which luxury added 
the use of perfumes (Sus. 17; Jd. x. 3 ; Esth. ii. 12). 
The " pools," such as that of Siloam, and Hezekiah 
(Neh. iii. 15, 16; 2 K. xx. 20; Is. xxii. 11 ; Jn. ix. 
7), often sheltered by porticoes (Jn. v. 2), are the 
first indications we have of public bathing accom- 
modation. 

Bath (Heb.). Weights and Measures. 
Bath-rab bim (Heb. daughter of many, Ges.), the 
gate of, one of the gates<K>f the ancient city of Hesh- 



BAT 



BBA 



105 



bon (Cant. vii. 4, 5 Heb.). The " Gate of Bath- 
rabbim " at Heshbon would, according to the Orien- 
tal custom, be the gate pointing to a town of that 
name. The only place in this neighborhood at all 
resembling Bath-rabbim in sound is Rabbah. Future 
investigations may settle this point. 

Bath-she'ba (Heb. daughter of the oath, or daugh- 
ter of seven, sc. years, Ges. ; 2 Sam. xi. 3, &c. ; also 
called Bath-shua in 1 Chr. iii. 5), the daughter of 
Eliam (2 Sam. xi. 3), or Ammiel (1 Chr. iii. 5), and 
wife of Uriah the Hittite. The child which was 
the fruit of her adulterous intercourse with David 
died ; but after marriage she became the mother of 
four sons, Solomon, Shimea, Shobab, and Nathan. 
When Adonijah attempted to set aside in his own 
favor the succession promised to Solomon, Bath-she- 
ba was employed by Nathan to inform the king of 
the conspiracy (1 K. i. 11-31). After the accession 
of Solomon, she, as queen-mother (Mother ; Queen), 
requested permission of her son for Adonijah to take 
in marriage Abishag the Shunamite (1 K. ii. 13-22). 
— Jewish tradition ascribes Prov. xxxi. to Bath-she- 
ba. Lemuel. 

Bath-slm'a (Heb. daughter of the oath, Ges.) = 
Bath-sheba. 

Batll-zach-a-ri'as (fr. Heb. = house of Zcchariah), 
a place, named only in 1 Mc. vi. 32, 33, to which 
Judas Maccabeus marched from Jerusalem, and 
where he encamped for the relief of Bethsura. 
(Beth-zur.) The two places were seventy stadia 
apart, and the approaches to Bath-zacharias were in- 
tricate and confined. This description is met in 
every respect by the modern Beit Sakdrieh, about 
eight English miles N. of Beit Sm; the ancient Beth- 
zur (Rbn. iii. 283, 284). 

* Bat'ter-ing-Ram. Ram, Battering. 

* Battle. Arms ; Army ; War. 
Battle-axe, Jer. li. 20. Axe ; Maul. 

* Bat'tle-ments. Fenced City ; House. 

* Ba'tus (Gr. batos, fr. Heb. bath). See Weights 
and Measures, at end. 

Ba'vai or Bav'a-i (fr. Pers. = Bebai, Ges.), son 
of Henadad ; ruler of the district of Keilah (Half- 
Part) in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 18). 

* Bay. Colors. 

Bay'-trce (Heb. ezrdh or ezrdeh). Most of the 
Jewish doctors understand by this Hebrew word in 
Ps. xxxvii. 35 (instead of " bay-tree," A. V., which 
is a species of laurel, Laurus nobilis) " a tree which 
grows in its own soil " — one that has never been 
transplanted, and is consequently flourishing and 
vigorous ; which is the interpretation given in the 
margin of the A. V. The Hebrew word literally = 
" a native," in contradistinction to " a stranger," or 
"a foreigner." 

Baz'lith (fr. Heb. = a stripping, nakedness, Ges.), 
ancestor of certain Nethinim who returned with 
Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 54) ; = Bazluth (Ezr. ii. 52), 
and Basaloth (1 Esd. v. 31). 

Baz'lnth (fr. Heb.) = Bazlith. 

BdeU'inni [del'vum] (Heb. bedolah or Mdolach), a 
precious substance, the name of which occurs in Gen. 
ii. 12, with "gold" and "onyx stone," as one of the 
productions of the land of Havilah, and in Num. xi. 
7, where manna is in color compared to bdellium. 
It is impossible to say whether the Hebrew word 
denotes a mineral, or an animal production, or a 
vegetable exudation. Bochart, Gesenius, &c, make 
it = "pearls," but the balance of probabilities 
seems to favor the translation of the A. V. (so Mr. 
Houghton, with Josephus, Aquila, Celsius, Sprengel, 
&e.). Bdellium is an odoriferous exudation from a 



tree which is (so Kaempfer) the Borassus fiabellifor- 
rnte, Linnaeus, of Arabia Felix. 

Be-a-H'all (Heb. whose lord [Baal] is Jehovah, 
Ges.), a Benjamite, who went over to David at Zik- 
lag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 

lie a-loth (Heb. pi. fem. of Baal), a town in the 
extreme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 24). Aloth; Te- 
lem. 

Be an, Children of, a tribe, apparently of preda- 
tory Bedouin habits, destroyed by Judas Maccabeus 
(1 Mc. v. 4). The name perhaps = Beon. 

Beans (Heb. pol ; 2 Sam. xvii. 28 ; Ez. iv. 9). 
Beans are cultivated in Palestine. (Agriculture.) 
Beans are in blossom in January ; they have been 
noticed in flower at Lydda on the 23d, and at Sidon 
and Acre even earlier ; they continue in flower till 
March. In Egypt beans are sown in November and 
reaped in the middle of February, but in Syria the 
harvest is later. 

Bear (Heb. and Chal. dob ; Gr. arJctos or arkos). 
The Syrian bear ( Ursus Syriacus), which is without 
doubt the "bear" of the Bible, is still found on the 




Syrian Bear.— ( Ursus Syriacus.) 



higher mountains oi i'alesiine. During the summer 
months these bears keep to the snowy parts of Leba- 
non, but descend in winter to the villages and gar- 
dens ; it is probable also that at this period in former 
days they extended their visits to other parts of 
Palestine. We read of bears being found in a wood 
between Jericho and Bethel (2 K. ii. 24) ; it is not 
improbable therefore that the destruction of the 
forty-two children who mocked Elisha took place 
some time in the winter, when these animals inhab- 
ited the lowlands of Palestine. The ferocity of the 
bear when deprived of its young is alluded to in 2 
Sam. xvii. 8; Prov. xvii. 12; Hos. xiii. 8; its at- 
tacking flocks in 1 Sam. xvii. 84, &c. ; its craftiness 
in ambush in Lam. iii. 10, and its being a dangerous 
enemy to man in Am. v. 19. The passage in Is. lix. 
11, would be better translated, "we groan like bears," 
in allusion to the animal's plaintive groaning noise. 
The bear is mentioned also in Dan. vii. 5 ; Wis. xi. 
17 ; Ecclus. xlvii. 3 ;, Rev. xiii. 2. 

Beard. Western Asiatics have always cherished 
the beard as the badge of the dignity of manhood, 
and attached to it the importance of a feature. The 
Egyptians, on the contrary, sedulously, for the most 
part, shaved the hair of the face and head and com- 
pelled their slaves to do the like. They, however, 
wore a false beard of plaited hair, and of varying 
length and form, according to the wearer's rank. 
The enemies of the Egyptians, including probably 
many of the nations of Canaan, Syria, and Armenia, 
&c, are represented nearly always bearded. In the 
Ninevite monuments is a series of battle-views from 
the capture of Lachish by Sennacherib, in which 



106 



BEA 



BEC 



the captives have beards like some of those in the 
Egyptian monuments. There is, however, an ap- 
pearance of conventionalism both in Egyptian and 
Assyrian treatment of the hair and beard on monu- 
ments, which prevents our accepting it as character- 
istic. Nor is it possible to decide with certaiuty the 




Benrds. Egyptian, from Wilkinson (top row). Of other nntbns, from 

Ro&ellinl and tnv-ird. 

meaning of the precept (Lev. xix. 27, xxi. 5) regard- 
ing the " corners of the beard." Probably the Jews 
retained the hair on the sides of the face between 
the ear and the eye, which the Arabs and others 
shaved away. Size and fulness of beard are said to 
be regarded, at the present day, as a mark of re- 
spectability and trustworthiness. The beard is the 
object of an oath, and that on which blessings, 
shame, &c, are spoken of as resting. The custom 
was and is to shave or pluck it and the hair out in 
mourning (Is. 1. 6, xv. 2; Jer. xli. 5, xlviii. 37; 
Ezr. ix. 3; Bar. vi. 31); to neglect it in seasons of 
permanent affliction (2 Sam. xix. 24), and to regard 
any insult to it as the last outrage which enmity can 
inflict (x. 4; compare Is. vii. 20). The beard was 
the object of salutation (2 Sam. xx. 9). The dress- 
ing, trimming, anointing, &c, of the beard, was per 
formed with much ceremony by persons of wealth 
and rank (Ps. exxxiii. 2). The removal of the beard 
was a part of the ceremonial treatment proper to a 
leper (Lev. xiv. 9). 

Beast, the representative in the A. V. of the 
following Hebrew and Greek words: 1. Heb. behe- 
nidh, the general name for domestic cattle of any 
kind, also = any large quadruped, as opposed to 
fowls and creeping things (Gen. i. 24, 25, A. V.. 
"cattle" in both, vi. 7, 20, "cattle" A. V., vii. 2; 
Ex. ix. 25 ; Lev. xi. 2 [the latter " beasts "], 3; IK. 
iv. 33 [v. 13, Heb.] ; Prov. xxx. 30, &c); or = least 
of burden, horse, mule, &c. (1 K. xviii. 5 ; Neh. ii. 12, 
14, &c); or = wild beast (Deut. xxxii. 24 ; Hab. ii. 17 ; 

1 Sam. xvii. 44). — 2. Heb. be'ir denotes all kinds of 
cattle, like the L. pecus (Ex. xxii. 5 [4, Heb.]; Num. 
xx. 4, " cattle " A. V., 8, 1 1 ; Ps. lxxviii. 48, " cattle " 
A. V.), or specially beast of burden (Gen. xlv. 17). — 3. 
Heb. hayyah or chayydh (properly fem. adj. = living, 
Ges.) = any animal (Gen. i. 24, 25, 30, ii. 19 ; Lev. xi. 

2 [the former " beasts "], &c. ). It, however, very fre- 
quently = wild beast, when the meaning is often more 
fully expressed by the addition of the Hebrew word 
hassddeh = "of the field " (Gen. iii. 1 ; Ex. xxiii. 11 ; 
Lev. xxvi. 22; Deut. vii. 22 ; Hos. ii. 12 [14, Heb.], 
xiii. 8; Jer. xii. 9, &c). — 4. Heb. ziz, translated 
"wild beasts" (Ps. 1. 11), "wild beast" (Ixxx. 13, 
Heb. 14) ; = any moving thing, Ges. — 5. Heb. plu- 
ral tsiyim, translated " wild beasts of the desert " 
(Is. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 14, margin " ziim " in both ; Jer. 
1. 39); = inhabitants of the desert (so Gesenius), 



whether men (A. V. " they that dwell in the wilder- 
ness," Ps. lxxii. 9 and Is. xxiii. 13 ; " the people in- 
habiting the wilderness," Ps. lxxiv. 14), or animals, 
i. e. jackals, ostriches, wild beasts (see above, and 
compare No. 6). — 6. Heb. plural iyim, translated 
"wild beasts of the islands" (Is. xiii. 22, margin, 
" Iim," xxxiv. 14, margin, '' Ijim;" Jer. 1. 39); = 
howlers, i. e. jackals, Ges. (compare No. 5). — 7. Heb. 
plural of adj. meri (= fat, fatted, Ges.), translated 
" fat beasts " (Am. v. 22), " fed beasts " (Is. i. 11); 
elsewhere translated " fatlings," " fat cattle," and 
in singular, " Catling. " (See Ox.) — 8. Heb. reccsh. 
(Dromedary.) — 9. Heb. plural circdroth, translated 
"swift beasts" (Is. lxvi. 20); = dromedaries, OT Swift 
camels, Bochart, Gesenius, &c. (Camel.) — 10. Gr: 
Ictenos (literally, possession, property) — a " beast," a 
domestic animal as bought or sold (Rev. xviii. 13), 
as yielding meat (1 Cor. xv. 39), as used for riding, 
burdi us, Hie. (Lk. x. 34; Acts xxiii. 24); in LXX. 
= No. 1 and 2 above (Rtra. N. T. Lex.)—\\. Gr. 
lie' ruin = "beast," " wild beast," any viild animal 
( Wis. xii. 9, xvi. 5, xvii. 19 [Gr. 18] ; 1 Me. vi. 35 
ff. ; 2 Me. xv. 20, 21 ; Mk. i. 13 ; Acts x. 12, xi. 6, 
xxviii. 4, 5 ; Heb. xii. 20 ; Jas. iii. 7 ; Rev. vi. 8) ; 
used figuratively and symbolically (Tit. i. 12; Rev. 
xi. 7, xiii. 1 If., "xiv. 9, 11, &c); in LXX. = No. 1 
iiinl :;. The Greek primitive their occurs in Wis. xi. 
18 (Gr. 19) in the plural = " wild beasts." — 12. Gr. 
plural It Irtipothi = "four-footed beasts," quadrupeds 
(Acta x. 12, xi. (5 ; Rom. i. 23); in LXX. = No. 1 
and — 13. (Jr. sphagion = a "shin beast," a victim 
slaughtered in sacrifice (Acts vii. 42). — It. Gr. toon, 
;i " Beast," properly a living thing, an animal, (Wis. 
xi. 15 [Or. 16], xiii. 14, xv. 18, 19, xvii. 19[Gr 18]; 
Ecclns. xiii. 15; Heb. xiii. 11 ; 2 Pet. ii. 12; Jude 
Id) ; used symbolically (Rev. iv. 6-9, v., vi., vii. 11, 

xiv. 3, xv. 7", xix. 4); 'in LXX. = No. 3 (Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.). — 15. Gr. knodalon = " beast," a wild animal, 
especially one that is dangerous or harmful (Wis. xi. 
15 [Gr. 16], xvi. 1, xvii. 9). 

* Beating. Punishments. 

* Bcau'ti-fnl Gate (Acts iii. 2, 10). Temple. 
Bc'bai or Beba-i (Heb. fr. Pehlvi bab = father, 

Ges.).— 1. Ancestor of 623 (Ezr. ii. 11 ; 1 Esd. v. 
13 ; 628 in Neh. vii. 16) who returned with Zerub- 
babel ; of 28 who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 11); 
of 4 who had taken foreign wives (x. 28 ; 1 Esd. ix. 
29). The name either of the family or of an indi- 
vidual occurs also among those who sealed the cove- 
nant (Neh. x. 15). — 2. Father of the Zechariah who 
was leader of the 28 mentioned above (Ezr. viii. 11). 
Bc'bai or Beb'a-i (Gr.), a place named only in Jd. 

xv. 4. 

Be'chcr [-ker] (Heb. first-born ; young camel, 
Ges.). 1. The second son of Benjamin, according 
to Gen. xlvi. 21, and 1 Chr. vii. 6 ; but omitted in 1 
Chr. viii. 1. Lord A. C. Hervey regards the Hebrew 
bechoro (translated in A. V. " his first-born ") in 1 
Chr. viii. 1, as a corruption of Becher, so that the 
genuine reading would be Benjami?i begat Bela, 
Becher, and Ashbel, in exact agreement with Gen. 
xlvi. 21. He suggests another view as possible, viz., 
that 1 Chr. viii. 1, is right, and that in Gen. xlvi. 
21, and 1 Chr. vii. 8, Becher, as a proper name, is a 
corruption of bt'chor(— first-born), so that Benjamin 
had no son Becher. But, he thinks, it can scarcely 
be doubted, that Becher was one of Benjamin's 
three sons (Bela, Becher, Ashbel), and came down 
to Egypt with Jacob, being one of the fourteen de- 
scendants of Rachel who settled in Egypt (Gen. 
xlvi. 20, 21). As no Becher or family named after 
Becher appears among the Benjamites in Num. xxvi. 



BEC 



BEE 



107 



38-41, Lord A. C. Hervey supposes the Becher 
and Bachrites among the sons of Ephraim (ver. 35) 
to be the same person and his family, and thus ex- 
plains: The slaughter of the sons of Ephraim by the 
men of Gath, who came to steal their cattle out of 
the land of Goshen, in that border affray related in 
1 Chr. vii. 21, had sadly thinned the house of 
Ephraim of its males. The daughters of Ephraim 
must therefore have sought husbands in other tribes, 
and in many cases must have been heiresses. Prob- 
ably, therefore, Becher, or his heir and head of his 
house, married an Ephraimitish heiress, daughter of 
Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20, 21), and so his house 
was reckoned in the tribe of Ephraim, just as Jair, 
the son of Segub, was reckoned in the tribe of Ma- 
nasseh (ii. 22 ; Num. xxxii. 40, 41). Dr. P. Holmes, 
in Kitto, edition 1866, however, maintains that 
neither Becher the Benjamite nor his heir could be- 
come an heir of Ephraim by marriage (compare 
Num. xxxvi.) ; but that the clause " of Becher the 
family of the Bachrites " should be transferred from 
Num. xxvi. 35 to ver. 38, and that Becher's family 
became insignificant or extinct at or before the 
Captivity, and for this reason Becher is not men- 
tioned in 1 Chr. viii. The junior branches of 
Becher's family (1 Chr. vii. 8) would, of course, ac- 
cording to Lord A. C. Hervey, continue in the 
tribe of Benjamin. — 2. Son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 
35) ; perhaps = Bered 2; see No. 1 above. 

Be-cho'rath [-ko-] (Keb.ftrst-birth,ftrst-born,Ges.), 
a Benjamite, son of Aphiah, and ancestor of King 
Saul (1 Sam. ix. 1). 

Bec'ti-lctll (fr. Syr. = house of slavghter),thzy\tim 
cf, mentioned in Jd. ii. 21, as lying between Nine- 
veh and Cilicia. The name has been compared 
with Baktai'alla, a town of Syria named by Ptol- 
emy, Bactiali in the Peutinger Tables, which place 
it twenty-one miles from Antioch. Perhaps, if an 
historical word, it is a corruption of Hebrew bik'ah. 
Plain 2. 

Bed and Bed'chamber [-ehame-]. We may distin- 
guish in the Jewish bed five principal parts: — 1. the 
mattress ; 2. the covering ; 3. the pillow ; 4. the bed- 
stead or support for one ; 5. the ornamental portions. 




Beds. — (From Fellows, Asia Minor.) 



— 1. This portion of the bed was limited to a mere mat, 
or one or more quilts. — 2. A quilt finer than those used 
in No. 1. In summer a thin blanket or the outer gar- 
ment worn by day (1 Sam. xix. 13) sufficed. The 
latter often, in the case of the poor, formed No. 1 
and 2. The common bed or couch in modern Pales- 
tine is merely a thickly-padded quilt (Thn. ii. 1 ; com- 
pare Mat. ix. 2 ff. ; Mk. ii. 4 ff. ; Lk. v. 18 ff. ; Jn. 
v. 8 ff.). Hence the law provided that it should not 
be kept in pledge after sunset, that the poor man 
might not lack his needful covering (Deut. xxiv. 13). 
— 3. The only material mentioned for this is that 



named in 1 Sam. xix. 13, and the word used is of 
doubtful meaning, probably = some fabric woven or 
plaited of goat's-bair. It is clear, however, that it 
was something hastily adopted to serve as a pillow, 
and is not decisive of the ordinary use. In Ez. xiii. 
18, occurs the Hebrew word ceseth, which seems to 
be the proper term. Such pillows are common to 
this day in the East, formed of sheep's fleece or 
goat's-skin, with a stuffing of cotton, &c. — 4. The 
bedstead was not always necessary, the divan, tr 
platform along the side or end of an Oriental room, 
sufficing as a support for the bedding, and the same 
article being used for a covering by night and a gar- 
ment by day. Yet some slight and portable frame 
seems implied among the senses of the Hebrew 
miltdh, which is used for a "bier" (2 Sam. hi. 31), 
for the ordinary bed (1 Sam. xix. 13 ; 2 K. iv. 10), 
for the litter on which a sick person might be car- 
ried (1 Sam. xix. 15 ; compare Cant. iii. "7), for Ja- 
cob's bed of sickness (Gen. xlvii. 31), and for the 
couch on which guests reclined at a banquet (Esth. i. 
6 ; Ez. xxiii. 41.) — 5. The ornamental portions weie 
pillars and a Canopy (Jd. xiii. 9), ivory carvings, 
gold and silver, and probably mosaic work, purple 
and fine linen (Esth. i. 6 ; Cant. iii. 9 [" Chariot," 
A. V. ; " bed," marg.], 10). The ordinary furniture 
of a bedchamber in private life is given in 2 K. iv. 




Bed and Head-reBt. — ("Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians.) 



10. The " bedchamber " in the Temple where Jo- 
ash was hidden, was, probably, a store-chamber for 
keeping beds (2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 11). The po- 
sition of the bedchamber in the most remote and 
secret parts of the palace seems marked in Ex. viii. 
3 ; 2 K. vi. 12. 

Be'dad (Heb. separation, part, Ges.), father of Ha- 
dad king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 46). 

Be dan (Heb. son of Dan, viz. Samson, Chaldee 
and Rabbins ; servile = Abdon, Ges., Ewald). I. In 
1 Sam: xii. 11, a judge of Israel between Jerubbaal 
(Gideon) and Jephthah. Some make Bedan = the 
Jair of Judg. x. 3. The LXX., Syriac, and Arabic 
all have Barak, a very probable correction except for 
the order of the names. — 2. A Manassite, son of 
Ulam (1 Chr. vii. 17). 

Be-dei'all [-dee'yah] (Heb. probably = servant of 
Jehovah, Ges.), a son of Bani in Ezra's time, husband 
of a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 35). 

Bee (Heb. debordh ; Deut, i. 44 ; Judg. xiv. 8 ; 
Ps. cxviii. 12 ; Is. vii. 18). That Palestine abounded 
in bees is evident, for it was a land "flowing with 
milk and Honey." (Wax.) Modern travellers 
(Maundrell, Hackett, &c.) allude to the bees of Pal- 
estine. Thomson (i. 460) speaks of immense 
swarms of bees which made their home in a gigan- 
tic cliff of Wady Kurn. " The people of M'alia, 
several years ago," he says, " let a man down the 
face of the rock by ropes. He was entirely pro- 
tected from the assaults of the bees, and extracted 



108 



BEE 



BEE 



a large amount of honey ; but he was so terrified by 
the prodigious swarms of bees that he could not be 
induced to repeat the exploit." This forcibly illus- 
trates Deut. xxxii. 13, and Ps. lxxxi. 16, as to "honey 
out of the rock," and the two passages from Psalms 
and Judges quoted above, as to the iearful nature of 
the attacks of these insects when irritated. English 
naturalists know little of the species of bees found in 
Palestine. Mr. P. Smith, our best authority on the 
Hymenoptera, who has described seventeen species 
of true honey-bees (the genus Apis), is inclined to 
believe that the honey-bee of Palestine is distinct 
from the honey-bee [A. mellifia) of this country (so 
Mr. Houghton, original author of this article). There 
can be no doubt that the attacks of bees in Eastern 
countries are more to be dreaded than in more tem- 
perate climates. Swarms in the East are far larger 
than with us, and, on account of the heat of the cli- 
mate, one can readily imagine that their stings must 
give rise to very dangerous symptoms. We can well, 
therefore, understand the full force of the Psalmist's 
complaint, " They compassed me about like bees." 
The passage about the swarm of bees and honey in 
the lion's carcass (Judg. xiv. 8) admits of easy expla- 
nation. The lion which Samson slew had been dead 
some little time before the bees took up their abode 
in the carcass, for it is expressly stated that " after a 
time " Samson returned and saw the bees and honey 
in the lion's carcass, so that " if any one here repre- 
sents to himself a corrupt and putrid carcass, the 
occurrence ceases to have any true similitude, for it 
is well known that in these countries at certain sea- 
sons of the year, the heat will in the course of twen- 
ty-four hours so completely dry up the moisture of 
dead camels, and that without their undergoing de- 
composition, that their bodies long remain, like mum- 
mies, unaltered and entirely free from offensive odor " 
(Oedmann). Probably, also, ants would help to con- 
sume the carcass, and soon leave little but the skele- 
ton. Is. vii. 18, "the Lord shall hiss for the bee 
that is in the land of Assyria," has been understood 
by some to refer to the practice of " calling out the 
bees from their hives by a hissing or whistling sound 
to their labor in the fields, and summoning them 
again to return " in the evening ; but probably it 
has reference " to the custom of the people in the 
East of calling the attention of any one by a signifi 
cant hits or rather hist " (Mr. Denham, in Kitto). 

Be-c-li a-da (Heb. known by Baal ; whom the Lord 
knows and cares for, Ges.), son of David, born in Je- 
rusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 7); = Eliada. 

Be-el'sa-rns (fr. Gr.) = Bilshan (1 Esd. v. 8). 

Be-el-tetu'mns (fr. Gr. ; see below), an officer of 
Artaxerxes residing in Palestine (1 Esd. ii. 16, 25). 
The name is a corruption of the Chaldee title of Re- 
hum ( = lord of judgment, A. V. " chancellor," Ezr. 
iv. 8). 

* Be-el'ze-bub (L.). Beelzebul. 

Be-el'ze-bnl (see below), the title of a heathen 
deity, to whom the Jews ascribed the sovereignty of 
the evil spirits (Mat. x. 25, xii. 24, 27 ; Mk. iii. 22 ; 
Lk. xi. 15 flf.). The correct reading is without doubt 
Beelzebul, and not Beelzebub as given in the Syriac, 
Vulgate, A. V., &c. 1. The explanations offered in 
reference to the change of the final letter of the name 
Baal-zebub (see under Baal ; but some disbelieve 
this supposed connection between Beelzebul and 
Baal-zebub) may be ranged into two classes, accord- 
ing as they are based on the sound, or the meaning 
of the word. The former proceeds on the assump- 
tion that the name Beelzebub was for some reason 
offensive to the Greek ear. The second class of ex- 



planations carries the greatest weight of authorty 
witli it ; these proceed on the ground that the Jews 
intentionally changed the pronunciation of the word, 
so as either to give a significance to it adapted to 
their own ideas, or to cast ridicule upon the idolatry 
of the neighboring nations (compare Sychar for 
Sychcm, Bethaveu for Bethel). Some connect the 
term with the Hebrew zebu! = habitation, thus mak- 
ing Beelzebul — the lord of the dwelling (A. V. " the 
master of the house," Mat. x. 25), whether as the 
" prince of the power of the air " (Eph. ii. 2), or as 
the prince of the lower world, or as inhabiting hu- 
man bodies, or as occupying a mansion in the seventh 
heaven, like Saturn in Oriental mythology. Others 
derive it from the Hebrew zebel = dung, thus making 
Beelzebul, literally = the lord of dung, or the dung- 
hill ; and in a secondary sense (as zebel was used by 
the Talmudical writers as = idol or idolatry) = the 
lord of idols, prince of Jalse gods. It is generally 
held that the former of these two senses is more par- 
ticularly referred to in the N. T. : the latter, however, 
is adopted by Lightfoot and Sehleusncr. Hug inge 
niously conjectures that the fly, under which Baal- 
zebub was represented, was the Searabieus pillu- 
larius or dunghill beetle, in which case Baal-zebub 
and Beelzebul might lie used indifferently. — 2. The 
Jewish reference to Baal-zebub in Mat. x. 25 may 
have originated in a fancied resemblance between 
the application of Ahaziah to Baal-zebub, and that 
of tlic Jews to our Lord for the ejection of the un- 
clean spirits. The title, " prince of the devils," may 
have special reference to the nature of the disease in 
question as incurable by any human power, or it may 
have been educed from the name itself by a fancied 
or real etymology. The notices of Beelzebul are ex- 
clusively connected with the subject of Demoniacs, a 
circumstance which may account for the subsequent 
disappearance of the name. 

Beer (Heb. well; compare Ain). 1, One of the 
latest halting-phces of the Israelites, lying beyond 
the Anion, and so called from the well there dug by 
the "princes" and "nobles" of the people, and 
celebrated in a fragment of poetry (Num. xxi. 16- 
18); possibly = Beeh-elim. — 2, A place to which 
Jothatn, the son of Gideon, fled for fear of his brother 
Abimelech (Judg. ix. 21) ; according to Eusebius and 
Jerome, ten miles N. of Eleutheropolis. Here is 
now a deserted village el-Bireh near 'Ain-Shems 
(Beth-shemesh). But perhaps Beer = Beekoth 
(Ron. i. 452). 

Bc'e-ra (Heb. well, Ges.), son of Zophah, of the 
tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Be'er-ah (Heb. well, Ges.), prince of the Reuben- 
ites, carried away by Tiglath-pi'.eser (1 Chr. v. 6). 

Be'cr-e'lim (Heb. welt of heroes, Ges.), a spot 
named in Is. xv. 8 as on the " border of Moab." 
Beer 1. 

Bc'er-i (Heb. of or from, a well, Ges. ; illustrious, 
Fii.). 1. Father of Esau's wife, Judith (Gen. xxvi. 
34; Anah). — 2. Father of the prophet Hosea (Hos. 
i. 1). 

Be'er-Ia-liai'-roi [-hay'roy] (Heb. well of the living 
and seeing, sc. God ; well of life of vision, i. e. of life 
after a vision of God, Ges.), a well, or rather a liv- 
ing spring (A. V. '• fountain," Gen. xvi. 7), between 
Kadesh and Bered, in the wilderness, " in the way 
to Shur," and therefore in the " S. country," which 
was so named by Hagar, because God saw her there 
(Gen. xvi. 14). By this well Isaac dwelt both before 
and after the death of his father (xxiv. 62, xxv. 1 1 ). 
In both these passages the A. V. has " the well La- 
hai-roi." Mr. Rowlands announces the discovery of 



BEE 



BEH 



109 



the well Lahai-roi at Moyle or Moilahi (At. el-Mu- 
weileh = salt-places, Rbn.), a station on the road to 
Beer-sheba, ten hours S. W. of Ruhaibeh (ancient 
Rehoboth?), and about fifty miles S. W. from Beer- 
sheba ; near which is a hole or cavern bearing the 
name of Beit Hagar (Ritter, Sinai, 1086, 7); but 
this requires confirmation. 

Be'er-oth (Heb. wells), one of the four cities of the 
Hivites who deluded Joshua into a treaty of peace 
with them ; the other three being Gibeon, Chephi- 
rah, and Kirjath-jearim (Josh. ix. IV). Beeroth was 
with the rest of these allotted to Benjamin (xviii. 
25), in whose possession it continued at the time of 
David, the murderers of Ish-bosheth belonging to it 
(2 Sam. iv. 2). It is again named with Chephriah 
and Kirjath-jearim in the list of those who returned 
from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 25 ; Neh. vii. 29 ; Beroth). 
Beeroth was probably at the modern el-Bireh, a vil- 
lage about ten miles N. of Jerusalem by the great 
road to Nablus, just below a ridge which bounds the 
prospect N. from the Holy city. As this is the first 
halting-place of caravans going N. from Jerusalem, 
it is not improbably, as is claimed by monastic tradi- 
tion, the place where the " parents " of Jesus "sought 
Him,'' and whence " they turned back again to Jeru- 
salem, seeking Him " (Lk. ii. 44, 45 ; Stl. 210). Na- 
harai "the Beerothite" (2 Sam. xxiii. S^), or "the 
Berothite" (1 Chr. xi. 29), was one of David's val- 
iant men. 

Be'er-oth (Heb. welk, Ges.) of the Chil dren of 

Ja'a-kan = the wells of the tribe descended from 
Jaakan; one of the halting-places of the Israelites 
in the desert (Deut. x. 6). In Num. xxxiii., the 
name is Bene Jaakan only. 

Be'er-oth-itc (fr. Heb.) = one from Beeroth. 

Beer-she'ba (Heb. well of swearing, or of seven), 
one of the oldest places in Palestine, forming the S. 
limit of the country. There are two not inconsistent 
accounts of the origin of the name. — 1. Abraham dug 
the well, and gave the name, because there he and 
Abimelech, the king of the Philistines, " sware " 
both of them (Gen. xxi. 31). But the compact was 
ratified by the setting apart of "seven ewe lambs ;" 
and as the Hebrew word for " seven " is Sheba, some 
suppose that this is the meaning of the name. In 
chapters xxi., xxii. it is spelt in the Heb. Beer-shaba. 
— 2. In an occurrence almost precisely similar, a 
Philistine king, Abimelech, and a Phichol, his chief 
captain, are again concerned, but with Isaac instead 
of Abraham (xxvi. 31-33; Shebah). In xxvi. 18, 
we are told, " Isaac digged again the wells of water 
which they had digged in the days of Abraham his 
father ; for the Philistines had stopped them after 
the death of Abraham ; and he called their names 
after the names by which his father had called 
them." — There are at present on the spot two prin- 
cipal wells, and five smaller ones (Bonar). The two 
principal wells are on or close to the N. bank of the 
Wady es-Seba\ They lie just 100 yards apart, and 
are visible from a considerable distance. The E., 
and larger of the two is, according to the careful 
measurements of Robinson (i. 204), 12-J feet in diam- 
eter, and at the time of his visit (April 12) was 44^ 
feet to the surface of the water: the masonry which 
encloses the well reaches downward for 28-J feet. 
The other well is 5 feet in diameter, and was 42 feet 
to the water. The curb-stones round the mouth of 
both wells are worn into deep grooves by the action 
of the ropes of so many centuries, and " look as if 
frilled or fluted all round." The five lesser wells are 
in a group in the bed of the wady (V. de V. ii. 136). 
On some low hills N. of the large wells are scittered 



the foundations and ruins of a town of moderate 
size. There are no trees or shrubs near the spot. — 
From the time of Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 10, xlvi. 1, 5) 
till the conquest of the country we only catch a mo- 
mentary glimpse of Beer-sheba in the lists of the cities 
in the extreme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 28) given to 
the tribe of Simeon (xix. 2 ; 1 Chr. iv. 28). Samuel's 
sons were judges there (1 Sam. viii. 2). There Eli- 
jah halted on his way to Horeb, and left his servant 
(1 K. xix. 3). " From Dan to Beer-sheba " (Judg. 

xx. 1, &c), or " from Beer-sheba to Dan" (1 Chr. 

xxi. 2 ; compare 2 Sam. xxiv. 2) = the whole of ti e 
promised land ; just as " from Geba to Beer-sheba " 
(2 K. xxiii. 8), or " from Beer-sheba to Mount Ephra- 
im " (2 Chr. xix. 4) = the S. kingdom after the 
disruption. After the return from the Captivity the 
formula is narrowed still more, and becomes " from 
Beer-sheba to the Valley of Hinnom " (Neh. xi. 30). 
In the time of Amos, Beer-sheba, like Bethel and 
Gilgal, was the seat of an idolatrous worship, ap- 
parently connected in some intimate manner with 
the N. kingdom (Am. v. 5, viii. 14). After this, with 
the mere mention that Beer-sheba and the villages 
round it were reinbabited after the Captivity (Neh. 
xi. 30), the name dies entirely out of the Bible record. 
In the time of Jerome it was still a considerable 
place; and later it is mentioned as an episcopal city 
under the bishop of Jerusalem. It retains its an- 
cient name as nearly in sound as an Arabic significa- 
tion will permit — Bir es-Seba' 1 = the " well of the 
lion," or "of seven." — " The wilderness of Beer-she- 
ba " (Gen. xxi. 14) " probably denotes the desert 
country S. of Beer-sheba toward the wilderness of 
Paran " (Bush on Gen. 1. a). 

Be-esh'te-rah (Heb. house, or temple, of Ashloreth, 
Ges.), one of the two cities allotted to the sons of 
Gershom, out of the tribe of Manasseh beyond Jor- 
dan (Josh. xxi. 27); apparently = Ashiaroth 2. 

Bee tle. Locust 3. 

* Beeves. Bull ; Ox. 

* Beg'gar. Alms ; Poor. 

* Be-got'ten. The phrases " only-begotten " (Jn. i. 
14, 18, iii. 16, 18 ; 1 Jn. iv. 9) and " first-begotten" 
(Heb. i. 6; Rev. i. 5) especially designate the Lord 
Jesus Christ, the Son or God. 

Be-head'ing. Punishments. 

Bc'he-nioth or Be-he'moth (Heb. pi. of majesty 
[fr. bihem&h ; see Beast 1 ] = the great beast, Ges.). 
There can be little or no doubt, that by this word 
(Job xl. 15-24) the hippopotamus (L. fr. Gr. = 
river-horse) is intended, since all the details descrip- 
tive of the behemoth accord entirely with the ascer- 




Hippopotnmus (Hippopotamve ampliibiue). 



tained habits of that animal (so Mr. Houghton, with 
Bochart, Shaw, Rosenmiiller, Harmer, Gesenius, Fiirst, 
most English commentators, &c). The hippopota- 
mus is an aquatic African quadruped, larger than 



110 



BEK 



BEL 



the ox, but more closely allied to the rhinoceros and 
hog. Since in the first part of Jehovah's discourse 
(Job xxxviii., xxxix.) land animals and birds are 
mentioned, it suits the general purpose of that dis- 
course better to suppose that aquatic or amphibious 
creatures are spoken of in the last half of it; and 
since the " leviathan," by almost universal consent 
= the crocodile, the " behemoth " seems clearly = 
the hippopotamus, anciently (see Egypt) Ins asso- 
ciate in the Nile. The description of the animals ly- 
ing under " the shady trees," amongst the " reeds " 
and willows, is peculiarly applicable to the hippopot- 
amus. It has been argued that such a description 
is equally applicable to the elephant; but this is 
hardly the case, for though the elephant is fond of 
frequent ablutions, and is frequently seen near the 
water, yet the constant habit of the hippopotamus, 
as implied in verses 21, 22, seems to be especially 
made the subject to which the attention is directed. 

Bekah (Heb. a part, half, Ges.). Weiguts and 
Measures. 

Bel. Baal. 

Bel aad Drag on. Daniel, ApocrtvriiAL additions 

to. 

Bc'Ia (Ileb. a swallowing up, or destruction). 1, 
One of the five cities of " the plain " (Plain 8), which 
was spared at the intercession of Lot, and named 
Zoar (Gen. xiv. 2, 8, xix. 22). The king of Bela is 
the only one of the five confederates whose name is 
not given, and this suggests the probability of licla 
having been his own name, as well as the name of 
his city, which may have been so called from him.— 
2. Son of Beor, and king of Edom, eight generations 
before Saul, king of Israel, or about the time of the 
Exodus (Gen. xxxvi. 32 ft*. ; 1 dir. i. 43 ff.). BjrnarJ 
Hyde, following some Jewish commentators (Sim. 
Onom. 112, n.), identifies this Bela with Balaam the 
son of B»or; but the evidence from the name does 
not prove more than identity of family and race. 
There is nothing to guide us as to the age of Beor, 
or Bosor, the founder of the house from which Bela 
and Balaam sprung. Tiie name Beor is of a decid- 
edly Clialdee or Aramean form ; and we are express- 
ly told that Balaam the son of Beor dwelt in Pethor, 
which is by the river of the land of the children of 
his people, i. e. the river Euphrates ; and he himself 
describes his home as being in Aram (N'um. xxii. 5, 
xxi'n. 7). Hence not improbably Bela the son of 
Beor, who reigned over Edom in the city of Dinha- 
bah, was a Chaldean by birth, and reigned in Edom 
by conquest. He may have been contemporary with 
Moses and Balaam. — 3. Eldest son of Benjamin 
(Gen. xlvi. 21 ; A. V. "Belah;" Num. xxvi. 38,40; 
1 Chr. vii. 6, viii. 1), and head of the family of the 
Belaites. — 4. Son of Azaz, a Reubenite (1 Chr. 
v. 8). 

Be'lah. Bela 3. 

Be la-ites, the (Num. xxvi. 38) = descendants of 
Bela 3. 

Bele-mus (1 EsJ. ii. 16) = Bis:ilam. 

Be'li-al (fr. Heb., see below). The A. V., follow- 
ing the Vulgate, frequently treats this word as a 
proper name in the 0. T., particularly where it is 
connected with man of, or son of: in other instances 
it is translated " wicked," "evil," "naughty," "un- 
godly" (Deut. xv. 9; Ps. xli. 8, ci. 3; Prov. vi. 
12, xvi. 27, xix. 28; Nah. i. 11. 15); "ungodly 
men" (Ps. xviii. 4, A. V.). Unquestionably, how- 
ever, the word is not a proper name in the 0. T. ; it 
= worlhlessness, and hence recklessness, lawlessness. 
A son or man or child of Belial = a worthless, law- 
less fellow : it occurs frequently in this sense in the 



historical books (Judg. xix. 22, xx. 13 ; 1 Sam. i. 16 
["daughter of Belial" = worthless, or wicked wo- 
man, Ges.], ii. 12, x. 27, xxv. 17, 25, xxx. 22 ; 2 Sam. 
xvi. 7, xx. 1 ; 1 K. xxi. 10 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 7), only once 
in the earlier books (Dout. xiii. 13). In 2 Sam. xxiii. 
6, and Job xxxiv. 18 (A. V. " wicked"), Belial stands 
by itself, as a term of reproach. In 2 Cor. vi. 15, 
the term in the Greek, according to Griesbach and 
others, is Beliar, a Syriac form (Rbn. N. T. Lex.), 
not, as in the A. V'., Belial ; and here it is generally 
considered an appellative of Satan, as the per- 
sonification of all that was bad : Bcngel explains it 
of Antichrist, as more strictly the opposite of Christ. 

* Be lieve, to, in the N. T., especially denotes lo 
exercise faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, lo be a Chris- 
tian (Acts xiii. 35, xxi. 20, 25; Rom. x. 4, 10; 1 
Cor. i. 21, &c). Faith. 

* Be-licv'ers = Christians (Acts v. 14 ; 1 Tim. iv. 
12). Believe. 

* Bell. Bells. 

Bel lows (Ileb. mappuah or mappuach). The word 
occurs only in Jer. vi. 29, " The bellows arc burned ;" 
where their use is to heat a smelting furnace. A pic- 
ture of two different kinds of bellows, both ingenious- 
ly constructed, may be found in Wilkinson, Ancient 
Egyptians, iii. 338. "They consisted," he says, "of 
a. leather, secured and fitted into a frame, from which 
a long pipe extended for carrying the wind to the 
fire. They were worked by the feet, the operator 
standing upon them, with one under each foot, and 
pressing them alternately while he pulled up each 
exhausted skin with a string he held in his hand. 
In one instance we observe from the painting, that 
when the man left the bellows, they were raised as 
if inflated with air ; and this would imply a knowl- 
edge of the valve. The pipes even in the time of 
Thothmes II., (supposed to be) the contemporary of 
Moses, appear to have been simply of reed, tipped 
with a metal point to resist the action of the fire." 
Handicraft. 




Egyptian Bellowa. (F. C&Mliard. Recherthtt nitr Us Aria del 
Aneitna Egijpliena.) 



Bells. There arc two Hebrew words thus trans- 
lated in the A. V., viz. pa'fimon (Ex. xxviii. 33, 34, 
xxxix. 25. 26) and mctsillolh (Zech. xiv. 20 ; A. V. 
margin, "bridles"). In Exodus the bells were 
golden, according to the Rabbis seventy-two in num- 
ber, which alternated with the three-colored pomegra- 
nates round the hem of the high-priest's ephod. The 
object of them was that his sound might be heard , 
when he went in unto the holy place, and when he 
came out. that he die not (Ex. xxviii. 34 ; Ecclus. 
xiv. 9). No doubt they answered the same pur- 
pose as the bells used by the Brahmins in the Hindoo 
ceremonies, and by the Roman Catholics during the 
celebration of mass. To this day bells are frequently 
attached to the anklets of women. (Anklet.) The 
little girls of Cairo wear strings of them round their 



BEL 



BEN 



111 



feet. In Zech. xiv. 20 the " bells of the horses " 
(A. V.) probably = concave or flat pieces of brass, 
which were sometimes attached to horses for orna- 
ment. 

Bel'ma-im (see Belmen), a place apparently S. of 
Dothaim ( Jd. vii. 3) ; possibly - Belmen. 

Bcl'mcn (apparently fr. Abel-maim), a place named 
among the towns of Samaria, as lying between Beth- 
horon and Jericho (Jd. iv. 4). 

Bel-shaz'zar (fr. Chal. ; prob. = Belteshazzar, 
Ges., Fii. ; Bel has formed a king, Dr. E. Hincks), 
the last king of Babylon. During a splendid feast in 
his palace he was affrighted by a mysterious hand- 
writing on the wall. After applying in vain to other 
wise men, he sent for Daniel, who boldly rebuked 
him for his pride and impiety, and then interpreted 
the Divine message to him. Belshazzar was slain 
the same night (see Dan. v.) Xenophon also tells us 
that Babylon was taken by Cyrus in the night, while 
the inhabitants were engaged in feasting and revelry, 
and that the king was killed. On the other hand, 
the narratives of Berosus in Josephus and of Herodo- 
tus differ from the above account in some important 
particulars. Berosus calls the last king of Babylon 
Nabonnedus or Nabonadius, and says that in the 
seventeenth year of his reign Cyrus took Babylon, 
the king having retired to the neighboring city of 
Borsippus or Borsippa. Being blockaded in that city 
Nabonnedus surrendered, his life was spared, and a 
principality or estate given to him in Carmania, where 
he died. According to Herodotus the last king was 
called Labynetus, a name easy to reconcile with the 
Nabonnedus of Berosus, and the Nabannidochus of 
Megasthenes. Cyrus, after defeating Labynetus in 
the open field, appeared before Babylon, within which 
the besieged defied attack and even blockade. But 
he took the city by drawing off for a time the waters 
of the Euphrates, and then marching in with his 
whole army along its bed during a great Babylonian 
festival. These discrepancies have lately been cleared 
up by the discoveries of Sir Henry Rawlinson. From 
the inscriptions on some cylinders found at Mugheir 
(see Ur), it appeirs that the eldest son of Nabonne- 
dus was called Bel-shar-ezar, contracted into Bel- 
shazzar, and admitted by his father to a share in the 
government. Sir Henry Rawlinson says, " We can 
now understand how Belshazzar, as joint king with 
his father, may have been governor of Babylon, when 
the city was attacked by the combined forces of the 
Medes and Persians, and may have perished in the 
assault which followed ; while Nabonnedus leading 
a force to the relief of the place was defeated, and 
obliged to take refuge in Borsippa, capitulating after 
a short resistance, and being subsequently assigned, 
according to Berosus, an honorable retirement in 
Carmania." Belshazzar's position as joint ruler with 
his father harmonizes with Daniel's being the "third 
ruler in the kingdom" (Dan. v. 16, 29), the highest 
position then tenable by a subject (G. Rawlinson, 
Hist. Evidences, 442). In Dan. v. 2, Nebuchadnez- 
zar is called the father of Belshazzar. This, of 
course, need only mean grandfather or ancestor. 
Rawlinson connects Belshazzar with Nebuchadnezzar 
through his mother, thinking it probable that Nabu- 
nahit ( = Nabonnedus) would strengthen his posi- 
tion by marrying the daughter of that king, who 
would thus be Belshazzar's maternal grandfather. 
A totally different view is taken by Marcus Niebuhr, 
who considers Belshazzar to be another name for 
Evil-merodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar. On 
Rawlinson's view, Belshazzar died b. c. 538 ; on 
Niebuhr's, b. c. 559. 



* Bel-te-shaz'zar, an Assyrio-Babylonish name 
( = Bel's prince, i. e. whom Bel favors, Ges. ; Bel, 
or maintainer, of the lord, Fii.) given to Daniel 
(Dan. i. V, &c.). 

Ben (Heb. son), a Levite "of the second degree," 
one of the porters appointed by David for the ark 
(1 Chr. xv. 18). 

* Ben-a-Mn'a-dab (Heb.) = " son of Abinadab " 
(1 K. iv. 11, marg.). Abinadab 4. 

Be-nai'ah [-na'yah] (fr. Heb. whom Jehovah hath 
built, Ges.). 1. Son of Jehoiada the chief priest (1 
Chr. xxvii. 5), and therefore of the tribe of Levi, 
though a native of Kabzeel (2 Sam. xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. 
xi. 22) in the S. of Judah ; set by David (xi. 25) 
over his body-guard of Cherethites and Pelethites (2 
Sam. viii. 18 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 17; 2 Sam. xx. 23), and 
occupying a middle rank between the *rst three of 
the " mighty men," and the thirty " valiant men of 
the armies" (2 Sam. xxiii. 22, 23; 1 Chr. xi. 25, 
xxvii. 6.) The exploits which gave him this rank 
are narrated in 2 Sam. xxiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22 ff. 
He was captain of the host for the third month (1 
Chr. xxvii. 5). Benaiah remained faithful to Solo- 
mon during Adonijah's attempt on the crown (1 K. 
i.); he put to death, at the king's command, Ado- 
nijah, Joab, and Shimei ; and was raised into the 
place of Joab as commander-in-chief of the whole 
army (ii., iv. 4). He appears to have had a son, 
called after his grandfather, Jehoiada, who succeed- 
ed Ahithophel about the person of the king (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 34). But this is possibly a copyist's mistake 
for " Benaiah the son of Jehoiada." — 2. " Benaiah 
the Pirathonite ; " an Ephraimite, one of David's 
thirty "valiant men" (2 Sam. xxiii. 30; 1 Chr. xi. 
31), and captain of the eleventh monthly course 
(xxvii. 14). — 3. A Levite in David's time, who 
"played with a psaltery on Alamoth " (xv. 18, 20, 
xvi. 5). — 4. A priest in David's time, appointed to 
blow the trumpet before the ark (xv. 24, xvi. 6). — 
5. A Levite of the sons of Asaph (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 
6* A Levite in Hezekiah's time, one of the " over- 
seers of offerings" (xxxi. 13). — 7. A prince of Sim- 
eon in Hezekiah's time, participant in the exter- 
mination of the shepherds of Gedor (1 Chr. iv. 36). 
— %. Four laymen in Ezra's time, who had taken 
strange wives: — a. A descendant of Parosh (Ezr. 
x. 25). Baanias. — b. A descendant of Pahath-moab 
(x. 30). Naidus. — c. A descendant of Bani (x. 35). 
Mabdai. — d. A descendant of Nebo (x. 43). Ba- 
naias. — 9. Father of Pelatiah 4 (Ez. xi. 1, 13). 

Bcn-am'mi (Heb. son of my kindred), son of Lot 
by his younger daughter, and progenitor of the Am- 
monites (Gen. xix. 38). 

* Benth'es, the A. V. translation in Ez. xxvii. 6 of 
the Hebrew keresh (margin " hatches " ; literally = 
a " board" or plank, Ex. xxvi. 15 ff. &c). Hitzig, 
Fairbairn {on Ez.), &c, suppose the proper trans- 
lation in Ezekiel to be " thy deck." Box-tree. 

* Bcn-de'kar (Heb. lance-bearer, Fii.) = " son of 
Dekar " (1 K. iv. 9, margin). 

Be'uc-be'rak (Heb. sons of lightning, Ges.), a city 
of the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 45 only) ; at the 
modern lbn Abrak, a few miles from el-Yehudiyeh 
(Jehud)? (Scholz, Kitto). 

* Ben-e-fac'tor (L. a doer of good — Gr. euergeles), 
a title of honor given to kings, &c. (Lk. xxii. 25). 
Thus Vespasian was styled by the people of Tibe- 
rias (Jos. B. J. iii. 9, § 8). Euergetes. 

Be'ne-ja'a-kan (Heb. sons of Jaakan), a tribe who 
gave thei-r name to certain wells in the desert 
which formed one of the halting-places of the Israel- 
ites on their journey to Canaan (Num. xxxiii. 31, 



112 



BEN 



BEN 



32) ; also called Beeroth of tiie Children of Ja- 
akan. See Deuteronomy, B., I., 5. 

Be'ne-ke'dcm (Heb.) = " the children of the 
East." 

* Ben-gc'ber (Heb.) = "son of Geber " (IK. iv. 
13, margin). 

Ben-lia'dad or Beu'-ha-dad (Heb. son [i. e. wor- 
shipper] of Hadad, a Syrian god), the name of three 
kings of Damascus. (For their dates, compare Is- 
rael, Kingdom of.) — 1. Ben-hadad I. was either 
son or grandson to Rezon, and in his time Damas- i 
cas was supreme in Syria. His alliance was courted 
both bv Baasha of Israel and Asa of Judah (IK., 
xv. 18 "ff. ; 2 Chr. xvi. 2 ff.). He finally closed with j 
the latter on receiving a large amount of treasure, | 
and conquered a great part of the N. of Israel, 
thereby enabling Asa to pursue his victorious oper- 
ations in the S. From 1 K. xx. 34, it would ap- 
pear that he continued to make war upon Israel 
in Omri's time, and forced him to make "streets" i 
in Samaria for Syrian residents. (An.ui.) — i, Ben- 
hadad II., son of the preceding, and also king of 
Damascus. Long wars with Israel characterize I his 
reign (1 K. xx., &c), of which the earlier campaigns 
are described under Aiiad. His power and the ex- 
tent of his dominion are proved by the thirty-two 
vassal kings who accompanied him to his first siege 
of Samaria. Some time after Ahab's death, Ben- 
ha lad renewed the war with Israel (2 K. vi., &c), 
attacked Samaria a second time, and pressed the 
siege so closely that there wa3 a terrible famine 
in the city. But the Syrians broke up in the night 
in consequence of a sudden panic. Soon after Ben- 
halad fell sick, and sent Hazael to consult Elisha 
as to the issue of his malady. On the day after 
Haziel' s return Ben-halad was murdered, as is 
commonly thought, by Hazael (viii. 15). Ewald 
thinks that one or more of Bcn-hadad's own ser- 
vants were the murderers. Ben-hadad probably 
reigned some thirty years. — 3. Ben-hadad III., son 
of Hazael, and his successor on the throne of Syria 
(xiii. 3, &c). His reign was disastrous for Damas- 
cus, and the vast power wielded by his father sank 
into insignificance. When he succeeded to the 
throne, Jehoash recovered the cities which the 
Syrians had taken from Jehoahaz, and beat him in 
Aphek (xiii. 17, 25). Jehoash gained two more vic- 
tories, but did not restore the dominion of Israel 
on the E. of Jordan. This glory was reserved for 
his successor. His misfortunes in war are noticed, 
Am. i. 4. 

Ben-ha il (Heb. son of the host, i. e. warrior), one 
of the princes whom Jehoshaphat sent to teach 
in the cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 7). 

Ben-ha'nan (Heb. .ion of one gracious, Ges.), son 
of Shimon, in the line of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

* Ben-lie'seil (Heb.) = "son of Hesed" (1 K. iv. 
10, margin). 

* Ben'-hur (Heb.) = " son of Hur" (1 K. iv. 8, 
margin). Hcr 5. 

Bc-ni nil (Heb. our son, Ges.), a Levite who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 13, 
Heb. 14). 

Ben'ja-min (Heb. Binydmin = son of the right 
hand, L e. fortunate, dexterous, Vulgate, A. V. 
margin, Ges. ; Binydmim = son of dags, i. e. son 
of my old age [compare Gen. xliv. 20], Sam. Codex, 
Philo, Aben-ezra, &c). 1. The youngest of Jacob's 
children, and the only one of the thirteen who was 
born in Palestine. His birth took place on the 
road between Bethel and Bethlehem, a short dis- 
tance from the latter, and his mother Rachel died 



in giving him birth, naming him with her last 
breath Ben-oni (= son of my sorrow). This was by 
Jacob changed into Benjamin (Gen. xxxv. 1G— 18). 
In 1 Sam. ix. 1, margin, the name appears as Jemini. 
Until the journeys of Jacob's sons and of Jacob 
liiniM'lf into Egypt, we hear nothing of Benjamin, 
and as far as he is concerned those well-known nar- 
ratives ((Jen. xlii.-xlv.) disclose nothing beyond the 
very strong affection entertained toward him by his 
father and his whole-brother Joseph, and the rela- 
tion in which he stood, as if a mere darling child to 
tho whole of his family. Even the harsh natures of 
the elder patriarchs relaxed toward him. But Ben- 
jamin can hardly have been the " lad " which we 
commonly imagine him to be, for, at the time that 
the patriarchs went down to reside in Egypt, when 
" even man with his house went with Jacob," ten 
sons are ascribed to Benjamin — a larger number 
than to any of his brothers — and two of these (Mup- 
pim, lluppim), from the plural formation of their 
names, were themselves apparently families (xlvi. 
2 I ) Jacob's prophecy in respect to the tribe was, 
" Benjamin shall raven as a wolf; in the morning he 
shall devour the prey, and at night he shall divide 
the spoil " (xlix. 27). Benjamin is in the lists of 
the tribes in Ex. i. ; Num. i., ii., xiii., xxvi., xxxiv. ; 
Deut. xxvii., xxxiii. ; 1 Chr. ii., viii., &e. The prox- 
imity of Benjamin to Ephraim during the march to 
the Promised Land (Num. ii. 18-24) was maintained 
in the territories allotted to each (Josh, xviii. 11 ft'.). 
Benjamin lay immediately to the S. of Ephraim, be- 
tween him and Judah. The situation of this terri- 
tory was highly favorable. It formed almost a 
parallelogram, of about twenty-six miles in length 
by twelve in breadth. Its E. boundary was the Jor- 
dan, and from thence it extended to the wooded 
district of Kirjath-jearim, about eight miles W. of 
Jerusalem, while in the other direction it stretched 
from the valley of Hinnom, under the " Shoulder of 
the Jebusite " (A.V. "side of Jebusi")on the S., to 
Bethel on the N. Thus Dan intervened between Ben- 
jamin ami the Philistines, while the communications 
with the valley of the Jordan were in their own 
power. On the S. the territory ended abruptly with 
the steep slopes of the hill of Jerusalem, — on the 
X. it melted imperceptibly into the possessions of 
the friendly Ephraim. The smallness of this district 
(=less than one-fourth of the State of Rhode Island) 
was, according to Josephus, compensated for by the 
excellence of the land. — (1.) The general level of 
this part of Palestine is very high, not less than 
2,000 feet above the maritime plain of the Mediter- 
ranean on the one side, or than 3,000 feet above the 
deep valley of the Jordan on the other; and besides, 
this general level or plateau is surmounted, in this 
district, by a large number of eminences, almost 
every one of which has borne some part in the his- 
tory of the tribe. — (2.) No less important than these 
eminences are the torrent-beds and ravines by which 
the upper country breaks down into the deep tracts 
on each side of it. They formed then, as they do 
still, the only mode of access from the plains of 
Philistia and Sharon on the W., or the deep valley 
of the Jordan on the E. — The passes on the E. side 
are much more difficult and intricate than those on 
theW. The principal one, which, now unfrequented, 
was doubtless in ancient times the main ascent to 
the interior, leaves the Arabah behind the site of 
Jericho, and breaking through the barren hills with 
many a wild bend and steep slope, extends to and in- 
deed beyond the very central ridge of the table-land 
of Benjamin, to the foot of the eminence on which 



BEN 



BER 



113 



stand the ruins of Bireh, the ancient Beeroth. Another 
of these passes is that which, since the time of our 
Saviour, has been the regular road between Jericho 
and Jerusalem, the scene of the parable of the Good 
Samaritan. — Such were the limits and the character 
of the possession of Benjamin as fixed by those who 
originally divided the land. But in 1 Chr. viii. 12, 
18, we find mention of Benjamites who built Lod 
and Ono, and of others who were founders of Aija- 
lon, all which towns were beyond the spot named 
above as the W. point in their boundary. These 
places too were in their possession after the return 
from the Captivity (Neh. xi. 35). — The contrast be- 
tween the warlike character of the tribe and the 
peaceful image of its progenitor comes out in many 
scattered notices. Benjamin was the only tribe 
which seems to have pursued archery to any pur- 
pose, and their skill in the bow and the sling was 
celebrated. Ehud the son of Gera accomplished 
his purpose on Eglon with less risk, owing to his 
proficiency in using his left hand, a practice appar- 
ently confined to Benjamites (Judg. iii. 15, and see 
xx. 16 ; 1 Chr. xii. 2). Baanah and Rechab, " the 
sons of Rimmon the Beerothite of the children of 
Benjamin " (2 Sam. iv. 2), are the only Israelites W. 
of the Jordan named in the whole history as captains 
of marauding predatory bands. (Robbery ; Thieves.) 
The dreadful deed recorded in Judg. xix., though 
repelled by the whole country, was unhesitatingly 
adopted and defended by Benjamin with an obsti- 
nacy and spirit truly extraordinary. That fright- 
ful transaction was indeed a crisis in the history 
of the tribe : the six hundred who took refuge in 
the cliff Rimmon were the only survivors. A long 
interval must have elapsed between so abject a 
condition and the culminating point at which we 
next meet with the tribe. Several circumstances 
may have conduced to its restoration to that place 
which it was now to assume. The Tabernacle 
was at Shiloh in Ephraim during the time of the last 
Judge ; but the Ark was in Benjamin at Kirjath- 
jeariin. Ramah, the official residence of Samuel, 
and containing a sanctuary greatly frequented (1 
Sam. ix. 12, &c), — Mizpeh, where the great assem- 
blies of " all Israel'" were held (vii. 5), — Bethel, per- 
haps the most ancient of all the sanctuaries of Pales- 
tine, and Gibeon, "the great high place" (1 K. iii. 4), 
were all in the land of Benjamin. The people who 
resorted to these various places must gradually have 
been accustomed to associate the tribe with power 
and sanctity. The struggles and contest which fol- 
lowed Saul's death arose from the natural unwilling- 
ness of the tribe to relinquish its position at the 
head of the nation, especially in favor of Judah. 
Had it been Ephraim, the case might have been dif- 
ferent, but Judah had as yet no connection with the 
house of Joseph, and was besides the tribe of David, 
whom Saul had pursued with such unrelenting en- 
mity. The tact and sound sense of Abner, however, 
succeeded in overcoming these difficulties. Still the 
insults of Shimei and the insurrection of Sheba are 
indications that the soreness still existed, and we do 
not hear of any cordial cooperation or firm union 
between the two tribes until the disruption of the 
kingdoms (1 E. xii. 21 ; 2 Chr. xi. 1). The alliance 
was further strengthened by a covenant solemnly 
undertaken (xv. 9), and by the employment of Ben- 
jamites in high positions in the army of Judah (xvii. 
17). But what above all must have contributed to 
strengthen the alliance was the fact that the Temple 
was the common property of both tribes. Hence- 
forward the history of Benjamin becomes merged in 



that of the S. kingdom. (Judah, Kingdom of.) 
Not only Saul 2, the king, but Mordecai and Esther 
and Saul (" who also is called Paul ") the apostle, 
were Benjamites. — 2. A man of the tribe of Ben- 
jamin, son of Bilhan, and the head of a family 
of warriors (1 Chr. vii. 10). — 3. A son of Harim 
in Ezra's time, husband of a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
32). — 4. A contemporary of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 23, 
xii. 84). 

Ben'ja-min, Gate of, a gate on the N. side of Jeru- 
salem ; probably = the gate of Ephraim (so Ges.) 
(Jer. xxxvii. 13, xxxviii. 7; Zech. xiv. 10). "The 
high gate of Benjamin" (Jer. xx. 2) may have been 
a corresponding gate of the temple (compare 2 K. 
xv. 35), (Henderson on Jer. 1. a). 

* Ben'ja-mite (for Benjaminite; fr. Heb.) = de- 
scendant of Benjamin 1 (Judg. iii. 15, xix. 16 ; 1 
Sam. ix. 1, 4, 21, &c). 

Be no (Heb. his son), a Levite of the sons of Merari 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 26, 27). 

Ben-o'ni (Heb. son of my sorrow, A. V. marg., or 
son of my strength, i. e. of my last effort, Hiller), the 
name given by the dying Rachel to her newly-born 
son, but changed by his father into Benjamin (Gen. 
xxxv. 18). 

Ben-zo'lieth (Heb. son of Zoheth), a name occur- 
ring among the descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Be'on (Heb.), a place on the E. of Jordan (Num. 
xxxii. 3), doubtless a contraction of Baal-meon (com- 
pare ver. 38). 

Bc'or (Heb. torch, lamp, Ges.). 1. Father of the 
Edomi'.e king Bela 2 (Gen. xxxvi. 32 ; 1 Chr. i. 43). 
— 2. Father of Balaam (Num. xxii. 5, xxiv. 3, 15, 
xxxi. 8 ; Deut. xxiii. 4 ; Josh. xiii. 22, xxiv. 9; Mic. 
vi. 5) ; = No. 1 ? ; called Bosor in the N. T. 

Be'ra (Heb. son of evil, Ges.), king of Sodom at 
the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2 ; also 17 
and 21). 

Ber'a-tliah [-kah] (Heb. blessing, Ges.), a Benja- 
mite, who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Ber'a-cuau [-kah] (Heb. blessing), Valley of, a val- 
ley so named because there Jehoshaphat and his 
people assembled to "bless" Jehovah after the 
overthrow of the hosts of Moabites, Ammonites, and 
Mehunim, who had come against them (2 Chr. xx. 
26). The name of Bercikid (probably = Berachah) 
is now attached to ruins in a valley of the same name 
lying between Tekoa and the main road from Bethle- 
hem to Hebron. 

Ber-a-chi'ab [-ki-] (fr. Heb. = Berechiah), a Ger- 
shonite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 39) ; = Berechiah 6. 

Be-rai'ah or Bcr-a-i'all (Heb. whom Jehovah cre- 
ated, Ges.), a Benjarnite chief, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. 
viii. 21). 

Be-re'a (L. Beroea, fr. Gr. Beroia; named from the 
abundance of its waters ? Conyb. and H. i. 339). 
1. A city of Macedonia, to which St. Paul retired with 
Silas and Timotheus, in the course of his first visit 
to Europe, on being persecuted in Thessalonica, and 
from which, on being again persecuted by emissaries 
from Thessalonica, he' withdrew to the sea for the 
purpose of proceeding to Athens (Acts xvii. 10 ff.). 
The community of Jews must have been considerable 
in Berea, and their character is described in very fa- 
vorable terms (11). Sopater, one of St. Paul's mis- 
sionary companions, was from Berea (Acts xx. 4). 
Berea, now Verria or Kara - Verria, is forty-five 
miles W. S.W. from Thessalonica, on the E. slope of 
the Olympian mountain-range, commanding an exten- 
sive view of the plain of the Axius and Haliacmon, 
and had in 1854 about six thousand inhabitants, 
one-quarter Turks, about two hundred Jews, and the 



H4: BER 

rest Greeks (Rev. E. M. Dodd in B. S. xi. 833). A few 
ancient remains, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine, still 
exist here. — 2. A city of Syria, the modern Aleppo 
(2 Mc. xiii. 4). — 3. A place in Judca, apparently not 
very far from Jerusalem (1 Mc. ix. 4). 

Ber-e-chi'ah [-ki-] (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah hath 
blessed, Ges.). 1. Son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 20). 
— 2. Father of Mesiiullam 13 (Neh. iii. 4, 30; vi. 
18). — 3. A Levite of the line of Elkanah (1 Chr. ix. 
16). — |. A doorkeeper for the ark (1 Chr. xv. 23). 
—5. A prince of Ephraim in Pekah's reign, who with 
others succored the captives from Judah (2 Chr. 
xxviii. 12). — G. Father of Asaph the singer (1 Chr. 
xv. 17); = Beraciiiah. — 7. Father ofZechariah the 
prophet (Zech. i. 1, 7). 

Be'red (Heb. hail, Ges.). 1. A place in the S. of 
Palestine, between which and Kadcsh lay the well 
Lahai-roi ((ion. xvi. 14); according to some = Elusa, 
now el-ICIadasah (Betiicl). — 2. A son or descendant 
of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 20) ; supposed by Lord A. C. 
ilervey = Becher (?). 

Ber-e-nl'ce = Bernice. 

Bcri (Heb. = Beeri, Ges.), son of Zophah, of the 
tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Be-ri'all (Heb. in evil, or a gift ; sec below). 1. 
Son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17 ; Num. xxvi. 44, 45), 
from whom descended the " family of the Beriites " 
(44). — 2. Son of Ephraim, so named on account of 
the state of his father's house when he was born 
(see 1 Chr. vii. 20-23). This notice refers to a period 
of Hebrew history, respecting which the Bible affords 
us no other like information — the time between Ja- 
cob's death and the beginning of the oppression. 
Apparently some of Ephraim's sons had attained to 
manhoo 1, and the Hebrews were still tree. (Siiutiie- 
laii.) The men of Gath were probably born in the 
E. part of Lower Egypt, if not in Goshen itself. At 
this time very many foreigners must have been set- 
tled in Egypt (compare Gen. xlvi. 34). Or these men 
of Gath may have been mercenaries like the Chere- 
thim (in Egyptian Sliayralana, see Pelethites), who 
were in the Egyptian service at a later time, as in 
David's, and to whom lands were probably allotted 
as to the native army. — .>. A Benjamite. He and 
his brother Shema were ancestors of the inhabitants 
of Ajalon, and expelled the inhabitants of Gath (1 
Chr. viii. 13, 10). — t. A Gershonite Levite, son of 
Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, 11). 

Be-ri'ites (fr. Heb.) = descendants of Beriah 1. 

Be rites (Heb. Berim = wells, a place or district, 
Ges. ; or descendants of Beri ?), the, = a tribe or 
people named with Abel and Beth-maachah — and 
therefore doubtless situated in the N. of Palestine — 
mentioned only as visited by Joab in his pursuit after 
Sheba the son of Bichri (2 Sam. xx. 14). 

Be rith, the god (Judg. ix. 46) = Baal-Berith. 
See under Baal 1. 

Ber-ni'ee [as an Eng. word usually pron. ber'nis] 
(L. fr. Gr. =: carrying off victory, victorious, L. & S.), 
also written Berenice, eldest daughter of Herod 
Agrippa I. She was first married to her uncle 
Herod, king of Chalcis, and after his death (a. d. 48) 
she lived under circumstances of great suspicion with 
her own brother Agrippa II., in connection with whom 
she is mentioned (Acts xxv. 13, 23, xxvi. 30) as hav- 
ing visited Festus on his appointment as Procurator 
of Judea. She was a second time married, to Pole- 
mon, king of Cilieia, but soon left him, and returned 
to her brother. She afterward became the mistress 
of Vespasian, and of his son Titus. 

Be-ro dadi-Bal a-dan [-dak] (Heb.) = Merodach- 
Baladan (2 K. xx. 12). 



BES 

Be roth (1 Esd. v. 19) = Beeroth. 

Be-ro'tliah (Heb. wells, Fii.), lie- t o thai (Heb. my 

wells, Ges. ; wells of Jehovah, Sim. ; the deity wor- 
shipped in the cypress, Fii.). The first of these two 
names, each of which occurs once only, is given (Ez. 
xl vii. 16) in connection with Hamath and Damascus 
as forming part of the N. boundary of the promised 
land. The second is mentioned (2 Sam. viii. 8) as a 
city of Zobah taken by David, also in connection with 
Hamath and Damascus. The well-known city Beirut 
(ancient Berytus) naturally suggests itself as identi- 
cal with one at least of the names; but in each in- 
stance the circumstances of the case seem to require 
u pn-itiun further K. Furst regards Bcrothah and Be- 
rothai as distinct places, and makes Bcrothah = Be- 
rytus. Van de Velde suggests Tell cl-Byrulh, be- 
tween Tadmor ami Hamath (Kitto), Chun. 

Be-rotll ite, the (1 Chr. xi. 39) = one from Beroth 
or Beeroth. 

* Ber ries are mentioned in the A. V. only in Is. 
xvii. 6 and Jas. iii. 12 as the fruit of the olive-tree. 
Olive. 

Ber yl (Heb. tarshish, supposed to be named fr. 
Tarshish), occurs in Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13; Cant, 
v. 14; Ez. i. 16, x. 9, xxviii. 13 (marg. chrysolite); 
Dan. x. 6. There is little or nothing in these passages 
to lead us to any satisfactory conclusion as to its iden- 
tity, except in Cant. v. 14: "His hands are orbs of 
gold adorned with the tarshish stone " (A. V. " gold 
rings set with the beryl "). The orbs or rings of 
gold refer not to rings on the fingers, but to the 
fingers themselves, as they gently press upon the 
thumb and thus form the figure of an orb or a ring. 
The latter part is the causal expletive of the former. 
In this passage not only are the hands called orbs 
of gold, but the reason why they are thus called is 
i diately added — specially on account of the beau- 
tiful chrysolites with which the hands were adorned. 
Pliny says of the ancient chrysolite, " it is a trans- 
parent stone with a refulgence like that of gold." 
Since then the golden stone ( = chrysolite) is admir- 
ably suited to the above passage in Canticles, the 
ancient chrysolite, which is the modern yellow topaz, 
appears to have a better claim than any other gem 
to represent the Heb. tarshish. — The Greek berullos, 
from which " beryl " is derived, is found in Tob. xiii. 
17 and Rev. xxi. 20. Tob. xiii. 17 declares "the 
streets of Jerusalem shall be paved with beryl and 
carbuncle and stones of Ophir." In Rev. xxi. 20 
" beryl " is the eighth foundation of the wall of the 
New Jerusalem. The beryl is identical with the 
emerald except in its color, which is green or blu- 
ish-green. 

Ber-ze'Ins (1 Esd. v. 38) = Barzillai 1. 

Be'sai (Heb. fr. Sansc. = victory? Ges.), ancestor 
of certain Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 49; Neh. vii. 52). Bastai. 

* Bc-sieged' Pla ces. The Heb. malsdr, thus trans- 
lated in 2 K. xix. 24 and Is. xxxvii. 25, also trans- 
lated " defence " in Is. xix. 6, and " fortified cities " 

; in Mic. vii. 12, is supposed = Mizraim, i. e. Egypt 
(Boeh., Ges., Keil, &c). Fenced City. 

Bes-O-dei ah [-dee'yah] (fr. Heb. = in the intimacy 
of Jehovah, i. e. confidant of Jehovah, Ges.), father 
of Meshdllam 14 (Neh iii. 6). 

* Be'som [-zum], a broom or brush of twigs, used 
figuratively in Is. xiv. 23. The instrument is men- 
tioned in this passage only, but sweeping is spoken 
of in Mat. xii. 44 ; Lk. xi. 25, xv. 8. 

Be'sor (Heb. cool, cold, Ges.), the brook, a torrent- 
bed or wady in the extreme S. of Judah (1 Sam. xxx. 
9, 10, 21 only). It must have been S. of Ziklag, and 



BES 



BET 



115 



is supposed (Rbn. Phys. Geog. 121-3) = Wady Ar'A- 
rah running from Ar'Arah (Aroer 4) to Beer-sheba. 

* Be-stead' [-sted], an old English word com- 
pounded of the prefix be and stead, i. e. place ; com- 
pare belated, benighted, bestowed, bewitched, &c. 
"Hardly bestead" (Is. viii. 21) = in a state of 
hardship, in distressed circumstances, afflicted, op- 
pressed. 

* Be-stow' [-sto], to, in the A. V., as now, = to 
give, grant, or confer (Ex. xxxii. 29, &c.) ; also to stow 
away or lay up in store, to deposit or store (2 K. v. 
24; Lk. xii. 17, 18, &c). 

Be'tall (Heb. trust, confidence, Ges.), a city belong- 
ing to Hadadezer, king of Zobah, mentioned with 
Berothai (2 Sara. viii. 8) ; = Tibhath ; site un- 
known. 

Bet'a-ne (Gr.), a place apparently S. of Jerusalem 
(Jd. i. 9); possibly = Beihanin of Eusebius, two 
miles from the Terebinth or Oak of Abraham and 
four from Hebron. This has been variously identi- 
fied with Betharath, Bethainum (Beth-anoth), and 
Betaneh or Ecbatana in Syria, placed by Pliny on 
Carmel. 

Be'ten (Heb. belly, perhaps = valley, Ges.), a city 
on the border of Asher (Josh. xix. 25); identified by 
Eusebius with a place then called Bebeten, eight 
miles E. of Ptolemais. 

Beth, the English form of the Heb. beylh, from 
bayith, which is the most general Hebrew word for 
a house or habitation. Strictly speaking it has the 
force of a settled dwelling, as in Gen. xxxiii. 17, 
where the building of a "house" marks the termina- 
tion of a stage of Jacob's wanderings ; but it is also 
employed for a dwelling of any kind, even for a tent, 



as in Gen. xxiv. 32, Judg. xviii. 31, 1 Sam. i. 7. 
From this general force the transition was natural to 
a " house " in the sense of a family. Like JEdes in 
Latin and Dom in German, Beth has the special 
meaning of a temple or house of worship. Beth is 
not found in the A. V., except (1.) as the name of 
the second letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix. ; 
Number; Writing), and (2.) in combination with 
other words to form the names of places (see below). 

Beth-ab'a-ra (Gr. fr. Heb. = house of the ford or 
ferry), a place beyond Jordan, in which, according 
to the Received Text of the N. T., John was baptiz- 
ing (Jn. i. 28), apparently at the time that he bap- 
tized Christ (compare ver. 29, 39, 35). If this read- 
ing be correct, Bethabara may = Beth-barah (Rbn. 
Phys. Geog. 168 ; V. de V. ii. 271), or = Beth-nim- 
rah (Mr. Grove). But the oldest MSS. (A B, see 
New Testament) and the Vulgate have in Jn. i. 28 
not Bethabara but Bethany. 

Bcth'-a-nath (L. fr. Heb. = house of response, per- 
haps, of echo, Ges.), one of the " fenced cities " of 
Naphtali, named with Beth-shemesh (Josh. xix. 38); 
from neither of them were the Canaanites expelled 
(Judg. i. 33). It is supposed = the modern village 
' Ain'ala, a half hour north of Bint Jebail, between 
Tyre and the waters of Merom (Thn. i. 315 ; V. 
de V. i. 170). 

Beth'-a-noth (L. fr. Heb. = Beth-anath, Ges.), 
a town in the mountainous district of Judah, named 
with Halhul, Beth-zur, &c, in Josh. xv. 59 only ; 
probably at the ruins called Btit- aiuun, between 
Hebron and Halhul ; compare Betane. 

Bcth'a-ny (fr. Aram. = house of dates, Lightfoot, 
Reland). 1. A village intimately associated with the 





Bethany. — (From Smith's Smaller Dictionary. 



most familiar acts and scenes of the last days of the 
life of Christ. Here He raised Lazarus from the 
dead ; from Bethany He commenced His triumphal 
entry into Jerusalem ; at Bethany was His nightly 
resting-place during the time immediately preceding 
His passion ; here at the houses of Martha and 
Mary and of Simon the Leper we are admitted to 
view Him, mo-e nearly than elsewhere, in the circle 



of His domestic life ; somewhere 
wooded slopes beyond the ridge 
apostles stood when " He was par 
and carried up into heaven" (Mat. 
xi., xiv. ; Lk. xix., xxiv. ; Jn. xi., xii. 
situated " at " the Mount of Olives 
xix. 29), about fifteen stadia (A. 
from Jerusalem (Jn. xi. 18), on or 



here, on these 
of Olivet, the 
ted from them, 
xxi., xxvi. ; Mk. 
). Bethany was 
(Mk. xi. 1 ; Lk. 
V. "furlongs") 
near the usual 



116 



BET 



BET 



road from Jericho to the city (Lk. xix. 29, compare 
1 ; Mk. xi. 1, compare x. 4G), and close by and W. (?) 
of Bethphage, the two being several times mentioned 
together. — There never appears to have been any 
doubt as to the site of Bethany, which is now known 
by a name derived from Lazarus — el-Azarigeh or 
Lazarieh. It lies on the E. slope of the Mount of 
Olives, fully one mile beyond the summit, and not 
very far from the point at which the road to Jericho 
begins its more sudden descent toward the Jordan 
valley. — El- Azarigeh is a ruinous and wretched vil- 
lage, a wild mountain hamlet of some twenty fam- 
ilies. In the village are shown the traditional sites 
of the house and tomb of Lazarus, and of the house 
of Simon the leper. — 2. (fr. Heb. ; see above ; house 
of shipping, Tholuck; boat-house, Fbn.). A place 
beyond Jordan, known only from Jn. i. 28. Betu- 
ABARA. 

Betli-ar a-b.ih (fr. Heb. = house of the desert), one 
of the six cities of Judah in the Arab.ui (Josh. xv. 
61), on the N. border of the tribe, and apparently 
between Beth-hoglah and the high land \V. of the 
Jordan valley (xv. 6) ; also included in the list of 
the towns of Benjamin (xviii. 22). 

Beth-a'rain (L. fr. Heb. = house of the height, or 
mountain-house, Ges.), a town of Gad, E. of the Jor- 
dan, in " the Valley " 1 ( Josh. xiii. 27), and no 
doubt = BetH-haban. Eusebius and Jerome report 
that in their day its appellation was Bethramphtha, 
and that, in honor of Augustus, Herod had named it 
Libias. Josephus says that Herod (Antipas), on 
taking possession of his tetrarehy, fortified Seppho- 
ris and the city of Bctharamphtha, building a wall 
round the latter, and calling it Julias in honor of the 
emperor's wife (viz. Julia ; previously called Livia). 
Jerome describes it as between Jericho ami Heshbon, 
an.l it is said there are ruins er-Ram a few miles E. 
of Jordan in this direction (Ptr. in Kit.). Betii- 
jesiiimotii. 

Betb-ar bel (fr. Heb. = house of God's ambush, 
Ges.), the scene of a sack and massacre by Shalman 
or Shalmaneser (Hos. x. 14); supposed = the an- 
cient stronghold of Arbela in Galilee (so Gesenius, 
Robinson, &c), or an Arbela near Bella (so Hit- 
zig). 

Beth-a'vCD (L. fr. Heb. z=houseof naught, i. e. bad- 
ness), a place on the mountains of Benjamin, E. of 
Bethel (Josh. vii. 2, xviii. 12), and lying between 
that place and Micbmash (1 Sam. xiii. 5, xiv. 23). 
In Hos. iv. 15, v. 8, x. 5, the name is transferred,' 
with a play on the word very characteristic of this 
prophet, to the neighboring Bethel — once the " house 
of God," but then the house of idols, of " naught." 

Beth-az-ma'veth (fr. Heb. ; see Azmaveth) (Neh. 
vii. 28 only) = Azmaveth, and Bethsamos. 

Beth-ba al-me'on (fr. Heb. ; see Baal-meox, under 
Baal), a city of Reuben, on the " plain " 4, E. of 
Jordan (Josh. xiii. 17) : = Baal-Meon, Beon, and 
Beth-meon. See Baal-meon, under Baal, Geog., 9. 

Beth-ba'rah (fr. Heb. = house of passage, or of the 
ford), named only in Judg. vii. 24, as a point ap- 
parently S. of the scene of Gideon's victory. Beth- 
barah derives its chief interest from the possibility 
that its more modern representative may have been 
Bethabara where John baptized. It was probably 
the chief ford of the district. 

Beth-ba'si (fr. a Gr. form of Heb. ?), a town in 
which Jonathan and Simon Maccabeus took refuge 
from Bacchides (1 Mc. ix. 02, 64) ; probably in the 
Jordan valley not far from Jericho; possibly = "the 
valley of Keziz." 

Betb-bir'e-i (fr. Heb. = house of my creation, 



Ges.), a town of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 31), apparently = 
Betii-lebaoth. 

Beth -car (fr. Heb. — house of lambs; house of 
pasture, Ges.), a place named as the point to which 
the Israelites pursued the Philistines (1 Sam. vii. 
11); perhaps at the ruined village £< it-far about 
three miles N. W. of 'Ain-Shems or Betli-shcmesh 
(I'li. in Kit.). Josephus says that the stone Ebene- 
zer was set up here. 

Beth-da gon (L. fr. neb. = house of Dagos). 1. A 
city in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 41), and 
therefore not far from the Philistine territory, with 
which its name implies a connection. Caphardagon 
existed as a very large village between Diospolis 
(Lydda) and Janmia in the time of Jerome. A place 
called /It it Dtjun has been found between Lydda 
and Jaffa (Rbn. iii. 298), but this appears too far N. 
(see No. 3). — 2. A town, apparently near the coast, 
on the boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 27) ; probably 
a Philistine colony. — 3. A house or temple of Dagon 
at Ashdod (1 Mc. x. 83, 84). Dr. P. Holmes (in 
Kitto) supposes this Beth-dagon a city, perhaps - 

Caphardagon anil lint I)<j<in (see No. 1 above). 

Bctli-dib-la-tlia'iin (fr. Heb. = house of the double 
cake, sc. of figs), a town of Moab (Jcr. xlviii. 22); 
apparently = Almon-Diblatiiaim. 

* Beth-edcn (fr. Heb. = house of pleasantness, 
Ges.) (Am. i. 5, marg.). Eden 3. 

* Beth-e ked (Heb.) = " Siieamno-House." 

Bctli'-cl (fr. Heb. = house of God). 1. A well- 
known city and holy place in central Palestine. 
Jacob twice solemnly gave this name after his meet- 
ing with God. (1.) Under the awe inspired by the 
nocturnal vision of God, when on his journey from 
his father's house at Beer-sheba to seek his wife in 
Haran (Gen. x xviii. 19). This verse indicates a dis- 
tinction between the early Canaanite " city " Lcz, 
and the "place," as yet marked only by the "stone," 
or the heap erected by Jacob to commemorate his 
vision. — (2.) After Jacob's return from Padan-aram, 
on the occasion of God's blessing him and confirm- 
ing lo him the name of Israel (xxxv. 14, 15). — In 
xii. 8, the name of Bethel is given to this spot by 
anticipation (so Bush, Kitto, &e.) in narrating the 
removal of Abram from the oaks of Moreh to " ' the' 
mountain on the E. of Bethel," with " Bethel on the 
W. and Hai on the E." Here he built an altar; and 
hither ho returned from Egypt with Lot before their 
separation (xiii. .3, 4). — No mention is made in the 
above narratives of any town or buildings at Bethel 
at that early period, and a marked distinction is 
drawn in them between the "city" of Luz and the 
consecrated " place " in its neighborhood (compare 
xxxv. 7). In the ancient chronicles of the conquest 
the two are still distinguished (Josh. xvi. 1, 2); and 
the appropriation of the name of Bethel to the 
city appears not to have been made till it was taken 
by the tribe of Ephraim ; after which the name of 
Luz occurs no more (Judg. i. 22-26).— After the con- 

! quest Bethel is frequently heard of. In the troubled 
times when there was no king in Israel, the people 
went up in their distress to Bethel to ask counsel of 
God (xx. 18, 26, 31, xxi. 2 ; A. V. "house of God"). 
Here was the ark of the covenant under the charge 
of Aaron's grandson Phinehas (xx. 26-28, xxi. 4); 
and the mention of a regular road or causeway be- 
tween it and the great town of Shechem is doubtless 
an indication that it was already in much repute. 
Later we find it named as one of the holy cities to 
which Samuel went in circuit (1 Sam. vii. 16). Here 
Jeroboam placed one of the two calves of gold 
(Calf ; Idolatry), and built a " house of high 



BET 



BET 



117 



places " and an altar of incense, by which he him- 
self stood to burn (1 K. xii. 29 ff.); as we see him 
in the familiar picture of 1 K. xiii. Toward the end 
of Jeroboam's life Bethel fell into the hands of Ju- 
dah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). Elijah visited Bethel, and we \ 
hear of "sons of the prophets" resident there (2 K. j 
ii. 2, 3), two facts apparently incompatible with the j 
active existence of the calf-worship. The mention of j 
the bears so close to the town (iii. 23, 25), looks too 
as if the neighborhood were not much frequented 
at that time. But, after the destruction of the Baal 
worship by Jehu, Bethel comes once more into view 
(x. 29). Under the descendants of this king the 
place and the worship must have greatly flourished, 
for by the time of Jeroboam II. the rude village was 
again a royal residence with a " king's house" (Am. 
vii. 13) and altars (iii. 14). (Amos.) — How this pros- 
perity came to its doom we are not told. After the 
desolation of the N. kingdom by the king of As- 
syria, Bethel still remained an abode of priests, who 
taught the wretched colonists " how to fear Jeho- 
vah," " the God of the land " (2 K. xvii. 28, 27). In 
the account of Josiah's iconoclasm (xxiii.) we catch 
one more glimpse of the altar of Jeroboam, with its 
last loathsome fire of " dead men's bones " burning 
upon it. It is curious that men of Bethel and Ai re- 
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 28; Neh. vii. 32); 
and that they returned to their ancestral place whilst 
continuing their relations with Nehemiah and the 
restored worship (Neh. xi. 31). In 1 Esdras the 
name appears as Betolius. In later times Bethel is 
only named once, amongst the strong cities in Judea 
repaired by Bacchides during the struggles of the 
times of the Maccabees (1 Me. ix. 50). — Bethel re- 
ceives a bare mention from Eusebius and Jerome, as 
twelve miles from Jerusalem on the right hand of 
the road to Sichem ; and here its ruins still lie under 
the scarcely altered name of Beilin. They cover a 
space of three or four acres, upon the front of a 
low hill between the heads of two hollow wadys 
which unite and run off into the main valley es-Su- 
weinii. The round mount S. E. of Bethel must be 
the " mountain " on which Abram built the altar 
(Gen. xii. 8). — 2. A town in the S. of Judah, named 
in Josh. xii. 16, and 1 Sam. xxx. 27; probably = 
Chesil, Bethul, and Bethijel. 

Bctll'-el-ite (fr. Heb.)= one from Bethel. Hiel 
the Bethelite rebuilt Jericho (1 K. xvi. 34). 

Betll-e mek (fr. Heb. = house of the valley), a 
place on or near the border of Asher, on the N. side 
of which was the ravine of Jiphthah-el (Josh. xix. 
27). Robinson (iii. 103, 108) discovered an 'Amkah 
about eight miles N. E. of 'Akka ; but if Jefdt = 
Jiphthah-el, the site of Beth-cmek must be farther 
S. than 'Amkah. 

Be'thcr (Heb. section, i. e. a region cut up by 
mountains and valleys, rough, craggy, precipitous, 
Ges.), the Slonn'tains of. Bether in Cant. ii. 17 
(" division," margin) " may best be taken as an appel- 
lation." (See above from Ges.) If, however, it be a 
proper name, the position of the mountains of Bether 
is utterly unknown (Rbn. Phys. Geog. 69). 

Be-thcs'da [-thez-] (fr. Syr. = home of mercy, or 
fr. Heb. = place of the flowing of water), the Greek 
form of the Hebrew name of a reservoir or tank, 
with five " porches," close upon the sheep-gate or 
" market " (Sheep-market) in Jerusalem (Jn. v. 2). 
The porches — i. e. cloisters or colonnades — were ex- 
tensive enough to accommodate a large number of 
sick and infirm people, whose custom it was to wait 
there for the " troubling of the water." Eusebius 
describes it as existing in his time as two pools, the 



one supplied by the periodical rains, while the water 
of the other was of a reddish color, due, as the tra- 
dition then ran, to the fact that the flesh of the sac- 
rifices was anciently washed there before offering. 
See, however, the comments of Lightfoot on this 
view, in his Exercit. on St. John, v. 2. Eusebius's 
statement is partly confirmed by the Bordeaux Pil- 
grim (a. d. 333). The large reservoir called the Bir- 
ket Israil, within the walls of the city, close by the 
St. Stephen's Gate, and under the N. E. wall of the 
Haram area, is generally considered to be the mod- 
ern representative of Bethesda. Robinson (i. 342- 
3) suggests that Bethesda may = the " fountain of 
the Virgin," in the valley of the Kidron, a short 
distance above the Pool of Siloam. 

Beth-e'zcl (fr. Heb. = house of firm root, i. e. fixed 
dwelling, Ges.), a place (Mic. i. 11 only) doubtless 
in the plain of Philistia. 

Beth-ga'dcr (L. fr. Heb. = house of the wall, Ges.), 
doubtless a place, though it occurs in the genealo- 
gies of Judah as if a person (1 Chr. ii. 51 ; compare 
Bethlehem and other names of places in the con- 
text) ; possibly = Geder. 

Bcth-ganiul (L. fr. Heb. = house of the weaned, 
Ges. ; house of the camel?), a town of Moab, in the 
" plain country " (Plain 4) E. of Jordan (Jer. xlviii. 
23, compare 21); apparently a place of late date, 
since there is no trace of it in Num. xxxii. 34-38, 
and Josh. xiii. 16-20 ; supposed by Dr. Eli Smith 
(and so Porter and Winer) to have been at the mod- 
ern Urn el-Jemdl, eight or ten miles S. W. from Bos- 
tra. Bozrah 2. 

Betll-liac'ce-rem [-hak'se] (fr. Heb. = house of the 
vine), a place (Part) with a ruler or prince in Ne- 
hemiah's time (Neh. iii. 14) ; situated near Tekoa, 
and used as a beacon-station (Jer. vi. 1). By Jerome 
a village named Bethacharma is said to have been 
on a mountain between Tekoa and Jerusalem, a po- 
sition in which the eminence known as the Frank 
mountain (Herodium) stands conspicuous ; and this 
has accordingly been suggested as Beth-haccerem. 

Betli-bag'gan (Heb.) = " Garden House." 

Beth-ha'ran (fr. Heb. = Beth-aram, Ges.), one of 
•the fenced cities E. of the Jordan, built by the Gad- 
ites (Num. xxxij. 36) ; = Beth-aram. 

Beth-hog'la and Bctll-Ucg'lah (fr. Heb. = par- 
tridge-house, Ges.), a city of Benjamin on the border 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 6, xviii. 1°, 21). A magnificent 
spring and a ruin between Jericho and the Jordan 
still bear the names of ' 'Ain-hajla and Kusr Hajla 
(Rbn. i. 544-6), and are doubtless on or near the old 
site. Atad. 

Betb-ho'ron (L. fr. Heb. = house of caverns or 
holes ; house of the holloiv, Ges.), the name of two 
towns or villages, an " upper " and a " nether " 
(Josh. xvi. 3, 5 ; 1 Chr. vii. 24), on the road from 
Gibeon to Azekah (Josh. x. 10, 11) and the Philis- 
tine plain (1 Mc. iii. 24). Beth-horon lay on the 
boundary-line between Benjamin and Ephraim (Josh, 
xvi. 3, 5, xviii. 13, 14), was counted to Ephraim (Josh, 
xxi. 22 ; 1 Chr. vii. 24), and given to the Kohathites 
(Josh. xxi. 22 ; 1 Chr. vi. 68, 53 Heb.). There is 
no room for doubt that the two Beth-horons still 
survive in the modern villages of Beit-Ur, et-Tuhta 
(= the lower], and el-Foka (= the upper), which were 
first noticed by Dr. Clarke. The road connecting 
them is memorable for the victories of Joshua over 
the five kings of the Amorites (Josh. x. ; Ecclus. 
xlvi. 6) and of Judas Maccabeus over the Syrians 
under Seron (1 Mc. iii.). The importance of this 
road, the main approach to the interior of the coun- 
try from the hostile districts on both sides of Pales- 



118 



BET 



BET 



tine, at once explains and justifies the frequent for- 
tification of these towns at different periods of the 
history (1 K. ix. 17 ; 2 Chr. viii. 5 ; 1 Mc. ix. 50; 
Jd. iv. 4 [" Bethoron "] ; compare 5). This road 
is still " the great road of communication and heavy 
transport between Jerusalem and the sea-coast." 
The Upper Beth-horon was twelve Roman miles (100 
stadia, so Josephus) from Jerusalem (Rbn. ii. 252). 
From Gibeon to the Upper Beth-horon is a distance 
of about four miles of broken ascent and descent 
The ascent, however, predominates, and this there- 
fore appears to be the " going up " to Beth-horon 
which formed the first stage of Joshua's pursuit of 
the Amorites (Josh. x. 10). With the upper village 
the descent commences; the road rough and difficult 
even for the mountain-paths of Palestine. This 
rough descent from the upper to the lower Beit- Ur 
is the " going down to Beth-horon " (x. 11). 

Beth-jesh i-uiotli or Beth-jes i-moth (both fr. Hob. 
= house of the wastes), a town or place E. of Jordan, 
on the lower level at the S. end of the Jordan val- 
ley (Num. xxxiii. 49); named with Ashdoth-pisgah 
and Beth-peor (Josh. xiii. 20). It was one of the 
limits of the encampment of Israel before crossing 
the Jordan. It was allotted to Reuben (Josh. xii. 
3, xiii. 20), but came afterward into the hands of 
Moab, and formed one of the cities which were " the 
glory of the country " (Ez. xxv. 9). Schwarz (228) 
quotes "a Belh-jinmuth as still known at the N. E. 
point of the Dead Sea half a mile from the Jor- 
dan ; " but this requires confirmation. Tristram 
(525) supposes Beth-jeshimoth was at the ruins of 
er-Ramch, about five miles N. E. of the mouth of 
the Jordan. 

Betli-leb'a-oth (L. fr. Fleb. = home of lionesses), 
a town of Simeon (Josh. xix. 6) ; probably = Leb- 
aotii, and Betii-birei. 

Betli'lc-hem ( L fr. Heb. = house of bread). 1. 
One of the oldest towns in Palestine, especially cel- 
ebrated as the birth-place of David and of the Lord 
Jesus Christ. Near it Benjamin was born, and 
Rachel died (Gen. xxxv. 19, xlviii. 7). Its earliest 
name was Ephrath or Epkratah, and it is not till 
long after the occupation of the country by the Isra- 
elites that we meet with it under its new name of 
Bethlehem (Ru. i. 19, 22, ii. 4, iv. 11 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 




Grotto of the Nativity, Bethlehem. — LaboroVa Syria. — (Fairbairn.) 

4, &c). (Hur 2 ; Salma.) It is called Bethlehem 
Ephratah (Ru. iv. 11 ; Mic. v. 2). It is frequently 
entitled Bethlehem-judah ( Judg. xvii. 7 ff., xix. 1 flf. ; 



Ru. i. 1, 2; 1 Sam. xvii. 12), possibly, though hardly 
probably, to distinguish it from the small and remote 
place of the same name in Zebulun (see No. 2 below). 
Though not named as a Levitical city, it was ap- 
parently a residence of Levites, for from it came 
Jonathan, the son of Gershom, who became the first 
priest of the Danites at their new settlement (Judg. 
xvii. 7, xviii. 30), and from it also came the concu- 
bine of the other Levite whose death at Gibeah 
caused the destruction of the tribe of Benjamin (xix. 

I ff.). The Book of Ruth is a page from the domes- 
tic history of Bethlehem : the names, almost the 
very persons, of the Bethlehemites are there brought 
before us ; we are allowed to assist at their most pe- 
culiar customs, and to witness the very springs of 
those events which have conferred immortality on 
the name of the place. The elevation of David to 
tin- kingdom docs not appear to have affected the 
fortunes of his native town. — The residence of Saul 
acipiircd u new title specially from him (2 Sam. xxi. 
ti), but David did nothing to dignify Bethlehem, or 
connect it with himself. The only touch of recollec- 
tion which he manifests for it, is that recorded in 
the well-known story of his sudden longing for the 
water of the well by the gate of his childhood (xxiii. 
14 II. ; 1 <'ln-. xi. iti If.). — The few remaining casual 
notices of Bethlehem in the O. T. may be quickly 
enumerated. It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. 
\i. 6). By the time of the Captivity, the Inn of 
Chimham by Bethlehem appears to have become the 
recognized point of departure for travellers to 
Egypt (Jer. xli. 17) — a caravanserai or khan, per- 

' I"' i'lrniir;il on- which existed there .<l the time 
of our Lord, like those which still exist all over the 
Easl at the stations of travellers. Lastly, " Children 
of lii thlehem," to the number of one hundred and 
twenty-three, returned with Zerubbabel from Baby- 
lon (Ezr. ii. 21 ; Neh. vii. 20).— In the N. T. Beth- 
lehem retains its distinctive title "Bethlehem of 
Judea," = Bethlehcm-judah in U. T. (Mat. ii. 1, 5), 
and it is also styled the " city of David " (Lk. ii. 4, 

II ; compare Jn. vii. 42). The passages just quoted 
and the few which follow, exhaust the references to 
it in the N. T. (Mat. ii. 6, 8, 16 ; Lk. ii. 15). (Angels ; 
Herod; Magi; Manger; Star of the Wise Men.) 
After this nothing is heard of it till near the middle 

of the second century, when Justin 
Martyr speaks of our Lord's birth 
as having taken place " in a certain 
cave very close to the village." There 
is nothing in itself improbable in the 
supposition that the place in which 
Joseph and Mary took shelter, and 
where was the "manger" or " stall," 
was a cave in the limestone rock of 
which the eminence of Bethlehem is 
composed. But the step from the 
belief that the Nativity may have 
taken place in a cavern, to the belief 
that the present subterraneous vault 
or crypt is that cavern, is a very 
wide one. The Emperor Hadrian, 
among other desecrations, had ac- 
tually planted a grove of Adonis at 
the spot. This grove remained at 
Bethlehem from a. d. 135 till 315. 
The Church of the Nativity was built 
here, it is said, by the Empress He- 
lena in the fourth century. The 
Crusaders took possession of Bethlehem on their ap- 
proach to Jerusalem. King Baldwin I. erected Beth- 
lehem into a bishopric a. d. 1110. Like Jerusalem 



BET 



BET 



119 



it was destroyed by the Kharismians in 1244 (Rbn. 
i. 471-2). — The modern town of Beit Lahm lies to 
the E. of the main road from Jerusalem to Hebron, 
six miles S. from the former. It covers the E. and 
N. E. parts of the ridge of a long gray hill of Jura 
limestone, which stands nearly due E. and W., and 
is about one mile in length. The hill has a deep 



valley on the N. and another on the S. The monks 
have fixed the spot where the angels appeared to the 
shepherds, in a valley about half an hour E. from 
Bethlehem (Rbn.). The village lies in a kind of ir- 
regular triangle, at about 150 yards from the apex 
of which, and separated from it by a vacant space 
on the extreme E. part of the ridge, spreads the 




Bethlehem. — (From Smith's Smaller Dictionary.) 



noble Basilica of St. Helena, "half church, half 
fort," now embraced by its three convents — Greek, 
Latin, and Armenian. One fact of great interest is 
associated with a portion of the crypt of this church, 
viz., that here, " beside what he believed to be the 
cradle of the Christian faith," St. Jerome lived for 
more than thirty years, leaving a lasting monument 
of his sojourn in the Vulgate translation of the 
Bible. — The population of Beit Lahm is about three 
thousand souls, entirely nominal Christians. All 
travellers remark the good looks of the women, the 
substantial clean appearance of the houses, and the 
general air of comfort for an Eastern town which 
prevails. — 2. A town of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 15 only) ; 
situated at the modern Beit Lahm, a miserable vil- 
lage about six miles W. of Nazareth (Rbn. iii. 113). 

* Beth'-le-hem Eph'ra-tah (fr. Heb. )= Bethlehem 
1, and Ephratah. 

Beth'-le-hem -ite (fr. Heb.=one from Bethlehem) 
(1 Sam. xvi. 1, 18, xvii. 58; 2 Sam. xxi. 19). 

* Beth'-le-hcm-ju'dah (fr. Heb.) = Bethlehem 1. 
Betli-lo'mon (1 Esd. v. 17) = Bethlehem 1. 
Beth-ma'a-chah [-kah] (fr. Heb. = house of Ma- 

achah, Ges.), a place named only in 2 Sam. xx. 14, 
15, in defining the position of Abel ; perhaps = 
Maachah, or Aram-maachah, one of the petty Syrian 
kingdoms in the N. of Palestine. Beth-maachah is 
. Vupposed by Thomson (i. .326) to have been at the 
modern Hunin, three or four miles from Abil (Abel). 
But see Beth-rehob. 

Betll-uiar'ca-both (fr. Heb. =houseofthe chariots), 
a town of Simeon, situated in the extreme S. of 
Judah, with Ziklag and Hormah (Josh. xix. 5 ; 1 dir. 
iv. 31); perhaps = Madmannah. Rowlands (in Fair- 
bairn, under " S. country suggests that the name 



may be retained in Wady el-Murtaheh, about ten 
miles S. W. of Beer-sheba. But see Madmannah. 

Beth-me'on (fr. Heb. = house of habitation, Ges.) 
(Jer. xlviii. 23), contracted from Beth-baal-meon. 

* Betll-mil'lo (Heb.) (2 K. xii. 20, margin) = 
" house of Millo." Millo, the House of, 2. 

Bcth-llim'rah (fr. Heb.= house of limpid andsweA 
waters, Ges.), a fenced city E. of the Jordan taken 
and built by the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 36), de- 
scribed as lying in the valley beside Beth-haran 
(Josh. xiii. 27); also called Nimrah ; identified with 
the ruins of Nimrin, at the lower end of the Wady 
ShaHb, at the mouth of which, a few miles above 
Jericho, is one of the regular fords of the Jordan 
(Rbn. i. 551). Bethabara. 

Betli-o'ron = Beth-horon (Jd. iv. 4). 

Betll-pa'let (fr. Heb. = house of flight), a town in 
the extreme south of Judah, named (Josh. xv. 27) 
with Moladah and Beer-sheba ; = Beth-phelet ; at a 
ruin called Jerrah? (so Wilton in Negeb). Hazar- 
gaddah. 

Bctll-paz'zez (fr. Heb.= house of dispersion, Ges.), 
a town of Issachar named with En-gannim and En- 
haddah (Josh. xix. 21). 

Beth-pe'or (fr. Heb. = temple of Peor, i. e. of 
Baal-peor, Ges.), a place, no doubt dedicated to the 
god Baal-peor, on the E. of Jordan, opposite Jericho, 
and six miles above Libias or Beth-haran. It was in 
the possession of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 20). One of 
the last halting-places of the children of Israel is 
designated — " the ravine (" valley," A. V.) over 
against Beth-peor" (Deut. iii. 29, iv. 46). 

Beth phage [-fa-je, or -faje] (L. fr. Heb. = house 
of unripe. Jigs), a place on the mount of Olives, on 
the road between Jericho and Jerusalem ; apparently 



120 



BET 



BET 



close to Bethany (Mat. xxi. 1 ; Mk. xi. 1 ; Lk. xix. 
29), and from its being named first in ttie narrative 
of a journey from E. to VV., it has been supposed 
(ltbn., &c.) E. of Bethany. No remains, however, 
which could answer to this position have been found, 
and the traditional site is above Bethany, half-way 
between that village and the top of the mount. 
Schwarz (203, 4), Van- de Velde (ii. 257), and Bar- 
clay, in his map, appear to agree in placing Bcth- 
phage on the S. shoulder of the " Mount of Offence," 
above the village of Siloam, and therefore W. of 
Bethany (for this compare Jn. xii. 1-12 with Mat. 
xxi. 1).' 

Betli-phc let (fr. Heb. = Beth-palet) (Neh. xi. 20) 
= Betu-palet.' 

Botli— ra'pliii (L. fr. Heb. — house of Jiapha, or of 
the giant), a name which occurs in the genealogy of 
Judah as the son of Esh-ton (1 dir. iv. 12). 

Bctb-rc'liub (fr. Heb. = home of Jlchob, or of 
room), a place mentioned as having near it the val- 
ley in which lay the town of Laish or Dan (Judg. 
xviii. 28). It was one of the little kingdoms of Aram 
or Syria (2 Sam. x. 0), also called Rehob. Robinson 
supposes (iii. 371 ) that Beth-rehob was at the modern 
Hunin, a large ruined fortress commanding the plain 
of the Ht'ilch, in which the city of Dan (Tell el-K&dy) 
lay ; Thomson (i. 320, 370) supposes Beth-rehob to 
have been at the modern Bun ids, where is also an 
ancient castle commanding the pass from the Hatch 
over Hermon to Damascus and the E. 

Beth-sa'i-da (L. fr. Heb. == house of fish). 1. 
" Bethsaida of Galilee "(Jn. xii. 21), a city which 
was the native place of Andrew, Peter, and Philip 
(Jn. i. 44, xii. 21) in the land of Gennesaret (Mk. 
vi. 45 ; compare 53), and therefore on the W. side 
of the lake. It was evidently near to Capernaum, 
and Chorazin (Mat. xi. 21 ; Lk. x. 13 ; and compare 
Mk. vi. 45, with Jn. vi. 17), and, if the interpretation 
of the name is to be trusted, close to the water's 
edge. Robinson (ii. 405-0, iii. 359) places Bethsaida 
at 'Ain et-Tdbijhah, a small village with a copious 
stream and immense fountains, about two-thirds of 
a mile N. of ICIidn Mint/eh, which he identifies with 
Capernaum. — 2. By comparing the narratives in 
Mk. vi. 31-53, and'Lk. ix. 10-17, in the latter of 
which " a desert place, belonging to the city called 
Bethsaida," is named as the spot at which the mir- 
acle of feeding the five thousand took place, while 
in the former the disciples are said to have been con- 
strained by Jesur- " to get into the ship and to go to . 
the other side before unto Bethsaida " (verse 45), and 
then, after the gale, to have come (verse 53) " into 
the land of Gennesaret," Reland concluded that the 
Bethsaida mentioned in Lk. ix. 10 must have been a 
second place of the same name on the E. of the lake. 
Such a place there was at the N. E. extremity, for- 
merly a village, but rebuilt and adorned by Philip the 
Tetrarch, and raised to the dignity of a town under 
the name of Julias, after the daughter of the emper- 
or. Here in a magnificent tomb Philip was buried. 
Of this Bethsaida we have certainly one and proba- 
bly two mentions in the Gospels :— (a.) That named 
above (Lk. ix 10). — (b.) The other, most probably, 
in Mk. viii. 22.— Until the latter part of the eigh- 
teenth century there was supposed to be only one 
Bethsaida, viz. at the entrance of the Jordan into 
the lake or sea of Gennesaret. Reland's assumption 
of two Bethsaidas, given above, though now adopted 
by many (Robinson, Winer, Kitto, Pairbairn, Mr. 
Grove, &c.), is not accepted by some of the best inves- 
tigators (Hug, Thomson, B. S. xviii. 251, &c.). There 
are remains of ancient buildings on both sides of the J 



Jordan at and above its entrance into the lake of 
Gennesaret. Those on the W. side are supposed by 
Thomson (ii. 9) to mark that part cf Bethsaida which 
was in Galilee ; those on the E. side to belong to 
that part which Philip repaired and called Julias. 
The " desert place" where the five thousand were 
fed was probably the modern Butaiha, a smooth, 
grassy plain at the N.E. part of the lake (Thomson 
ii. 29). (See Map under Jordan.) 

Betli s:i-mos (1 Esd. v. 18) = Beth-azmaveth. 

Bctli'sau (L. form of Beth-shean) (1 Mc. v. 52; 
xii. 40, 41) — Beth-shean. 

Belli -shall (fr. Heb. = Beth-shean, Ges.) (1 Sam. 
xxxi. 10, 12; 2 Sam. xxi. 12) = Beth-SHEAN. 

Beth-slic'an (fr. Heb. = home of quiet, Ges.), or 
in Samuel, Beth-shan, and in 1 Mc. BetHSAN, a city, 
which, with its dependent towns, belonged to Manas- 
seh (1 Chr. vii. 29), though within the limits of Issa- 
char (Josh. xvii. 11), and therefore on the W. of 
Jordan (compare 1 Mc. v. 52) — but not mentioned 
in the lists of the latter tribe. The Canaanites were 
not driven out from the town (Judg. i. 27). In Solo- 
mon's time it seems to have given its name to a dis- 
trict extending from the town itself to Abel-meho- 
lah ; and "all Beth-shean" was under charge of one 
of his commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 12). The 
corpses of Saul and his sons were fastened up to the 
wall of Beth-shean by the Philistines (1 Sam. xxxi. 
10, 12) in the open "street" or space, which — then as 
now — fronted the gate of an Eastern town, and were 
taken away by the men of Jabesh-Gilead (2 Sam. xxi. 
12). In connection with the Maccabees it is men- 
tioned in a cursory manner (1 Mc. v. 52, xii. 40, 41). 
The name of ScYTHOPOIJS (Jd. iii. 10 ; 2 Mc. xii. 29) 
has not survived to the present day ; and the place 
is still called Bcisdn. The village and ruins are on 
the brow, just where the great plain of Jezreel de- 
scends, some three hundred feet, to the level of the 
(r'hor or Jordan valley, about twelve miles S. of the 
sea of Galilee, and four miles W. of the Jordan. 

Beth'-she-mesh or Bcth-shc'mcsh (fr. Heb. = house 
of the sun). 1. A town on the N. boundary of Ju- 
dah (Josh. xv. 10). It was between Kirjath-jearim 
ami Timnah, and near the low-country of Philistia. 
Beth-shemesh was one of the cities of Judah allotted 
to the priests (Josh. xxi. 10 ; 1 Chr. vi. 59) ; and it 
is named in one of Solomon's commissariat districts 
(1 K. iv. 9). When the Philistines sent back the 
ark, it came from Ekron to Beth-shemesh, and the 
men of Beth-shemesh (probably the number 50,070 is 
erroneous ; see Abijah) were smitten for looking into 
the ark (1 Sam. vi.). At Beth-shemesh Amaziah, 
king of Judah, was defeated and taken by Jehoash, 
king of Israel (2 K. xiv. 11, 13 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 21, 23). 
Beth-shemesh was taken and occupied by the Philis- 
tines in the days of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). Beth- 
shemesh probably = Ir shemesh (compare Josh. xv. 
10, xix. 41, 43 ; IK. iv. 9). Beth-shemesh is now 
Min Sherim, a ruined village about two miles from 
the great Philistine plain, and three and two-thirds 
hours = eleven miles S. E. from Ekron (Rbn. ii. 
224-0, 573). — 2. A city on the border of Issaehar 
(Josh. xix. 22). — 3. A " fenced city " of Naphtali, 
from which the Canaanites were not expelled ; twice 
named (Josh. xix. 38 ; Judg. i. 33) with Beth-anath.. 
— 4. An idolatrous temple or place in Egypt (Jer. 
xliii. 13) ; = On, or Heliopolis, called by the Arabs 
in the middle ages 'Ain Shems. 

Beth'-she-mite or Beth-she'mite (fr. Heb. = miz 
from Beth-shemesh) (1 Sam. vi. 14, 18). 

Beth-sbit'tah (fr. Heb. = Iwwe of the acacia), one 
of the spots to which the flight of the host of the 



BET 



BEZ 



121 



Midianites extended after their discomfiture by 
Gideon (Judg. vii. 22) ; conjectured to have been at 
the modern Skutta, between Mount Tabor and Beth- 
shean (ltbn. ii. 356). 

Bctli-sn'ra (L.) = Beth-zur (1 Mc. iv. 29, 61, 
vi. 7, 26, 31, 49, 50, ix. 52, x. 14, xi. 65, xiv. 7 ; 2 
Mc. xi. 6, xiii. 19, 22). 

Beth-tap'pn-ali (fr. Heb. = house of the apple, or 
citron ; see Apple), a town in the mountains of Ju- 
dah, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 53 ; compare 1 Chr. ii. 
43) ; at the modern village of Tejfuh, an hour and 
three-quarters, or say five miles, W. of Hebron, on a 
ridge of high table-land. Tappuah. 

Bc-tlin'el (Heb. man of God, Ges.), son of Nahor 
by Milcah ; nephew of Abraham, and father of Re- 
bekah (Gen. xxii. 22, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47, xxviii. 
2). In xxv. 20, and xxviii. 5, he is called " Bethuel 
the Syrian." Though often referred to as above in 
the narrative, Bethuel only appears in person once 
(xxiv. 50). Prof. Blunt ingeniously conjectures 
(Coincidences, I. § iv.) that he was the subject of 
some imbecility or other incapacity. 

Be-thu'el (Heb. abode of God, Ges.) = Bethol 
(1 Chr. iv. 30). Bethel 2. 

Beth ill (Heb. abode of God, Ges.), a town of 
Simeon in the S., named with El-tolad and Hormah 
(Josh. xix. 4) ; = Chesil and Bethuel ; probably = 
Bethel 2 ; supposed by Rowlands to have been at 
the ruins el-Khulasah (ancient Elusa), about twelve 
miles S.W. from Beer-sheba ; by others at Beit Ula, 
six or eight miles E. from Beit Jibrin (ancient Eleu- 
theropolis). 

Bc-tUu'li-a (L. ; Gr. Betidoua ; fr. Heb. = the vir- 
gin of Jehovah, Westcott), the city which was the 
scene of the chief events of the Book of Judith, in 
which book only the name occurs. Its position is 
described with very minute detail. It was near to 
Dothaim (iv. 6), on a hill which overlooked the plain 
of Esdraelon (vi. 11, 13, 14, vii. 7, 10, xiii. 10) and 
commanded the passes from that plain to the hill 
country of Manasseh (iv. 7, vii. 1), in a position so 
strong that Holofernes abandoned the idea of taking 
it by attack, and determined to reduce it by possess- 
ing himself of the two springs or wells which were 
" under the city," in the valley at the foot of the 
eminence on which it was built, and from which the 
inhabitants derived their chief supply of water (vi. 
11, vii. 7, 13, 21). Notwithstanding this detail, how - 
ever, the identification of the site of Bethulia is one 
of the greatest puzzles of sacred geography. Von 
Raumer (Pal. 135, 6) suggests Sdnur, which is per- 
haps the nearest to probability. This is a village 
with an old castle on a steep lofty rock, about two 
miles from Dothan, and seven from Jenin (En-gan- 
nim) (V. de V. i. 366), which stand on the very edge 
of the great plain of Esdraelon. 

Bctn-zaeh-a-ri'as. Bathzacharias. 

Beth'-znr (fr. Heb. = home of rock), a town in 
the mountains of Judah, named between Halhul and 
Gedor (Josh. xv. 58) ; probably founded by the peo- 
ple of Maon (1 Chr. ii. 45), and fortified by Rehobo- 
am (2 Chr. xi. 7). After the Captivity the ruler of 
the district (A. V. " half part;" see Part) of Beth- 
zur assisted Neliemiah in rebuilding the wall of Jeru- 
salem (Neh. iii. 16). Before Beth-zur Judas Macca- 
beus gained one of his earliest victories over Lysias 
(1 Mc. iv. 29). It was strongly fortified by Judas 
and his brethren as a defence against Idumea (verse 
61), and afterward was besieged and taken by Anti- 
ochus Eupator (vi. 31, 50), and Simon Maccabeus 
(xi. 65). (Bethsura.) The recovery of the site of 
Beth-zur, under the almost identical name of Beit-Sur 



(B. S. 1843, p. 56), explains its impregnability, and 
also the reason for the choice of its position, since it 
commands the road from Beer-sheba and Hebron, 
which has always been the main approach to Jeru- 
salem from the S. 

Be-to li-us (1 Esd. v. 21) = Bethel 1. 

Bct-o-mcs'tliam and Bct-o-mas'them (fr. Gr.), a 
town " over against Esdraelon, facing the plain that 
is near Dothaim" (Jd. iv. 6, xv. 4). No attempt to 
identify it has been hitherto successful. 

Bet O-uim (Heb. = pistachio nuts), a town of Gad, 
apparently on the N. boundary (Josh. xiii. 26). 

* Be-tray', to, in A. V. = to deliver into an ene- 
my's power by treachery or violation of obligation (1 
Chr. xii. 17 ; Mat. x. 4, &c). Judas Iscariot. 

Be-troth'ing. Marriage. 

Bcn'lau [bu-] (Ileb. married), the name which the 
land of Israel is to bear, when " the land shall be 
married " (Is. lxii. 4). The marriage relationship sets 
forth the covenaat of grace (Fairbairn). Marriage, V. 

* Be-wail', to. Mourning. 

* Be-witch', to. Divination; Magic. 

* Be-wray', to, an old English verb = to betray, 
expose, or make known (Is. xvi. 3 ; Mat. xxvi. 73, &c). 

* Be-ycnd'. The phrase " beyond Jordan " in the 
Pentateuch (written E. of Jordan) = W. of Jordan 
(Gen. 1. 10, 11 ; Deut. iii. 25) ; in Is. ix. 1 and Mat. 
iv. 15 = beyond the sources of the Jordan (so Lange 
on Mat. 1. c. ; Galilee extended N. of the Jordan) ; 
elsewhere in A. V. usually = E. of Jordan (Josh, 
ix. 10, xiii. 8 ; Jn. i. 28, &c). So also " on yonder 
side Jordan," " on the other side Jordan," &c, usu- 
ally = W. of Jordan in the Pentateuch, but E. of 
Jordan elsewhere (Num. xxxii. 19 ; Deut. xi. 30 ; 
Josh. xii. 1; Mk. x. 1, &c). To "go beyond" 
(Num. xxii. 18, xxiv. 13 ; 1 Th. iv. 6) = to overpass 
or overgo, to transgress. 

Be'zai (Heb. prob. = Besai, Ges.), ancestor of 
323 (Ezr. ii. 17 ; 324 in Neh. vii. 23), who returned 
from captivity with Zerubbabel. (Bassa.) The name 
occurs again among those who scaled the covenant 
(Neh. x. 18). 

Bez'a-leel (fr. Heb. = in the shadow of God, i. e. 
in his protection, Ges.). 1. The artificer to whom 
was confided by Jehovah the design and execution 
of the works of art required for the tabernacle in 
the wilderness (Ex. xxxi. 1-6, xxxv. 30 ff., xxxvi., 
xxxvii., xxxviii.). His charge was chiefly in all 
works of metal, wood, and stone. Aholiab was 
associated with him for the textile fabrics. Bezaleel 
was of the tribe of Judah, the son of Uri the son of 
Hur (1 Chr. ii. 20). — 2. A son of Pahath-moab who 
had taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 30); called Sesthel 
in 1 Esdras. 

Be'zek (Heb. lightning, Ges.). 1. The residence 
of Adoni-bezek (Judg. i. 5) ; in the lot of Judah 
(verse 3), and inhabited by Canaanites and Perizzites 
(verse 4). This must have been distinct from — 2. 
The place where Saul numbered the forces of Israel 
and Judah before going to the relief of Jabesh-Gilead 
(1 Sam. xi. 8). This cannot have been more than a 
day's march from Jabesh; and was therefore doubt- 
less somewhere in the centre of the country, near the 
Jordan valley. Eusebius and Jerome mention two 
places of this name close together, seventeen miles 
from Neapolis (Shechem) on the road to Beth-shean ; 
but neither has been identified in modern times. 

Bc'zer (fr. Heb. = ore of gold and silver, precious 
metals in the rude state as cut or dug out of mines, 
Ges.) in the wii'der-ne«S, a city of the Reubenites, with 
suburbs, set a part by Moses as one of the three cities of 
refuge E. of the Jordan, and allotted to the Merarites 



122 



BEZ 



BIB 



(Deut. iv. 43 ; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 36 ; 1 Clir. vi. 78) ; 
probably = BosoR 1 ; probably situated S. E. of Hesh- 
bon on the borders of" the desert (Porter in Kitto). 

Be'zer (fr. Heb. ; see above), son of Zophah ; a 
chief of Asher (1 Chr. viL 37). 

Be'zeth (Gr.), a plaee at which Bacehides encamped 
after leaving Jerusalem (1 Mc. vii. 19). By Jose- 
phus the name is given as " the village Bethzetho " 
(compare Beth-Zaith, a Syriac name of the Mount of 
Olives). The name may thus refer either to the 
main body of the Mount of Olives, or to that branch 
of it N. of Jerusalem, which at a later period was 
called Bezetha. 

Bia-tas (1 Esd. ix. 48) = Pelaiah 2. 

Bi ble [-bl] (fr. the Gr. pi. biblia = small books). 
I. The application of the word Biblia, as a distinctive 
term, to the collected books of the 0. T. and N. T. is 
not to be traced further back than the fifth century. 
Greek writers enumerate " the books " (ta biblia) of 
the 0. T. and N. T. ; and as these were contrasted 
with the apocryphal books circulated by heretics, 
there was a natural tendency to the appropriation of 
the word as limited by the article to the whole collec- 
tion of the canonical Scriptures. (Canon ; Inspira- 
tion ; New Testament; Old Testament; Scripture ; 
Writing.) The liturgical use of the Scriptures, as 
the worship of the Church became organized, would 
naturally favor this application. The MSS. from 
which they were read would be emphatically the 
books of each church or monastery. And when this 
use of the word was established in the East, it would 
naturally pass gradually to the Western Church. It 
is however worthy of note, as bearing on the history 
of the word in our own language, and on that of its 
reception in the Western Church, that "Bible" is not 
found in Anglo-Saxon literature. In R. Brunne (p. 
290), Piers Ploughman (1916, 4271), and Chaucer 
(Prot. 437), it appears in its distinctive sense. From 
that time (fourteenth century) the higher use prevailed 
to the exclusion of any lower ; and the choice of it, 
rather than of any of its synonymes, by the great trans- 
lators of the Scriptures, Wickliffc, Luther, Coverdale, 
fixed it beyond all possibility of a change. — II. The 
history of the growth of the collections known as the 
O. T. and X. T. respectively, will be found under Canon. 
The two were looked on as of coordinate authority, 
and therefore as parts of one whole. (Inspiration.) 
The earliest records of the worship of the Christian 
Church indicate the liturgical use of writings of the 
N. T., as well as of the O. T. Thcophilus of Antioch, 
Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, all speak 
of the X. T. writings as making up with the O. T. 
the whole of Scripture. — III. The existence of a 
collection of sacred books recognized as authorita- 
tive, leads naturally to a more or less systematic ar- 
rangement. The Prologue to Ecclesiasticus mentions 
" the law and the prophets and the other Books." 
In the X. T. there is the same kind of recognition. 
" The Law and the Prophets " is the shorter (Mat. 
xi. 13, xxii. 40 ; Acts xiii. 15, &c); " the Law, the 
Prophets, and the Psalms " (Lk. xxiv. 44), the fuller 
statement of the division popularly recognized. The 
arrangement of the books of the Hebrew text under 
these three heads requires, however, a further notice. 
— 1. The Torah (Heb. = Gr. nomos = " Law ") natu- 
rally continued to occupy the position which it must 
have held from the first as the most ancient and 
authoritative portion (Pentateuch). In the Hebrew 
classification the titles of the five distinct portions 
of " the Law " (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Xumbers, 
Deuteronomy) were taken from the initial words of 
the books, or from prominent words in the initial 



verse : in that of the LXX., and so in the Vulgate 
and A. V., they were intended to be significant of the 
subject of each book. — 2. The next group (Heb. 
JVebiim = "the Prophets") presents a more singular 
combination. The arrangement stands as follows : 
a. The Elder or Former Prophets (Joshua, Judges, 

1 Samuel, 2 Samuel, 1 Kings, 2 Kings). — b. The 
Later Prophets, viz., the Major, i. e. Greater (Isaiah, 
Jeremiah, Ezekicl), and the Lesser, i. e. the twelve 
Minor Prophets (= Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, 
Jonah, Micah, Nahum, llabakkuk, Zephaniah, Hag- 
gai, Zechariah, Malachi). The Hebrew titles of these 
books correspond to those of the English bibles. 
The grounds on which books simply historical were 
classed under the same name as those which con- 
tained the teaching of Prophets, in the stricter sense 
of the word, are not at first sight obvious, but the 
0. T. presents some facts which may suggest an ex- 
planation. The Sons of the Prophets (Prophet; 
Samuel) (1 Sam. x. 5 ; 2 K. v. 22, vi. 1) living to- 
gether as a society, almost as a caste (Am. vii. 14), 
trained to a religious life, cultivating sacred minstrel- 
sy, must have occupied a position as instructors of 
the people, even in the absence of the special calling 
which sent them as God's messengers to the people. 
A body of men so placed become naturally, unless 
intellectual activity is absorbed in asceticism, histo- 
rians and annalists. The references in the historical 
books of the O. T. show that they actually were so. 
Nathan the prophet, Gad, the seer of David (1 Chr. 
x\ix. 29), Ahijah and Iddo (2 Chr. ix. 29), Isaiah (2 
Chr. xxvi. 22, xxxii. 32), are cited as chroniclers. — 
3. Last in order came the group known as Ccthubhn 
(Heb. — writings; in Gr. grapheiu [= writings], 
It'ir/iiii/i-aji/nt [a word transferred into Latin and Eng- 
lish] = sacred writings), including the remaining 
books of the Hebrew Canon, arranged in the follow- 
ing order, and with subordinate divisions : (a) 
Psalms, Proverbs, Job. (b) Canticles, Ruth, Lamen- 
tations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, called " the five rolls " 
(Heb. m(gilloth). (c) Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, 1 
Chronicles, 2 Chronicles. — The LXX. placed " the 
Law " first, but did not recognize the distinctions 
between the Greater and Lesser Prophets, and be- 
tween the Prophets and the Hagiographa. Daniel, 
with the apocryphal additions, follows Ezekiel ; the 
Apocryphal first or third Esdras comes as a second, 
following the Canonical Ezra. Tobit and Judith are 
placed after Nehemiah ; Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus 
.after Canticles ; Baruch before and the Epistle of 
Jeremiah after Lamentations ; the twelve Lesser 
Prophets before the four Greater, and 1 and 2 Mac- 
cabees at the close of all. The Latin version follows 
nearly the same order, inverting the relative position 
of the Greater and Lesser Prophets. The separation 
of the Apocrypha then left the others in the order 
of the A. V. The history of the arrangement of the 
Books of the N. T. also presents some variations. 
The four Gospels (probably arranged according to 
their traditional dates) and the Acts of the Apos- 
tles uniformly stand first. They are so far to the 
N. T. what the Pentateuch was' to the 0. T. The 
position of the Acts as an intermediate book, the 
sequel to the Gospels, the prelude to the Epistles, 
was obviously natural. After this we meet with 
some striking differences. The order in the Alex- 
andrian, Vatican and Ephraem MSS. (A B C) (New 
Testament, I. 28) gives precedence to the Catholic 
or ". General " Epistles ( Jas., 1 Pet., 2 Pet., 1 Jn., 

2 Jn., 3 Jn., Jude), and this appears to have been 
characteristic of the Eastern Churches. The West- 
ern Church, on the other hand, as represented by 



BIB 



BIG 



123 



Jerome, Augustine, &c, gave priority of position to 
the Pauline Epistles (Paul), those addressed to 
churches being arranged according to their relative 
importance before those addressed to individuals. 
The Apocalypse (Revelation of St. John), as might 
be expected from the peculiar character of its con- 
tents, occupied a position by itself. Its compara- 
tively late recognition may have determined the po- 
sition which it has uniformly held as the last of 
the Sacred Books. — IV. Division into Chapters and 
Verses. — 1. The Hebrew of the O. T. It is hardly 
possible to conceive of the liturgical use of the 
books of the 0. T., without some kinds of recog- 
nized division. The references, however, in Mk. xii. 
26 and Lk. xx. 37, Rom. xi. 2 and Acts viii. 32, in- 
dicate a division which had become familiar, and 
show that some at least of the sections were known 
popularly by titles taken from their subjects. In 
like manner the existence of a cycle of lessons is 
indicated by Lk. iv. 17 ; Acts xiii. 15, xv. 21 ; 2 Cor. 
iii. 14. The Talmudic division is on the following 
plan. " The Law" was in the first instance divided 
into fifty-four sections (Heb. parsMydlh) so as to pro- 
vide a lesson for each Sabbath in the Jewish inter- 
calary year. Coexisting with this there was a sub- 
division into lesser sections. The lesser sections 
themselves were classed under two heads — the open 
(Heb. pethuhoth or pethuchoth), which served to indi- 
cate a change of subject analogous to that between 
two paragraphs in modern writing, and began ac- 
cordingly a fresh line in the MSS. ; and the shut (Heb. 
sethumolh), which corresponded to minor divisions, 
and were marked only by a space within the line. 
The sections (Heb. haphldroth) of "the Prophets " 
were intended to correspond with the larger sections 
of "the Law," and thus furnish a lesson for every 
Sabbath ; but the traditions of the German and the 
Spanish Jews present a considerable diversity in 
the length of the divisions. Of the traditional di- 
visions of the Hebrew Bible, however, that which 
has exercised the most influence in the received 
arrangement of the text, was the subdivision of the 
larger sections into verses (Heb. pesukim). These 
do not appear to have been used till the post-Tal- 
mudic recension of the text by the Masoretes of the 
ninth century. The chief facts that remain to be 
stated as to the verse divisions of the 0. T. are, that 
it was adopted by Stephens in his edition of the Vul- 
gate, 1555, and by Frellon in that of 1556 ; that it 
appeared for the first time in an English translation, 
in the Geneva Bible of 1560, and was thence trans- 
ferred to the Bishop's Bible of 1568, and the Author- 
ized Version of 1611. In Coverdale's Bible we meet 
with the older notation, which was in familiar use 
for other books, and retained in some instances (e. g. 
in references to Plato) to the present times. The 
letters A B C D are placed at equal distances in the 
margin of each page, and the reference is made to 
the page (or, in the case of Scripture, to the chapter) 
and the letter accordingly. A more systematic di- 
vision into chapters was generally adopted in the 
thirteenth century, and is traditionally ascribed to 
Stephen Langdon, archbishop of Canterbury, or to 
Cardinal Hugo = Hugh de St. Cher. As regards the 
0. T., the present arrangements grows out of the 
union of Cardinal Hugo's capitular division and the 
Masoretic verses. The Apocryphal books, to which 
of course no Masoretic division was applicable, did 
not receive a versicular division till the Latin edition 
of Pagninus in 1528, nor the division now in use till 
Stephens's edition of the Vulgate in 1545. — 2. In 
the N. T., as in the 0. T., the system of notation 



grew out of the necessities of study The compari- 
son of the Gospel narratives gave rise to attempts 
to exhibit the harmony between them. Of these, the 
first of which we have any record, was the Diaies- 
saron of Tatian in the second century. This was 
followed by a work of like character from Ammonius 
of Alexandria in the third. The system adopted by 
Ammonius, however, was practically inconvenient. 
The search after a more convenient method of ex- 
hibiting the parallelisms of the Gospel led Eusebius 
to form the ten Canons which bear his name, and in 
which the sections of the Gospels are classed ac- 
cording as the fact narrated is found in 1, 2, 3, or 
4 of the Evangelists. The Epistles of St. Paul were 
first divided in a similar manner by the unknown 
bishop to whom Euthalius assigns the credit of it 
(about 396), and he himself, at the instigation of 
Athanasius, applied the method of division to the 
Acts and the Catholic Epistles. Andrew, bishop of 
Cesarea in Cappadocia, completed the work by di- 
viding the Apocalypse (about 500). With the K T., 
however, as with the 0. T., the division inio chap- 
ters, adopted by Cardinal Hugo in the thirteenth 
century, superseded those that had been in use pre- 
viously, appeared in the early editions of the Vul- 
gate, was transferred to the English Bible by Covei- 
dale, and so became universal. The notation of the 
verses in each chapter naturally followed on the use 
of the Masoretic verses for the 0. T. The whole 
work of subdividing the chapters of the N. T. into 
verses was accomplished by Robert Stephens in 
1548, during his journey from Paris to Lyons. 
While it was in progress men doubted of its success. 
No sooner was it known than it met with universal 
acceptance. The edition in which this division was 
first adopted was published in 1551 ; another came 
from the same press in 1555. It was used for the 
Vulgate in the Antwerp edition of Hentenius in 
1559, for the English version published in Geneva 
in 1560, and from that time, with slight variations in 
detail, has been universally recognized. The con- 
venience of this division for reference is obvious ; 
but it may be questioned whether it has not been 
purchased at a great sacrifice of the perception by 
ordinary readers of the true order and connection, 
of the narrative or thought of the sacred writers. 
The original is more faithfully represented in the 
Paragraph Bibles and in the Greek Testament as ed- 
ited by Hahn, Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c. 

Bicll'ri [bik-] (Heb. first-born, Sim. ; youthful, 
Ges., Fii. ; perhaps son of Bechev, Ld. A. C. H.), an- 
cestor of Sheba (2 Sam. xx. 1, &c). 

Bid kar (Heb. son of stabbing, i. e. stabber, Ges.), 
Jehu's " captain," originally his fellow-officer (2 K. 
ix. 25) ; who completed the sentence on Jehoram 
son of Ahab by casting his body into the field of 
Naboth. 

Bier. Burial 2. 

Big'tha (Heb. perhaps = garden, gardener, or 
fr. Pers. and Sansc. = given by fortune, Ges. ; prob- 
ably = Abagtha), one of the seven chamberlains or 
eunuchs of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Big'tlian and Big tha-na (both Heb. = Bigtha, 
Ges.), a eunuch (" chamberlain," A. V.) in the court 
of Ahasuerus, one of those " who kept the door " 
and conspirator with Teresh against the king's life 
(Esth. ii. 21). The conspiracy was detected by Mor- 
decai, and the eunuchs hung. Prideaux supposes 
that these officers had been partially superseded by 
the degradation of Vashti, and sought revenge by 
the murder of Ahasuerus. 

Big'vai or Big'va-i (Heb. perhaps = husbandman, 



124 



BIK 



BIS 



gardener, or [so Bohlen] fr. Sansc. = happy, Gos.). 
1. Ancestor of 2,056 (Neh. 2,067) who returned from 
the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 14 ; Neh. vii. 
19), and of 72 with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). (Bago ; 
Bagoi.) — 2. Apparently a chief of Zerubbabel's ex- 
pedition (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. vii. 7), who afterward 
signed the covenant (Neh. x. 16). 

Bik'ath-A'vea (Heb.) (Am. i. 5, margin). Aven 1. 

Bil dad (Heb. son of contention, Ges.), the second 
of Job's three friends ; called " the Siiuhite " (Job 
ii. 11, &c). Job. 

Bile-am (Heb. = Balaam), a town in the western 
half of the tribe of Hanosseh (1 Chr. vi. 70 only), 
given to the Kohathitcs. In Josh. xvii. and xxi. 
Ibleam and G atii-rimmon 2 are substituted for it. 

Bil gall (Heb. cheerfulness, Ges.). 1. A priesl in 
David's time; head of the fifteenth course for the 
Temple service (1 Chr. xxiv. 14).— 2. A priest who 
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel and Jeshua 
(Neh. xii. 5, 18); probably = Bii.gai. 

Bil'gai or Bil'gs-I (1Kb. = Biloah, Ges.), a priesl 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 8). 
Bilgah 2. 

Bil hah ( Heb. bashfidncss? Ges.). 1. Handmaid 
of Rachel (Gen. xxix. 29), and concubine of Jacob, 
to whom she bore Dan and Naphtali (Gen. xxx. 3- 
8, xxxv. 25, xlvL 25; 1 Chr. vii. 13). Beuben after- 
ward lay with her (Gen. xxxv. 22). — 2. A town of 
the Simeonites (1 Chr. iv. 29); also called Baalah 
and Balah. 

Bil hail (Heb. perhaps bashful, modest, Ges.). 1. 
A Horite chief, son of Ezer, dwelling in Mount Seir 
(Gen. xxxvi. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 42). — 2. A Benjamite, 
son of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 10). 

"Bill. Divorce; Loan; Writing. 

Bil shan (Heb. son of the tongue, i.e. eloquent, 
Ges.), a companion of Zerubbabel on his expedition 
from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7). 

Bim'hal(Heb.*t<n of circumcision, i. e. circumcised, 
Ges.), an Asherite, son of Japhlet (1 Chr. vii. 33). 

Bill'e-a (Heb. a gushing forth, fountain, Sim., 
Ges.), son of Moza, descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 
37, ix. 43). 

Bin nn-i (Heb. a building, Ges.). 1. A Levite, 
father of Noadiah 1 (Ezr. viii. 33). — 2. A son of 
Pahath-moab ; husband of a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
30); - Balnuls. — 3. A son of Bani ; husband of 
a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 38). — 4. Bani 4 (Neh. vii. 15). 
— 5. A Levite, son of Henadad, who assisted in re- 
pairing the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah • 
(Neh. iii. 24, x. 9); possibly = Binnui in xii. 8, who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah. 

* Bird is the representative in the A V. of the fol- 
lowing:—!. Heb. 'oph (Gen. xl. 17, 19, &c), liter- 
ally wing = any winged animal ; often translated 
"Fowl." — 2. Heb. tsippor (Gen. vii. 14, xv. 10; 
Lev. xlv. 4 ff. ; Deut. xiv. li, &c.) = a small bird, 
and generally any bird. -3. Heb. 'ayit (Is. xlvi. 11 ; 
Jer. xii. 9 ; Ez. xxxix. 4) — a " ravenous bird." — 4. 
Gr. peleinon (Eeclus. xxvii. 9, 19, xliii. 17; Mat. viii. 
20, &c.) ; usually in pi. = " birds," winged animals ; 
compare No. 1. — 5. Gr. plena, pi. adj. fr. ptenos(\ Cor. 
xv. 39) — winged animals, " birds." — 6. Gr. orneon 
(Wis. v. 11, xvii. 18, Gr. 17 ; Bev. xviii. 2) ="bird." 
— Most of the above Hebrew and Greek words are 
also translated " fowl." — In modern zoology, birds | 
constitute a class of vertebrate animals, warm- 
blooded, oviparous, feathered, with beak, two feet, 
and two wings adapted more or les3 perfectly for 
flight. Birds are often noticed in the Scriptures. 
Ravenous birds and some others were accounted un- ! 
clean by the Mosaic Law, while most graminivorous 



and granivorous birds appear to have been reckoned 
clean (Lev. xi. 13-20; Deut. xiv. 11-20). Bit- 
tern ; Cage ; Dove ; Food ; Fowl ; GlN ; Hyena ; 
Nest; Net; Ostrich; Partridge; Purification ; 
Quails ; Sacrifice ; Snare ; Sparrow ; Turtle, 
&c. 

Bir'sha(Hcb. son of wickedness, Ges.), king of Go- 
morrah at the invasion of Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 

2)- 

* Birth. Children. 

Birth day. The custom of observing birthdays 
is very ancient (Gen. xl. 20; Jer. xx. 15); and in 
Job i. 4, &c, we read that Job's sons " feasted 
every one his day." In Persia they were celebrated 
with peculiar honors and banquets, and in Egypt the 
kings' birthdays were kept with great pomp. (Ban- 
quets.) Probably in consequence of the ceremonies 
Usual m their celebration, the Jews regarded their 
observance as an idolatrous custom (Lightfoot), 
Many suppose that in Mat. xiv. and Mk. vi. 21 the 
feast to commemorate Herod's accession is intended, 
for such feasts were common, and were called " the 
day of the king" (Hos. vii. 5); but it is supposed 
by Kobinson (iV. T.LexX Kitto, Meyer, Barnes, &c, 
to have been on the anniversary of his birth. 

Birthright. First-born. 

Blr'za-vith (Heb. holes, wounds, or well of olives? 
Ges.), a name, probably of a place, occurring in the 
•li nealogics of Asher ( 1 Chr. vii. 31 ; compare ii. 50, 
51, ix. 35, &c). Malciiiel. 

Bish'laiu (Heb. son of peace, Ges.), apparently an 
officer or commissioner of Artaxerxes in Palestine at 
the return of Zerubbabel from captivity (Ezr. iv. 7); 
called Belemus in 1 Esdras. 

BUli op (fr. Gr. episkopos = "overseer"; L. epis- 
copus). The word episkopos, applied in the N. T. to 
the officers of the church who were charged with 
certain functions of superintendence, had been in 
use before as a title of office. The inspectors or 
commissioners sent by Athens to her subject-states 
were episkopoi (Aristoph. Av. 1022). The title was 
still current and beginning to be used by the Romans 
in the later days of the republic (Cic. ad Alt. vii. 
11). The Hellenistic Jews found it employed in the 
LXX., though with no very definite value, for officers 
charged with certain functions (Num. iv. 16 [of Ele- 
azar's office], xxxi. 14 ["officers," A. V]; Ps. cix. 
8 [Gr. episkope — episcopate, "office" in A. V.]; 
Is. Ix. 17 [" exactors," A. V.]). When the organization 
of the Christian churches in Gentile cities involved 
the assignment of the work of pastoral superintend- 
ence to a distinct order, the title ejnskopos present- 
ed itself as at once convenient and familiar, and was 
therefore adopted as readily as the word elder (Gr. 
presbutcros) had been in the mother church of Jeru- 
salem. That the two titles were originally equiva- 
lent is clear from the following facts (so Professor 
Plumptre, original author of this article) : — 1. Bishops 
and elders are nowhere named together as orders 
distinct from each other. — 2. Bishops and deacons 
are named as apparently an exhaustive division of 
the officers of churches addressed by St. Paul as an 
apostle (Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. 1, 8).— 3. The same 
persons are described by both names (Acts xx. 17, 
28; Tit. i. 5, 7). — 4. Elders discharge functions es- 
sentially episcopal, i. e. involving pastoral superin- 
tendence (1 Tim. v. 17 ; 1 Pet. v. 1, 2 [Gr. episkopo- 
rentes = "taking the oversight," A. V.]). — Assum- 
ing as proved the identity of the bishops and elders 
of the N. T., we inquire into — I. The relation be- 
tween the two titles. II. The functions and mode of 
appointment of the men to whom both titles were 



BIS 



BIT 



125 



applied. — I. There can be no doubt that " elders " 
had the priority in order of time. The order itself 
is recognized in Acts xi. 30, and in Acts xv. It 
is transferred by Paul and Barnabas to the Gentile 
churches in their first missionary journey (Acts xiv. 
23). The earliest use of " bishops," on the other 
hand, is in the address of St. Paul to the elders of 
Miletus (Acts xx. 28 [" overseers," A. V.]), and there 
it is rather descriptive of functions than given as a 
title. The earliest epistle in which it is formally 
used as = " elders " is Philippians, as late a3 the 
time of his first imprisonment at Rome. — II. Of 
the order in which the first elders were appointed, 
as of the occasion which led to the institution of the 
office, we have no record. From the analogy of the 
seven in Acts vi. 5, 6, it would seem probable that 
they were chosen by the members of the church col- 
lectively, and then set apart to their office by the lay- 
ing on of the apostles' hands. In the case of Tim- 
othy (1 Tim. iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. i. 6) the " presbytery," 
probably the boJy of the elders at Lystra, had taken 
part with the apostle in this act of ordination. 
(Evangelist.) The conditions to be observed in 
choosing these officers, as stated in the pastoral 
epistles, are, blameless life and reputation among 
those " that are without " as well as within the 
church, fitness for the work of teaching, the wide 
kindliness of temper which shows itself in hospital- 
ity, the " being the husband of one wife " (i. e., most 
probably, not divorced and then married to another), 
showing powers of government in his own household 
as well as in self-control, not being a recent and, 
therefore, an untried convert. When appointed, the 
duties of the bishop-elders appear to have been as 
follows : — 1. General superintendence over the spir- 
itual well-being of the flock (1 Pet. v. 2). 2. The 
work of teaching, both publiclv and privately (1 Th. 
v. 12; 1 Tim. v. 17; Tit. i. 9). 3. The work of 
visiting the sick appears in Jas. v. 14, as assigned 
to the elders of the church. 4. Among other acts 
of charity, that of receiving strangers occupied a 
conspicuous place (1 Tim. iii. 2; Tit. i. 8). — The 
mode in which these officers of the church were sup- 
ported or remunerated varied probably in different 
cities. At Miletus St. Paul exhorts the elders of the 
church to follow his example and work for their 
own livelihood (Acts xx. 34). In 1 Cor. ix. 14, and 
Gal. vi. 6, he asserts the right of the ministers of the 
church to be supported by it. In 1 Tim. v. IV, he 
gives a special application of the principle in the as- 
signment of a double allowance to those who have 
been conspicuous for their activity (so Professor 
Plumptre, &c. ; Conybeare and Howson translate 
" twofold honor, " implying reward ; Bloomfield 
says, " no doubt respect is included, as well as pro- 
vision ; " Robinson [iV. T. Lex.] translates " double 
[i. e. any greater relative amount of] honor ; " com- 
pare the A. V. " double honor "). Collectively at 
Jerusalem, and probably in other churches, the body 
of bishop-elders took part, in deliberations (Acts xv. 
6-22, xxi. 18), addressed other churches (xv. 23), 
were joined with the apostles in the work of ordain- 
ing by the laying on of hands (1 Tim. iv. 14; 2 Tim. 
i. 16). — There is no doubt that after the apostolic 
age the " bishop " had authority over the " elders," 
but how far this ecclesiastical preeminence is sanc- 
tioned by the N. T. or by apostolic practice is a 
matter of controversy between the supporters and 
opposers of diocesan episcopacy, the discussion of 
which is foreign to the object of this Dictionary 
of the Bible. Apostle ; Deacon ; Elder ; Evan- 
gelist ; Minister ; Ordain ; Pastor. 



* Bi son (Deut. xiv. 5, marg.). Pygarg. 

* Bit. Horse. 

Bi-thi'ah (fr. Heb. = daughter [i. e. worshipper] 
of Jehovah ; see Asenath), daughter of a Pharaoh, 
and wife of Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 
18). The Scriptures, as well as the Egyptian monu- 
ments, show that the Pharaohs intermarried with 
foreigners ; but such alliances seem to have been 
contracted with royal families alone. It may be sup- 
posed that Bithiah was taken captive. 

Kith roil (Heb. properly, section, i. e. a region cut 
up with mountains and valleys ; or better, a valley 
culling into mountains = a craggy valley, mountain 
gorge, defile, Ges. ; compare Bether), probably a 
district in the Jordan valley (Plain 5), on the E. 
side of the river (2 Sam. ii. 29). Some take Bithron 
as a proper name; others (Gesenius, Robinson, &c. ; 
see above) as an appellation of a rugged district, or 
of a ravine, e. g. Wady Adjlun. 

Bi-thyn'i-a (L. fr. Gr. ; named from the Bithijni, a 
Thracian people from the Strymon), a province of 
Asia Minor mentioned only in Acts xvi. 7, and 1 
Pet. i. 1. Bithynia, considered as a Roman province, 
was on the W. contiguous to Asia. On the E. its 
limits underwent great modifications. The province 
was originally inherited by the Roman republic 
(b. c. 74) as a legacy from Nicomedes III., the last 
of an independent line of monarchs, one of whom 
had invited into Asia Minor those Gauls who gave 
the name of Galatia to the central district of the 
peninsula. On the death of Mithridates, king of 
Pontus, b. c. 63, the W. part of the Pontic kingdom 
was added to the province of Bithynia, which again 
received further accessions on this side under Augus- 
tus, a. d. 7. Pliny the younger governed Bithynia 
as pro-consul when he wrote his celebrated letter to 
the Emperor Trajan respecting the persecution of 
Christians ; and the Nicene creed owes its origin and 
name to the general Council held at Nice, the chief 
town in Bithynia, a. d. 325. 

Bit'tcr Herbs (Heb. mcrorim; in Lam. iii. 15 trans- 
lated " bitterness"). The Israelites were command- 
ed to eat the Paschal lamb " with unleavened bread 
and with bitter herbs" (Ex. xii. 8; Num. ix. 11). 
According to Aben Ezra the ancient Egyptians al- 
ways placed different kinds of herbs upon the table 
with mustard, and dipped morsels of bread into this 
salad. That the Jews derived this custom of eating 
herbs with their meat from the Egyptians is extreme- 
ly probable. The " bitter herbs " probably = the 
various edible kinds of bitter plants, whether culti- 
vated or wild, which the Israelites could obtain with 
facility, particularly bitter cresses and other crucif- 
erous plants, or the chiccory group of the composite, 
the hawkweeds, sow-thistles, and wild lettuces which 
grow abundantly in the peninsula of Sinai, in Pales- 
tine, and in Egypt. 

* Bit'ter Wa ter. Adultery ; Water of Jeal- 
ousy. 

Bit tern (Heb. kippod). The Hebrew word has 
been variously translated, the old versions generally 
(and so Gesenius, Winer, Fiirst, &c.) sanctioning 
" hedgehog " or " porcupine ; " " tortoise," " bea- 
ver," " otter," " owl," have also all been conjectured, 
but without reason. Philological arguments appear 
to be rather in favor of the "hedgehog" or "por- 
cupine," for the Heb. kippod appears = kvnfud, the 
Arabic word for the hedgehog ; but zoologically, the 
hedgehog or porcupine is quite out of the question. 
The word occurs in Is. xiv. 23, xxxiv. 1 1 ; Zeph. ii. 14. 
The former passage would seem to point to some 
solitude-loving aquatic bird, and so the A. V. trans- 



126 



BIT 



BLO 



lation " bittern " is probably correct. This bird has 
a habit of erecting and bristling out the feathers of 
the neck, which gives it some resemblance to a porcu- 
pine. Col. H. Smith, in Kitto, says, " though not build- 
inc like the stork on the tops of houses, it resorts like 
the heron to ruined structures, and we have been in- 
formed that it has been seen on the summit of Tank 
Kisra at Ctesiphon." The bittern (Botattrus stellar is) 
belongs to the heron family of birds ; it has a wide 
range, being found in Russia and Siberia as far N. as 
theViver Lena, in Europe generally, in Barbary, S. 
Africa, Trebizond, and in the countries between the 
Black and Caspian Seas, &c. 




Bdaurus stellarh. 



Bi-tu'men. Slime. 

Biz-jothjali (fr. Heb. = contempt of Jehovah, Ges.), 
a town in the S. of Judah named with Beer-sheba 
and Baalah (Josh. xv. 28). Wilton (The Negeb) 
and Rowlands (in Fairbairn under " S. Country ") 
connect this with the following " Baalah " as a 
compound name. The former supposes it at the 
modern village Deir el-Beldh, on the coast, nine or 
ten miles S. W. from Gaza ; the latter possibly at 
Baw/ily, an ancient site in the plain fifteen or twenty 
miles nearly S. from Gaza. 

Biz tha (Heb prob. fr. Pers., denoting his condi- 
tion as a eunuch, Ges.), the second of the seven 
eunuchs of King Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Black. Colors. 

Blaius (Heb. aba'bu'olh, fr. bua\ to boil up), vio- 
lent ulcerous inflammations. It was the sixth plague 
of Egypt (Ex. ix. 9, 10), and hence is called in Deut. 
xxviii. 27, 35, " the botch of Egypt." Medicine. 

Blas'phe-my, in its technical English sense, signi- 
fies the speaking evil of God, and in this sense it is 
found Ps. lxxiv. 18 ; Is. lit 5 ; Rom. ii. 24, &c. But 
according to its Greek derivation it may mean any 
species of calumny and abuse (or even an unlucky 
word, Euripides, Ion. 1187): see 1 K. xxi. 10; Acts 
xviii. 6 ; Jude 9, " railing," A. V., &c. Blasphemy 
was punished with stoning, which was inflicted on 
the son of Shelomith (Lev. xxiv. 11). On this 
charge both our Lord and St. Stephen were con- 
demned to death by the Jews. When a person heard 
blasphemy he laid his hand on the head of the of- 
fender, to symbolize his sole responsibility for the 



guilt, and rising on his feet, tore his robe, which 
might never again be mended. " The blasphemy 
against the Holy Ghost " has been a fruitful theme 
for speculation and controversy (Mat. xii. 31 ; Mk. 
iii. 29). It consisted in attributing to the power of 
Satan those unquestionable miracles, which Jesus 
performed by " the finger of God," and the power 
of the Holy Spirit ; nor have we any safe ground for 
extending it to include all sorts of ivilling (as dis- 
tinguished from wilful) offences, besides this one 
limited and special sin. 

* Blasting (Heb. shidddphon), a scorching or blight 
of grain by the influence of the E. wind, &c. (Deut. 
xxviii. 22 , 1 K. viii. 37, &c. ; compare Gen. xli. 6 
ff.). Wind. 

Bias t us (L. fr. Gr.=a bud, sprout), the chamberlain 
of Herod Agrippa I., made by the people of Tyre 
and Sidon a mediator between them and the angry 
king (Acts xii. 20). 

' lilpui'isll (Heb. mum; Gr. mdmos). All officiat- 
ing priests and all victims lor sacrifice were required 
to be without blemish, i. c. without bodily delect 
(Lev. xxi. 17 «., xxii. 17 ff. ; Deut. xv. 21, 22, &c). 
Both the Hebrew and Greek words are used figu- 
ratively of moral defects or faults (Deut. xxxii. 5, 
A. V. "spot," margin " blot; " Ecclus. xviii. 15 ; 2 
Pet. ii. 13). Jesus Christ is compared to " a lamb 
without blemish (Gr. a-momos) and without spot" 
(1 Pet. i. 19). Atonement; Priest; Sacrifice. 

* Bless ing, in the Scriptures, may come ( 1 . ) to 
men, &c, from God, when He confers on them any 
favor or benefit (Gen. i. 28; Ps. iii. 8, &c.); (2.) to God 
from men, &c, when they thankfully acknowledge 
His goodness and praise Him for His excellence (Ps. 

I ciii. 1, 2, 20-22; Rev. v. 13, &c); (3.) to man fro 
i man, when one prays for or declares God's favo 
toward the other (Gen xxvii., xlviii., xlix. ; Deut. 
xxxiii., &c.), or pronounces him favored (Ps. x. 3, 
&C.) ; (4.) to man from himself, when he prays for 
• i i id's favor or pronounces himself prosperous or happy 
without reference to it (Deut. xxix. 19; Is. Ixv. 16, 
&c), &c. Prayer. 

Blind'ing. Punishments. 

Blind ness is extremely common in the East from 
many causes. (Medicine.) Blind men figure re- 
peatedly in the N. T. (Mat. ix. 27 if., xi. 5, xii. 22, 
xx. 30 ff. ; Mk. viii. 22 if. ; Lk. vii. 21 ; Jn. v. 3, ix. 
1 ff. &c), and " opening the eyes of the blind " is 
mentioned in prophecy as a peculiar attribute of the 

• Messiah (Is. xxix. 18, &c). (Miracles.) The Hebrews 
were specially charged to treat the blind with com- 
passion and care (Lev. xix. 14; Deut. xxvii. 18). 
(Poor.) Blindness is several times mentioned in the 
Bible as miraculously sent upon enemies of God's 
people (Gen. xix. 11 ; 2 K. vi. 18-22 ; Acts ix. 9). 
Blindness wilfully inflicted for political or other pur- 

| poses was common in the East (1 Sam. xi. 2 ; Jer. 
xxxix. 7). Punishments. 

Blood. To blood is ascribed in Scripture the 
mysterious sacredness which belongs to life, and 
God reserves it to Himself when allowing man the 
dominion over and the use of the lower animals for 
food. Thus reserved, it acquires a double power : 
1, that of sacrificial atonement (Sacrifice) ; and 2, 
that of becoming a curse when wantonly shed, un- 
less duly expiated (Gen. ix. 4; Lev. vii. 26, xvii. 11- 
14). As regards 1, the blood of sacrifices was caugh 
by the Jewish priest from the neck of the victim 
a basin, then sprinkled seven times (in case of birds 
at once squeezed out on the altar, but that of the 

: passover on the lintel and door-posts, Ex. xii. ; 

| Lev. iv. 5-7, xvi. 14-19). In regard to 2, it sufficed 



BLO 



BOO 



127 



to pour the animal's blood on the earth, or to bury 
it, as a solemn rendering of the life to God ; in case 
of human bloodshed (Murder) a mysterious connec- 
tion is observable between the curse of blood and 
the earth or land on which it is shed (Gen. iv. 10, 
ix. 4-6 ; Num. xxxv. 33 ; Deut. xxi. 1 ff. ; Ps. cvi. 
88). That " blood and water " came out from our 
Lord's side when the soldier pierced Him on the 
cross, is explained by Dr. W. A. Nicholson (in Kitto) 
on the supposition that some effusion had taken 
place in the cavity of the chest, and that the spear 
penetrated below the level of the fluid. On this suppo- 
sition, the wound being inflicted shortly after death, 
blood would also have trickled down with the water, 
or, at any rate, have appeared at the mouth of the 
wound, though none of the large vessels had been 
wounded. 

Blood, A-ven'ger of, or Rc-ven'ger of. It was, and 
even still is, a common practice among nations of 
patriarchal habits, that the nearest of kin should, 
as a matter of duty, avenge the death of a murdered 
relative (Murder). Compensation for murder is al- 
lowed by the Koran. Among the Bedouins, and 
other Arab tribes, should the offer of blood-money 
be refused, the ' Thar,' or law of blood, comes into 
operation, and any person within the fifth degree of 
blood from the homicide may be legally killed by 
any one within the same degree of consanguinity to 
the victim. Frequently the homicide will wander 
from tent to tent over the Desert, or even rove 
through the towns and villages on its borders with 
a chain round his neck and in rags, begging contri- 
butions from the charitable to pay the apportioned 
blood-money. Three days and four hours are allowed 
to the persons included within the ' Thar ' for es- 
cape. The right to blood-revenge is never lost, ex- 
cept as annulled by compensation : it descends to 
the latest generation. Similar customs with local 
distinctions are found in Persia, Abyssinia, and 
among the Druses and Circassians. The law of 
Moses was very precise in its directions on the sub- 
ject of Retaliation. — 1. The wilful murderer was to 
be put to death without permission of compensation. 
The nearest relative of the deceased became the 
authorized avenger of blood (Heb. goel; Num. 
xxxv. 19), and was bound to execute retaliation him- 
self if it lay in his power. The king, however, in 
later times, appears to have had the power of re- 
straining this license. The shedder of blood was 
thus regarded as impious and polluted (Num. xxxv. 
16-31 ; Deut. xix. 11-13; 2 Sam. xiv. 7, 11, xvi. 8, 
and iii. 29, with IK. ii. 31, 33; 2 dir. xxiv. 22-25). 
— 2. The law of retaliation was not to extend be- 
yond the immediate offender (Deut. xxiv. 16 ; 2 K. 
xiv. 6 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 4; Jer. xxxi. 29, 30 ; Ez. xviii. 
20). — 3. The involuntary shedder of blood was per- 
mitted to take flight to one of six Cities of Refuge 
(Num. xxxv. 22 ff. ; Deut. xix. 4-6). City of Re- 
fuge. 

Blood, Is'sne of. The menstruous discharge or 
an unnatural discharge of blood from the womb 
(Lev. xv. 19-30; Mat. ix. 20; Mk. v. 25; Lk. viii. 
43). (Medicine.) The latter caused a permanent 
legal uncleanness, the former a temporary one, 
mostly for seven days ; after which the woman 
was to be purified by the customary offering. 
Purification. 

Blood, Rc-ven'ger of. Blood, Avenger of. 

* Blood y Flux. Flux, Bloody ; Medicine. 

* Blood y Sweat. Sweat, Bloody. 

* Blot, in A. V. fig. = blame or blameivorthines's (Job 
xxxi. 7 ; Prov. ix. 1). To " blot out," fig. = to cancel, 



remove, destroy (Deut. ix. 14 ; Ps. li. 1 ; Rev. iii. 5, 
&c). Atonement. 
Bine. Colors. 

Bo-an-er'ges [-jeez] (Gr. form of Aram. = sons of 
thunder), a name given by our Lord to the two sons 
of Zebedee, James and John (Mk. iii. IV). Probably 
the name had respect to the fiery zeal of the broth- 
ers, signs of which we may see in Lk. ix. 54 ; Mk. 
ix. 38 ; compare Mat. xx. 20 ff. 

Boar. Swine. 

* Boat. Egypt ; Ship. 

Bo'az (Heb. fteetness; alacrity, Gen.). 1. A wealthy 
Bethlehemite, kinsman to Naomi's husband, Elime- 
lech (Ru. ii. 1, &c). Finding that the kinsman of 
Ruth, who stood in a still nearer relation than him- 
self, was unwilling to perform the office of the near- 
est kinsman (Heb. goel), he had those obligations 
publicly transferred with the usual ceremonies to his 
own discharge ; and hence it became his duty by the 
" levirate law " to marry Ruth, and to redeem the es- 
tates of her deceased husband Mahlon (iv. 1 ff.) 
(Marriage, II. ii. 1.) He gladly undertook these 
responsibilities, and their happy union was blessed 
by the birth of Obed from whom in a direct line our 
Lord was descended. Boaz is mentioned in the 
genealogy (Mat. i. 5 ; Lk. iii. 32 ; " Booz " in both), 
but there is great difficulty in assigning his date. If 
Boaz = Ibzan, as is stated with some shadow of 
probability by the Jerusalem Talmud and various 
Rabbis, several generations must be inserted. Even 
if we shorten the period of the Judges to 240 years 
(Chronology; Judges), we must suppose that Boaz 
was the youngest son of Salmon, and that he did 
not marry till the age of sixty-five. — 2. One of Solo- 
mon's brazen pillars erected in the Temple porch. 
(Jachin ; Temple.) It stood on the left, and was 
18 cubits high(l K. vii. 15, 21 ; 2 Chr. iii. 15 ff. ; Jer. 
Iii. 21), The apparent discrepancies (18 and 35 cubits 
high) arise from including or excluding the orna- 
ment which united the shaft to the chapiter, &c. 

Boe'cas (1 Esd. viii. 2) = Bukki. 

Boch'e-m [bok-] (Heb. the first-born is he, Ges.), a 
Benjamite, son of Azel (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44) , 
translated in LXX. " his first-born." 

Bo'chilil [-kirn] (Heb. = the weepers ; the weeping, 
Ges.), a place W. of Jordan, above Gilgal (Judg. ii. 
1, 5). 

Bo nan (Heb. thumb, Ges.), a Reubenite, after 
whom was named a stone on the border of the terri- 
tories of Benjamin and Judah, between Betharabah 
and Beth-hogla on theE., and Adummim and En-she- 
mesh on the W. (Josh. xv. 6, xviii. 17). 

Boil. Medicine. 

* Boiled [o as in hole] = formed into seed-vessels, 
going to seed (Ex. ix. 31). Gesenius makes the 
Hebrew = in flower. 

Bol'stcr. Bed ; Pillow. 

* Bond. Chain; Cord; Law; Punishments; 
Slave; Trial. 

Bondage. Slave. 
Bon'uet. Head-dress. 
Book. Writing. 

Booths. Succoth ; Tabernacles, Feast of. 

Boo'ty consisted of captives of both sexes, cattle, and 
whatever a captured city might contain, especially 
metallic treasures. Within the limits of Canaan no 
captives were to be made (Deut. xx. 14, 16). (Anath- 
ema.) Beyond those limits, in case of warlike re- 
sistance, all the women and children were to be 
made captives, and the men put to death. The 
law of booty was that it should be divided equally 
between the army who won it and the people of 



128 



BOO 



BOZ 



Israel, but of the former half one head in every 
five hundred was reserved to God, and appropriated 
to the priests, and of the latter one in every fifty 
was similarly reserved and appropriated to the Le- 
vites (Num. xxxi. 20-47). As regarded the army, 
David added a regulation that the baggage-guard 
should share equally with the troops engaged (1 
Sam. xxx. 24, 25). War. 

Booz (Gr. fr. Heb.) = Boaz 1 (Mat. i. 5; Lk. 
iii. 32). 

Bo rith (2 Esd. i. 2) = Bueki. 
Bor row-ing. Loan. 

Bos eat Ii (fr. Ileb.) = Bozkatii (2 K. xxii. 1). 

* Bosom [boo'zum]. Abraham's Bosom; Dress. 
Bo'sor (Gr. and L. fr. Heb.). 1. A large fortified 

city on the E. of Jordan in the land of Gilead (1 
Me. v. 2G, 30) ; probably = Bezer. — 2. The Aramaic 
pronunciation of Beor, the father of Balaam (2 
Pet. ii. 15). 

Bos o-ra, a strong city in Gilead taken by Judas 
Maccabeus (1 Mc. v. 20, 28); doubtless = Bostra. 
Sue Bozraii 2. 

* Boss. Arms, II. 5. 
Bolili. Bi.ains; Medicine. 

Bot tie. Four Hebrew words (hemeth or eheineth, 
nebel or nebel, bakbuk, nod) and the Greek askos arc 
translated "bottle" in the A.V. (Cruse 2 ; Pitcher.) 
Bottles in Scripture arc of two kinds, both of them 
capable of being closed from the air: 1. The skin 
bottle; 2. The bottle of earthen or glass ware. — 
1. The Arabs, and all that lead a wandering life, 
keep their water, milk, and other liquors, in leath- 
ern bottles. These are made of goatskins. When 
the animal is killed, they cut off its feet and head, 
and draw it in this manner out of the skin, with- 




Skin Bottles. — (From the Moseo Borbonico.) 



out opening its belly. In Arabia they tan these 
skins with acacia-bark and the hairy part is left 
outside. They afterward sew up the places where 
the legs were cut off" and the tail, and when it is 
filled they tie it about the neck. The great leath-. 
ern bottles are made of the skin of a he-goat, and 
the small onss, that serve instead of a bottle of 




Egyptian Bottles — 1 to 1 glass. S to 11 earthenware.— (From the British 
Museum CoUection.) 

water on the road, are made of a kid'3 skin. Bruce 
g'.ves a description of a vessel of the same kind, 



but larger, made of an ox's skin. Wine-bottles of 
skin are mentioned as used by Greeks, Romans, 
and Egyptians, by Homer (Od. vi. 78 ; 11. iii. 247); 
by Herodotus (ii. 121), as used in Egypt; and by 
Virgil ( Georg. ii. 384). Skins for wine or other 
liquids are in use to this day in Spain, where they 
are called borrachas. The effect of external heat 
(rather, of smoke) upon a skin-bottle is indicated in 
l's. cxix. 83," abottle in the smoke," and of expansion 
or strain produced by fermentation in Mat. ix. 17, 
"new wine in old bottles." — 2. Vessels of metal, 
earthen, or glass ware for liquids were in use among 
the Greeks, Egyptians, Etruscans, and Assyrians, 
and also no doubt among the Jews, especially in 
later times. Thus Jer. xix. 1, "a potter's earthen 
bottle." The Jews probably borrowed their manu- 
factures in this particular from Egypt, which was 
celebrated for glass work. 
Bow. Arms, I. 3. 

* Bow els, in Scripture, = the inward parts, often 
particularly denoting the upper viscera, i. e. the 
heart, &c. ; hence, figuratively, the inner man, the 
soul, thoughts, affections, tender feelings, love, mer- 
ry, &c. Compare the English breast, heart, &c. 

* Bow lug. Adoration. 

Bowl. The Hebrew words translated " bowl " in 
the A. V. are mizr&k, soph, gulb'th, sephtl, gibia', 
mttnahkith ; see also Cup; Dish; Pot. On the un- 
i certainty as to the precise form and mateiial, see 
Basin. Bowls would probably be used at meals for 
Liquids, or broth, or pottage (2 K. iv. 40). Modern 
Arabs are content with a few wooden bowls. In the 
British Museum arc several terra-cotta bowls with 
Chaldean inscriptions of a superstitious character, 
expressing charms against sickness and evil spirits, 
which may possibly explain the " divining cup " of 
Joseph (Gen. xliv. 5). The bowl was filled with 
some liquid which was drunk off as a charm against 
evil. On " the golden bowl" (Eccl. xii. 0), see under 
Medicine. 

* Box. Alabaster ; Vial. 

Box'-tree or Box, the translation in the A. V. of 

the Hebrew Uashshur (Is. xli. 19, Ix. 13). The Tal- 
mudical and Jewish writers generally, with the A.V. 
and other modem versions, Rosenmiiller, Parkhurst, 
&c, are of opinion that the box-tree is intended. 
The Syriac and the Arabic version of Saadias, with 
Gcsenius and Fiirst, understand by it a species of 
cedar called sherbin, distinguished by its small cones 
and upright branches. Although the claim of the 
box-tree to represent the Hebrew Uashshur is far from 
being satisfactorily established, yet the evidence rests 
on a better foundation than that which supports the 
claims of the sherbin (so Mr. Houghton). Bochart, 
Rosenmiiller, &c., suppose box-trees to be meant in 
Ez. xxvii. 6, where the A. V. has " the company of 
the Ashurites," and thus translate : " Thy benches 
have they made of ivory, inlaid with box-wood from 
the isles of Chittim." Box-wood writing tablets are 
alluded to in 2 Esd. xiv. 24. 

Bo'zez (fr. Heb. = shining, glittering, Ges.), one 
of the two " sharp rocks " (Heb. = " teeth of the 
cliff") "between the passages" by which Jonathan 
entered the Philistine garrison at Michmash. It 
seems to have been that on the N. (1 Sam. xiv. 4, 5). 

Bozkatii (fr. Heb. = stony region, high, Ges.), a 
; city of Judah in the lowlands (Valley 5 ; Josh. xv. 

39) ; the native place of King Josiah's' mother (2 K. 
i xxii. 1, A. V. "Boscath"); site unknown. 

Boz'rah (fr. Heb. = a fold, :heepfold, fortress, 
stronghold, Ges.). 1. In Edom — the city of King 
Jobab the son of Zerah (Gen. xxxvi. 33 ; 1 Chr. i. 



BRA 



BRA 



129 



44) ; doubtless the place mentioned in later times in 
connection with Edom (Is. xxxiv. 6, lxiii. 1,; Jer. 
xlix. 13, 22 ; Am. i. 12 ; Mic. ii. 12). There is no 
reason to doubt that the modern representative of 
Bozrah is el-Busaireh, a village first visited by Burck- 



hardt, on the mountain district S. E. of the Dead 
Sea, between Tufileh and Petra, about half-way be- 
tween the latter and the Dead Sea. — 2. Among the 
cities of the land of Moab (JeiV xlviii. 24) is a Boz- 
rah apparently in the " plain country " (Plain 4 ; 




Buerah, the ancient BoBtra = Bozrah ? 



ver. 21). Here lay Heshbon, Nebo, Kiriathaim, Dib- 
lathaim, and the other towns named in this passage, 
and probably here (so Mr. Grove) Bozrah should be 
sought, and not, as has been lately suggested (Ptr. 
ii. 162, &c), at Bostra, the Roman city in Bashan 
full sixty miles from Heshbon. Yet Bostra (the 
modern Busrah, now mostly in ruins) was certainly 
at a later date an important city ; it is in a fertile 
region ; it is not elsewhere mentioned in the Scrip- 
tures ; the catalogue in Jeremiah includes cities " far 
or near ; " and this may have been a city of Moab at 
that time. 

Brace'Iet, the translation in the A. V. of the Heb. 
ets'dddh (Armlet), isdmid (Gen. xxiv. 22, 30, &c), 
sherd (Is. iii. 19), and pdtMl (Gen. xxxviii. 18, 25 ; 




Bracelets and Armlets. — (Fbn.) 

the Hebrew word here probably = "a string by 
which a seal-ring was suspended ; " see Lace). Under 
9 



Armlet an account is given of these ornaments, the 
materials of which they were generally made, the 
manner in -which they were worn, &c. Bracelets of 
fine twisted Venetian gold are still common in Egypt. 
Men as well as women wore bracelets. Layard says 
of the Assyrian kings : " The arms were encircled 
by armlets, and the wrists by bracelets." 
Bramble. Thorns. 

* Blanch = a limb or shoot of a tree, vine, &c. 
(Gen. xl. 10, 12; Ps. civ. 12, &c); often figurative- 
ly = that which is closely united to something else, 
like a branch to a tree, as descendants to an ances- 
tor, kindred to a family, Christians to Jesus Christ, 
&c. (Jn. xv. 5 ; Rom. xi. 16 ff., &c). Jksus Christ 
himself, as a descendant of David and the Messiah, 
is especially so called (Is. iv. 2, xi. 1 ; Jer. xxiii. 5, 
xxxiii. 15 ; Zech. iii. 8, vi. 12 ; Nazarene). To " put 
the branch to the nose " (Ez. viii. 17) is supposed to 
refer to some idolatrous ceremony, and to indicate 
insolent or contemptuous feeling (Fairbairn). 

Brass. The Heb. nehdsheth or nechdsheth is im- 
properly translated "brass," since the Hebrews were 
not acquainted with the compound of copper and 
zinc known by that name. The Hebrew word is 
often translated " brazen " (Ex. xxxviii. 4, 30 ; 1 K. 
xiv. 27; Jer. xv. 20, &c), once " copper" (Ezr. viii. 
27, margin "brass"), once "steel" (Jer. xv. 12). 
The kindred Heb. adj. ndhush or ndchush is trans- 
lated "of brass," margin "brazen" (Job vi. 12); 
the feminine nehushdh or ncchusdh is translated 
"brass" (Lev. xxvi. 19; Job xxviii. 2, &c), and 
" steel " (2 Sam. xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34, 
Heb. 35). In most places of the 0. T. the correct 
translation would be copper, although it may some- 
times = bronze, a compound of copper and tin. In- 
deed, a simple metal was obviously intended, as we 



130 



BRA 



BRE 



see from Deut, viii. 9, xxxiii. 25, and Job xsviii. 2. 
Copper was known at a very early period, and tbe 
invention of working it is attributed to Tubal-cain 
(Gen. iv. 22). Its extreme ductility made its appli- 
cation almost universal among tbe ancients. The 
Gr. chalkos is translated " brass " (Mat. x. 9, here = 
Money; Rev. xviii. 12) and "money" (Mk. vi. 8, 
xii. 41). Two kindred words are also used, viz. 
chalkcos, A. V. "of brass" (Rev. ix. 20), and plural 
of chalkion, A. V. " brazen vessels " (Mk. vii. 4). 
"Sounding brass" (Gr. chalkos; 1 Cor. xiii. 1) = 
an instrument made of brass or copper, i. e. a trum- 
pet or cymbal (Rbn. N. T. Lex.). It often occurs 
in metaphors, e. g. Lev. xxvi. 19; Deut. xxviii. 23; 
Job vi. 12; Jer. vi. 28. It is often used as an em- 
blem of strength, Zech. vi. 1 ; Jer. i. 18. The Gr. 
chalkolibanon in Rev. i. 16, ii. 18 (A. V. "fine 
brass"), has excited much difference of opinion. 
Some suppose it = orichalcum, a mixed metal (see 
Amber) more valuable than gold. It may perhaps 
be deep-colored frankincense (so Mr. Farrar). 

* Bra'ver-Y, in Is. iii. 18, A. A r . = beauty, splendor. 

* Bray, to = to make a harnh noLie like an ass 
(Job vi. 5, &c.) ; also, to pound, mash, or break in 
pieces (Prov. xxvii. 22). Punishments. 

* Bra zen Sea. Sea, Molten. 

Bra zen Ser pent. Serpent, Brazen. 

* Breath es, in Judg. v. 17 (Heb. pi. of miphrdts, 
literally a rent, breach, notch, sc. in the coast, Ges.), 
probably = havens, harbors. See also Fenced 
City ; House ; War, &c. 

Bread (Heb. lehem or lechem ; Gr. artos). The 
preparation of bread as an article of food dates from 
a very early period : the earliest undoubted instance 
of its use is found in Gun. xviii. 6. " Bread " in the 
Scriptures often = food in general (Gen. xviii. 5; 
Ex. xvi. 4, 15, 29; Lev. xxi. 8, 17; Neb., v. 18; 
Mat. vi. 11, xv. 26, &c). " To eat bread " common- 
ly in the Scriptures = to eat food, to take a meal 
(Gen. iii. 19, xxviii. 20, xxxi. 54 ; Ps. xli. 9, cii. 4 ; 
Mat. xv. 2; Jn. xiii. 18: 2 Th. iii. 8, 12, &c, &c). 
The corn or grain employed for making bread was 
of various sorts : the best bread was made of wheat, 
which after being ground produced the " flour " or 
" meal " (Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. i. 24 ; 1 K. iv. 22, 
xvii. 12, 14), and when sifted the " fine flour" (Ex. 
xxix. 2 ; Gen. xviii. 6) usually employed in the sacred 
offerings (Ex. xxix. 40 ; Lev. ii. 1 ; Ez. xlvi. 14), 
and in the meals of the wealthy (1 K. iv. 22 ; 2-K. 
vii. 1 ; Ez. xvi. 13, 19 ; Rev. xviii. 13). Barley 
was used chiefly by the poor, or in times of scarcity 
(2 K. iv. 38, 42 ; Rev. vi. 6, &c). " Spelt " (Rye) 
was also used both in Egypt (Ex. ix. 32) and Pales- | 
tine (Is. xxviii. 25 ; Ez. iv. 9). Occasionally the 
grains above mentioned were mixed, and other in- 
gredients, such as beans, lentils, and millet, were add- 
ed (Ez. iv. 9 ; compare 2 Sam. xvii. 28) ; the bread so 
produced is called "barley cakes" (Ez. iv. 12, "as 
barley cakes," A. V.), inasmuch as barley was tbe 
main ingredient. The amount of meal for a single 
baking was an ephah or three measures (Gen. xviii. 
6 ; Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. i. 24; Mat. xiii. 33). The 
baking was done in primitive times by the mistress 
of the house (Gen. xviii. 6) or one of the daughters 
(2 Sam. xiii. 8) ; female servants were however em- 
ployed in large households (1 Sam. viii. 13). Baking 
as a profession, was carried on by men (Gen. xl. 1 
ff. ; Hos. vii. 4, 6). In Jerusalem the bakers con- 
gregated m one quarter of the town, as we may infer 
from the names "bakers' street" (Jer. xxxvii. 21), 
and "tower of the ovens" (Neb. iii. 11, xii. 38, 
" furnaces," A. V.\ The bread taken by persons 



on a journey (Gen. xlv. 23 ; Josh. ix. 12) was prob- 
ably a kind of biscuit. The process of making bread 
was as follows : — the flour was first mixed with wa- 
ter, or perhaps milk ; it was liven kueaded with the 




Egyptian* kneading dough with their hands.— ( Wilkinson, from a painting 
In the Tomb of Rumeses III. at Thebes.) 

hands (in Egypt with the feet also) in a small wooden 
bowl or " kneading-trough " (" store," A. V. in Deut. 
xxviii. 5, 17), until it became dough (Ex. xii. 34, 39; 
2 Sam. xiii. 8; Jer. vii. 18; Hos. vii. 4). Leaven 




Egyptians kneading the dough with their feet. 
At a and ; the dough Is probably left to ferment In a basket, as Is now 
done at Cairo.— <Wilkinsoa.) 

was generally added : but when the time for prepara- 
tion was short, it was omitted, and unleavened cakes, 
hastily baked, were eaten, as is still the prevalent 
custom among the Bedouins (Gen. xviii. 6, xix. 3; 




Egyptians making cakes of bread sprinkled with seeds.— (Wilkinson.) 

Ex. xii. 39 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 24 ; Pass- 
over). The leavened mass was allowed to stand 
for some time (Mat. xiii. 33; Lk. xiii. 21). The 
dough was then divided into round cakes (Ex. xxix. 

: 23 ; Judg. vii. 13, viii. 5 : 1 Sam. x. 3 ; Prov. vi. 
26), not unlike flat stones in shape and appearance 
(Mat. vii. 9 ; compare iv. 3), about a span in diam- 

j eter and a finger's breadth in thickness. The cakes 
were sometimes punctured, and hence called in He- 

! brew hallah or challah (A. V. "cake," "cakes;" 
Ex. xxix. 2, 23 ; Lev. ii. 4, viii. 26, xxiv. 5 ; Num. 

j vi. 15, 19, xv. 20; 2 Sam. vi. 19), and mixed with 
oil. Sometimes they were rolled out into wafers 
(Ex. xxix. 2, 23 ; Lev. ii. 4; Num. vi. 15-19), and 



BRE 



BRI 



131 



merely coated with oil. The cakes were now taken 
to the oven, having been first, in Egypt, gathered 
into "white (?) baskets" (Gen. si. 16; Basket 1). 




An Egyptian carrying cakes to the oven. — (Wilkinson.) 

The baskets were placed on a tray and carried on 
the baker's head (Gen. xl. 16). The methods of 
baking were, and still are, very various in the East, 
adapted to the various styles of life ; in ovens, fixed 
or portable (Fire; Oven); in holes dug in the 
ground, &c. Among the pastoral Jews, as among 
the modern Bedouins, the cakes were spread upon 
heated stones, or thrown into the heated embers of 



the fire itself, or roasted by being placed between 
layers of dung, which burns slowly, and is therefore 
specially adapted for the purpose (Ez. iv. 12, 15). 
The cakes required to be carefully turned during 
the process (Hos. vii. 8). Some kinds of bread 
were baked on a pan ; such cakes appeared to have 
been chiefly used as sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 5, vi. 
21 [Heb. 14], vii. 9 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 29). A similar 
cooking utensil was used by Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 9). 
A different kind of bread, probably resembling the 
ftita of the Bedouins, a pasty substance, was pre- 
pared in a saucepan (frying-pan, A. V.) ; this was 
also reserved for sacred offerings (Lev. ii. 7 ; vii. 9). 
Shewbread. 

Breastplate. Arms, II. 1 ; High-Priest, I. 2, a. 

* Breech'es. High-Priest ; Priest. 

* Breth'ren. Brother. 

* Bribe. Magistrates were expressly forbidden to 
take bribes or gifts (Ex. xxiii. 8 ; Deut. xvi. 19, &c), 
lest justice should thus be perverted. Samuel's sons 
took bribes, and in consequence the Israelites desired 
a king (1 Sam. viii. 3 ff. ; comp. xii. 3 ff.). See 
Gifts ; also Job xv. 34 ; Ps. xxvi. 10 ; Is. xxxiii. 
15; Am. v. 12. 

Brick. Herodotus (i. 179), describing the mode 
of building the walls of Babylon, says that the clay 
dug out of the ditch was made into bricks as soon 





Foreign captives employed in making bricks at Thebes. — ("Wilkinson). 

Figs. 1, 2. Men returning after carrying the bricks. Figs. 3, 6. Taskmasters. Figs. 4, 5. Men carrying bricks. Figs. 12, 13. Digging and miiingthe clay 
or mud. Figs. <. 14. Making bricks with a wooden mould, g, h. Fig. 15. Fetching water from the tank, k. At e, the bricks (tobi) are said to be 
made at Thebes. 



as it was carried up, and burnt in kilns. The brick 
were cemented with hot bitumen, and at every thir- 
tieth row crates of reeds were stuffed in. This ac- 
count agrees with the history of the building of the 



Tower of Babel, in which the builders used brick 
instead of stone, and slime for mortar (Gen. xi. 3). 
The Babylonian bricks were more commonly burnt in 
kilns than those used at Nineveh, which are chiefly 



132 



BRI 



BUL 



sun-dried like the Egyptian. They are usually from 
twelve to thirteen inches square, and three and a 
half inches thick, and most of them bear the name, 
inscribed in cuneiform character, of Nebuchadnezzar, 
whose buildings, no doubt, replaced those of an ear- 
lier age. They thus possess more of the character 
of tiles (Ez. iv. 1). They were sometimes glazed and 
enamelled with patterns of various colors. The Is- 
raelites, in common with other captives, were em- 
ployed by the Egyptian monarchs in making bricks 
and in building (Ex. i. 14, v. 7). Egyptian bricks 
were not generally dried in kilns, but in the sun, and 
even without straw are as firm as when first put up 
in the reigns of the Amunophs and Thothmes whose 
names they bear. When made of the Nile mud, they 
required straw to prevent cracking ; and crude brick 
walls had frequently the additional security of a layer 
of reeds aud sticks, placed at intervals to act as bind- 
ers. A brick-kiln is mentioned as in Egypt (Jer. 
xhii. 9). A brick pyramid is mentioned (Lterodotus, 
ii. 136) as the work of King Asychis. The Jews 
learned the art of brick-making in Egypt, and we find 
the use of the brick-kilu in David's time (2 Sam. xii. 
31), and a complaint that the people built altars of 
brick (Is lxv. 3). Altar, C, 1 ; Pottery. 

Bride, Bridegroom. Marriage. 

Bridge. The only mention of a bridge in the 
Canonical Scriptures is indirectly in the proper name 
Geshur. Judas Maccabeus is said to have intended 
to make a bridge in order to besiege the town of 
Caspis, situated near a lake (2 Mc. xii. 13). Though 
the arch was known and used in Egypt as early as 
the fifteen century b. c, the Romans were the first 
constructors of arched bridges. They made bridges 
over the Jordan and other rivers of Syria, of which 
remains still exist. A stone bridge over the Jordan, 
about two miles below the lake of the Huleh, called 
the bridge of the daughters of Jacob, is mentioned by 
B. de la Brocquiere, a. d. 1432, and a portion of one 
by Arculf, a. d. 700. The bridge connecting the 
Temple with the upper city, of which Josephus 
speaks, seems to have been an arched viaduct. 

* Bri dle. Ass ; Bells ; Horse ; Mule ; Punishments. 
Brier. Thorns. 

Brig an-dine. Arms, II. 1. 

Brim'stone (Heb. gophrith ; Gr. theion), a well- 
known inflammable substance — sulphur (Deut. xxix. 
23 ; Job xviii. 15, &c.) It is found in considerable 
quantities on the shores of the Dead Sea, and in 
different parts of the world, usually in volcanic 
districts ; also in combination with metals, &c. 
" Brimstone and fire " ( — burning brimstone, Bush ; 
sulphurous flames, Rbn.) are associated in the de- 
struction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. xix. 24 ; 
Lk. xvii. 29), and in the punishment of the wicked 
(Ps. xi. 6 ; Ez. xxxviii. 22 ; Rev. xiv. 10, xix. 20, 
&c. ; compare 2 Pet. ii. 6 ; Jude 7). 

* Broidered, an obsolete English word ~ em- 
broidered. (See Embroiderer.) "Broidered hair" 
(1 Tim. ii. 9, marg. "plaited") is the A. V. transla- 
tion of Gr. plegma (—a braid of hair, braided hair, 
Rbn. N. T. Lex.). Some copies have " broided 
hair" or " braided hair." Hair. 

Brook, the A. V. translation of — 1. Hebrew 
dphik, properly = a violent torrent, sweeping 
through a mountain gorge (Ps. xliL 1, Heb. 2) ; 
elsewhere translated " stream," " channel," " river." 
— 2. Heb. yeor, an Egyptian word (in the plural = 
the branches and canals of the Nile, Ges.) (Is. xix. 
6-8) ; elsewhere translated " river," " flood." — 3. 
Heb. michal, probably = a rivulet, or small stream 
(2 Sam. xvii. 20 only). — 4. Heb. nahal or nachal = 



the dry torrent-bed (Valley 3), and the torrent it- 
self (1 Sam. xvii. 3, &c. ; see River 2); = Ar. wady, 
and Gr. chcimarrhous or cheimarrkos ; also trans- 
lated " river," " stream," " valley." — 5. Gr. chei- 
marrkos (Jd. ii. 8 ; 1 Mc. v. 37 ft'. ; Jn. xviii. 1) = 
Heb. nahal, No. 4 above. — 6. Gr. diorux (Ecclus. 
xxiv. 30, 31) = something dug, a trench or canal. — 

7. Gr. rheutna (Ecclus. xxxix. 13) — that which flows, 
a stream. 

* Brotb, or soup, is mentioned only in Judg. vi. 
19, 20, and Is. lxv. 4. Food. 

Broth er. The Hebrew Ah or dch is used in various 
senses in the O. T. besides its strict sense of brother 
(Gen. iv. 2 <f., xix. 20, xlix. 5, &c), and the less exact 
sense of half-brother (Gen. xlii. 15, 16; Judg. viii. 
19 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 7 ft"., &c), as 1. A kinsman, and 
not a mere brother ; e. g. nephew (Gen. xiv. 16, xiii. 
8; xxix. 12, 15); cousin (1 Chr. xxiii. 22). 2. One 
of the same tribe (2 Sam. xix. 12, Heb. 13). 3. Of 
the same people (Ex. ii. 11), or even of a cognate peo- 
ple (Num. xx. 14). 4. An ally (Am. i. 9; see marg.). 
5. Anv friend (Job vi. 15). 6. One of the same 
office (1 K. ix. 13). 7. A fellow-man (Lev. xix. 17). 

8. Metaphorically of any similarity. It is a very 
favorite Oriental metaphor, as in Job xxx. 29, " I am 
a brother to dragons; "see Dragon 1. — The Gr. 
adelphos has a similar range of meanings in the 
N. T., and is also used for a disciple (Mat. xxv. 40, 
&c); a fellow-worker (1 Cor. i. 1, &c), and espe- 
cially a Christian. Indeed, it was by this name that 
Christians usually spoke of each other (Acts ix. 30, 
xi. 29, &c). The Jewish schools distinguish between 
" brother " and " neighbor ; " " brother " = an Is- 
raelite by blood, " neighbor " = a proselyte. They 
allowed neither title to the Gentiles ; but Christ and 
the apostles extended the name " brother " to all 
Christians, and " neighbor " to all the world (1 Cor. v. 
11; Lk.x.29ff.). The question as to who were " the 
brethren of the Lord," is discussed under James. 

* Brown. Colors. 

* Brnit (pron. brute), an old English and French 
word = rumor or news (Jer. x. 22 ; Nah. iii. 19). 

Bu-bas'tis (L.) = Pi-beseth. 

* Buckler. Arms, I. 2, c, and II. 5, 6. 

* Buffet, to (Gr. kolaphizo) = to smite with the fist, 
to box on the ear, to cuff ; in a wider sense, to smile, 
to maltreat (Mat. xxvi. 67; Mk. xiv. 65 ; 1 Cor. iv. 
11; 2 Cor. xii. 7; 1 Pet. ii. 20). 

* Boild'ing. Architecture ; Barn ; House ; Temple. 
Bnk'ki (Heb. = Bukkiah, Ges.). 1. Son of Abi- 

shua and father of Uzzi ; fourth after Aaron in the 
line of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 5, 51 (v. 31, vi. 
36 Heb.), and in the genealogy of Ezra (Ezr. vii. 4); 
called in 1 Esd. viii. 2, Boccas, corrupted to Borith, 
2 Esd. i. 2. Whether Bukki ever was high-priest, 
we are not informed in Scripture. Josephus men- 
tions him in one place (v. 11, § 5) as high-priest, in 
another (viii. 1, § 3) as the first of those who lived 
a private life, while the pontifical dignity was in the 
house of Ithamar. (High-Priest). — 2. Son of Jogli 
and prince of Dan ; assistant to Joshua and Eleazar 
in the division of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 22). 

Buk-ki'ah (fr. Heb. = wasting from Jehovah, Ges.), 
a Kohathite Levite, of the sons of Heman, musician 
in the Temple (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 13). 

Bui [u as in dull]. Month. 

Bull, Bullock, terms used synonymously with ox, 
oxen, in the A. V. as the representatives of several 
Hebrew words. The plural of the Greek lauros is 
translated " bulls " in Heb. Lx. 13, x. 4.— The Hebrew 
bdkdr is properly a generic name for horned cattle 
when of full age and fit for the plough. Accordingly 



BUL 



BUR 



133 



it is variously rendered bullock (Is. lxv. 25), cow (Ez. 
iv. 15), oxen (Gen. xii. 16), beeves (Lev. xxii. 19, 21), 
&c. — The Hebrew shor almost always — one head 
of horned cattle, without distinction of age or sex 
(Ex. xxi. 28 ff., " ox " A. V. ; Lev. xxii. 23, 28, &c). 
It is very seldom used collectively. The Chaldee 
form, tor, occurs in Ezr. vi. 9, 17, vii. 17 ; Dan. iv. 
25 (22 Heb.), &c— The Hebrew 'egel, fem. 'egldh 
— a calf male or female, properly of the first year. 
The word is used of a trained heifer (Hos. x. 11), of 
one giving milk (Is. vii. 21, compare 22), of one 
used in ploughing (Judg. xiv. 18), and of one three 
years old (Gen. xv. 9). — The Hebrew par = a bull, 
bullock, especially a young bullock, a steer (Ex. xxix. 
1 ; Lev. iv. 3 ff., &c), Ges. ; once (Judg. vi. 25) pos- 
sibly a bull of seven years old. — The Hebrew plural 
abbirim (literally strong ones) is used for bulls in Ps. 
xxii. 12 (A. V. "strong bulls;" 13 Heb.), 1. 13, 
lxviii. 30, Heb. 31 ; Is. xxxiv. 7 ; Jer. 1. 11. — The 
Hebrew to is translated " wild bull " in Is. li. 20, and 
" wild ox " in Deut. xiv. 5. It was possibly one of 
the larger species of antelope, and took its name from 
its swiftness. Robinson (iii. 396) mentions large 
herds of black and almost hairless buffaloes as still 
existing in Palestine, and these may be the animal 
indicated. Agriculture ; Calf ; Clean ; Food : 
Heifer; Herd; Ox; Sacrifice. 

Bul rush [w as in bull, full]. Reed. 

* Bui' warks. Fenced City ; War. 

Bn'nah (Heb. discretion, Ges.), son of Jerahmeel, 
and descendant of Pharez and Judah (1 Chr. ii, 25). 

Bnn'ni (Heb. built, Ges.). 1, A Levite in Nehe- 
miah's time (Neh. ix. 4). — 2. A chief of the people 
in Nehemiah's time (x. 15). — 3. A Levite, ancestor 
of Shemaiah in Nehemiah's time(xi. 15). 

Bur'i-al [ber're-al]. The Jews uniformly disposed 
of the corpse by entombment where possible, and 
failing that, by interment ; extending this respect to 
the remains even of the slain enemy and malefactor 
(1 K. xi. 15 ; Deut. xxi. 23), in the latter case by 
express provision of law. — 1. The Place of Burial. 
A natural cave enlarged and adapted by excavation, 
or an artificial imitation of one, was the standard 



type of sepulchre. (Tomb.) This was what the 
structure of the Jewish soil supplied or suggested. 
Sepulchres, when the owner's means permitted it, 
were commonly prepared beforehand, and stood often 
in gardens (Garden), by roadsides, or even adjoining 
houses. Kings and prophets alone were probably 
buried within towns (1 K. ii. 10, xvi. 6, 28 ; 2 K. x. 
35, xiii. 9 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 14, xxviii. 27 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 
1, xxviii. 3). Sarah's tomb and Rachel's seem to 
have been chosen merely from the place of death ; 
but the successive interments at the former (Hach- 
pelah) are a chronicle of the strong family feeling 
among the Jews. It was deemed a misfortune or an 
indignity not only to be deprived of burial (Is. xiv. 
20 ; Jer. vii. 33, viii. 1, 2, &c. ; 2 K. ix. 10), but in 
a lesser degree to be excluded from the family sepul- 
chre (1 K. xiii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 23, xxxiii. 20; com- 
pare 2 Sam. xxi. 14). Similarly it was a mark of a 
profound feeling toward a person not of one's family 
to wish to be buried with him (Ru. i. 17 ; IK. xiii. 
31), or to give him a place in one's own sepulchre 
(Gen. xxiii. 6 ; compare 2 Chr. xxiv. 16). Cities 
soon became populous and demanded cemeteries, 
which were placed without the walls ; such a one 
seems intended by " the graves of the children of the 
people" (2 K. xxiii. 6), situated in the valley of the 
Kidron or of Jehoshaphat. Jeremiah (vii. 32, xix. 
11) threatens that Tophet should be polluted by 
burying there (compare 2 K. xxiii. 16). Such was 
also the "Potter's Field" (Mat. xxvii. 7). Sepul- 
chres were marked sometimes by pillars, as that of 
Rachel (Gen. xxxv. 20), or by pyramids as those of 
the Asmoneans at Modin (1 Mc. xiii. 28), and had 
places of higher and lower honor. Such as were not 
otherwise noticeable were scrupulously " whited " 
(Mat. xxiii. 27) once a year, after the rains before 
the passover, to warn passers by of defilement. — 2. 
The Mode of Burial While the 0. T. notices the 
burial of persons of rank or public eminence, the 
N. T. takes its examples from private station. But 
in both cases " the manner of the Jews " included 
the use of spices, where they could command the 
means. Thus Asa lay in a " bed of spices " (2 Chr. 




Babylonian Coffin and Lid, of green glazed pottery, from Warka, the ancient Erech.— (Layard.) 



xvi. 14). A portion of these were burnt in honor 
of the deceased, and to this use was probably des- 
tined part of the one hundred pounds' weight of 
"myrrh and aloes " in our Lord's case. On high 
state occasions the vessels, bed, and furniture used 
by the deceased were burnt also. Such was proba- 
bly the " great burning " made for Asa. If a king 
was unpopular or died disgraced (2 Chr. xxi. 19), 
this was not observed. In no case, save that of Saul 



and his sons, were the bodies burned (compare Am. 
vi. 7' -10) ; and even then the bones were interred, 
and reexhumed for solemn entombment. It was the 
office of the next of kin to perform and preside over 
the whole funereal office ; but a company of public 
buriers (Ez. xxxix. 12-14) had apparently become 
customary in the times of the N. T. (Acts v. 6, 10). 
Coffins were but seldom used, and if used were open ; 
but fixed stone sarcophagi were common in tombs 



134- 



BUR 



BUS 



of rank The bier, the word for which in the 0. T. 
also = " bed," was borne by the nearest relatives, 
and followed by any who wished to do honor to 
th3 dead. The grave-clothes were probably of the 
fashion worn in life, but swathed and fastened with 



bandages, and the head covered separately. Pre- 
viously to this, spices were applied to the corpse in 
the form of ointment, or between the folds of the 
linen ; hence our Lord's remark, that the woman 
had anointed his body, " with a view to dressing it 




Ancient Egyptian Funeral Procession.— From Culllaud.— (Fl>n.) 




Modem Egyptian Funeral Procession. — From Lane's Modem Egyptians. — (Fbn.) 



in these grave-clothes." (Embalming ; Mourning.) 
— 3. Prevalent Notions in regard to Burial. The 
precedent of Jacob's and Joseph's remains being re- 
turned to the land of Canaan was followed, in wish 
at least, by every pious Jew. Following a similar 
notion, some of the RabbiB3 taught that only in that 
land could those who were buried obtain a share in 
the resurrection which was to usher in Messiah's 
reign on earth. Tombs were, in popular belief, led 
by the same teaching, invested with traditions (com- 
pare Abel ; Ezra ; Tomb, &c). 

* Bnrn'ing. Burial ; Punishments. 

* Earn ing A'gne (Lev. xxvi. 16). Fever. 
Bnrnt'-of fcr-ing (Heb. usually 'd/d/j, literally that 

which is made to go up ; Gr. holokauloma, thai which 
is wholly burnt, a holocaust) in A. V. = the offering 
(Atonement ; Sacrifice), which was wholly consumed 
by fire on the altar, and the whole of which, except 
the refuse ashes, " ascended " in the smoke to God. 
Every sacrifice was in part a " burnt-offering," be- 
cause, since fire was the chosen manifestation of God's 
presence, the portion of each sacrifice especially ded- 
icated to Him was consumed by fire. The burnt-of- 
fering is first named in Gen. viii. 20, as offered after 
the Flood. Throughout the whole of Genesis (see 
xv. 9, 17, xxii. 2 ff.) it appears to be the only sacri- 
fice referred to ; afterward it became distinguished 
as one of the regular classes of sacrifice under the 
Mosaic law. Now all sacrifices are divided (see Heb. 
v. 1) into "gifts" and "sacrifices for sin" (i. e. 
eucharistic and propitiatory sacrifices), and of the 
former of these the burnt-offering was the choicest 
specimen. (Sin-offering, &c.) The meaning of the 
whole burnt-offering was that which is the original 
idea of all sacrifice, the offering by the sacrificer of 
himself, soul and body, to God, the submission of 
his will to the Will of the Lord. It typified (see 
Heb. v. 1, 3, 7, 8) our Lord's offering (as especially 



in the temptation and the agony), the perfect sacri 
fice of His own human will to the Will of His F 
ther. In accordance with this principle it was enac 
ed that with the burnt-offering a " meat-offering ' 
(of Hour and oil) and "drink-offering" of wine should 
be offered, as showing that, with themselves, men 
dedicated also to God the chief earthly gifts with 
which He had blessed them (Lev. viii. 18, 22, 26, 
ix. 16, 17, xiv. 20; Ex. xxix. 40; Num. xxviii. 4, 
5). The ceremonial of the burnt-offering is given 
in detail in Lev. i., vii. 8, viii. 18 ff., &c. For the 
public burnt-offerings, see Sacrifice, D, a. Private 
burnt-offerings were appointed at the consecration 
of priests (Ex. xxix. 15 ff . ; Lev. viii. 18 ff., ix. 12 
ff.), at the purification of women (Lev. xii. 6, 8), 
at the cleansing of the lepers (xiv. 19 ff.), and re- 
moval of other ceremonial uncleanness (xv. 15, 30), 
on any accidental breach of the Nazaritic vow, or at 
its conclusion (Num. vi. ; compare Acts xxi. 26), &c. 
But freewill burnt-offerings were offered and accepted 
by God on any solemn occasions, e. g. at the dedica- 
tion of the tabernacle (Num. vii.) and of the temple 
(1 K. viii. 64), when they were offered in extraordi- 
nary abundance. 

Bush. 1. The Hebrew word stneh (" bush," A.V.) 
occurs only in those passages which refer to Jeho- 
vah's appearance to Moses, "in the flame of fire in 
the bush " (Ex. iii. 2-4 ; Deut. xxxiii. 16). The 
Greek word is batos both in the LXX. and in the N. 
T. (Mk. xii. 26 ; Lk. xx. 37 ; Acts vii. 30, 35 ; in Lk. 
vi. 44, " bramble bush " A. V.). The Gr. batos = 
rubus, Vulgate; and both in ancient writers = the 
different kinds of brambles or species of the genus 
Pubus (raspberry and blackberry bush, &c). Cel- 
sius has argued that the Rubus vulgaris, i. e. Pubus 
frulicosus, the bramble or blackberry bush, = the 
seneh, and traces the etymology of Mount " Sinai " 
to this name. Sprengel identifies the seneh with 



BUS 



CAI 



135 



what he terms the liubus sanctus (" a variety," says 
Dr. J. T). Hooker, " of Rubus fruticosus"), and says 
it grows abundantly near Sinai. It is impossible to 
say what kind of thorn bush is intended by seneh ; 
but Sinai is almost beyond the range of the genus 
Rubus. — 2. The Heb. siah or siach, plural sihim or 
sichim, is translated "bushes" in Job xxx. 4, 7, 
"plant "in Gen. ii. 5, "shrubs" in Gen. xxi. 15. 
Gesenius translates " a shrub, bush." 
Bushel. See at end of Weights and Measures. 

* Butler. Cup-beaker. 

Butter. Gesenius supposed that the Heb. hem&h 
or chemdh (hemdh or chemdh in Job xxix. 6), trans- 
lated "butter" uniformly in the A. V., generally 
means curdled milk, curds; poetically, milk in gen- 
eral ; once (Prov. xxx. 33) cheese; but never bulier 
in the Scriptures. It occurs in Gen. xviii. 8 ; Deut. 
xxxii. 14 ; Judg. v. 25 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29 ; Job xx. 
IT, xxix. 6; Ps. Iv. 21 (Heb. 22); Prov. xxx. 33; 
Is. vii. 15, 22. Hasselquist says the Arab women 
" made butter in a leather bag, hung on three poles 
erected for the purpose, in the form of a cone, and 
drawn to and fro by two women." The butter of 
modern Palestine, after being thus made, is boiled 
or melted, and put in goat-skin bottles. " In winter 
it resembles candied honey, in summer it is mere 
oil " (Thn. i. 293). Cheese ; Milk. 

* Buying [by-]. Agriculture ; Commerce ; Jubi- 
lee, the Year of ; Slave. 

Buz (Heb. contempt). 1. The second son of Mil- 
cah and Nahor (Gen. xxii. 21). Elihu, called "the 
Buzite " of the kindred of Ram, i. e. Aram, was 
probably a descendant of Buz, whose family seems 
to have settled in Arabia Deserta or Petrsea (Jer. 
xxv. 23). — 2. A name in the genealogies of the tribe 
of Gad (1 Chr. v. 14). 

Bu'zi (Heb. = Buzite, Ges.), father of Ezekiel 
the prophet (Ez. i. 3). 

Buzite (fr. Heb.) = descendant of Buz 1 (Job 
xxxii. 2, 6) 

* By is used in 1 Cor. iv. 4 A. V. in the now ob- 
solete sense of against ; " I know nothing by my- 
self," i. e. I am not conscious of wrong doing. 

Bys'sus (L. fr. Gr.). Linen. 



c 

Cab. Weights and Measures. 

Cab'bon (Heb. cake, Ges.), a town in the low coun- 
try of Judah (Josh. xv. 40 only). 

* Cabins (Jer. xxxvii. 16.; margin " cells ") prob- 
ably = the arched cavities or vaults, in which pris- 
oners were lodged, round the sides of the " dungeon " 
or pit (Henderson on Jer. 1. a). 

Ca'bul (Heb. limit, border, LXX., Boch. ; as some- 
thing exhaled, as nothing, Hiller), a place on the 
boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 27) ; probably at the 
modern village of Kabul, a small village eight or 
nine miles E. of 'Akka (Rbn. iii. 88). Being thus 
on the very borders of Galilee, probably this place 
has some connection with the district containing 
twenty cities, presented by Solomon to Hiram, king 
of Tyre (1 K. ix. 11-14). 

Cad'dis, surname of Joannan, the eldest brother 
of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. ii. 2). 

Ca'des (1 Mc. xi. 63, 73) = Kedesh 3. 

Ca'des-bar'ne (Jd. v. 14) = Kadesh-barnea. 

Cad'mi-el (1 Esd. v. 26, 58) = Kadmiel. 

Cse'sar [see'zar] (L.) = Cesar. 

Caes-a-re'a [ses-a-ree'a] (L.) = Cesarea. 

Cses-a-re'a Phi-lip'pi (L.) = Cesarea Philippi. 



Cage. 1. The Heb. cclub or club, translated " cage " 
in Jer. v. 27 (margin " coop "), is a trap-cage, con- 
trived for keeping in it a decoy bird, and furnished 
with valves or clappers which shut as soon as a bird 
has entered (so Gesenius). (Basket 4.) — 2. The 
Gr. kartallos, translated " cage" in Ecclus. xi. 30,= 
a basket with a pointed bottom (L. & S.). — 3. The 
Gr. phulake, literally a watching or guarding (L. & S.), 
translated in Rev. xviii. 2, "cage" and "hold," is 
usually in N. T. translated "prison" (Mat. v. 25, 
xiv. 3, 10, &c). Robinson (N. T. Lex.) translates 
it here watch-post, station, haunt. 

Cai'a-phas [kay'ya-fas] (fr. Gr. form of Aram. = 
depression, Buxtorf), in full Jo'scpll Cai'a-phas, 
high-priest of the Jews under Tiberius during our 
Lord's public ministry, and at the time of His con- 
demnation and crucifixion (Mat. xxvi. 3, 57 ; Jn. xi. 
49, xviii. 13, 14, 24, 28 ; Acts iv. 6). The Procura- 
tor Valerius Gratus appointed him to the dignity. 
He held it during the whole procuratorship of Pon- 
tius Pilate, but was deposed by the Proconsul Vitel- 
lius (a. d. 36). He was son-in-law of Annas 2. 
High-Priest ; Jesus Christ. 

Cain (L. fr. Heb. = what is gotten, acquisition; or 
a spear, Ges. [see Arms, I. 2, g~\ ; or a smith, Von 
Bohlen). The historical facts in the life of Cain 
(Gen. iv.) are briefly these : — He was the eldest son 
of Adam and Eve ; he followed the business of agri- 
culture ; in a fit of jealousy, roused by the rejection 
of his own sacrifice and the acceptance of Abel's, he 
committed the crime of murder (Abel), for which 
he was expelled from Eden, and led the life of an 
exile ; he settled in the land of Nod, and built a city 
which he named after his son Enoch ; his descend- 
ants are enumerated, together with the inventions 
for which they were remarkable. References to Cain 
occur in Heb. xi. 4 ; 1 Jn. iii. 12; Jude 11. The 
following points deserve notice in connection with 
the Biblical narrative: — 1. The position of the land 
of Nod (Eeb.=flight, wandering,Ges.), which it seems 
vain to attempt to identify with any special locality. 
2. The " mark set upon Cain " probably means that 
Jehovah gave a sign to Cain, very much as signs 
were afterward given to Noah (Gen. ix. 13), Moses 
(Ex. iii. 2, 12), Gideon (Judg. vi. 17, 21), Elijah (1 
K. xix. 11), Ahaz (Is. vii. 10-14), and Hezekiah (Is. 
xxxviii. 7, 8). 3. The narrative implies the exist- 
ence of a considerable population in Cain's time 
(ver. 14). 4. The descendants of Cain are enumer- 
ated to the sixth generation. Some commentators 
(Knobel, Von Bohlen) have traced an artificial struc- 
ture in this genealogy, by which it is rendered paral- 
lel to that of the Sethites ; but the differences far 
exceed the points of similarity. 5. The social con- 
dition of the Cainites is prominently brought for- 
ward in the history. Cain founded the first city;, 
Lamech instituted polygamy; Jabal introduced the 
nomadic life ; Jubal invented musical instruments ; 
Tubal-cain was the first smith ; Lamech's language 
takes the stately tone of poetry; and even the 
names of the women, Naamah (pleasant), Zillah 
(shadow), Adah (ornamental), seemed to bespeak an 
advanced state of civilization. But along with this, 
there was violence and godlessness ; Cain and La- 
mech furnish proof of the former, while the con- 
cluding words of Gen. iv. 26 imply the latter. 6. 
The contrast established between the Cainites and 
the Sethites appears to have reference solely to the 
social and religious condition of the two races. 

Cain (see above), a city in the mountains of Ju- 
dah, named with Zanoah and Gibeah (Josh. xv. 57). 
Ca-i'nan or Cai'nan (L. fr. Heb. = possessor, Fii. ; 



136 



CAK 



CAL 



smith, perhaps lancer, Ges.). 1. Son of Enos ; and 
great-grandson of Adam through Seth ; father at 
seventy years of Mahalaleel ;=Kenan. He died aged 
910 (Gen. v. 9-14 ; Lk. iii. 37). The rabbinical tra- 
dition was that he first introduced idol-worship and 
astrologv — a tradition which the Hellenists trans- 
ferred to the post-diluvian Cainan. — 2. Son of 
Arphaxad, and father of Sala, according to Lk. iii. 
35, 36, and usually called the second Cainan. He is" 
also found in the present copies of the LXX. in Gen. 
x. 24, xi. 12, but is nowhere named in the Hebrew 
MSS., nor in the Samaritan, Chaldce, Syriac, Vulgate, 
&c, versions. It seems certain that his name was 
introduced into the genealogies of the Greek 0. T., 
in order to bring them into harmony with the gen- 
ealogy of Christ in St. Luke's Gospel, where Cainan 
was found in the time of Jerome. Probably Cainan 
was not inserted in Lk. iii. 36 by St. Luke himself 
(it is not in the Codex Bezos ; see New Testament), 
but was afterward added, either by accident, or to 
make up the number of generations to seventeen, or 
from some other cause which cannot now be discov- 
ered. 

Cakes. Bread; Queen of Heaven. 

Calah (Heb. completion, old aye, Ges.), one of the 
most ancient cities of Assyria. Its foundation is 
ascribed to the patriarch Asshur (Gen. x. 11). (Nim- 
rod.) According to Rawlinson, the site of Calah is 
marked by the Nimrud ruins (Nineveh). If this be 
regarded as ascertained, Calah must be considered 
to have been at one time (about b. c. 930-720) the 
capital of the empire. Dr. II. Lobdell (in D. S. xiv. 
236) supposed Calah to be at Kahih Sherghat (see 
Assyria, § 7). Bochart, Gesenius, &c.,' make Calah 
- Halah. 

Cal-a-niol'a-Ius (1 Esd. v. 22), a corrupt name, ap- 
parently from Elam, Lod, and Hadid. 
Cala-mus. Reed 4. 

(al col (Heb. sustenance ? Ges.), a man of Judah, 
son or descendant of Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 6); probably 
= Chalcol. Darda ; Mahol. 

Cal dron, a vessel for boiling flesh, either for cer- 
emonial or domestic use. It is the translation in 
A. V. of four Hebrew words, viz., agmon (Job xli. 
20; see Reed 1), dud (2 Chr. xxxv. 13; see Basket 
5 ; Pot 3), sir (Jer. Hi. 18, 19 ; Ez. xi. 3, 7, 11 ; see 
Pot 4), kallahath or kallachath (1 Sam. ii. 14 ; Mic. 
iii. 3). 




Bronze Caldron from Egyptian Thebes. — (British Mnseatn.) 

Caleb (Heb. dog? Ges. ; the bold, the valiant, i. e. 
ahero, Fii.). 1. According to 1 Chr. ii. 9, 18, 19, 
42, son of Hezron, the son of Pharez, the son of 
Judah, and the father of Hur by Ephrath or Ephra- 
tah. His brothers, according to the same authority, 
were Jerahmeel and Ram ; his wives Azubah, Jerioth, 
and Ephrath ; and his concubines Ephah and Ma- 
achah (ver. 9, 18, 19, 46, 48). Lord A. C. Hervey 
regards the text in 1 Chr. ii. as corrupt in many 
places. Keil maintains that Caleb the son (i. e. the 
descendant) of Hezron = Caleb the son of Jephun- 



neh (?) ; compare Josh. xv. 16 and 1 Chr. ii. 49. 
— 2. "Son of Jephunheh," by which patronymic the 
illustrious spy is usually designated (Num. xiii. 6, 
and ten other places), with the addition of " the 
Kenezite" (= son of Kenaz) in Num. xxxii. 12 ; Josh. 

xiv. 6, 14. Caleb is first mentioned in the list of 
the rulers or princes sent to search the land of Ca- 
naan in the second year of the Exodus. Caleb was 
a prince or chief in the tribe of Judah, perhaps as 
chief of the family of the Hezronites. He and 
Joshua the son of Nun were the only two of the 
whole number who, on their return from Canaan to 
Kadesh-liarnea, encouraged the people to enter in 
boldly to the land, and take possession of it ; for 
which act of faithfulness they narrowly escaped 
stoning at the hands of the infuriated people. In 
the plague that ensued, while the other ten spies 
perished, Caleb and Joshua alone were spared. Forty, 
live years afterward, when some progress had been 
made in the conquest of the land, Caleb came to 
Joshua and claimed possession of the land of the 
Amikim-, Kirjaili-Arba, or Hebron, and the neigh- 
boring hill country (Josh. xiv.). This was imme- 
1 1 i .- 1 1 1 • 1 \ granted to him, and the following chapter re- 
lates how he took possession of Hebron, driving out 
the three sons of Anak ; and how he offered Achsah 
his daughter in marriage to whoever would take 
Kirjath-Sepher, i. e. Debir; and how when Otiiniel, 
his younger brother or nephew, had performed the 
feat, he not only gave him his daughter to wife, but 
with her the upper and nether springs of water 
which she asked for. After this we hear no more 
of Caleb, nor is the time of his death recorded. 
Though Hebron became a city of the priests, the 
surrounding territory continued to be in Caleb's pos- 
session, at least till David's time(l Sam. xxv. 3, xxx. 
14). " The S. of Caleb " (xxx. 14) = that portion 
of the "S. land " (Josh. xv. 19) of Palestine occu- 
pied by Caleb and his descendants. A very interest- 
ing quest ion arises as to the birth and parentage of 
Caleb. He is, as we have seen, styled " the son of 
Jephunnch the Kenezite," and Othniel, afterward the 
first Judge, is also called " the son of Kenaz" (Josh. 

xv. 17 ; Judg. i. 13, iii. 9, 11). On the other hand 
the genealogy in 1 Chr. ii. makes no mention what- 
ever of either Jephunneh or Kenaz, but represents 
Caleb, though obscurely (ver. 50 ; so Lord A. C. Her- 
vey), as a son of Hur and grandson of No. 1 (see, too, 
chapter iv. and No. 3 below). Again in Josh. xv. 
13, we have this singular expression, " Unto Caleb 
the son of Jephunneh he gave a part among the chil- 
dren of Judah ;" and in xiv. 14, the no less signifi- 
cant one, " Hebron became the inheritance of Caleb 
the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite, because that he 
wholly followed Jehovah, God of Israel." It becomes 
therefore quite possible, but not at all certain, that 
Caleb was a foreigner by birth ; a proselyte, incor- 
porated into the tribe of Judah. — 3. Son of Hur, 
His descendants in 1 Chr. ii. 50 ff. appear to be a dif- 
ferent family from the sons of Caleb, the son of Je- 
phunneh, in iv. 15. Bezaleel, the grandson of Hur (ii. 
20 ; Ex. xxxv. 30, &c), was contemporary with the 
spies, who thus seem to have been a generation later 
than Caleb the son of Hur (so Dr. P. Holmes, in 
Kitto). — 4. Ca'leb-Eph'ra-tah, according to the pres- 
ent text of 1 Chr. ii. 24, the name of a place where 
Hezron died. But Lord A. C. Hervey regards the 
present text as corrupt, and the reading which 
Jerome's Hebrew Bible had, and which is preserved 
in the LXX., as probably the true one, " Caleb came 
in unto Ephratah." 

Calfi In Ex. xxxii. 4, we are told that Aaron, 



CAL 



CAM 



137 



constrained by the people in the absence of Moses, 
made a molten calf (Heb. 'egel ; see Bull) of the 
golden ear-rings of the people, to represent the Elo- 
him (A. V. " gods ") which brought Israel out of 
Egypt. It does not seem likely that the ear-rings 
would have provided the enormous quantity of gold 
required for a solid figure. More probably it was a 
wooden figure laminated with gold, a process known 
to have existed in Egypt. " A gilded ox covered 




Bronze figure of Apis. — (WilkinBon.) 



with a pall " was an emblem of Osiris (Wilkinson, 
iv. 335). To punish the apostasy Moses burnt the 
calf, and then grinding it to powder scattered it over 
the water, where, according to some, it produced in 
the drinkers effects similar to the water of jealousy 
(Num. v.). He probably adopted this course as the 
deadliest and most irreparable blow to their super- 
stition, or as an allegorical act (Job xv. 16), or with 
reference to an Egyptian custom in honor of Apis 
(Hdt. ii. 41 ; Poole's Synopsis on Ex. xxxii. 20). 
The process which he used is difficult of explanation. 
Bochart and Rosenmiiller think that he merely cut, 
ground, and filed the gold to powder (Mines). It 
has always been a great dispute respecting this calf 
and those of Jeroboam, whether, I. the Jews in- 
tended them for some Egyptian god, or II. for a 
mere cherubic symbol of Jehovah. Of the various 
sacred cows of Egypt, those of Isis, of Athor, and 
of the three kinds of sacred bulls, Apis (Memphis), 
Basis, and Mnevis, Sir G. Wilkinson fixes on the lat- 
ter as the prototype of the golden calf; "the offer- 
ings, dancings, and rejoicings practised on that oc- 
casion" were doubtless in imitation of a ceremony 
they had witnessed in honor of Mnevis " (Ancient 
Egyptians, v. 197). It seems to us more likely that 
in this calf-worship the Jews merely 

" Likened their Maker to the graved ox ; " 

or in other words, adopted a well-understood cheru- 
bic emblem. The prophet Hosea is full of denun- 
ciations against the calf-worship of Israel (Hos. viii. 
5, 6, x. 6), and mentions the curious custom of kiss- 
ing them (xiii. 2). His change of Bethel into Betb- 
aven possibly arose from contempt of this idolatry. 
The calf at Dan was carried away by Tiglath-Pileser, 
and that of Bethel ten years after by his son Shal- 
maneser (Prideaux, Conn. i. 15). In the expression 
" the calves of our lips " (Hos. xiv. 2), " calves " 
metaphorically = victims or sacrifices, and the pas- 
sage signifies either " we will render to thee sacrifices 
of our lips," i. e. " the tribute of thanksgiving and 
praise," or " we will offer to thee the sacrifices which 
our lips have vowed." Bull ; Cherubim : Idolatry ; 
Ox. 

Cal'i-tas (L.) = Kelita (1 Esd. ix. 23, 48). 
Cal-lis'tbe-nes (L. fr. Gr. = adorned with strength, 



L. & S.), a partisan of Nicanor, burnt by the Jews 
on Nicanor's defeat for setting fire to " the sacred 
portals" (2 Mc. viii. 33). 

Cal'nck or Cal'no (both Heb. in form, probably = 
the fort of the Babylonis7i god Ana or Ami) appears 
in Gen. x. 10 among the cities of Nimrod "in the 
land of Shinar." Rawlinson identifies Calneh with 
.the modern Niffer, about sixty miles S. E. of Baby- 
lon, on the E. bank of the Euphrates, where are ex- 
tensive ruins. We may gather from Scripture that 
in the eighth century b. c. Calneh was taken by one 
of the Assyrian kings, and never recovered its pros- 
perity (Is. x. 9 ; Am. vi. 2). The Targums, Eusebius 
and Jerome, &c, identified Calneh with the ancient 
Ctesiphon, on the E. bank of the Tigris, eighteen or 
twenty miles below Bagdad. 

Cal'uo = Calneh (Is. x. 9). 

Cal'phi (L.), father of Jonathan's captain Judas 3 
(1 Mc. xi. 70). 

Cal'va-ry (fr. L. calvaria = a bare skull = Gol- 
gotha), a word, not a proper name, occurring in the 
A. V. only in Lk. xxiii. 33, and denoting the place 
of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. The popular 
expression " Mount Calvary " is not warranted by 
any statement in the accounts of the place of our 
Lord's crucifixion. Golgotha. 

€am'eli The Heb. gdrndl, Gr. kamelos, L. camelus, 
are used to express the genus " camel," irrespective 
of any difference of species, age, or breed. It is 
clear from Gen. xii. 16 and Ex.' ix. 3 that camels 
were early known to the Egyptians, though no rep- 
resentation of this animal has yet been discovered 
in the paintings or hieroglyphics. The Ethiopians 
had "camels in abundance" (2 Chr. xiv. 15); the 
queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem " with camels 
that bare spices and gold and precious stones" (IK. 
x. 2) ; the men of Kedar and of Hazor possessed 
camels (Jer. xlix. 29, 32); David took away camels 
from the Geshurites and the Amalekites (1 Sam. 
xxvii. 9, compare xxx. 17); Ben-hadad, king of 
Syria, sent to Elisha forty camels' burden of good 
things (2 K. viii. 9) ; the Ishmaelites trafficked 
with Egypt in the precious gums of Gilead, carried 
on the backs of camels (Gen. xxxvii. 25) ; the Mid- 
ianites and the Amalekites possessed camels " as 
the sand by the sea-side for multitude " (Judg. vii. 
12); Job had three thousand camels before his af- 
fliction (Job i. 3), and six thousand afterward (xlii., 
12). The camel was used for riding (Gen. xxiv. 64 ; 
1 Sam. xxx. 17); as a beast of burden generally 
(Gen. xxxvii. 25 ; 2 K. viii. 9 ; 1 K. x. 2, &c.) ; and 
for draught purposes (Is. xxi. 7). From 1 Sam. xxx. 
17 we learn that camels were used in war. John 
the Baptist wore a garment made of camel's hair 
(Mat. iii. 4 ; Mk. i. 6), and some have supposed that 
Elijah " was clad in a dress of the same stuff." 
(Dress ; Sackcloth.) Chardin (in Harmer's Observ. 
ii. 487) says the people in the East make vestments 
of camel's hair, which they pull off the animal at 
the time it is changing its coat. Camel's milk was 
much esteemed by Orientals, and was probably used 
by the Hebrews, though no distinct reference to it is 
made in the Bible. Camel's flesh, although much 
esteemed by the Arabs, was forbidden as food to the 
Israelites (Lev. xi. 4; Deut. xiv. 7), because, though 
the camel " cheweth the cud, it divideth not the 
hoof." Dr. Kitto (Phys. Hist, of Pal, p. 391) says, 
" the Arabs adorn the necks of their camels with a 
band of cloth or leather, upon which are strung 
small shells called cowries in the form of half- 
moons ; " this very aptly illustrates Judg. viii. 21, 
26, with reference to the moon-shaped ornaments on 



138 



CAM 



CAM 



the necks of the camels which Gideon took from 
Zebah and Zalmunna. From the temperate habits 
of the camel with regard to its requirements of food 
and water, and from its wonderful adaptation, both 
structurally and physiologically, to traverse the arid 




Bnctrian CameL 



regions which for miles afford but a scanty herbage, 
we can readily give credence to the immense num- 
bers which Scripture speaks of as the property either 
of tribes or individuals. The three thousand camels 




Arabian Camel. 



of Job may be illustrated to the very letter by a 
passage in Aristotle {H. A. ix. 37, § 5) : "Now some 
men in upper Asia possess as many as three thousand 
camels." — 2. The Hebrew masculine becher, feminine 
bichrdh, occur only in Is. lx. 6 and Jer. ii. 23, and 
are translated in the A. V. " dromedary." Bochart 
(and so Gesenius) contends that the Hebrew word is 
indicative only of a difference in age, and adduces 
the Arabic becra in support of his opinion that a 
young camel is signified by the term. Etymologi- 
cally the Hebrew word is more in favor of the 
" dromedary." So, too, are the old versions. — 3. 
As to the Hebrew circaroth (Is. lxvi. 20; A. V. 
" swift beasts") there is some difference of opinion. 
The explanation given by Bochart after some of the 
Rabbis, and adopted by Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, Lee, 
&c, that " dromedaries " are meant, is not satisfac- 
tory to Mr. Houghton, who prefers, with Michaelis 
and Parkhurst, to understand the " panniers " or 



" baskets " carried on the backs of camels or mules, 
and to refer the word to its unreduplicated form 
(Hebrew car, A. V. " furniture," i. e. the camel's 
saddle with a kind of canopy over it) in Gen. 
xx xi. 34. — 4. The Hebrew plural uhashter&nim or 
ttchas/ilinhiim, translated "camels" in Esth. viii. 
10, 14, A. V., = mnles (so Bochart, Gesenius, 
&c). — The species of camel in common use among 
the Jews and the heathen nations of Palestine 
was the Arabian or one-humped camel (Cunnlns 
Arabicus). With feet admirably formed for journey- 
ing over dry and loose sandy soil ; with an internal 
reservoir for a supply of water when the ordinary 
' sources of nature fail ; with a hump of fat ready 
on emergencies when even the prickly thorns 
and mimosas of the desert cease to afford food; 
with nostrils which can close valve-like when the 
sandy storm lills the air, this valuable animal well 
deserves the title of the ship of the desert. The 
dromedary is a swifter animal than the baggage- 
camel, and is used chiefly for riding purposes ; it is 
merely a finer breed than the other : the Arabs call 
it the Heine. The speed of the dromedary has been 
greatly exaggerated, the Arabs asserting that it is 
swifter than the horse ; eight or nine miles an hour 
is the utmost it is able to perform ; this pace, how- 
ever, it is able to keep up for hours together. — The 
Bactrian camel ( Came/us Bactrianm), the only other 
ii species, is found in China, Russia, and Central 
Asia, and has two humps ; it is not capable of such 
endurance as its Arabian cousin ; it was known to 
the Assyrians, &c, and doubtless to the Jews also 
in their later history ; it is employed by the Persians 
in war to carry one or two guns which are fixed to 
the saddle. According toBurckbardt, breeders often 
extirpate the forward hump of this species, and thus 
procure more space for the pack-saddle and load, 
and make the animal like the Arabian species (Col. 
C. H. Smith, in Kitto). — The camel, as may be read- 
ily conceived, is the subject among Orientals of 
many proverbial expressions ; many are cited by 
Bochart (Hieroz. i. 30) ; compare Mat. xxiii. 24, and 
xix. 24, where there can be no doubt of the cor- 
rectness of the A. V., notwithstanding the attempts 
made from time to time to explain away the ex- 
pression ; the very magnitude of the hyperbole is 
evidence in its favor : with the Talmuds " an ele- 
phant passing through a needle's eye " was a com- 
mon figure for any thing impossible. 

Ca'mon (Heb. full of stalks or grain ? Ges.), the 
place in which Jair the Judge was buried (Judg. x. 
5) ; a city of Gilead (so Josephus). Eusebius and 
Jerome make Camon = Cyamon. 
Camp. Encampment. 

Cam'phire (Heb.eo/>Aer) no doubt is an incorrect ren- 
dering of the Heb. term (Atonement 3 ; Pitch), which 
| =some aromatic substance only in Cant. i. 14, iv. 13 : 
the margin in both passages has " cypress," imitat- 
ing kupros in the LXX. and Cyprus in the Vulgate 
in form but not in signification. Carnphire, or, as 
it is now generally written, camphor, is the product 
of a tree largely cultivated in the island of Formosa, 
the Carnphora officinarvm, allied to the laurel. From 
the expression " cluster of cdpher in the vineyards 
of En-gedi," in Cant. i. 14, the Chaldee version reads 
"bunches of grapes." The substance really denoted 
by the Hebrew cdpher is the Lawsonia alba of bota- 
nists, the henna of Arabian naturalists. The in- 
habitants of Nubia call the henna plant Kliofreh. 
Hasselquist, speaking of this plant, says " the leaves 
are pulverized and made into a paste with water ; 
the Egyptians bind this paste on the nails of their 



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139 



hands and feet, and keep it on all night : this gives 
them a deep yellow, which is greatly admired by 
Eastern nations. The color lasts for three or four 
weeks before there is occasion to renew it. The 




Zavovmia alba. 



custom is so ancient in Egypt that I have seen the 
nails of the mummies dyed in this manner." Not 
only the nails, but the hair, beard, &c, were also 
dyed with henna. The beard dyed with henna is 
afterward made black by the application of indigo. 
Sonnini says the women are fond of decorating them- 
selves with the flowers of the henna plant ; but they 
take them in their hand and perfume their bosoms 
with them. Compare with this Cant. i. 13. — The 
Lawsonia alba when young is without thorns, and 
when older is spinous, whence Linneeus's names, 
Lawsonia inermis and Lawsonia spinosa ; he re- 
garding his specimens as two distinct species. The 
henna plant grows in Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and N. 
India. The flowers are white, and grow in clusters, 
and are very fragrant. The whole shrub is from 
four to six feet high. 

Ca'na (L. fr. Heb. kdndh [Eobinson, N. T. Lex.] 
= place of reeds, Ges.) of Gal'i-lee, once Ca'na in 
Gal'i-lce, a village or town not far from Capernaum, 
memorable as the scene of Christ's first miracle (Jn. 
ii. 1, 11, iv. 46), as well as of a subsequent one (iv. 
46-54), and the native place of Nathanael 1 (xxi. 
2). The traditional site is at Kefr Kenna, a small 
village about four and a half miles N. E. of Nazareth. 
It now contains only the ruins of a church said to 
stand over the house in which the miracle was per- 
formed, and — doubtless much older — the fountain 
from which the water for the miracle was brought. 
The tradition identifying Kefr Kenna with Cana ex- 
isted in the time of Willibald (the latter half of the 
eighth century), and of Phocas (twelfth century). 
But the claims of another site have been brought 
forward with much force (Rbn. ii. 346-9, iii. 108). 
The rival site is a village situated further N., about 
five miles N. of Seffurieh (Sepphoris) and nine of 
Nazareth, near the present Jefat, the Jotapata of the 
Jewish wars. The village still bears the name of 
Kuna-el-jelil = " Cana of Galilee " in Arabic. The 
Gospel history will not be affected whichever site 
may be the real one. Fountain. 

Ca'naan [ka'nan] (Heb. Cena'an or Cna'an, fr. a 
verb denoting to be bowed down, to be low, Ges. ; 



Gr. & L. Chanaan). 1. Fourth son of Ham (Gen. 
x. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8) ; the progenitor of the Phenicians 
(" Zidon "), and of the various nations who before 
the Israelite conquest peopled the sea-coast of Pal- 
estine, and generally the whole of the country W. 
of the Jordan (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 13; Canaan, 
Land of ; Canaanites). In Gen. ix. 20-2 7 a curse 
is pronounced on Canaan (as many have maintained) 
for Ham's unfilial and irreverential conduct ; but Pro- 
fessor Bush (Notes, 1. c.) remarks, that Ham's act was 
rather the occasion than the cause of the prediction 
against Canaan (compare Is. xxxix. 6), — that here, 
j as often in the Scriptures, individuals are not so 
! much contemplated as the nations, &c, descended 
from them, and the special sins of the Canaanites 
(licentiousness, &c. ; compare Lev. xviii. 24 ff.) 
were closely allied to Ham's sin in Gen. ix. 22, — 
that Ham as a father was affected by the curse on 
Canaan, — and that the curse did not necessarily 
come upon righteous descendants of Canaan (e. g. 
Melchizedek, Abimelech), nor upon the Canaan- 
ites in general any further than as their own sins 
were the procuring causes of it (Sodom ; Gibeon- 
ites, &c). — 2i "Canaan " sometimes (e. g. Zeph. ii. 
6) = the country itself — more generally styled " the 
land of Canaan." (See next article.) We also find 
"Language of Canaan " (Is. xix. 18): "Wars of 
Canaan " (Judg. iii. 1) : " Inhabitants of Canaan " 
(Ex. xv. 15): "King of Canaan" (Judg. iv. 2, 23, 
24, v. 19) : " Daughters of Canaan" (Gen. xxviii. 1, 
6, 8, xxxvi. 2) : " Kingdoms of Canaan " (Ps. exxxv. 
11). The word " Canaan " is also translated in the 
A. V. (Is. xxiii. 8) "traffickers;" (xxiii. 11) "the 
merchant city ; " (Ez. xvii. 4) "traffic;" (Hos. xii. 
1) " He is a merchant;" (Zeph. i. 11) "merchant- 
people." 

Canaan, the Land of (literally Lowland; see 
Canaan) = the country W. of the Jordan and Dead 
Sea, and between those waters and the Mediterranean 
(Palestine); specially opposed to the "land of 
Gilead," i. e. the high table-land E. of the Jordan. 
True, the district to which the name of " lowland " 
is thus applied contained many very elevated spots ; 
but high as the level of much of the country W. of 
the Jordan undoubtedly is, several things prevent it 
from leaving an impression of elevation, viz. (1.) that 
wide maritime plain over which the eye ranges for 
miles from the central hills, (2.) the still deeper and 
more remarkable hollow of the Jordan valley, (3.) the 
almost constant presence of the long high line of the 
mountains E. of the Jordan. The word " Canaan- 
ite " was used in the 0. T. in two senses, a broader 
and a narrower (Canaanites) ; but this does not ap- 
pear to be the case with " Canaan," at least in the 
older cases of its occurrence (Gen. xii. 5, xiii. 12, 
&c). It is only in later notices (e. g. Zeph. ii. 5 ; 
Mat. xv. 22), that we find it applied to the low mari- 
time plains of Phiiistia and Phenicia (compare Mk. 
vii. 26). 

Ca'naan-ite [-nan-], The, the designation of the 
Apostle Simon (Mat. x. 4 ; Mk. iii. 18), otherwise 
known as " Simon Zelotes." The word does not 
signify a descendant of Canaan, nor a native of Cana, 
but it comes from a Chaldee or Syriac word, Kan- 
nedn or Knonoyo, by which the Jewish sect or fac- 
tion of "the Zealots" was designated. The Syriac 
word is the reading of the Peshito version. The 
Greek equivalent is Zelotes (Lk. vi. 15 ; Acts i. 13). 

Ca'naan-ites [-nan-], The (see Canaan), a word 
used in two senses : 1. For the tribe of " the Ca- 
naanites " only = the dwellers in the lowland. The 
whole of the country W, of Jordan was a " low- 



140 



CAN 



CAN 



land " as compared with the loftier and more ex- 
tended tracts on the E. : but there was a part of this 
western country which was still more emphatically a 
" lowland." a. There were the plains lying between 
the shore of the Mediterranean and the foot of the 
hills of Benjamin, Judah,and Ephraim. (Jezreel 1 ; 
Palestine; Sephela; Sharon 1, &c.) b. But sepa- 
rated entirely from these was the still lower region 
of the Jordan Valley or Arabah. " The Canaanite 
dwells (A. V. ' Canaanites dwell ') by the sea, and 
by the side (A V. 'coast') of Jordan" (Num. xiii. 
29). In Gen. x. 18-20 the seats of the Canaanite 
tribe are given as on the sea-shore and in the Jordan 
Valley. In Josh. xi. 3 " the Canaanite on the E. 
and on the W." is carefully distinguished from the 
Amorite, Sec., who held "the mountain" (A. V. 
" mountains") in the centre of the country. (Char- 
iot.) In Ex. iii. 8, 17, &c, the Canaanites are men- 
tioned with the Hittites, Amorites, Perizzites, Hivites, 
and Jebusites, as the nations to be expelled by the 
Israelites ; in Deut. vii. 1, and Josh. iii. 10, xxiv. 11, 
the Girgashites are added, making seven nations in 
all ; in Gen. xv. 19-21 the list of ten nations in- 
cludes some E. of Jordan, and probably some S. of 
Palestine. — 2. Applied as a general name to the non- 
Israelite inhabitants of the land (compare Canaan). 
Instances of this are, Gen. xii. 6 ; Num. xxi. 3 ; Judg. 
i. See also Gen. xxiv. 3, 37, compare xxviii. 2, 6 ; 
Ex. xiii. 11, compare 5. Like the Phenicians, the 
Canaanites were probably given to commerce ; and 
thus probably in later times Canaanite occasionally 
= "a merchant" (Job xli. 6 ; Prov. xxxi. 24 ; com- 
pare Canaan). — On the language of the Canaanites, 
see Shemitic Languages ; Tongues, Confusion of. 

Can'da-ce [-see ; as an English name usually pron. 
kan'dase] (L. ; Gr. kandake ; fr. Ethiopic = chief, 
or ruler, of servants [?], Sim.), a queen of Ethiopia 
(Meroe), mentioned Acts viii. 27. The name was 
not a proper name of an individual, but that of a 
dynasty of Ethiopian queens. Prof. Ilackett (in B. S. 
xxiii. 515) appears disposed to regard these as queens 
of that part of Ethiopia of which the capital was iVa- 
pata, eighty-six geographical miles N. of Meroe. 

* Can dle [-dl]. The Heb. ner and Gr. liichnos, 
often translated "candle" in the A. V. (Job xviii. 
6, xxi. 17; Mat. v. 15, &c.),= a liglit, i. e. a candle, 
lamp, lantern, &c. (Ges., Rbn. N. T. Lex.). Candle- 
stick ; Lamp. 

Can dle-stick [-dl-], which Moses was commanded 
to make for the tabernacle, is described Ex. xxv. 
31-37, xxxvii. 17-24. It is called in Lev. xxiv. 4, 
" the pure candlestick," and in Ecclus. xxvi. 17, 
" the holy candlestick." With its various appurte- 
nances it required a talent of " pure gold," and it 
was not moulded, but " of beaten work." Josephus, 
however, says that it was of cast gold, and hollow. 
As the description given in Ex. is not very clear, we 
abbreviate Lightfoot's explanation of it. " The foot 
of it was gold, from which went up a shaft straight, 
which was the middle light. Near the foot was a 
golden dish wrought almondwise ; and a little above 
that a golden knop, and above that a golden flower. 
Then two branches, one on each side, bowed, and 
coming up as high as the middle shaft. On each of 
them were three golden cups placed almondwise on 
sharp, scollop-shell fashion ; above which was a 
golden knop, a golden flower, and the socket. Above 
the branches on the middle shaft was a golden boss, 
above which rose two shafts more ; above the com- 
ing out of these was another boss, and two more 
shafts, and then on the shaft upward were three 
golden scollop-cups, a knop, and a flower : so that 



the heads of the branches stood an equal height " 
(Works, ii. 399, ed. Pitman). The whole weight 
of the candlestick was 100 minse = about 229 lbs. 
troy or 188A- lbs. avoirdupois (Weights and Meas- 
ures) ; its height was, according to the Rabbis, five 
feet, and the breadth, or distance between the exte- 
rior branches, three and a half feet. It has been 
calculated to have been worth £5,076 = about 
$23,<>o0, exclusive of workmanship. Generally it 
was " a type of preaching " or of " the light of the 
law" (Lightfoot, 1. c). Similarly candlesticks are 
made types of the Spirit, of the Church, of witnesses, 
&c. (compare Zech. iv. ; Rev. ii. 5, xi. 4, &c). The 
candlestick was placed on the S. side of the first 
apartment of the tabernacle, opposite the table of 
shewbread (Ex. xxv. 37), and was lighted every 
evening and dressed every morning (Ex. xxvii. 20, 
21, xxx. 8 ; compare 1 Sam. iii. 3). Each lamp was 




supplied with cotton, and half a log of the purest 
olive-oil (about two wine-glasses), which was suf- 
fieient to keep them burning during a long night. 
When carried about, the candlestick was covered 
with a cloth of blue, and put with its appendages in 
badger-skin bags, which were supported on a bar 
(Num. iv. 9). In Solomon's Temple, instead of this 
candlestick, there were ten golden candlesticks simi- 
larly embossed, five on the right and five on the left 
(1 K. vii. 49 ; 2 Chr. iv. 7). They were taken to 
Babylon (Jer. Hi. 19). In the Temple of Zerubbabel 
there was again a single candlestick (1 Mc. i. 21, iv. 
49). The description given of it by Josephus agrees 
only tolerably with the sculpture on the Arch of 
Titus ; but he hints that it was not identical with 
the one used in the Temple. The candlestick repre- 
sented on the arch of Titus as home in his triumph, 
a. d. 70, was probably taken from Rome to Carthage, 
a. d. 455, by Genseric, thence carried to Constantino- 
ple, and then respectfully deposited at Jerusalem, 
a. d. 533. It has never been heard of since. 

*Can'dy (Acts xxvii. 7, marg.), an English form 
of Candia, the modern name of Crete. 

Cane. P.eed 4. 

Can ker-worm. Locust 8. 

Can'neh (Heb.) (Ez. xxvii. 23), probably a contrac- 
tion of Calneh, which is the reading of one MS. 

Can'on of Scrip ture, The (L. canon, fr. Gr. kanon) 
= " the collection of books which form the original 
and authoritative written rule of the faith and prac- 
tice of the Christian church." Starting from this 



CAN 



CAN 



141 



definition the present article will examine shortly — 
I. The original meaning of the term : II. The Jew- 
ish Canon of the 0. T. as to (a) its formation, and 
(b) extent: III. The Christian Canon of the 0. T. ; 
and IV. of the N. T. — I. The use of the word Canon. 
— The word kandn,in classical Greek, is ( Improperly 
a straight rod, as the rod of a shield, or that used in 
weaving, or a carpenter's rule ; hence (2.) metaphor- 
ically a testing rule (or model) in ethics, or in art, or 
in language. (3.) The word was also used passively 
for a measured space, and, in later times, for a fixed 
tax. The ecclesiastical usage of kanon offers a com- 
plete parallel to the classical. In Jd. xiii. 6 it occurs 
in its literal sense = " pillar," A. V. ; in Gal. vi. 16 
and 2 Cor. x. 15 it is translated " rule," A. V. ; in 
2 Cor. x. 13 the A. V. has " rule," margin " line," 
and in verse 16 "line," margin "rule." In patristic 
writings it commonly = " a rule " in the widest 
sense, and especially in the phrases "the rule {kanon) 
of the church," " the rule of faith," " the rule of 
truth." This rule was regarded either as the ab- 
stract, ideal standard, embodied only in the life and 
action of the church ; or, again, as the concrete, 
definite creed, which set forth the facts from which 
that life sprang. As applied to Scripture the deriv- 
atives of kanon are used long before the simple 
word. The Latin translation of Origen speaks of 
Scriptures Canonicm (L. = canonical Scriptures) 
(De Princ. iv. 33), libri regulares (L. = books of [or 
according to~\ the rule) {Comm. in Mat. § 117), and 
libri canonizali (L. = books canonized, i. e. made or 
determined, according to rule) (id. § 28). This cir- 
cumstance seems to show that the title " Canonical " 
was first given to writings in the sense of " admitted 
by the rule," and not as " forming part of and giving 
the rule." The first direct application of kanon to 
the Scriptures seems to be in the verses of Amphi- 
lochius (about a. d. 380), where the word indicates 
the ride by which the contents of the Bible must be 
determined, and thus secondarily an index of the 
constituent books. Among Latin writers it is com- 
monly found from the time of Jerome and Augustine, 
and their usage of the word, which is wider than that 
of Greek writers, is the source of its modern accepta- 
tion. The uncanonical books were described simply 
as " those without," or " those uncanonized." The 
Apocryphal books (Apocrypha), which were sup- 
posed to occupy an intermediate position, were 
called " books read," or " ecclesiastical," though 
the latter title was also applied to the canonical 
Scriptures. The canonical books were also called 
" books of the Testament," and Jerome styled the 
whole collection " the holy library," which happily 
expresses the unity and variety of the Bible. — II. (a) 
The formation of the Jewish Canon. — The history 
of the Jewish Canon in the earliest times is beset 
with the greatest difficulties. Before the period of 
the exile only faint traces occur of the solemn preser- 
vation and use of sacred books. According to the 
command of Moses the " book of the law " was " put 
in the side of the ark " (Deut. xxxi. 26), but not in 
it (1 K. viii. 9 ; compare Jos. iii. 1, § 1, v. 1, § 11), 
and thus in the reign of Josiah, Hilkiah is said to 
have " found the book of the law in the house of 
the Lord" (2 K. xxii. 8; compare 2 Chr. xxxiv. 14). 
This " book of the law," which, in addition to the 
direct precepts (Ex. xxiv. 1), contained general ex- 
hortations (Deut. xxviii. 61) and historical narratives 
(Ex. xvii. 14), was further increased by the records 
of Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 26), and probably by other 
writings (1 Sam. x. 25). At a subsequent time col- 
lections of proverbs were made (Prov. xxv. 1), and 



the later prophets (especially Jeremiah) were familiar 
with the writings of their predecessors. It perhaps 
marks a further step in the formation of the Canon 
when " the book of the Lord " is mentioned as a 
general collection of sacred teaching (Is. xxxiv. 16 ; 
compare xxix. 18), at once familiar and authorita- 
tive ; but it is unlikely that any definite collection 
either of " the psalms " or of " the prophets" existed 
before the Captivity. At that time Zechariah (vii. 12) 
speaks of " the law " and " the former prophets" as 
in some measure coordinate ; and Daniel (ix. 2) re- 
fers to " the books " in a manner which seems to mark 
the prophetic writings as already collected into a 
whole. Even after the Captivity the history of the 
Canon, like all Jewish history up to the date of the 
Maccabees, is wrapped in great obscurity. Popular 
belief assigned to Ezra 2 and " the great synagogue " 
the task of collecting and promulgating the Scrip- 
tures as part of their work in organizing the Jewish 
church. Doubts have been thrown upon this belief, 
but it is in every way consistent with the history of 
Judaism and with the internal evidence of the books 
themselves. The account (2 Mc. ii. 13) which assigns 
a collection of books to Nehemiah is in itself a con- 
firmation of the general truth of the gradual forma- 
tion of the Canon during the Persian period. The 
persecution of Antiochus (b. c. 168) was for the 
0. T. what the persecution of Diocletian was for the 
N. T., the final crisis which stamped the sacred 
writings with their peculiar character. The king 
sought out " the books of the law " (1 Mc. i. 56) 
and burnt them ; and the possession of a " book 
of the covenant" was a capital crime (Jos. xii. 
5, § 4). After the Maccabean persecution the his- 
tory of the formation of the Canon is merged in 
the history of its contents. The Bible appears from 
that time as a whole, and it is of the utmost im- 
portance to notice that the collection was peculiar 
in character and circumscribed in contents. All the 
evidence which can be obtained, though it is con- 
fessedly scanty, tends to show that it is false, both 
in theory and fact, to describe the 0. T. as " all 
the relics of the Hebrseo-Chaldaic literature up to 
a certain epoch," if the phrase is intended to refer 
to the time when the Canon was completed. — (b) The 
contents of the Jewish Canon. — The first notice of the 
0. T. as consisting of distinct and definite parts oc 
curs in the prologue to the Greek translation of the 
Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus), in which "the 
law, the prophets, and the rest of the books," are 
mentioned as integral sections of a completed whole. 
A like threefold classification is used for describing 
the entire 0. T. in Lk. xxiv. 44 (compare Acts 
xxviii. 23). The general contents of these three 
classes still, however, remain to be determined. Jo- 
sephus (Ap. i. 8), the earliest direct witness on the 
subject, enumerates twenty-two books " which are 
justly believed to be divine : " five books of Moses, 
thirteen of the prophets, extending to the reign of 
Artaxerxes (= husband of Esther, according to Jose- 
phus), and four which contain hymns and directions 
for life. Still there is some ambiguity in this enu- 
meration, for in order to make up the numbers 1 It is 
necessary either to rank Job among the prophets, or 
to exclude one book, and in that case probably Ec- 
clesiastes, from the Hagiographa. The former alter- 
native is the more probable, for it is worthy of spe- 
cial notice that Josephus regards primarily the his- 
toric character of the prophets. The popular belief 
that the Sadducees received only the books of Moses 
rests on no sufficient authority. The casual quota- 
tions of Josephus agree with his express Canon. 



142 



CAN 



CAN 



The writings of the N. T. completely confirm the 
testimony of Josephus. Coincidences of language 
show that the apostles were familiar with several of 
the Apocryphal books ; but they do not contain one 
authoritative or direct quotation from them, while, 
witli the exception of Judges, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, 
Esther, Ezra, and Nehemiah, every other book in 
the Hebrew Canon is used either for illustration or 
proof. Several of the early Fathers describe the con- 
tents of the Hebrew Canon in terms which generally 
agree with the results already obtained. Melito of 
Sardis (cir. 179 a. d.) in a journey to the East made 
the question of the exact number and order of " the 
books of the 0. T." a subject of special inquiry. 
He gives the result in the following form : the books 
are, 5 Moses . . . Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 4 Kings, 
2 Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Can- 
ticles, Job, Isaiah, Jeremiah, 12 Prophets, Daniel, 
Ezekiel, Esdras. Origen, in enumerating the twenty, 
two books " which the Hebrews hand down as in- 
cluded in the Testament," omits the book of the 
twelve minor prophets, and adds " the letter" to the 
book of Jeremiah and Lamentations. The statement 
of Jerome is clear and complete. He gives the 
contents of the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagio- 
grapha, in exact accordance with the Hebrew autho- 
rities, placing Daniel in the last class; and adding 
that whatever is without the number of these must 
be placed among the Apocrypha. The statement ol 
the Talmud is in many respects so remarkable that 
it must be transcribed entire. " But who wrote [the 
books of the Bible] ? Moses wrote his own book, ? 
the Pentateuch, tlie section about Balaam, and Job. 
Joshua wrote his own book and the eight [last] verses 
of the Pentateuch. Samuel wrote his own book, the 
book of Judges, and "Ruth. David wrote the book 
of Psalms [of which, however, some were composed] 
by the ten venerable elders, Adam, the first man, 
Melchizedek, Abraham, Moses, Heman, Jeduthun, 
Asaph, and the three sons of Korah. Jeremiah 
wrote his own book, the books of Kings and Lamen- 
tations. Hezekiah and his friends reduced to writ- 
ing the books contained in the memorial word 
IaMSHaK, i. e. Isaiah, Proverbs, Canticles, Eccle- 
siastes. The men of the Great Synagogue (Syna- 
gogue, the Great) reduced to writing the books con- 
tained in the memorial word KaXDaG, i. e. Ezekiel, 
the twelve lesser prophets, Daniel, and Esther. Ezra 
wrote his own book, and brought down the genealo- 
gies of the books of Chronicles to his own times. . . . 
Who brought the remainder of the books [of Chron- 
icles] to a close? Nehemiah the son of Hachalijah." 
In spite of the comparatively late date (about a. d. 
500) from which this tradition is derived, it is evi- 
dently in essence the earliest description of the work 
of Ezra and the Great Synagogue which has been 
preserved. The details must be tested by other 
evidence, but the general description of the growth 
of the Jewish Canon bears every mark of probability. 
The later Jewish catalogues throw little light upon 
the Canon. They generally reckon twenty-two books, 
equal in number to the letters of the Hebrew alpha- 
bet, five of the Law, eight of the Prophets (Joshua, 
Judges and Ruth, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 
Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah and Lamentations, Ezekiel, 
12 Prophets), and nine of the Hagiographa. The 
last number was more commonly increased to eleven 
by the distinct enumeration of the books of Ruth 
and Lamentations (" the twenty-four Books"). In 
Hebrew MSS., and in the early editions of the 0. T., 
the arrangement of the later books offers great varia- 
tions, but they generally agree in reckoning all sepa- 



rately except the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. So 
far then it has been shown that the Hebrew Canon 
was uniform and coincident with our own ; but while 
the Palestinian Jews combined to preserve the strict 
limits of the old prophetic writings, the Alexandrine 
Jews (Alexandria ; Septuagint) allowed themselves 
greater freedom. But so far as an authoritative 
Canon existed in Egypt, it is probable that it was 
the same as that of Palestine, and that at the begin- 
ning of the Christian era the Jews had only one 
Canon of the sacred writings, and that this Canon 
was recognized In our Lord and His apostles. — HI. 
The history of t/ie 0. T. Canon amony Christian 
writers exhibits the natural issue of the currency of 
the LXX., enlarged as it had been by apocryphal ad- 
ditions. In proportion as the Fathers were more or 
[ess absolutely dependent on that version for their 
knowledge of the 0. T. Scriptures, they gradually 
lost in common practice the sense of the difference 
between the books of the Hebrew Canon and the 
Apocrypha. The custom of individuals grew into the 
custom of the church ; but the custom of the church 
was not fixed in an absolute judgment. The history 
of the Christian Canon is to be sought in the first 
instance from definite catalogues, and not from iso- 
lated quotations. But even this evidence is incom- 
plete and unsatisfactory, few of the catalogues being 
really independent, as will be seen by the subjoined 
table (No. L). They evidently fall into two great 
classes, Hebrew and Latin; and the former, again, 
exhibits three distinct varieties, which are to be 
traced to the three original sources from which the 
catalogues were derived. The first may be called 
the pure Hebrew Canon, which is that of Protestant 
churches in general. The second differs from this 
by the omission of the book of Esther. The third 
differs by the addition of Baruch, or " the Letter." 
During the four first centuries this Hebrew Canon 
is the only one which is distinctly recognized, and 
it is supported by the combined authority of those 
Fathers whose critical judgment is entitled to the 
greatest weight. The real divergence as to the con- 
tents of the 0. T. Canon is to be traced to Augus- 
tine, whose wavering and uncertain language on the 
point furnishes abundant materials for controversy. 
In a famous passage (De Doctr. Christ, ii. 8 [13]) he 
enumerates the books which are contained in " the 
whole Canon of Scripture," and includes among them 
the Apocryphal books without any clear mark of 
distinction. This general statement is further con- 
firmed by two other passages, in which it is argued 
that he draws a distinction between the Jewish and 
Christian Canons, and refers the authority of the 
Apocryphal books to the judgment of the Christian 
church. But in each case a distinction is drawn be- 
tween the " Ecclesiastical " and properly " Canoni- 
cal " books. The enlarged Canon of Augustine, which 
was, as it will be seen, wholly unsupported by any 
Greek authority, was adopted at the Council of Car- 
thage (a. d. 39V ?), though with a reservation, and 
afterward published in the decretals which bear the 
name of Innocent, Damasus, and Gelasius ; and it 
recurs in many later writers. But nevertheless a 
continuous succession of the more learned Fathers 
in the West maintained the distinctive authority of 
the Hebrew Canon up to the period of the Reforma- 
tion. — Roman Catholics allow that up to the date of 
the Council of Trent the question of the Canon was 
open, but one of the first labors of that assembly 
was to circumscribe a freedom which the growth of 
literature seemed to render perilous. The decree 
of the Council " on the Canonical Scriptures " pro- 



CAN 



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143 



nounced the enlarged Canon, including the Apocryphal 
books, except 1 and 2 Esdras and the Prayer of Ma- 
nasses, to be deserving in all its parts of "equal ven- 
eration," and added a list of books " to prevent the 
possibility of doubt." This hasty and peremptory 
decree, unlike in its form to any catalogue before 
published, was closed by a solemn anathema against 
all who should " not receive the entire books with 
all their parts as sacred and canonical." This de- 
cree was not, however, passed without opposition ; 
and in spite of the absolute terms in which it is ex- 
pressed, later Roman Catholics (e. g. Du Pin, Jahn) 
have sought a method of escaping from the definite 
equalization of the two classes of sacred writings by 
a forced interpretation of the subsidiary clauses. — 
The reformed churches unanimously agreed in con- 
firming the Hebrew Canon of Jerome, and refused to 
allow any dogmatic authority to the Apocryphal 
books ; but the form in which this judgment was ex- 
pressed varied considerably in the different confes- 
sions. The English church (Art. 6) appeals directly 
to the opinion of St. Jerome, and concedes to the 
Apocryphal books (including [1571] 4 Esdras and the 
Prayer of Manasses) a use " for example of life and 
instruction of manners," but not for the establishment 
of doctrine. — The expressed opinion of the later 
Greek church on the Canon of Scripture has been 
modified in some cases by the circumstances under 
which the declaration was made. The authorized 
Russian catechism distinctly quotes and defends the 
Hebrew Canon on the authority of the Greek Fathers, 
and repeats the judgment of Atbanasius on the use- 
fulness of the Apocryphal books as a preparatory 
study in the Bible ; and there can be no doubt but that 
the current of Greek opinion, in accordance with the 



unanimous agreement of the ancient Greek cata- 
logues, coincides with this judgment. — The history 
of the Syrian Canon of the 0. T. is involved in great 
obscurity from the scantiness of the evidence which 
can be brought to bear upon it. The Peshito Version 
was made, in the first instance, directly from the 
Hebrew, and consequently adhered to the Hebrew 
Canon ; but as the LXX. was used afterward in re- 
vising the version, many of the Apocryphal books 
were translated from the Greek at an early period, 
and gradually added to the original collection. — The 
Armenian Canon, as far as it can be ascertained from 
editions, follows that of the LXX., but it is of 
no critical authority ; and a similar remark applies 
to the Ethiopian Canon. — IV. The history of the 
Canon of the New Testament presents a remarkable 
analogy to that of the Canon of the 0. T. The chief 
difference lies in the general consent with which all 
the churches of the West have joined in ratifying 
one Canon of the N. T., while they are divided as to 
the position of the 0. T. Apocrypha. The history 
of the N. T. Canon may be conveniently divided 
into three periods. The first extends to the time of 
Hegesippus (about a. d. 170), and includes the era 
of the separate circulation and gradual collection of 
the Apostolic writings. The second is closed by the 
persecution of Diocletian (a. d. 303), and marks the 
separation of the sacred writings from the remaining 
ecclesiastical literature. The third may be defined 
by the third Council of Carthage (a. d. 397), in 
which a catalogue of the books of Scripture was 
formally ratified by conciliar authority. — 1. The his- 
tory of the Canon of the New Testament to 170 a. d. 
— The writings of the N. T. themselves contain little 
more than faint intimations of the position which 



No. I.— CHRISTIAN CATALOGUES OF THE BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 

This list by Mr. Westcott extends only to such books as are disputed. Of the signs, * indicates that the book is expressly 
reckoned as Holy Scripture : t that it is placed expressly in a second rank : ? that it is mentioned with doubt. A blank 
marks the silence of the author as to the book in question. 



I. Concili ab Catalogues : 

(Laodicene) a. c. 363 

Carthaginian 39T (?) 

Apostolic Canons 

II. Private Catalogues: 

(a) Greek writers. 

Melito a. a 160 (?) 

Origen 183-253 (?) 

Athanasitis 296-373 

Cyril of Jerusalem. ..315-386 
Synopsis S. Scri2it. 
(Nicephori) Sticnometria 
Gregory of Nazianzen. 300-391 

Amphilochius 3S0 (?) 

Epiphanius 303-403 (?) 

Leontius 590 (?) 

John Damascenus. . t 750 
Nicephorus Callistus.330 (?) 
Cod. Gr. &ec X 

(6) Latin writers. 
Hilary of Poictiers A. c. t 370 (?) 

Jerome 329-420 

Euflnus 3S0 (?) 

Augustine 355-430 

(Damasus) 

(Innocent) 

Cassiodorus t 570 

Isidore of Seville. . .+ 696 
Sacram. Gallic. " ante annos 
1000 " ( = before 1000 years). 



j j fi is; 



Cone. Laod. Can. lix. 

Cone. Carthag. iii. Can. xxxix. (Alii xlvii.) 
Can. Apost. lxxvi. (Alii lxxxv.) 



Ap. Euseb. B. E iv. 26. 
Ap. Euseb. E. E vi. 25. 
Bp. Fest. i. 767, Ed. Ben. 
1 Catech. iv. 35. 

Credner, Zur Gesch. d. Kan. 127, &c. 
Credner, ibid. 117, &c. 
Carm. xii. 31, Ed. Par. 1840. 
Amphiloch. Ed. Combef. p. 132. 
De Mensuris, p. 162, Ed. Petav. 
Be 3»sU& Aot ii. (Cillanai xii 6?.i. 6) 
De fide orthod. iv. 17. 
Hodv, p. 648. 

Montfaucon, Bibl. Coislin, p. 193, 4. 



Prol. in Ps. 15. 

Pro/. Galcat. ix. pp. 547, &o, Ed. Migne. 
Expos. Symb. 37, 8. 
De Docir. Christ, ii. 8. 
Credner, p. 188. 

Ep. ad Exsup. (Gallandi, viii. 56, T). 
De Instit. Din. lilt. xiv. 
De Orig. vi. 1. 
Hody, p. 654. 



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they were to occupy. The mission of the apostles 
was essentially one of preaching, and of founding a 
church. The prevailing spiritual method of inter- 
preting the 0. T., and the peculiar position which 
the first Christians occupied, as standing upon the 
verge of " the coming age," seemed to preclude the 
necessity and even the use of a " N. T." Yet the 
apostles claim for their writings a public use (1 Th. 
v. 27 ; Col. iv. 10 ; Rev. xxii. 18), and an authori- 
tative power (1 Tim. iv. 1, &c. ; 2 Th. iii. 6 ; Rev. 
xxii. 19) ; and when 2 Peter was written, the Epis- 
tles of St. Paul were placed in significant connection 
with " the other Scriptures." — The transition from 
the Apostolic to the sub-Apostolic age is essentially 
abrupt and striking. An age of conservatism suc- 
ceeds an age of creation ; but in feeling and general 
character the period which followed the working of 
the apostles seems to have been a faithful reflection 
of that which they moulded. The writings of the 
Apostolic Fathers (about 70-120 a. d.) are all occa- 
sional. They sprang out of peculiar circumstances, 
and offered little scope for quotation. At the same 
time they show that the Canonical books supply an 
adequate explanation of the belief of the next age, 
and must therefore represent completely the earlier 
teaching on which that was based. In three places, 
however, in which it was natural to look for a more 
distinct reference, Clement (Ep. 47), Ignatius (ad 
Eph. 12), and Polycarp (Ep. 3) refer to Apostolic 
Epistles written to those whom they were them- 
selves addressing. The casual coincidences of the 
writings of the Apostolic Fathers with the language 
of the Epistles are much more extensive. With 
the exception of the Epistles of Jude, 2 Peter, 2 
John, and 3 John, with which no coincidences oc- 
cur, and 1 Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, 
Titus, and Philemon, with which the coincidences 
are very questionable, all the other Epistles were 
clearly known, and used by them; but still they 
are not quoted with the formulas which preface 
citations from the 0. T., nor is the famous phrase 
of Ignatius (ad Philad. 5), "having fled for refuge 
to the Gospel as to the flesh of Christ and to the 
apostles as to the presbytery of the Church," suf- 
ficient to prove the existence of a collection of 
Apostolic records as distinct from the sum of Apos- 
tolic teaching. The coincidences with the Gospels, 
on the other hand, are numerous and interesting, 
but such as cannot be referred to the exclusive 
use of our present written Gospels. The details of 
the life of Christ were still too fresh to be sought 
for only in fixed records ; and even where memory 
was less active, long habit interposed a barrier to 
the recognition of new Scriptures. The sense of 
the infinite depth and paramount authority of the 
0. T. was too powerful even among Gentile con- 
verts to require or to admit of the immediate ad- 
dition of supplementary books (so Mr. Westcott, 
the original author of this article). But the sense of 
the peculiar position which the apostles occupied, 
as the original inspired teachers of the Christian 
church, was already making itself felt in the sub- 
Apostolic age.— The next period (120-170 a. d.), 
, which may be filly termed the age of the Apologists, 
; carries the history of the formation of the Canon one 
step further. The facts of the life of Christ acquired 
a fresh importance in controversy with Jew and 
Gentile. The oral tradition, which still remained in 
the former age, was dying away, and a variety of 
written documents claimed to occupy its place. 
Then it was that the Canonical Gospels were defin- 
itely separated IVora the mass of similar narratives 
10 



in virtue of their outward claims, which had remained, 
as it were, in abeyance during the period of tradi- 
tion. Other narratives remained current for some 
time, but where the question of authority was raised, 
the four Gospels were ratified by universal consent. 
The testimony of Justin Martyr (about 146 a. d.) is 
in this respect most important. An impartial ex- 
amination of his Evangelic references shows that 
they were derived certainly in the main, probably ex- 
clusively, from our Synoptic Gospels (i. e. Matthew, 
Mark, and Luke), and that each Gospel is distinctly 
recognized by him. The references of Justin to St. 
John are less decided ; and of the other books of the 
N. T. he mentions the Apocalypse only by name 
(Dial. c. 81), and offers some coincidences of lan- 
guage with the Pauline Epistles. — The evidence of 
Papias (about 140-150 A. d.) is nearly contemporary 
with that of Justin, but goes back to a still earlier 
generation. It seems on every account most reason- 
able to conclude that he was acquainted with our 
present Gospels of Matthew and Mark, the former 
of which he connected with an earlier Hebrew origi- 
nal; and probably also with the Gospel of St. John, 
with 1 John and 1 Peter, and the Apocalypse. 
Meanwhile the Apostolic writings were taken by 
various mystical teachers as the foundation of 
strange schemes of speculation, which are popular- 
ly confounded together under the general title of 
Gnosticism, whether Gentile or Jewish in their 
origin. The need of a definite Canon must have 
made itself felt during the course of the Gnostic 
controversy. The Canon of Marcion (about 140 a. d.) 
contained both a Gospel (" The Gospel of Christ ") 
which was a mutilated recension of St. Luke, and 
an " Apostle " or Apostolicon, which contained ten 
Epistles of St. Paul — the only true apostle in Mar- 
cion's judgment — excluding the pastoral Epistles 
and Hebrews. The narrow limits of this Canon 
were a necessary consequence of Marcion's belief 
and position, but it offers a clear witness to the fact 
that Apostolic writings were thus early regarded as 
a complete original rule of doctrine. — The close of 
this period of the history of the N. T. Canon is 
marked by the existence of two important testimo- 
nies to the N. T. as a whole. Hitherto the evidence 
has been in the main fragmentary and occasional ; 
but the Muratorian Canon in the West (written about 
170 a. d.), and the Peshito (Versions, Ancient 
Striac) in the East, deal with the collection of 
Christian Scriptures as such. Up to this point 2 
Peter is the only book of the N. T. which is not re- 
cognized as an Apostolic and authoritative writing ; 
and in this result the evidence from casual quotations 
coincides exactly with the enumeration in the two 
express catalogues. — 2. The history of the Canon of 
the New Testament from 170 a. d. to 303 a. d. — From 
the close of the second century Christian writers 
take the foremost place intellectually as well as 
morally ; and the powerful influence of the Alex- 
andrine church widened the range of Catholic 
thought, and checked the spread of speculative her- 
esies. From the first the common elements of the 
Roman and Syrian Canons form a Canon of acknowl- 
edged books, regarded as a whole, authoritative and 
inspired, and coordinate with the 0. T. Each of 
these points is proved by the testimony of contem- 
porary Fathers who represent the churches of Asia 
Minor, Alexandria, and N. Africa. Irenseus speaks 
of the Scriptures as a whole, without distinction of 
the Old and New Testaments, as " perfect, inasmuch 
as they were uttered by the Word of God and His 
Spirit." " There could not be," he elsewhere argues, 



14G 



CAN 



CAN 



" more than four Gospels or fewer." Clement of 
Alexandria, again, marks " the Apostle " or " the 
Apostles" as a collection definite as " the Gospel," 
and combines them as " Scriptures of the Lord " 
with the Law and the Prophets. Tertullian notices 
particularly the introduction of the word Testament 
for the earlier word Instrument, a.s applied to the 
dispensation and the record, and appeals to the 
M T, as made up of the " Gospels " and " Apos- 
tles." This comprehensive testimony extends to the 
four Gospels, the Acts, 1 Peter, 1 John, 13 Epistles 
of St. Paul, and the Apocalypse ; and, with the ex- 
ception of the Apocalypse, no one of these books 
was ever afterward rejected or questioned till modern 
times. But this important agreement as to the prin- 
cipal contents of the Canon Left several points still 
undecided. The East and West, as was seen in the 
last section, severally received some books which 
were not universally accepted. So far the error lay- 
in defect ; but in other cases apocryphal or unapos- 
tolic books obtained a partial sanction or a popular 
use before they finally passed into oblivion. Gener- 
ally it may be said that of the " disputed " books of • 
the N. T. the Apocalypse was universally received 
with the single exception of Dionysius of Alexandria, 
by all the writers of the period ; and the Ephllc to 
the Hebrews, by the churches of Alexandria, Asia(?), 
and Syria, but not by those of Africa and Rome. 
The Epistles of James and Jude, on the other hand, 
were little used, and 2 Peter was barely known. 
— 3. The hktory of the New Testament Canon, 
x. d. 303-397. — The persecution of Diocletian 
was directed in a great measure against the 
Christian writings. The plan of the emperor was 
in part successful. Some were found who obtained 
protection by the surrender of the sacred books, and 
at a later time the question of the readmission of 
these " traitors " (tradilorci), as they were emphat- 
ically called, created a schism in the church. The 
Donatists, who maintained the sterner judgment on 
their crime, may be regarded as maintaining in its 
strictest integrity the popular judgment in Africa 
on the contents of the Canon of Scripture which 
was the occasion of the dissension ; and Augustine 
allows that they held in common with the Catholics 
the same " Canonical Scriptures," and were alike 
"bound by the authority of both Testaments." The 
complete Canon of the X. T., as commonly received 
at present, was ratified at the third Council of Car- 
thage (a. d. 397), and from that time was accepted 
throughout the Latin church, though occasional 
doubts as to the Epistle to the Hebrews still re- 
mained. Meanwhile the Syrian churches, faithful 
to the conservative spirit of the East, still retained 
the Canon of the Peshito. Chrysostom (f 407 a. d.), 
Theodore of Mopsuestia (f 429 a. d.), and Theo- 
doret, who represent the church of Antioch, furnish 
no evidence in support of the Epistles of Jude, 2 
Peter, 2 John, 3 John, or the Apocalypse. Junilius, 
in his account of the public teaching at Nisibis, 
places the Epistles of Jg,mes, Jude, 2 John, 3 John, 2 
Peter in a second class, and mentions the doubts 
which existed in the East as to the Apocalypse. And 
though Ephrern Syrus was acquainted with the Apoc- 
alypse, yet his genuine Syrian works exhibit no 
habitual use of the books not contained in the Syrian 
Canon. — The churches of Asia Minor seem to have 
occupied a middle position as to the Canon between 
the East and West. With the exception of the 
_Apocalypse, they received generally all the books of 
the N. T. as contained in the African Canon. The 
well-known Festal Letter of Athanasius (f 373 a. d.) 



bears witness to the Alexandrine Canon. This con- 
t;,ins ,1 clear ami positn e of I he books of the 

N. T. as they are received at present; and the judg- 
ment of Athanasius is confirmed by the practice of 
his successor Cyril. — One important catalogue yet 
remains to be mentioned. Alter noticing in sepa- 
rate places the origin and use of the Gospels and 
Epistles, Eusebius sums up in a famous passage the 
results of his inquiry into the evidence on the Apos- 
tolic books furnished by the writings of the three 
first centuries (//. E. iii. 25). In the first class of 
acknowledged books (Gr. homoloyoumena) he places 
the four Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul (i. e. four- 
teen), 1 .John, 1 l'eter, and, in case its authenticity 
is admitted (such seems to be his meaning), the 

.\/i<ic(itiip.,r. 'l ie see I class of disputed books 

(i.i. milil ,,..,„. ,„i i lie subdivides into two parts, ( I.) 
such as were generally known and recognized, in- 
cluding the Epistles of James, Jude, 2 Peter, 2 John, 
3 John; (2.) those which he pronounces spurious, i.e. 
which were either unauthentic or unapostolic, as 
the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of 
Peter, the Apocalypse of John (if not a work of the 
apostle), and according to some the (Jospel accord- 
ing to the Hebrews. These two great classes con- 
tain all the books which had received ecclesiastical 
sanction, and were in common distinguished from a 
third class of heretical forgeries (e. g. the Gospels of 
Thomas, Peter, Matthias, &c). — At the era of the 
Reformation the question of the N. T. Canon be- 
came again a subject of great though partial interest. 
The hasty decree of the Council of Trent, which af- 
firmed the authority of all the books commonly re- 
ceived, called out the opposition of controversialists 
who quoted and enforced the early doubts. Eras- 
mus denied the Apostolic origin of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews, 2 Peter, and the Apocalypse, but left their 
canonical authority unquestioned. Luther, on the 
other hand, created a purely subjective standard for 
the canonicity of the Scriptures, and placed the Gospel 
of John and 1 John, Romans, Galatians, Ephesians, 
and 1 Peter, in the first rank as containing the " ker- 
nel of Christianity," but set aside Hebrews, Jude, 
James, and the Apocalypse, at the end of his version, 
and spoke of them and the remaining Antilegomena 
(see above) with varying degrees of disrespect, though 
he did not separate 2 Filer, 2 John, 3 John, from the 
other Epistles. The doubts which Luther rested 
mainly on internal evidence were variously extended 
by some of his followers ; but their views received 
no direct sanction in any of the Lutheran symbolic 
books. The doubts as to the Antilegomena of the 
N. T. were not confined to the Lutherans. Caiistadt 
placed the Antilegomena in a third class. Calvin, while 
he denied the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the 
I!, hi-i vs. and at least questioning the authenticity of 2 
Peter, did not set aside their canonicity, and he notices 
the doubts as to James and Jude only to dismiss them. 
— The articles of the church of England and of the 
Protestant Episcopal church in the United State3 of 
America define Holy Scripture as " the canonical 
books of the Old and New Testament, of whose 
authority was never any doubt in the church " (Art. 
vi.). This definition is followed by an enumeration 
of the books of the 0. T. and of the Apocrypha ; 
and then it is said summarily, without a detailed 
catalogue, " all the books of the N. T., as they are 
commonly received, we do receive and account them 
canonical." — The judgment of the Greek church in 
the case of the 0. T. wss seen to be little more than 
a reflection of the opinions of the West. The con- 
fession of Metrophanes gives a complete list of 



CAN 



CAN 



147 



the books. At present, as was already the case at 
the close of the seventeenth century, the Antile- 
gomena are reckoned by the Greek church as equal 
in canonical authority in all respects with the re- 
maining books. See the articles on the separate 
books of the Scriptures ; Apocrypha ; Bible ; Gos- 
pels ; Inspiration ; Miracles ; New Testament ; 
Old Testament ; Pentateuch ; Prophet ; Scrip- 
ture ; Septuagint ; Versions ; Vulgate. 

Cau'o-py (Gr. kunopcion) (Jd. x. 21, xiii. 9, 15, 
xvi. 19). The canopy of Holofernes (Bed) is the 
only one expressly mentioned. It probably retained 
the mosquito nets or curtains in which the Greek 
name originated, although its being " woven with 
purple, and gold, and emeralds, and precious stones " 
(Jd. x. 21) betrays luxury and display rather than 
such simple usefulness. 

Cau'ti-tlCS [-te-klz] (fr. L. = little songs), entitled 
in the A. V. " the Song of Solomon," (and in i. 1) 
" the Song of songs (i. e. the most beautiful of 
songs) which is Solomon's." — I. Author and date. 
— By the Hebrew title (in i. 1) it is ascribed to Sol- 
omon ; and so in all the versions, and by the major- 
ity of Jewish and Christian writers, ancient and 
modern. In fact, if we except a few of the Talmud- 
ical writers, who assigned it to the age of Ilezekiah, 
there is scarcely a dissentient voice down to the 
close of the last century. More recent criticism, 
however, has called in question this deep-rooted and 
well-accredited tradition. Among English scholars 
Kennicott, among German Eichhorn and Rosenmiil- 
ler, regard the poem as belonging to the age of Ezra 
and Nehemiah. The charge of Chaldaism has been 
vigorously pressed by Rosenmuller, and especially 
by Eichhorn. But Gesenius assigns the book to the 
golden age of Hebrew literature, and traces " the 
few solitary Chaldaisms " which occur in the writings 
of that age to the hands of Chaldee copyists. He 
has moreover suggested an important distinction 
between Chaldaisms and dialectic varieties indigenous 
to N. Palestine, where he conjectures that Judges 
and Canticles were composed. Nor is this conjec- 
ture inconsistent with the opinion which places it 
among the " thousand and five " songs of Solo- 
mon (1 K. iv. 32 ; compare ix. 19 and 2 Chr. viii. 6). 
Probably Solomon had at least a hunting-seat some- 
; where on the slopes of Lebanon (compare Cant. iv. 
j 8, Heb. 9), and in such a retreat, and under the iu- 
! fluence of its scenery, and the language of the sur- 
j rounding peasantry, he may have written Canticles, 
i On the whole it seems unnecessary to depart from the 
, plain meaning of the Hebrew title. Supposing the 
i dute fixed to the reign of Solomon, the question, at 
( what period of that monarch's life the poem was 
I written is closely connected with the interpretation 
t of it, whether literally as an outburst of human love 
; in his youth, or allegorically as the product of his 
i matured wisdom after repentance of his sin. (See 
\ below III.). — II. Form. — This question is not deter- 
mined by the Hebrew title. The non-continuity 
; which many critics attribute to the poem is far from 
; being a modern discovery. Ghislerius (sixteenth 
century) considered it a drama in five acts. Down 
i to the eighteenth century, however, the Canticles 
, were generally regarded as continuous. Gregory 
| Nazianzen calls it " a bridal drama and song." Ac- 
cording to Patrick, it is a " Pastoral Eclogue," or a 
" Dramatic Poem ; " according to Lowth, " an epitha- 
: lamium (or nuptial dialogue) of a pastoral kind." 

Michaelis and Rosenmuller, while differing as to its 
i interpretation, agree in making it continuous. Bos- 
:' suet, and after him Calmet, Percy, Williams, and 



Lowth, divided the Song into seven parts, or scenes 
of a pastoral drama, corresponding with the seven 
days of the Jewish nuptial ceremony. His division is 
impugned by Taylor {Fragments in Calmet), who 
proposes one of six days ; and considers the drama 
to be post-nuptial, not ante-nuptial, as it is explained 
by Bossuet. The entire nuptial theory has been 
severely handled by J. D. Michaelis, and the literal 
school of interpreters in general. Lowth makes it 
a drama, but only of the minor kind, i. e. dramatic 
as a dialogue. He was unable to discover a plot. 
Moreover, if the only dramatic element in Can- 
ticles be the dialogue, the rich pastoral character 
of its scenery and allusions renders the term 
drama less applicable than that of idyl. The 
idyllic form seems to have recommended itself to 
the allegorical school of translators as getting rid 
of that dramatic unity and plot which their system 
of interpretation reduced to a succession of events 
without any culminating issue. But the majority 
of recent translators belonging to the literal school 
have adopted the theory of Jacobi (see below, III., 
3). Based as this theory is upon the dramatic evo- 
lution of a simple love-story, it supplies that essen- 
tial movement and interest, the want of which was 
felt by Lowth ; and justifies the application of the 
term drama, to a composition of which it manifests 
the vital principle and organic structure. — III. Mean- 
ing. — The schools of interpretation may be divided 
into three : — the mystical, or typical; the allegorical; 
and the literal. — 1. The mystical interpretation is 
properly an offshoot of the allegorical, and prob- 
ably owes its origin to the necessity which was felt 
of supplying a literal basis for the speculations of 
the allegorists. This basis is either the marriage 
of Solomon with Pharaoh's daughter (so most mys 
tical interpreters, before 1800), or his marriage with 
an Israelitish woman, the Shuiamite (so Good, &c.). 
The mystical interpretation makes its first appear- 
ance in Origen, who wrote a voluminous commen- 
tary upon the Canticles. It reappears in Abulpha- 
ragius (1226-1286), and was received by Grotius, 
approved of, and systematized by Bossuet, indorsed 
by Lowth, and used for the purpose of translation 
by Percy and Williams. — 2. Allegorical. — Notwith- 
standing the attempts to discover this principle of 
interpretation in the LXX. (Cant. iv. 8) ; Jesus the 
son of Sirach (Ecclus. xlvii. 14-17; Wis. viii. 2); 
and Josephus (Ap. i. § 8) ; it is impossible to trace 
it with any certainty farther back than the Talmud. 
According to the Talmud the beloved = God ; the 
loved one, or bride = the congregation of Israel. 
This general relation is expanded into more particu- 
lar detail by the Targum, or Chaldee Paraphrase, 
which treats the Song of songs as an allegorical his- 
tory of the Jewish people from the Exodus to the 
coming of the Messiah, and the building of the third 
Temple. Elaborate as it was, the interpretation of 
the Targum was still further developed by the medi- 
aeval Jews, who introduced it into their liturgical 
services. A new school of Jewish exegesis was 
originated by Mendelssohn (1729-1786); which, 
without actually denying the existence of an alle- 
gorical meaning, devoted itself to the literal inter- 
pretation. In the Christian church, the Talmudical 
interpretation, imported by Origen, was all but uni- 
versally received. It was called in question by 
Erasmus and Grotius, and was gradually superseded 
by the typical theory of Grotius, Bossuet, Lowth, 
&c. In the eighteenth century the allegorical theory 
was reasserted, and reconstructed by Puffendorf 
(1776), and the reactionary allegorists (see below). 



148 



CAN 



CAP 



Some of the more remarkable variations of the al- 
legorical school are : — («.) The extension of the Chal- 
dee allegory to the Christian church (so Aponius, 
Cocceius, (cu.). (b.) Luther's theory limits the alle- 
gorical meaning to the contemporaneous history of 
the Jewish people under Solomon, (c.) According 
to Ghislerius and Cornelius a Lapide, the Bride = 
the Virgin Mary, (d.) Puffendorf refers the spir- 
itual sense to the circumstances of our Saviour's 
death and burial. — 3. The Literal interpretation 
seems to have been connected with the general 
movement of Theodore of Mopsuestia (300—129) and 
his followers, against the extravagances of the early 
Christian allegorists. Its scheme was nuptial, with 
Pharaoh's daughter as the bride. The nuptial theory 
was adopted by Grotius as the literal basis of a 
secondary and spiritual interpretation ; and, after 
its dramatical development by Bossuet, long con- 
tinued to be the standard scheme of the mystical 
school. In 1803 it was reconstructed by Good, with 
a Jewish instead of an Egyptian bride. The purely 
literal theory owes its origin to Germany. Miehaelis 

(1770) regarded the Song as an exponent of wedded 
love, innocent, and happy. From this time German 
scholarship was mainly with the litcralists. The 
most generally received interpretation of the modern 
literalists is that originally proposed by Jacobi 

(1771) , adopted by Herder, Amnion, Umbreit, 
Ewald, &c. ; and more recently by Prof. Meier of 
Tubingen (1851), and in England by Mr. Ginsburg, 
in his very excellent translation (1857). According 
to the detailed application of this view as given by 
Mr. Ginsburg, the Song is intended to display the 
victory of humble and constant love over the tempta- 
tions o f wealth and royally. The tempter is Solomon : 
the object of his seductive endeavors is a Shulamite 
shepherdess, who, surrounded by the glories of the 
court and the fascinations of unwonted splendor, 
pines for the shepherd-lover from whom she has been 
involuntarily separated. The drama is divided into 
five sections, indicated by the thrice-repeated for- 
mula of adjuration (ii. 7, iii. 5, viii. 4), and the use 
of another closing sentence (v. 1). Prof. Weir (see 
below) also divides Canticles into five sections, but 
makes the third end with vi. 9 (not v. 1). — But even 
in Germany a strong band of reactionary allegorists 
have maintained their ground. On the whole, their 
tendency is to return to the Chaldee Paraphrase ; a 
tendency especially marked in Roscnmiiller. TIig 
allegorical interpretation has been defended in 
America by Professors Stuart and Burrowes, and by 
Prof. Stowe in American Bible Repository for July, 
1847. It is also maintained by Prof. D. H. Weir in 
Fairbairn. The principal internal arguments ad- 
duced by them to show that the book delineates the 
mutual love of God and His people are — (1.) the sig- 
nifications of " Solomon " (Heb. Shclomdh — peace- 
givtr) and " Shulamite " (Heb. Shulammith = peace- 
enjoying I): (2.) the sudden changes from the sin- 
gular to the plural indicating that Shulammith is to 
be taken collectively (i. 4, &c): (3.) the occurrence 
of scenes and expressions (e. g. iii. 1-4, v. 7, viii. 1, 
2), which, literally understood, are abhorrent to 
Eastern manners, yet not uncommon in Eastern alle- 
gorical poetry : (4.) the entire absence of jealousy in 
such scenes as are represented in i. 4, v. 1, vi. 8, 9 : 
(5.) the dreamy and even impossible character of 
many scenes if literally understood (ii. 14-17, iv. 8, 
&c.). For external arguments the allegorists adduce 
Jewish tradition, the analogy of Oriental poetry, and 
especially the matrimonial metaphor so frequently 
employed in the Scriptures to describe the relation 



between Jehovah and Israel (Ex. xxxiv. 18, 16; 
Num. xv. 39; Ps. lxxiii. 27; Jer. iii. 1-11 ; Ez. xvi., 
xxiii., &c.). Compare also Ps. xlv. ; Is. v. 1, liv. 4- 
6, lxii. 4, 5 ; Mat, ix. 15; Jn. iii. 29; 2 Cor. xi. 2; 
Eph. v. 23 ff. ; Rev. xix. 7 ff. ; xxi. 2, xxii. 17.— IV. 
Canonicity. — The book was rejected from the Canon 
by Castellio and Winston ; but in no ease has its 
rejection been defended on external grounds. It is 
found in the LXX., and in the translations of Aquila, 
Symmachus, and Theodotion. 1 1 is contained in the 
catalogue given in the Talmud, and in the catalogue 
of Melito ; and in short we have the same evidence 
for its canonicity as that which is commonly ad- 
duced for the canonicity of any book of the 0. T. 
Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration, &c. 

Ca-per'na-lllll (Gr. Kapcrnaoum or Kapharnaoum, 
prob. fr. Heb. [see Capiiar] = village of Nahum, 
b'l hi. N. T. Lex.), a city of Galilee, the scene of 
many acts and incidents in the life of Christ. There 
is no mention of Capernaum in the O. T. or Apoc- 
rypha, but Is. ix. 1 (in Heb., viii. 23) is applied to 
it in Mat. iv. 15. The few notices of its situation in 
the N. T. are not sufficient to determine its exact posi- 
tion. It was on the W. shore of the sea of Galilee 
(Mat. iv. 13; compare Jn. vi. 24), and, if recent dis- 
coveries are to be trusted, was of sufficient import- 
ance to give to that sea, in whole or in part, the name 
of the " lake of Capernaum." (SoalsoTiHKiti.\s.) It 
was in (so Mr. Grove), or not far from (so Thn. 
ii. 31), the "land of Gennesaret" (Mat, xiv. 34, 
compare Jn. vi. 17, 21, 24), i. e. the rich, busy plain 
on the W. shore of the lake, which we know from 
Josephus and from other sources to have been at 
that time one of the most prosperous and crowded 
districts in all Palestine. Being on the shore, Ca- 
pernaum was lower than Nazareth and Cana of Gali- 
lee, from which the road to it was one of descent 
(Jn. ii. 12 ; Lk. iv. 31). It was of sufficient size to 
be always called a "city" (Mat. ix. 1 ; Mk. i. 33); 
had its own synagogue, in which onr Lord frequent- 
ly taught (Jn. vi. 59; Mk. i. 21 ; Lk. iv. 33, 38)— a 
synagogue built by the centurion of the detachment 
of Roman soldiers which appears to have been quar- 
tered in the place (Lk. vii. 1, compare 8; Mat. viii. 
8 ff.). But besides the garrison there was also a 
customs station, where the dues were gathered both 
by stationary (Mat. ix. 9; Mk. ii. 14; Lk. v. 27) and 
by itinerant (Mat. xvii. 24) officers. The only in- 
terest attaching to Capernaum is as the residence of 
our Lord and His apostles, the scene of so many 
miracles and " gracious words." At Nazareth He 
was "brought up," but Capernaum was emphatical- 
ly His " own city ; " it was when He returned thither 
that He is said to have been " at home" (" in the 
house," A. V., Mk. ii. 1). Here He chose the Evan- 
gelist Matthew or Levi (Mat, ix. 9). The brothers 
Simon Peter and Andrew belonged to Capernaum 
(Mk. i. 29), and it is perhaps allowable to imagine 
that it was on the sea-beach that they heard the 
quiet call which was to make them forsake all and. 
follow Him (Mk. i. 16, 17, compare 28). It was here 
that Christ worked the miracle on the centurion's 
servant (Mat, viii. 5; Lk. vii. 1), on Simon's wife's 
mother (Mat, viii. 14; Mk. i. 30; Lk. iv. 38), the 
paralytic (Mat. ix. 1 ; Mk. ii. 1 ; Lk-. v. 18), and the 
man afflicted with an unclean devil (Mk. i. 32 ; Lk. 
iv. 33). At Capernaum occurred the incident of the 
child (Mk. ix. 33; Mat. xviii. 1 ; compare xvii. 24); 
and in the synagogue there was spoken the wonder- 
ful discourse of Jn. vi. (see verse 59). The doom 
which our Lord pronounced against Capernaum and 
the other unbelieving cities of the plain of Geunesa- 



CAP 



CAP 



149 



ret has been remarkably fulfilled. The spots which 
lav claim to its site are 1. Khan, Minych (advocated 
by Robinson [ii. 403 ff., in. 348 ff.], Porter in Kitto, 
&c), a mound of ruins which takes its name from 
an old khan hard by on the N. This mound is situ- 




tions covering a space of half a mile long by a quarter 
wide, on a point of the shore projecting into the lake 
and backed by a very gently rising ground. 3. 'Am 
el-Mudawarah (the Round Fountain), in the W. 
boundary of the plain, a mile and a half back from 
the shore, and about three miles S. S/W. of Kh&n 
Minych, was long believed to mark the site, and its 
claims have recently been advocated by Tristram 
(442 ff.) and De Saulcy. Chorazin ; Bethsaida. 

* €aph (Heb. = curved, hollow, the hollow of the 
hand, the palm, Ges.), the eleventh Hebrew letter, 
placed at the beginning of the eleventh section (ver. 
81-88) of Ps. cxix. Number ; Writing. 

Ca'pliar (Heb. = village, hamlet [ = Ar. kefr] ; 
literally a covering, shelter, from the verb caphar, 
Ges. ; see Atonement), translated in the plural "vil- 
lages" (1 Chr. xxvii. 25; Neh. vi. 2; Cant. vii. 11). 
The kindred Hebrew word copher is translated "vil- 
lages" in 1 Sam. vi. 18. In names of places it oc- 
curs in Chepiiar-ha-Ammonai, Chephirah, Capi-iar- 
salama, Capernaum, i. e. Capharnahum. 

Caph'ar-sal'a-ma (L. fr. Heb. ; see Caphar), a 
place at which a battle was fought between Judas 
Maccabeus and Nicanor (1 Mc. vii. 31); apparently 
uear Jerusalem ; — the village of Siloam ? 

Ca-pben'a-tlia (fr. Talmudic caphnioth denoting 
unripe Jigs, Lightfoot), a place apparently close to 
and on the E. side of Jerusalem, which was repaired 
by Jonathan Maccabeus (1 Mc. xii. Sty. 
Ca-pki'ra (L.) = Chephirah (1 Esd. v. 19). 
(apli'tho-rim (1 Chr. i. 12) = Caphtorim. 
fapk'tor (Heb. a crown or chaplel, Ges.), a country 
thrice mentioned as the primitive seat of the Phi- 
listines (Deut. ii. 23 ; Jer. xlvii. 4; Am. ix. ty, who 
I are once called Caphtorims (Deut. ii. 23), as of the 
j same race with the Mizraite people of that name 
("Caphtorim," Gen. x. 14; " Caphthorim," 1 Chr. 
i. 12). (Casluhim.) The position of the country, 
since it was peopled by Mizraites, must be supposed 
I to be in Egypt or near to it in Africa, for the idea 
! of the S. W. of Palestine is excluded by the migra- 
: tion of the Philistines. Caphtor in most of the an- 
i, cient versions is translated Cappadocia ; some have 
made Caphtor = Cyprus ; Rosenmiiller, Movers, 
; Ewald, Fiirst, &c, favor Crete. Mr. R. S. Poole 
has proposed to recognize Caphtor in the anc/ent 



ated close upon the sea-shore at the N. W. extremity 
of the plain (now El Ghuweir). 2. Three miles N. E. 
of Elian Minych is the other claimant, Tell Hum 
(favored by Thomson [i. 540 ff.], Wilson [ii. 142 ff.], 
Ritter,Van de Velde, &c), ruins of walls and founla- 



Egyptian name Coptos. We must not suppose, how- 
ever, that Caphtor was Coptos : it must rather be 
compared to the Coptite nome, probably in primitive 
ages of greater extent than under the Ptolemies, for 
the number of nomes was in the course of time 
greatly increased. The Caphtorim stand last in the 
list of the Mizraite peoples in Genesis and Chron- 
icles, probably as dwellers in Upper Egypt, the 
names next before them being of Egyptian, and the 
earliest names of Libyan peoples. The migration 
of the Philistines is mentioned or alluded to in all 
the passages speaking of Caphtor or the Caphtorim. 
The period of the migration must have been very 
remote, since the Philistines were already established 
in Palestine in Abraham's time (Gen. xxi. 32, 34). 
The evidence of the Egyptian monuments, which is 
indirect, tends to the same conclusion, but takes us 
yet further back in time. We find from the sculp- 
tures of Rameses III. at Medeenet Haboo, that the 
Egyptians about 1200 b. c. were at war with the 
Philistines, the Tok-karu (= Carians? so Mr. Poole) 
and the Shayratana (see Pelethites) of the Sea, and 
that other Shayratana served them as mercenaries. 
This evidence points therefore to the spread of a 
seafaring race cognate to the Egyptians at a very re- 
mote time. Probably the Philistines left Caphtor 
not long after the first arrival of the Mizraite tribes, 
while they had not yet attained that attachment to 
the soil that afterward so eminently characterized 
the descendants of those which formed the Egyptian 
nation. 

* Caph'to-rim (Heb. pi. of Caphtor) = a people 
descended from Mizraim (Gen. x. 14). Caphtor. 

Capli'tO-rinis (Deut. ii. 23), an English form of 
Caphtorim. Caphtor. 

fap-pa-do'ti-a [-she-a] (L. fr. Gr. ; fr. Pers., Hdt.), 
a district of Asia Minor interesting in reference to 
5T. T. history only from the mention of its Jewish 
residents among the hearers of St. Peter's first ser- 
mon (Acts ii. 9), and its Christian residents among 
the readers of his first Epistle (1 Pet. i. 1). The 
Jewish community in this region, doubtless, formed 
the nucleus of the Christian : and the former may 
probably be traced to the first introduction of Jewish 
colonists into Asia Minor by Seleueus. The range 
of Mount Taurus and the upper course of the Eu- 




Lake of Tiberias from Tell Hum, one of the supposed sites of Capernaum. — (Fbn.) 



150 



CAP 



CAP 



pnr.ATES may safely be mentioned, in general terms, 
as natural boundaries of Cappadoeia on the S. and 
E. Its geographical limits on the W. and N. were 
variable. In early times the name reached as far N. 
as the Euxine Sea. Cappadoeia is an elevated table- 
land intersected by mountain-chains. It seems al- 
ways to have been deficient in wood ; but it was a 
good grain country, and particularly famous for 
grazing. Its Roman metropolis was Cesarea, now 
Kahariyeh. The native Cappadocians seem origi- 
nally to have belonged to the Syrian stock. Aria- 

RATIIES ; LYCAOXIA ; PoNTOS. 

lap tilitl, the translation in the A. V. of nearly 
twenty different words, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek, 
denoting in general a chief or leader, either military 
or civil. (1.) As a purely military title, it is the 
translation of the Hebrew sar (lit. one that has do- 
minion, a chief ; see Governor 10) (Num. xxxi. 14 ; 
1 K. i. 19, 25*; 2 K. i. 9 ft - ., &c). The Greek chili- 
archos (lit. commander of 1,000 ; hence, a Itou.au 
military tribune) is translated " captain " in Jn. xviii. 
12 and Rev. xix. 18, but usually "chief captain" 
(Acts xxi. 31 ff., &c). (Army.) The "captain of 
the guard" in Acts xxviii. 10 was probably the pre- 
torian prefect or commander of the emperor's body- 
guard. (2.) Hebrew kdtsin, occasionally translated 
" captain" (Josh. x. 24 ; Judg. xi. 6, 11), sometimes 
also, like sar, denotes a civil otlieer, and is translated 
"prince" (Prov. xxv. 15, &c), "ruler" (Is. iii. 6, 7, 
&c), &c. So also Hebrew Htm (lit. one elevated or 
exalted, Ges.) (Num. ii. 3, 5, &e.), rdsh (lit. the head) 
Num. xiv. 4, &c), ndgid (lit. the foremo-il, Ges.), 
1 Sam. ix. 10, &c), &c. (3.) The " captain of the 
Temple" mentioned by St. Luke (xxii. 4, 52; Acts 
iv. 1, v. 24) superintended the guard of priests and 
Levites, who kept watch by night in the Temple. 
The office appears to have existed from an early 
date. (4.) The Greek archec/os, translated " cap- 
tain " in Heb. ii. 10, = leader, author, founder (Ubn. 
K T. Lex.). 

* Captive. Captivity ; Slave ; War. 
Cap-tiv'ity. The bondage of Israel in E:rypt, and 
their subjugation at different times by the Philistines 
and other nations, are sometimes included under the 
above title ; and the Jews themselves, perhaps with 
reference to Daniel's vision (ch. vii.), reckon their 
national captivities as four — the Babylonian, Median, 
Grecian, and Roman. But the present article is con- 
fined to the forcible deportation of the Hebrew peo- 
ple from their native land, and their forcible deten- 
tion, under the Assyrian and Babylonian kings. The 
kingdom of Israel was invaded by three or four suc- 
cessive kings of Assyria. Pul or Sardanapalus, ac- 
cording to Rawlinson, imposed a tribute (b. c. 771 ; 
702, Rln.) upon Menahem (1 Chr. v. 26, and 2 K. 
xv. 19). Tiglath-Pileser carried away (b. c. 740) the 
trans-Jordanic tribes (1 Chr. v. 20) and the inhabit- 
ants of Galilee (2 K. xv. 29, compare Is. ix. 1) to 
Assyria. Shalmaneser twice invaded (2 K. xvii. 3, 5) 
the kingdom which remained to Hoshea, took Sama- 
ria (b. c. 721) after a siege of three years, and car- 
ried Israel away into Assyria. Sennacherib (b. c. 
713) is stated to have carried into Assyria 200,000 
captives from the Jewish cities which he took (2 K. 
xviii. 13). Nebuchadnezzar, in the first half of his 
reign (b. c. 000-502), repeatedly invaded Judah, be- 
sieged Jerusalem, carried away the inhabitants to 
Babylon, and destroyed the city and Temple. Two 
distinct deportations are mentioned in 2 K. xxiv. 14 
(including 10,000 persons) and xxv. 11 ; one in 2 
Chr. xxxvi. 20; three in Jer. Iii. 28-30, including 
4,000 persons ; one in Dan. i. 2. The two principal 



deportations were, (1.) that which took place b. C. 
598, when Jehoiachin with all the nobles, soldiers, 
and artificers was carried away ; and (2.) that which 
followed the destruction of the Temple and the cap- 
ture of Zedekiah b. c. 588. The three which Jere- 
miah mentions may have been the contributions of a 
particular class or district to the general captivity ; 
hi- (hey may have taken place under the orders of 
Nebuchadnezzar, before or after the two principal 
deportations. The captivity of certain selected chil- 
dren is. c. 007, mentioned by Daniel, who was one of 
them, may have occurred when Nebuchadnezzar was 
eullrii'jue or lieutenant, of his father Nabopolassar, a 
year before he reigned alone. The seventy years of 
captivity predicted by Jeremiah (xxv. 12) are dated 
by Prideaux from b. c. 606. The captivity of Ezekiel 
dates from n. C. 598, when lliat. prophet, like Morde- 
cai the uncle of Esther (Esth. ii. 6), accompanied 
Jehoiachin. The captives were treated not as slaves 
but as colonists. There was nothing to hinder a 
Jew from rising to the highest eminence in the state 
(Dan. ii. 48), or holding the most confidential office 
near the person of the king (Neh. i. 11 ; Tob. i. 13, 
22). The advice of Jeremiah (xxix. 6, &c.) was gen- 
erally followed. The exiles increased in numbers 
and in wealth. They observed the Mosaic law (Esth. 
iii. 8 ; Tob. xiv. 9). They kept up distinctions of 
rank among themselves (Ez. xx. 1). Their genea- 
logical tables were preserved, and they were at no 
loss to tell who was the rightful heir to David's throne. 
They had neither place nor time of national gather- 
ing, no Temple ; and they offered no sacrifice. But 
the rite of circumcision and their laws respecting 
food, &c, were observed ; their priests were with 
them (Jer. xxix. 1) ; and possibly the practice of 
erecting synagogues in every city (Acts xv. 21) was 
begun by the Jews in the Babylonian Captivity. 
The Captivity is not without contemporaneous litera- 
ture. In Tobit we have a picture of the inner life 
of a family of the tribe of Naphtali, among the cap- 
tives whom Shalmaneser brought to Nineveh. Baruch 
seems, in Mr. Layard's opinion, to have been written 
by one whose eyes, like those of Ezekiel, were fa- 
miliar with the gigantic forms of Assyrian sculpture. 
Several of the Psalms appear to express the senti- 
ments of Jews who were cither partakers or wit- 
nesses of the Assyrian captivity. But it is from the 
three great prophets, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, 
that we learn most of the condition of the children of 
the Captivity. The Babylonian Captivity was brought 
to a close by the decree (Ezr. i. 2) of Cyrus (b. c. 
536), and the return of a portion of the nation under 
Zerubbabel ( b. c. 535), Ezra (b. c. 458), and Nehemiah 
(b. c. 445). The number who returned upon the decree 
of b. c. 536 was 42,300, besides servants. Among 
them about 30,000 are specified (compare Ezr. ii and 
Neh. vii.) as belonging to the tribes of Judah, Ben- 
jamin, and Levi. It has been inferred that the re- 
maining 12,000 belonged to the tribes of Israel 
(compare Ezr. vi. 17). (Census.) Those who were 
left in Assyria (Esth. viii. 9, 11), and kept up their 
national distinctions, were known as The Dispersion 
(Dispersion, Jews of the): and, in course of time, 
they served a great purpose in diffusing a knowledge 
of the true God, and in affording a point for the com- 
mencement of the efforts of the Evangelists of the 
Christian faith. Many attempts have been made lo 
discover the ten tribes existing as a distinct commu- 
nity. Josephus (xi. 5, § 2) believed that in his day 
they dwelt in large multitudes, somewhere beyond 
the Euphrates, in Arsareth, according to 2 Esd. xiii. 
45. The imagination of Christian writers has sought 



: 



CAR 



CAR 



151 



them in the neighborhood of their last recorded hab- 
itation, in the Afghan tribes, at the foot of the Hima- 
layas, in the Black Jews of Malabar, in the Nesto- 
rians, and in the N. American Indians. But though 
history bears no witness of their present distinct 
existence, it enables us to track the footsteps of the 
departing race in four directions after the time of the 
Captivity. (1.) Some returned and mixed with the 
Jews (Lk. ii. 36 ; Phil. iii. 5, &c). (2.) Some were 
left in Samaria, mingled with the Samaritans (Ezr. 
vi. 21 ; Jn. iv. 12), and became bitter enemies of the 
Jews. (3.) Many remained in Assyria, and were 
recognized as an integral part of the Dispersion (see 
Acts ii. 9, xxvi. 7). (4.) Most, probably (so Prideaux), 
apostatized in Assyria, adopted the usages and idolatry 
of the nations among whom they were planted, and 
became wholly swallowed up in them. — The Captiv- 
ity was a period of change in the vernacular language 
of the Jews (see Neb. viii. 8) (Shemitic Languages), 
and in the national character. Commerce ; Cyrus ; 
Idolatry ; Jerusalem ; Synagogue. 

Car-a-ba'si-on (fr. Gr.), a corrupt name to which it 
is difficult to find any thing corresponding in the He- 
brew text (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Car'ban-cle [-bunk-1], a precious stone of a deep 
red color, now more commonly called garnet (Dana). 
Carbuncle is the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
ekddh or elcddch, which occurs only in Is. liv. 12, in 
the description of the beauties of the new Jerusalem. 
Perhaps this may be a general term = any bright 
sparkling gem, but as it occurs only once, it is im- 
possible to determine its real meaning. — 2. Heb. 
b&rSkath, bdreketh, the third stone in the first row 
of the sacerdotal breastplate (Ex. xxviii. IV, xxxix. 
10), also one of the mineral treasures of the king of 
Tyre (Ez. xxviii. 13); probably (so Braun, with the 
LXX., Vulg. and Jos.) = the emerald, a precious 
stone of a rich green color ; see Emerald 2. — 3. 
Greek anthrax (see Coal 6) (Tob. xiii. IV ; Ecclus. 
xxxii. 5) = the carbuncle (L. & S., &c). The an- 
cients probably included under this name every 
kind of red, transparent, fiery stone, including the 
garnet, ruby, &c. (C. W. King). (See above.) 



Car'cas (Heb. fr. Sansc. = severe ? Ges.), the sev- 
enth of the " chamberlains " of Ahasuerus (Esth. 
i. 10). 

Car'cha-mis (1 Esd. i. 25) = Carchemish. 

Car'ehe-niisli [-ke-] (fr. Heb. = fortress of Che- 
mosh, Ges.), a city (2 Chr. xxxv. 20 ; Is. x. 9 ; Jer. 
xlvi. 2), generally supposed = the classical Circesi- 
um on the E. bank of the Euphrates, at the mouth 
of the Chaboras. (Habor.) But Rawlinson main- 
tains that Carchemish lay very much higher up the 
Euphrates, occupying nearly the site of the later Ma- 
bug, or Hierapolis, and apparently commanding the 
ordinary passage of the Euphrates at Bir, or Bireh- 
jilc, and thus in the contentions between Egypt and 
Assyria its possession was of primary consequence. 
Carchemish appears to have been taken by Pharaoh- 
Necho shortly after the battle of Megiddo (about B. c. 
608), and retaken by Nebuchadnezzar after a battle 
three years later, b. c. 605. 

Ca-re'ali (2 K. xxv. 23) = Kareah. 

C'a'ri-a (L. form of Gr. ; fr. Car, an ancient king 
of Caria, Hdt.), the S. part of the region which in the 
N. T. is called Asia, and the S. W. part of the pen- 
insula of. Asia Minor. In the Roman times the name 
of Caria was probably less used than previously. At 
an earlier period we find it mentioned as a separate 
district (1 Mc. xv. 23). At this time (b. c. 139) it 
was in the enjoyment of the privilege of freedom, 
granted by the Romans. A little before it had been 
assigned by them to Rhodes, and a little later it was 
incorporated in the province of Asia. Cnidus, Hali- 
carnassus, and Miletus were in Caria. Caphtor. 

Car-ina'lli»ans = the inhabitants of Carmania, a 
province of Asia N. of the Persian Gulf (2 Esd. xv. 
30). The Carmanians were a warlike race (Strabo). 

Car'iac (1 Esd. v. 25) = Harim. 

Car'mcl (Heb. ; nearly always with the article = 
the park, or the well-wooded place). 1. (In Kings, 
generally " Mount Carmel," in the Prophets, " Car- 
mel.") A mountain which forms one of the most 
striking and characteristic features of Palestine. As 
if to accentuate more distinctly the bay (Accho) 
which forms the one indentation in the coast, this 





Mount Cannel, with the village of Haifa, and the mouth of the Kiehon. — (Fairbairn.) 



noble ridge, the only headland of lower and central 
Palestine, forms its S. boundary, running out with 
a bold bluff promontory all but into the very waves 
of the Mediterranean. From this point it stretches 
in a nearly straight line, bearing about S.S.E., for a 
little more than twelve miles, when it terminates 
suddenly in a bluff somewhat corresponding to its 
W. end, breaking down abruptly into the hills of 



Jenin and Samaria, which form at that part the eer* 
trail mass of the country. Carmel thus stands as a 
wall between the maritime plain of Sharon on the S , 
and the more inland expanse of Esdraelon on the N. 
Its structure is in the main the Jura formation (upper 
oolite), which is prevalent in the centre of W. Pales- 
tine — a soft, white limestone, with nodules and veins 
of flint. In form Carmel is a tolerably continuous 



152 



CAR 



CAR 



ridge, at the \V. end about (300, and at the E. about 
1,600 feet above the sea. It is still clothed with the 
same " excellency " of " wood," which supplied the 
prophets of Israel and Judah alike with one of ihi-ir 
most favorite illustrations (Is. xxxiii. 9 ; Mic. vii. 14). 
Modern travellers delight to describe its " rocky 
dells with deep jungles of copse" — its "shrubberies 
thicker than any others in central Palestine" (Stl., 
MS.) — its "impenetrable brushwood of oaks and 
other evergreens, tenanted in the wilder parts by a 
profusion of game and wild animals" (Ptr., Hand- 
book), but in other places bright with " hollyhocks, 
jasmine, and various flowering creepers" (V. de V.). 
Carmel fell within the tribe of Asher (Josh. xix. 26). 
The king of " Jokneam of Carmel " was one of the 
Canaanite chiefs who fell before the arms of Joshua 
(xii. 22). These are the earliest notices of the name. 
There is not in them a hint of any sanctity as attach- 
ing to the mount. But probably from very early 
times it was considered as a sacred spot (1 K. xviii. 
30). (High Places.) In later times we know that 
its reputation was not confined to Palestine. But 
that which has made the name of Carmel most fa- 
miliar to the modern world is its intimate connection 
with the history of the two great prophets of Israel 
— Elijah and Elisha. Here Elijah brought back 
Israel to allegiance to Jehovah, and slew the prophets 
of Baal (1 K. xviii. 19 IT.). His sacrifice to Jehovah, 
■without doubt, took place at the E. end of the ridge 
near the highest point of the whole range, command- 
ing the last view of the sea behind, and the first view 
of the great plain of Esdraelon in front, both the city 
of Jezreel and the winding bed of the Kishon being dis- 
tinctly visible from this spot, now called cl-Maharra- 
kah (Ar. = the burning or the sacrifice). "Close be- 
neath, on a wide upland sweep, under the shade of 
ancient olives and round a well of water, said to be 

perennial ('? Thn.) must have been ranged on 

one side the king and people with the 850 prophets of 
Baal and Astarte, and on the other .... the prophet 
of the Lord " (Stl. 345 fT. ; see also V. de V. i. 320 
If. ; Thn. ii. 220 flf.). Probably at Mount Carmel 
also (2 K. i. 9, "on the top of a hill," A. V. ; literally, 
" on the top of the mount ") Elijah " caused fire to 
come down from heaven " and consume the two 
" fifties " of the guard which Ahaziah had dispatched 
to take him prisoner, for having stopped his messen- 
gers to Baal-zebub the god of Ekron (2 K. i. 9-15). 
The tradition in the present convent is, that Elijah 
and Elisha both resided on the mountain, and a cave 
is actually shown under the high-altar of the church 
as that of Elijah. After the ascent of Elijah, Elisha 
went to Mount Carmel (2 K. ii. 25), though only for 
a time ; but he was again there at the Shunammite's 
visit after the death of her son (iv. 25), and that at 
a time when no festival, no "new moon or sabbath" 
(v. 23), required his presence. This is the last men- 
tion of Carmel a3 the scene of any event in the sacred 
history. Carmel has derived its modern name from 
Elijah ; Mar Elyas is the common designation, Kur- 
mel being occasionally, but only seldom, heard. 
From the Latin convent (on the W. end of Mount 
Carmel), has sprung the celebrated order of the Bare- 
footed Carmelite Friars, who claim to derive their 
origin from Elijah, but probably originated on Mount 
Carmel in the twelfth century. — 2. A town in the 
mountainous country of Judah (Josh. xv. 55), familiar 
to us as the residence of Nabal (1 Sam. xxv. 2, 5, 7, 
40), and the native place or residence of David's 
favorite wife, " Abigail the Carmelitess." This was 
doubtless the Carmel at which Saul set up a "place " 
(literally a " hand ") after his victory over Amalek 



(1 Sam. xv. 12). And this Carmel, and not the N. 
mount, must have been the spot at which King 
tlzziah had his vineyards (2 Chr. xxvi. 10). In the 
time of Eusebius and Jerome it was the seat of a 
Roman garrison. The ruins of the town, now Kur- 
mul, still remain at three hours (= six or seven miles) 
S. In E. from Hebron, close to those of Ma'ri (Maon), 
Zif (Ziph), and other places named with Carmel in 
Josh. xv. 55. 

Car'mcl-lte = a native of Carmel 2, as Nabal (1 
Sam. xxx. 5 ; 2 Sam. ii. 2, iii. 3) and Hezrai or Ilczro 
(2 Sam. xxiii. 35; 1 Chr. xi. 37). 

Car'llU'l-i-tcss [i pronounced as in Carmelite] = 
a woman of Carmel 2; used only of Abigail, David's 
wife (1 Sain, xxvii. 3 ; 1 Chr. iii. 1). 

Cnr'iui (Heb. vine-dresser, Gcs.). I, Fourth son 
of Reuben, and progenitor of the Caumites ((Jen. 
xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. ; 1 Chr. v. 3). — 
2. A man. of the tribe of Judah, son of Zabdi, and 
father of Achan, the " troubler of Israel " (Josh. vii. 
1, 18 ; 1 Chr. ii. 7, iv. 1). 

Car'iiiilcs = a family of Reuben, descended from 
Carmi 1 (Num. xxvi. 0). 

Car-na'im (L. fr. Gr.)a cityE. of Jordan, besieged 
and taken by Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. v. 2G, 43, 
44); = Carnion and Ashteroth-Karnaim. 

Cur'ni-oii (L. fr. Gr.) - Carnaim (2 Mc. xii. 21, 26) 
( Ashteroth-Karnaisi). 

Car'pen-ter. Handicraft. 

Car pus (L. fr. Gr. = fruit), a Christian at Troas, 
with whom St. Paul left a cloak (2 Tim. iv. 13) ; ac- 
cording to Hippolytus, bishop of Bcrytus in Thrace. 

Car riage [-rij]. This word occurs six times in 
the text of the A. V. and = what is carried, baggage. 
Ii is the translation of: — 1. Heb. pi. of eli or cilt, lit- 
erally any thing completed or made; see Furniture (1 
Sam. xvii. 22 ; Is. x. 28); generally translated ' stuff" 
or " vessels." 2. Heb. cibuduh = heavy matters, pre- 
• <•■"< things, wealth, Ges. (Judg. xviii, 21 only). 3. 
Heb. nesuah = what is borne, burden, Ces. (Is. xlvi. 
1). 4. In Acts xxi. 15, the Greek participle aposkcu- 
asamcnoi or cpiskeuasamenoi, " we took up our car- 
riages," A. V., = having packed away or packed up 
our baggage. 5. But in the margin of 1 Sarn. xvii. 
20, and xxvi. 5-7 — and there only — " carriage " 
(Heb. ma'gal), translated " trench " in the text, = a 
wagon or cart. The allusion is to the circle of 
wagons round the encampment. Cart ; Chariot ; 
Wagon. 

Car'shc-na (Heb. ; from Pers. = slender man, Fii. ; 
= spoiler, Bohlen ; = black, Bcnfey), one of the 
seven princes of Persia and Media (Esth. i. 14). 

Cart (Heb. 'agdldh), translated " wagons " in Gen. 
xlv. 19, 21, 27, xlvi. 5 ; Num. vii. 3, 6, 7, 8, a ve- 




Egyptian cart with two wheels. — (Wilkinson.) 



hiele drawn by cattle (2 Sam. vi. 6), to be distin- 
guished from the chariot drawn by horses. The 



CAR 



CAS 



153 



Greek hamaxa, translated in plural " carts " in Jd. 
xv. 11, has the same meaning. Carts and wagons 
were either open or covered (Num. vii. 3), and were 
used for conveyance of persons (Gen. xlv. 19), bur- 
dens (1 Sam. vi. 7, 8), or produce (Am. ii. 13). As 
there are few roads in Syria and Palestine and 
the neighboring countries (Highway ; Jerusa- 
lem), wheel-carriages for any purpose except con- 
veyance of agricultural produce are all but un- 
known, except as they have been recently intro- 
duced into Egypt, &c, from Europe and Amer- 




Egyptian cart with four wheels.— (Wilkin 



ica. The only cart used in W. Asia has two wheels 
of solid wood. But in the monuments of ancient 
Egypt representations are found of carts with two 
wheels, having four or six spokes, used for carrying 
produce, and of one used for religious purposes hav- 
ing four wheels with eight spokes. A bas-relief at 
Nineveh represents a cart having two wheels with 
eight spokes, drawn by oxen, conveying female carj- 
tives (see cut from Layard). Carriage ; Wagon. 




Assy 



n by oxen. — (Layard, ii. 396.) 



* Carved Ira'agc. Idol 19, 20. 

Car'viug. The arts of carving and engraving were 
much in request in the construction both of the 
Tabernacle and the Temple (Ex. xxxi. 5, xxxv. 33 ; 

1 K. vi. 18, 35 ; Ps. Ixxiv. 6), as well as in the or- 
namentation of the priestly dresses (Ex. xxviii. 9- 
36 ; Zech. iii. 9 ; 2 Chr. ii. 7-14). Amulets ; Beza- 
leel ; Ceiling; Engraver; Handicraft; High- 
Priest ; House ; Huram 3 ; Palace ; Temple. 

Case'niCiit. Lattice. 

€a-sipli'i-a (Heb. in silver, LXX. ; the while moun- 
tainous or snowy mountainous Caucasian region, 
Fii.), a place of uncertain site on the road between 
Babylon and Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 17). Fiirst main- 
tains that it was in the S. of Media, which lay be- 
tween the Caspian Sea and Babylonia, and hence 
not far from the route of the Israelites as they re- 
turned. 

Cas'Iea (L.) = Chisleu (1 He. i. 54, iv. 52, 59 ; 

2 Mc. i. 9, 18, x. 5). Month. 

Cas'ln-lthn (Heb.), a Mizraite people or tribe (Gen. 
x. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 12). The only clew we have as yet 
to the position of the Casluhim is their place in the 
list of the sons of Mizraim between the Pathrusim 
and the Caphtorim, whence it is probable that they 



were seated in Upper Egypt. Poole, &c, suppose 
the phrase, " of whom came the Philistines," should 
follow " Caphthoiim " in 1 Chr., and " Caphtorim " 
in Gen. The LXX. seem to identify the Casluhim 
with the Hashmannim of Ps. lxviii. 31 (A. V. 
" princes "). Bochart supposes (and so Gesenius) 
the Casluhim — the Colchians, who are said to 
have been an Egyptian colony. The supposition 
is improbable (so Mr. R. S. Poole). Eorster con- 
jectures the Casluhim = the inhabitants of Cas- 
siotis, a low littoral sandy region, about forty miles 
E. from Pelusium, and Bunsen assumes this to be 
proved ; but the unproductiveness of the ground is 
a serious difficulty in the way. - 

Cas'pliffln (fr. Gr.) = Caspiior (1 Mc. v. 36). 

Cas'plioi' (L. fr. Gr.), one of the fortified cities in 
the " land of Galaad " (1 Mc. v. 26), in which the 
Jews took refuge from the Ammonites under Timo- 
theus (compare ver. 6), and which with other cities 
was taken by Judas Maccabeus (v. 36 " Casphon") ; 
probably = Caspis ; possibly = Heshbon (so Grotius, 
Calmet, Winer). 

Cas'pis, a strong fortified city — whether E. or W. 
of Jordan is not plain — having near it a lake two 
stadia ( = \ mile) in breadth. It was taken by 
Judas Maccabeus with great slaughter (2 Mc. xii. 
13, 16). Casphor. 

Cas'sia [kash'ya] (L.), the representative in the 
A. V. of — 1. Heb. kidddh (fr. kadad, to divide or 
cleave, Ges.) one of the ingredients in the composi- 
tion of the " oil of holy ointment" (Ex. xxx. 24), 
also an article of merchandise brought to Tyre (Ez. 
xxvii. 19). The A. V. is doubtless correct in the 
translation of the Hebrew word (so the Chaldee, 
Syriac, Gesenius, Fiirst, &c), though there is con- 
siderable variety of reading in the old versions, and 
the investigation of the subject is a difficult one. It 
is clear that the Latin writers by casia or cassia un- 
derstood both the Oriental product now called cas- 
sia, and some low sweet herbaceous plant ; but the 
Greek word is limited to the Eastern product (so Mr. 
Houghton, in Smith's Dictionary, Appendix A). Dios- 
corides mentions several kinds of cassia, and says they 
are produced in Spicy Arabia. One kind is known by 
the name of niosyletis, or, according to Galen, of mo- 
syllos, from the ancient city and promontory Mosyllon, 
on the coast of Africa, near the modern Cape Guar- 
dafui. Will not this throw some light on Ez. xxvii. 
19, " Dan and Javan and Meuzal (so margin) traded 
in thy markets with cassia, calamus," &e. ? The cas- 
sia would be brought from India to Meuzal (Uzal), 
and thence exported to Tyre and other countries under 
the name of Meiizalitis, or Meuzal cassia. Cassia 
is not produced by any trees which are now found 
growing in Arabia. Probably therefore the Greek 
authors were mistaken on this subject, and have 
occasionally regarded products imported into Ara- 
bia, and thence exported N. to other countries, as 
the natural productions of that country. The cassia- 
bark of commerce is inferior to the true cinnamon, and 
is yielded by various kinds of Cinnamomum , which 
grow in different parts of India. — 2. Heb. kctsVoth 
(fr. katsa\ to cut or strip off, Ges.) (Ps. xlv. 8 only), 
generally supposed to be another term = cassia, 
The old versions, as well as the etymology of the 
Hebrew word, favor this interpretation. 

Cas'tJc [kas'l] (L.), Antonia ; Fenced City ; 
War. 

Cas'tor and P«l'!nx (both L. fr. Gr.), the Dioscuri 
(Gr. Dioskouroi = sons of Jupiter) of heathen my- 
thology (Acts xxviii. 11). These two heroes, the twin- 
sons of Jupiter and Leda, were regarded as the tute- 



154 



CAT 



CAV 



lary divinities of sailors. They appeared in heaven 
as the constellation Gemini (L. = the Twins). As 
the ship mentioned by St. Luke was from Alexandria, 
it may be noticed that Castor and Pollux were spe- 
cially honored in the neighboring district of Cyre- 
naica, of which Cyrene was the capital. In 
art these divinities were sometimes represent- 
ed simply as stars hovering over a ship, but 
more frequently as young men on horseback, with 
conical caps and stars above them. Such figures 
were probably painted or sculptured at the bow of 
the ship, and Cyril of Alexandria says that such was 
always the Alexandrian method of ornamenting 
each side of the prow. Ship. 




Silver coin of BrntllL Obverse. Heads of Castor and Pollux to right. 
Rcverso; Castor and Pollux mounted, advancing to right. In the ex- 
ergao BPETTION (Gr.— of the Lratui, a nooplo ot lower Italy). 

Cat occurs only in the plural in Bar. vi. 22. The 
Greek word aOouros, as used by Aristotle, has more 
particular reference to the wild cat. Herodotus (ii. 
6G) applies it to denote the domestic animal. The 
context of the passage in Baruch appears to point 
to the domesticated animal. Perhaps the people of 
Babylon originally procured the cat from Egypt. 
The domestic cat of the ancient Egyptians, and 
our own domestic cat (Felis dumcstica or Calm, of 
Ray), are supposed by some to be identical with 
the Felis tnaniculala (Riippell), of Nubia, but 
there is considerable doubt on this point. The 
Egyptians, it is well known, paid an absurd rever- 
ence to the cat ; it accompanied them in their fowl- 
ing expeditions ; it was deemed a capital offence to 
kill one ; and when a cat died it was embalmed and 
buried at Bubastis, the city sacred to the moon, of 
which divinity the cat was reckoned a symbol. 

Cat er-pil-lar, the representative in the A. V. of 
— 1. Heb. hdsil or chdsil, literally = devourcr, Ges. 
(1 K. viii. 37 ; 2 Chr. vi. 28 ; Ps. Ixxviii. 46 ; Is. 
xxxiii. 4 ; Joel i. 4, ii. 25), inconsistently translated 
in LXX. and Vulgate by three different terms in 
each : probably == a locust, perhaps in its larva 
state. — 2. Heb. yelek, literally = feeder, Ges. Lo- 
cust 8 ; Palmer-worm. 

Ca-tlia'a apparently = Giddel (1 Esd. v. 30). 

Cat tle. Beast ; Bull ; Calf ; Goat ; Herd ; 
Lamb; Ox; Sheep. 

Caul, the translation inA.V. of— 1. Heb. yothereth, 
literally redundant ; applied collectively to the 
lobes of the liver, as if redundant parts of it, the 
flaps, Ges. (Ex. xxix. 13, 22, &c.).— 2. Heb. segor, 
literally a shutting up, enclosure; applied to the parts 
about the heart, the pericardium, Ges. (Hos. xiii. 8). 
— 3. Heb. pi. shebisim, in A. V. "cauls " (i. e. net- 
ted caps worn by women), margin " net-works " (Is. 
iii. 18) — head-dresses or ornaments of the head-dress 
of Hebrew ladies. Schroeder understands medal- 
lions or sun-shaped ornaments worn on the necklace. 
Head dress ; Ornaments, Personal. 

*Cause'way = a raised path or way (1 Chr. xxvi. 
16, 18; Prov. xv. 19, margin; Is. vii. 3, margin). 
Highway. 

* Cans'ey, an old spelling of Causeway. 



Cave. The chalky limestone of which the rocks 
of Syria and Palestine chiefly consist, presents, as 
is the case in all limestone formal ions, a vast num- 
ber of caverns and natural fissures, many of which 
have also been artificially enlarged and adapted to 
various purposes both of shelter and defence. This 
circumstance has also given occasion to the use of a 
large number of words in the Scriptures to denote 
caves, holes, and fissures, some of them giving 
names to the towns and places and (heir neighbor- 
hood. Out of them may be selected — I. Heb. mC- 
drdh, usually translated "cave" (Gen. xi.x. 30, xxiii. 
9, &c). — II. Heb. Mr or hor, also written chur or 
chdr, usually translated " a hole," once in plural 
"caves" (Job xxx. 6). From this come (a.) the 
name of the Horites of Mount Seir ; (b.) Hauhan; 
(e.) the two towns of BETH-noRON ; (d.) the town 
Horonaim. — III. Ileb. // igdrim or chugiii'im = ref- 
uges, asylums, Ges., A. V. " clefts " (Cant. ii. 14 ; 
Jer. xlix. 16; Ob. 3). — IV. Heb. pi. of minhdrdh, 
— a fissure, deft, in mountains or rocks, hollowed 
out by the water, Ges. ; A. V. " dens " (Judg. vi. 2). 
—V. Heb. pi. of mehilldh or mSehilldh, A. V. 
"caves" (Is. ii. 19). — VI. Gr. ope = an opening, 
ho'c, I,, i S. ; translated "place," margin "hole" 
(.las. iii. 11); in plural "caves" (Heb. xi. 38); in 
LXX. = No. IV. (Ob. 3). — VII. Gr. spelaion = a 
grotto, cave, cavern, pit, L. & S. ; usually in A. V. 
"den" (Mat. xxi. 13, &c), once "cave" (Jn. xi. 
38); in LXX. = No. I. (Gen. xix. 30, &C.). The 
most remarkable caves noticed in Script ure are: — 
1, That in which Lot dwelt after the destruction of 
Sodom (Gen. xix. 30). — 2. The cave of Maciipei.au. 
— 3. Cave of Makkedah. — 1. Cave of Adullam.— 
5. Cave of En-gedi (1 Sam. xxiv. 3). — (>. Obadiah's 
cave (1 K. x viii. 4). — 7. Elijah's cave in Iioreb(xix. 
9). — 8, 9. The rock sepulchres of Lazarus, and of 
our Lord (Jn. xi. 38 ; Mat. xxvii. 60). The existing] 
caverns near the S. E. end of the Dead Sea serve 
fully to justify the mention of a cave as the place of 
Lot's retirement ; as those on the W. side agree both 
in situation and in name with the caves of En-gedi. 
The cave in which Obadiah concealed the prophets 
was probably in the northern part of the country, 
in which abundant instances of caves fit for such a 
purpose might be pointed out. The site of the cave 
of Elijah, as well as of the " cleft " of Moses on Mount 
Horeb (Ex. xxxiii. 22), is also obviously indetermi- 
nate. Besides these special caves there is frequent 
'mention in the O. T. of caves as places of refuge. 
Thus the Israelites took refuge from the Philistines 
in holes" (1 Sam. xiv. 11). So also in the time of 
Gideon they had taken refuge from tiie Midianites 
in dens and caves and strongholds, such as abound 
in .the mountain region of Manasseh (Judg. vi. 2). 
(House ; Sela.) Banditti often made the caves of 
Palestine their accustomed haunt. Josephus speaks 
of the robber inhabitants of the caves of Akbela, 
also of those of Trachonitis, who lived in large cav- 
erns, and annoyed much the trade with Damascus, 
but were put down by Herod. It was the caves, 
which lie beneath and around so many of the Jewish 
cities that formed the last hiding-places of the Jewish 
leaders in the war with the Romans. (Jerusalem.) No 
use, however, of rock caverns more strikingly connects 
the modern usages of Palestine and the adjacent re- 
gions with their ancient history than the employment 
of them as burial-places. The rocky soil of so large a 
portion of the Holy Land almost forbids interments, 
except in cavities either natural or hewn from the 
rock. Accordingly numerous sites are shown in Pal- 
estine and adjacent lands of (so-called) sepulchres of 



CED 



CEI 



155 



saints and haroes of the 0. T. and N. T., venerated 
both by Christians and Mohammedans. Burial ; 
Cistern ; Tomb. 

Cc'dar. There is little doubt that the Hebrew erez 
|the firmly-rooted and strong tree), invariably rendered 
"cedar" by the A. V., does stand for that tree in 
most of the passages where the word occurs. It is 
described as tall (Is. ii. 13), spreading (Ez. xxxi. 3), 
abundant (1 K. v. 6, 10), fit for beams, pillars, and 
boards (vi. 10, 15, vii. 2), for masts (Ez. xxvii. 5), 
and for carved work as images (Is. xliv. 14). "Ce- 
dar " timber was used by David and Solomon in their 
buildings (2 Sam. v.. 11 ; 1 K. v. 6, vi. 15, vii. 2), 
and by Zerubbabel in the second Temple (Ezr. iii. V). 
" Cedar " in the Scriptures, especially = the cedar 
of Lebanon {Cedrus Libani); but that the word is 
used in a wider sense to denote other coniferous 



in Arabia. As far as is at present known, the cedar 
of Lebanon is confined in Syria to one valley of the 
Lebanon range, viz., that of the Kedisha River, which 
flows from near the highest point of the range W. to 
the Mediterranean, and enters the sea at the port of 
Tripoli. The grove, of more than four hundred trees 
of all sizes, is at the very upper part of the valley, 
about fifteen miles from the sea, 6,500 feet above 
that level, and their position is moreover above that 
of all other arboreous vegetation. The valley here 
is very broad, open, and shallow, and the grove forms 
a mere speck on its flat floor. On nearer inspection, 
the cedars are found to be confined to a small por- 
tion of a range of low stony hills of rounded outlines, 
and perhaps 60 to 100 feet above the plain, which 
sweep across the valley. These hills are believed by 
Dr. Hooker to be old moraines, deposited by glaciers 
that once debouched on to the plain from the sur- 
rounding tops of Lebanon. 

Ce'clron [see-] (L. ; Gr. Kedron). 1. A place for- 
tified by Cendebeus under the orders of the king An- 
tiochus (Sidetes), as a station from which to com- 
mand the roads of Judea (1 Mc. xv. 39, 41, xvi. 9). 



trees, is clear from some Scriptural passages where 
it occurs. For instance, the " cedar wood" in Lev. 
xiv. 6 can hardly be the wood of the Lebanon cedars, 
seeing that these could never have grown in the pen- 
insula of Sinai. In another passage (Ez. xxvii. 5), 
perhaps erez — some fir ; probably, as Dr. Hooker 
conjectures, the Pinus Halepensis = Aleppo Pine, 
which grows in Lebanon, and is better fitted for fur- 
nishing ship-masts than the wood of the Cedrus Li- 
bani. The Cedrus Libani, Pinus Halepensis, and 
Juniperus exedsa = tall Jmiiper, were probably all 
included under the term erez ; though, no doubt, this 
name more especially = the cedar of Lebanon, as 
the firmest and grandest of the conifers. As to the 
" cedar wood " used in purifications, probably one of 
the smaller junipers is intended (J. Sabina ?), for it is 
I doubtful whether the Juniperus excelsa exists at all 




It was not far from Jamnia (Jabneel), or from Azo- 
tus (Ashdod), and was probably the modern Katra or 
Kutfah, which lies on the maritime plain below the 
river Rubin, and three miles S.W. of 'Akir (Ekron). — 
2. The N. T. name of the brook Kidron (Jn. xviii. 
1 only). 

i'ei'Ian [see-] (fr. Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 15). Azetas. 

fesling [seel-]. The descriptions of Scripture (1 
K. vi. 9, 15, vii. 3 ; 2 Chr. iii. 5, 9 ; Jer. xxii. 14 ; 
Hag. i. 4), and of Josephus, show that the ceilings 
of the Temple and the palaces of the Jewish kings 
were formed of cedar or fir planks applied to the 
beams or joints crossing from wall to wall, probably 
with sunk panels, edged and ornamented with gold, 
and carved with incised or other patterns, sometimes 
painted (Jer. xxii. 14). Probably both Egyptian and 
Assyrian models were followed, in this as in other 
branches of architectural construction, before the 
Roman period. Examples are extant of Egyptian 
ceilings in stucco painted with devices, of a date 
much earlier than that of Solomon's Temple. Of 
these devices the principal are the guilloche, the 
chevron, and the scroll. The panel work in ceilings, 




The Cedars of Lebanon. — (F rom Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge.) 



156 



CEL 



CEN 



which has teen described, is found in Oriental and 
N. African dwellings of late and modern times. Por- 
ter describes the ceilings of houses at Damascus as 
delicately painted. Many of the rooms in the Palace 
of the Moors at the Alhambra were ceiled and orna- 
mented with the richest geometrical patterns. Ar- 
chitecture ; Carving ; Hodse ; Palace ; Temple, 




Panelled celling from house in Cairo. — (Lane, Modern Egyptians.) 



Ccl'o-syr'i-a [sol-] (L. Coele-v/ria, Ccelo.ii/ria, fr. 
Or. = hollow Syria), an English form of the name 
given by the Greeks, after Alexander's time, to the 
remarkable valley or hollow between the two moun- 
tain-ranges of Libanus(or Lebanon) and Antilibanus, 
stretching from latitude 33' 20' to 34° 40', nearly 
one hundred miles, and containing the celebrated 
city of Heliopolis or Baalbek, the rivers Orontes and 
Litany, &c. The term was also used in a much 
wider sense to include the inhabited tract (in which 
was Damascus) E. of the Antilibanus range to the 
desert ; and then further on that side of Jordan, 
through Trachonitis and Perea, to Idumea and the 
borders of Egypt. In the Apocrypha there is fre- 
quent mention of Cclosyria in a somewhat vague 
sense, nearly = Syria (1 Esd. ii. 17, 24, 27, iv. 48, 
vi. 29, vii. 1, viii. G7 ; 1 Mc. x. 09 ; 2 Me. iii. 5, 8, 
iv. 4, viii. 8, x. 11). Aven 1 ; Coslesyria ; Plain 2 ; 
Valley 4. 

Ccn'chrc-a [sen'kre-al (L. Cenchrcfc, fr. Gr. ; see 
below), the E. harbor of Corinth (i.-e. its harbor on 
the SaronicGulf) and the emporium of its trade with 
the Asiatic shores of the Mediteirancan, as Leehamm 
(Lutrdki) on the Corinthian Gulf connected it with 
Italy and the West. St. Paul sailed from Cenchrea 
(Acts xviii. 18) on his return to Syria from his 
second missionary journey ; and when he wrote his 
epistle to the Romans in the course of the third 
journey, an organized church seems to have been 
formed here (Rom. xvi. 1 ; see Piiebe). The dis- 
tance of Cenchrea from Corinth was seventy stadia, 
or about nine miles. The modern village of Kilcrics 
retains the ancient name, which is conjectured by 
Dr. Sibthorpe to be derived from the millet (Gr. keng- 
chros), which still grows there. 

('cn-de-ue'us [sen-] (L. L'endebarns, fr. Gr.), a gen- 
eral left by Antiochus VII. in command of the sea- 
board of Palestine (1 Mc. xv. 38, &c.) after the defeat 
of Tryphon b. c. 133. He fortified Cedron 1, and 
harassed the Jews for some time, but was afterward 
defeated by the sons of Simon Maccabeus, with great 
loss (1 Mc. xvi. 1-10). 

Ccn'ser [sen-] (Heb. mahldh or maclilah, and mik- 
tere(h). The former of the Hebrew words seems = 
any instrument to seize or hold burning coals, or to 
receive ashes, &c, such as the appendages of the 
brazen altar and golden candlestick mentioned in Ex. 

xxv. 38, xxxvii. 23. It, however, generally bears the 
limited meaning which properly belongs to the sec- 
ond word, found only in the later books (e. g. 2 Chr. 

xxvi. 19 ; Ez. viii. 11), = a small portable vessel of 



metal fitted to receive burning coals from the altar, 
and on which the incense for burning was sprinkled 
(-2 Chr. xxvi. 18 ; Lk. i. 9). The only distinct pre- 
cepts regarding the use of the censer are found in 
Num. iv. 14, and Lev. xvi. 12. Solomon prepared 
" censers of pure gold " as part of the same furniture 
(1 K. vii. 50 ; 2 Chr. iv. 22). Possibly their general 
use may have been to take up coals from the brazen 
altar, and convey the incense while burning lo the 
"golden altar," or "altar of incense," on which it 
was to be ollerel morning and evening (Ex. xxx. 7, 
8; compare Rev. viii. 3, 5, where the Greek is lilm- 
notos). So Uzziah, when he was intending " to burn 
incense upon the altar of incense," took "a censer 
in his hand" (2 Chr. xxvi. 10, 19). The Creek thu- 
miaterion, translated "censer" in Heb. ix. 4, according 
to some = the altar of incense ; but the A. V. trans- 
lation is favored by the use of this Greek word for 
" censer" in the LXX. (2 Chr. xxvi. 19; Ez. viii. 11). 

Census [sen-] (L). I. Moses laid down the law 
(Ex. \xx. 12, 13) that whenever the people were 
numbered, an offering of hall' a shekel should be 
made by every man above twenty years of age, by 
way of atonement or propitiation. The instances of 
numbering recorded in the O. T. are as follows : — 1. 
Under the express direction of God (Ex. xxxviii. 20), 
in the third Or fourth month after the Exodus ihu iiig 
the encampment at Sinai, chiefly for the purpose of 
raising money for the Tabernacle. The numbers 
then taken amounted to 603,550 men (Chronology 
II.). 2. Again, in the second month of the second 
year after the Exodus (Num. i. 1 ft'.). This census 
may have been simply a formal verification of the 
result of the census previously made (so Palfrey). It 
was taken to ascertain — (a.) the number of lighting 
men from the age of twenty to fifty ; (6.) the amount 
of the redemption offering due on account of all the 
first-born both of persons and cattle. The Levites, 
who amounted to 22,000 (perhaps 300 others [com- 
pare Num. iii. 22, 28, 34, with 89] were themselves 
first-born, and therefore could not be substitutes for 
other Israelites), were taken in lieu of the first-born 
males of the rest of Israel, 22,273 in number, and 
for the surplus of 273 a money payment of 1,305 
shekels, or 5 shekels each, was made to Aaron and 
his sons (Num. iii. 39-51). 3. Another numbering 
took place thirty-eight years afterward (Num. xxvi.), 
previous to the entrance into Canaan, when the total 
number, excepting the Levites, amounted to 001,730 
males, showing a decrease of 1,820. 4. The next 
formal numbering of the whole people was in the 
reign of David (2 Sam. xxiv.). The men of Israel 
above twenty years of age were 800,000, and of 
Judah 500,000, total 1,300,000. 1 Chr. (xxi. 5, 6, 
xxvii. 24) gives the number of Israel 1,100,000, and 
of Judah 470,000, total 1,570,000 ; but informs us 
that Levi and Benjamin were not numbered. 5. The 
census of David was completed by Solomon, by causing 
the foreigners and remnants of the conquered nations 
resident in Palestine to be numbered. Their number 
= 153,000, and they were employed in forced labor 
on his great architectural works (Josh. ix. 27 ; 1 K. 
v. 15, ix. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xxii. 2; 2 Chr. ii. 17, 18). 
(Netiiinim ; Slave.) Between this time and the 
Captivity, from the numbers in the armies under suc- 
cessive kings of Israel and Judah, may be gathered 
with more or less probability, and with due consid- 
eration of the circumstances of the times as influ- 
encing the number of the levies, estimates of the 
population at the various times mentioned. (Army ; 
Israel, Kingdom of.) 6. Behoboam collected from 
Judah and Benjamin 180,000 men to fight against 



CEN 



CES 



157 



Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 21). 7. Abijam, with 400,000 
men, made war on Jeroboam with 800,000, of whom 
500,000 were slain (2 Chr. xiii. 3, 17). 8. Asa had 
an army of 300,000 men from Judah, and 280,000 
(Josephus says 250,000) from Benjamin, with which 
he defeated Zerah the Ethiopian, with an army of 

I, 000,000 (xiv. 8, 9). 9. Jehoshaphat, besides men 
in garrisons, had under arms 1,160,000 men, includ- 
ing perhaps subject foreigners (xvii. 14-19). 10. 
Amaziah had from Judah and Benjamin 300,000, 
besides 100,000 mercenaries from Israel (xxv. 5, 6). 

II. Uzziah could bring into the field 307,500 men 
(307,000, Jos.), well armed, under 2,600 officers 
(xxvi. 11-15). Other and partial notices of num- 
bers indicating population are given in Judg. vi. 35, 
vii. 3, xii. 6 (compare Num. xxvi. 37), Judg. xx. 35, 
36 (compare Num. xxvi. 41); 1 Chr. xii. 23-38 ; 1 
K. xx. 15 ; 2 K. xxiv. 14, 16 ; Jer. lii. 30. See also 
1 Chr. v. 18, vii. 5, 7, 9, 11, 40, &c. 12. The num- 
ber of those who returned with Zerubbabel in the 
first caravan is reckoned at 42,360 (Ezr. ii. 64) ; but 
of these perhaps 12,542 belonged to other tribes 
than Judah and Benjamin. The purpose of this 
census was to settle with reference to the year of 
Jubilee the inheritances in the Holy Land, which 
had been disturbed by the Captivity, and also to 
ascertain the family genealogies, and insure, as far 
as possible, the purity of the Jewish race (Ezr. ii. 
59, x. 2, 8, 18, 44; Lev. xxv. 10). In the second 
caravan, b. c. 458, the number was 1,496. Women 
and children are in' neither case included (Ezr. viii. 
1-14). Throughout all these accounts two points 
are clear : (1.) That great pains were taken to ascer- 
tain and register the numbers of the Jewish people 
at various times for the reasons mentioned above. 
(2.) That the numbers given in some cases can with 
difficulty be reconciled with other numbers of no 
very distant date, as well as with the presumed 
capacity of the country for supporting population. 
Thus David's census would represent a population 
of at least 5,814,000 in Israel, of whom not less than 
2,000,000 belonged to Judah ; Jehoshaphat's (one 
hundred years later) of 4,640,000 in Judah and Ben- 
jamin, including subject foreigners ; while Amaziah's 
and Uzziah's were much less. If now we estimate 
the whole area of Palestine, including the trans- 
Jordanic tribes, at not exceeding 11,000 square 
miles, and of Judah and Benjamin at 3,135 square 
miles, the population of Palestine under David would 
be not less than 530 to one square mile, and that of 
Judah and Benjamin under Jehoshaphat, if we make 
no account of the subject foreigners and garrisons, 
at 1,480 to one square mile. The population of Lan- 
cashire (England) in 1852 was 1,064 to one square 
mile ; of Middlesex (England, in which is London) 
was 6,683 to one square mile ; of the island of Malta 
in 1S49 was 1,1S2 to one sq. mile. Several provinces 
of China, with areas of from 39,000 to 70,000 square 
miles each, have 530 or more persons (in one case 
832) to one square mile. , While great doubt rests 
on the genuineness of numerical expressions in O. T. 
(Abijah 1 ; Number), it must be considered that the 
readings on which our version is founded, give with 
trifling variations the same results as those presented 
by the LXX., and by Josephus. S. Palestine, at least, 
was very populous before the entrance of the Israel- 
ites ; compare the population of Ai ("few " = 12,000 
men and women, Josh. vii. 3, viii. 25), of Gibeon 
("greater than Ai," x. 2), the 123 cities "with their 
villages" in Judah and Simeon (xv., xix. 1-9), the 
26 in Benjamin (xviii. 21-28), &c. There are 
abundant traces throughout the whole of Palestine 



of a much higher rate of fertility in former as com- 
pared with present times, a fertility remarked by 
profane writers, and of which the present neglected 
state of cultivation affords no test. (Agriculture.) 
This combined with the positive divine promises of 
populousness, increases the probability of at least 
approximate correctness in the foregoing estimates 
of population. — II. The Roman census under the 
Republic consisted, so far as the present purpose is 
concerned, in an enrolment of persons and property 
by tribes and households. The census was taken, 
more or less regularly, in the provinces, under the 
republic, by provincial censors, and the tribute regu- 
lated at their discretion, but no complete census was 
made before the time of Augustus, who carried out 
three general inspections of this kind, viz., (1.) rs. c. 
28 ; (2.) e. c. 8 ; (3.) a. d. 14 ; and a partial one, 
a. d. 4. Cyrenius ; Taxing. 

Cen-tu ri-on (fr. L. centurio = commander of one 
hundred). Army ; Cornelius. 

Ce'pbas [see'fas] (L. fr. Heb. = a rock). Peter. 

Cc'ras = Keros (1 Esd. v. 29). 

Cesar [see'zar] (L. Ccesar = cut out, sc. from his 
mother, Pliny), always in the N. T. = the Roman 
emperor, the sovereign of Judea (Jn. xix. 12, 15; 
Acts xvii. 7, &c). The N. T. history falls entirely 
within the reigns of the five first emperors, viz., Au- 
gustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, 
who were all related to Julius Cesar the Dicta- 
tor. 

Ces-a-rc'a [ses-] (L. Cccsarea, named in honor of 
Augustus Cesar), a city, named in the N. T. as the 
residence, apparently for several years, of Philip the 
Evangelist, the scene of the conversion of Corne- 
lius the centurion, of the death of Herod Agrippa 
I., and of several events in the history of St. Paul, 
including his imprisonment for two years, his plead- 
ing before Felix, Festus, and Herod Agrippa II., 
and his appeal to Cesar (Acts viii. 40, ix. 30, x. 1, 
24, xi. 11, xii. 19, xviii. 22, xxi. 8, 16, xxiii. 23, 33, 
xxv. 1, 4, 6, 13). Cesarea was situated on the coast, 
of Palestine, on the line of the great road from 
Tyre to Egypt, and about half way between Jcppa 
and Accho or Ptolemais. St. Peter's journey from 
Joppa (x. 24) occupied rather more than a day. On 
the other hand St. Paul's journey from Ptolemais 
(xxi. 8) was accomplished within the day. The 
distance from Jerusalem was about seventy miles ; 
Josephus states it in round numbers as six hundred 
stadia. (Antipatris.) In Strabo's time there was 
on this point of the coast merely a town called 
" Strato's tower " with a landing-place, w ; hereas, in 
the time of Tacitus, Cesarea is spoken of as the head 
of Judea. It was in this interval that the city was 
built by Herod the Great. The work was in fact ac- 
complished in ten years. The utmost care and ex- 
pense were lavished on the building of Cesarea. A 
vast breakwater protected its harbor. It was the 
official residence of the Herodian kings, and of Fes- 
tus, Felix, and the other Roman procurators of Ju- 
dea. Here also were the headquarters of the mili- 
tary forces of the province. The Gentile population 
predominated ; and at the Jewish synagogue-wor- 
ship the O. T. was read in Greek. Constant feuds 
took place between the Jews and Greeks. At Ces- 
area Vespasian was declared emperor. He made it 
a Roman colony. Eusebius the ecclesiastical his- 
torian was bishop of Cesarea in the fourth century. 
Cesarea continued to be a city of some importance 
even in the time of the Crusades. Now, though an 
Arabic corruption of the name still lingers on the 
site (Kaisuriyeh), it is utterly desolate ; and its ruins 



15S 



CES 



CES 



i • 1 i r,«e -i-re'-i PIii-lit)'i»l rses-1 (L. Cccnarea Phi'ippi, 
have for a long period been a quarry -from M J**™**^ PP^L, ^ ^ Cesar and him J 
other towns in this part of Syria have been built. ^ | named > 





snren.— (From n Sketch by V 



self) is mentioned only in Mat. xvi. 13 ; Mk. yiu. 27. 
Cesarea Philippi was the N. point of our Lord s jour- 
neying ; and the passage in His life, which was con- 
nected with the place, was otherwise very marked. 
(Transfiguration.) The place itself too is remark- 



able in its physical and picturesque characteristics, 
and also in its historical associations. It was at the 
|.; um | „„,st important of Hie two recognized sources 
of the Jordan, the other being at the TellelrKdm 
(Das 2.) The spring rises, and the city was built 




The Source of the Jordan at JUmUi (CeBarea Philippi).-From Van de Velde, U Pay. «TW.-(Fta.) 



on a limestone terrace in a valley at the base of 
Mount Hermon. Cesarea Philippi has no 0. T. his- 
tory, though it has been not unreasonably identified 
with Baal- Gad. (Baal, geography, 5; see also 
Beth-rehob.) Its annals run back direct from 
Herod's time into heathenism. It was the Panium 



of Josephus (xv. 10, § S), and the Paneas of the 
Greeks and Romans ; and the inscriptions are no 
yet obliterated which show that the god Pan nau 
once a sanctuary at this spot. Panium became part 
of the territory" of Philip, tetrarch of Trachomns, 
who enlarged and embellished the town, and called 



CES 



CHA 



159 



it Cesarea Philippi. Agrippa II. called the place 
Meronias in honor of Nero. Titus exhibited gladia- 
torial shows here after the end of the Jewish war. 
Coins of Cesarea Paneas continued through the 
reigns of many emperors. The bishop of Paneas 
appears in ecclesiastical history. The modern vil- 
lage is called B&nias, the Arabic form of Paneas. 
The vast castle above the site of the city, built in 
Syro-Greek or even Phenician times, is still the most 
remarkable fortress in the Holy Land. 

* Ces'il (Heb. cesil or csil = fool, Ges.) = Orion 
(margin of Job ix. 9 and xxxviii. 31). 

Ce'tal) (fr. Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 30), a name among the 
Nethinim, not in Ezra or Nehemiah. 

Clia'bris [ka-] (fr. Gr.), son of Gothoniel ; one of 
the three " rulers " or " ancients " of Bethulia, in 
the time of Judith (Jd. vi. 15, viii. 10, x. 6). 

Clia'di-as[ka-] (fr. Gr.), (1 Esd. v. 20). Ammidoi. 

Chaff, the translation in A.V. of — 1. Heb. hashash 
or chashash — dry grass, hay (Is. v. 24, xxxiii. 11). 
— 2. Heb. mots = chaff separated by winnowing 
from the grain — the husk of the wheat (Job xxi. 
18 ; Ps. i. 4, &c). — 3. Heb. teben, once (Jer. xxiii. 
28) translated " chaff," once (Job xxi. 18) " stubble," 
elsewhere " straw " (Ex. v. 7, 10, 11, &c); = straw, 
as broken up' and cut in pieces by threshing, short 
straw, chaff, Ges. (Straw.) — 4. Chaldaic 'ur, once 
(Dan. ii. 35). — 5. Gr. achuron (Mat. in. 12 ; Lk. iii. 
17) = chaff] short straw, (Rbn. N. T. Lex.) ; in LXX. 
= No. 2 & 3. 

Chain. Chains were used, 1. as badges of office ; 
2. for ornament ; 3. for confining prisoners. 1. The 
gold chain placed about Joseph's neck (Gen. xli.42), 
and that promised to Daniel (Dan. v. 7), are in- 
stances of the first use. In Egypt it was one of the 
insignia of a judge, who wore an image of truth at- 
tached to it ; it was also worn by the prime minister. 
In Persia it was considered not only as a mark of 
royal favor, but a token of investiture. 2. Chains 
for ornamental purposes were worn by men as well 
as women in many countries both of Europe and 
Asia, and probably among the Hebrews (Prov. i. 9). 
The necklace consisted of pearls, corals, &c, threaded 
on a string. Besides the necklace, other chains were 
worn (Jd. x. 4) hanging down as far as the waist, or 
even lower. Some were adorned with pieces of 
metal, shaped in the form of the moon(" round tires 
like the moon," A. V. ; Is. iii. 18). The Midianites 
adorned the necks of their camels with it(Judg: viii. 
21, 26). To other chains were suspended various 
trinkets — as scent-bottles (" tablets " A. V., Is. iii. 
20) and mirrors (iii. 23). Step-chains were attached 
to the ankle-rings, which shortened the step and 
produced a mincing gait (Is. iii; 16, 18). (Anklet ; 
Ear-rings ; Ornaments, Personal.) 3. The means 
adopted for confining prisoners among the Jews 
were tetters similar to our handcuffs (Cord). Among 
the Romans, the prisoner was handcuffed to one, and 
occasionally to two guards (Acts xii. 6, 7, xxi. 33). 
Trial. 

Chalce-do-ny [kal'se-] (Gr. ehaMdon, named fr. 
Chalcedon) (Rev. xxi. 19 only). The name is applied 
in modern mineralogy to a variety of quartz 
(Agate), of a pearly or wax-like lustre and of 
great translucency. There can, however, be little 
doubt that the stone to which Theophrastus {Be 
Lapid. § 25) refers, as found in the island opposite 
Chalcedon and used as a solder, must have been the 
green transparent carbonate of copper, or our cop- 
per emerald. 

Chal'col [kal-] (fr. Heb.) = Calcol (1 K. iv. 31). 
Chal-dse'a (L.) = Chaldea; 



Chal-de'a [kal-] (L. Cheddcea ; Kaldi or Kaldai on 
native monuments ; Heb. Casdim, derived by some 
from Chesed, = " Chaldeans ; " see also Chilmad) 
is properly only the most S. portion of Babylonia, 
it is used, however, in our version for the Hebrew 
Casdim (" Chaldeans "), under which term the in- 
habitants of the entire country are designated ; and 
it will therefore here be taken in this extended sense. 
The origin of the term is very doubtful. — 1. Extent 
and boundaries. — The tract of country viewed in Scrip- 
ture as the land of the Chaldeans is that vast alluvial 
plain which has been formed by the deposits of the 
Euphrates and the Tigris — at least so far as it lies 
to the W. of the latter stream. This extraordinary 
flat, unbroken except by the works of man, extends 
from Hit on the Euphrates and TeJcrit on the Tigris 
to the Persian Gulf, four hundred miles along the 
course of the rivers, and is on an average about one 
hundred miles in width. — 2. General character of the 
country.— The general aspect of the country is thus 
described : " In former days the vast plains of Bab- 
ylon were nourished by a complicated system of 
canals and watercourses, which spread over the sur- 
face of the country like a net-work. The wants of 
a teeming population were supplied by a rich soil, 
not less bountiful than that on the banks of the 
Egyptian Nile. Like islands rising from a golden 
sea of waving corn, stood frequent groves of palm- 
trees and pleasant gardens, affording to the idler or 
traveller their grateful and highly-valued shade. 
Crowds of passengers hurried along the dusty roads 
to and from the busy city. The land was rich in 
corn and wine. How changed is the aspect of that 
region at the present day ! Long lines of mounds, 
it is true, mark the courses of those main arteries 
wdiich formerly diffused life and vegetation along 
their banks, but their channels are now bereft of 
moisture and choked with drifted sand ; the smaller 
offshoots are wholly effaced. ' A drought is upon 
the waters,' says the prophet, ' and they shall be 
dried up ! ' All that remains of that ancient civil- 
ization — 'that glory of kingdoms,' — 'the praise of 
the whole earth,' — is recognizable in the numerous 
mouldering heaps of brick and rubbish which over- 
spread the surface of the plain. Instead of the 
luxurious fields, the groves, and gardens, nothing- 
no w meets the eye but an arid waste — the dense 
population of former times is vanished, and no man 
dwells there." (Loftus's Chaldcea, 14, 15). The 
prosperity and fertility of the country depend en- 
tirely on the regulation of the waters. Carefully ap- 
plied and husbanded, they are sufficient to make the 
entire plain a garden. — 3. Divisions. — The true 
Chaldea is always in the geographers the most S. 
portion of Babylonia, chiefly (if not solely) on the 
right bank of the Euphrates. Babylonia above this, 
is separated into two districts, called respectively 
Amordacia and Auranitis. The former is the name 
of the central territory round Babylon itself; the 
latter is applied to the regions toward the N., where 
Babylonia borders on Assyria. — 4. Cities. — Babylonia 
was celebrated at all times for the number and an- 
tiquity of its cities. Some of the most important 
of those were Accad, Babylon (Babel), Borsippa 
{Birs-Nimrud), Sippara or Sepharvaim, Calneh, 
Erecii, Ur, Is {Hit) (Ahava ; Ivah) ; and a multi- 
tude of others, the sites of many of which have not 
been determined. — 5. Canals. — One of the most re- 
markable features of ancient Babylonia was its net- 
work of canals. Three principal canals carried off 
the waters of the Euphrates toward the Tigris, above 
Babylon : — (1.) The original " Royal River," or Ar- 



160 CHA 

• 

Malcha of Bcrosus ; (2.) the Kahr Malcha of tbo 
Arabs ; (3.) the Nahr Kutha. On the other side of 
the Stream, a large canal, leaving the Euphrates at 
Sit, where the alluvial plain commences, skirted the 
deposit on the W. along its entire extent, and fell 
into the Persian Gulf at the head of the Bullion 
creek ; while a second main artery branched from 
the Euphrates nearly at Mosaib, and ran into a great 
lake, in the neighborhood of Borsippa, whence the 
lands S. W. of Babylon were irrigated. From these 
and other similar channels, with their numerous 
branches and crosscuts, every field was duly supplied 
with water " by the hand or by the help of engines " 
(Hdt.). Herodotus (so Kin.) probably refers by "en- 
gines " to the common hand-swipe or sweep, repre- 
sentations of which are found on the monuments. 




Hand-swipe.— From a blub of Sennacherib. — (Rawlinson's IJerodUut, I. 258.) 

(Egypt.) — 6. Sea of Ncdjef, Chaldean marshes, d-c. 
— The "great inland fresh-water sea of Nedjef" 
(Loftus, 45) is a permanent lake of considerable 
depth, S. of Babylon, about forty miles in length, 
and thirty-five miles in its greatest width. Above 
and below the Sea of Nedjef, from the Birs-Nimrud 
to Kufa, and from the S. E. extremity of the Sea to 
Samava, extend the famous Chaldean marshes, where 
Alexander was nearly lost. — 7. Productions. — The 
extraordinary fertility of the Chaldean soil has been 
noticed by various writers. It is said to be the only 
country in the world where wheat grows wild. He- 
rodotus declared (i. 193) that grain commonly re- 
turned two-hundredfold to the sower, and occasion- 
ally three-hundredfold. The palm was undoubtedly 
one of the principal objects of cultivation. The soil 
is rich, but there is little cultivation, the inhabitants 
subsisting chiefly upon dates. More tKan half the 
country is left dry and waste from the want of a 
proper system of irrigation ; while the remaining 
half is to a great extent covered with marshes owing 
to the same neglect. See Slap, under Euphrates. 

Cbal-de aris [kal-dee'anzj or Chal'dees [kal'dcez] 
(see Chaldea), appear in bcripture, until the time 
of the Captivity, as the people of the country which 
has Babylon for its capital, and which is itself 
termed Shinar ; but in Daniel, while this meaning is 
still found (v. 30, and ix. 1), a new sense show's it- 
self. The Chaldeans are classed with the magicians 
and astronomers ; and evidently form a sort of priest 
class, who have a peculiar " tongue " and " learn- 
ing " (i. 4), and are consulted by the king on reli- 
gious subjects. The same variety appears in pro- 
fane writers. It appears that the Chaldeans were 
in the earliest times merely one out of the many 
Cushite tribes inhabiting the great alluvial plain 
known afterward as Chaldea or Babylonia. Their 
special seat -was probably that S. portion of the 
country which so late retained the name of Chaldea. 
Here was Ur " of the Chaldees." In process of 
time, as they grew in power, their name gradually pre- 
vailed over those of the other tribes inhabiting the 
country ; and by the era of the Jewish Captivity it 



CHA 

had begun to be used generally for all the inhabi- 
tants of Babylonia. It had come by this time to 
have two senses, both ethnic: (1.) as the special 
appellative of a particular race to whom it had be- 
longed from the remotest times ; (2.) as a designa- 
tion of the nation at large in which this race was 
predominant. That the Chaldeans proper were a 
Cushite race is proved by the remains of their lan- 
guage, which closely resembles the Galla or ancient 
language of Ethiopia. Now it appears by the in- 
scriptions that while both in Assyria and in later 
Babylonia, the Shemitic type of speech prevailed lor 
civil purposes, the ancient Cushite dialect was re- 
tained as a learned language for scientific and re- 
ligious literature. This is no doubt the " learning" 
and the " tongue " to which reference is made in 
Dan. i. 4. (Shemitic Languages ; Tongues, Con- 
fusion of; Versions, Ancient.) The Chaldeans 
were really the learned class ; they were priests, 
magicians, or astronomers, and in the last of the 
three capacities they probably effected discoveries 
of great importance. According to Strabo, there 
were two chief seats of Chaldean learning, Borsippa, 
and Ur or Orchoe. To these we may add, from 
Pliny, Babylon and Sippara or Sepharvaim. The 
( 'hah leal i > I it would appear) congregated into bodies, 
forming what we may perhaps call universities, and 
pursuing the studies, in which they engaged, to- 
gether. They probably mixed up to some extent 
astrology with their astronomy, even in the earlier 
times, but they certainly made great advances in 
astronomical science. In later times they seem to 
have degenerated into mere fortune-tellers. As- 
tronomy; Divination; Idolatry; Magi; Magic. 
Chaldecs. Chaldeans. 

Chalk [chawk] Stones = stones of lime or lime- 
stone (Is. xxvii. 9). 

* Chain ber [chame-]. The " chambersof imagery' 1 '' 
(Ez. viii. 12) refer to the imitation of Egyptian man- 
ners by painting on the wall of a chamber represen- 
tations of the irrational creatures and various idols 
which were the immediate objects of worship (Pair- 
bairn). — The " chambers of the South " (Job ix. 9) 
= the remotest recesses of the South (Gcsenius) ; 
compare Ps. civ. 3. Bed ; House ; Palace ; Tem- 
ple. 

* eiiam'bcr-ing = lewdness, or licentious behavior 

(Rom. xiii. 13). 

Cham ber-lain. Erastus " the chamberlain " of 
the city of Corinth, was one whose salutations to 
the Roman Christians are given in Rom. xvi. 23. 
The office which he held was apparently that of 
public treasurer, an inferior magistrate, who had 
the charge of the public chest under the authority 
of the senate, and kept the accounts of the public 
revenues (Governor 14). The office held by Blas- 
tus, " the king's chamberlain" (margin " that was 
over the king's bed-chamber "), was entirely different 
from this (Acts xii. 20). It was a post of honor 
which involved great intimacy and influence with 
the king. For chamberlain as used in the 0. T., 
see Eunuch. 

Cha-me le-on [ka-], the translation in A. V., LXX., 

and Vulgate of the Heb. coah or coach (literally 
strength), one of the unclean animals in Lev. xL 30. 
(Mole 1.) Bochart accepts the Arabic reading of 
clwarlo, i. e. the lizard, known by the name of the 
" Monitor of the Nile " (Monitor Niloticus, Grey), 
a large strong reptile common in Egypt and other 
parts of Africa ; but the evidence which supports 
this interpretation Js far from conclusive. 

Chamois [shair me or sha-moi ], the translation 



CHA 



CHA 



161 



in A. V. of the Heb. zemer, one of the animals al- 
lowed for food (Deut. xiv. 5); the LXX., Vulgate, 
and some, other versions, give "camelopard" or 
"giraffe." But there is no evidence that the cham- 
ois or the camelopard has ever been seen in Pales- 
tine or Lebanon. Col. C. H. Smith (in Kitto) sug- 
gests the Kebsch (Ammotragus Tragelaphus), a wild 
sheep, in general form like a goat, not uncommon, 
he says, in the Mokattam rocks near Cairo, and 
found also in Sinai ; not improbably this is the ani- 
mal denoted. 

* Chani-paigil' [sham-pane'] (fr. Fr.) = a plain 
(Deut. xi. 30; Ez. xxvii. 2, margin). Arabaii ; 
Plain 2, 5 ; Valley 4. 

€ha'naan [ka'nan], the Greek and Latin form of 
Canaan ( Jd. v. 3, 9, 10 ; P>a<\ iii. 22 ; Sus. 66 ; 1 
Me. ix. 37; Acts vii. 11, xiii. 19). 

CEia'naan-itc [ka'nan-ite] (Jd. v. 16) = Canaan- 

ITE. 

* Ciian'cel-lor [eh as in much] (Ezr. iv. 8, 9, IV). 
Kehum 2. 

* Chan'el-Bonc (Job xxxi. 22, margin) = the bone 
of the arm above the elbow. 

*Chan'gers (Jn. ii. 15). Money-changers. 
Chan-iiu-ne'us (fr. Gr.); apparently = Merari (1 
Esd. viii. 48). 

* Cha'nocli [ka'nok] (ileb.) = Enoch 1 (Gen. iv. 
17, margin). 

* Chap'el [ch as in much], the translation in A. V. 
(Am. vii. 13) of Heb. mi/cdash (= any thing sacred, 
a holy place, Ges.), elsewhere usually translated 
" sanctuary." In 1 Mc. i. 47 the plural of Gr. tido- 
leion (= " idol's temple " in 1 Mc. x. 83, &c. ; 1 Cor. 
viii. 10) is translated " chapels of idols." In 2 Mc. 
x. 2, xi. 3, the plural of Gr. Umenos is translated 
"chapels." See cut under Temple. 

Chap'i-ter = the upper member, or capital of a 
pillar ; also possibly a roll moulding at the top of a 
building or work of art : as (1.) of the pillars of the 
Tabernacle and Temple, and of the two pillars 
called especially Jachin and Boaz ; and (2.) of the 
lavers (Laver) belonging to the Temple (Ex. xxxviii. 
17; IK. vii. 27, 31, 3S, 41). 

* Cliap'men = /Holers; in 2 Chr. ix. 14, especially 
men who travel for the sake of traffic. 

Char-a-alha-lar [kar-] (Gr.). " Cherub, Addan, 
and Immer" (Ezr. ii. 59) is changed in 1 Esd. v. 36 
to " Charaathalar leading them, and Aalar." 

Char'a-ca [kar-] (Gr. and L.), a place (2 Mc. xii. 
17 only) inhabited by the Jews called Tubieni, on 
the E. of Jordan, 750 stadia from the city Caspis. 
Ewald identifies it with R.aphon. The only name 
like Characa now known on the E. of Jordan is Ke- 
rak, the ancient Kir op Moab. ' 

CJiar'a-shim (Heb. hardshim or chdrdshim = 
craftsmen), tlic Valley of, a place founded or settled 
by Joab 2 (1 Chr. iv. 14), and reinhabited by Ben- 
jamites after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 35). In Nehe- 
miah it is " valley of craftsmen." Engraver. 

Char'eha-mss [ch as k] (L. fr. Heb.) = Carche- 
mish (1 Esd. i. 25). 

Char'clie-mish [ch as Tc] (fr. Heb.) = Carchemish 
(2 Chr. xxxv. 20). 

Char' ens [kar'kus] (1 Esd. v. 32). Corrupted from 
Barkos. 

Clia'rc-a [ka-] (Gr.) = Harsha (1 Esd. v. 32). 

Char'ger [ch as in much], the translation in A. V. 
of — 1. Heb. agartdl (Ezr. i. 9, twice in plural, only), 
probably = slaughter-basin, i. e. a basin for receiv- 
ing blood, Ge3.— 2. Heb. k&drdh (Num. vii. 13- 
85) = a deep dish, bowl, charger, Ges. ; elsewhere 
{Ex. xxv. 29, xxxvii. 16; Num. iv. 7) translated 
11 



"dishes." The "chargers" in Num. vii. were of 
silver, and weighed each one hundred and thirty 
shekels, or sixty-five ounces. — 3. Gr. pinax, literally 
a board, plank ; hence a wooden trencher, dish, or 
plate, and the Greek name continued when the mate- 
rial was changed, L. & S. (Mat. xiv. 8, 11 ; Mk. vi. 25, 
28) ; in Lk. xi. 39 translated " platter." The daugh- 
ter of Herodias brought the head of John Baptist hi 
a charger. Basin. 

Cliar'i-Ot, the translation in A. V. of — 1. Heb. re- 
cheb = (so Ges.) a wagon, chariot, either for war or 
serving for luxury and pomp; often referring chiefly 
to the horses, and also to the warriors who sit upon 
the chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4, x. 18). — 2. Heb. rechub, 
a chariot or horse (Ps. civ. 3).— 3. Heb. mercdb, a 
chariot (1 K. iv. 26, v. 6 Heb.) or seat (Lev. xv. 9 
[A. V. " saddle "] ; Cant. iii. 10 [A. V. " cover- 
ing "]). — 4. Heb. meredbdh ( = No. 1 in signification, 
each occurring many times in O. T.). — 5. Heb. rich- 
bah = a riding or driving, Ges. (Ez. xxvii. 20 
only). No. 1-5 are all from the same root (rdchab = 
to ride). — 6. Heb. 'agdldh (Ps. xlvi. 9, Heb. 10), else- 
where translated "cart" or "wagon." — 7. Heb. 
appiryon (Cant. iii. 9, margin " bed ") = a sedan, 
lilter, a portable couch or palanquin, Ges. — 8. Heb. 
hotsen (Ez. xxiii. 24 only) -- weapons, arms, Ges., 
Targums, &c. ; chariots, A. V., Fbn. on Ez. — 9. Gr. 
harma (Acts viii. 28, 29, 38, &c.) ; in LXX. = No. 
1, 4, 5. — 10. Gr. rhede (Rev. xviii. 13, in plural 
only) = a four-wheeled carriage for travelling, a 
chariot, Rbn. _Z\ r . T. Lex. Of the chariot as a ve- 
hicle used for peaceful purposes, the following are 
probable instances as regards the Jews, 1 Sam. viii. 
11 ; 2 Sara. xv. 1 ; 1 K. xii. 18, xviii. 44 ; Is. xxii. 
18 : and as regards other nations, Gen. xii. 43, xlvi. 
29 ; 2 K. v. 9, 21 ; Acts viii. 28 ff. The earliest 
mention of chariots in Scripture is in Egypt, where 
Joseph, as a mark of distinction, was placed in 
Pharaoh's second chariot (Gen. xii. 43), and later 
when he went in his own chariot to meet his father 
on his entrance into Egypt from Canaan (xlvi. 29). 
In the funeral procession of Jacob chariots also 
formed a part, possibly by way of escort or as a 
guard of honor (1. 9). The next mention of Egyp- 
tian chariots is for a warlike purpose (Ex. xiv. 7). 
In this point of view chariots among some ancient 
nations, as elephants among others, may be regard- 
ed as filling the place of heavy artillery in modern 
times, so that the military power of a nation might 
be estimated by the number of its chariots. Thus 
Pharaoh in pursuing Israel took with him 600 
chariots. The Canaanites of the valleys of Palestine 
could resist the Israelites successfully in consequence 
of the number of their chariots of iron, i. e. perhaps 
armed with iron scythes (see below ; Ges. s. v. ; Josh, 
xvii. 18; Judg. i. i9). Jabin, king of Canaan, had 
900 chariots (Judg. iv. 3). The Philistines in Saul's 
time had 30,000, a number which seems excessive 
(1 Sam. xiii. 5). David took from Hadadezer, king 
of Zobah, 1,000 chariots (2 Sam. viii. 4), and from 
the Syrians a little later 700 (x. 18), who in order 
to recover their ground collected 32,000 chariots (1 
Chr. xix. 7). Up to this time the Israelites pos- 
sessed few or no chariots, partly no doubt in conse- 
quence of the theocratic prohibition against multi- 
plying horses, for fear of intercourse with Egypt, 
and the regal despotism implied in the possession 
of them (Deut. xvii. 16; 1 Sam. viii. 11, 12). But 
to some extent David (2 Sam. viii. 4), and in a much 
greater degree Solomon, broke through the prohibi- 
tion. He raised, therefore, and maintained a force 
of 1,400 chariots (1 K. x. 26) by taxation on certain 



162 



OHA 



CUE 



cities agreeably to Eastern custom in such matters 
(1 K. is. 19, x. 25 ; Xen. Anabasis, i. 4, 9). The 
chariots themselves and also the horses were im- 
ported chiefly from Egypt, and the cost of each 
chariot was 600 shekels of silver, and of each horse 
150 (1 K. x. 29). From this time chariots were 
regarded as among the most important arms of war, 
though the supplies of them and of horses appear to 
have been still mainly drawn from Egypt (1 K. xxii. 
34 ; 2 K. ix. 16, 21, x'iii. 7, 14, xviii. 24, xxiii. 30 ; Is. 
xxxi. 1). The Egyptian chariot and doubtless that 
of the Israelites had a nearly semicircular wooden 
frame with straightened sides, resting posteriorly on 
the axle of a pair of wheels, and supporting a rail 
of wood or ivory attached to the frame by leathern 



thongs and a wooden upright in front. The back 
of the car was open ; the sides were strengthened 
and ornamented with leather and metal binding ; the 
floor was of rope net-work, to give a springy footing 
to the occupants. On the right-hand side was the 
bow-case ; sometimes also the quiver and spear-ease 
were on this side, crossing diagonally. If two war- 
riors were in the chariot, a second bow-case was add- 
ed. The two wheels had each usually six spokes, 
and were fastened to the axle by a finch-pin secured 
by a thong. The horses wore a breast-band and 
girths attached to the saddle, and head furniture, 
but no traces. A bearing-rein was fastened to a 
ring or hook in front of the saddle, and the driving 
reins passed through other reins on each side of both 




Egyptian prince* In their chariot. — (Wilkinson.) 



horses. Most commonly two persons, and some- 
times three rode in the chariot, of whom the third 
was employed to carry the state umbrella (2 K. ix. 
20, 24 ; IK. xxii. 34 ; Acts viii. 38). A second 
chariot usually accompanied the king to battle 
to be used in case of necessity (2 Chr. xxv. 34). 
Chariots of other nations are mentioned, as of As- 
syria (2 K. xix. 23 ; Ez. xxiii. 24), Syria (2 Sam. viii. 
and 2 K. vi. 14, 15), Persia (Is. xxii. 6), Ethiopia (2 
Chr. xiv. 9), the Philistines, &c. (se3 above). An- 
tiochus Eupator is said to have had 300 chariots 
armed with scythes (2 Mc. xiii. 2). (Arms; Army; 
Highway; Horse.) The prophets allude frequently 
to chariots as typical of power (Ps. xx. 7, civ. 3 ; 
Jer. li. 21 ; Zech. vi. 1). In the N. T., the only 
mention of a chariot, except in Rev. ix. 9 and xviii. 
13, is in the case of the Ethiopian eunuch (Acts 
viii. 28, 29, 38). 




Assyrian chariot. 



* Char'i-ty (fr. L.) in A. V. of N. T. is a frequent 
translation of the Gr. agape (1 Cor. viii. 1, xiii., &c.), 



usually and properly translated "love" (Lk. xi. 42; 
Horn. v. 5, 8, &c). Feasts ok Charity. 

* Charmer. Divination ; Serpent-charming. 
Char'mis |kar'mis] (Or.), son of Melchicl ; one of 

the three "ancients" or "rulers" of Bethulia (Jd. 

vi. 15, viii. 10, x. 6). 

Char'ran [kar'ran] (Gr. fr. Heb.) = Haran (Acts 

vii. 2, 4). 

Chase \ch as in much]. Hunting. 

Chas'e-ba [kas-] (Gr.), probably a corruption of 
Gazeea, the name succeeding Chaseba (1 Esd. v. 
31). 

* Clia'vali [ka-] (Gen. iii. 20, margin) = Eve. 
Chc'bar [ke-] (Heb. length, Ges.), a river in the 

" land of the Chaldeans " (Ez. i. 3), on the banks 
of which some of the Jews were located at the time 
of the Captivity, and where Ezekiel saw his earlier 
visions (Ez. i. 1, iii. 15, 23, &c). It is commonly 
regarded as = the Habor, or river of Gozan, to 
which some portion of the Israelites were removed 
by the Assyrians (2 K. xvii. 6). But Rawlinson 
thinks the Chebar of Ezekiel must be looked for in 
Babylonia, and may be, as Bochart supposed, the 
Nahr Malcha or Royal Canal of Nebuchadnezzar, 
in the excavation of which the Jewish captives may 
have been employed. Chaldea ; Euphrates. 

Chcb'el [keb-] (Heb. hebel or chebel). Region. 

Ched-or-la-o'mer [ked-] (Heb. handful of sheaves? 
but prob. fr. Pers., Ges.), a king of Elam, in the 
time of Abraham, who with three other chiefs made 
war upon the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admab, 
Zeboim, and Zoar, and reduced them to servitude. 
Thirteen years afterward these rebelled ; the next 
year Chedorlaomer and his allies marched upon 
their country, and after defeating many neighbor- 



CHE 



CHE 



163 



ing tribes, completely routed the five kings in the 
vale of Siddim ; but as the victors carried oft' Lot 
and his possessions with the spoil, Abram pursued 
and smote Chedorlaomer and his forces, and rescued 
Lot, with all that had been taken (Gen. xiv.). Ched- 
orlaomer (so Mn.) may have been the leader of cer- 
tain immigrant Chaldean Elamites who founded the 
great Chaldean empire of Berosus in the early part 
of the twentieth century b. c. 

Cheese is mentioned only three times in the Bible, 
viz. in Job. x. 10 (Heb. gcbindh = curdled milk, 
cheese, Ges.) ; 1 Sam. xvii. 18 (Heb. hdritsey hehdl&b 
or charitsey hecMldb = cuttings [i. e. slices] of curds, 
new or soft cheese, Ges. ; A. V. " cheeses," marg. 
"cheeses of milk") ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29 (Heb. shephoth- 
bdkdr = cheeses [properly, that which is rubbed, 
grated, ground fine, in order to be eaten] of Hue, 
Ges. ; " cheese of kine," A. V.). The cheese now 
common in the East is of very indifferent quality, 
usually in cakes about the size of a tea-saucer, white, 
very salt, without a rind, and soon becoming exces- 
sively hard and dry (Kit.). The Bedouin Arabs have 
coagulated buttermilk, which is dried until it be- 
comes quite hard, and is then ground ; the Arabs 
eat it mixed with butter (Burckhardt, Notes on the 
Bedouins, i. 60). 

Chc'Ial [ke-] (Heb. perfection, Ges.), a son of 
Pahath-moab, and husband of a foreign wife (Ezr. 
x. 30). 

Chel-ci'as [kel-si'as] (fr. Gr. form of Hilkiah). 1. 
' Ancestor of Baruch (Bar. i. 1). — 2. Hilkiah the 
high-priest in the time of Josiah (Bar. i. 7). — 3. The 
father of Susanna (Sus. 2, 29, 63). Tradition repre- 
sents him as the brother of Jeremiah, and = 2. 

Cliel'li-ans [kel'le-anz] = inhabitants of Chellus 
(Jd. ii. 23). 

Chel'lnh [kel'lu] (fr. Heb. = strong, robust, Fii.), a 
son of Bani, and husband of a foreign wife (Ez. x. 
35). 

Chel'lns [kel-] (fr. Gr.), one of the places beyond 
(i. e. W. of ) Jordan to which Nabuchodonosor sent 

1 his summons (Jd. i. 9). Except its mention with 
" Kades " there is no clew to its situation. Reland 
supposes it = Elusa, south of Beer-sheba. 

Ctie'lod [ke-] (fr. Gr.). "Many nations of the 
sons of Che'lod " were among those who obeyed the 
summons of Nabuchodonosor to his war with Ar- 

' phaxad (Jd. i. 6). The word is apparently cor- 
rupt. 

Che'Iub [ke-] (Heb. trap-cage, basket, Ges.). 1. A 
man among the descendants of Judah, described as 
brother of Shuah and father of Mehir (1 Chr. iv. 11). 
— 2. Father of Ezri, David's officer (xxvii. 26). 

Che-ln'bai [ke-lu'bay] (Heb. = Caleb, Ges.), son 
of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 9) ; = Caleb 1. 

Chem'a-rim, Chem a-rims [ch as 7c] (Heb. cemdAm 
or cmdrim = idol-priests ; fr. a Syr. word denoting 
blackness, sadness, and concretely one who goes about 
1 in black or in mourning, hence an ascetic, priest in 
| general, Ges.). This word only occurs in the text of 
! the A. V. in Zeph. i. 4. In 2 K. xxiii. 5 it is ren- 
dered " idolatrous priests," and in Hos. x. 5 " priests," 
and in both cases " ehemarirn" is in the margin. In 
Hebrew usage the word is exclusively applied to the 
priests of the false worship. 

Ohe'mosll [ke-] (Heb. perhaps subduer, vmiquisher, 
Ges.), the national deity of the Moabites (Num. xxi. 
29 ; Jer. xlviii. 7, 13, 46). In Judg xi. 24, he also 
1 appears as the god of the Ammonites. Solomon in- 
troduced, and Josiah abolished, the worship of Che- 
mosh at Jerusalem (1 K. xi. 7 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13). Je- 
rome identifies him with Baal-peor ; others with 



Baal-zebub ; others, as Gesenius, with Mars, and 
others with Saturn. 

* Che'na-an (Gen. ix. 18, marg.) = Canaan. 

Che-na'a-nali [ke-] (Heb. fem. of Canaan, Ges.). 
1. Son of Benjamin's grandson Bilhan, and head of 
a Benjamite house (1 Chr. vii. 10). — 2. Father, or 
ancestor, of Zedekiah the false prophet (1 K. xxii. 11, 
24 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 10, 23) ; perhaps = 1. 

Chen a-ni or Che-na'ni (Heb. prob. = Chenaniah, 
Ges.), a Levite who assisted at the solemn purifica- 
tion of the people under Ezra (Neh. ix. 4). 

Chen-a-ni'all [ken-] (Heb. = whom Jehovah hath 
set, Ges.), chief of the Levites, when David carried 
the ark to Jerusalem ( 1 Chr. xv. 22, 27, xxvi. 29). 

Che phar-ha-am mo-uai [ke'far-] (Heb. village or 
hamlet of the Ammonites ; see Caphar), a city of 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 24), probably named from 
some incursion of the Ammonites ; site unknown. 

Che-phi rah [ke-fi'ra] (Heb. = village or hamlet ; 
see Caphar), one of the four cities of the Gibeonites 
(Josh. ix. IV), afterward in Benjamin (xviii. 26). 
The men of Chephirah returned with Zerubbabel 
from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 25 ; Neh. vii. 29). Dr. Bobin- 
son seems to have discovered it in the ruined village 
of Kefir, about eleven miles W.N. W. from Jerusa- 
lem. Caphira. 

Che'ran [ke-] (Heb. lyre, Ges.), son of Dishon the 
Horite " duke" (Gen. xxxvi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41). 

Chc'rc-as [ke-] (fr. Gr.), governor of Gazara, and 
brother of Timotheus ; both slain at Gazara by the 
forces of Judas Maccabeus (2 Mc. x. 32, 37). 

Cher'e-thim, Cher'c-thims [ch as k] (Heb. pi. cere- 
thim or crelhim) (Ez. xxv. 16). Cherethites. 

Cher'e-thites [ker-] (fr. Heb. cere/hi or cretin, pi. 
cerethim or crethim ; see below) and Pel'C-thites, the 
life-guards of King David (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, 
xx. 7, 23 ; 1 K. i. 38, 44 ; 1 Chr. viii. 17). These 
titles are commonly said to signify " executioners 
and couriers." It is plain that these royal guards 
were employed as executioners (IK. ii. 25, 34, 46 ; 
2 K. xi. 4), and as couriers (1 K. xiv. 27, marg 
" runners "). But it has been conjectured that they 
may have been foreign mercenaries. They are con- 
nected with the Gittites, a foreign tribe (2 Sam. xv. 
18) ; and the Cherethites are mentioned as a nation 
(1 Sam. xxx. 14; also in Ez. xxv. 16, A. V. " Cher- 
ethim " or " Cherethims ") dwelling apparently on 
the coast, and therefore probably Philistines, of 
which name Pelethites may be only another form. 
Prof. D. H. Weir (in Fairbairn) suggests that the 
Cherethites and Pelethites were mostly Israelite 
refugees with David among the Cherethites of Phi- 
listia, mingled perhaps with some native Chere- 
thites. Furst makes the Cherethites = Cretans or 
emigrants from Crete, and so the LXX. in Ez. xxv. 
16 (A. V. " Cherethim ") and Zeph. ii. 5. 

Che'rith [ke-] (Heb. a cutting, separation, Ges.), 
the Brook, the torrent-bed or wady (Brook 4) in 
which Elijah hid himself during the early part of the 
three years' drought (1 K. xvii. 3, 5). The position 
of the Cherith has been much disputed. Eusebius 
and Jerome place itE. of Jordan, where also Schwarz 
would identify it in a Wady Alias, opposite Beth- 
shean. This is the Wady el- Yabis ( Jabesh). The 
tradition mentioned by Marinus Sanutus in 1321, 
that it ran by Phasaelus, Herod's city in the Jordan 
valley, would make it the ?Ain el-F%isdil, a fountain 
concealed under high cliffs, from which a brook 
flows through a narrow valley, S. of Kurn Surtabeh, 
and falls into the Jordan about fifteen miles above 
Jericho. This view is supported by Bachiene, a. d. 
1758, and by Van de Velde (ii. 310). Robinson, on 



164 



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the other hand (i. 558), would find the name in the 
Wady Kelt, a deep, wild ravine, also W. of Jordan, 
and behind Jericho. 

Ctie'rab [ke-] (Heb. ; see next article below), ap- 
parently a place in Babylonia from which some per- 
sons of doubtful extraction returned to Judea with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 59 ; Neb. vii. 61). 

Cher ub, ( her n-bim, Cher -a-bims [ch as in church 
and Rachel] (Heb. cerub or crub = a keeper, warder, 
ejuard, sc. of the Deity, to guard against all ap- 
proach ? Ges. ; Heb. pi. cirubim or crubim. Many 
other etymologies have been proposed.) In regard 




Assyrian sphinx. — (Layard, 11. 349.) 

to cherubim, two principal opinions have been held : 
(1.) that they are an order of superhuman beings, 
having a separate and real existence (see below) ; 
(2.) that they were merely symbolical figures or 
imaginary beings, like the composite creature-forms 



in the religious insignia of Assyria, Egypt, Babylonia, 
and Persia, e. g. the sphinx, the gryphons or griffins, 
winged bulls and lions of Nineveh, &c. (Nisroch.) 
In the sacred boats or arks of the Egyptians, (cut, p. 
106), are sometimes found two figures with extended 
wings, which remind us of the description of the 
cherubim " covering the mercy-seat with their wings, 
and their faces (looking) one to another" (Ex. xxv. 20). 
The cherubim are first mentioned as " placed at the E. 
of the garden of Eden " (Gen. iii. 24). A pair (Ex, 
xxv. is, &c.) were placed on the mercy-seat of the 
ark : a pair of colossal size, probably in addition to 
the others, overshadowed it in Solomon's Tem- 
ple with the canopy of their contiguously ex- 
tended wings (1 K. vi. 2;} ft'.). Jehovah is 
often spoken of as " manifesting himself, or 
dwelling between the cherubim " (Ex. xxv. 22; 
Num. vii. 89 ; 1 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 Sam. vi. 2, &c). 
Cherubim were likewise represented on the 
curtains and veil of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 
1, 81, xxxvi. 8, 35), on the walls and doors 
and veil of the Temple (1 K. vi. 29, 32, 35 ; 2 
dir. iii. 14, &c), and on the bases of the 
lavers (1 K. vii. 29, 36). Ezekiel (i. 4-14) 
speaks of four " living creatures," and similar- 
ly the apocalyptic " beasts" (Beast 14) (Rev. 
iv. 6) are four. The cherubim are sometimes 
placed beneath the actual presence of Jehovah, 
whose moving throne they appear to draw (Ez. 
i. 5, 25, 26, x. 1, 2, 6, 7). The glory symboliz- 
ing that presence which eye cannot sec rests 
or rides on them, or one of them, thence dis- 
mounts to the Temple threshold, and then de- 
parts and mounts again (Ez. x. 4, 18; compare 
ix. 3 ; Ps. xviii. 10). Those on the ark were to 
lie placed with wings stretched forth, one at each end 
of the mercy-seat, and to be made " of the mercy-seat." 
They are called the cherubim of glory (Heb. ix. 5), as 
on or between them the glory, when visible, rested: 
They were anointed with the holy oil, like the ark 




The winged female sphinx of Egypt — ( Wilkinson.) 

itself, and the other sacred furniture. Their wings 
were to be stretched upward, and their faces " tow- 
ard each other and toward the mercy-seat." It is 
remarkable that with such precise directions as to 
their position, attitude, and material, nothing, save 
thai they were winged, is said (in Exodus) concern- 
ing their shape. In Ez. i. (compare x.) they are 
minutely described as having a composite creature- 
form, of which the man, lion, ox, md eagle were the 
elements. In Ez. x. 14 their "first face" is said to 
be " the face of a cherub " (compare i. 10). Biihr is 
inclined to think that the precise form varied within 
certnin limits ; e. g. the cherubic figure might have 
one, two, or four faces, two or four feet, one or two 
pair of wings, and might have the bovine or leonine 
type as its basis, &c. Mr. F. W. Farrar (in Kit.) 
maintains, that, " although the complete symbol of 




Assyrian Griffin. — (Layard, ii. 459.) 

the cherubim was composed of four separate or 
united forms of life, they might be sufficiently indi- 
cated by any one of these four elements, and that 
the shape in which they were commonly represented 
was either that of a winged ox (perhaps with a 
human head), or of a winged man (perhaps with 
calves' feet)." (See below.) Fairbairn also consid- 
ers them symbolic and imaginary beings, " not pre- 
sented to our view as always entirely alike ; " but 
regards them as " composite animal forms " with "a 
predominantly human aspect" — "ideal representa- 
tives of humanity in its highest and holiest places — 
representatives not of what it actually is, but of what 
it was destined to become, when the purpose of God 
in its behalf was accomplished, and other elements 
than those now belonging to it had gathered into its 
condition." Probably most of those who have de- 



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165 



nied the personal reality of the 
cherubim have maintained that 
they are symbols directly or in- 
directly, either of the natural 
perfections of God, e. g. omnip- 
otence, omniscience, &c. (personi- 
fications, in fact, of natural power 
employed in God's service), or of 
the divine moral attributes, e. g. 
justice, slowness to anger, &c. 
Thus Prof. Stuart (on Rev. iv. 6) 
regards the living creatures or 
cherubim as " symbolic of the 
all-pervading power, providence, 
and government of God who 
uses them as His instruments." 
As in Rev. v. 10 the best critical 
authorities read "them" and 
"they," instead of "us" and 
" we " with the A. V. and com- 
mon Greek text, Prof. Stuart sug- 
gests that the first clause in verse 
9, may be sung by the twenty-four 
elders and the four living crea 
tures, the last clause by the A Gredlm Griffin . 

elders alone, verse 10 by the 

living creatures alone, &c, and refers for such re- I representation of the government of God — to illus- 
sponsive praise to Ps. xxiv. and Is. vi. 1-3. Mr. | trate, as it were, that on which the divine government 
Barnes (on Rev. iv. 6) regards the living creatures of I rests, or which constitutes its support — viz., power, 
Revelation and Ezekiel as " designed to furnish some | intelligence, vigilance, energy." John Hutchinson, 




u 

Winged human -headed Lion of Assyria.— From N. W. Palace, Nimroud.— (Layard'a Nineveh, i. 76.) 




166 



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Parkhurst, &c, considered the cherubim as emblems 
of the Trinity, with man incorporated into the divine 
essence, &c. — But many eminent theologians (Calvin, 
Dwight, &c), «ith probably the great majority of 
ordinary readers of the Scriptures, have regarded the 




A tacred Egyptian boat or ark, with two figure* perhnpi resembling cheru- 
bim. — (Wllkluson.) 

cherubim as real spiritual beings, or as symbolical- 
ly (so Doddridge, Whitby, &c.) representing such 
beings. (Seraphim.) Gesenius defines the cherub 
as " a creature of a sacred and celestial na- 
ture." The ancient Arabic version translated the 
Hebrew by " angola." Some have held that the cher- 
ubim = angels in general, others that they constitute 
a distinct order of angels, or of spiritual beings 
superior to angels. As it is not certain that spiritual 
beings have any proper shape of their own (Angels), 
the apparent form might vary (see above) without 
involving any corresponding change in the essential 
nature of the beings represented or symbolized. 
Gesenius supposes the attributes of the lion, ox, 
and eagle added to the humin figure, to mark the 
strength and swiftness of these ministers of Deity. — 
The king of Tyre is styled (Ez. xxviii. 14, 16) ""the 
anointed cherub that covereth," " covering cherub," 
in allusion to the cherubim covering the mercy-seat 
with their wings and with reference to his peculiarly 
exalted and privileged position. 

Cues' a-Ion [kes-] (Heb. confidence, hope, Ges. ; lit- 
erally loins, fiank), one of the landmarks on the W. 
part of the N. boundary of Judah, apparently on 
the side of Mount Jearim (Josh. xv. 10) ; probably 
at the modern village named Kcsla, about six miles 
X. E. of 'Ain-sherns (Reth-shemesh) on the western 
mountains of Judah (Rbn. ii. 30 n. ; iii. 154). Eu- 
sebius and Jerome mention a Chaslon, but the for- 
mer places it in Benjamin, the latter in Judah : both 
agree that it was a very large village in the neigh- 
borhood of Jerusalem. 

Che'sed [ke-] (Heb. increase, sc. of the family, 
Sim.), fourth son of Xahor (Gen. xxii. 22), from 
whom (so Jerome, &c.) came the Casdim or Chal- 
deans. Chaidea. 

Che'sll [ke-] (Heb. fool — Cesil), a town in the 
extreme S. of Palestine, named with Hormah and 
Ziklag (Josh. xv. 30); probablv=BF.THCL, Bethuel, 
Bethel 2. Rowlands and Wilton make Chesil = 
the modern el-K7iulasah (Elusa). The former (in 
Fairbairn) suggests that Chesil may be Khuzai or 
Khuzdli, a little N. of el-Khulasah, and then the 
latter = Chorashan. 

Chest, the, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
dron, invariably used for the Abk of the Covenant 



(Ark); also once for the "coffin" (probably like 
that in the cut) in which Joseph's bones were car- 
ried from Egypt (Gen. 1. 26 ; Burial ; Embalming); 
and six times for the " chest " in which Jehoiada the 
priest collected the alms for the repairs of the Tern- 




; . : v_ » J > 




Egyptian che«t or box from Toebei, 



pie (2 K. xii. 9, 10; 2 Chr. xxiv. 8-11).— 2. Heb. 
pi. gihidzim, " chests " (Ez. xxvii. 24 only) ; = treas- 
ure chests, in which precious goods or wares are 
stored, Ges. ; translated " treasuries " in Esth. iii. 9, 
iv. 7. 

Cliest'nnfMree, the A. V. translation of the Heb. 
'armdn in Gen. xxx. 37, and Ez. xxxi. 8. In Ezekiel 
it is spoken of as one of the glories of Assyria. 
The balance of authority (LXX., Vulgate, Chaldce, 
Syriac, Arabic, &e.) is certainly in favor of the 
nriiiit.il jjhiiK-trrc (Platnnm orienialis) OS the tree 
denoted. The occidental plane-tree (Plalanus occi- 
denlalis), a closely allied species, is well known in 
the United States as the button-wood or button-ball 
tree, and is often called sycamore. The A. V. fol- 
lows the Rabbins, but the context of the passages 
where the word occurs, indicates some tree which 
thrives best in low and rather moist situations, 
whereas the chestnut-tree is a tree which prefers dry 
and hilly ground. The plane-trees of Palestine were 
probably more numerous in ancient days than now ; 
though modern travellers occasionally refer to them. 
In Ecclus. xxiv. 14, wisdom is compared to " a plane- 
tree (Gr. p/atarws) by the water." 

Che-sul'loth [ke-] (Heb. hopes, Ges. ; literally, the 
loins), a town of Issachar, named between Jezreel 
and Shunem (Josh. xix. 18); according to Robinson 
(ii. 332) and Porter (in Kitto) = Chislotii-Taiior. 
Keil (on .Joshua) and others deny this identity. 

*Cheth (Heb. heyth or cheyth, probably = an en- 
closure, fence, Ges.), the eighth letter of the Hebrew 
alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

Clietti-im [ket'te-im] (fr. Gr.) = Chittim (1 Me. i. 

!)■ 

Che'zib [ke-] (Heb. lying, false, Ges.), the birth- 
place of Shelah (Gen. xxxviii. 5) ; probably = Ach- 
zib 1. Wilton (in Fbn., art. Keilah) places Chezib 
at 'Ain Kussdbeh, a fountain with ruins about four 
hours S. W. from Beit Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). 

* Chiek'ens (2 Esd. i. 30 ; Mat. xxiii. 37). Hen. 
Chi'don (Heb. javehn; see Arms, I. 2, b), the name 

in 1 Chr. xiii. 9 of the threshing-floor at which the 
accident to the ark, on its transport from Kirjath- 
jearim to Jerusalem, took place, and the death of 
Uzzah. In 2 Sam. vi. the name is given as Xachon. 

* Chief of A sia. Asiarchs. 

Child, Chll'dren. The blessing of offspring, but 
especially, and sometimes exclusively, of the male 
sex, is highly valued among all Eastern nations, 
while the absence is regarded as one of the severest 
punishments (Gen. xvi. 2, xxv. 21, xxix. 31, xxx. 1, 



CHI 



CHI 



167 



14 ; Deut. vii. 14 ; 1 Sam. i. 6 ff., ii. 5, iv. 20 ; 2 Sam. 
vi. 23, xviii. 18 ; 2 K. iv. 14; Esth. v. 11 ; Ps. cxxvii. 
3, 5 ; Bccl. vi. 3 ; Is. xlvii. 9 ; Jer. xx. 15 ; Hos. ix. 

14) . Childbirth is in the East usually, but not always, 
easy (Gen. xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 28 ; Ex. i. 19 ; 1 Sam. 
iv. 19, 20). (Midwife.) As soon as the child was 
born, and the umbilical cord cut, it was washed in 
a bath, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in swaddling- 
clothes. Arab mothers sometimes rub their children 
with earth or sand (Ez. xvi. 4 ; Job xxxviii. 9 ; Lk. 
ii. 7). On the eighth day the rite of circumcision, 
in the case of a boy, was performed, and a name 
given, sometimes, but not usually, the same as that 
of the father, and generally conveying some spe- 
cial meaning. After the birth of a male child the 
mother was considered unclean for 7 + 33 days ; 
if the child were a female, for double that period, 
14 + 66 days. At the end of the time she was to 
make an offering of purification of a lamb as a 
burnt-offering, and a pigeon or turtle-dove as a sin- 
offering, or in case of poverty, two doves or pigeons, 
one as a burnt-offering, the other as a sin-offering 
(Lev. xii. ; Lk. ii. 22). The period of nursing ap- 
pears to have been sometimes prolonged to three 
years (Is. xlix. 15 ; 2 Mc. vii. 27). Nurses were 
sometimes employed (Ex. ii. 9 ; Gen. xxiv. 59, xxxv. 
8 ; 2 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 11 ; comp. 
Gen. xxi. 7 ; 1 Sam. i. 23 ; Cant. viii. 1 ; Is. xlix. 

15) . (Nurse.) The time of weaning was an occasion 
of rejoicing (Gen. xxi. 8). (Banquets.) Arab children 
wear little or no clothing for four or five years : the 
young of both sexes are usually carried by the 
mothers on the hip or the shoulder, a custom to 
which allusion is made by Isaiah (Is. xlix. 22, lxvi. 
12). Both boys and girls in their early years were 
under the care of the women (Prov. xxxi. 1). After- 
ward the boys were taken by the father under his 
charge. Those in wealthy families had tutors or 
governors, who were sometimes eunuchs (Num. xi. 
12 ; 2 K. x. 1, 5 ; Is. xlix. 23 ; Gal. iii. 24). (Educa- 
tion.) Daughters usually remained in the women's 
apartments till marriage, or were employed in vari- 
ous domestic occupations, the seclusion being more 
strict in later times and among the higher classes 
(Gen. xxiv. 11, 16, xxix. 10; Ex. ii. 16 ; 1 Sam. ix. 
11 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 7 ; Ecclus. vii. 25, xlii. 9 ; 2 Mc. iii. 
19). (Dress ; Mother; Slave ; Women.) The first- 
born male children were regarded as devoted to 
God, and were to be redeemed by an offering (Ex. 
xiii. 13 ; Num. xviii. 15 ; Lk. ii. 22). The authority 
of parents, especially of the father, over children 
was very great, as was also the reverence enjoined 
by the law to be paid to parents. The disobedient 
child, the striker or reviler of a parent, was liable to 
capital punishment, though not, under the Mosaic 
law, at the independent will of the parent. (Patri- 
arch ; Punishments.) Children were sometimes 
taken as bond-servants, in case of non-payment of 
debt (2 K. iv. 1 ; Neh. v. 5 ; Is. 1. 1 ; Mat. xviii. 25). 
Parental authority and filial duty are inculcated in 
the fifth commandment and enforced in the N. T. 
(Ex. xx. 12 ; Eph. vi. 1 ff, &c). " Child," " chil- 
dren " often figuratively denote origin, relationship, 
resemblance, kc. Adoption ; Brother ; Daughter ; 
Heir ; Son. 

Cllil'c-ab [kil-] (Heb. perhaps = like his father, 
Ges.). Abigail ; Daniel 1. 

Chill-on [kil'e-on] (Heb. a pining, Ges.), son of 
Elimelech and Naomi, and husband of Orpah ; " an 
Ephrathite of Bethlehem-judah " (Ru. i. 2-5, iv 9). 
Ruth. 

Cllil'mad [kil-] (Heb. enclosure [i. e. defence] of 



Media, Sim.), a place or country mentioned with She- 
ba and Asshur (Ez. xxvii. 23) ; supposed by Bochart, 
&c. (improbably) = ancient Charmande, a town near 
the Euphrates about 150 miles N. W. of Babylon, 
llawlinson makes Chilmad = the city of Kalwadha 
(near Bagdad), with which he is disposed to connect 
the name Chaldea. 

Chim'liam [kim-] (Heb. pining, longing, Ges.), a 
follower, and probably a son of Barzillai the Gilead- 
ite, who returned from beyond Jordan with David 
(2 Sam. xix. 37, 38, 40 ; compare 1 K. ii. 7). David 
appears to have bestowed on him a possession at 
Bethlehem, on which, in later times, an inn or Khan 
was standing (Jer. xli. 17). In 2 Sam. xix. 40, the 
name is in the Hebrew text and margin of A. V. 
Chimhan. 

(him hail [kim-] (Heb.). Chimham. 

Cllill'ne-reth [kin-] (Heb. cinnereth = lyre, Ges;), 
a fortified city in Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), of 
which no trace is found in later writers, and no re- 
mains by travellers. By Jerome Chinnereth, perhaps 
from some tradition, was identified with the later 
Tiberias. (See the next article, and Cinneroth.) 

Chin'ne-reth [kin-] (Heb. ; see above), Sea of, 
(Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xiii. 27), the inland sea, most 
known as the " lake of Gennesaret," mentioned as 
at the end of Jordan opposite to the " Sea of the 
Arabah," i. e. the Dead Sea ; as having the Arabah 
below it, &c. (Deut. iii. 17 ; Josh. xi. 2, xii. 3). In 
the two latter passages it is Chinneroth. It seems 
likely that Chinnereth was an ancient Canaanite 
name existing long prior to the Israelite conquest. 

Chiu'ne-roth [kin-] (Heb. pi. cinneroth = lyres, 
Ges.). Chinnereth, Sea of ; Cinneroth. 

Clli'os [ki-] (Gr. ; derived by some fr. Gr. cliion, 
snow), an island in the Grecian Archipelago. St. 
Paul passed near Chios on his return voyage from 
Troas to Cesarea (Acts xx., xxi.). Having come 
from Assos to Mitylene in Lesbos (xx. 14), he arrived 
the next day over against Chios (15), the next day 
at Samos and tarried at Trogyllium ; and the follow- 
ing day at Miletus ; thence he went by Cos and 
Rhodes to Patara (xxi. 1). At that time Chios en- 
joyed the privilege of freedom, and it is not certain 
that it ever was politically a part of the province of 
Asia, though it is separated from the mainland only 
by a strait of five miles. Its length is about thirty- 
two miles, and in breadth it varies from eight to 
eighteen. Its outline is mountainous and bold ; and 
it has always been celebrated for its beauty and 
fruitfulness. It was desolated by the Persians B. c 
494, and in the Greek war of independence by the 
Turks, who (1822) massacred 25,000 of its inhabi- 
tants, and sold 45,000 into slavery. 

(his'len [kis'lu]. Month. 

Cllis'lon Lkis-] (Heb. confidence, hope, Ges.), father 
of Elidad, a prince of Benjamin at the division of 
Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 21). 

Chis'loth-ta'bor [kis-] (Heb. loins, or flank, of 
Tabor, Ges.), a place to the border of which reached 
the border of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 12) ; perhaps at 
the modern village IksAl, i. e. about two and a half 
miles W. of Mount Tabor. Chesulloth ; Tabor 
(city). 

Chit'tim [kit-] (Heb. pi., prob. = Hittites, Ges. ; 
see below), a family or race descended from Javan 
(Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7 ; A. V. " Kittim "), closely re- 
lated to the Dodanim. Balaam predicts that a fleet 
should proceed " from the coast of Chittim " to 
" afflict " Assyria, &c. (Num. xxiv. 24) : in Is. xxiii. 
1, 12, " the land of Chittim appears as the resort of 
the fleets of Tyre : in Jer. ii. 10, the " isles of Chit- 



168 



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CUR 



tim " are to the far W., as Kedar to the E. of Pales- 
tine : the Tyrians procured thence the cedar or box- 
wood (Box-tree), which they inlaid with ivory for 
the decks of their vessels (Ez. xxvii. 6) : in Dan. xi. 
30, " ships of Chittim " advance to the S. to meet 
the king of the N. At a later period we find Alex- 
ander the Great described as coming from the land 
of Chkttiim (1 Me. i. 1), and Perseus as king of the 
Citims (viiL 5). Josephus considered Cyprus as tin; 
original seat of the Chittim, adducing as evidence 
the name of its principal town, Citium. Citium was 
without doubt a Phenieian town. From the town 
the name extended to the whole island of Cyprus, 
which was occupied by Phenieian colonies. The 
name Chittim, which in the first instance had ap- 
plied to Phenicians only (= Hittites), passed 
over to the islands which they had occupied, and 
thence to the people who succeeded the Phenicians 
in the occupation of them. Thus in 1 Maccabees, 
Chittim evidently = Macedonia. In the wider ac- 
ceptation Chittim comprehended the islands and 
coasts of the Mediterranean, especially of the N. 
parts, viz., Greece and Italy (Gesenius). In an eth- 
nological point of view, Chittim must be regarded 
as applying, not to the original Phenieian settlers of 
Cyprus, but to the race which succeeded them ; viz. 
the Carians. The Carians were connected with the 
Leleges, and must be considered as related to the 
Pelasgic family, though quite distinct from the Hel- 
lenic branch. 

( hi mi [ki-] (Ueb. prob. = statue, image, Ges.). 
Remphan. 

i'tllo'e [klo'e] (Gr. the first light green shoot of 
plants in spring, especially young green corn or 
grass ; hence, the verdant, an epithet of Ceres, 
L. & S.), a woman, some of whose household had 
informed St. Paul of the divisions in the Corinthian 
church (1 Cor. i. 11). 

(ho b» (Gr.), a place (Jd. iv. 4), apparently in 
central Pale-tine; probably the same as 

Clio bai or Caob a-i ((Jr.) (Jd. xv. 4, 5). The name 
suggests Hobah, if the distance from the probable 
site of Bethulia were not too great. Van de Velde 
(i. 308) identifies Chobai with the modern Knhalieh, 
between 8dm.Hr (Bethulia?) and Jcnin (En-gannim). 

Cho-ra'sfeail [ko-] (Heb. smoking furnace, Ges. ; 
chor in Syr. and Ar. = habitation, place, YVr., P. 
Holmes [in Kit.] ; see Ashan), one of the places in 
which " David and his men were wont to haunt " ( 1 
Sam. xxx. 30); generally identified with Asiiax.' 
Rowlands (in Fairbairn under "S. Country") sug- 
gests that Chorashan may be d-Khulnsah. Bethul. ; 
Chesil. 

Cho-ra'zin [ko-] (Gr. district of Zin, Origen ; fr. 
Heb. = woody places, forests, Lightfoot), one of the 
cities in which our Lord's mighty works were done, 
but named only in His denunciation (Mat. xi. 21 ; 
Lk. x. 13). Jerome describes it as on the shore of 
the lake, two miles from Capernaum. Robinson 
makes Klmn Minyeh = Capernaum, Et-Tabighah = 
Bethsaida, and Tell Hum — Chorazin. Thomson j 
identifies Chorazin with the ruined site Khorazy 
or Kherazeh, two miles N. (Robinson makes it three 
miles N. W.) of Tell Hum (his Capernaum). 

Cuo-ze'ba (Heb. lying, false, Ges.). The "men of 
Chozebah " are named (1 Chr. iv. 22) among the 
descendants of Shelah the son of Judah. Cbozeba 
probably = Chezib and Achzib. 

Christ [ch pron. as k, i as in pine] (fr. Gr. chrit- 
tos = anointed = Messiah). Jesus Chp.ist ; Mes- 
siah. 

Chris tian [ch as k, i as in pin] (fr. Christ). The 



disciples, we are told (Acts xi. 26), were first 
called Christians at Antioch 1, somewhere about 
a. d. 43. They were known to each other as breth- 
ren of one family, as disciples of the same Master, 
as believers in the same faith, and as distinguished 
by the same endeavors after holiness and consecra- 
tion of life ; and so were called among themselves 
"brethren" (Acts xv. 1, 23; 1 Cor. vii. 12), "dis- 
ciples" (Acts ix. 26, xi. 29), "believers" (Acts v. 
14), "saints" (Rom. viii. 27, xv. 25). But the 
outer world could know nothing of the true force 
and significance of these terms. The Jews could 
add nothing to the scorn which the names Naza- 
renes and GALILEANS expressed, and had they en- 
deavored to do so they would not have defiled the 
glory of their Messiali by applying his title to those 
whom they could not but regard as the followers of 
a pretender. The name " Christian," then, which, 
in the only other casus where it appears in the N. T. 
( Arts xxvi. 28; 1 Pet. iv. 10: compare Tac. Ann. 
xv. 44), is used contemptuously, could not have been 
originally applied by the early disciples to them- 
selves, though afterward adopted and gloried in by 
them (compare Cross), nor could it have come to 
them from their own nation the Jews ; it must, 
therefore, have been imposed upon them by the 
Gentile world, and no place could have so ap- 
propriately given rise to it as Antioch, where the 
In -t church was planted among the heathen. Its 
inhabitants were celebrated for their wit and a 
propensity for conferring nicknames. The Emperor 
Julian himself was not secure from their jests. Ap- 
pollonius of Tyana was driven from the city by [he. 
insults of the inhabitants. Their wit, however, was 
often harmless enough ; and there is no reason to 
suppose that the name " Christian " of itself was 
intended as a term of scurrility or abuse, though it 
would naturally be used with contempt. Suidas says 
the name was given in the reign of Claudius, when 
Peter appointed Evodius bishop of Antioch, and they 
who were formerly called Xazarenes and Galileans 
had their name changed to Christians. 

Ciiron'i-clcs [kron e-klzl (fr. Gr. pi. chronika — 
books of [or concerning] lime, hence, annals or 
chronology, L. & S. ; in Heb. dibrey hayydmim — 
words of the days, hence, daily affairs, chronicles, 
Ges.), the name originally given to the record made 
by the appointed historiographers in the kingdoms 
of Israel and Judah (1 K. xiv. 19), and then to 
the abridgment of sacred history which in the A. V. 
is called "The First Book of the Chronicles" and 
" The Second Book of the Chronicles." In the LXX. 
these books are called Paraleipomenon (Gr. = of 
things left remaining) proton (= first), Paraleipome- 
non diutcron (= second), which is understood, after 
Jerome's explanation, as meaning that they are sup- 
plementary to the books of Kings. The Vulgate re- 
tains both the Hebrew and Greek name in Latin 
characters, Dibre haiamirn, and Paralipornenon. 
The constant tradition of the Jews, in which they 
have been followed by the great mass of Christian 
commentators, is that these books were for the most 
part compiled by Ezra. In fact, the internal evidence 
as to the time when the book of Chronicles was com- 
piled, seems to tally remarkably w ith the tradition 
concerning its authorship. Notwithstanding this 
agreement, however, the authenticity of Chronicles 
has been vehemently impugned by De Wette and 
other German critics, whose arguments have been 
successfully refuted by Dahler, Keil, Movers, &c. 
As regards the plan of the book, of w hich Ezra is a 
continuation, forming one work, it becomes apparent 



CHR 



CHR 



169 



when we consider it as the compilation of Ezra or 
some one nearly contemporary with him (so Lord A. 
C. Hervey, original author of' this article). One of 
the greatest difficulties connected with the Captivity 
and the return must have been the maintenance of 
that genealogical distribution of the lands which 
yet was a vital point of the Jewish economy. An- 
other difficulty intimately connected with the former 
was the maintenance of the Temple services at Jeru- 
salem. This could only be effected by the residence 
of the priests and Levites in Jerusalem in the or- 
der of their courses : and this residence was only 
practicable in the case of the payment of the ap- 
pointed tithes, first-fruits, and other offerings. But 
then again the registers of the Levitical genealogies 
were necessary, in order that it might be known who 
were entitled to such and such allowances, as por- 
ters, singers, priests, &c. ; because all these offices 
went by families ; and again the payment of the 
tithes, first-fruits, &c, was dependent upon the dif- 
ferent families of Israel being established each in 
his inheritance. Obviously therefore one of the 
most pressing wants of the Jewish community after 
their return from Babylon would be trusty genea- 
logical records. But further, not only had Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. iii., v., vi.), and after him Ezra and Ne- 
hemiah (ii., viii. ; Neh. vii., viii.), labored most earn- 
estly to restore the Temple and the public worship 
of God there to the condition it had been in under 
the kings of Judah ; but it appears clearly from 
their policy, and from the language of the con- 
temporary prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, that 
they had it much at heart to reinfuse something 
of national life and spirit into the heart of the 
people, and to make them feel that they were 
still the inheritors of God's covenanted mercies, 
and that the Captivity had only temporarily inter- 
rupted, not dried up, the stream of God's favor to 
their nation. Now nothing could more effectually 
aid these pious and patriotic designs than setting be- 
fore the people a compendious history of the king- 
dom of David, which should embrace a full account 
of its prosperity, trace the sins which led to its 
overthrow, carry the thread through the period of 
the Captivity, and continue it as it were unbroken 
on the other side ; and those passages in their for- 
mer history would be especially important which ex- 
hibited their greatest and best kings as engaged in 
building or restoring the Temple, reforming all cor- 
ruptions in religion, and zealously regulating the 
services of the house of God. As regards the king- 
dom of Israel or Samaria, seeing it had utterly and 
hopelessly passed away, and that the existing in- 
habitants were among the bitterest " adversaries of 
Judah and Benjamin," it would naturally engage 
very little of the compiler's attention. These con- 
siderations explain exactly the plan and scope of that 
historical work which is supposed to have consisted 
of the two books of Chronicles and Ezra. For after 
having given the genealogical divisions and settle- 
ments of the various tribes (1 Chr. i.-viii.), the com- 
piler marks distinctly his own age and purpose by 
informing us of the disturbance of those settlements 
by the Babylonish Captivity (ix. 1), and of the par- 
tial restoration of them at the return from Babylon 
(2-34). He then gives a continuous history of the 
kingdom of Judah from David to his own times (ix. 
35-Ezr. x.) introduced by the closing scene of Saul's 
life (1 Chr. x.), which introduction is itself prefaced 
by a genealogy of Saul's house (ix. 35-44), extracted 
from the genealogical tables drawn up in the reign 
of Hezekiah (so Lord A. C. Hervey). 1 Chr. xv.- 



xvii., xxii.-xxix. ; 2 Chr. xiii.-xv., xxiv., xxvi., 
xxix.-xxxi., xxxv., are among the passages wholly 
or in part peculiar to the books of Chronicles, which 
mark the compiler's purpose, and are especially 
suited to the age and work of Ezra. Many Chal- 
daisms in the language of these books, the resem- 
blance of the style of Chronicles to that of Ezra, 
which is, in parts, avowedly Ezra's composition, the 
reckoning by Darics (1 Chr. xxix. 7 ; A. V. " drams"), 
as well as the breaking off of the narrative in the 
lifetime of Ezra, are among other valid arguments 
by which the authorship, or rather compilation of 
1 and 2 Chronicles and Ezra is vindicated to Ezra. 
As regards the materials used by him, and the 
sources of his information, they are not difficult to 
discover. The genealogies are obviously transcribed 
from some register, in which were preserved the gen- 
ealogies of the tribes and families drawn up at dif- 
ferent times, from the time of David to the time of 
Ezra (compare 1 Chr. vi. 33 ff. with iii. 19-24). The 
same wide divergence in the age of other materials 
embodied in the books of Chronicles is also appa- 
rent. Thus the information in 1 Chr. i., concerning 
the kings of Edom before the reign of Saul, was ob- 
viously compiled from very ancient sources. The 
same may be said of the incident of the slaughter of 
the sons of Ephraim by the Gittites (1 Chr. vii. 21, 
viii. 13), and of the account of the sons of Shelah 
and their dominion in Moab (iv. 21, 22). The curi- 
ous details concerning the Beubenites and Gadites 
in 1 Chr. v. must have been drawn from contempo- 
rary documents, embodied probably in the genealo- 
gical records of Jotham and Jeroboam, while other 
records used by the compiler are as late as after the 
return from Babylon (e. g. 1 Chr. ix. 2 ff. ; 2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 20 ff.) ; and others (e. g. Ezr. ii., iv. 6-23) are 
as late as the time of Artaxerxes and Nehemiah. 
Hence it is further manifest that the books of Chro- 
nicles and Ezra, though put into their present form 
by one hand, contain in fact extracts from the writ- 
ings of many different writers, which were extant at 
the time the compilation was made. For the full ac- 
count of the reign of David, he made copious ex- 
tracts from the books of Samuel the seer, Nathan the 
prophet, and Gad the seer (1 Chr. xxix. 29). For 
the reign of Solomon he copied from " the book of 
Nathan," from " the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilon- 
ite," and from " the visions of Iddo the seer " (2 
Chr. ix. 29). Another work of Iddo called " the story 
(margin, " commentary ") of the prophet Iddo," sup- 
plied an account of the acts, and the ways, and say- 
ings, of King Abijah (xiii. 22): while yet another 
book of Iddo concerning genealogies, with the book 
of the prophet Shemaiah, contained the acts of King 
Rehoboam (xii. 15). For later times the "Book of 
the kings of Israel and Judah " is repeatedly cited 
(2 Chr. xxv. 26, xxvii. 7, xxxii. 32, &c), also "the 
story (margin, 'commentary') of the book of the 
Kings " (xxiv. 27), and "the sayings of the seers " 
(margin, " Hosai ; " xxxiii. 19) ; for the reign of Je- 
hoshaphat " the book of Jehu the son of Hanani " 
(xx. 34), and for the reigns of TJzziah and Hezekiah 
" the vision of the prophet Isaiah " (xxvi. 22, xxxii. 
32). Besides the above-named works, there was al- 
so the public national record mentioned in Neh. xii. 
23. The " Chronicles of David " (1 Chr. xxvii. 24), 
are probably the same as those written by Samuel, 
Nathan, and Gad (xxix. 29). From this time the 
affairs of each king's reign were regularly recorded 
in a book (1 K. xiv. 29, xv. 7, &c); and it was 
doubtless from this common source that the pas- 
sages in the Books of Samuel and Kings identical 



170 



CHR 



CHR 



with the Books of Chronicles were derived. Most, 
if not all, of the alleged discrepancies in regard to 
the facts and numbers may be satisfactorily ex- 
plained. (Abijaii 1 ; Ahaziah 2; Aradnah; Asa; 
Census ; Israel, Kingdom op, &c.) As regards 2 
Chr. xxxvi. 8 ff., and Ezr. i., a comparison of them 
with 2 K. xxiv., xxv., will lead to the conclusion 
that uhile the writer of the narrative in Kings lived 
in Judah, and died under the dynasty of Nebuchad- 
nezzar, the writer of the chapter in Chronicles lived 
at Babylon, and survived till the commencement at 
least of the Persian dynasty. Moreover, he seems 
to speak as one who had long been a subject of Neb- 
uchadnezzar, calling him simply " King Nebuchad- 
nezzar." Lord A. C. Hervey supposes it highly 
probable that as Jeremiah wrote the closing portion 
of the Book of Kings, so did Daniel write the corre- 
sponding portion in Chronicles, and down to the end 
of Ezr. i. As regards the language of these books, 
as of Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and the later proph- 
ets, it has a marked Chaldee coloring, and Gesenius 
says of them, that " as literary works, they are de- 
cidedly inferior to those of older date " (Introd. to 
Neb. Grammar). The books of Chronicles have al- 
ways had their place in the 0. T. (Bible, III. 3 ; 
Canon.) Though not expressly quoted in the N. T., 
they are supposed to be alluded to, e. g. in Heb. v. 
4 (compare 1 Chr. xxiii. 13), Lk. i. 5 (compare 1 Chr. 
xxiv. 10), Mat. xxiii. 35 and Lk. xi. 51 (compare 2 
Chr. xxiv. 20, 21). 

Ohro-nol'o-gy [kro-nol'o-je] (fr. Gr. = computation 
of time, L. & S.). The object of this article (origi- 
nally by Mr. R. S. Poole) is to indicate the present 
state of biblical chronology, i. e. of the technical and 
historical chronology of the Jews and their ancestors 
from the earliest time to the close of the N. T. Canon. 
—I, Technical Chronology, comprehending the mode 
of reckoning time and the terms used to denote 
divisions of time. — The technical part of Hebrew 
Chronology presents great difficulties. The biblical 
information is almost wholly inferential. (Inspira- 
tion.) We must not expect among the patriarchs 
and Israelites either the accuracy of modern science 
or the inaccuracy of modern ignorance. The Arabs 
of the desert afford the best parallel. (Astronomy.) 
Many of the genealogies given in the Bible are 
broken without being in consequence technically de- 
fective as Hebrew genealogies (Mat. i. 8 ; Ezr. vii. 
1-5 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 24 1 K. xix. 16 ; 2 K. ix. 20, 
compare 2, 14, &c. ; see Genealogy). There is no 
use of the generation as a division of time in the 
Pentateuch, unless in Gen. xv. 16, where, however, 
the meaning most probably is that some of the fourth 
generation should come forth from Egypt. There 
is no evidence that the ancient Hebrews had any 
division smaller than an hour. — Hour. — The " hour" 
is mentioned in Dan. iiL 6, 15, iv. 19, 33, v. 5, but 
in no one of these cases is a definite period of time 
clearly intended by the word employed. The Egyp- 
tians divided the day and night into hours like our- 
selves from at least b. c. about 1200. It is there- 
fore not improbable that the Israelites were ac- 
quainted with the hour from an early period. The 
" dial of Ahaz " implies a division of the kind. 
In the N. T. we find the same system as the modern, 
the hours being reckoned from the beginning of the 
Jewish night and day. — Day. — For the civil day of 
twenty-four hours we find in one place (Dan. viii. 14, 
margin) the term " evening-morning " (also in 2 
Cor. xi. 25, A. V. " a night and a day ; " compare 
Ion. i. 17; Mat. xii. 40). The civil day was divided I 
into night and natural day, the periods of darkness ! 



and light (Gen. i. 5). The night, and therefore the 
civil day, is generally held to have begun at sunset 
(Lev. xxiii. 32). " Between the two evenings " 
(margin of Ex. xii. 6 ; Num. ix. 3, xxviii. 4) is a 
natural division between the late afternoon when the 
sun is low, and the evening when his light has not 
wholly disappeared, the two evenings into which the 
natural evening would be cut by the commencement 
of the civil day if it began at sunset. The natural day 
probably was held to commence at sunrise, morning- 
twilight being included in the last watch of the night, 
according to the old as well as the later division ; 
some, however, made the morning-watch part of 
the day. Four natural periods, smaller than the 
civil day, are mentioned. These are " evening," 
and " morning," " noon " (or " mid-day"), and " mid- 
night." All these seem to designate periods, evening 
and morning being, however, much longer than noon 
and midnight. The night was divided into watches, 
three in the O. T. ; four in the N. T. (Watches of 
Night.) — Week. — The Hebrew week was a period 
of seven days ending with the Sabbath ; therefore 
it could not have been a division of the month, which 
was lunar, without intercalation. The week, whether 
a period of seven days, or a quarter of the month, 
was of common use in antiquity. The Egyptians, 
however, were without it, dividing their month of 
thirty days into decades as did the Athenians. — 
Month. — The months by which the time is measured 
in the account of the Flood seem to be of thirty 
days each, probably forming a year of three hundred 
and sixty days, for the first, second, seventh, and 
tenth months are mentioned (Gen. viii. 13, vii. 11, 
viii. 14, 4, 5). The months fiom the giving of the 
Law until the time of the Second Temple, were lunar. 
Their average length would of course be a lunation, 
or a little (44') above twenty-nine and a half days, 
and therefore they would in general be alternately 
of twenty-nine and thirty days, but it is possible 
that occasionally months might occur of twenty- 
eight and thirty-one days, if, as is highly probable, 
the commencement of each was strictly determined 
by observation. The first day of the month is 
called " new moon." — Year. — It has been supposed, 
as already mentioned, that in Noah's time there was 
a year of three hundred and sixty days. The dates 
in the narrative of the Flood might indeed be ex- 
plained in accordance with a year of three hundred 
and sixty-five days. The evidence of the prophetic 
Scriptures is however conclusive as to the knowledge 
of a year of the former length. There can be no 
doubt that the year instituted at the Exodus was es- 
sentially tropical (i. e. averaging nearly three hundred 
and sixty-five and a quarter days, the period of the 
sun's passing from one tropic or equinox to the 
same again), since certain observances connected 
with the produce of the land were fixed to particular 
days. It is equally clear that the months were lunar, 
each commencing with a new moon. Probably the 
nearest new moon about or after the equinox, but 
not much before, was chosen as the commencement 
of the year, and a thirteenth month was intercalated 
or added, whenever the twelfth ended too long be- 
fore the equinox for the first-fruits of the harvest 
to be offered in the middle of the month following, 
and the similar offerings at the times appointed. 
The later Jews had two beginnings to the year. At 
the time of the Second Temple the seventh month 
of the civil reckoning was Abib, the first of the 
sacred. Hence it has been held that the institution 
i at the time of the Exodus was merely a change of 
\ commencement, and not the introduction of a new 



CHR 



CHR 



171 



year ; iind also that from this time there were the 
two beginnings. The former opinion is at present 
purely hypothetical, and has been too much mixed 
up with the latter, for which, on the contrary, there 
is some evidence. The strongest point in this evi- 
dence is the circumstance that the sabbatical and 
jubilee years commenced in the seventh month, and 
doubtless on its first day. It is perfectly clear that 
this would be the most convenient, if not the neces- 
sary, commencement of single years of total cessa- 
tion from the labors of the field, since each year so 
commencing would comprise the whole round of 
these occupations in a regular order from seed-time 
to harvest, and from harvest to vintage and gather- 
ing of fruit. We can therefore come to no other 
conclusion but that for the purposes of agriculture 
the year was held to begin with the seventh month, 
while the months were still reckoned from the sacred 
commencement in Abib. — Seasons. — The ancient 
Hebrews do not appear to have divided their year 
into fixed seasons. We find mention of the natural 
seasons, " summer," and " winter," which = the 
whole year in Ps. lxxiv. 17 ; Zech. xiv. 8 ; and 
perhaps Gen. viii. 22. The Hebrew word for the 
former of these properly = the time of cutting 
fruits, and the Hebrew word for the latter = the time 
of gatheiing fiuits ; the one referring to the early 
fruit season, the other to the late one(= autumn, 
not unfrequently including winter, Ges. ). There are 
two agricultural seasons of a more special character 
than the preceding in their ordinary use. These are 
"seed-time" and "harvest." (Agriculture.) — Fes- 
tivals mid Bolydai/s. — (See Fasts ; Festivals ; Jubi- 
lee, Year of; Sabbatical Year.) — Bras. — There 
are indications of several historical eras having been 
used by the ancient Hebrews, but our information 
is so scanty that we are generally unable to come 
to positive conclusions. — 1. The Exodus (Ex. xii. 
41, 51) is used as an era in 1 K. vi. 1, in giving the 
date of the foundation of Solomon's Temple. — 2. 
The foundation of Solomon's Temple is conjectured 
by Ideler to have been an era (1 K. ix. 10 ; 2 Chr. 
viii. 1). — 3. The era once used by Ezekiel (i. 1), and 
commencing in Josiah's eighteenth year, was most 
probably connected with the sabbatical system (2 K. 
xxiii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 18, xxxiv. 30; ccmp. Deut. 
xxxi. 10-13). — 4. The era of Jehoiachin's captivity is 
constantly used by Ezekiel. The earliest date is 
the fifth year (i. 2), and the latest, the twenty-seventh 
(xxix. 17). The prophet generally gives the date 
without applying any distinctive term to the era. 
We have no proof that it was used except by those 
to whose captivity it referred. Its first year was 
current b. c. 596, commencing in the spring of that 
year. — 5. The beginning of the seventy years' 
Captivity does not appear to have been used as an 
era. — 6. The return from Babylon does not appear 
to be employed as an era ; it is, however, reckoned 
from in Ezra iii. 1, 8, as is the Exodus in the Penta- 
teuch.— 7. The era of the Seleucidse (b. c. 312) is 
used in 1 and 2 Maccabees. (Maccabees, Books 
of.) — 8. The liberation of the Jews from the Syrian 
yoke in the first year of Simon the Maccabee is 
stated to have been commemorated by an era used 
in contracts and agreements (1 Mc. xiii. 41 ; Mac- 
cabees). — Regnal Years. — By the Hebrews regnal 
years appear to have been counted from the begin- 
ning of the year, not from the day of the king's ac- 
cession. Thus, if a king came to the throne in the 
last month of a year, reigned for the whole of the 
next year, and died in the first month of the third 
year, we might have dates in his first, second, and 



third years, although he governed for no more than 
thirteen or fourteen months. — II. Historical Chro- 
nology. — The historical part of Hebrew Chronology 
is not less difficult than the technical. The informa- 
tion in the Bible is indeed direct rather than inferen- 
tial, although there is very important evidence of 
the latter kind, but the present state of the numbers 
makes absolute certainty in many cases impossible. 
(Abijah 1 ; Census.) The frequent occurrence of 
round numbers is a matter of minor importance, for, 
although when we have no other evidence, it mani- 
festly precludes our arriving at positive accuracy, 
the variation of a few years is not to be balanced 
against great differences apparently not to be posi- 
tively resolved, as those of the primeval numbers in 
the Hebrew, LXX., and Samaritan Pentateuch. — 
Biblical data. — It will be best to examine the biblical 
information under the main periods into which it 
may be separated, beginning with the earliest. (A.) 
First Period, from Adam to Abram's departure from 
Haran. — All the numerical data in the Bible for the 
chronology of this interval are comprised in two gen- 
ealogical lists in Genesis, the first from Adam to 
Noah and his sons (Gen. v. 3-32), and the second 
from Shem to Abram (xi. 10-26), and in certain pas- 
sages in the same book (vii. 6, 11, viii. 13, ix. 28, 
29, xi. 82, xii. 4). The Masoretic Hebrew text, the 
LXX., and the Samaritan Pentateuch greatly differ, 
as may be seen by the following table. 





Age o 


each 


when 




Years 


of each after 


Total length of 




the 


next was 




the 






the life of 






horn. 














each. 






LXX. 


Heb. 








LXX. 


Heb. 


Sam. 


LXX. 


Heb. 






2311 


130 




700 


8( 





930 






Scth 


205 


105 




707 


807 


912 








190 


90 




715 


815 


906 








no 


10 




740 


840 


910 








165 


65 




730 


830 


895 








162 


" 


62 




800 


.. | 785 


962 




847 




165 




5 




200 


ano 


365 






Methuselah 


187 




67 




(782) 


782 


653 


969 




720 




167 








802 














188 


182 


63 




565 


695 


600 


753 


777 


653 




502 








448 






950 








100 








500 






600 








2264 


1658 


1309 




This was 


" two years after the 




2244 






Mood. ' 










135 


35 






400 


403 


303 


(535) 


(438) 


438 




130 








330 






(460) 




Salah 


130 


30 






330 


403 


303 


(46(1) 


(433) 433 


Eber 


134 


34 






270 


430 




(■1(14 1 


(464) 


404 




130 


30 






209 




109 


1 33(1 i 


(239i 


239 


Reu 


132 


32 






207 




107 


(3391 


(239) 


239 




130 


30 






200 




iim 


(33(11 


(230) 


230 




79 


29 






129 


lis 


69 


(208) 


(148) 


148 




179 




















Terah 


70 








(135) 


(136) 


(75) 


205 




145 


Abrnm leaves 


h. 










































1145 


365 


1015 


















1245 





















The parentheses indicate numbers not stated, but 
obtained by computation from others. The dots in- 
dicate numbers agreeing with the LXX. The two 
numbers for Methuselah and Nahor are given by 
different readings of the LXX. The number of 
generations in the LXX. is one in excess of the 
Hebrew and Samaritan on account of the " Second 
Cainan," whom the best chronologers are agreed 
in rejecting as spurious. The variations are the 
result of design, not accident, as is evident from 
the years before the birth of a son and the residues 
agreeing in their sums in almost all cases in the 
antediluvian generations, the exceptions, save one, 
being apparently the result of necessity that lives 
should not overlap the date of the Flood. We have 
no clew to the date or dates of the alterations be- 



172 



CHR 



CIIR 



yond that we can trace the LXX. form to the first 
century of the Christian era, if not higher, and the 
Hebrew to the fourth century : if the Samaritan num- 
bers be as old as the text, we can assign them a 
higher antiquity than what is known as to the He- 
brew. The cause of the alterations is most uncer- 
tain. It has indeed been conjectured that the Jews 
shortened the chronology in order that an ancient 
prophecy that the Messiah should come in the sixth 
millenary of the world's age might not be known to 
be fulfilled in the advent of our Lord. The reason 
may be sufficient in itself, but it does not rest upon 
Sufficient evidence. The different proportions of the 
generation and lives in the LXX. and Hebrew have 
been asserted to afford an argument in favor of the 
former. But a stronger is found in the long period 
required from the Flood to the Dispersion and the 
establishment of kingdoms. With respect to prob- 
ability of accuracy arising from the state of the text, 
the Hebrew certainly has the advantage. If, how- 
ever, we consider the Samaritan form of the lists as 
sprung from the other two, the LXX. would seem 
(so Mr. Poole) to be earlier than the Hebrew, since 
it is more probable that the antediluvian generations 
would have been shortened to a general agreement 
with the Hebrew, than that the postdiluvian would 
have been lengthened to suit the LXX. ; for it is 
obviously most likely that a sufficient number of 
years having been deducted from the earlier genera- 
tions, the operation was not carried on with the 
later. Mr. Poole is inclined to prefer the LXX. 
numbers after the Deluge, and, as consistent with 
them, and probably of the same authority, those 
before the Deluge also. (But see below the Princi- 
pal Systems of Biblical Clironology ; also, Alexan- 
dria ; Samaritan Pentatedch ; Septuagint.) It 
remains for us to ascertain what appears to be the 
best form of each of the three versions, and to state 
the intervals thus obtained. In the LXX. antedilu- 
vian generations, that of Methuselah is 187 or 16*7 
years : the former seems to be undoubtedly the true 
number, since the latter would make this patriarch, 
if the subsequent generations be correct, to survive 
the Flood fourteen years. In the postdiluvian num- 
bers of the LXX. we must reject the second Cainan. 
Of the two forms of Nahor's generation in the LXX. 
we must prefer 79, as more consistent with the num- 
bers near it, and as also found in the Samaritan. In 
the case of Tcrah (see Abraham), Mr. Poole sup- 
poses the number might have been changed by a 
copyist, and takes the 145 years of the Samaritan. — 
It has been generally supposed that the Dispersion 
took place in the days of Peleg, on account of what 
is said in Gen. x. 25. The event, whatever it was, 
must have happened at Peleg's birth, rather than, as 
some have supposed, at a later time in his life. Mr. 
Poole therefore considers the following as the best 
forms of the numbers according to the three sources. 

LXX. Hc-b. Sam. 

Creation 

Flood (occupying chief part 

of this year) 2262 1656 1307 

Birth of Peleg 401 ) 101 ) 401 ) 

Departure of Abram from V1017 J-367 V1017 

Haran 616 ) 266 \ 616) 

3279 2021 2324 

(P>.) Second Period, from Abram's departure from 
Haran to the Exodus. — The length of this period is 
stated by St. Paul as 430 years from the promise to 
Abraham to the giving of the Law (Gal. iii. 17), the 
first event being held to be that recorded in Gen. xii. 
1-5. The same number of years is given in Ex. xii. 



40, 41. A third passage, occurring in the same 
essential form in both Testaments, and therefore 
especially satisfactory as to its textual accuracy, is 
the divine declaration to Abraham of the future his- 
tory of his children: — "Know of a surety that thy 
seed shall be a stranger in a land [that is] not theirs, 
and shall serve them ; and they shall afflict them 
four hundred years ; and also that nation, whom 
they shall serve, will I judge: and afterward shall 
they come out with great substance" (Gen. xv. 13, 
14 ; compare Acts vii. 6, 7). The four hundred 
years cannot be held to be the period of oppression 
without a denial of the historical character of the 
narrative of that time, but can only be supposed to 
mean the time from this declaration to the Exodus. 
This reading, which in the A. V. requires no more 
than a slight change in the punctuation, if it suppose 
an unusual construction in Hebrew, is perfectly ad- 
missible according to the principles of Shernitic 
grammar, and might be used in Arabic. We find 
no difficulty in accepting the statements as to the 
longevity of Abraham and certain of his descendants 
(see Patriarch; also under Technical Chronology), 
and can go on to examine the details of the period 
under consideration as made out from evidence re- 
quiring this admission. The narrative affords the 
following data which we place under two periods — 
(1.) that from Abram's leaving Haran to Jacob's 
entering Egypt, and (2.) that from Jacob's entering 
Egypt to the Exodus. 

(1.) Age of Abraham on leaving Ilaran 75 years 

" " at Isaac's birth 100 

Age of Isaac at Jacob's birth 60 

Age of Jacob on entering Egypt 130 

216 or 215 years. 

(2.) Age of Levi on entering Egypt about 45 

Residue of his life 92 

Oppression after the death of Jacob's sons (Ex. i. 
6, 7 ff.) 

Age of Moses at Exodus 80 

172 

Age of Joseph in the same year 39 

Residue of his life 71 

Age of Moses al Exodus 80 

151 

These data make up about 387 or 388 years, to 
which it is reasonable to make some addition, since 
it appears that all Joseph's generation died before 
the oppression commenced, and it is probable that it 
had begun some time before the birth of Moses. The 
sum we thus obtain cannot be far different from 430 
years, a period for the whole sojourn that these data 
must thus be held to confirm. The genealogies re- 
lating to the time of the dwelling in Egypt, if con 
tinuous, which there is much reason to suppose some 
to be, are not repugnant to this scheme ; but one 
alone of them, that of Joshua in 1 Chr. (vii. 23, 25- 
27), if a succession, can be reconciled with dating the 
430 years from Jacob's entrance into Egypt. The 
historical evidence should be carefully weighed. Its 
chief point is the increase of the Israelites from the 
few who went with Jacob into Egypt, and Joseph 
and his sons, to the 600,000 men who came out at 
the Exodus. (Census.) At the former date are 
enumerated — " besides Jacob's sons' wives " — Jacob, 
his 12 sons and 1 daughter, 51 grandsons and 1 
grand-daughter, and 4 great-grandsons, making 70 
souls (Gen. xlvi. 8-27). The generation to which 
children would be born about this time was thus of 
at least fifty-one pairs, since all are males except 
one, who most probably married a cousin. This 
computation takes no account of polygamy, which 



CHR 



CIIR 



173 



was certainly practised at the time by the Hebrews. 
This first generation must, unless there were at the 
time other grand-daughters of Jacob besides the one 
mentioned (compare verse 7), have taken foreign 
wives, and it is reasonable to suppose the same to 
have been constantly done afterward, though prob- 
ably in a less degree (compare Lev. xxiv. 10). Bond- 
servants and children born from them in the house 
were adopted into the number of their own people 
(1 Chr. ii. 34, 35 ; compare Gen. xiv. 14, xv. 3, xvii. 
27, xxx. 43, xlvii. 1); other foreigners may have been 
proselyted (see Caleb 1) ; early marriages probably 
prevailed (compare xxxviii. 14) ; and longevity aided 
to swell the population (xlvii. 28, 1. 22; Ex. vi. 16, 
IS, 20, &c. ; see Amram 1 ; Genealogy ; Genera- 
tion). It has been calculated that the Israelites in 
Egypt must have doubled on an average once in 
fifteen and a half years ; but in view of the fore- 
going statements, of the ascertained rate of increase 
in several modern nations (the United States double 
every 20 or 23 years ; and in some parts this rate is 
much exceeded), and of the especial blessing which 
attended the people, the interval of about 215 years 
does not seem too short for the increase. " What- 
ever may be the issue of the diversity between lead- 
ing Egyptologers, certain it is that the chronology of 
Egypt is not yet adjusted to a scale so fixed that it 
is worth while to try to conform to it the elements 
of biblical chronology scattered through the 0. T." 
(J. P. Thompson, D. D., in B. S. xiv. 652).— (C.) 
Third Period, from the Exodus to the Foundation 
of Solomon's Temple. — There is but one passage 
from which we obtain the length of this period as a 
whole. It is that in which the Foundation of the 
Temple is dated in the 480th (Heb.), or 440th (LXX.) 
year after the Exodus, in the 4th year and 2d month of 
Solomon's reign (1 K. vi. 1). Subtracting from 480 
or 440 years the first three years of Solomon and 
the forty of David, we obtain (480 — 43 =) 437 or 
(440 — ■ 43 =) 397 years. These results we have first 
to compare with the detached numbers. These are 
— (1.) From Exodus to death of Moses, 40 years. 
(2.) Leadership of Joshua, 7 + x years. (3.) Inter- 
val between Joshua's death and the First Servitude, 
x years. (4.) Servitudes and rule of Judges until 
Eli's death, 430 years. (5.) Period from Eli's death 
to Saul's accession, 20 + a; years. (6.) Saul's reign, 
40 years. (7.) David's reign, 40 years. (8.) Solo- 
mon's reign to Foundation of Temple, 3 years. Sum, 
3 a; + 580 years. It is possible to obtain approxima- 
tively the length of the three wanting numbers. 
Joshua's age at the Exodus was 20 or 20 + x years 
(Num. xiv. 29, 30), and at his death, 110 : therefore 
the utmost length of his rule must be ( 1 10 — 20 — 40 
= ) 50 years. After Joshua there is the time of the 
Elders who overlived him, then a period of disobe- 
dience and idolatry, a servitude of 8 years, deliver- 
ance by Othniel the son of Kenaz, and rest for 
40 years until Othniel' s death. The duration of 
Joshua's government is limited by the circumstance 
that Caleb's lot was apportioned to him in the sev- 
enth year of the occupation, and therefore of Joshua's 
rule, when he was 85 years old, and that he con- 
quered the lot after Joshua's death (Josh. xiv. 6-15 ; 
xv. 13-19 ; Judg. i. V-15, 20). If we suppose that 
Caleb set out to conquer his lot about 7 years after 
its apportionment, then Joshua's rule would be about 
13 years, and he would have been a little (about 18 
years) older than Caleb. The interval between 
Joshua's death and the First Servitude is limited 
by the history of Othniel. He was already a warrior 
when Caleb conquered his lot ; he lived to deliver 



Israel from the Mesopotamian oppressor, and died 
at the end of the subsequent 40 years of rest. Sup 
posing Othniel to have been 30 years old when Caleb 
set out, and 110 years at his death, 32 years would 
remain for the interval in question (Judg. iii. 8-11). 
The rule of Joshua may be therefore reckoned to 
have been about 13 years, and the subsequent inter- 
val to the First Servitude about 32 years, altogether 
47 (45) years. These numbers cannot be considered 
exact ; but they, can hardly be far wrong, more espe- 
cially the sum. The residue of Samuel's judgeship 
after the 20 years from Eli's death until the solemn 
fast and victory at Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 2), can 
scarcely have much exceeded 20 years. Samuel 
must have been still young at the time of Eli's death, 
and he died very near the close of Saul's reign (xxv. 
1, xxviii. 3). If he were ten years old at the former 
date, and judged for 20 years after the victory at 
Mizpeh, he would have been near 90 years old (10? 
+ 20 + 20? + 38 ?) at his death, which appears to 
have been a long period of life at that time. If we 
thus suppose the three uncertain intervals, the 
residue of Joshua's rule, the time after his death 
to the First Servitude, and Samuel's rule after the 
victory at Mizpeh to have been respectively 6, 32, 
and 20 years, the sum of the whole period, accord- 
ing to Mr. Poole, will be (580 + 58=) 638 years. 
(Compare Acts xiii. 19-21 ; Judg. xi. 26 ; also, Prin- 
cipal Systems of Biblical Chronology, below ; Judges, 
Book of, VII. ; Kings, 1st and 2d Books of, I. — 
(D.) Fourth Period, from the Foundation of Solo- 
mon's Temple to its Destruction. — The dates of this 
period can be more easily ascertained. With the 
exception of two supposed interregnums, one of 11 
years between Jeroboam II. and Zachariah, and the 
other of 9 years between Pekah and Hoshea, for 
which in both cases he would suppose a longer reign 
of the earlier of the two kings between whom the 
interregnums are conjectured, Mr. Poole accepts the 
computation of the period given in the margin of the 
A. V. He also corrects (see below) the date of the 
conclusion of this period, there given b. c. 588 to 
586, and estimates the whole period to be of about 
425 years, that of the undivided kingdom 120 years, 
that of the kingdom of Judah about 388 years, and 
that of the kingdom of Israel about 255 years. (See 
Israel, Kingdom of, and Judah, Kingdom of ; also. 
Probable determination of Dates, below.) — (E.) Fifth 
Period, from the Destruction of Solomon's Temple 
to the Keturn from the Babylonish Captivity.— The 
determination of the length of this period depends 
upon the date of the return to Palestine. The decree 
of Cyrus leading to that event was made in the first 
year of his reign, doubtless at Babylon (Ezr. i. 1), 
b. c. 538, but it does not seem certain that the Jews 
at once returned. (Babel ; Ezra, Book of. ) Two 
numbers, held by some to be identical, must here be 
considered. One is the period of 70 years, during 
which the tyranny of Babylon over Palestine and 
the East generally was to last, prophesied by Jere- 
miah (xxv.), and the other, the 70 years' Captivity 
(xxix. 10 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 21 ; Dan. ix. 2). The com- 
mencement of the former period is plainly the first 
year of Nebuchadnezzar and fourth of Jehoiakim 
( Jer. xxv. 1 ), when the successes of the king of 
Babylon began (xlvi. 2), and the miseries of Jerusa- 
lem (xxv. 29), and the conclusion, the fall of Baby- 
lon (12). The famous seventy years of Captivity 
would seem to be the same period as this, since it was 
to terminate with the return of the captives (xxix. 10). 
This period we consider to be of 48 + x years, the 
doubtful number being the time of the reign of 



174 



CHR 



CHR 



B. C. B. C. D. C. 



Creation 5411 5426 4004;39S3 (Adam) cir. 20,000 

Flood • -, 3155 3170 234S 232T ' Xoah) cir. 10,000 

Aoram leaves Haran . [ooiS 20°3 1921 1061 
Exodus ......... • • • .. 1C4S 1593 1491 1531 

foundation of Solo- 
mons Temple. ... \ 11027 1014 1012 1012 



Destruction of Solo- I 
mon's Temple | 



r.>6 



5SG OSS 559 



1,320 
1,004 



5SC 



The principal disagreements of these chronologers, 
besides those already indicated, must be noticed. 
In the post-diluvian period Hales rejects the Second 
Cainan and reckons Terah's age at Abram's birth 
130 instead of 70 years; Jackson accepts the Sec- 
ond Cainan and does not make any change in the 
second case ; Usher and Petavius follow the Hebrew, 
but the former alters the generation of Terah, while 
the latter does not. The period of the kings, from 
the Foundation of Solomon's Temple, is very nearly 
the same in the computations of Jackson, Usher, and 
Petavius : Hales lengthens it by supposing an inter- 
regnum of 11 years after the death of Amaziah ; 
Bunsen shortens it by reducing the reign of Ma- 
nasseh from 55 to 45 years. — Probable determination 
of dales and intervals (by Mr. Poole). — Having thus 
gone over the biblical data, it only remains for us to 
state what we believe to be the most satisfactory 
scheme of chronology, derived from a comparison 
of these with foreign data, principally Egyptian and 
Assyrian. — (1.) Date of the Destruction of Solomon's 
Temple. — The Temple was destroyed in the 19th 
year of Nebuchadnezzar, in the 5th month of the 



Cyrus before the return to Jerusalem, probably ! 
about two or three years. (For the subsequent I 
chronology, see Ahasueros ; Annas 2 ; Artaxer- 
xes ; Babel ; Belshazzar ; Caiaphas ; Cyrenids ; 
Daniel ; Darius ; Evil-Merodach ; Herod ; High- 
Priest ; James ; Jerusalem ; Jesus Christ ; John j 
the Apostle; Maccabees; Nehemiah; Paul; Per- 
sians ; Peter ; Roman Empire ; Star of the Wise 
Men, kc.) — Principal Systems of Biblical Chronology. 
— Upon the data we have considered three principal 
systems of Biblical Chronology have been founded, 
which may be termed the Long System, the Short, 
and the Rabbinical. There is a fourth, which, 
although an offshoot in part of the last, can scarcely 
be termed biblical, inasmuch as it depends for the 
most part upon theories, not only independent of, 
but repugnant to the Bible : this last is at present 
peculiar to Baron Bunsen. The principal advocates 
of the Long Chronology are Jackson, Hales, and 
Des-Vignoles. They take the LXX. for the patri- 
archal generations, and adopt the long interval from 
the Exodus to the Foundation of Solomon's Temple. 
The Short Chronology, from Jerome's time the rec- 
ognized system of the West, has had a multitude 
of illustrious supporters (Usher, Newton, Petavius, 
Michaelis, Geenius, Stuart, Clinton, &c), and is 
adopted in the margin of the A. V. Usher may he 
considered as its most ablea dvocate. He follows the 
Hebrew in the patriarchal generations, and takes the 
480 years from the Exodus to the Foundation of 
Solomon's Temple. The Rabbinical Chronology, 
partially received, chiefly by the German school, 
accepts the biblical numbers, but makes the most 
arbitrary corrections. For the date of the Exodus 
it has been virtually accepted by Bunsen, Lepsii.s, 
and Lord A. C. Hervey. 



Jewish year (Jer. lii. 12, 13 ; 2 K. xxv. 8, 9). In 
Ptolemy's Canon this year is current in the proleptic 
(i. e. reckoned by anticipation) Julian year, b. c. 580, 
and the 5th month may be considered as about = 
August of that year. — (2.) Synchronism of Josiah 
and Pharaoh Necho. — The death of Josiah can be 
clearly shown on biblical evidence (Israel, Kingdom 
of) to have taken place in the 22d year before that 
in which the Temple was destroyed, i. e. in the Jew- 
ish year from the spring of B. c. 608 to the spring 
of 607. P. Necho's 1st year is proved by the Apis- 
tablets to have been most probably the Egyptian 
vague year, Jan. b. c. 609-8, but possibly 610-9. 
(Egypt.) The expedition in opposing which Josiah 
fell cannot be reasonably dated earlier than P. 
Necho's 2d year, b. c. 609-8 or 608-7. We have 
thus b. c. 608-7 for the last year of Josiah, and 638-7 
for that of his accession, the former date falling 
within the time indicated by the chronology of P. 
Necho's reign. — (3.) Synchronism of Hezekiah and 
Tirhakah. — Tirhakah is mentioned as an opponent 
of Sennacherib shortly before the miraculous de- 
struction of his army in the 14th year of Hezekiah. 
It has been lately proved from the Apis-tablets that 
the first year of Tirhakah's reign over Egypt was 
the vague year current in b. c. 689. The 14th year 
of Hezekiah, according to the received chronology, 
is b. c. 713, or, if we correct it two years on account 
of the lowering of the date of the destruction of the 
Temple, b. c. 711. If we hold that the expedition 
dated in Hezekiah's 14th year was different from 
that which ended in the destruction of the Assyrian 
army, we must still place the latter event before b. c. 
695. There is, therefore, at first sight a discrepancy 
of at least six years. But most probably at the time 
of Sennacherib's disastrous expedition, Tirhakah 
was king of Ethiopia in alliance with the king or 
kings of Egypt, and afterward assumed the crown 
of Egypt. (Israel, Kingdom of.) — (4.) Synchronism 
of Jichoboam ami Shishak. — Rehoboam appears to 
have come to the throne about 249 years before the 
accession of Hezekiah, and therefore about B. c. 
973. (Israel, Kingdom of.) The invasion of Shishak 
took place in his 5th year (IK. xiv. 25), by this 
computation, b. c. 969. He appears to have come 
to the throne at least 21 or 22 years before his ex- 
pedition against Rehoboam (1 K. iii. 1, ix. 24, xi. 
26-40, &c). An inscription at the quarries of Sil- 
silis in Upper Egypt records the cutting of stone in 
the 22d year of Sheshonk I., or Shishak, for con- 
structions in the chief temple of Thebes, where we 
now find a record of his conquest of Judah. On 
these grounds we may place the accession of Shishak 
b. c. about 990. — (5.) Exodus. — Arguments founded 
on independent evidence afford the best means of 
deciding which is the most probable computation 
from biblical evidence of the date of the Exodus. 
A comparison of the Hebrew calendar with the 
Egyptian (Egypt) has led Mr. Poole to the follow- 
ing result : — The civil commencement of the Hebrew 
year was with the new-moon nearest to the autumnal 
equinox ;* and at the approximative date of the Ex- 
odus obtained by the long reckoning, we find that 
the Egyptian vague year commenced at or about 
that point of time. This approximative date, there- 
fore, falls about the time at which the vague year 
and the Hebrew year, as dated from the autumnal 
equinox, nearly or exactly coincided in their com- 
mencements. It may be reasonably supposed that 
the Israelites in the time of the oppression had made 
use of the vague year as the common year of the 
country, which indeed is rendered highly probable 



CHR 



CHU 



175 



by the circumstance that they had mostly adopted 
the Egyptian religion (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. xx. 7, 8), 
the celebrations of which were kept according to 
this year. When, therefore, the festivals of the 
Law rendered a year virtually tropical necessary, of 
the kind either restored or instituted at the Exodus, 
it seems most probable that the current vague year 
was fixed under Moses. If this supposition be cor- 
rect, we should expect to find that the 14th day of 
Abib, on which fell the full-moon of the Passover of 
the Exodus, corresponded to the 14th day of a 
Phamenoth, in a vague year commencing about the 
autumnal equinox. It has been ascertained by 
computation that a full-moon fell on the 14th day 
of Phamenoth, on Thursday, April 21st, b. c. 1652. 
A full-moon would not fall on the same day of the 
vague year at a shorter interval than 25 years before 
or after this date, while the triple coincidence of the 
new-moon, vague year, and autumnal equinox could 
not recur in less than 1500 vague years. The date 
thus obtained is but four years earlier than Hales's, 
and the interval from it to that of the Foundation of 
Solomon's Temple, b. c. about 1010, would be about 
642 years, or four years in excess of that previously 
obtained from the numerical statements in the Bible. 
We therefore take b. c. 1652 as the most satisfac- 
tory date of theExodus. — (6.) Date of the Commence- 
ment of (he 430 years of Sojourn. — Mr. Poole holds 
that the 430 years of Sojourn [see above, under 
Biblical data (B.)] commenced when Abraham en- 
tered Palestine, and that the interval was of 430 
complete years, or a little more, commencing about 
the time of the vernal equinox, b. c. 2082, or nearer 
the beginning of that proleptic Julian year. — (7.) 
Bate of the Dispersion. — Taking the LXX. numbers 
as most probable, Mr. Poole places the Dispersion, if 
coincident with Peleg's birth [see above, Biblical 
data (A.)], b. c. about 2698, or, if we accept Usher's 
correction of Terah's age at the birth of Abra- 
ham, about 2758.— (8.) Date of the Flood.— The 
Flood, as ending about 401 years before the birth 
of Peleg, would be placed b. c. about 3099 or 
3159 (see above). The year preceding, or the 
402d, was that mainly occupied by the catastrophe. 
It is most reasonable to suppose that the Noach- 
ian colonists began to spread about 300 years 
after the Hood. As far as we can learn, no inde- 
pendent historical evidence points to an earlier 
period than the middle of the 28th century b. c. 
as the time of the foundation of kingdoms, al- 
though the chronology of Egypt reaches to about 
this period, while that of Babylon (Babel) and 
other states does not greatly fall short of the same 
antiquity. — (9.) Date of (he Creation of Adam. — The 
numbers given by the LXX. for the antediluvian 
patriarchs (see above) would place the creation of 
Adam 2262 years before the end of the Flood, or 
B. c. about 5361 or 5421. 

Clirys'o-lite [kris-] (fr. Gr. = golden stone), one 
of the precious stones in the foundation of the 
heavenly Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20). It also occurs 
in Ez. xxviii. 19, margin. It has been already 
stated (Beryl) that the chrysolite of the ancients 
= the modern Oriental topaz. The chrysolite in 
modern mineralogy is a mineral, massive or crystal- 
lized, of various shades of green, composed of silica, 
magnesia, and iron. 

€lirys'o-prase [kris'o-praze] (fr. Gr. = golden lock) 
occurs twice in the margin of A. V. in Ezekiel ; viz. 
in xxvii. 16, Heb. cadcod, text of A. V. "agate," 
and in xxviii. 13, Heb. nophec, text of A. V. 

" EMERALD." CHRYSOPRASUS. 



* Chry-sop'ra-sns [kre-] (L. fr. Gr. = chryso- 
prase) occurs only in Rev. xxi. 20, as the tenth of 
the precious stones in the walls of the heavenly 
Jerusalem. Some suppose the ancient chrysopra- 
sus = the modern chrysoprase, viz. the apple or 
leek-green variety of agate ; but Mr. King (Aat 
Hist., Anc. and Mod., of Precious Stones, &c, 130, 
163) considers Pliny's chrysoprasus as a paler 
variety of our Indian chrysolite, and says that 
antique works do not occur in our chrysoprase, 
though intagli are known upon a mineral much re- 
sembling it, but more of a bluish cast, probably the 
cerulean jasper, which is also said to be sometimes 
found in antique Egyptian jewelry set alternately 
with bits of lapis-lazuli. 

Chub [kub] (Heb.), the name of a people in alli- 
ance with Egypt in the time of Nebuchadnezzar 
(Ez. xxx. 5), and probably of northern Africa, or 
of the lands near Egypt to the S. Some have pro- 
posed to recognize Chub in the names of various 
African places, e. g. Kobe, a port on the Indian 
Ocean ; Kobion, in the Mareotic nome in Egypt, &c. 
Others, however, think the present Hebrew text 
corrupt in this word. It has been therefore pro- 
posed to read Nub for Nubia, as the Arabic ver- 
sion has " the people the Noobeh." Far better, on 
the score of probability, is the emendation which 
Hitzig proposes, Lub = the Lubim. In the ab- 
sence of better evidence we prefer the reading of 
the present Hebrew text. 

Chun [kun] (Heb. fr. a verb denoting to stand 
upright, (o set up, Ges.), a city of Hadadczcr (1 Chr. 
xviii. 8), called Berothai in 2 Sam. viii. 8. 

Church (usually derived, with the Scottish kirk, 
Ger. kirchc, and similar w ; ords in the Teutonic and 
Slavonian languages, from the Gr. kuriakon, which 
literally = per(aining to (he Lord ; but by Mr. 
Meyrick, after Lipsius, connected with the L. circus, 
circidus, the Gr. kuklos, each literally = a circle), 
the A. V. translation throughout the N. T. (except 
in Acts xix. 32, 39, 41 ; see Assembly 9) of the 
Gr. ckklesia, Latin form ecclesia (originally and in 
classical use = an assembly called out by the ma- 
gistrate, or by legitimate authority). Ekklesia, of 
which the Latin form is ecclesia, in the LXX. = the 
Heb. kahdl (see Assembly 7). The Gr. hierosulos 
(= robber of temples, L. & S.) is translated in the 
plural (Acts xix. 37) " robbers of churches," and 
in the singular (2 Mc. iv. 42) " church-robber ; " 
but elsewhere "church" occurs only as the trans- 
lation of the Gr. ckklesia. "Church" in Acts vii. 
38; Heb. ii. 12, like "congregation" in Ps. xxii. 
22; Deut. xxxi. 30 (Heb. kcthal in both of these, 
also Gr. ckklesia in the LXX.) = the whole assem- 
bly or congregation of the Israelitish people. The 
word occurs only twice in the Gospels (Mat. xvi. 
18, " On this rock will I build my church " [Peter] ; 
xviii. 17, "Tell it unto the church" [Excommunica- 
tion]), but frequently in the Acts, Epistles, and 
Revelation, and denotes (1.) a particular church, 
i. e. a local Christian congregation or company of 
believers (Acts viii. 1, xi. 22, 26 ; Rom. xvi. 1, 4, 5 ; 
Gal. i. 2 ; Rev. i. 4, 11, 20, &c.) ; (2.) the church uni- 
versal, i. e. the whole body of believers or Christians 
(Mat. xvi. 18 ; Eph. i. 22, iii. 10; Heb. xii. 23, &c). 
— The following definitions are selected from differ- 
ent sources. The Greek Church teaches : " The 
church is a divinely instituted community of men, 
united by the orthodox faith, the law of God, the 
hierarchy, and the sacraments " ( Catechism, Moscow, 
1839). The Roman Catholic Bellarmine defines it: 
" The company of Christians knit together by the 



176 



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CIR 



profession of the same faith and the communion of 
the same sacraments, under the government of law- 
ful pastors, and especially of the Roman bishop as 
the only Vicar of Christ upon earth." The Church 
of England and the Protestant Episcopal Church in 
the United States of America declare: "The visible 
church of Christ is a congregation of faithful men, 
in which the pure word of God is preached, and 
the sacraments be duly ministered according to 
Christ's ordinance, in all those things that of neces- 
sity arc requisite to the same" (Art. xix.). The 
Lutheran Church defines : "A congregation of saints, 
in which the Gospel is rightly taught and the sacra- 
ments rightly administered " (Confessio Augustana, 
1681, Ai t. vii.). The Presbyterian Church in the 
United States of America defines : " The universal 
church consists of all those persons, in every nation, 
together with their children, who make profession 
of the holy religion of Christ, and of submission to 

His laws A particular church consists of a 

number of professing Christians, with their offspring, 
voluntarily associating together, for divine worship, 
and godly living, agreeably to the holy Scriptures ; 
and submitting to a certain form of government " 
(Form of Government, ii. 2, 4). The Epitome 
of Church Government and Fellowship which re- 
ceived " a general approval " of the National Con- 
gregational Council, held at Boston, 1805, declares: 
" For government there is no one visible, universal 
church ; nor are there national, provincial, diocesan, 
or classical churches, but only local churches or 
congregations of believers, and responsible directly 
to the Lord Jesus Christ, the one Head of the 
church universal and of every particular church . . . 
A church is a society of professed believers, united 
by a covenant express or implied, whereby all its 
members agree with the Lord and with each other 
to observe all the ordinances of Christ, especially 
in united worship and in mutual watchfulness and 
helpfulness." Acts of the Apostles ; Apostle ; 
Baptism ; Believers ; Bishop ; Christian ; Dea- 
con ; Deaconess ; Disciple ; Elder; Evangelist; 
Excommunication ; Lord's Supper ; Saint ; Syna- 
gogue. 

CIiu shan-risu-a-tha'im [ku-] (Heb. Cushan of 
ticofold wickedness, i. e. the horrible [so Targums, 
&c] ; president of two governments, Pii.), the king 
of Mesopotamia who oppressed Israel during eight 
years in the generation immediately following 
Joshua (Judg. iii. 8 If.). The seat of his dominion 
was probably the region between the Euphrates and 
the Khabour. Chushan-Rishathaim's yoke was 
broken from the neck of the people of Israel by 
Othniel, and nothing more is heard of Mesopotamia 
as an aggressive power. The rise of the Assyrian 
empire, about b. c. 1270, would naturally reduce 
the bordering nations to insignificance. 

Clin si [ku-] (fr. Gr.), a place named only in Jd. 
vii. 18, as near Ekhebel, and upon the brook Moch- 
mur. 

Clin'za [ku-] (Gr. Chouzas, from Aram. = seer ?), 
properly Clin'zas, the house-steward of Herod Anti- 
pas, husband of the Joanna healed by our Lord 
(Lk. viii. 3). 

Ci-lic'i-a [se-lish'e-a] (L. fr. Gr. ; named from the 
Phenician Ciliz, brother of Cadmus, Hdt. ; from a 
Phenician word for stone, Boch.), a maritime prov- 
ince in the S. E. of Asia Minor, bordering on Pam- 
phylia in the W., Lycaonia and Cappadocia in the 
N., and Syria in the E. Lofty mountain chains, 
with only a few difficult passes or " gates," separate 
it from these provinces, Mount Amanus from Syria, 



and Taurus from Cappadocia. The western portion 
of the province is intersected with the ridges of 
Taurus and was denominated Traehcea (fr. Gr. = 
rough), in contradistinction to Pedias (Gr. level) in 
the E. The connection between the Jews and Cili- 
cia dates from the time when it became part of the 
Syrian kingdom. (Antiochus III.) In the apostolic 
age they were still there in considerable numbers 
(Acts vi. 9). Cilicia was from its geographical po- 
sition the high-road between Syria and the W est ; 
it was also the native country of St. Paul (Tarsus); 
hence it was visited by him, soon after his conver- 
sion (Gal. i. 21 ; Acts ix. 30) ; and again in his 
second apostolical journey, when he entered it on 
the side of Syria, and crossed Taurus by the " Cili- 
cian Gates " into Lycaonia (Acts xv. 41). Cilicia 
became a Roman province after the defeat of the 
Cilician pirates by Pompey b. c. 67, and Cicero 
was once proconsul of Cilicia; but western or 
" rough " Cilicia appears to have been governed by 
its own kings till the time of Vespasian. 

* Ci mail (Heb. heap, cluster, Ges.) (Job ix 9, 
marg., xxxviii. 31, marg. ; translated "Pleiades" 
in the text). 

Cin'lia-iuon [sin-] (Heb. kinnamon; Gr. kinnamon, 
kinnamdmon; fr. Phenician = cane or lube, from the 
form of its rolls, Hdt.), a well-known aromatic sub- 
stance, the rind of the Laurus Cinnamomum, or 
Ciunamornum Zeylanicum, a small tree of the laurel 
family, found in Ceylon. It is mentioned in Ex. 
xxx. 23 as one of the component parts of the holy 
anointing oil, which Moses was commanded to pre- 
pare; in Prov. vii. 17 as a perfume for the bed ; and 
in Cant. iv. 14 as one of the plants of the garden 
which is the image of the spouse. In Rev. xviii. 13 
it is enumerated among the merchandise of the 
great Babylon. It was imported into Judea by the 
Phenicians or by the Arabians, and is now found in 
Sumatra, Borneo, China, &c, but chiefly, and of the 
best quality, in the S. W. part of Ceylon. Cassia. 

( iti in -roth (Heb. pi. = lyres, Ges.), All, a district 
named with the " land of Naphtali " and other 
northern places as having been laid waste by Ben- 
hadad (1 K. xv. 20). It was possibly the small en- 
closed district N. of Tiberias, and by the side of the 
lake, afterward known as " the plain of Gennesa- 

RET." CHINNEROTH. 

Ci-ra'ma (fr. Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 20) =Ramah in Ezr. 
ii. 26. 

Cir-Ctim-fis'ion [sur-kum-sizh'un] (fr. L. — a cut- 
ting around, especially of the prepuce or foreskin ; 
Heb. mulah; Gr. peritomc), was peculiarly, though 
not exclusively, a Hebrew rite. It was enjoined upon 
Abraham, the father of the nation, by God, at the 
institution, and as the token, of the Covenant, 
which assured to him and his descendants the prom- 
ise of the Messiah (Gen. xvii.). It was thus made 
a necessary condition of Hebrew nationality. Every 
male child was to be circumcised when eight days 
old (Lev. xii. 3) on pain of death (Gen. xvii. 12—14 ; 
Ex. iv. 24-26). If the eighth day were a Sabbath, 
the rite was not postponed (Jn. vii. 22, 23). Slaves, 
whether home-born or purchased, were .circumcised 
(Gen. xvii. 12, 13) ; and foreigners must have their 
males circumcised before they could be allowed to 
partake of the passover (Ex. xii. 48), or become 
Jewish citizens. The operation, performed with a 
sharp instrument (iv. 25 ; Josh. v. 2 ; Knife), was 
painful, at least to grown persons (Gen. xxxiv. 25 ; 
Josh. v. 8). It seems to have been customary to 
name a child when it was circumcised (Lk. i. 59 ; 
Children.) The Israelites were not circumcised in 



CIS 



CIT 



177 



the wilderness, probably as under a temporary re- 
jection by God, and therefore prohibited from using 
the sign of the Covenant ; but " the reproach of 
Egypt," i. e. the threatened taunt of their former 
masters that God had brought them into the wilder- 
ness to slay them (Ex. xxxii. 12; Num. xiv. 13-16; 
Deut. ix. 28), which, so long as they remained un- 
circumcised and wanderers in the desert for their 
sin, was in danger of falling upon them, was " rolled 
away" when they were circumcised in Gilgal 
(Josh. v. 2-9). Circumcision has prevailed exten- 
sively both in ancient and modern times ; Herod- 
otus, &c, state that the Egyptians (probably only 
the priests and those initiated into the mysteries) 
were circumcised ; and among some nations, as 
e. g. the Abyssinians, Nubians, modern Egyptians, 
and Hottentots, a similar custom is said to be prac- 
tised by both sexes. The biblical notice of the rite 
describes it as distinctively Hebrew or Jewish, so that 
in theN. T. " the circumcision " and "the uncircum- 
cision " frequently = the Jews and the Gentiles. 
Circumcision certainly belonged to the Hebrews as it 
did to no other people, by virtue of its divine insti- 
tution, of the religious privileges attached to it, and 
of the strict regulations which enforced its obser- 
vance. Moreover, the 0. T. history incidentally 
discloses the fact that many, if not all, of the na- 
tions with whom they came in contact were uncircum- 
cised. The origin of the custom among one large sec- 
tion of those Gentiles who follow it, is to be found 
in the biblical record of Ishmael (Gen. xvii. 25). 
Josephus relates that the Arabians circumcise after 
the thirteenth year, because Ishmael, the founder of 
their nation, was circumcised at that age. Though 
Mohammed did not enjoin circumcision in the Ko- 
ran, he was circumcised himself, according to the 
custom of his country : and circumcision is now as 
common among the Mohammedans as among the 
Jews. The process of restoring a circumcised per- 
son to his natural condition by a surgical operation 
was sometimes undergone. Some of the Jews in 
the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, wishing to assim- 
ilate themselves to the heathen around them, built 
a gymnasium (A. V. " place of exercise ") at Jeru- 
salem, and that they might not be known to be 
Jews when they appeared naked in the games, 
"made themselves uncircumcised " (1 Mc. i. 15). 
Against having recourse to this practice, from an ex- 
cessive anti-Judaistic tendency, St. Paul cautions 
the Corinthians (1 Cor. vii. 18). The attitude which 
Christianity, at its introduction, assumed toward 
circumcision was one of absolute hostility, so far as 
the necessity of the rite to salvation, or its posses- 
sion of any religious or moral worth were concerned 
(Acts xv. ; Gal. v. 2). (Timothy ; Titds.) The Abys- 
sinian Christians still practise circumcision as a na- 
tional custom. An ethical idea is attached to cir- 
cumcision even in the 0. T. (Ex. vi. 12, 30 ; Jer. vi. 
10 ; Lev. xxvi. 41) as the symbol of purity (see Is. 
lii. 1). Medicine. 

Cis [sis] (L. fr. Heb.) = Kish 1 (Acts xiii. 21). 

Ci'sai [si'say] (fr. Heb.) = Kish 3 (Esth. xi. 2). 

Cis'tern [sis-] (fr. L. ; Heb. bor), a receptacle 
for water, either conducted from an external spring, 
or proceeding from rainfall. The dryness of the 
summer months between May and September, in 
Syria, and the scarcity of springs in many parts 
of the country, make it necessary to collect in 
reservoirs and cisterns the rain-water, of which 
abundance falls in the intermediate period. (Agri- 
culture ; Palestine.) The larger sort of pub- 
lic tanks or reservoirs (Ar. birkeh, Heb. bere- 
12 



cah) are usually called in A. V. " pool," while for 
the smaller and more private it is convenient to re- 
serve the name " cistern." Both pools and cisterns 
are frequent throughout the whole of Syria and 
Palestine. On the long-forgotten way from Jericho 
to Bethel, " broken cisterns " of high antiquity are 
found at regular intervals. Jerusalem, described 
by Strabo as well supplied with water, in a dry 
neighborhood, depends mainly for this upon its cis- 
terns, of which almost every private house possesses 
one or more, excavated in the rock on which the 
city is built. The cisterns have usually a round 
opening at the top, sometimes built up with stone- 
work above and furnished with a curb and a wheel 
for the bucket (Eccl. xii. 6), so that they have ex- 
ternally much the appearance of an ordinary "well. 
The water is conducted into them from the roofs of 
the houses during the rainy season, and with care 
remains sweet during the whole summer and au- 
tumn. In this manner most of the larger houses 
and public buildings are supplied. Empty cisterns 
were sometimes used as prisons and places of con- 
finement. Joseph was cast into a " pit " (Heb. bor) 
(Gen. xxxvii. 22), and his " dungeon " in Egypt is 
called by the same Hebrew name (xli. 14). Jere- 
miah was thrown into a miry though empty cistern, 
whose depth is indicated by the cords used to let 
him down (Jer. xxxviii. 6). 

fitli'ern [sith-] (=L. cithara, Gr. kHhara){\ Mc. 
iv. 54), a musical instrument, resembling a guitar, 
most probably of Greek origin, employed by the 
Chaldeans, and introduced by the Hebrews into Pal- 
estine on their return thither after 
the Babylonian Captivity. With 
respect to the shape of the cithern 
mentioned in the Apocrypha, the 
opinion of the learned is divided : 
according to some it resembled in 
form the Greek delta A, others rep- 
resent it as a half-moon, and others 
again like the modern guitar. In 
many Eastern countries it is still in 
use with strings, varying in number 
from three to twenty-four. Under ' 
the name of Koothir, the traveller 
Niebuhr describes it as a wooden 
plate or dish, with a hole beneath and a piece of 
skin stretched above like a drum. In Mendelssohn's 
edition of the Psalms, the Kootliir or Kathrus is de- 
scribed by the accompanying figure. 

Cit'ims [sit'timz] (fr. Heb.) = Chittim (1 Mc. 
viii. 5). 

Cit'i-zcn, the A. V. translation uniformly in the 
N. T. (Lk. xv. 15, xix. 14 in plural ; Acts xxi. 39) 
of the Gr. polites ( = a member of a city or state, cit- 
izen, freeman ; fr. palis, city, L. & S.), translated in 
Apocrypha in plural "citizens" (2 Mc. iv. 50, &c.) 
or " countrymen " (5, &c). The kindred Greek 
word politeia (= the relation in which a citizen stands 
to the state, citizenship, L. & S.) is translated " free- 
dom " in Acts xxii. 28, and " commonwealth " in 
Eph. ii. 10. Another (politevma) is translated "con- 
versation " (Phil. iii. 20). In the Hebrew common- 
wealth, which was framed on a basis of religious, 
rather than of political privileges and distinctions, 
the idea of the commonwealth was merged in that 
of the Congregation, to which every Hebrew, and 
even the stranger, under certain restrictions, was 
admitted. But in Greece and Rome, citizenship, 
comprehending not only complete protection by 
the laws, but also in the higher sense, a partici- 
pation in the legislative and judicial power of the 




178 



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CLA 



state or city, was highly valued. In 2 Mc. ix. 15 

reference is made to the citizens of Athens, and 
in several passages in the N. T. to Roman citizens. 
The privilege of Roman citizenship was originally 
acquired in various ways, as by purchase (Acts 
xxii. 2S), by military services, by favor, or by manu- 
mission. The right once obtained descended to a 
man's children. Among the privileges attached to 
citizenship, we note that a man could not be bound 
or imprisoned without a formal trial (ver. 29), still 
less be scourged (xvi. 37 ; Cic. in Verr. v. 63, 66). 
Another privilege attaching to citizenship was the 
appeal from a provincial tribunal to the emperor 
at Rome (Acts xxv. 11). Gentile Christians are 
figuratively " fellow-citizens (Gr. sumpolitai) of the 
saints" (Eph. ii. 19), i. e. members of the spiritual 
commonwealth of Israel, or of the kingdom of 
heaven. Kingdom. 
Cit'ron. Apple-tree. 

Cit y [sit'te], the A.V. translation of— 1. Heb. Vir 
and 'ir, plural of both drvn, from to keep watch. 
— 2. Ileb. klrydli, kirydth, dual kirydthaim, from 
kdrdh, to approach as an enemy , probably the most 
ancient name for city, but seldom used in prose 
as a general name. — 3. Heb. kereth = No. 2 (Job 
xxix. 7; Prov. viii. 3, ix. 3, 14, xi. 11). — 4. Chat. 
kirydh and kiryd = No. 2 (Ezr. iv. 10 ff.). — 5. Gr. 
polls, uniformly in the N. T. translated "city;" in 
the LXX. = No. 1, 2, 3, 4 ; the plural of the" deriv- 
ative polllarches being twice translated " rulers of 
the city " (Acts xvii. 6, 8). (Fenced City ; Vil- 
lage.) The earliest notice in Scripture of city- 
building is of Enoch by Cain, in the land of his 
exile (Gen. iv. 17). After the confusion of tongues, 
Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh, 
in the land of Shinar, and Asshur (or Nimrod), 
built Nineveh, Rehoboth, Calah, and Resen, the 
last being " a great city." A subsequent passage 
mentions Sidon, Gaza, Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, 
Zeboim, and Lasha, as cities of the Canaanites, but 
without implying for them antiquity equal to that 
of Nineveh and the rest (x. 10-12," 19, xi. 3, 9). 
The earliest description of a city, properly so called, 
is that of Sodom (xix. 1-22) ; but it is certain that 
from very early times cities existed on the sites 
of Jerusalem, Hebron, Shechem, Damascus, &c. 
Hebron is said to have been built seven years be- 
fore Zoan (Tanis) in Egypt, and is thus the only 
Syrian town which presents the elements of a date 
for its foundation (Num. xiii. 22). Even before 
the time of Abraham there were cities in Egypt 
(Gen. xii. 14, 15 ; Num. xiii. 22), and the Israelites, 
during their sojourn there, were employed in build- 
ing or fortifying the " treasure cities " of Pithom 
and Raamses (Ex. i. 11). Meanwhile the settled 
inhabitants of Syria on both sides of the Jordan 
had grown in power and in number of " fenced cit- 
ies," which were occupied and perhaps partly re- 
built or fortified after the conquest. But from 
some of these the possessors were not expelled 
till a late period, and Jerusalem itself was not cap- 
tured till the time of David (2 Sam. v. 6, 9). From 
this time the Hebrews became a city-dwelling and 
agricultural rather than a pastoral people. David 
enlarged Jerusalem, and Solomon, besides embel- 
lishing his capital, also built or rebuilt Tadmor 
(Palmyra), Gezer, Beth-horon, Hazor, and Megiddo, 
besides store-cities (ver. 7, 9, 10 ; 1 K. ix. 15-18 ; 2 
Chr. viii. 6). Collections of houses in Syria for so- 
cial habitation may be classed under three heads : 
— (1.) cities ; (2.) towns with citadels or towers 
.for resort and ilefen.ee; (3.) unwalled villages. The 



cities may be assumed to have been in almost all 
cases " fenced cities." But around the city, es- 
pecially in peaceable times, lay undefended " sub- 
urbs " (1 Chr. vi. 57 ff. ; Num. xxxv. 1-5 ; Josh, 
xxi.), to which the privileges of the city extended. 
The city thus became the citadel, while the pop- 
ulation overflowed into the suburbs (1 Mc. xi. 61). 
The absence of walls as indicating security in 
peaceable times, is illustrated by Zechariah (ii. 4 ; 
compare 1 K. iv. 25). According to Eastern cus- 
tom, special cities were appointed to furnish spe- 
cial supplies for the service of the state. Gover- 
nors for these and their surrounding districts were 
appointed by David and by Solomon (1 K. iv. 7 ft., 
ix. 19 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 25 ; 2 Chr. xvii. 12, xxi. 3 ; 1 
Mc. x. 39). To this practice our Lord alludes in 
his parable of the pounds (Lk. xix. 17, 19). To 
the Levites forty-eight cities were assigned, thir- 
teen of them for the family of Aaron (Priest), six 
as refuge (Josh. xxi.). (City of Refuge.) In many 
Eastern cities much space is occupied by gardens 
(Garden), and thus the size of the city is greatly 
increased. The vast extent of Nineveh and of Bab- 
ylon may thus be in part accounted for. In most 
Oriental cities the streets are extremely narrow, sel- 
dom allowing more than two loaded camels, or one 
camel and two foot-passengers, to pass each other. 
(Street.) The open spaces near the gates of towns 
were in ancient times, as they are still, used as 
places of assembly by the elders, of holding courts 
by kings and judges, and of general resort by cit- 
izens. They were also used as places of public ex- 
posure by way of punishment (Jer. xx. 2 ; Am. v. 
10). — " City of David," in 2 Sam. v. 9 and else- 
where in the 0. T., = Mount Zion in Jerusalem ; in 
Lk. ii. 4, 11 = Bethlehem 1. Jerusalem is also 
styled "the city of God" (Ps. xlvi. 4, xlviii. 1, 8, 
&c), " the holy city " (Nch. xi. 1, 18, ke.).—Cily of 
Destruction (Is. xix. 18); see Ir-ha-iieres. — See also 
Architecture ; City of Refuge ; Council ; Elder ; 
Gate ; Governor ; House ; Judge ; Sanhedrim ; 
Street ; Walls. 

Cit'y of Refuge. Six Levitical cities were spe- 
cially chosen for refuge to the involuntary homicide 
(Blood, Avenger of ; Murder) until released from 
banishment by the death of the high-priest (Num. 
xxxv. 6, 9 ff. ; Josh. xx. 2 ff., xxi. 13, &c). There 
were three on each side of Jordan. On the W. of 
Jordan were — 1. Kedesh, in Naphtali ; 2. Shechem, 
in Mount Ephraim ; 3. Hebron, in Judah. On the 
E. side of Jordan were — 4. Bezer, in the tribe of 
Reuben, in the plains of Moab ; 5. Ramoth-Gilead, 
in the tribe of Gad; 6. Golan, in Bashan, in the 
half-tribe of Manasseh. Maimonides says all the 
forty-eight Levitical cities had the privilege of asy- 
lum, but that the six refuge-cities were required to 
receive and lodge the homicide gratuitously. The 
directions respecting the refuge-cities present some 
difficulties in interpretation. The Levitical cities 
were to have a space of 1,000 cubits (about 583 
yards) beyond the city wall for pasture and other 
purposes. Presently after, 2,000 cubits are ordered 
to be the suburb limit (Num. xxxv. 4, 5). The so- 
lution of the difficulty may be, either the 2,000 
cubits are to be added to the 1,000 as " fields of 
the suburbs" (Lev. xxv. 34), or the additional 
2,000 cubits were a special gift to the refuge-cities, 
whilst the other Levitical cities had only 1,000 
cubits for suburbs. City ; Suburbs. 

Clan'da (fr. Gr.) (Acts xxvii. 16). A small island 
nearly due W. of Cape Matala on the S. coast of 
Crete, and nearly due S. of Phenice. It is still 



CLA 



CLI 



179 



called Claudanesa, or Gaudonesi, by the Greeks, 
which the Italians have corrupted into Oozzo. The 
ship which conveyed St. Paul was seized by the gale 
a little after passing Cape Matala, when on her way 
from Fair Havens to Phenice (Acts xxvii. 12-17). 
The storm came down from the island (Eurocly- 
don), and there was danger lest the ship should be 
driven into the African Syrtis (Quicksands). She 
was driven to Clauda and ran under the lee of it, 
where the water would be smooth. 

Clan'di-a (L. fern, of Claudius), a Christian wo- 
man mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 21, as saluting Timo- 
thy; supposed by Dean Alford and others to have 
been the wife of Pudens, and originally a British 
maiden, daughter of King Cogidubnus, an ally of 
Rome, who took the name of his imperial patron, 
Tiberius Claudius. 

Clan'di-ns (L. lame, perhaps celebrated, A. F. Pott : 
a surname common to two celebrated Roman clans, 
one patrician, the other plebeian), in full, Tiberius 
Claudius Nero Drusus Germanicus, fourth Roman 
emperor, reigned from 41 to 54 a. d. He was the 
son of Nero Drusus, was born in Lyons, Aug. 1, 
B. C. 9 or 10, and lived private and unknown till 
the day of his being called to the throne, Jan. 24, 
a. d. 41. He was nominated to the supreme power 
mainly through the influence of Herod Agrippa I. 
In the reign of Claudius there were several famines, 
arising from unfavorable harvests (Acts xi. 28-30). 
(Agabus.) Claudius was induced by a tumult of 
the Jews in Rome, to expel them from the city 
(xviii. 2). The date of this event is uncertain. 
After a weak and foolish reign he was poisoned by 
his fourth wife Agrippina, the mother of Nero, 
Oct. 13, a. d. 54. For a coin with his image, see 
Cyprus. 

Clan di-us Lys'i-as. Lysias. 

* Clave, from Cleave. 

Clay, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. til (Ps. 
xl. 2, Heb. 3 ; Is. xli. 25 ; Nah. iii. 14), usually and 
properly translated " mire," but in Isaiah and Nahum 
above = potter's clay, Ges. — 2. Heb. homer or cho- 
mer — (so Ges.) clay, loam, sc. of a reddish color, e. g. 
potter's clay (Is. xlv. 9, &c), as used for sealing 
(Job xxxviii. 14; see below), mire (xxx. 19), &c. ; 
also translated " mortar " (Gen. xi. 3 ; Ex. 
i. 14, &c), "mire" (Job xxx. 19; Is. x. 6, &c). — 
3. Chal. humph or chdsaph (Dan. ii. 33 ff.)= sherds, 
burnt clay, earthen-ware, Ges. — 4. Heb. melet (Jer. 
xliii. 9) = mortar, cement, Ges. — 5. Heb. ma'abeh 
hdaddmdh (1 K. vii. 46), translated " the clay 
ground," margin " the thickness of the ground," = 
the compact soil, probably clayey, Ges. ; probably = 
'abey hdaddmdh, A. V. " the clay ground," margin 
" thicknesses of the ground " (2 Chr. iv. IV). — 6. 
Gr. pelos (Jn. ix. 6, 11, 14, 15; Rom. ix. 21); in 
LXX. = No. 1 and 2. The great seat of the pottery 
of the present day in Palestine is Gaza, where are 
made the vessels in dark blue clay so frequently 
met with. (Brick; Handicraft.) Wine jars 
in Egypt were sometimes sealed with clay ; mum- 
my pits were sealed with the same substance, and 
remains of clay are still found adhering to the 
stone door-jambs. Our Lord's tomb may been 
thus sealed (Mat. xxvii. 66), as also the earthen 
vessel containing the evidences of Jeremiah's pur- 
chase (Jer. xxxii. 14). The seal used for public 
documents was rolled on the moist clay, and the 
tablet was then placed in the fire and baked. The 
practice of sealing doors with clay to facilitate de- 
tection in case of malpractice is still common in 
the East. 



* Clean (Heb. tdhor ; Gr. katharos), and I n-ilean' 
(Heb. lame; Gr. akalhartos), terms used in the Scrip- 
tures — (1.) in a literal or physical sense (Lev. iv. 12, 
xiv. 40; Mat. xxvii. 59, &c.) ; — (2.) in a legal or cere- 
monial sense (Gen. vii. 2, 8, viii. 20 ; Lev. xi. ; Deut. 
xii., xiv. ; Acts x. 14, 28, &c.) ; — (3.) in a moral or 
spiritual sense (Ps. xix. 9, Heb. 10 ; Is. vi. 5 ; Ez. 
xliv. 23 ; Jn. xv. 3 ; Eph. v. 5, &c.).— The cere- 
monial distinction before the Flood was probably 
made with reference to sacrifice ; the distinction 
of the Mosaic law referred to sacrifice, food, &c. 
The regulations made in this respect doubtless 
tended to promote health, to keep the Israelites 
separate from the surrounding heathen, and to set 
forth impressively great spiritual truths (Heb. ix. 
9-14). Law of Moses ; Purification ; Sacrifice ; 
Unclean Meats. 

* Cleave, an English verb used in regular and 
irregular, transitive and intransitive forms in the 
Scriptures. To " cleave to " (Gen. ii. 24, &c.) == to 
adhere to, stick closely to, cling to, often in spite of 
efforts or influences tending to separation. So 
" clave to " (Ru. i. 14, &c), " cleaved to " (2 K. 
iii. 3, &c.) = adhered to, clung to. To " cleave," 
transitively (Lev. i. IV ; Deut. xiv. 6 ; Eccl. x. 9, 
&c), also intransitively (Zech. xiv. 4), = to dividf, 
split, separate, sc. a thing into its parts. So " clave " 
(Gen. xxii. 3, &c), "cleft" (Mic. i. 4), "cloven" 
(Acts iii. 2, &c.) = divided or separated. The noun 
cleft or clift is connected with the latter signifi- 
cation. 

* Cleft (fr. Cleave) (Deut, xiv. 6 ; Cant. ii. 14, &c.) 
= a fissure or opening made by separation of parts ; 
also written Clift. 

Clement (Gr. Klemes, fr. L. Clemens — mild, calm, 
clement), a fellow-laborer of St. Paul at Philippi 
(Phil. iv. 3). It was generally believed in the an- 
cient church, that this Clement = the Bishop of 
Rome, afterward so celebrated. 

Cle'o-pas (Gr. Kleopas, prob. contr. fr. Kleopalros 
= fame-father, i. e. of great fame, or inheriting 
fame from a father), one of the two disciples who 
were going to Emmaus on the day of the resurrec- 
tion (Lk. xxiv. 18). It is a question whether this 
Cleopas = theCleophas (accurately in marg. Clopas) 
or Alpheus in Jn. xix. 25. Mary of Cleophas. 

Cle-O-pa'tra (L. fr. Gr. fern, of Kleopalros = Cle- 
opas). 1, The wife of Ptolemeus (Esth. xi. 1) was 
probably the grand-daughter of Antiochus III. and 
both sister and wife of Ptolemy VI. Philometor. — 
2. A daughter of Ptolemy VI. Philometor and No. 1, 
who was married first to Alexander Balas B. C 150 
(1 Mc. x. 58), and afterward given by her father to 
Demetrius Nicator when he invaded Syria (xi. 12). 
During the captivity of Demetrius in Parthia, Cleo- 
patra married his brother Antiochus VII. Sidetes. 
She afterward murdered Seleucus, her eldest son 
by Demetrius ; and at length was herself poisoned, 
b. c. 120, by a draught which she had prepared for 
her second son Antiochus VIII. 

Cle'o-phas [-fas] (L. fr. Gr.=CLOPAs)=ALPHEUS 
(Jn. xix. 25). Alpheus; Cleopas; Mary of Cleo- 
phas. 

* Cliff (anciently written clift : see Cleave) = 
a high steep rock, appearing as if cleft or split off 
by violence. In 2 Chr. xx. 16 the Heb. ma?aleh is 
translated "cliff" in A. V., margin "ascent" (see 
Ziz) ; elsewhere " ascent," " going up," &c. (see 
Akrabbim). In Job xxx. 6, the Heb. , druts, trans- 
lated " cliffs " in A. V., = horror, terror, Ges. ; and 
so " cliffs of the valleys " in A. V. should be rather 
a horror of valleys, i. e. horrible valleys. Valley 3, 



180 



CLI 



COL 



* Cllft, an old spelling of Cleft and of Cliff, 
found in some copies of the A. V. 

* Cloak. Dress. 

* Clo'pas (Gr. Klopas = Alpheus) (Jn. xix. 25, 
margin) = Cleophas. 

Clo'tliing. Dress ; Fuller ; Handicraft. 

Clond (usually in A. V. = Heb. 'dudn and Gr. 
nephele). The shelter given, and refreshment of 
rain promised, by clouds, give them their peculiar 
prominence in Oriental imagery, and the individual 
cloud in an ordinarily cloudless region becomes well 
defined and is dwelt upon like the individual tree 
in the bare landscape. When a cloud appears, 
rain is ordinarily apprehended, and thus the " cloud 
without rain " becomes a proverb for the man of 
promise without performance (Prov. xvi. 15 ; Is. 
xviii. 4, xxv. 5 ; Jude 12 ; compare Prov. xxv. 14). 
The cloud is a figure of transitoriness (Job xxx. 
15 ; Hos. vi. 4), and of whatever intercepts divine 
favor or human supplication (Lam. ii. 1, iii. 44). 
Being the least substantial of visible forms, it most 
easily suggests spiritual being. Hence it is the 
recognized machinery by which supernatural ap- 
pearances are introduced (Is. xix. 1 ; Ez. i. 4 ; Rev. 
i. 7). (Darkness.) A bright cloud, at any rate at 
times, visited and rested on the Mercy Seat (Ex. 
xxix. 42, 43 ; 1 K. viii. 10, 11 ; 2 Chr. v. 14 ; Ez. xliii. 
4), and was by later writers named Shechinah. See 
the next art.; Air; Firmament; Heaven; Rain; 
Sky ; Vapor. 

flond, Pillar of. This was the active form of 
the symbolical glory-cloud, betokening God's pres- 
ence to lead His chosen host, or to inquire and 
visit offences, as the luminous cloud of the sanc- 
tuary exhibited the same under an aspect of repose. 
The cloud, which became a pillar when the host 
moved, seems to have rested at other times on the 
Tabernacle, whence God is said to have " come down 
in the pillar " (Num. xii. 5 ; so Ex. xxxiii. 9, 10). 
It preceded the host, apparently resting on the ark 
which led the way (Ex. xiii. 21, xl. 36, &c. ; Num. 
ix. 15-23, x. 34). Shechinah. 

* Clont'ed (Josh. ix. 5) = patched or mended. See 
Colors, I., spotted. 

* Clouts, cast (Jer. xxxviii. 11, 12) = cast-off rags, 
or torn clothes. 

* Clo'yen, from Cleave. 

Cni'dns [ni-] (L. fr. Gr.) is mentioned in 1 Me. 
xv. 23, as one of the Greek cities which contained 
Jewish residents in the second century b. c, and in 
Acts xxvii. 7, as a harbor which was passed by St. 
Paul after leaving Myra, and before running under 
the lee of Crete. It was a city of great conse- 
quence, at the extreme S. W. of the peninsula of 
Asia Minor, on a promontory now called Cope Crio, 
which projects between the islands of Cos and 
Rhodes (see Acts xxi. 1). All the remains of J 
Cnidus show that it must have been a city of great 
magnificence. 

* Coach'es (Is. lxvi. 20, margin). Litters. 
Coal, the A. V. translation of several different 

words. 1. The most common in Hebrew is gaheleth 
or gacheleth, a live ember, translated in the plu- 
ral " burning coals," as distinguished from No. 2 
below (Prov. xxvi. 21). In 2 Sam. xxii. 9, 13, 
" coals " or " coals of fire " metaphorically =: the 
lightnings proceeding from God (comp. Ps. xviii. 
8. 12, 13, cxl. 10). The proverbial expression, 
" Thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head " 
(Prov. xxv. 22 ; adopted by St. Paul in Rom. xii. 
20), metaphorically expresses the burning shame 1 
and confusion which men must feel when their evil I 



is requited by good. — 2. Heb. pehdm or pechdm in 
Prov. xxvi. 21 (comp. No. 1 above) clearly = fuel 
not yet lighted; but in Is. xliv. 12, liv. 16 = fuel 
lighted. The fuel meant in the above passages is 
probably charcoal, and not mineral coal (see be- 
low). — 3. Heb. retseph or ritspah. In the narrative 
of Elijah's miraculous meal (1 K. xix. 6) retseph 
(A. V. "baken on the coals") is used to describe 
the mode in which the cake was baked, viz., on a 
hot stone, as is still usual in the East. So ritspah 
in Is. vi. 6 (A. V. "a live coal") properly — a hot 
stone, Ges. — 4. Heb. resheph in Hab. iii. 5, is rendered 
in A. V r . " burning coals," and in the margin " burn- 
ing diseases." The former meaning is supported 
by Cant. viii. 6 (A. V. " coals "), the latter by Deut. 
xxxii. 24 (A. V. "burning heat," marg. "coals"). 
— 5. In Lam. iv. 8, " their visage is blacker than a 
coal" (Heb. shehdr or shechor)is in the margin (and 
so Ges.) "darker than blackness." — 6. Gr. anthrax 
is translated in plural " coals of fire " (Rom. xii. 
20; see No. 1, also Carbuncle 3), and "coals" 
(Ecclus. viii. 10). The kindred anthrakia is trans- 
lated "a fire of coals" (Jn. xviii. 18, xxi. 9); "a 
heap of coals " (Ecclus. xi. 32), There is no evi- 
dence that the ancient Hebrews were acquainted 
with mineral coal, though it is found in Lebanon. 
It seems pretty clear that the ancients generally 
used charcoal for their fuel. Agriculture; Bread; 
Cooking; Fire; Forest; Oven. 

* Coast, in A. V. = border, limit, bound, as of a 
country, tribe, district, &c. (Ex. x. 4, 14, 19 ; Josh, 
xv. 1, 4 ; Mat. ii. 16, viii. 34, &c). 

Coat. Dress. — Coal of mail; see Arms, II. 1. 
Cock. In the N. T. the "cock" is mentioned in 
reference to St. Peter's denial of our Lord, and in- 
directly in the word "cock-crowing" (Mat. xxvi. 
34 ; Mk. xiv. 30, xiii. 35, &c). The domestic cock 
and hen were early known to the ancient Greeks 
and Romans. They were undoubtedly of Asiatic 
origin, and not improbably the Greeks obtained 
them from Persia. They are now common in Pal- 
estine. As no mention is made in the O. T. of 
these birds, and no figures of them occur in the 
Egyptian monuments, Mr. Houghton thinks that 
they came into Judea with the Romans, who prized 
these birds both as articles of food and for cock- 
fighting. The Mishna says " they do not rear 
cocks at Jerusalem on account of the holy things ; " 
but if there was any such restraint, it must have 
been an arbitrary practice of the Jews, not binding 
on foreigners at Jerusalem. But the cock which 
Peter heard crow might have been not in the city, 
but on the Mount of Olives, or elsewhere within 
hearing. Watches of Night. 
Cock'a-trice. Adder 3. 

Cock'Ie (Heb. bosh&h) occurs only in Job xxxi. 
j 40. Celsius has argued in favor of the aconite, the 
Aconitum Napellus, which however is quite a moun- 
tain — never a field — plant. But Mr. Houghton be- 
lieves the bosh&h = any bad weeds or fruit, perhaps 
bad or smutted barley, or some of the useless 
grasses which have somewhat the appearance of 
barley, such as Hordeum murinum, &c. 

Coei-e-syr'i-a [sel'le-] (L. fr. Gr. = hollow Syria) 
= Celosyria. 

Coffer (Heb. argdz), a movable box hanging from 
the side of a cart (1 Sam. vi. 8, 11, 15). On the 
phrase " in a coffer" (Ezr. vi. 2, marg.), see Ecbatana. 
Coffin. Burial ; Chest 1 ; Embalming. 
Co'la (fr. Gr.), a place (Jd. xv. 4 only) ; perhaps 
(so Simonis) = Abel-meholah, which is also writ- 
ten Abel-mecholah. 



COL 



COL 



181 



Col-ho'zeh (Heb. all-seeing), a man of the tribe 
of Judah (Neh. iii. 15, xi. 5). 

Co'li-us(l Esd. ix. 23) = Kelaiah. 

Col lars (Judg. viii. 26). Ear-rings. 

Col lege, the. In 2 K. xxii. 14 it is said in the 
A. V. that Huldah the prophetess " dwelt in Jeru- 
salem in the college " (Heb. mishneh), margin " in 
the second part." The same part of the city is un- 
doubtedly alluded to in Zeph. i. 10 (A. V. " the 
second "), and probably in Neh. xi. 9 (A. V. " sec- 
ond over the city," literally " over the city sec- 
ond "), mishneh being translated " second " in each. 
Our translation derived " the college " from the 
Targum of Jonathan, which has " house of instruc- 
tion," a school-house supposed to have been in the 
neighborhood of the Temple. Keil's explanation 
is probably the true one, that the mishneh was the 
"lower city," built on the hill-Akra. 

* Col lops of fat (Job xv. 27) = pieces, fakes, or 
slices of fat. 

Col'o-ny, a designation of Philippi, in Acts xvi. 
12. After the battle of Actium, Augustus assigned 
to his veterans those parts of Italy which had es- 
poused the cause of Antony, and transported many 
of the expelled inhabitants to Philippi, Dyrachium, 
and other cities. In this way Philippi was made a 
Roman colony, and it is thus described both in in- 
scriptions and upon the coins of Augustus. The 
colonists went out as Roman citizens (Citizen) to 
represent and reproduce the city in the midst of an 
alien population. Their names were still enrolled 
in one of the Roman tribes. They were governed 
by Roman law, had their own magistrates, and were 
free from any intrusion by the governor of the 
province. Their land had the same freedom from 
taxation as land in Italy 

Col'ors [kul'lurz]. The terms relative to color, 
occurring in the Bible, may be arranged in two 
classes : I. Those applied to the description of 
natural objects ; II. Those artificial mixtures em- 
ployed in dyeing or painting. — I. The natural colors 
noticed in the Bible are white, black, red, yellow, 
and green. Of these yellow is very seldom no- 
ticed ; it was apparently regarded as a shade of 
green, for the Heb. ycrakrak is applied to gold (Ps. 
lxviii. 13, " yellow," A. V.), and to the leprous spot 
(Lev. xiii. 49, xiv. 37 ; A. V in both " greenish "), 
and very probably the hue of the leprous hair (30, 
32, 36 ; Heb. tsahob ; A. V. " yellow ") differed 
little from the " greenish " spot on the garments. 
Green is frequently noticed, but the reference is 
seldom to colors. Thus the Heb. ra'andn, usually 
translated " green " in A. V., applies to what is 
vigorous and flourishing (Deut. xii. 2 ; Job xv. 32, 
&c), and the Heb. ydrdk and yerek, translated 
"green," "green thing," &c., in A. V., have the 
radical signification of pulling forth leaves, sprout- 
ing (Gen. i. 30; Is. xv. 6, xxxvii. 27, &c). So also 
the Heb. lah or lach, usually translated " green " 
(Gen. xxx. 37 ; Judg. xvi. 7, 8 ; Ez. xvii. 24, xx. 
47), is translated literally "moist" in Num. vi. 3; 
and Heb. rdtob, translated "green" in Job viii. 16, 
= juicy, Ges. (Cotton ; Linen.) The Gr chloros 
( = pale green, light green, greenish yellow, strictly 
of the color of young grass, corn, &c, L. & S.) is 
translated " green " (Mk. vi. 39 ; Rev. viii. 7, ix. 4), 
and " pale " (Rev. vi. 8) ; and in LXX. = Heb. 
ydrdk, yerek, and lah or lach. The Gr. hugros ( = 
watery, toet, moist ; hence sappy, green, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.) is applied to a tree and translated "green" 
in Lk. xxiii. 31 ; and in LXX. = Heb. lah or lach in 
Judg. xvi. 7, 8, and rdtob in Job viii. 16. The only 



fundamental color of which the Hebrews appear to 
have had a clear conception was red ; and even this 
is not very often noticed. They had therefore no 
scientific knowledge of colors. The highest de- 
velopment of color in the mind of the Hebrew 
evidently was light, and hence the predominance 
given to white as its representative (Mat. xvii. 2 ; 
Mk. ix. 3 ; Lk. ix. 29 ; compare " brightness," 
Heb. zdhar, Ez. viii. 2 ; Dan. xii. 3). The Hebrew, 
translated "color," in Ez. i. 4, 7, 16, &c, is 'ayin, 
literally eye, i. e. the look, theglance, such as the eye 
or any thing brilliant gives forth (Fbn. on Ez.). 
Next to white, black, or rather dark, holds the most 
prominent place, not only as its opposite, but also 
as representing the complexion of the Orientals. 
The three colors, white, black, and red, were some- 
times intermixed in animals, and gave rise to the 
Hebrew terms tsdhor or tsdehor (A. V. "white") 
= dappled, probably white and red (so Mr. Bevan ; 
Gesenius says " white, probably of a light reddish 
color "), see Ass (Judg. v. 10) ; 'dkod = " ring- 
straked," either with white bands on the legs, or 
white-footed; ndkod — "speckled," tdlu (participle 
from tdld = to patch, Ges. ; the Hebrew, translated 
" clodted " in Josh. ix. 5, is from the same verb) = 
" spotted," and bdrod = piebald (A.V. " grisled " ), 
the spots being larger in the last than in the two 
others, but the three being white and black (Gen. 
xxx. 32 ff. ; bdrod also in Zech. vi. 3, 6). It re- 
mains for us now to notice the various terms ap- 
plied to these three colors. 1. Wliite. The most 
common Hebrew term is Idbdn, which (or its kin- 
dred Idben) is applied to such objects as milk (Gen. 
xlix. 12), manna (Ex. xvi. 31), snow (Is. i. 18), 
horses (Zech. i. 8), raiment (Eccl. ix. 8) ; and a 
cognate word = " the moon " (Is. xxiv. 23). The 
Heb. tsah or tsach, dazzling white, is applied to the 
complexion (Cant. v. 10) ; the Chal. hivvdr or chiv- 
vdr, for which the LXX. have leukos (see below), to 
snow (Dan. vii. 9 only) ; the Heb. sib (A. V. " gray- 
headed") to the hair alone (1 Sam. xii. 2; Job xv. 
10). The Heb. cehdh (Lev. xiii. 21 ff., A.V. " some- 
what dark ") = palish white, Ges. Another class 
of terms arises from the textures of a naturally 
white color (Heb. buts, shesh, Gr. bussns, &c. ; see 
Cotton ; Linen). These were without doubt pri- 
marily applied to the material ; but the idea of 
color is also prominent, particularly in the descrip- 
tion of the curtains of the tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 
1), and the priests' vestments (xxviii. 6). (See also 
Basket 1 ; Marble.) In Esth. i. 6, the first Hebrew 
word translated " white," hur or chur, which also 
occurs in viii. 15, = fine white linen, Ges. ; the second 
Hebrew word, dar, translated " white," margin 
" alabaster," is commonly taken = a pearl, but per- 
haps = a species of marble or alabaster resembling 
pearl, or possibly mother of pearl (so Ges.). In N. 
T., the Gr. lampros (Rev. xv. 6, xix. 8) and leukos 
(Mat. v. 36, xvii. 2, &c. ; also in LXX. = Heb. 
Idbdn above) and the verb leukaino (Mk. ix. 3, &c.) 
are translated " white ;" and the participle kekonia- 
menos (= whitewashed) is translated " whited " 
(Mat. xxiii. 27 ; Acts xxiii. 3). White was symboli- 
cal of innocence, of joy, and of victory. — 2. Black. 
The shades of this color are expressed in the Heb. 
shdhor or shdehor and shdhar or shdehar, applied to 
the hair (Lev. xiii. 31, 37; Cant. v. 11); the com- 
plexion (Cant. i. 5), particularly when affected with 
disease (Job xxx. 30) ; horses (Zech. vi. 2, 6) : Heb. 
hum or chum, literally scorched (A. V. " brown," Gen. 
xxx. 32 ff.), applied to sheep ; the word expresses 
the color produced by influence of the sun's rays : 



182 



COL 



COL 



Heb. verb kddar, literally to be dirty, translated in 
A. V. " to be black," " blackish," " dark," " dark- 
ened, ' &c, applied to mourner's robes (Jer. viii. 21, 
xiv. 2) ; a clouded sky (1 K. xviii. 45) ; night (Hie. 
iii. 6 ; Jer. iv. 28 ; Joel ii. 10, iii. 15) ; a turbid brook 
(Kidron), particularly when rendered so by melted 
snow (Job vi. 16). The Gr. melas is translated 
" black " in N. T. (Mat. v. 36, &c), and in LXX. = 
Heb. shdhor or shdchor. Black, as the opposite to 
white, is symbolical of evil (Zech. vi. 2, 6 ; Rev. 
vi. 5).— 3. Red. The Heb. Mom (= "red," "rud- 
dy," A. V. and Ges.) and kindred words ddam ( = 
" to be red " or " ruddy "), admoni (= " red "), are 
applied to blood (2 K. iii. 22) ; a garment sprinkled 
with blood (Is. lxiii. 2); a heifer (Num. xix. 2); 
pottage made of lentiles (Gen. xxv. 30) ; a horse 
(Zech. i. 8, vi. 2); wine (Prov. xxiii. 31); the com- 
plexion (Gen. xxv. 25 ; Cant. v. 10 ; Lam. iv. 7). 
The Heb. udamddm ( = " reddisli " or " somewhat 
reddish") is applied to a leprous spot (Lev. xiii. 
19, &c, xiv. 37). The Heb. sdrok, literally fox- 
colored, bit;/, is applied to a horse (A. V. " speckled," 
margin " bay," Zech. i. 8). The Gr. purrhos ( = 
flame-colored, fiery red, red, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) is 
translated " red " in Rev. vi. 4, xii. 3, and in LXX. 
= Heb. Mom. The kindred Greek verb purrhazo 
= " to be red," A. V.) occurs in Mat. xvi. 2, 3. 
See also Red Sea.) This color was symbolical of 
bloodshed (Zech. vi. 2 ; Rev. vi. 4, xii. 3). — II. Arti- 
ficial colors. The art of extracting dyes, and of 
applying them to various textures, appears to have 
been known at a very early period. (Dress ; Handi- 
craft.) The Hebrews were probably indebted both 
to the Egyptians and the Phenicians ; to the latter 
for the dyes, and to the former for the mode of ap- 
plying them. The purple dyes which they chiefly 
used were extracted by the Phenicians (Ez. xxvii. 
16), and in certain districts of Asia Minor, espe- 
cially Thyatira (Acts xvi. 14). (Elishah.) The 
dyes consisted of purples, light and dark (the lat- 
ter = "blue," A. V.), and crimson ("scarlet," A. 
V.); these three were contributed for holy pur- 
poses (Ex. xxv. 4); vermilion was introduced at a 
late period. — 1. Purple (Heb. argdmdn, argevdn ; 
Chal. argevdnd, Dan. v. 7, 16, 29, A. V. " scarlet ; " 
Gr. porphura. porphureos, porphurous). This color 
was obtained from the secretion of a species of 
shell-fish, the Jfurex trunculus of Linnoeus, which 
was found in various parts of the Mediterranean 
Sea. The coloring matter was contained in a small 
vessel in the throat, only a single drop in each ani- 
mal, and the value was proportionally high. The 
Greek and probably the other terras were applied 
with great latitude, not only to all colors extracted 
from the shell-fish, but even to other brilliant 
colors (compare Jn. xix. 2 with Mat. xxvii. 28, and 
see No. 3, below). The same may be said of the 
L. purpureas. Generally speaking, however, the 
"purple" of the Scriptures must be considered 
as defined by the distinction between the purple 
proper, and the other purple dye (A. V. " blue "), 
which was produced from another species of shell- 
fish. The latter was undoubtedly a dark violet 
tint, while the former had a light reddish tinge. 
Robes of a purple color were worn by kings ( Judg. 
viii. 26), and by the highest officers, civil and reli- 
gious (Esth. viii. 15 ; 1 Mc. x. 20, 64, &c). They 
were also worn by the wealthy and luxurious (Jer. 
x. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 7 ; Lk. xvi. 19 ; Rev. xvii. 4, xviii. 
16). — 2. Blue (Heb. teceleth ; Gr. huakinthos, huakin- 
thinos ; Jacinth). This dye was procured from a 
species of shell-fish found on the coast of Phenicia, 



and called by modern naturalists Helix Ianthina. 
The tint is best explained by the statements of 
Josephus (iii. 7, § 7) and Philo that it was em- 
blematic of the sky, in which case it represents 
not the light blue of our Northern climate, but the 
deep dark hue of the Eastern sky. The A. V. has 
rightly described the tint in Esth. i. 6 (margin) as 
violet. This color was used in the same way as 
purple (see above, No. 1). — 3. Scarlet (A. V. 
" crimson," twice in 0. T. ; see below). The terms 
by which this color is expressed in Hebrew vary ; 
sometimes shdui simply is used, as in Gen. xxxviii. 
28, 30 (A. V. " scarlet thread "), Is. i. 18 (A. V. 
" scarlet"), Jer. iv. 30 (A.V. " crimson"), &c. ; some- 
times tola'aih shdni, as in Ex. xxv. 4, &c. ; some- 
times told', as in Is. i. 18 (A. V. "crimson"), and 
Lam. iv. 5 (A. V. "scarlet"); and in Nah. ii. 3, 
Heb. 4, the plural participle mCthulld'im (A. V. " in 
scarlet," margin " dyed ") is used. The word car- 
mil (A. V. " crimson," 2 dir. ii. 7, 14, iii. 14) was 
introduced into Hebrew at a late period, probably 
from Armenia, to express the same color. The 
first of these terms expresses the brilliancy of the 
color ; the second the worm, or grub, whence the 
dye was procured. The Gr. kokkos is translated 
"scarlet" in Ecclus. xiv. 11, and its adjective kok- 
kinos is translated in the N. T. " scarlet," " scarlet 
color," " scarlet-colored " (Mat. xxvii. 28, compare 
No. 1, above ; Heb. ix. 19 ; Rev. xvii. 3, 4, xviii. 12, 
16) ; and in the LXX. is used generally for the pre- 
ceding Hebrew words. The dye was produced from 
the females of an insect ( Coccus Eicis, Linn., Ar. 
kermes, whence crimson), somewhat resembling the 
cochineal, which is found in considerable quantities 
in Armenia and other Eastern countries. The tint 
produced was crimson rather than scarlet. The 
only natural object to which it is applied in Scrip- 
ture is the lips, which are compared to a " scarlet " 
thread (Cant. iv. 3). "Scarlet" threads were se- 
lected as distinguishing marks from their brilliancy 
(Gen. xxxviii. 28; Josh. ii. 18, 21), and hence the 
color is expressive of what is excessive or glaring 
(Is. i. 18). "Scarlet" robes were worn by the 
luxurious (2 Sam. i. 24 ; Prov. xxxi. 21 ; Rev. xvii. 
4, &c): "scarlet" was the appropriate hue of a 
warrior's dress from its similarity to blood (Nah. ii. 
3 ; compare Is. ix. 5), and was especially worn by 
officers in the Roman army (Mat. xxvii. 28). The 
three colors above described, purple, blue, and 
scarlet, together with white, were employed in the 
textures used for the curtains of the tabernacle 
and for the sacred vestments of the priests (Ex. 
xxvi. 1, &c). — 4. Vermilion (Heb. shdshar; Gr. mil- 
ios). This was a pigment used in fresco paintings, 
either for drawing figures of idols on the walls of 
temples (Ez. xxiii. 14), for coloring the idols them- 
selves (Wis. xiii. 14), or for decorating the walls 
and beams of houses (Jer. xxii. 14). The Greek 
term = both red lead and red ochre ; the L. sinopis 
(the translation in Vulgate) = the best kind of 
ochre, which came from Sinope on the Euxine or 
Black Sea. Vermilion was a favorite color among 
the Assyrians, as is still attested by the sculptures 
of Nimroud and Khorsabad. 

Co-los'sae [-see] (L.) = Colosse. 

Co-los'se (L. Colossce ; Gr. Kolossai or Kolas- 
sai), a city in the Roman province of Asia 
(Phrygia), in the upper part of the basin of 
the river Meander, on one of its affluents named 
the Lycus. Hierapolis and Laodicea were in 
its immediate neighborhood (Col. ii. 1, iv. 13, 15, 
16; see Rev. i. 11, iii. 14). Colosse was more 



COL 

ancient, and fell, as these other two cities rose 
in importance. The three were destroyed by an 
earthquake (so Eusebius) in the ninth year of Nero, 
but Colosse was a flourishing place three years 
afterward. It was situated close to the great road 



COL 183 

from Ephesus to the Euphrates. Hence our im- 
pulse would be to conclude that St. Paul passed 
this way, and founded or confirmed the Colossian 
church on his third missionary journey (Acts xviii. 
23, xix. 1). (See the next article.) The most com- 




petent commentators, however, agree in thinking 
that Col. ii. 1, proves that St. Paul had never been 
there, when the epistle was written. That the apos- 
tle hoped to visit the place on being delivered from 
his Roman imprisonment is clear from Phn. 22 
(comp. Phil. ii. 24). Philemon and Onesimus were 
dwellers in Colosse. So also were Archippus and 
Epaphras. Mr. Hamilton was the first to deter- 
mine the actual site of the ancient city, which ap- 
pears to be about three miles N. from the modern 
vllage of Chonas. 

Co-los'siaus [ko-losh'yanz] ( = people of Co- 
losse), the E-pis tie to the, was written by the 
Apostle Paul during his first captivity at Rome 
(Acts xxviii. 16), and apparently in that portion of 
it (Col. iv. 3, 4) when the apostle's imprisonment 
had not assumed the more severe character which 
seems to be reflected in Phil. i. 20, 21, 30, ii. 27, 
and which not improbably succeeded the death of 
Burrus in a. d. 62, and the decline of the influence 
of Seneca. This important and profound epistle 
was addressed to the Christians of the once large 
and influential, but now smaller and declining, city 
of Colosse, and was delivered to them by Tychicus, 
whom the apostle had sent both to them (Col. iv. 
1, 8) and to the church of Ephesus (Eph. vi. 21), 
to inquire into their state and to administer exhor- 
tation and comfort. The epistle seems to have been 
called forth by the information St. Paul had re- 
ceived from Epaphras (Col. iv. 12; Phn. 23) and 
from Onesimus, both of whom appear to have been 
natives of Colosse, and the former of whom was, 
if not the special founder, yet certainly one of the 
very earliest preachers of the gospel in that city. 
The main object of the epistle is not merely, 



as in Philippians, to exhort and to confirm, nor 
as in Ephesians, to set forth the great fea- 
tures of the church of the chosen in Christ, 
but especially to warn the Colossians against 
a spirit of semi-Judaistic and semi-Oriental phi- 
losophy which was corrupting the simplicity of 
their belief, and was noticeably tending to obscure 
the eternal glory and dignity of Christ. With 
regard to its genuineness: and authenticity, there arc 
no grounds for doubt. The external testimonies arc- 
explicit, and the internal arguments, founded on 
the peculiarity of style, the nerve and force of the 
arguments, and the originality that appears in every 
paragraph, are unusually strong and well defined. 
(Canon.) A few special points demand a brief 
notice. — 1. The opinion that the epistles to the 
Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon, were written 
during the apostle's imprisonment at Cesarea (Acts 
xxi. 2*7-xxvi. 32), i. e. between Pentecost a. d. 58 
and the autumn of a. d. 60, has been recently advo- 
cated by several writers of ability, and stated with 
such cogency and clearness by Meyer, as to deserve 
some consideration. But to^ go no further than 
the present epistle, the notices of the apostle's im- 
prisonment in ch. iv. 3, 4, 11, certainly seem his- 
torically inconsistent with the nature of the im- 
prisonment at Cesarea. The permission of Felix 
(Acts xxiv. 23) can scarcely be strained into any 
degree of liberty to teach or preach the Gospel. — 
2. The nature of the erroneous teaching condemned 
in this epistle has been very differently estimated. 
Three opinions only seem to deserve any serious 
consideration : (a) that these erroneous teachers 
were adherents of Neo-Platonism, or of some forms 
of Occidental philosophy ; (6) that they leaned to 



184 



COL 



COM 



Essene doctrines and practices ; (c) that they advo- 
cated that admixture of Christianity, Judaism, and 
Oriental philosophy which afterward became con- 
solidated into Gnosticism. Of these (a) has but 
little in its favor, except the somewhat vague term 
"philosophy" (ch. ii. 8) , which, however, it seems 
arbitrary to restrict to Grecian philosophy ; (b) is 
much more plausible as far as the usages alluded 
to, but seems inconsistent both with the exclusive 
nature and circumscribed localities of Essene teach- 
ing ; (c) on the contrary is in accordance with the 
Gentile nature of the church of Colosse (i. 21), 
with its very locality — speculative and superstitious 
Phrygia — and with that tendency to associate 
Judaical observances (ii. 10) with more purely the- 
osophistic speculations (18), which became after- 
ward so conspicuous in developed Gnosticism. — 3. 
The striking similarity between many portions of 
this epistle and Epliesians has given rise to much 
speculation, both as to the reason of this studied 
similarity, and as to the priority of order in respect 
to composition. The similarity may reasonably be 
accounted for, (1.) by the proximity in time at which 
the two epistles were written ; (2.) by the high proba- 
bility that in two cities of Asia within a moderate 
distance from one another, there would be many 
doctrinal prejudices, and many social relations, that 
would call forth and need precisely the same lan- 
guage of warning and exhortation. The priority 
in composition must remain a matter for a reason- 
able difference of opinion. Bishop Ellicott believes 
the shorter and perhaps more vividly expressed 
Epistle to the Colossians to have been first 
written, and to have suggested the more compre- 
hensive, more systematic, but less individualizing, 
Epistle to the Ephesians. 
Col ours [kul'lurz] = Colors. 

* Com'fort-er = one who gives comfort (2 Sam. 
x. 3; Eccl. iv. 1, &c); especially applied to the 
Holy Spirit in N. T. (Jn. xiv. 16, &c). Spirit, the 
Holy ; also Advocate. 

* (om-iuand uieut. Law; Law of Moses; Ten 
Commandments. 

I'oui'mci'ce. From the time that men began to 
live in cities, trade, in some shape,, must have been 
carried on to supply the town-dwellers with neces- 
saries, but it is also clear that international trade 
must have existed and affected to some extent even 
the pastoral nomad races, for we find that Abra- 
ham was rich, not only in cattle, but in silver, gold, 
and gold and silver plate and ornaments (Gen. xiii. 2, 
xxiv. 22, 53). (Metals ; Money : Ornaments, Per- 
sonal.) Among trading nations ntentioned in Scrip- 
ture, Egypt holds in very early times a prominent 
position, though her external trade was carried on, 
not by her own citizens, but by foreigners, chiefly of 
the nomad races. (Arabia.) It was an Ishmael- 
ite caravan, laden with spices, which carried Joseph 
into Egypt. From Egypt it is likely that at all 
times, especially in times of general scarcity, corn 
would be exported, which was paid for by the non- 
exporting nations in silver, which was always 
weighed (Gen. xli. 57, xlii. 3, 25, 35, xliii. 11, 12, 
21). Intercourse with Tyre does not appear to 
have taken place till a later period. At an early 
period trade was carried on between Babylon and 
the Syrian cities, and gold and silver ornaments 
were common among the Syrian and Arabian races 
(Num. xxxi. 50 ; Josh. vii. 21 ; Judg. v. 30, viii. 
24; Job vi. 19). Until the time of Solomon the 
Hebrew nation may be said to have had no foreign 
trade. (Agriculture ; Alliance ; Loan ; Ship.) 



Solomon, however, organized an extensive trade 
with foreign countries. (Elath ; Tarshish.) He 
imported linen yarn, horses, and chariots from 
Egypt (1 K. x. 22-29). Phenicians brought by sea 
to Joppa the cedar and other timber for his great 
architectural works, whilst Solomon furnished them 
provisions (1 K. v. 6, 9 ; 2 Chr. ii. 15, 16). Solo- 
mon also built, or more probably fortified, Palmyra 
(Tadmor), as a caravan station for the land-commerce 
with eastern and southeastern Asia (1 K. ix. 18). 
After his death the maritime trade declined, and an 
attempt made by Jehoshaphat to revive it proved 
unsuccessful (1 K. xxii. 48, 49). We know, how- 
ever, that Phenicia was supplied from Judca with 
wheat, honey, oil, and balm (1 K. v. 11 ; Ez. xxvii. 
17 ; Acts xii. 20), whilst Tyrian dealers brought 
fish and other merchandise to Jerusalem at the 
time of the return from Captivity (Neh. xiii. 16), as 
well as timber for the rebuilding of the Temple, 
which then, as in Solomon's time, was brought by 
sea to Joppa (Ezr. iii. 7). Oil was exported to 
Egypt (Hos. xii. 1), and tine linen and ornamental 
girdles of domestic manufacture were sold to the 
merchants (Prov. xxxi. 24). The successive inva- 
sions to which Palestine was subjected must have 
impoverished the country from time to time, but 
much wealth must somewhere have existed ; so 
much so that, in the language of Ezekiel, Jerusa- 
lem appears as the rival of Tyre, and through its 
port, Joppa, to have carried on trade with foreign 
countries (Is. ii. 6, 16, iii. 11, 23 ; Hos. xii. 7; Ez. 
xxvi. 2 ; Jon. i. 3). The internal trade of the 
Jews, as well as the external, was much promoted, 
as was the case also in Egypt, by the festivals, 
which brought large numbers of persons to Jeru- 
salem, and caused great outlay in victims for sacri- 
fices and in incense (1 K. viii. 63). The places of 
public market were, then as now, chiefly the open 
spaces near the gates, to which goods were brought 
for sale by those who came from the outside (Neh. 
xiii. 15, 16; Zeph. i. 10). The traders in later 
times were allowed to intrude into the temple, in 
the outer courts of which victims were publicly 
sold for the sacrifices (Zech. xiv. 21 ; Mat. xxi. 12 ; 
Jn. ii. 14). The Jews in their dispersion became, 
and have continued to be, a nation of traders. 
Camel ; Captivity ; Cesarea ; Dispersion, Jews 
of the ; Gate ; Inn ; Market ; Money-changers ; 
Slave ; Stones, Precious ; Weights and Meas- 
ures. 

* Com mon-wealth. Citizen; Congregation. 

* Com-pel' (fr. L., lit. to drive together), the A. V. 
translation of — 1. Heb. dnas (—to urge, press, com- 
pel, Ges.) (Esth. i. 8 only).— 2. Heb. nddah or nd- 
dach ( = to thrust, impel, seduce, Ges.) (2 Chr. xxi. 
11) ; elsewhere translated " drive " (Deut. xxx. 1 ; 
2 K. xvii. 21 ; Jer. viii. 3, &c), " thrust " (Deut. 

xiii. 5, 10), "force" (Deut. xx. 19; Prov. vii. 21), 
&c. — 3. Heb. 'dbad ( = to labor, work, serve, Ges.) 
(Lev. xxv. 39, margin " serve thyself with ") ; else- 
where translated " serve " (ver. 40, &c), &c. — 4. 
Heb. pdrals (literally, to break, break out or forth, 
Ges.) (1 Sam. xxviii. 23) ; elsewhere translated 
" break forth " (Ex. xix. 22, 24, &c), " break 
down " (2 K. xiv. 13, &c), &c. — 5. Gr. anangkazo 
(—to force, compel, require, constrain, especially 
by argument ; from anangke, force, necessity, L. & 
S.) (Lk. xiv. 23; Acts xxvi. 11; 2 Cor. xii. 11; 
Gal. ii. 3, 14) ; also translated " constrain " (Mat. 

xiv. 22 ; Mk. vi. 45 ; Acts xxviii. 19 ; Gal. vi. 12). 
— 6. Gr. anggareud (Mat. v. 41, xxvii. 32 ; Mk. xv. 
21), a word of Persian, or rather of Tartar origin, 



CON 



CON 



185 



= to compel to serve as a mounted courier (Gr. ang- 
ffaros). According to the Persian system (Hdt. 
viii. 98), in order to make all haste in carrying 
royal messages, relays of men and horses were 
stationed at intervals, and the couriers, who had 
license from the government to press into the ser- 
vice men, horses, and vessels, handed the dispatch 
from one to another without interruption either 
from weather or darkness. Hence the word = 
press or impress into service. Epistle. 

Con-a-Hi'ah (Heb. whom Jehovah hath set, Ges. ; 
= Cononiaii), one of the chiefs of the Levites in 
the time of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). 

* Coil-Cis'ion [kon-sizh'un] (fr. L. = a cutting 
off), a term of contempt for mere outward circum- 
cision (Phil. iii. 2). 

Con'cu-Mnc [konk'yu-bine] (fr. L. ; Heb. pilegesh; 
Gr. pallake), among the ancient Hebrews, &c, = a 
wife of secondary rank. The concubine's condition 
was a definite one, and quite independent of the 
fact of there being another woman having the 
rights of wife toward the same man. The differ- 
ence probably lay in the absence of the right to 
the " bill of divorcement " (see Divorce), without 
which the wife could not be repudiated. With re- 
gard to the children of wife and concubine, there 
was no such difference as our illegitimacy implies ; 
the latter were a supplementary family to the for- 
mer, their names occur in the patriarchal genealo- 
gies (Gen. xxii. 24 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), and their position 
and provision would depend on the father's will 
(Gen. xxv. 6). The state of concubinage is assumed 
and provided for by the law of Moses. A concu- 
bine would generally be either (1.) a Hebrew girl 
bought of her father; (2.) a Gentile captive taken 
in war; (3.) a foreign slave bought, or (4.) a 
Canaanitish woman, bond or free. The rights of 
(1.) and (2.) were protected by law (Ex. xxi. 7 ff. ; 
Deut. xxi. 10-14), but (3.) was unrecognized, and 
(4.) prohibited. Free Hebrew women also might 
become concubines. So Gideon's concubine seems 
to have been of a family of rank and influence in 
Shechem, and such was probably the state of the 
Levite's concubine (Judg. xix., xx.). The ravages 
of war among the male sex, or the impoverishment 
of families might often induce this condition. The 
case (1.) was not a hard lot (Ex. xxi.). The pro- 
visions relating to (2.) are merciful and considerate 
to a rare degree, but overlaid by the Rabbis with 
distorting comments. In the books of Samuel and 
Kings the concubines mentioned belong to the 
king, and their condition and number cease to be 
a guide to the general practice. A new king step 
ped into the rights of his predecessor, and by Sol- 
omon's time the custom had approximated to that 
of a Persian harem (2 Sam. xii. 8, xvi. 21 ; IK. ii. 
22). To seize on royal concubines for his use was 
thus a usurper's first act. Abner ; Absalom ; Ad- 
onijah ; Adultery ; Hagar ; Heir ; Ketcrah ; 
Marriage ; Slave ; Women. 

* Con-dcm-iia'ticn. Damnation ; Judges ; Pun- 
ishments ; Trial. 

Conduit [-dit] (Heb. te'dUah = a trench, water- 
course, canal, or aqueduct). 1. Although no notice 
is given in the Scriptures or Josephus of any con- 
nection between the pools of Solomon beyond Beth- 
lehem and a supply of water for Jerusalem, it 
seems unlikely that so large a work as the pools 
should be constructed merely for irrigating his 
gardens (Eccl. ii. 6) ; and tradition, both oral and 
as represented by Talmudical writers, ascribes to 
Solomon the formation of the original aqueduct by 



which water was brought to Jerusalem. Pontius 
Pilate applied the sacred treasure of the Corban to 
the work of bringing water by an aqueduct. 
Whether his work was a new one or a reparation 
of Solomon's original aqueduct cannot be deter- 
mined. The aqueduct, though much injured, and 
not serviceable for water beyond Bethlehem, still 
exists : the water is conveyed from the fountains 
which supply the pools about two miles S. of Beth- 
lehem. (Pool.) — 2. Among the works of Heze- 
kiah he is said to have stopped the " upper water- 
course of Gihon," and brought it down straight to 
the W. side of the city of David (2 Chr. xxxii. 30 ; 
compare 2 K. xviii. VI). Jerusalem. 

Co'ney or I'o'iiy, the A. V. translation of the 
Heb. shdphdn, which is now universally allowed to 
be the Hyrax Syriacus, a gregarious animal of the 
class Pachydermata, found in Palestine, living in 
the caves and clefts of the rocks. In Lev. xi. 5 
and in Deut. xiv. V it is declared to be unclean, 
because it chews the cud, but does not divide the 
hoof. In Ps. civ. 18 we are told " the rocks are a 
refuge for the conies," and in Prov. xxx. 26 that 
" the conies are but a feeble folk, yet make they 
their houses in the rocks." The Hyrax satisfies 
exactly the expressions in the two last passages. The 
action of its jaws resembles that of the ruminating 
animals, yet, like the hare, it is not classed among 
them by naturalists, as it has incisors or cutting teeth 
in the upper jaw and lacks the four stomachs of those 
animals, its true affinities being with the tapir, &c. 
It feeds on grass and the young shoots of shrubs, 
and is about the size of a cony or rabbit, which in 
some of its habits it much resembles. Its color is 
gray or brown on the back, white on the belly ; it 
has long hair, a very short tail, and round ears. It 
is found on Lebanon and in the Jordan and Dead 
Sea valleys. 




Hj rnx Syrincus.— (From a specimen in the British Museum.) 



* (ou-fer ticii = a preparation or compound of 
different ingredients (Ex. xxx. 35). Ointment. 

* Con-fee tioii-e-iles. Ointment. 

* Con-f'n'sifl'H of l«ugnes. Tongues, Contusion 

OF. 

Cfflli-gre-ga'tiflU [kong-gre-] (fr. L. ; for the He- 
brew words see Assembly). This term describes 
the Hebrew people in its collective capacity under 
its peculiar aspect as a holy community, held to- 
gether by religious rather than political bonds. 
Sometimes it is used in a broad sense as inclusive 
of foreign settlers (Ex. xii. 19) ; but more properly, 
as exclusively appropriate to the Hebrew element 
of the population (Num. xv. 15). Every circum- 
cised Hebrew was a member of the congregation, 
and took part in its proceedings, probably from the 
time that he bore arms. It is important, however, 
to observe that he acquired no political rights in 
his individual capacity, but only as a member of a 
house ; for the basis of the Hebrew polity was the 
house, whence was formed in an ascending scale 



186 



CON 



COR 



the family or collection of houses, the tribe or col- 
lection of families, and the congregation or collection 
of tribes. The congregation occupied an important 
position under the Theocracy, as the national assem- 
bly or parliament, invested with legislative and judi- 
cial powers ; each house, family, and triDe being rep- 
resented by its head or father. The number of these 
representatives being inconveniently large for or- 
dinary business, a further selection was made by 
Moses of seventy, who formed a species of standing 
committee (xi. 16). Occasionally indeed the whole 
body of the people was assembled at the door of 
the Tabernacle of the congregation (x. 3). The 
people were strictly bound by the acts of their rep- 
resentatives, even in cases where they disapproved 
of them (Josh. ix. 18). After the occupation of 
the land of Canaan, the congregation was assembled 
only on matters of the highest importance (Judg. 
x. 17, xi. 11, xx. 1 ; 1 Sam. vii. 5, x. 17 ; 2 Sam. v. 
1 ; IK. xii. 20 ; 2 K. xi. 19, xxi. 24, xxiii. 30 ; 2 
Chr. xxvi. 1, xxx. 5, xxxiv. 29 ; 1 Mc. iii. 46). In 
the later periods of Jewish history the congrega- 
tion was represented by the Sanhedrim. Church ; 
Citizen; Convocation; Elder; Prince; Stran- 
ger; Synagogue. 

Co-ni'ak (fr. Hcb. = Jehoiachin), contracted from 
Jeconiah (Jer. xxii. 24, 28, xxxvii. 1). 

Cou-o-ni ah (fr. Heb. = Conaniaii), a Lcvite, ruler 
of the offerings and tithes in the time of llezekiah 
(2 Chr. xxxi. 12, 13). 

* Con'scicuce [shens] (fr. L.), the uniform A. V. 
translation in the N. T. of the Gr. suneidesis, literal- 
ly = a knowing with one's self, consciousness ; hence 
conscience, the moral faculty which distinguishes be- 
tween right and wrong, and prompts to choose the 
right and avoid the wrong, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Jn. viiL 
9 ; Rom. ii. 15, &c). In the 0. T. it occurs in A.V. 
once (Eccl. x. 20, margin, " thought " in text) as the 
translation of Heb. maddd', for which the LXX. 
have here suneidesis, and which elsewhera = " knowl- 
edge " (2 Chr. i. 10-12 ; Dan. i. 17), " science " (ver. 
4). 

Con-se-cra'tion. See Anointing; High-Priest; 
Priest ; Tabernacle ; Tithe. 

* Con-vcr-sa'tion (fr. L.) in the A.V. — manner of 
life, habitual course of action, conduct, an etymological 
meaning now disused. It is the translation of — 1. Heb. 
derech (lit. a going, way, hence way of acting, course 
of living, conduct, Ges.) (Ps. xxxvii. 14, 1. 23, margin, 
" way " in both), usually translated " way " in the 
0. T. — -2. Gr. anastrophe (literally, a turning about, 
hence mode of life, conduct, L. & S., Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
uniformly (Gal. i. 13 ; Eph. iv. 22, &c). The kindred 
Gr. verb anastrephomai (literally, to turn one's self 
about, hence to live or conduct one's self) is translated 
in 2 Cor. i. 12 and Eph. ii. 3 (aorist tense) " have had 
(had) conversation ; " elsewhere translated " live " 
(Heb. xiii. 18; 2 Pet. ii. 18), &c. — 3. Gr. politeuma, 
in Phil. iii. 20, = the state, community, commonwealth, 
Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; citizenship, life as a citizen, L. & S. 
(see Citizen) ; life, tenor of life, Conybeare & How- 
son. The kindred Gr. verb politeuomai (= to be a 
citizen, to live as a citizen, hence to live, L. & S., Rbn. 
N. T. Lex., Conybeare & Howson) is translated in 
Phil. i. 27 (second person plural, imperative present) 
" let your conversation be " and in Acts xxiii. 1 
(first person singular, indicative perfect) " I have 
lived." — 4. Gr. tropos (literally, a turning or turn, 
hence way, manner of life) (Heb. xiii. 5), elsewhere 
translated "manner " (Acts i. 11 ; Jude 7), "way" 
(Rom. iii. 2 ; Phil. i. 18), &c. 

Con-vo-ca'tiea, the A. V. translation of the He- 



brew mikrd (Assembly 3), applied invariably to 
meetings of a religious character, in contradistinction 
to congregation. With one exception (Is. i. 13), 
the word is peculiar to the Pentateuch. 

* Co'ny = Coney. 

Cooking. As meat did not form an article of or- 
dinary diet among the Jews, the art of cooking was 
not carried to any perfection. Few animals were 
slaughtered except for purposes of hospitality or 
festivity. The proceedings on such occasions ap- 
pear to have been as follow : — On the arrival of a 
guest the animal, either a kid, lamb, or calf, was 
killed (Gen. xviii. 7 ; Lk. xv. 23), its throat being 
cut so that the blood might be poured out (Lev. vii. 
26) ; it was then flayed and was ready either for 
roasting or boiling : in the former case the animal 
was preserved entire, and roasted either over a fire 
(Ex. xii. 8, 46) of wood (Is. xliv. 16), or perhaps, as 
the mention of fire implies another method, in an 
oven, consisting simply of a hole dug in the earth, 
well heated and covered up ; the Paschal lamb (Pass- 
over) was roasted by the first of these methods (Ex. 
xii. 8, 9 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 13). Boiling, however, was 
the more usual method of cooking. Vegetables 
were usually boiled, and served up as pottage (Gen. 
xxv. 29 ; 2 K. iv. 38). Fish was also cooked (Lk. 
xxiv. 42), probably broiled. The cooking was in 
early times performed by the mistress of the house- 
hold (Gen. xviii. 6) ; professional cooks were after- 
ward employed (1 Sam. viii. 13, ix. 23). Food ; 
Meals. 

* Coop. Cage 1. 

Co'os (L. fr. Gr.) = Cos (Acts xxi. 1). 

Cop'per (fr. Gr. ; see Cyprus), the A. V. transla- 
tion in Ezr. viii. 27 of the Heb. nchdshelh or ncchoshelh, 
usually rendered " Brass." (Steel.) Copper is usually 
found as pyrites (sulphuret of copper and iron), 
malachite (carbonate of copper), or in the state of 
oxide, and occasionally in a native state, principally 
in America. It was almost exclusively used by the 
ancients for common purposes ; for which its elastic 
and ductile nature rendered it practically available. 
It was possessed in countless abundance (2 Chr. iv. 
18), and used for chains (Judg. xvi. 21, A. V. " fet- 
ters"), pillars, lavers (1 K. vii. 15 ff. ; 2 K. xxv. 13 ; 

1 Chr. xviii. 8) (Sea, Molten), and the other Temple 
vessels, mirrors (Ex. xxxviii. 8 ; Job xxxvii. 18), 
arms, as helmets, spears, &c. (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38 ; 

2 Sam. xxi. 16). The "bow of steel" (Ps. xviii. 
34, &c.) should be " bow of copper." The ancients 
could hardly have applied copper to these purposes 
without possessing some judicious system of alloys, 
or perhaps some forgotten secret for rendering the 
metal harder and more elastic than we can make it. 
The " vessels of fine copper " (Ezr. viii. 27, margin 
" yellow " or " shining brass ; " compare 1 Esd. viii. 
57, " fine brass ") may have been of orichalcum, like 
the Persian or Indian vases found among the treas- 
ures of Darius. Copper vessels were brought (Ez. 
xxvii. 13) to the markets of Tyre by merchants of 
Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, i. e. probably the 
Moschi, &c, who worked the copper mines in the 
neighborhood of Mount Caucasus. Coppersmith ; 
Metals ; Mines. 

Cop'per-smith, the A. V. translation of the Gr. 
ehalkeus,'m 2 Tim. iv. 14. The Greek term often, as 
here, = any worker in metals (Rbn. iV. T. Lex.). 
Copper ; Handicraft ; Smith. 

* Cor (Heb. a round vessel) = Homer. Weights 
and Measures. 

Cor'al occurs only, as the somewhat doubtful, yet 
most probable, rendering of the Hebrew rdmolh 



COR 



COR 



187 



(literally = highthings), in Job xxviii. 18, and Ez. 
xxvii. 16. The old versions fail to afford us any 
clew. The natural upward form of growth of the 
common red coral of the Mediterranean, with which 
the Rabbins identify it, is well suited to the etymol- 




Common red coral of the Mediterranean (Corallium rvbrvm). 
1. Branch of coral. 2. Part of branch, enlarged to show the zoophyte with 
its eight tentacles. — From Milne Edwards, Hist, des Corallines. — (Fbn.) 

ogy of the word. Pliny says that the Indians 
(i. e. people of the East Indies) valued coral 
as the Romans valued pearls. Coral often oc- 
curs in ancient Egyptian jewelry, as used for 
beads and amulets. Coral is the stony frame 
(mostly of carbonate of lime), which is formed by 
the animal secretions of zoophytes or polyps, and 
corresponds to the skeletons of more highly organ- 
ized animals. There are numerous tribes of zoo- 
phytes, some of which produce coral of a tree-like 
or other form of apparent vegetation. See Appleton's 
New American Cyclopcedia, and especially Professor 
Dana, on Zoophytes. 

Cor'foan (L. fr. Heb. korb&n), an offering to God of 
any sort, bloody or bloodless, but particularly in 
fulfilment of a vow. The law laid down rules for 
vows (Lev. xxvii. ; Num. xxx.). Upon these rules 
the traditionists enlarged, and laid down that a man 
might interdict himself by vow, not only from using 
for himself, but from giving to another, or receiving 
from him some particular object whether of food or 
any other kind whatsoever. The thing thus inter- 
dicted was considered as corban. A person might 
thus exempt himself from any inconvenient obliga- 
tion under plea of corban. Our Lord denounced 
practices of this sort (Mat. xv. 5; Mk. vii. 11), as 
annulling the spirit of the law 

Cor' be (fr. Gr.), apparently = Zaccai (1 Esd. v. 
12). 

Cord. Several Hebrew words (hebel or chebcl, hut 
or chut, yether, meylhdr, ubolh) are translated in the 
A. V. " cord," " line," " band," " rope," " thread," 
" string," &c, with various distinctions of meaning 
and application. Of the various purposes to which 
cord, including under that term rope, and twisted 
thongs, was applied, the following are specially 
worthy of notice — (1.) For fastening a tent (Ex. 
xxxv. 18, xxxix. 40 ; Is. liv. 2). — (2.) For leading or 
binding animals, as a halter or rein (Ps. cxviii. 27 ; 
Hos. xi. 4). — (3.) For yoking them either to a cart 
(Is. v. 18) or a plough (Job xxxix. 10, A.V. " band "). 
— (4.) For binding prisoners (Judg. xv. 13 ; Ps. ii. 
3, cxxix. 4 ; Ez. iii. 25). — (5.) For bowstrings (Ps. 
xi. 2), made of catgut.— (6.) For the ropes or "tack- 
lings " of a vessel (Is. xxxiii. 23). (Ship.) — (7.) For 
measuring ground, A.V. " line " (2 Sam. viii. 2 ; Ps. 



Ixxviii. 55 ; Am. vii. 17 ; Zech. ii. 1), hence " cord " 
or " line" = an inheritance (Ps. xvi. 6). (Region.) 
— (8.) For fishing, hunting, &c. (Net.) — (9.) For 
attaching articles of dress ; as the " wreathen 
chains," which were rather twisted cords, worn by 
the high-priests (Ex. xxviii. 14, 22, 24, xxxix. 15, 17). 
— (10.) For fastening awnings (Esth. i. 6). — (11.) 
For attaching to a plummet. (Handicraft.) — (12.) 
For drawing water out of a well, sustaining or rais- 
ing heavy weights (Josh. ii. 15 ; Jer. xxxviii. 6, 13). 
The materials of which cord was made varied ac- 
cording to the strength and the use required ; the 
strongest rope was probably made of strips of camel 
hide as still used by the Bedouins. The finer sorts 
were made of flax (Is. xix. 9), silver threads (Eccl. 
xii. 6), &c. ; others of the fibre of date palm, and 
probably of reeds and rushes. In the N. T. the 
Greek schoinion (properly, a rope twisted of rushes ; 
generally, a rope or cord, L. & S.) is applied in the 
plural to the whip which our Saviour made ( Jn. ii. 
15), and to the ropes of a ship (Acts xxvii. 32). 

Co re (L.) = Kokah 4 (Ecclus. xlv. 18 ; Jude 11). 

Co-ri-an'(lcr. The plant called Coriandrum sati- 
vum is found in Egypt, Persia, and India, and has a 
round tall stalk ; it bears umbelliferous white or 
reddish flowers, from which arise globular, grayish, 
spicy seed-corns, marked with fine strise. It is 
mentioned twice in the Bible (Ex. xvi. 31 ; Num. xi. 

Cor inth (L. Corinlhts ; Gr. Korinthos ; said to 
have been named from Corinthus, son of Jupiter). 
This city is alike remarkable for its distinctive 
geographical position, its eminence in Greek and 
Roman history, and its close connection with the 
early spread of Christianity. Geographically its 
situation was so marked, that the name of its Isthmus 
has been given to every narrow neck of land be- 
tween two seas. But, besides this, the site of Corinth 
is distinguished by another conspicuous physical 
feature — viz. the Acrocorinthus, a vast citadel of 
rock which rises abruptly to the height of two 
thousand feet above the sea, and the summit of 
which is so extensive that it once contained a whole 
town. Below the Acrocorinthus, to the N., was the 
city of Corinth, on a table-land descending in ter- 
races to the low plain which lies between Cenchrea 
the eastern harbor on the Saronic gulf and Lechaeum 
the western harbor, one and a half mile distant, on 
the gulf of Corinth. The situation of Corinth, and 
and the possession of these eastern and western har- 
bors, are the secrets of her history. The earliest 
passage in her progress to eminence was probably 
Phenician. But at the most remote period of which 
we have any sure record, we find the Greeks estab- 
lished here in a position of wealth and military 
strength. Some of the earliest efforts of Greek 
ship-building are connected with Corinth ; and her 
colonies to the W. were among the first and most 
flourishing sent out from Greece. Corinth was one 
of the largest and most magnificent cities of ancient 
Greece, a political rival of Athens, gave name to 
the most elaborate order of Greek architecture, and 
claimed to have invented the art of painting. In the 
latest passages of Greek history Corinth held a con- 
spicuous place. Corinth was the head of the Achean 
league (Achaia). It is not the true Greek Corinth, 
destroyed by the Romans 146 b. c, with which we 
have to do in the life of St. Paul, but the Corinth 
which was rebuilt and established as a Roman col- 
ony, about one hundred years afterward, by Julius 
Cesar. The distinction between the two must be 
carefully remembered. The new city was hardly 



188 



COR 



COR 



less distinguished than the old, and it acquired a 
fresh importance as the metropolis of the Roman 
province of Achaia. Corinth was a place of great 
mental activity, as well as of commercial and manu- 
facturing enterprise. Its wealth was so celebrated 
as to be proverbial ; so were the vice and profligacy 
of its inhabitants. The worship of Venus here was 



attended with shameful licentiousness. All these 
points are indirectly illustrated by passages in the 
two epistles to the Corinthians. Corinth is still 
an episcopal see. The city has now shrunk to a 
wretched village, on the old site, and bearing the 
old name, which, however, is often corrupted into 
Gortho. Pausanias, in describing the antiquities of 




Corinth as they existed in his day, distinguishes 
clearly between those which belonged to the old 
Greek city, and those which were of Roman origin. 
Two relics of Roman work are still to be seen, one 
a heap of brick-work which may have been part of 
the baths erected by Hadrian, the other the remains 
of an amphitheatre with subterranean arrangements 
for gladiators. Far more interesting are the ruins, 
on the W. side of the modern town, of the ancient 
Greek temple, probably the oldest of which any. re- 
mains are left in Greece. The Posidonium, or sanc- 
tuary of Neptune, the scene of the Isthmian games, 
from which St. Paul borrows some of his most strik- 
ing imagery in 1 Corinthians and other epistles, was 
a short distance N. E. of Corinth, at the narrowest 
part of the Isthmus, near the harbor of Schcenus 
(now Kalamdki) on the Saronic gulf. The exact 
site of the temple is doubtful ; but to the S. are the 
remains of the stadium, where the foot-races were 
run (1 Cor. ix. 24); to the E. are those of the 
theatre, which was probably the scene of the pugi- 
listic contests (26) : and abundant on the shore are 
the small green pine-trees which gave the fading 
wreath (25) to the victors in the games. 

Co-rin thi-ans(=people of Corinth), First E-pis'tle 
to the, was written by the Apostle Paul toward 
the close of his three-year stay at Ephesus (Acts 
xix. 10, xx. 31), which (1 Cor. xvi. 8) probably 
terminated with the Pentecost of a. d. 57 or 58. 
The bearers were probably (according to the com- 
mon subscription) Stephanas, Fortunatus, and 
Achaicus, who had been recently sent to the 
apostle, and who (xvi. 17), are especially com- 
mended to the honorable regard of the church of 
Corinth. This varied and highly characteristic let- 



ter was addressed not to any party, but to the whole 
body of the large Judeo-Gentile (Acts xviii. 4, 8, 
10) church of Corinth, and appears to have been 
called forth, 1st, by the information the apostle 
had received from members of the household of 
Chloe (1 Cor. i. 11), of the divisions among them, 
which were of so grave a nature as to have already 
induced the apostle to desire Timothy to visit 
Corinth (iv. 17) after his journey to Macedonia 
(Acts xix. 22) ; 2dly, by the information he had 
received of a grievous case of incest (1 Cor. v. 1), 
and of the defective state of the Corinthian con- 
verts, not only in regard of general habits (vi. 1 
ff.) and church discipline (xi. 20 ff.), but, as it 
would also seem, of doctrine (xv.) ; 3dly, by the 
inquiries that had been specially addressed to St. 
Paul by the church of Corinth on several matters 
relating to Christian practice. The apostle opens 
with his usual salutation and an expression of 
thankfulness for their general state of Christian 
progress (i. 1-9) ; then passes to the divisions 
among them, incidentally justifying his own con- 
duct and preaching (i. 10, iv. 16), and concluding 
with a notice of the mission of Timothy and his 
own intended visit (iv. 17-21); next deals with the 
case of incest (v. 1-8), noticing, as he passes, some 
previous remarks he had made on not keeping 
company with fornicators (9-13) ; comments on 
their litigation before heathen tribunals (vi. 1-8), 
and again reverts to fornication and uncleanness 
(9-20) ; answers their inquiries about marriage 
(vii. 1-24), and the celibacy of virgins and widows 
(25-40) ; then discusses the lawfulness of eating 
things sacrificed to idols, and Christian freedom 
generally (viii.), with a digression on his having 



COR 



COR 



189 



waived his apostolic privileges in performing his 
apostolic duties (ix.) ; then reverts to and con- 
cludes the subject of the use of things offered to 
idols (x.-x*. 1) ; reproves their behavior in the 
assemblies of the church, both in respect to wo- 
men prophesying and praying with uncovered 
heads (2-16), and their irregularities at the Lord's 
Supper (17-34); then gives instructions on the 
exercise of spiritual gifts (xii.-xiv.), with a pane- 
gyric of charity (xiii.), and a defence of the doc- 
trine of the resurrection of the dead (xv.) ; and 
closes with directions concerning the contributions 
for the saints at Jerusalem (xvi. 1-4), notices of his 
own intended movements (5-9), commendation of 
Timothy, &c. (10-18), greetings (19, 20), and an au- 
tograph salutation and benediction (21-24). — With 
regard to the genuineness and authenticity of this 
epistle no doubt has ever been entertained. The 
external evidences are extremely distinct, and the 
character of the composition such, that if any 
critic should hereafter be bold enough to question 
the correctness of the ascription, he must be pre- 
pared to extend it to all the epistles that bear the 
name of the great apostle. (Canon.) Two special 
points deserve separate consideration : — 1. The state 
of parlies at Corinth at the time of the apostle's 
writing. The few facts supplied to us by the Acts 
of the Apostles, and the notices in the epistle, 
appear to be as follows : — The Corinthian church 
was planted by the apostle himself (1 Cor. iii. 6), 
in his second missionary journey (Acts xviii. 1 ff.). 
He abode in the city a year and a half (xviii. 11). 
A short time after the apostle left the city, 
Apollos went to Corinth (xix. 1). This visit of 
Apollos appears to have formed the commence- 
ment of a gradual division into two parties, the 
followers of St. Paul, and the followers of Apollos 
(compare 1 Cor. iv. 6). These divisions, however, 
were to be multiplied ; for, as it would seem, 
shortly after the departure of Apollos, Judaizing 
teachers, supplied probably with letters of com- 
mendation (2 Cor. iii. 1) from the church of Jeru- 
salem, appear to have come to Corinth and to have 
preached the Gospel in a spirit of direct antago- 
nism to St. Paul personally. To this third party we 
may perhaps add a fourth that, under the name of 
"the followers of Christ" (1 Cor. i. 12), sought at 
first to separate themselves from the factious ad- 
herence to particular teachers, but eventually were 
driven by antagonism into positions equally secta- 
rian and inimical to the unity of the church. At 
this momentous period, before parties had become 
consolidated, and had distinctly withdrawn from 
communion with one another, the apostle writes ; 
and in the outset of the epistle (i.-iv. 21) we have 
his noble and impassioned protest against this four- 
fold rending of the robe of Christ. — 2. Hie number 
of epistles written by St. Paul to the Corinthian 
church will probably remain a subject of contro- 
versy to the end of time. The well-known words 
(v. 9) certainly seem (so Bishop Ellicott, agreeing 
with Calvin, Doddridge, Scott, Rosenmiiller, Barnes, 
Conybeare and Howson, &c.) to point to some 
former epistolary communication to the church 
of Corinth, which is now lost. The Greek and 
most Latin and Dutch commentators, with Mack- 
night, Bloomfield, Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kit- 
to), &c, would translate the verse, "I have written 
to you in this epistle," &c. No notice has been 
taken of the supposed lost epistle by any writers 
of antiquity. The apocryphal letter of the church 
of Corinth to St. Paul, and St. Paul's answer, exist 



; ing in Armenian, are worthless productions that 

j deserve no consideration. 

Co-riu't!ii-ans, See'ond E-pis'tlc to the, was written 
a few months subsequently to the first, in the same 
year (see above), and thus probably about the au- 
tumn of a. d. 57 or 58, a short time previous to 
the apostle's three months' stay in Achaia (Acts 
xx. 3). The place whence it was written was 
clearly not Ephesus (2 Cor. i. 8), but Macedonia 
(vii. 5, viii. 1, ix. 2), whither the apostle went by 
way of Troas, after waiting a short time in the lat- 
ter place for the return of Titus (ii. 12, 13). The 
Vatican MS., the bulk of later MSS., and the old 
Syriac version, assign Philippi as the exact place 
whence it was written ; but for this assertion we 
have no certain grounds to rely on : that the bear- 
ers, however, were Titus and his associates (Luke ?) 
is apparently substantiated by ch. viii. 23, ix. 3, 5. 
The epistle was occasioned by the information which 
the apostle had received from Titus, and also prob- 
ably from Timothy, of the reception of the first 
epistle. Perhaps the return of Timothy and the 
intelligence he conveyed might have made the 
apostle feel the necessity of at once dispatching 
to the contentious church one of his immediate 
followers (Titus), with instructions to support and 
strengthen the effect of the epistle, and to bring 
back the most recent tidings of the spirit prevail- 
ing at Corinth. These tidings, as it would seem 
from our present epistle, were mainly favorable ; 
the better part of the church were returning back 
to their spiritual allegiance to their founder (i. 13, 
14, vii. 9, 15, 16), but there was still a faction, 
possibly of the Judaizing members (comp. xi. 22), 
that were sharpened into even a more keen ani- 
mosity against the apostle personally (x. 1, 10), 
and more strenuously denied his claim to apostle- 
ship. The contents of this epistle are thus very 
varied, but may perhaps be roughly divided into 
three parts : — 1st, the apostle's account of the 
character of his spiritual labors, accompanied with 
notices of his affectionate feelings toward his con- 
verts (i.— vii.) ; 2dly, directions about the collections 
(viii., ix.) ; 3dly, defence of his own apostolical 
character (x.-xiii. 10). The genuineness and au- 
thenticity are supported by the most decided exter- 
nal testimony, and by internal evidence of such a 
kind that what has been said on this point in re- 
spect of the first epistle is here even still more ap- 
plicable. (Canon ; Paul.) The principal historical 
difficulty connected with the epistle relates to the 
number of visits made by the apostle to the church 
of Corinth. The words of this epistle (xiii 14, xiii. 
1, 2), seem distinctly to imply that St. Paul had 
visited Corinth twice before the time at which he 
now writes. St. Luke, however, only mentions one 
visit prior to that time (Acts xviii. 1 ff.) ; for the 
visit recorded in Acts xx. 2, 3, is confessedly subse- 
quent. We must assume that the apostle made a 
visit to Corinth which St. Luke did not record, 
probably during the period of his three-year resi- 
dence at Ephesus. 

("or'nio-rant, the representative in the A. V. of 
the Hebrew kdath (Pelican) and shdldch. The 
latter, occurring only as the name of an unclean bird 
in Lev. xi. 17 and Deut. xiv. 17, has been various- 
ly rendered ; but some sea bird is generally under- 
stood to be denoted by it. The etymology (from a 
root signifying to cast or throw) points to some 
plunging bird : the common cormorant (Phalacro- 
corax Carbo), which some writers have identified 
with the shdldch, is very widely distributed, but, ac- 



190 



COR 



COR 



cording to Mr. Houghton, is unknown in the east- 
ern Mediterranean ; another species is found S. of 
the Red Sea, but (so Mr. Houghton) none on the 
W. coast of Palestine (?). Oedmann, Michaelis, 
Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, &c, make the Gr. kataraktes 
(= shAUlch) = the gannet or solan goose (Svla 
alba), which, like the cormorant, belongs to the peli- 
can family. 

Corn, the A. V. translation of several Hebrew 
words, as bar or bdr (Gen. xli. 35, &c); also trans- 
lated "wheat" (Jer. xxiii. 28, &c); ddgdn (Gen. 
xxvii. 28, 37, &c), twice (Num. xviii. 12; Jer. xxxi. 
12) translated " wheat ;" sheber (Gen. xlii. 1, 2, 
&c.), translated "victuals" once (Neh. x. 31, Heb. 
32), &c. ; also of several Greek words, as kokkos (Jn. 
xii. 24), elsewhere translated "grain" (Mat. xiii. 
31, &c); sitos (Mk. iv. 28; Acts vii. 12), elsewhere 
translated "wheat" (Mat. iii. 12, &c); plural spori- 
raa (Mat. xii. 1), elsewhere translated "cornfields" 
(Mk. ii. 23 ; Lk. vi. 1), &c— " Corn," in the Scrip- 
tures as now in England — grain, or the various 
cereals. The most common kinds were wheat, 
barley, spelt (A. V. "rye," " fitches "), and mil- 
let; oats are mentioned only by rabbinical writers. 
Corn-crops are still reckoned at twentyfold what 
was sown, and were anciently much more. " Seven 
ears on one stalk" (Gen. xli. 22) is no unusual 
phenomenon in Egypt at this day. Wheat (2 Sam. 
iv. 6) was stored in the house for domestic purpo- 
ses. (Bars.) It is at present often kept in a dry 
■well, and perhaps the " ground corn " of 2 Sam. 
xvii. 19 was meant to imply that the well was so 
used. From Solomon's time (2 Chr. ii. 10, 15), as 
agriculture became developed under a settled 
government, Palestine was a corn-exporting coun- 
try, and her grain was largely taken by Tyre (Ez. 
xxvii. 17 ; comp. Am. viii. 5). (Commerce.) . " Plenty 
of corn " was part of Jacob's blessing (Gen. xxvii. 
28; comp. Ps. lxv. 13). Maize, or Indian corn, has 
been generally supposed exclusively a native of 
America, and hence unknown in Europe and the 
East before 1492. M. Rifaud, however, discovered in 
1819 grains and leaves of it under the head of a 
mummy at Thebes, and hence Dr. J. Hamilton (in 
Fairbairn) supposes it may have been known to 
the Hebrews ; but may not these grains and leaves 
have been deposited there, by accident or design, at 
some time within the last three or four centuries ? 

Cor-nc'li-us (L., according to Schl. fr. L. cornu, 
a horn ; the name of a celebrated Roman clan), a 
Roman centurion of the Italian cohort (Army, II.) 
stationed in Cesarea (Acts x. 1, &c), a devout man 
full of good works and alms-deeds (Proselyte). Cor- 
nelius and those assembled in his house were baptized 
by St. Peter, and thus Cornelius became the first- 
fruits of the Gentile world to Christ. Tradition has 
been busy with his life and acts. According to Je- 
rome he built a Christian church at Cesarea ; but 
later tradition makes him bishop of Scamandios 
(Scamandria ?), and ascribes to him the working of 
a great miracle. 

Cor'ner. The " corner " of the field was not 
allowed (Lev. xix. 9) to be wholly reaped. The 
poor had a right to carry off what was so left, 
and this was a part of the maintenance from the 
soil to which that class were entitled. On the 
principles of the Mosaic polity every Hebrew fami- 
ly had a hold on a certain fixed estate, and could 
by no ordinary and casual calamity be wholly 
beggared. Hence its indigent members had the 
claims of kindred on the " corners," &c, of the 
field which their landed brethren reaped. In the 



later period of the prophets their constant com- 
plaints concerning the defrauding the poor (Is. x. 
2; Am. v. 11, viii. 6) seem to show that such laws 
had lost their practical force. Still later, under 
the Scribes, minute legislation fixed one-sixtieth as 
the portion of a field which was to be left for the 
legal " corner ; " but provided also (which seems 
hardly consistent) that two fields should not be so 
joined as to leave one corner only where two 
should fairly be reckoned. The proportion being 
thus fixed, all the grain might be reaped, and 
enough to satisfy the regulation subsequently sep- 
arated from the whole crop. This "corner" was, 
like the gleaning, tithe-free. Agriculture ; Beard ; 
Gleaning ; Hair ; Poor ; Tithe ; Widow. 

* Cor ner-gate (2 K. xiv. 13; 2 Chr. xxv. 23, xxvi. 
9 ; Jer. xxxi. 38 ; Zech. xiv. 10), a gate of Jerusa- 
lem, 400 cubits from the gate of Ephraim (Eph- 
raim, Gate of) ; apparently (so Kit.) at the N. W. 
corner 

Cor ner-stone, a stone of great importance in 
binding together the sides of a building. Some of 
the corner-stones in the ancient work of the Tem- 
ple foundations are 17 or 19 feet long, and 7£ feet 
thick. (See cut, under Jerusalem, of the E. corner 
of the S. wall.) At Nineveh the corners are sometimes 
formed of one angular stone. " Corner-stone," 
or " head of the corner," sometimes — any princi- 
pal person, as the princes of Egypt (Is. xix. 13, 
A.V. " the stay," margin " the corners," or "gover- 
nors"), and is thus applied to our Lord (Ps. cxviii. 
22; Is. xxviii. 16; Mat. xxi. 42; Eph. ii. 20; 1 Pet. 
ii. 6, 7). In Ps. cxliv. 12, translated in A. V. " that 
our daughters may be as corner-stones, polished 
(margin "cut") after the similitude of a palace," 
Gesenius translates " that our daughters may be as 
corner-columns finely sculptured," supposing an 
allusion to the slender, tall, and elegant caryatides, 
or columns representing female figures, common in 
Egyptian architecture. 

Cor'net (Heb. shophdr), a loud-sounding instru- 
ment, made of the horn of a ram or of a chamois 
(sometimes of an ox), and used by the ancient He- 
brews for signals, for announcing the " Jubilee " 
(Lev. xxv. 9), for proclaiming the new year, for 
the purposes of war (Jer. iv. 5, 19 ; compare Job 
xxxix. 25), as well as for the sentinels placed at the 
watch-towers to give notice of the approach of an 
enemy (Ez. xxxiii. 4, 5). S/wphdr is generally 
rendered in the A. V. "trumpet," but "cornet" 
(the more correct translation) is used in 1 Chr. xv. 
28 ; 2 Chr. xv. 14 ; Ps. xcviii. 6 ; Hos. v. 8 ; and in 
the margin of Ps. cl. 3 ; Joel ii. 1. " Cornet " is also 
employed in Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15, for the Chaldee 
keren (literary a horn). Oriental scholars for the 
most part consider shophar and keren to be one and 
the same musical instrument ; but some biblical 
critics regard shophdr and Heb. luifsotserdh or chut- 
sotserdh (= "trumpet" in Num. x. 2 ff., &c.) as 
belonging to the species of keren, the general term 
for a horn. Gesenius makes hatsolserah or cJwisot- 
serdh = the straight trumpet, and shophdr = one 
crooked like a horn. The silver trumpets which 
Moses was charged to furnish for the Israelites, 
were to be used for the following purposes : for the 
calling together of the assembly, for the journeying 
of the camps, for sounding the alarm of war, and 
for celebrating the sacrifices on festivals and new 
moons (Num. x. 1-10). In the age of Solomon the 
" silver trumpets " were increased in number to 
120 (2 Cor. v. 12); and, independently of the ob- 
jects for which they had been first introduced, 



COR 



cou 



191 



they were now employed in the orchestra of the 
Temple as an accompaniment to songs of thanks- 
giving and praise. The Heb. yobel, used sometimes 
a= " year of Jubilee " (comp. Lev. xxv. 13, 15, with 
xxv. 28, 30), generally = the institution of Jubilee, 
but in some instances (so Prof. Marks) = a musical 
instrument, resembling in its object, if not in its 
shape, the herein and the shophdr (Ex. xix. 13, A. V. 
"trumpet," margin "cornet"). The Heb. plural 
mencCan'im, translated in A. V. " cornets," Vulgate 
" sistra " (2 Sam. vi. 5 only) — a musical instru- 
ment or rattle, which gave a tinkling sound on 
being shaken (Ges.). The Gr. salpingx is translated 
" trump " or " trumpet " in N. T. (Mat. xxiv. 31 ; 
1 Cor. xiv. 8, xv. 52, &c), and in LXX. = Heb. 
shophdr, halsotserdh or chdtsdtserdh, and keren. 
The sounding of the cornet was the distinguishing 
ritual feature of the festival appointed by Moses 
to be held on the first day of the seventh month 
under the denomination of " a day of blowing 
trumpets " (Num. xxix. 1), or " a memorial of blow- 
ing of trumpets " (Lev. xxiii. 24). (Assembly 3 ; 
Convocation ; Festivals ; Trumpets, Feast op.) 
The cornet is also sounded in the synagogue at the 
close of the service for the Day of Atonement, and, 
amongst the Jews who adopt the ritual of the <$?- 
phardim, on the seventh day of the feast of Taber- 
nacles, known by the post-biblical denomination of 
" the Great Hosannah." 

* Cor-rup'tion, Mount of (2 K. xxiii. 13). Olives, 
Mount op. 

Cos or Co'os (both L. fr. Gr.), now Stanchio or 
Slanko, a small island N. W. from Rhodes, at the 
entrance of the Grecian Archipelago. It contained 
Jewish residents in the time of the Maccabees (1 
Mc. xv. 23). Josephus mentions that the Jews had 
a great amount of treasure stored there during the 
Mithridatic war, and that Julius Cesar issued an 
edict in favor of the Jews of Cos. Herod the Great 
conferred many favors on the island. St. Paul, on 
the return from his third missionary journey, passed 
the night here, after sailing from Miletus. It was 
celebrated for its light woven fabrics, and for its 
wines — also for a temple of ^Esculapius, which was 
virtually a museum of anatomy and pathology. The 
Emperor Claudius bestowed upon Cos the privilege 
of a free state. The chief town (of the same name) 
was on the N. E., near a promontory called Scanda- 
rium : and perhaps it is to the town that reference 
is made in Acts xxi. 1 (A. V. " Coos "). 

Co'sam (prob. fr. Heb. —a diviner, Rbn. iV. T. Lex.), 
son of Elmodam, in the line of Joseph the husband 
of Mary (Lk. iii. 28). 

* Cotes, the A. V. translation in 2 Chr. xxxii. 28 
of Heb. pi. averoth (= crib, manger, Ges.). (Barn ; 
Manger.) " Cote " properly = cot or cottage, as 
in "sheep-cote," &c. 

*Cot'tage = a small habitation (House). — 1. Heb. 
pi. eeroth or crolh, A. V. " cottages " in Zeph. ii. 6 
only, =pits, cisterns, wells (so Gesenius, Henderson) ; 
meadows, pasture-grounds (so Fiirst). — 2. Heb. melu- 
ndh, A. V. " cottage," in Is. xxiv. 20, = hanging-bed, 
hammock ; in Is. i. 8, A. V. " lodge," = lodge, hut 
(so Gesenius, Fiirst). (Cucumbers.) — 3. Heb. succdh, 
A. V. " cottage " in Is. i. 8, is elsewhere translated 
" booth," " tabernacle," &c. Tabernacles, Feast 
or. 

Cot'ton, the proper translation (so Gesenius, &c.) 
of the Heb. carpas (compare L. carbasus ; Gr. kar- 
pasos ; Sansc. karpdsa — cotton), Esth. i. 6, where 
the Vulgate has carbasini colons, as if a color, not 
a material (so in A. V. " green "), were intended. 



There is a doubt whether under the Hebrew shesh 
and buts, in A. V. " white linen," " fine linen," &c, 
cotton may have been included. (Linen.) Cotton 
garments for the worship of the temples are said to 
be mentioned in the Rosetta stone. There is, how- 
ever, no word for the cotton plant in Hebrew, nor 
any reason to suppose that there was any early 
knowledge of the fabric. The Egyptian mummy 
swathings are decided to have been of linen, and 
not cotton. The very difficulty of deciding, how- 
ever, shows how easily even scientific observers may 
mistake, and, much more, how impossible it would 
have been for ancient popular writers to avoid con- 
fusion. Varro knew of tree-wool on the authority 
of Ctesias, contemporary with Herodotus. The 
Greeks, through the commercial consequences of 
Alexander's conquests, must have known of cotton 
cloth, and more Or less of the plant. Cotton was 
manufactured and worn extensively in Egypt, but 
extant monuments give no proof of its growth, as 
in the case of flax, in that country. But when Pliny 
(a. d. 115) asserts that cotton was then grown in 
Egypt, a statement confirmed by Julius Pollux (a 
century later), we can hardly resist the inference 
that, at least as a curiosity and as an experiment, 
some plantations existed there. This is the more 
likely since we find the cotton-free (not cotton-plant) 
is mentioned still by Pliny as the only remarkable 
tree of the adjacent Ethiopia; and since Arabia, on 
its other side, appears to have known cotton from 
time immemorial, to grow it in abundance, and in 
parts to be highly favorable to that product. In 
India, however, we have the earliest records of the 
use of cotton for dress ; of which, including the 
starching of it, some curious traces are found as 
early as 800 b. c, in the Institutes of Manu. Cot- 
ton is now both grown and manufactured in various 
parts of Syria and Palestine ; but there is no proof 
that, till they came in contact with Persia, the 
Hebrews generally knew of it as a distinct fabric 
from linen. 
Conch. Bed. 

* Coulter [o as in mo] (fr. L. culler), (1 Sam. xiii. 
20, 21) = " ploughshare," as the Hebrew word eth 
is elsewhere translated. Agriculture. 

Conn'cil (fr. L. ; Gr. sunedrion). 1. The great 
council of the Sanhedrim, which sat at Jerusalem 
(Mat. xxvi. 59, &c). — 2. A name applied to the lesser 
courts (x. 11 ; Mk. xiii. 9), of which there were two 
at Jerusalem, and one in each town of Palestine. 
The constitution of these courts is a doubtful point ; 
but their existence is clearly implied in the passages 
quoted ; and perhaps the "judgment " (Mat. v. 21) 
applies to them. (Judges; Sanhedrim.) — 3. (Gr. 
sumboulion). A kind of jury or privy council (Acts 
xxv. 12), consisting of a certain number of assessors 
who assisted Roman governors in the administration 
of justice and other public matters. — 4. (Gr. sumbou- 
lion, usually translated " counsel," as in margin). 
A consultation, or meeting for deliberation (Mat. 
xii. 14). 

* Cou'ri-er [koo're-er]. Compel ; Epistle ; Foot- 
man. 

* Course [o as in no]. Astronomy ; Games ; 
Priest. 

Court [o as in no"] (Heb. hdtser or chdtser), an open 
enclosure, applied in the A. V. most commonly (as 
the translation of Heb. hdtser or chdtser) to the 
enclosures of the Tabernacle and the Temple (Ex. 
xxvii. 9, xl. 33 ; Lev. vi. 16 ; 1 K. vi. 36, vii. 8 ; 2 K. 
xxiii. 12 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 5, &c). In 2 Chr. iv. 9 and 
vi. 13, the Heb. ''azdrdh is employed, apparently, 



192 



cou 



CRE 



for the same places. Hdiser or ch&tser also = the 
court of a prison (Neli. iii. 25 ; Jer. xxxii. 2, &c), 
of a private house (2 Sara. xvii. 18), and of a palace 
(2 K. xx. 4 ; Esth. i. 5, &c.) ; and often = " village." 
Hazer. 

Con'tua (fr. Gr.), a servant of the Temple who re- 
turned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 32); not in Ezra 
and Xehemiah. 

Cov'e-nant L o as in love]. The Heb. berith, of which 
the Gr. dia'hikc (see below) is the usual translation 
in the LXX., is taken by Gesenius to mean pri- 
marily a cutting, with reference to the custom of 
cutting <>r dividing animals in two, and passing be- 
tween the parts in ratifying a covenant (Gen. 
xv. ; Jer. xxxiv. 18, 19). Professor Lee makes the 
proper signification of the word an eating together, 
or banquet, because among the Orientals to eat to- 
gether amounts almost to a covenant of friendship. 
(Banquets ; Salt.) In the N. T. the Gr. diathSkS 
(properly a disposition or arrangement ; in classic 
Greek writers usually a disposition by will of prop- 
erty, Rbn. N. T. Lex., L. & S.) is frequently, though 
not uniformly, translated " testament " in the A.V., 
whence the English names Old Testament and New 
Testament. In its biblical meaning of a compact 
or agreement between two parties, the word is used 
— 1. Of a covenant between God and man. Man not 
being in any way in the position of an independent 
covenanting party, the phrase is evidently used by 
way of accommodation. Strictly speaking, such a 
covenant is quite unconditional, and amounts to a 
promise (Gal. iii. 15 ff.) or act of mere favor (Ps. 
lxxxix. 28). Thus the assurance given by God after 
the Flood, that a like judgment should not be re- 
peated, and that the recurrence of the seasons, and 
of day and night, should not cease, is called a 
" covenant " (Gen. ix. ; Jer. xxxiii. 30). Generally, 
however, the form of a covenant is maintained, by 
the benefits which God engages to bestow being 
made by Him dependent upon the fulfilment of cer- 
tain conditions which He imposes on man. Thus 
the covenant of Sinai was conditioned by the ob- 
servance of the ten commandments (Ex. xxxiv. 27, 
28 ; Lev. xxvi. 15), which are therefore called " Je- 
hovah's covenant" (Deut. iv. 13), a name which was 
extended to all the books of Moses, if not to the 
whole body of Jewish canonical Scriptures (2 Cor. 
iii. 13, 14). This last-mentioned covenant, which 
was renewed at different periods (Deut. xxix. ; Josh, 
xxiv. ; 2 Chr. xv., xxiii. xxix., xxxiv. ; Ezr. x. ; Neh. 
ix., x.), is one of the two principal covenants be- 
tween God and man. They are distinguished as old 
and new (Jer. xxxi. 31-34 ; Heb. viii. 8-13, x. 16), 
with reference to the order, not of their institution, 
but of their actual development (Gal. iii. 17), and 
also as being the instruments respectively of bond- 
age and freedom (iv. 24). Consistently with this 
representation of God's dealings with man under 
the form of a covenant, such covenant is said to be 
confirmed, in conformity to human custom, by an 
oath (Deut. iv. 31 ; Ps. lxxxix. 3), to be sanctioned 
by curses to fall upon the unfaithful (Deut. xxix. 
21), and to be accompanied by a sign, such as the 
the rainbow (Gen. ix.), circumcision (xvii.), or the 
Sabbath (Ex. xxxi. 16, 17). — 2. Of a covenant between 
man and man, i. e. a solemn compact or agreement, 
either between tribes or nations (1 Sam. xi. 1 ; Josh, 
ix. 6, 15) (Alliances), or between individuals (Gen. 
xxxi. 44), by which each party bound himself to 
fulfil certain conditions, and was assured of receiv- 
ing certain advantages. In making such a covenant 
God was solemnly invoked as witness (xxxi. 50), and 



an oath was sworn (xxi. 31). A sign or witness of 
J the covenant was sometimes framed, such as a gift 
(xxi. 30), or a pillar, or heap of stones erected (xxxi. 
52). The marriage compact is called " the covenant 
I of God " (Prov. ii. 17 ; see Mai. ii. 14). " Cove- 
nant " came to be applied to a sure ordinance, such 
as that of the shewbread (Lev. xxiv. 8) ; and is 
used figuratively in such expressions as a " covenant 
1 with death " (Is. xxviii. 18), or " with the beasts of 
the field " (Hos. ii. 18). 

Cow. Bull ; Butter ; Cheese ; Heifer ; Herd ; 
Milk ; Ox. 

Coz (fr. Heb. = thorn, Ges.), a man among the 
descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Coz'bi (Heb. lying, false, Ges.) a Midianite woman, 
slain with Zimri by Phinehas ; daughter of Zur, a 
chief of the Midianites (Num. xxv. 15, 18). 

* Crack'nels, the A. V. translation of Heb. pi. nik- 
kudim = (so Gesenius) a kind of cake which prob- 
ably crumbled easily (1 K. xiv. 3). Bread; Mouldy. 

* Crafts man = a man of any particular craft or 
art, a mechanic (Deut. xxvii. 15 ; Acts xix. 24, 38, 
&c). Charashim. 

Crane. Probably the A. V. is incorrect in ren- 
dering the Heb. sus by " crane," which bird is prob- 
ably intended by the Heb. 'dgur, translated " swal- 
low " by the A. V. In Hezekiah's prayer (Is. 
xxxviii. 14), " Like a crane (Heb. sus), or a swallow 
(Heb. '(Igur), so did I twitter;" and again in Jer. 
viii. 7 these two words occur in the same order, from 
which latter passage we learn that both birds were 
migratory. According to most of the ancient ver- 
sions, Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, stis denotes a " swal- 
low." "Crane" is a name of several species of 
large wading birds belonging to the genus Grus. 

I'ra'tes [-teez] (fr. Gr.), governor of the Cyprians, 
left by Sostratus in charge of the " castle " of Jeru- 
salem (?), in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 
Mc. iv. 29). 

* Cre-a'tion (fr. L.). The book of Genesis opens 
with the declaration, " In the beginning God created 
the heaven and the earth " (i. 1), and after alluding 
(2) to a chaotic state, goes on (3 ff.) to describe the 
works of God during six days, on the last of which 
man was created. The Scriptures differ from the 
sacred books of all heathens in ascribing the 
creation, preservation, and government of the uni- 
verse to the supreme God in the active exercise of 
His infinite power, wisdom, and goodness (Genesis, 
D. I). It is now generally agreed that neither in 
Gen. i. 1, nor elsewhere in the Scriptures, is any 
definite time assigned as that of the first creative 
act, i. e. that the Scriptures do not determine how 
long ago " the beginning " of created existence was, 
though they teach that the heaven and earth have 
not existed from eternity, but were called into ex- 
istence by the fiat of the Almighty. It is now also 
the prevalent opinion among the best geologists as 
well as biblical scholars, that the discoveries of 
modern science are not at all irreconcilable with the 
declarations of the Scriptures. The precise mode 
of reconciliation between them is indeed still a mat- 
ter of controversy. Many (Chalmers, Buckland, 
&c.) have held that the work of the six days in Gen. 
i. 3 ff. and Ex. xx. 1 1 comprehended only the pres- 
ent arrangement of the material universe and the 
introduction of the existing orders of animals and 
plants with man at their head, a process occupying 
six natural days — that the chaotic state in Gen. i. 2 
marked the total or partial wreck or wrecks of a 
previously existing creation with the plants and ani- 
mals now known only as fossils — and that ages may 



CRE 



CEE 



193 



have elapsed between the original creation in verse 
1 and the six days' work in verse 3 ff. The present 
commonly received opinion among geologists is that 
the " six days " in Gen. i. 3 ff. (compare ii. 4) and 
Ex. xx. 11 = six successive periods of time, each 
of very long duration — that during these periods 
plants and animals were created, flourished, and be- 
came extinct, rocks were formed by the action of 
fire and by sedimentary deposits under water, and 
various other changes took place, all, so far as men- 
tioned, in the order described in Gen. i., the earth 
gradually becoming fitted for the reception of man, 
and the existing forms of vegetable and animal life. 
This opinion may be illustrated by the following 
brief view of Professor Guyot's explanation of Gen. 
i. (from Bibliotheca Sacra, xii. 324 ff.). Verse 1 de- 
scribes the creation of the matter of the universe. 
Verse 2 represents this matter in its chaotic (i. e. 
gaseous) state. Then come the six eosmogonie 
" days " (i. e. long periods), ending with a day of 
rest. These six days are divided into two periods 
of three days each. In the first three days the 
creation of inorganic matter takes place ; in the 
second three the creation of organic beings, ending 
with man. The last day in each series is subdivided, 
containing two works, while the others contain but 
one each. The works of each day form great steps 
in the development, or rather in the successive 
creation, of the universe and of the globe. These 
" days " or periods are of unequal length, the first 
perhaps being the longest, and the others gradually 
becoming shorter. Science teaches that the original 
form of matter is the gaseous. The work of the 
first day was the production of light by the combina- 
tion of the chemical parts, according to their affin- 
ities. That of the second day was the creation of 
the firmament, i. e. the separation of the mass of 
gaseous matter into an immense number of nebu- 
lous bodies or globes, " the waters above the firma- 
ment " afterward constituting the celestial bodies, 
and " the waters under the firmament " afterward 
becoming the earth. In the third day were two 
works: — (1.) the concentration of the matter of 
the globe into a mineral mass (at first entirely melt- 
ed, but gradually cooling on the outside), with the 
separation of the waters of the ocean, which were 
previously in the form of vapor, from the land 
which constituted the first continents ; (2.) the ap- 
pearance of vegetation. The work of the fourth 
day was the organization of the solar system in its 
present condition, the succession of days and nights 
and of seasons, i. e. of the climates and physical 
conditions necessary to the existence of living 
beings. The work of the fifth day was the creation 
of the lower orders of animals, including the water 
animals, the amphibious and other reptiles, and the 
birds, and comprehending the paleozoic and reptil- 
ian ages of geology. The work of the sixth day, 
corresponding to the tertiary age of geology, was 
twofold: (1.) the creation of the higher animals 
specially living on the dry land, or the mammals ; 
(2.) the creation of man. After this comes the 
seventh day of rest, or the still unfinished Sabbath 
of the earth, since the beginning of which no new 
creation has taken place. Only the outlines of the 
grand eosmogonie week are given by Moses, who 
received his narrative as a revelation from God, and 
probably did not himself fully comprehend the sys- 
tem of creation which he described. — The facts 
gathered from nature teach us, according to Profes- 
sor Dana, that species have not been made out of 
species by any process of growth or development ; 
13 



— that the " original divine power " did not create a 
generic or universal germ from which all subordi- 
nate genera or species were developed ; — that the 
evolution or plan of progress was by successive 
creations of species in their full perfection ; — that 
the creation was not in a lineal series from the very 
lowest upward, for gigantic saurians appeared be- 
fore turtles and serpents, trilobites were superior to 
many crustaceans afterward created, &c. ; yet there 
was a gradual elevation of the successive races in- 
volved in the gradual refrigeration of the earth, as 
also in its other steps of physical progress; while 
the creations of the tribes were not simultaneous, 
but successive, and occurring at many different 
times, after more or less complete exterminations 
of previously existing life (Bibliotheca Sacra, xiii. 
119 ff.). After all the objections raised against the 
credibility of the Mosaic account of the creation, it 
is still accepted and reverenced by the wisest and 
best among men of science. " The scientific writers 
in our language," says Professor Dana {Bibliotheca 
Sacra, xiii. 645), " that aim to exalt the Bible in 
their works, greatly outnumber those that publish 
works of detraction." The simple believer in the 
Scriptures has no need to fear the investigations of 
science in any of its departments ; for the God that 
gave the Bible is the God of truth, and every truth 
will be found ultimately to be in harmony with every 
other truth. Adam ; Astronomy ; Day ; Earth ; 
Firmament; Genesis; Heaven; Inspiration; Je- 
hovah ; Man ; Tongues, Confusion of. 
Crcdit-or. Loan. 

Cres'eeus [-senz] (L. growing, increasing) (2 Tim. 
iv. 10), an assistant of St. Paul, said to have been 
one of the seventy disciples. According to early 
tradition, he preached the Gospel in Galatia. Later 
tradition makes him preach in Gaul, and found the 
church at Vienne. 

Crete [kreet] (fr. Gr. Krete, said to be named from 
a nymph Creta, or from Cres, its first king, or [so 
Strabo] from the Gureles, its ancient inhabitants), the 
modern Candia. This large island, which closes in 
the Greek Archipelago on the S., extends through 
a distance of 140 miles between its extreme points 
of Cape Salmone (Acts xxvii. 7) on the E., and 
Cape Criumetopon beyond Phenice (12) on the W. 
Though extremely bold and mountainous, this island 
has very fruitful valleys, and in early times it was 
celebrated for its hundred cities. From Crete comes 
the Latin name of " chalk," creta, i. e. Cretan earth. 
Crete was conspicuous in the mythology and early 
history of Greece, especially in connection with its 
king and legislator Minos, but comparatively unim- 
portant in its later history. (Pelethites.) It seems 
likely that a very early acquaintance existed be- 
tween the Cretans and the Jews. There is no doubt 
that Jews were settled in the. island in considerable 
numbers during the period between the death of 
Alexander the Great and the final destruction of 
Jerusalem. Gortyna seems to have been their 
chief residence (1 Me. xv. 23). Thus the special 
men' ion of Cretans (Acts ii. 11) among those who 
were at Jerusalem at Pentecost is just what we 
should expect. No notice is given in the Acts of 
any more direct evangelization of Crete ; and no 
absolute proof can be adduced that St. Paul was 
ever there before his voyage from Cesarea to Puteo- 
li. The circumstances of St. Paul's recorded visit 
were briefly as follows. The wind being contrary 
when he was off Cnidus, the ship was forced to run 
down to Cape Salmone, and thence under the lee of 
Crete to Fair Havens, near Lasea. Thence, after 



19i 



CRE 



CRO 



some delay, an unsuccessful attempt was made, on 
the wind becoming favorable, to reach Phenice for 
the purpose of wintering there (xxvii. 7-12). It is 
evident from Tit. i. 5, that the apostle himself was 
in Crete, where he had left Titus, at no long inter- 
val of time before he wrote the letter. (Titus, Epis- 
tle to.) In Tit. i. 12, St. Paul adduces from Epi- 
menides, a Cretan sage and poet, contemporary with 
Solon, sixth century b. c. (Altar, C, 2 ; Athens), 
a quotation in which the vices of his countrymen 
are described in dark colors — " liars," " evil 
beasts" (= brutes), "slow bellies" (= lazy glut- 
tons). 

Crctes [kreets] (Acts ii. 11), Crc'tians [-shanz] 
(Tit. i. 12) = Cretans, inhabitants of Crete. 

* Crib (-lob xxxix. 9 ; Prov. xiv. 4 ; Is. i. 3). 
Barn ; Cotes ; Manger. 

* Crime. Blasphemy ; Divination ; Idolatry ; 
Murder; Punishments; Slave; Trial. 

Crimson. Colors. 

* Crispins-Pins (Is. iii. 22). Bag 1. 

Cris'pus (L. curled?), ruler of the Jewish syna- 
gogue at Corinth (Acts xviii. 8) ; baptized with his 
family by St. Paul (1 Cor. i. 14). According to tra- 
dition, he became afterward bishop of yEgina. 

Cross. Except the Latin crux, from which the 
English " cross " is derived, there was no word de- 
finitively and invariably applied to this instrument of 
punishment. The Greek stauros, uniformly and cor- 
rectly translated " cross " in the X. T., in Homer = 
an upright pale or stake (L. & S.). For the different 
forms, sec below. As the emblem of a slave's 
death and a murderer's punishment, the cross was 
naturally looked upon with the profoundest horror, 
and closely connected with the ideas of pain, of 
guilt, and of ignominy (Gibbon, ii. 153). But after 
the celebrated vision of Constantino, in which, ac- 
cording to Eusebius, a lumi- 
nous cross appeared in the 
heavens after mid-day with the 
inscription in Greek, " By this 
conquer," the representation 
being repeated at night in a 
dream, in which Christ also 
appeared to him, he ordered 
his friends to make a' cross 
of gold and gems, such as he 
had seen, and " the towering 
eagles resigned the flags unto 
the cross " (Pearson), and " the 
tree of cursing and shame " 
" sat upon the sceptres and 
was engraved and signed on the 
foreheads of kings " (Jeremy 
Taylor, Life of Christ, iii. xv. 1). 
The new stand- 
ards were called 
by the Latin name A .Prv. Ji 
Labarum,a.nd may 
be seen on the „ 

« r . Greek mpDotrrnm 

coins ot Constan- xp<=cHR.;i. e. 
tine the Great and « 



Crux 
I 



1. Simplex. 



Compacta. 
I 




(F: 



a coin in the British 
Museum.) 



The Laba- A " Hi and 

, ., , Omega (12). 

is described 



his nearer succes 
sors. 
rum 

in Eusebius, and, besides the pendent cross, sup- 
ported the celebrated embroidered monogram of 
Christ, which was also inscribed on the shields and 
helmets of the legions. We may tabulate thus the 
various descriptions of cross, using the Latin desig- 
nations, which are mostly explained in the subsequent 
description : — 



2. Decussata. 3. Commissa 4. Immissa, 
Andreana, or and ausata. or capitata. 
Burgundian. 

1. The crux simplex, (L. = a cross simple), or mere 
stake of one single piece without transom, was 
probably the original of the rest. Sometimes it 
was merely driven through the man's chest (see 
cut under War), but at other times it was driven 
longitudinally through the whole body, coming out 
at the mouth. Another form of punishment con- 
sisted of tying the criminal to the stake, from which 
he hung by his arms. — 2. The crux decussata (L. = 
a cross decussate, or X-shaped), is called St. Andrew's 
cross (Andrew), although on no good grounds. It 
was in the shape of the letter X. — 3. The crux com- 
missa (L. = a cross joined together), or St. An- 
thony's cross (so called from being embroidered on 
that saint's cope), was in the shape of the letter T. 
A variety of this cross (the crux ansata 
[L. = a cross with a handle\ " crosses with 
circles on their heads " ) is found " in the 
sculptures from Khorsabad and the ivories from 
Ximroud. In the Egyptian sculptures, a similar 
object, called a crux ansata, is constantly borne by 
divinities. The same symbol has been also found 
among the Copts, and (perhaps accidentally) among 
the Indians and Persians. — 4. The crux immissa (L. 
— a cross let into, or let in), or Latin cross, differed 
from the former by the projection of the upright 
above the crossbar. That this was the kind of 
cross on which our Lord died is obvious from the 
mention of the " title," as placed above our Lord's 
head, and from the almost unanimous tradition ; it 
is repeatedly found on the coins and columns of 
Constantino. There was a projection from the 
central stem, on which the body of the sufferer 
rested. This was to prevent the weight of the body 
from tearing away the hands. Whether there was 
also a support to the feet (as we see in pictures), is 
doubtful. An inscription was generally placed 
above the criminal's head, briefly expressing his 
guilt, and generally was carried before him. It was 
covered with white gypsum, and the letters were 
black. Xicquetus says it was white with red let- 
ters. It is a question whether tying or binding to 
the cross was the more common method. That our 
Lord was nailed, according to prophecy, is certain 
(John xx. 25, 27, &c. ; Zech. xii. 10; Ps. xxii. 16). 
It is, however, extremely probable that both 
methods were used at once. The story of the so- 
called " invention (i. e. discovery) of the cross," 
a.d. 326, is too famous to be altogether passed over. 
Socrates, Theodoret, &c., say, that the Empress 
Helena, Constantine's mother, was instructed in a 
dream to go to Jerusalem, that she found there 
three crosses with a superscription, that one of 
them miraculously cured a dying woman, and was 
therefore declared to be the genuine cross of Christ, 
and that she gave a part of it to the city of Jerusa- 
lem, and sent the rest to Constantine. Afterward, 
pieces of the so-called true cross were distributed 
through Christendom. To this day the supposed 
title, or rather fragments of it, are shown to the 
people once a year in the church of Santa Croce in 
Gerusalemme at Rome. In the epistles of St. 
Paul, " the cross of Christ," or " the cross " simply, 
figuratively = all that is connected with the cross, 



CEO 



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195 



i. e. the sufferings and death of the Lord Jesus 
Christ, the sacrifice for sin which He offered (see 
Atonement), and in general, the great doctrines of 
the Gospel (1 Cor. i. 17, 18; Gal. v. 11, vi. 12, 14, 
&c). Compare the " name " of the Lord (Ex. xxxiv. 
5-7; 1 Sam. xii. 22, &c). It was not till the 6th 
century that the emblem of the cross became the 
image of the crucifix. As a symbol the use of it 
was frequent in the early church. It was not till 
the second century that any particular efficacy was 
attached to it. Crucifixion ; Jesus Christ. 

Crown. This ornament, which is both ancient 
and universal, probably originated from the fillets 
used to prevent the hair from being dishevelled by 
the wind. Such fillets are still common, and they 
may be seen on the sculptures of Persepolis, Nine- 
veh, and Egypt ; they gradually developed into 
turbans, which by the addition of ornamental or 
precious materials assumed the dignity of mitres or 
crowns. The use of them as ornaments probably 
was suggested by the natural custom of encircling 
the head with flowers in token of joy and triumph 
(Wis. ii. 8 ; Jd. xv. 13). Both the ordinary priests 
and the high priest wore them. The common 
" bonnet " of the priests (Heb. migbd'dh ; Ex. xxviii. 
40, xxxix. 28), formed a sort of linen turban or 
crown (Jos. iii. 1, § 3). The mitre of the high priest 
(Heb. mitsnepheth, used also of a regal " diadem," 
Ez. xxi. 26) was much more splendid (Ex. xxviii. 
36 ff., xxxix. 28, SO, 31 ; Lev. viii. 9). It had a 
fillet of blue lace, and over it a golden diadem 
(Heb. nezcr, A. V. " crown," Ex. xxix. 6). The 
gold band was tied behind with blue lace (em- 
broidered with flowers), and being two fingers 
broad, bore the inscription " Holiness to the Lord " 
(compare Rev. xvii. 5 ; Jos. iii. 1, § 1 ; B. J. v. 5, 
§7). The use of the crown by priests, and in reli- 
gious services was universal. " A striped head- 
dress and queue," or " a short wig, on which a band 
was fastened, ornamented with an asp, the symbol 
of royalty," was used by the kings of Egypt in re- 
ligious ceremonies (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, 
iii. 354, fig. 13). The crown worn by the kings of 
Assyria was " a high mitre . . . frequently adorned 
with flowers, &c, and arranged in bands of linen or 
silk. Originally there was only one band, but 
afterward there were two, and the ornaments were 
richer " (Layard, ii. 320). There are many words in 
Scripture denoting a crown besides those mention- 
ed : as Heb. peer, the head-dress of bridegrooms 
(Is. lxi. 10, A. V. "ornaments;" Ez. xxiv. 17, A. 
V. " the tire of thine head "), and of women (Is. iii. 
20, A. V. "bonnets"); Heb. hephiroth, a head- 
dress (A. V. " diadem " ) of great splendor (Is. 
xxviii. 5); Heb. Hvyah, a wreath (A. V. "orna- 
ment") of flowers (Prov. i. 9, iv. 9); and Heb. 
tsaniph (see Diadem ; Head-dress), a common tiara 
or turban (Job xxix. 14, A. V. " diadem ; " Is. iii. 
23, A. V. " hoods). The general Hebrew word for 
" crown " is 'atdr&h, and we must attach to it the 
notion of a costly turban irradiated with pearls and 
gems of priceless value, which often form aigrettes, 
or plumes, for feathers, as in the crowns of modern 
Asiatic sovereigns. Such was probably the crown, 
which with its precious stones weighed (or rather 
was worth) a talent, taken by David from the 
king of Amnion at Rabbah, and used as the state 
crown of Judah (2 Sam. xii. 30). The Gr. Stephanos, 
in the LXX., = Heb. , atdruh, and is used in the 
N. T. for every kind of crown ; the Gr. stemma is 
used once (Acts xiv. 13) for the "garlands " used 
with victims. In Rev. xii. 3, xiii. 1, xix. 12, allusion 



is made to many '■ crowns " worn in token of ex- 
tended dominion. In these passages the Gr. dia- 
dema (= diadem) is used. The laurel, pine, or 
parsley crowns given to victors in the great games 
of Greece are finely alluded to by St. Paul (1 Cor. 
ix. 25 ; 2 Tim. ii. 5, &c). 




Egyptian, Assyrian, and other Crowns. — (Fairbairn). 

1. Egyptian crown of the upper country. — Wilkinson. 

2. Egyptian crown of the lower country. — Wilkinson. 

3. Egyptian crown of the united upper and lower countries. — Wilkinscn. 

4. Assyrian crown of a king in Nineveh. — Layard. 

5. Assyrian crown of Sardanapalus III. — Layard. 

6. Assyrian crown of Sennacherib. — Layard. 

7. Crown of Tigranes, king of Syria, — F rom a tetradrachm. 

8. Crown from sculpture at Persepolis. — Sir Robert Ker Porter's Tiarefo. 

9. Civic crown. — From coin of the Roman emperor Galba. 

Crown cf Thorns (Mat. xxvii. 29; Mk. xv. 17; 
Jn. xix. 2, 5). Our Lord was crowned with thorns 
in mockery by the Roman soldiers. The object 
seems to have been insult, and not the infliction of 
pain as has generally been supposed. The Rham- 
nus or Spina Christi, although abundant in the 
neighborhood of Jerusalem, cannot be the plant in- 
tended, because its thorns are so strong and large 
that it could not have been woven into a wreath. 
Had the acacia been intended, as some suppose, the 
phrase would have been different. Obviously some 
small flexile thorny shrub is meant. 

Crn-ei-fix'ion was in use among the Egyptians 
(Gen. xl. 19), the Carthaginians, the Persians (Esth. 
vii. 10), the Assyrians, Scythians, Indians, Germans, 
and from the earliest times among the Greeks and 
Romans. Whether this mode of execution was 
known to the ancient Jews is a matter of dispute. 
Probably the Jews borrowed it from the Romans. 
It was unanimously considered the most horrible 
form of death. Among the Romans also the degra- 
dation was a part of the infliction, and the punish- 
ment if applied to freemen was only used in the 
case of the vilest criminals. Our Lord was con- 
demned to it by the popular cry of the Jews (Mat. 
xxvii. 23) on the charge of sedition against Cesar 
(Lk. xxiii. 2), although the Sanhedrim had pre- 
viouslv condemned him on the totally distinct charge 



196 



CRU 



cue 



of blasphemy. The scarlet robe, crown of thorns, 
and other insults to which our Lord was subjected 
were illegal, and arose from the spontaneous petu- 
lance of the brutal soldiery. But the punishment 
properly commenced with scourging, after the 
criminal had been stripped. It was inflicted not 
with the comparatively mild rods, but the more 
terrible scourge (2 Cor. xi. 2-1, 25), which was not 
used by the Jews (Deut. xxv. 3). Into these 
scourges the soldiers often stuck nails, pieces of 
bones, &c., to heighten the pain, which was often 
so intense that the sufferer died under it. In our 
Lord's case, however, this infliction seems neither 
to have been the legal scourging after sentence, nor 
yet the examination by torture (Acts xxii. 24), but 
rather a scourging before the sentence, to excite 
pity and procure immunity from further punish- 
ment (Lk. xxiii. 22; Jn. xix. 1). The criminal car- 
ried his own cross, or at any rate a part of it. 
Hence, figuratively, to lake, take up, or bear OJie's 
cross = to endure suffering, affliction, or shame, like 
a criminal on his way to the place of crucifixion 
(Mat. x. 38, xvi. 24; Lk. xiv. 27, &c). The place 
of execution was outside the city (1 K. xxi. 13; 
Acts vii. 58; Heb. xiii. 12), often in some public 
road or other conspicuous place. Arrived at the 
place of execution, the sufferer was stripped naked, 
the dress being the perquisite of the soldiers (Mat. 
xxvii. 35). The cross was then driven into the 
ground, so that the feet of the condemned were a 
foot or two above the earth, and he was lifted upon 
it, or else stretched upon it on the ground, and 
then lifted with it. Before the nailing or binding 
took place, a medicated cup was given out of kind- 
ness to stupefy the sufferer, usually of " wine 
mingled with myrrh." Our Lord refused it, prob- 
ably that his senses might be clear (Mat. xxvii. 34; 
Mk. xv. 23). (Gall.) lie was crucified between two 
" thieves " or " malefactors," according to prophecy 
(Is. liii. 12) ; and was watched according to custom 
by a party of four soldiers (.In. xix. 23) with their 
centurion (Mat. xxvii. 54), whose express ollicc was 
to prevent the stealing of the body. This was ne- 
cessary from the lingering character of the death, 
which sometimes did not supervene even for three 
days, and was at last the result of gradual benumb- 
ing and starvation. But for this guard, the persons 
might have been taken down and recovered, as was 
actually done in the case of a friend of Josephus. 
Fracture of the legs was especially adopted by the 
Jews to hasten death (Jn. xix. 31). But the un- 
usual rapidity of our Lord's death was due to the 
depth of His previous agonies, or may be sufficiently 
accounted for simply from peculiarities of constitu- 
tion. Pilate expressly satisfied himself of the actual 
death by questioning the centurion (Mk. xv. 44). 
In most cases the body was suffered to rot on the 
cross by the action of sun and rain, or to be de- 
voured by birds and beasts. Sepulture was gener- 
ally therefore forbidden ; but in consequence of 
Deut. xxi. 22, 23, an express national exception was 
made in favor of the Jews (Mat. xxvii. 58). This 
accursed and awful mode of punishment was hap- 
pily abolished by Constantine. Punishments. 

Cruse, the translation in the A. V. of three dis- 
tinct Hebrew words. — 1. Tsappahath or tsappaehath 
(= a cruse, flask, Ges.), carried by Saul on his ex- 
pedition after David (1 Sam. xxvi. 11, 12, 16), 
and by Elijah (1 K. xix. 6), to hold water. In a 
similar case in the present day this would be a 
globular vessel of blue porous clay about nine inches 
in diameter, with a neck about three inches long, a 



small handle below the neck, and opposite the 
handle a straight spout, with an orifice about the 
size of a straw, through which the water is drunk 
or sucked. A similar globular vessel probably 
contained the oil of the widow of Zarephath (1 K. 
xvii. 12, 14, 10). — 2. The noise which these ves- 
sels make when emptied through the neck is sug- 
gestive of the second term, bakbuk, which is used 
for a "cruse of honey" (1 K. xiv. 3), and an 
" earthen bottle " (Jer. xix. 1, 10). — 3. Apparently 
very different from both these is the other term, 
tsSldhith or tsSldeMth, which occurs only in 2 K. ii. 20, 
and was probably a flat metal saucer of the form still 
common in the East. Other words from the same 
root are translated in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13 "pans," and 
in 2 K. xxi. 13 " dish." 

Crys tal, the representative in the A. V. of — 1. 
Heb. zicucilh (Job xxviii. 17 only): "The gold and 
the crystal cannot equal it," i. e. wisdom. Notwith- 
standing the different interpretations (" rock crys- 
tal," "glass," "adamant," &c), that have been as- 
signed to this word, there can, Mr. Houghton thinks, 
be very little doubt that " glass " is intended. The old 
versions and paraphrases, Ges., Fii., &c, favor this 
interpretation. — 2. Heb. kerah or keraeh, which in 
other passages in the 0. T. = " ice," " frost ; " but 
once only (Ez. i. 22), as is generally understood = 
"crystal." The ancients supposed rock-crystal to 
be merely ice congealed by intense cold. The simi- 
larity of appearance between ice and crystal caused 
no doubt the identity of the terms to express these 
substances. — 3. Gr. kruslallos (in LXX. = No. 2) 
occurs in N. T. in Rev. iv. 6, xxii. 1. It may mean 
either " ice," or " crystal." A participle of the ' 
kindred Greek verb krvMallixd occurs in Rev. xxi. 
11, A. V. " clear as crystal." 

Cu'bit. Weights ano Measures. 

Cuck'oo [u as in bull], spelled " cuckow " in some 
copies, the A. V. translation of the Heb. bhahaph 
or shachaph. Mr. Houghton thinks, there is no 
authority for this translation of the A. V., 
though the "cuckoo" (Cuculus canorus), a migra- 
tory insectiverous bird of the Eastern continent, is 
said to pass the winter in Palestine, and may be 
the bird in question (Gosse in Fairbairn, Col. C. 
H. Smith in Kitto) ; the Hebrew word occurs 
twice only (Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15), as the 
name of some unclean bird. Bochart has at- 
tempted to show that the Hebrew denotes the 
cepphus (kcpplios of Aristotle), which is probably the 
storm-petrel ( Thalassidroma pelagica), a small web- 
footed sea-bird. Gescnius, following the LXX. and 
Vulgate, makes the Hebrew = the sea-mew or sea- 
gull, a sea-bird of the genus Larus, Linn. Tristram 
has suggested that some of the larger petrels, e. g. 
the Puffmus cinereus and P. Anglorum (shearwater), 
which abound in the E. of the Mediterranean and 
are similar in their habits to the storm-petrel, may 
be denoted by the Hebrew term. 

Cu'cuni-bers, the translation of the Heb. kish- 
shuirn, which occurs once only, in Num. xi. 5, as j 
one of the good things of Egypt for which the Is- 
raelites longed. There is no doubt that this is a 
correct translation of the Hebrew, though the name j 
may not have been confined to the common cucum- 
ber. Egypt produces excellent cucumbers, melons, 
&c. (Melon), the Cueumia chate being styled by 
Hasselquist " the Egyptian melon or queen of the 
cucumbers." This plant grows in the fertile earth 
around Cairo after the inundation of the Nile, and 
not elsewhere in Egypt. The C. chate is a variety 
only of the common musk-melon (C. Melo); it was 



CUM 



CUR 



197 



once cultivated in England and called " the round- 
leaved Egyptian melon ; " but it is rather an insipid 
sort. Besides the Cucumis chate, the common cu- 
cumber ( C. salivus), of which the Arabs distinguish 
a number of varieties, is common in Egypt. " Both 
Cucumis chate and C. sativus," says Tristram, " are 
now grown in great quantities in Palestine : on 
visiting the Arab school in Jerusalem (1858) I 
observed that the dinner which the children 
brought with them to school consisted, without 
exception, of a piece of barley cake and a raw 
cucumber, which they eat rind and all." The 
" lodge (Cottage 2) in a garden of cucumbers " 
(Heb. miksh&h = a field of cucumbers, Ges., Fii.) 
(Is. i. 8) is a rude temporary shelter, erected in the 
open grounds where vines, cucumbers, gourds, &c, 
are grown, in which some lonely man or boy is set 
to watch, either to guard the plants from robbers, 
or to scare away the foxes and jackals from the 
vines. Compare Bar. vi. 70. 

* Cum'ber, to, in A. V. = to encumber, overload, 
harass (Lk. x. 40) ; to encumber uselessly, or spoil 
(xiii. 7). 

* Cuui'brancc -- an encumbrance or burden (Deut. 

1. 12). 

Cum mil! (Heb. cammon ; Gr. kuminon), one of 
the cultivated plants of Palestine (Is. xxviii. 25, 
27 ; Mat. xxiii. 23). It is an umbelliferous plant 
(Cuminum sativum, Linn.), something like fennel. 
The seeds have a bitterish warm taste with an aro- 
matic flavor. The Maltese are said to grow it at 
the present day, and to thresh it with a rod as 
described by Isaiah. 

* Cun'nillg, in A. V., as an adjective = skilful, 
expert, as a workman, &c. (Gen. xxv. 27 ; Ex. xxxviii. 
23, &c.) ; or skilfully done, as work (Ex. xxviii. 15, 
&c.) ; as a noun = skill, expertness (Ps. cxxxvii. 5). 

Cup. The chief Hebrew words rendered " cup " 
in the A. V. are, 1. cos (Gen. xl. 11, 13, 21, &c); 

2. kesdoth, only in plural (1 Chr. xxviii. 17), else- 
where translated " covers " (Ex. xxv. 29, &c.) ; 3. 
gebia' (Gen. xliv. 2, 12, 16, 17), elsewhere translated 
in plural "bowls" (Ex. xxv. 31, &c), once "pots" 
(Jer. xxxv. 5). For the Heb. aggdn (" cups," Is. 
xxii. 24), see Basin ; for Heb. saph (2 Sam. xvii. 28, 
margin ; Zech. xii. 2), see Basin. The Gr. poterion 
(= drinking vessel or cup) is uniformly translated 




Assyrian cups. — (Fairbairn.) 

1. Lion-head cup. — Sculpture, Khorsabad. — Botta. 

2. Lion-head cup with handle. — Khorsabad. — Botta. 

3. Cup. — Sculpture, Khorsabad. — Botta. 

4. Cup of red pottery. — Nimroud. — Lnyard. 

5. Painted cup from Karnmles. — Lnyard. 

6. 7. Bronze cups. — Nimroud. — British Museum. 

I' cup " in the N. T. (Mat. x. 42, xxiii. 25, &c), and 
in the LXX. = Heb. cos. The cups of the Jews, 
whether of metal or earthenware, were possibly bor- 
rowed, in point of shape and design, from Egypt 



and from tne Phenicians, who were celebrated in 
that branch of workmanship. Egyptian cups were 
of various shapes, either with handles or without 
them. In Solomon's time all his dnnking vessels 
were of gold, none of silver (1 K. x. 21). Babylon 
is compared to a golden cup (Jer. li. 7). The great 
laver, or " sea," was made with a brim like the 
brim of a cup (Heb. cos), " with flowers of lilies " 
(1 K. vii. 26), a form which the Persepolitan cups 



J 2 




Egyptian cups. — (Fairbairn.) 
1. 2. 3. From paintings at Thebes. — Wilkinson. 
4. Porcelain cup. — M ilkinson. 

6. Cup of green earthenware, with lotus flower painted in black. — 
British Museum. 

6. Cup of coarse pottery. — British Museum. 

7. Cup of wood. — British Museum. 

8. Cups of nrragonite. — British Museum. 

9. Saucer of earthenware. — Wilkinson. 

resemble. — " Cup " often = what is contained in a 
cup, cupful (Mat. x. 42 ; Lk. xxiii. 20, &c). Hence, 
figuratively, " cup = one's lot or portion, as if the 
contents of a cup presented by God to be drank, 
whether of good (Ps. xvi. 5, xxiii. 5, &c), or of evil 
(Ps. xi. 6, lxxv. 8 ; Mat. xx. 22, 23, xxvi. 39, 42, &c). 
" The cup of salvation " (Ps. cxvi. 13) = the cup 
of thanksgiving to God for deliverance or salvation. 
" The cup of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16) = the cup on 
or over which a blessing has been pronounced. (See 
Lord's Scpper ; Passover, I. d.) " The cup of 
devils " (Gr. pi. of daimonion ; see Demon) (verse 21) 
= the cup consecrated to devils, or heathen gods. 
See also Divination 12. 

Cnp'-licar-er (Heb. mashkeh = one who gives to 
drink ; Gr. oinochoos = one who pours out wine) ; 
an officer of high rank with Egyptian, Persian, As- 
syrian, as well as Jewish monarchs (1 K. x. 5). It 
was his special business to fill and hand the cups 
of wine, &c, to the king and his guests. Not un- 
frequently it was his duty to taste the wine in the 
king's presence before delivering it to the king. 
His privilege of free access to the sovereign made 
his office one of high trust and often of great polit- 
ical and pecuniary value. The chief cup-bearer, or 
butler, to the king of Egypt was the means of rais- 
ing Joseph to his high position (Gen. xl. 1 ff., xli. 
9 ff.). Rabshakeh is supposed to have filled a like 
office in the Assyrian court (2 K. xviii. 17). Nehe- 
miah was cup-bearer to Artaxerxes Longimanus, 
king of Persia (Neh. i. 11, ii. 1). Achiaciiarus. 

* Cnrse. Anathema. 

Cnr'taill. The Hebrew terms translated in the 
A. V. by this word are : — 1. YerVdh, usually in pi. 
yeri'dth, the ten " curtains " of fine linen, and also 
the eleven of goats' hair, which covered the Taber- 
nacle of Moses (Ex. xxvi. 1-13, xxxvi. 8-17). The 
charge of these curtains and of the other textile 



198 



•cus 



CYM 



fabrics of the Tabernacle was laid on the Gershon- 
ites (Num. iv. 25). " Curtains " sometimes = the 
Tabernacle (2 Sam. vii. 2; 1 Chr. xvii. 1), or a 
Tent (Jer. iv. 20, &c.).— 2. Mdsdc, the " hanging" 
for the doorway of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36, &c), 
and also for the gate of the court round the Taber- 
nacle (Ex. xxvii. 16, &c). The rendering "cur- 
tain" occurs but once (Num. iii. 26). The idea in 
the root of masdc seems to be that of shielding or 
protecting. If so, it may have been not a curtain 
or veil, but an awning to shade the entrances. 
(Hanging 1.) — 3. Dole, found but once (Is. xl. 22), = 
fineness, hence, fine cloth, a garment, curtain, &e. 
(Ges.); a fine thin cloth, a fine carpel (Fii.). 

(H-ll (Heb. black, Fii.), a Benjaniite mentioned 
only in the title to Ps. vii. He was probably a fol- 
lower of Saul, the head of his tribe. 

Cash (Heb. black, Fii.), the name of a son of Ham, 
apparently the eldest, and of a territory or territo- 
ries occupied by his descendants. — 1. In the gene- 
alogy of Noah's children Cush seems to be an indi- 
vidual, for it is said " Cush begat Nimrod " (Gen. x. 
8 ; 1 Chr. i. 10). If the name be older than his 
time he may have been called after a country 
allotted to him. Descendants of Cush enumerated 
are : his sons, Seba, Havilah, Sabtau or Sabta, 
Raamah, and Sabtechah or Sabtecha ; his grand- 
sons, Siieba and Dedan ; and Nimrod, mentioned 
after the rest, and apparently a remoter descendant 
than they. — 2. Cush as a country, Mr. R. S. Foole, 
the original author of this article, regards as 
African in all passages except Gen. ii. 13, margin 
(" Ethiopia " in text, A. V. ; see Eden 1). We may 
thus distinguish a primeval and a post-diluvian 
Cush. The former was encompassed by Gihon, the 
second river of Paradise ; it would seem therefore 
to have been somewhere to .the N. of Assyria. It 
is possible that Cush is in this case a name of a 
period later than that to which the history relates, 
but it seems more probable that it was of the ear- 
liest age, and that the African Cush was named 
from this older country. In the ancient Egyptian 
inscriptions Ethiopia above Egypt is termed Keesh 
or Kesh, and this territory probably perfectly = 
the African Cush of the Bible. The Cushites, how- 
ever, had clearly a wider extension, like the Ethio- 
pians of the Greeks, but apparently with a more 
definite ethnic relation. The Cushites appear to 
have spread along tracts extending from the higher 
Nile to the Euphrates and Tigris. History affords 
many traces of this relation of Babylonia (Babel), 
Arabia, and Ethiopia. Zerah the Cushite (A. V. 
" Ethiopian"), defeated by Asa, was most probably 
a king of Egypt. So also Tirhakah. Very soon 
after their arrival in Africa, the Cushites appear to 
have established settlements along the S. Arabian 
coast, on the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf and 
in Babylonia, and thence onward to the Indus, and 
probably N. to Nineveh. Arabia. 

Cn'shan (Heb. fr. Cusn) (Hab. iii. 7), possibly = 
Ciiushax-rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia. The 
order of events alluded to by the prophet seems to 
favor this supposition. There is far less reason for 
the supposition that Cushan here — an Asiatic 
Cush (so Mr. R. S. Poole). 

Ca'shi (Heb. — Cushite ; Ethiopian). 1. A man 
apparently attached to Joab's person, but unknown 
and unaccustomed to the king, as may be inferred 
from his not being recognized by the watchman, 
find also from the abrupt manner in which he breaks 
his evil tidings to David. That Cushi was a for- 
eigner — as we should infer from his name — is also 



slightly corroborated by his ignorance of the ground 
in the Jordan valley, by knowing which Ahimaaz 
outran him (2 Sam. xviii. 21 ff.). — 2. An ancestor of 
Jehudi at Jehoiakim's court (Jer. xxxvi. 14). — 3. 
Father of Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1 ). 

* Cush'itC (fr. Heb. = descendant from Cush) 
(Num. xii. 1, margin ; " Ethiopian " in text). Ethi- 
opian Woman. 

(nth or ( u (!i:ih (both Heb. in form ; supposed 
by Boch., &c. to be Chal. = Cush; treasure-house? 
Ayre), one of the countries whence Shalmaneser 
introduced colonists into Samaria (2 K. xvii. 24, 
30). The position of Cuthah is undecided ; Jose 
phus speaks of a river of that name in Persia, and 
fixes the residence of the Cutheans in the interior 
of Persia and Media. Two localities have been pro- 
posed, each of which corresponds in part, but 
neither wholly, with Joscphus: — 1. Kutha, of the 
Arab geographers, between the Tigris and Eu- 
phrates, the site of which has been identified with 
the ruins of Towtbah immediately adjacent to Baby- 
lon. — 2. The Cutheans have been identified with 
the Cossa;i, a warlike tribe, who occupied the 
mountain ranges dividing Persia and Media. 

Int'ting oil* from the Peo ple. Excommunication ; 
Punishments. 

* Cut ting off the Hair. Hair ; Nazarite ; Vows. 

* Cut ting off the Head. Punishments. 
Cut'tings (in the Flesh). The prohibition (Lev. 

xix. 28) against marks or cuttings in the flesh for 
the dead must be taken in connection with the paral- 
lel passages (Lev. xxi. 5 ; Deut. xiv. 1), in which shav- 
ing the head with the same view is equally forbidden. 
But it appears from Jer. xvi. 6, 7, xli. 5, that some 
outward manifestation of grief in this way was not 
wholly forbidden, or was at least tolerated. (Mourn- 
ing.) The ground, therefore, of the prohibition 
must be sought elsewhere, and will be found in 
the superstitious or inhuman practices prevailing 
among heathen nations. The priests of Baal cut 
themselves with knives to propitiate the god " after 
their manner" (1 K. xviii. 28). Herodotus says 
the Carians, who resided in Europe, cut their fore- 
heads with knives at festivals of Isis ; in this respect 
exceeding the Egyptians, who beat themselves on 
these occasions. Lucian, speaking of the Syrian 
priestly attendants of this mock deity, says, that 
using violent gestures they cut their arms and 
tongues with swords. The prohibition, therefore, 
is directed against practices prevailing not among 
the Egyptians whom the Israelites were leaving, but 
among the Syrians, to whom they were about to 
become neighbors. But there is another usage con- 
templated more remotely by the prohibition, viz., 
that of printing marks, tattooing, to indicate alle- 
giance to a deity, in the same manner as soldiers 
and slaves bore tattooed marks to indicate allegiance 
or serfdom. This is evidently alluded to in Rev. 
xiii. 16, xvii. 5, xix. 20, and, though in a contrary 
direction, in Ez. ix. 4 ; Gal. vi. 11 ; Rev. vii. 3, and 
perhaps Is. xliv. 5 and Zech. xiii. 6. 

Cy'a-mon [si-] (fr. Gr. = bean-field, L. & S.), a 
place named only in Jd. vii. 3, as lying in the plain 
(A. V. "valley") over against Esdraelom. If "Es- 
draelom " = Jezrcel, this description answers to 
the situation of the ruins at Tell Kaimon, on the 
eastern slopes of Mount Carmel, a conspicuous po- 
sition overlooking the Kishon and the great plain. 

CAMON ; JOKNEAM. 

Cym bal, Cym'bals [sim-] (Heb. plural tsiltsclim 
[2 Sam. vi. 5 ; Ps. cl. 5], and dual mctsillayim [1 
Chr. xv. 8, &c], both translated in LXX. by plural 



CYP 



CYR 



199 



of Gr. kurnbalon, which in singular occurs in 1 Cor. 
xiii. 1, and from which comes the English " cym- 
bal" through the L. cymbalum), a percussive musi- 
cal instrument. Two kinds of cymbals are men- 
tioned in Ps. cl. 5, " loud cymbals " or castanets, 
and " high-sounding cymbals." The former con- 
sisted of four small plates of brass or of some other 
hard metal ; two plates were attached to each 
hand of the performer, and were struck together to 
produce a loud noise. The latter consisted of two 
larger plates, one held in each hand, and struck to- 
gether as an accompaniment to other instruments. 
The use of cymbals was not necessarily restricted to 
the worship of the Temple or to sacred occasions : 
they were employed for military purposes, and also 
by the Hebrew women as a musical accompaniment 
to their national dances. Both kinds of cymbals 
are still common in the East in military music. The 
cymbals used in modern orchestras and military 
bands, are two metal plates of the size and shape 
of saucers, one fixed, the other held by the per- 
former in his left hand. These resemble very 
closely the " high-sounding cymbals " of old, and 
are used in a similar manner to mark the rhythm, 
especially in music of a loud and grand character. 
Bells. 

Cy'pross [si-], the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
tirzdh (Is. xliv. 14 only). We are quite unable to 
assign any definite rendering to it (so Mr. Hough- 
ton). Besides the " cypress," the " beech," the 
"holm-oak," and the "fir" have been proposed. 
The Hebrew word points to some tree with a hard 
grain, and this is all that can be positively said of 
it. — 2. Gr. kuparissos ( = cypress, or evergreen 
cypress, Cupressus sempervirewt, L. & S., Dr. Royle 
in Kit. &c), described as growing " upon the moun- 
tains of Hermon " (Ecclus. xxiv. 13) and " up to 
the clouds" (1. 10). The cypress, at present, is 
found cultivated only in the lower levels of Syria 
(so Mr. Houghton). It is a native of the Taurus. 
It is " a flame-shaped, tapering, cone-like tree, with 
upright branches growing close to the trunk, and re- 
sembling in general appearance the Lombardy pop- 
lar" (Loudon). Its foliage is dark evergreen, and 
its wood is fine-grained, hard, fragrant, very durable, 
and of a beautiful reddish hue. Gopher Wood. 

Cyp'ri-a'ns [sip're-anz] = inhabitants of the island 
of Cyprus (2 Mc. iv. 29). At the time alluded to 
(i. e. during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes), 
they were under the dominion of Egypt, and were 
governed by a viceroy. Crates. 

Cyprus [si-] (L. fr. Gr.), a large island of the Medi- 
terranean, about one hundred and forty-eight miles 
long, and about forty miles broad for two-thirds of 
its length, the N. E. end being a long narrow pen- 
insula. Cyprus is about 130 miles N. W. from 
Sidon. This island was in early times in close com- 
mercial connection with Phenicia ; and there is 
little doubt that it is referred to in such passages 
of the 0. T. as Ez. xxvii. 6. (Chittim.) Josephus 
(i. 6, § 1) makes this identification in the most ex- 
press terms. Possibly Jews may have settled in 
Cyprus before the time of Alexander. Soon after 
. his time they were numerous in the island, as is 
distinctly implied in 1 Mc. xv. 23. The first notice 
of it in the N. T. is in Acts iv. 36, as the native 
place of Barnabas. In Acts xi. 1 9, 20, it appears 
prominently in connection with the earliest spread- 
ing of Christianity, and is again mentioned in con- 
nection with the missionary journeys of St. Paul 
(xiii. 4-13, xv. 39, xxi. 3), and with his voyage 
to Rome (xxvii. 4). Situated in the extreme E. 



corner of the Mediterranean, with the range of 
Lebanon on the E., and that of Taurus on the N., 
distinctly visible, it never became a thoroughly 
Greek island. Its religious rites were half Oriental 
(Paphos), and its political history has almost al- 
ways been associated with Asia and Africa. It was 
rich and productive. Its fruits and flowers were 
famous. The mountains also produced metals, 
especially copper, which derives its name from 
Cyprus. Cyprus, after being subject to the Egyp- 
tian king Amasis, became a part of the Persian 
empire, and furnished ships against Greece in Xer- 
xes' expedition. For a time it was subject to Greek 
influence, but again became tributary to Persia. 
After the battle of Issus, it joined Alexander, and 
after his death, fell to Ptolemy. The island be- 
came a Roman province (b. c. 58) under circum- 
stances discreditable to Rome. At first its admin- 
istration was joined with that of Cilicia, but after 
the battle of Actium it was separately governed. In 
the first division it was made an imperial province ; 
but the emperor afterward gave it up to the senate. 
The proconsul (" deputy," A. V. ; the coin below 
names a proconsul of the Cyprians on its reverse : see 
Sergius Paulus) appears to have resided at Paphos 
on the W. of the island. In the reign of Trajan a 
terrible insurrection of the Jews led to a massacre, 
first of the Greek inhabitants, then of the insur- 
gents. In the ninth century, Cyprus fell into the 
power of the Saracens. The crusaders conquered 
it under Richard I. of England in 1191 ; the Vene- 
tians in 14*73; the Turks in 1571. Caphtor ; Ely- 
mas; Salamis. 




Copper Coin of Cyprus, under Emperor Claudins. 
Obv. [CL]AVDIVS . CAESA[RJ. Head of Emperor to left. Rev. 
EIII KoMINIoY n[POKA]OY AN0YI1A KYflPIwN. 



Cy-re'ne (L. fr. Gr. ; said to have been named 
from Cyrene, mother of its first chief), the principal 
city of that part of northern Africa, which was 
anciently called Cyrenaica, and also (from its five 
chief cities) Pentapolitana. This district was that 
wide projecting portion of the coast (corresponding 
to the modern Tripoli), which was separated from 
the territory of Carthage on the one hand, and that 
of Egypt on the other. Its surface is a table-land 
descending by terraces to the sea; and it was cel- 
ebrated for its climate and fertility. (Libya.) The 
points to be noticed in reference to Cyrene as con- 
nected with the N. T. are these, — that, though on 
the African coast, it was a Greek city ; that the 
Jews were settled there in large numbers, and that 
under the Romans it was politically connected with 
Crete. The Greek colonization of this part of 
Africa under Battus began as early as B. c. 631; 
and it became celebrated for its commerce, physi- 
cians, philosophers (Philosophy), and poets. Al- 
ter the death of Alexander the Great, it became a 
dependency of Egypt. In this period we find the 
Jews established there with great privileges. Ptol- 
emy the son of Lagus introduced them (see 1 Mc. 
xv. 23). Soon after the Jewish war (a. d. 10) they 



200 



CYR 



CYR 



rose against the Roman power. In b. c. 75 the 
territory of Cyrene was reduced to the form of a 
province. On the conquest of Crete (b. c. 67) the 
two were united in one province, and together fre- 
quently called Creta-Cyrene. The numbers and 



position of the Jews in Cyrene prepare us for the 
frequent mention of the place in the N. T. in con- 
nection with Christianity. Simon, who bore our 
Saviour's cross (Mat. xxvii. 32 ; Mk. xv. 21 ; Lk. xxiii. 
26) was a native of Cyrene. Jewish dwellers in Cyre- 




Cyrene. The Necropolis or Cemetery. — (From Rawlinson'3 Ihrodotua, Hi. 112.) 



naica were in Jerusalem at Pentecost (Acts ii. 10). 
They even gave their name to one of the synagogues 
in Jerusalem (vi. 9). Christian converts from Cyrene 
were among those who contributed actively to the for- 
mation of the first Gentile church at Antioch (xi. 
20). Lucius of Cyrene (xiii. 1) is traditionally said to 
have been the first bishop of his native district. 
The ruins of Cyrene occupy a vast space at the 
modern Ghrenna, 550 miles E. of the city of Tri- 
poli ; Apollonia, the port of Cyrene, about twelve 
miles distant, is also in ruins. 

* Cy-re'ui-aii (Mk. xv. 21 ; Lk. xxiii. 26 ; Acts 
vi. 9) = a person from Cyrene. 

Cy-re'ni-US, the English rendering in the A. V. 
of the Gr. Kurenios, which is itself the Greek form 
of the Roman name Quirinus ( = spearman, war- 
rior, Freund). The full name is Publius Sulpicius 
Quirinus. He was consul a. u. c. 742, b. c. 12, and 
made governor of Syria after the banishment of 
Archelaus in a. d. 6. He was sent to make an en- 
rolment of property in Syria, and made accordingly, 
both there and in Judea, a census or registration. 
(Taxing.) But this census seems in Lk. ii. 2 to be 
identified with one which took place at the time of 
the birth of Jesus Christ, when Sentius Saturninus, 
as has been commonly supposed, was governor of 
Syria. Hence has arisen a considerable difficulty, 
which has been variously solved, either by suppos- 
ing some corruption in the text of St. Luke, or by 
giving some unusual sense to his words. But A. 
\V. Zumpt, of Berlin, has shown it to be probable 



that Quirinus was twice governor of Syria, and by 
arguments too long to be reproduced here, but 
very striking and satisfactory, fixes the time of his 
first governorship at from b. c. 4 — when he suc- 
ceeded Quintilius Varus, the successor of Sentius 
Saturninus (Jos. xvii. 5, § 2) — to b. c. 1, when he 
was succeeded by Marcus Lollius. 

Cy'rns (L. ; Heb. Coresh ; probably fr. Pers. = 
the sun), the founder of the Persian empire (see 
Dan. vi. 28, x. 1, 13 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 22, 23), was, 
according to the common legends, the son of Man- 
dane, the daughter of Astyages the last king of 
Media, and Cambyses, a Persian of the royal fam- 
ily of the Achsemenidse. In consequence of a 
dream, Astyages, it is said, designed the death of 
his infant grandson, but the child was spared by 
those whom he charged with the commission of the 
crime, and was reared in obscurity under the name 
of Agradates. When he grew up to manhood his 
courage and genius placed him at the head of the 
Persians. The tyranny of Astyages had at that 
time alienated a large faction of the Medes, and 
Cyrus headed a revolt which ended in the defeat 
and capture of the Median king b. c. 559, near Pa- 
sargadae, supposed to have been about fifty miles 
N. E. of Persepolis, at the modern Murg-Aub. Al- 
ter consolidating the empire which he thus gained, 
Cyrus entered on that career of conquest which has 
made him the hero of the East. In b. c. 546 (?) 
he defeated Croesus, and the kingdom of Lydia was 
the prize of his success. Babylon fell before his 



CYR 

army, and the ancient dominions of Assyria were 
added to his empire (b. c. 588). (Belshazzar ; 
Darius the Mede.) Probably Cyrus planned an 
invasion of Egypt ; and there are traces of cam- 
paigns in Central Asia, in which he appears to 



DAD 201 

have attempted to extend his power to the Indus. 
Afterward he attacked the Massageta?, and accord- 
ing to Herodotus fell in a battle against them b. c. 
539. His tomb is still shown at Pasargadse, the 
scene of his first decisive victory. In the absence 




Tomb of Cyrus at Murg-Aub, the ancient Pasargadse. 



of authentic details of his actions, the empire which 
he left is the best record of his power and plans. 
Like an Oriental Alexander, he aimed at universal 
dominion ; and the influence of Persia, like that 
of Greece, survived the dynasty from which it 
sprang. In every aspect the reign of Cyrus marks 
an epoch in universal history. The fall of Sardis 
and Babylon was the starting-point of European 
life. But the personal relations to God's people, 
with which he is invested in the Scriptures, are full 
of a more peculiar interest. Hitherto the great 
kings, with whom the Jews had been brought into 
contact, had been open oppressors or seductive al- 
lies ; but Cyrus was a generous liberator and a 
just guardian of their rights. An inspired proph- 
et (Is. xliv. 28) recognized him " a shepherd " of 
the Lord, an " anointed " king (xlv. 1). The per- 
manent effects which Persia has wrought upon the 
world can be better traced through the Jewish 
people than through any other channel. In this 
respect also, Cyrus stands out clearly as the repre- 
sentative of the East, as Alexander afterward of 
the West. The one led to the development of the 
idea of order, and the other to that of independence. 
Ecclesiastically the first crisis was signalized by the 
consolidation of a church ; the second by the dis- 
tinction of sects. The one found its outward em- 
bodiment in " the great Synagogue " (Synagogue, 
the Great) ; the other in the dynasty of the As- 
moneans. (Maccabees.) The edict of Cyrus for 
the rebuilding of the Temple (2 Chr. xxxvi. 22, 23 ; 
Ezr. i. 1-4, iii. 7, iv. 3, v. 13, 17, vi. 3) was in fact 
the beginning of Judaism ; and the great changes 
by which the nation was transformed into a church 
are clearly marked. 1. The lesson of the kingdom 
was completed by the Captivity. The sway of a 
temporal prince was at length felt to be only a faint 
image of that Messianic kingdom to which the 
prophets pointed. 2. The Captivity, which was 'the 



punishment of idolatry, was also the limit of that 
sin. Thenceforth the Jews apprehended the spir- 
itual' nature of their faith, and held it fast through 
persecution. 3. The organization of the outward 
church was connected with the purifying of doc- 
trine, and served as the form in which the truth 
might be realized by the mass. Prayer assumed a 
new importance. The Scriptures were collected. 
Synagogues were erected, and schools formed. 
Scribes shared the respect of priests. 4. Above 
all, the bond by which " the people of God " was 
held together, was at length felt to be religious, 
and not local, nor even primarily national. The 
Jews, incorporated in different nations, still looked 
to Jerusalem as the centre of their faith. Disper- 
sion, The Jews of the. 



D 

Dab'a-reli (Josh. xxi. 28) = Daberath. 

Dab'ba-slicth (Heb. hump of a camel, Ges. ; hill- 
place, Fii.), a town on the boundary of Zebulun 
(Josh. xix. 11). 

Dab'e-rath (Heb. pasture, Fii.), a town on the 
boundary of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 12) named as next 
to Chisloth-Tabor. But in 1 Chr. vi. 72, and in 
Josh. xxi. 28 (A. V. " Dabarah ") it is named as a 
Levitical city out of Issachar. Eobinson, Wilson, 
Porter, &c, identify Daberath with the small mod- 
ern village Deburieh on the side of a ledge of rocks 
at the W. foot of Tabor. 

Da'bri-a, one of the five swift scribes who re- 
corded the visions of Esdras (2 Esd. xiv. 24 ; com- 
pare 37, 42). Asiel 2. 

Da-eo'bi (fr. Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 28) = Akkub 2. 

Dad-dens or Sad-dens (1 Esd. viii. 45, 46), a cor- 
ruption of Iddo 6 (Ezr. viii. 17). 



202 



DAG 



DAM 



* Dag'gcr. Arms, I. i. 

Da'gon (Heb. Utile fish, dear little fish, Ges.), ap- 
parently the masculine (1 Sam. v. 3, 4) correlative 
of Atargatis, was the national god of the Philis- 




Fiah-god. — From Nimroud. — (Layard.) 

tines. The most famous temples of Dagon were at 
Gaza(Judg. xvi. 21-30) and Ashdod (1 Sam. v. 5, 6 ; 
1 Chr. x. 10). The latter temple was destroyed by 
Jonathan in the Maccabean wars (1 Mc. x. 83, 84, 
xi. 4). Traces of the worship of Dagon likewise 
appear in the names Caphar-Dagon and Beth-Da- 
go.v. Dagon was represented with the face and 
hands of a man and the 
tail of a fish (1 Sam. v. 4). 
In the Babylonian myth- 
ology the name Dagon 
(Odakon) is applied to a 
fish-like being who rose 
from the waters of the Red 

WSZM ? a rY ne f the g xr- at 
e benefactors of men. Nie- 

buhr appears to identify 

Fish-god.— From Khorsabad.— this being with the Pheni- 

(Layard.) c j an but RawlmSOn 

regards them as wholly distinct. The fish-like form 
was a natural emblem of fruitfulness, and as such 
was likely to be adopted by seafaring tribes in the 
representation of their gods. 

Dai'san (Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 31) = Rezin 2. 

Da-lai'ah [-la'yah] or Dal-a-i'ah (fr. Heb. = De- 
laiah), sixth son of Elioenai, a descendant of the 
royal family of Judah (1 Chr. in. 24). 

*Dale (Gen. xiv. 11; 2 Sam. xviii. 18) = Val- 
ley 1. Shaveh. 

* Da'letli (Heb. door), the fourth letter of the 
Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix). Number ; Writing. 




Dal-ma-nu'tha (L.), a town on the W. side of the 
sea of Galilee near Magdala. About one mile from 
Magdala is a narrow glen to the S., at the mouth 
of which are the ruins of a village. The place is 
called 'Ain el-Bdrideh, " the cold Fountain." Here 
probably (so Porter) is the site of Dalmanutha. 

Dal-ma'ti-a [-she-a] (Gr. and L. ; named [so Po- 
lybius] from Delmiuium, or Dalminiicm, the ancient 
capital), a mountainous district on the E. coast 
of the Adriatic Sea, extending from the river Naro 
in the S. to the Savus in the N. It formed a por- 
tion of the Roman province of Illyricum after 
a. d. 9. St. Paul sent Titus there (2 Tim. iv. 10), 
and he himself had preached the Gospel in its im- 
mediate neighborhood (Rom. xv. 19). 

Dal'phon [-fon] (Heb. fr. Pers.), the second of 
the ten sous of Hainan slain by the Jews (Esth. ix. 

Dam'a-ris (Gr. and L. ; perhaps = Gr. damalis, 
a heifer, Grotius, &c), an Athenian woman con- 
verted to Christianity by St. Paul's preaching (Acts 
xvii. 34). Chrysostom and others held her = the 
wife of Dionysius the Areopagite. 

* Dam-as-cenes' [-seenz] (fr. Gr.) = inhabitants 
of Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 32). 

Da-mas't'us (L. ; Heb. Dammesek or Darmesck, 
activity, alertness, perhaps in reference to traffic, 
Ges.), one of the most ancient, and at all times one 
of the most important, of the cities of Syria. It 
is situated in a plain of extreme fertility, which lies 
E. of the great chain of Antilibanus, on the edge 
of the desert. This plain, which is nearly circular, 
and about thirty miles in diameter, owes its fertil- 
ity to the river Barada. (Abana.) Two other 
streams, the Wady Helton upon the N., and the 
Awaj upon the S., increase the fertility of the Dam- 
ascene plain. (Pharpar.) According to Josephus, 
Damascus was founded by Uz, the son of Aram, 
and grandson of Shem. It is first mentioned in 
Scripture in connection with Abraham (Gen. xiv. 
15), whose steward was a aiative of the place (xv. 
2). We may gather from his name (Eliezer), as 
well as from the statement of Josephus, which con- 
nects the city with the Arameans, that it was a 
Shemitic settlement. Nothing more is known of 
Damascus until the time of David, when " the Syr- 
ians of Damascus came to succor Hadadezer, king 
of Zobah," with whom David was at war (2 Sam. 
viii. 5 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 5). On this occasion "David 
slew of the Syrians 22,000 men ; " and in 
consequence of this victory became completely 
master of the whole territory, which he garrisoned 
with Israelites (2 Sam. viii. 6). It appears that in 
the reign of Solomon, Rezon, who had been a sub- 
ject of Hadadezer, and had escaped when David 
conquered Zobah, made himself master of Damas- 
cus, and established his own rule there (1 K. xi. 
23-25). Afterward the family of Hadad, whom Nic- 
olaiis of Damascus makes king of Damascus in Da- 
vid's time, appears to have recovered the throne, 
and Ben-fiadad I., grandson of the antagonist of 
David, is found in league with Baasha, king of Is- 
rael, against Asa (xv. 19 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 3), and 
afterward in league with Asa against Baasha (IK. 
xv. 20). He was succeeded by his son Hadad IV, 
(Ben-hadad II. of Scripture), who was defeated by 
Ahab (1 K. xx.). Three years afterward war broke 
out afresh, through Ahab's claim to Ramoth-Gilead 
(xxii. 1-4). The defeat and death of Ahab at 
that place (15-37) seem to have enabled the Syr- 
ians of Damascus to resume the offensive. Their 
bands ravaged the lands of Israel during the reign 



DAM 



DAM 



203 



of Jehoram ; and they even undertook at this time 
a second siege of Samaria, which was frustrated 
miraculously (2 K. vi. 24, vii. 6, 7). After this, we 



do not hear of any more attempts against the Isra- 
elite capital. The cuneiform inscriptions show 
that toward the close of his reign Ben-hadad was 




exposed to the assaults of a great conqueror, who 
was bent on extending the dominion of Assyria 
over Syria and Palestine. Perhaps these circum- 
stances encouraged Hazael to murder Ben-hadad 
and seize the throne, which Elisha had declared 
would certainly one day be his (viii. 15). Short- 
ly after the accession of Hazael (about b. c. 884), 
he was in his turn attacked by the Assyrians, 
who defeated him with great loss amid the fast- 
nesses of Antilibanus. However, in his wars with 
Israel and Judah he was more fortunate, and Iiis 
son Ben-hadad III. followed up his successes (viii. 
28, 29, ix. 14, 15, x. 32, 33, xii. 17, 18, xiii. 3-7, 
22, 24). At last a deliverer appeared (verse 5), 
and Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, " beat Hazael 
thrice, and recovered the cities of Israel " (verse 
25). In the next reign still further advantages were 
gained by the Israelites. Jeroboam II. (about b. c. 
836) is said to have " recovered Damascus " (xiv. 
28), and though this may not mean that he cap- 
tured the city, it at least implies that he obtained 
a certain influence over it. A century later (about 
B. c. 742) the Syrians appear as allies of Israel 
against Judah (xv. 37). It seems to have been 
during a pause in the struggle against Assyria that 
Bezin, king of Damascus, and Pekah, king of Israel, 
resolved conjointly to attack Jerusalem, intending 
to depose Ahaz and set up as king a creature of 
their own (Is. vii. 1-6; 2 K. xvi. 5). The attempt 
signally failed. Ahaz asked and obtained aid from 
Tiglath-Pi leser ; Rezin was slain, the kingdom of 
Damascus brought to an end, and the city itself 
destroyed, the inhabitants being carried captive in- 
to Assyria (verses 7-9 ; compare Is. vii. 8 and Am. 
i. 5). It was long before Damascus recovered from 
this serious blow (Is. xvii. 1 ; Jer. xlix. 23 ff. ; Am. 
i. 4). We do not know at what time Damascus was 



rebuilt ; but Strabo says that it was the most fa- 
mous place in Syria during the Persian period (6th 
century, &c, b. a). Shortly after the battle of Is- 
sus (Alexander the Great), it was taken by Par- 
menio ; and from this time it continued to be a 
place of some importance under the Greeks, becom- 
ing however decidedly second to Antioch 1. The 
Romans became masters of it b. c. 64. At the time 
of the Apostle Paul, it formed a part of the king- 
dom of Aretas (2 Cor. xi. 32). A little later it was 
reckoned to Decafolis. It grew in magnificence 
under the Greek emperors, and when taken by the 
Mohammedans (Arabia) a. d. 634, was one of the 
first cities of the Eastern world. It is still a city 
of 150,000 inhabitants. July 9, 1860, the Moham- 
medans of Damascus massacred about 6,000 of the 
Christian population, and burned their quarter of 
the city. Damascus has always been a great 
centre for trade. It would appear from Ez. 
xxvii. 18 that Damascus took manufactured goods 
from the Phenicians, and supplied them in ex- 
change with wool and wine. But the passage 
trade of Damascus (Camel) has probably been at 
all times more important than its direct commerce. 
Some translate Am. iii. 12 (A. V. " in Damascus 
on a couch ") " on the damask couch ; " but it is 
questionable whether this fabric, or the peculiar 
method of working in steel, which has impressed 
itself in a similar way upon the speech of the 
world, was invented by the Damascenes before 
the Mohammedan era.— Certain localities in Da- 
mascus are shown as the site of those Scrip- 
tural events which especially interest us in its 
history. A " long wide thoroughfare," leading 
direct from one of the gates to the castle or 
palace of the Pasha, is " called by the guides 
'Straight'" (Acts ix. 11); but the natives know 



204: DAM 

it among themselves, as " the Street of Bazaars." 
The house of Judas is shown, but it is not in 
the street " Straight." That of Ananias is also 



DAN 

pointed out. The scene of the conversion is con- 
fidently said to be an open green spot, surrounded 
by trees, and used as the Christian burial-ground ; 




Damascus. — (From Smith's Smaller Dictionary.) 



but four distinct spots have been pointed out at 
different times, so that little confidence can be 
placed in any of them. The point of the walls at 
which St. Paul was let down by a basket (verse 
25 ; 2 Cor. xi. 33) is also shown. 

* Dam'mc-sek (Heb.) (2 K. xvi. 9, margin) = 
Damascus. 

* Daoi'mim (Heb.) (1 Sam. xvii. 1, margin). 
Ephes-Dammim. 

* Dam-nation (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of — 
1. Gr. apoleia ( = utter destruction, perdition, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex) (2 Pet. ii. 3); elsewhere translated 
"destruction" (Mat. vii. 13; Rom. ix. 22 ; Phil, 
iii. 19 ; 2 Pet. ii. 1, iii. 16), " waste " (Mat. xxvi. 8; 
Mk. xiv. 4), " perdition " (Jn. xvii. 12 ; Phil. i. 28 ; 
2 Th. ii. 3 ; 1 Tim. vi. 9 ; Heb. x. 39 ; 2 Pet, iii. 1 ; 
Rev. xvii. 8, 11), " damnable " (2 Pet. ii. 1, literally 
of perdition), &c. — 2. Gr. krima (= judgment, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex.) (Mat. xxiii. 14; Mk. xii. 40 ; Lk. xx. 
47 ; Rom. iii. 8, xiii. 2 ; 1 Cor. xi. 29 ; 1 Tim. v. 
12); elsewhere translated "judgment" (Mat. vii. 
2 ; Rom. ii. 2, 3, &c), " condemnation " (Lk. xxiii. 
40; Jas. iii. 1, &c), &c. — 3. Gr. /crisis (properly = 
separation; in N. T. judgment, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
(Mat. xxiii. 33 ; Mk. iii. 29 ; Jn. v. 29) ; usually 
translated "judgment" (Mat. v. 21, 22, x. 15, &c), 
also "condemnation" (Jn. iii. 19, v. 24), and "ac- 
cusation " (2 Pet. ii. 11 ; Jude 9). — 4. Gr. katadike 
(= condemnation, Rbn. .37! T. Lex.) (Wis. xii. 4*7). — 
So also the Greek verb kriuo (properly = to separate, 
hence, to decide, to judge, Rbn. N. T. Lex.), from 
which are derived No. 2 and 3 above, is usually 
translated "to judge" (Mat. vii. 1, 2; Jn. v. 22, 
30, &c), sometimes " to condemn " ( Jn. iii. 17, 18 ; 
Acts xiii. 27, &c), "to determine" (Acts iii. 13; 1 
Cor. ii. 2 ; 2 Cor. ii. 1, &c), &c, is translated in the 
passive "might be damned" (2 Th. ii. 12). The 
Greek compound verb katakrind { — to give judg- 
ment against, to condemn, Rbn. N. 1\ Lex is uni- 



formly translated " to condemn " (Mat. xii. 41, 42, 
xx. IS, &c.i, except twice in the passive, viz. Mk. 
xvi. 16 ("shall be damned"), Rom. xiv. 23 ("is 
damned"). Death; Eternal; Hell; Judgment; 
Punishments. 

Dan (Heb. judge). 1. The fifth son of Jacob, and 
the first of Bilhah, Rachel's maid (Gen. xxx. 6). 
The origin of the name is given in the exclamation 
of Rachel — " ' God hath judged me {ddnarmi) . . . 
and given me a son,' therefore she called his name 
Dan" (judge). In the blessing of Jacob (xlix. 16) 
this play on the name is repeated — " Dan shall 
judge (yddin) his people." (Adder 4.) Dan was 
own brother to Naphtali; but no personal history 
of him is preserved. Only one son (Hushim 1) is 
attributed to him (xlvi. 23) ; but when the people 
were numbered in the wilderness of Sinai, his tribe 
was, with the exception of Judah, the most numer- 
ous of all, containing 62,700 men able to serve. 
The position of Dan during the march through the 
desert was on the N. side of the Tabernacle, among 
the hindmost of the long procession (Num. ii. 25, 
26, 31, x. 25). It arrived at the threshold of the 
Promised Land, and passed the ordeal of the rites 
of Baal-peor with an increase of 1,700 on the 
earlier census (xxv., xxvi. 42, 43). The remaining 
notices of the tribe before the passage of the 
Jordan are unimportant. It furnished a " prince " 
to the apportionment of the land ; and it was ap- 
pointed to stand on Mount Ebal at the ceremony 
of blessing and cursing (Deut. xxvii. 13). Moses 
said of Dan : " Dan is a lion's whelp ; he shall leap 
from Bashan" (xxxiii. 22). Dan was the last of the 
tribes to receive his portion, and that portion was 
apparently the smallest of the twelve (Josh. xix. 
40-48). But notwithstanding its smallness it had 
eminent natural advantages. On the N. and E. it 
was completely embraced by Ephraim and Benja- 
min, while on the S. E. and'S. it joined Judah, and 



DAN 



DAN 



205 



was thus surrounded by the three most powerful 
states of the whole confederacy. From Japho — 
afterward Joppa, and now Ydfa — on the N., to Ek- 
ron and Gath-rimmon on the S., a length of at least 
fourteen miles, that noble tract, one of the most 
fertile in the whole of Palestine, was allotted to 
this tribe. (Sephela.) By Josephus (v. 1, § 22, 
and 3, § 1 ) this is extended to Ashdod on the S. 
and Dor on the N. But this rich district, the corn- 
field and the garden of the whole S. of Palestine, 
was too valuable to be given up without a struggle 
by its original possessors. The Amorites accord- 
ingly " forced the children of Dan into the moun- 
tain, for they would not suffer them to come down 
into the valley " ( Judg. i. 34) — forced them up from 
the corn-fields of the plain, with their deep black 
soil, to the villages whose ruins still crown the hills 
that skirt the lowland. With the help of Ephraim, 
Dan prevailed against the Amorites for a time, but 
in a few years the Philistines took the place of the 
Amorites and with the same result. These con- 
siderations enable us to understand how it hap- 
pened that long after the partition of the land " all 
the inheritance of the Danites had not fallen to 
them among the tribes of Israel" (xviii. 1). They 
also explain the warlike and independent character 
of the tribe betokened in the name of their head- 
quarters " Mahaneh-Dan," " the camp, or host, of 
Dan," in the fact specially insisted on and reiter- 
ated (11, 16, 17) of the complete equipment of their 
600 warriors " appointed with weapons of war," — 
and the lawless freebooting style of their behavior 
to Micah. In the " security " and " quiet " (7, 10) 
of their rich northern possession (No. 2, below) the 
Danites enjoyed the leisure and repose which had 
been denied them in their original seat. Gesenius 
translates Judg. v. 17 (A. V. "and why did Dan re- 
main in ships?") — and Dan, why abides he at the 
ships? i. e. why dwells he listless on the coast of 
the sea ? In the time of David Dan still kept its 
place among the tribes (1 Chr. xii. 35). Asher is 
omitted, but the ruler or prince " of Dan " is men- 
tioned in the list of 1 Chr. xxvii. 22. But from 
this time forward the name as applied to the tribe 
vanishes ; it is kept alive only by the northern city. 
In the genealogies of 1 Chr. ii.-xii. the descendants 
of Dan are omitted entirely, which is remarkable 
when the great fame of Samson (Ahoeiab ; Huram 
3), and the warlike character of the tribe are con- 
sidered, and can only be accounted for by suppos- 
ing that its genealogies had perished. Lastly, Dan 
is omitted from the list of those who were sealed 
by the angel in the vision of St. John (Rev. vii. 
5-8). — 2. The well-known city, so familiar as the 
most northern landmark of Palestine, in the com- 
mon expression " from Dan even to Beer-sheba " 
(Judg. xx. 1, &c.). The name of the place was 
originally Laish or Lesiiem. Its inhabitants lived 
" after the manner of the Zidonians," i. e. engaged 
in commerce, and without defence. Living thus 
" quiet and secure," they fell an easy prey to the 
active and practised freebooters of the Danites. 
These conferred upon their new acquisition the 
name of their own tribe, " after the name of their 
father who was born unto Israel " (Judg. xviii. 7, 
27-29 ; Josh. six. 47). The locality of the town is 
specified with some minuteness. It was "far from 
Zidon," and " in the valley that is by Beth-rehob." 
To the form of the graven image set up by the Dan- 
ites in their new home, and the nature of the idol- 
atry we have no clew, nor to the relation, if any, 
between it and the calf-worship (Calf ; Idolatry) 



afterward instituted there by Jeroboam (1 K. xii. 
29, 30 ; Am. viii. 14).— After the establishment of 
the Danites at Dan it became the acknowledged ex- 
tremity of the country. Dan was, with other 
northern cities, laid waste by Ben-hadad (1 K. xv. 
20 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), but is afterward mentioned in 
Jer. iv. 15, viii. 16. Various considerations (its 
mention in Gen. xiv. 14 ; Deut. xxxiv. 1, &c.) in- 
cline to the suspicion that Dan was a holy place of 
note from a far earlier date than its conquest by 
the Danites. With regard to Gen. xiv. 14 three 
explanations suggest themselves. — (1.) That an- 
other place of the same name is intended. — (2.) 
That it is a prophetic anticipation by the sacred 
historian of a name which was not to exist till cen- 
turies later. — (3.) That the passage originally con- 
tained an older name, as Laish ; and that when 
that was superseded by Dan, the new name was in- 
serted in the MSS. (Ewald).— The Tell el-Kadi, a 
mound from the foot of which gushes out one of 
the largest fountains in the world, the main source 
of the Jordan, is very probably the site of the town 
and citadel of Dan. The spring is called el-Ledddn 
(possibly a corruption of Dan), and the stream from 
the spring Nahr td-Bhan, while the name, Tell el- 
Kadi, " the Judge's mound," agrees in signification 
with the ancient name. It is four miles west of 
Bdnius. (Cesarea Philippi.) — 3i In Ez. xxvii. 19 
(Heb. veddn, A. V. " Dan also ") Gesenius has 
Vedan, as the proper name of an Arabian city, 
probably ''Aden, whence cloths, wrought iron, cas- 
sia and other spices were brought to Tyre. Fiirst 
regards " Dan " here as a contraction of Dedan. 
Others refer it to the tribe of Dan. 

Dance. 1. The dance is spoken of in Holy Scripture 
universally as symbolical of some rejoicing, and is 
often coupled for the sake of contrast with mourn- 
ing, as in Eccl. iii. 4 (compare Ps. xxx. 11 ; Mat. xi. 
17). In the earlier period it is found combined with 
some song or refrain (Ex. xv. 20, xxxii. 18, 19 ; 1 
Sam. xxi. 11); and with the tambourine (A. V. 
" timbrel "), more especially in those impulsive out- 
bursts of popular feeling which cannot find sufficient 
vent in voice or in gesture singly. Dancing formed 
a part of the religious ceremonies of the Egyptians, 
and was also common in private entertainments. 
Many representations of dances, both of men and 
women, are found in the Egyptian paintings. The 
" feast unto the Lord," which Moses proposed to 
Pharaoh to hold, was really a dance. The Hebrew 
verb hdgag or ehdgag, translated in Ex. v. 1 " hold 
a feast," literally (so Gesenius) = to move in a cirele, 
hence toelancc, properly, in a circle (1 Sam. xxx. 16, 
A. V. " dancing ") ; to keep a festival, celebrate a holi- 
day, sc. by leaping and dancing, by sacred dances 
(Ex. v. 1; Lev. xxiii. 41, A. V. "shall keep," 
"shall celebrate;" Ps. xlii. 4, Heb. 5, A. V. "that 
kept holyday ") ; to reel, to be giddy, spoken of drunk- 
ards (Ps. cvii. 27, A.V. " reel to and fro "). Women, 
however, among the Hebrews, made the dance their 
especial means of expressing their feelings ; and so 
welcomed their husbands or friends on their return 
from battle (1 Sam. xviii. 6). The " eating and drink- 
ing and dancing " of the Amalekites is recorded, 
as is the people's " rising up to play," with a 
tacit censure (xxx. 16; Ex. xxxii. 6; 1 Cor. x. 7). 
So among the Bedouins, native dances of men are 
mentioned, and are probably an ancient custom. 
The Hebrews, however, save in such moments of 
temptation, seem to have left dancing to the women. 
But more especially, on such occasions of triumph, 
any woman whose nearness of kin to the chr.mpion 



206 



DAN 



DAN 



were certainly part of a religious festivity. What 
the fashion or figure of the dance was, is a doubtful 
question. Most of the Hebrew verbs translated " to 
dance " in A. V., viz. h&gag or chugag above, hul or 
chul (Judg. xxi. 21, 23), vdrar (2 Sam. vi. 14, 16), 
literally = to turn or move in a circle. The Hebrew 
verb rdkad, also translated "to dance" (1 Chr. xv. 
29; Job xxi. 11 ; Eccl. iii. 4; Is. xiii. 21),= to leap, 
skip, e. g. for joy, or for fear (Ps. cxiv. 4, 6, A. V. 
" skipped "). The Greek verb orchtomai (= to leap, 
sc. by rule, to dance, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) is translated 
in N.T. "to dance" (Mat. xi. 17, &c.),and in LXX. 
= Heb. cdrar and rdkad. Dancing also had its 
place among merely festive amusements apart from 
any religious character (Jer. xxxi. 4, 13; Lam. v. 
15 ; Mk. vi. 22 ; Lk. xv. 25). Children dance (Job 
xxi. 11; Mat. xi. 11; Lk. vii. 32). — 2. By this word 
is also rendered in the A.V. and by Gesenius, Fiirst, 
LXX., &c, the Hebrew mdhol or mdchol , which 
Professor Marks, Dr. A. Clarke, Mendelssohn, the 
Arabic version, &c, regard as denoting a musical 
instrument of percussion, supposed to have been 
used by the Hebrews at an early period of their 
history. In Ps. cl. the sacred poet exhorts mankind 
to praise Jehovah in His sanctuary with all kinds 
of music ; and among the instruments mentioned 
is found mdhol or mdchol (verse 4 ; A. V. " dance," 
margin "pipe"). Professor Marks, &c, believe it 
to have been made of metal, open like a ring, with 
small bells attached to its border, and played at 
weddings and merry-makings by women, who ac- 
companied it with the 
voice. One author de- 
scribes it as having tink- 
ling metal plates fastened 
on wires, at intervals with- 
in the circle that formed 
the instrument, like the 
modern tambourine ; ac- 
cording to others it was of 
Mu.icai laments. Dance.- metal or wood,with a handle 
(Mendelssohn.) which the performer might 

so manage as to set in motion several rings strung 
on a metal bar, passing from one side of the instru- 
ment to the other, the waving of which produced a 
loud, merry sound. 

Dan'i-el (L. fr. Heb. Ddniyel or Ddniel = judge 
of God, Ges. ; God is judge, Fii.). 1. The second 
son of David, by Abigail the Carmelitess (1 Chr. iii. 

1) ; in 2 Sam. iii. 3 called Chileab. — 2. A descend- 
ant of Ithamar, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 

2) . — 3. A priest who sealed the covenant drawn up 
by Nehemiah b. c. 445 (Neh. x. 6) ; perhaps = No. 
2. — 4. The fourth of " the greater prophets." (See 
the next article.) Nothing is known of his parentage 
or family. He appears, however, to have been of 
royal or noble descent, and to have possessed con- 
siderable personal endowments (Dan. i. 3, 4). He 
was taken to Babylon in " the third year of Jehoia- 
kim " (b. c. 604) 1 and trained for the king's service 




of the moment gave her a public character among 
her own sex, seems to have felt that it was her part 
to lead such a demonstration of triumph, or of wel- 
come (Ex. xv. 20 ; Judg. xi. 34 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, 1 ; 
Jd. xv. 12, 13). This marks the peculiarity of 
David's conduct, when, on the return of the Ark of 
God from its long sojourn among strangers and bor- 
derers, he (2 Sam. vi. 5-22) was himself chorus- 
leader ; and here too the women, with their tim- 
brels (see especially verses 5, 19, 20, 23), took an 
Important share. This fact brings out more mark- 
edly the feelings of Saul's daughter Michal, keeping 
aloof from the occasion, and " looking through a 
window " at the scene. She should, in accordance 
with the examples of Miriam, &c, have herself led 
the female choir, and so come out to meet the Ark 
and her lord. She stays with the " household " (20) 
and "comes out to meet" him with reproaches, per- 
haps feeling that his zeal was a rebuke to her 
apathy. From the mention of " damsels," " tim- 
brels," and "dances" (see No. 2, below') (Ps. 
lxviii. 25, cxlix. 3, cl. 4), as elements of religious 
worship, it may perhaps be inferred that David's 
feeling led him to incorporate in its rites that pop- 
ular mode of festive celebration. This does not 
seem to have survived him (compare 2 Chr. xxix. 
30, xxxv. 4, 15). In later Judaism the dance of men 
was practised at the feast of Tabernacles. Loose 
morality commonly attended festive dances at 




Egyptian dances.— ("Wilkinson.) 



heathen shrines. Said Cicero, " No one dances un- 
less he is either drunk or mad " (Kitto). In the 
earlier period of the Judges the dances of the vir- 
gins in Shiloh, apart from men (Judg. xxi. 19-23), 



1 This date has given rise to many objections, because Je- 
hoiakim's fourth year is identified with Nebuchadnezzar's 
first (Jer. xxv. ]). Various explanations have been proposed, 
but the text of Daniel suggests the true explanation. The 
second year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign (Dan. ii. 1) falls after 
the completion of Daniel's three years' training which com- 
menced with his captivity (i. 1, 5) ; and this is a clear indica- 
tion that the expedition mentioned in i. 1 was undertaken in 
the last year of Nabopolassar, while as yet Nebuchadnezzar 
was not properly king. Some further difficulties appear to 
have been satisfactorily removed by Niebuhr. The date in 
Jer. xlvi. 2 is not that of the battle of Carcbemish, but of the 
prophet's warning; and the threats and promises in Jer. 
xxv. are consistent with the notion of a previous subjec- 



DAN 



DAN 



(Belteshazzar ; Chaldeans) with his three com- 
panions. Like Joseph, in earlier times, he gained 
the favor of his guardian, and was divinely sup- 
ported in his resolve to abstain from the " king's 
meat" for fear of defilement (8-16). At the close 
of his three years' discipline, Daniel had an oppor- 
tunity of exercising his peculiar gift of interpreting 
dreams, on the occasion of Nebuchadnezzar's decree 
against the Magi (5, IV, 18, ii. 14 ff.). In conse- 
quence of his success he was made " ruler of the 
whole province of Babylon," and " chief of the 
governors over all the wise men of Babylon " (ii. 
48). He afterward interpreted the second dream 
of Nebuchadnezzar (iv. 8-27), and the handwriting 
on the wall which disturbed the feast of Belshazzau 
(v. 10-38), though he no longer held his official po- 
sition among the magi (7, 8, 12), and probably lived 
at Susa (viii. 2). At the accession of Darius he 
was made first of the " three presidents " of the 
empire (vi. 2), and was delivered from the lions' 
den, into which he had been cast for his faithfulness 
to the rites of his faith (10-23; compare B. & 
D. 29-42). At the accession of Cyrus he still re- 
tained his prosperity (Dan. vi. 28 ; compare i. 21 ; 
B. & D. 2) ; though he does not appear to have 
remained at Babylon (compare Dan. i. 21), and in 
" the third year of Cyrus " (b. c. 534) he saw his 
last recorded vision on the banks of the Tigris (x. 
1, 4). According to Mohammedan tradition, Daniel 
returned to Judea, held the government of Syria, 
and finally died at Susa, where his tomb is still 
shown, and is visited by crowds of pilgrims. In 
Ezekiel mention is made of Daniel as a pattern of 
righteousness (xiv. 14, 20) and wisdom (xxviii. 3) ; 
and since Daniel was still young at that time (about 
B. c. 588-584), some have thought that another 
prophet of the name must have lived at some earlier 
time, perhaps during the Captivity of Nineveh, 
whose fame was transferred to his later namesake. 
On the other hand the narrative in Dan. i. 11, im- 
plies that Daniel was conspicuously distinguished 
for purity and knowledge at a very early age (com- 
pare Sus. 45), and he may have been nearly forty 
years old at the time of Ezekiel's prophecy. 

Dan'i-cl, the Book of (Daniel 4), is the earliest 
example of apocalyptic literature, and in a great 
degree the model according to which all later apoc- 
alypses were constructed (so Mr. Westcott, the ori- 
ginal author of this article). In this aspect it stands 
at the head of a series of writings in which the 
deepest thoughts of the Jewish people found ex- 
pression after the close of the prophetic era. (Enoch, 
Book of ; Esdras, Second Book of ; Revelation of 
St. John.) There can be no doubt that it exercised 
a greater influence upon the earlier Christian church 
than any other writing of the 0. T., while in the 
Gospels it is-especially distinguished by the emphatic 
quotation of our Lord (Mat. xxiv. 15). — 1. In stud- 
ying Daniel, it is of the utmost importance to rec- 
ognize its apocalyptic character. To the old proph- 
ets Daniel stands, in some sense, as a commentator 
(Dan. ix. 2-19): to succeeding generations, as the 
herald of immediate deliverance. The form, the 
style, and the point of sight of prophecy, are re- 
linquished upon the verge of a new period in the 
existence of God's people, and fresh instruction is 
given to them suited to their new fortunes. The 
change is not abrupt and absolute, but yet it is dis- 
tinctly felt. The eye and not the ear is the organ 

tion of Jerusalem to Nebuchadnezzar which may have been 
accomplished without resistance (so Mr. "Westcott, original 
author of this article). 



of the Seer : visions and not words are revealed to 
him. The Babylonian exile supplied the outward 
training and the inward necessity for this last form 
of divine teaching ; and the prophetic visions of 
Ezekiel form the connecting link between the char- 
acteristic types of revelation and prophecy. — 2. The 
language of the book, no less than its general form, 
belongs to an era of transition. Like Ezra, Daniel 
is composed partly in the vernacular Aramaic (Chal- 
dee), and partly in the sacred Hebrew. The intro- 
duction (i.-ii. 4 a) is written in Hebrew. On the 
occasion of the " Syriac " (i. e. Aramaic) answer of 
the Chaldeans, the language changes to Aramaic, 
and this is retained till the close of the seventh 
chapter (ii. 4 6-vii.). The personal introduction of 
Daniel as the writer of the text (viii. 1) is marked 
by the resumption of the Hebrew, which continues 
to the close of the book (viii.-xii.). The character 
of the Hebrew bears the closest affinity to that of 
Ezekiel and Habakkuk. The Aramaic, like that of 
Ezra, is also of an earlier form than exists in any 
other Chaldaic document. The use of Greek tech- 
nical terms marks a period when commerce had al- 
ready united Persia and Greece ; and the occurrence 
of peculiar words which admit of an explanation 
by reference to Aryan and not to Shemitic roots 
(Medes; Persians; Shemitic Languages) is almost 
inexplicable on the supposition that the prophecies 
are a Palestinian forgery of the Maccabean age. — 
3. The book is generally divided in two nearly equal 
parts. The first of these (i.-vi.) contains chiefly 
historical incidents ; the second (vii.-xii.) is en- 
tirely apocalyptic. But this division takes no ac- 
count of the difference of language, nor of the 
change of person at the beginning of chapter viii. 
It seems better to divide the book into three parts. 
The first chapter forms an introduction. Chapters 
ii.-vii. give a general view of the progressive his- 
tory of the powers of the world, and of the prin- 
ciples of the divine government as seen in events 
of the life of Daniel. Chapters viii.-xii. trace in 
minuter detail the fortunes of the people of God, 
as typical of the fortunes of the church in all ages 
(see § 11, below). — 4. The position which Danitl 
occupies in the Hebrew Canon seems at first sight 
remarkable. It is placed among the Holy writings 
(or Hagiographa ; see Bible) between Esther and 
Ezra, or immediately before Esther, and not among 
the prophets. This collocation, however, is a na- 
tural consequence (so Mr. Westcott) of its being as 
distinct in its character from the prophetic writings 
as the Apocalypse of St. John from the apostolic 
epistles (see above, § 1). — 5. The unity of the book 
in its present form, notwithstanding the difference 
of language, is generally acknowledged. Still theie 
is a remarkable difference in its internal character. 
In the first six chapters and the beginning of the 
seventh Daniel is spoken of historically (i. 6-21, ii. 
14-49, iv. 8-27, v. 13-29, vi. 2-28, vii. 1, 2) : in the 
rest of the book he appears personally as the writer 
(vii. 15-28, viii. 1-ix. 22, x. 1-9, xii. 5). The cause 
of the difference in person is commonly supposed to 
lie in the nature of the case. Mr. Westcott, how- 
ever, thinks it more probable that th'e peculiarity 
arose from the manner in which the book assumed 
its final shape (see § 10, below). — 6. Allusion has 
been made already to the influence which the book 
exercised upon the Christian church. Apart from 
the general type of Apocalyptic composition which 
the apostolic writers derived from Daniel (2 Th. 
ii. ; Bev. throughout ; compare Mat. xxvi. 64, xxi. 
44?), the New Testament incidentally acl nowl- 



208 



DAN 



DAN 



edges each of the characteristic elements of the 
book, its miracles (Heb. xi. 33, 3-1), its predictions 
(Mat. xxiv. 15), and its doctrine of angels (Lk. i. 19, 
26). At a still earlier time the same influence may 
be traced in the Apocrypha. Baruch exhibits so 
many coincidences with Daniel, that by some the 
two books have been assigned to the same author 
(Fritzsche) ; and the first book of Maccabees rep- 
resents Mattathias quoting the marvellous deliver- 
ances recorded in Daniel, together with those of 
earlier times (1 Mc. ii. 59, 60), and elsewhere ex- 
hibits an acquaintance with the Greek version of 
the book (1 Mc. i. 54 = Dan. ix. 27). The allusion 
to the guardian angels of nations, which is intro- 
duced into the Alexandrine translation of the Pen- 
tateuch (Deut. xxxii. 8, LXX.), and recurs in 
Ecclus. xvii. 17, may have been derived from Dan. 
x. 21, xii. 1, though this is uncertain, as the doc- 
trine probably formed part of the common belief. 
According to Josephus (xi. 8, §§ 4, 5), the proph- 
ecies of Daniel gained for the Jews the favor of 
Alexander the Great ; and whatever credit may 
be given to the details of his narrative, it at least 
shows the unquestioning belief in the prophetic 
worth of the book which existed among the Jews in 
his time. — 7. The testimony of the Synagogue and 
the Church gave a clear expression to the judgment 
implied by the early and authoritative use of the 
book, and pronounced it to contain authentic proph- 
ecies of Daniel, without contradiction, with one 
exception, till modern times. Porphyry alone (f 
about 305 a.i>.) assailed the book. Externally it is 
as well attested as any book of Scripture. — 8. The 
history of the assaults upon the prophetic worth of 
Daniel in modern times is full of interest. First, 
doubts were raised as to the authorship of chapters 
i.-vii. (Spinoza, Newton), which are compatible with 
the recognition of their canonicity. Then, the 
variations in the LXX. suggested the belief that 
chapters iii.-vi. were a later interpolation (J. D. Mi- 
chaelis). Next, the last six chapters only were re- 
tained as a genuine book of Scripture (Eichhorn, 
first and second edition) ; and at last the whole 
book was rejected as the work of an impostor in the 
time of Antiochus Epiphanes (Corrodi, 783 : Hitzig 
fixes the date more exactly from 170 b. c. to the 
spring of 164 n. a). This last opinion has found, 
especially in Germany, a very wide acceptance. 
Among those who have doubted or denied the 
authenticity of Daniel are Gesenius, De Wette, Ro- 
senmiiller, Bertholdt, Bleek, Ewald, Knobel, Len- 
gerke, &c. It has been defended by Staiidlin, Jahn, 
Hengstenberg, Hiivernick, Keil, Auberlen, &c, in 
Germany ; by Stuart, Barnes, &c, in America, and 
by English writers generally. The leading grounds 
on which modern critics reject the book, are the 
alleged " fabulousness of its narratives," and " the 
minuteness of its prophetic history." " The contents 
of the book," it is said, " are irrational and impos- 
sible" (Hitzig). Such critics, of course, deny in- 
spiration, reject miracles, and set aside as repug- 
nant to reason every thing that is divine or super- 
natural in the Scriptures or elsewhere. (Prophet, &c.) 
— 9. The general objections against the "legenda- 
ry" miracles and specific predictions of Daniel are 
strengthened by other objections in detail, which 
cannot, however, be regarded in themselves as of 
any considerable weight. Not only, it is said, is the 
book placed among the Hagiographa, but Daniel is 
omitted in the list of prophets given in the Wisdom 
of Sirach ; the language is corrupted ?jy an inter- 
mixture of Greek words ; the details are essentially 



unhistorical ; the doctrinal and moral teaching be- 
trays a late date. In reply to these remarks, it 
may be urged, that if the book of Daniel was al- 
ready placed among the Hagiographa at the time 
when the Wisdom of Sirach was written, the omis- 
sion of the name of Daniel (Ecclus. xlix.) is most 
natural. Nor is the mention of Greek musical 
instruments (iii. 5, 7, 10) surprising at a time when 
the intercourse of the East and West was already 
considerable. Yet further the scene and characters 
of the book are Oriental, e. g. the colossal image 
(iii. 1), the fiery furnace, the martyr-like boldness 
of the three confessors (ver. 16), the decree of 
Darius (vi. 7), the lions' den (7, 19), the demand of 
Nebuchadnezzar (ii. 5), his obeisance before Daniel 
(46) (Adoration), his sudden fall (iv. 33). In doc- 
trine, again, the book is closely connected with the 
writings of the Exile, and forms a last step in the 
development of the ideas of Messiah (vii. 13, &c.), 
of the resurrection (xii. 2, 3), of the ministry of 
angels (viii. 16, xii. 1, &c), of personal devotion 
(vi. 10, 11, i. 8), which formed the basis of later 
speculations, but received no essential addition in 
the interval before the coming of our Lord. Gen- 
erally it may be said that while the book presents 
in many respects a startling and exceptional char- 
acter, yet it is far more difficult to explain its com- 
position in the Maccabean period than to connect 
the peculiarities which it exhibits with the exigen- 
cies of the Return. (Alexandria ; Apocrypha ; Bel- 
shazzar ; Captivity ; Chaldeans ; Cyrus ; Daniel ; 
Darius 1; Maccabees; Magi ; Medes; Nebuchad- 
nezzar ; Persians ; Septuagint.) — 10. But while 
all historical evidence supports the canonicity of 
the book of Daniel, it does not follow that the re- 
cognition of the unity and authority of the book is 
necessarily connected with the belief that the whole 
is to be assigned to the authorship of Daniel. Ac- 
cording to the Jewish tradition the books of Ezekiel, 
the twelve minor prophets, Daniel and Esther, were 
written (i. e. drawn up in their present form) by the 
men of the great synagogue (Synagogue, the Great), 
and in the case of Daniel the tradition is supported 
by strong internal evidence, as the manner in which 
Daniel is spoken of (i. 17, 19, 20, v. 11, 12; the 
title in ix. 23, xii. is different). — 11. The interpreta- 
tion of Daniel has proved an inexhaustible field for 
the ingenuity of commentators, and the certain re- 
sults are comparatively few. According to the 
traditional view, which appears as early as 2 
Esdras and the epistle of Barnabas, the four em- 
pires described in chapters ii., vii., are the Babylo- 
nian, the Medo-Persian, the Greek, and the Roman. 
With nearly equal consent it has been supposed 
that there is a change of subject in xi. 31 ft , by 
which the seer passes from the persecutions of An- 
tiochus to the times of Antichrist. According to 
Mr. Westcott this interpretation destroys the great 
idea of a cyclic development of history which lies 
at the basis of all prophecy ; and the revelations of 
Daniel gain their full significance when they are 
seen to contain an outline of all history in the his- 
tory of the nations which ruled the world before 
Christ's coming. He regards the empires of 
Daniel as those of the Babylonians, Medes, Persians, 
and Greeks, who all placed the centre of their 
power at Babylon, and appear to have exhibited on 
one stage the great types of national life; but this 
first fulfilment of the vision was only inchoative, 
and the correlatives of the four empires must be 
sought in post-Christian history (compare Babylon 
and Rome, &c). (Abomination of Desolation ; 



DAN 



DAR 



209 



Alexander III. ; Antichrist ; Antiochus II.-IV. ; 
Babel ; Babylon, &c.) — 12. There is no Chaldee 
translation of Daniel. The Greek version has un- 
dergone singular changes. At an early time the 
LXX. version, which was certainly very unfaithful, 
was supplanted in the Greek Bibles by that of 
Theodotion, and in the time of Jerome the ver- 
sion of Theodotion was generally " read by the 
churches." In the course of time, however, the 
version of Theodotion was interpolated from the 
LXX., so that it is now impossible to recover the 
original text (see the next article). Meanwhile the 
original LXX. translation passed entirely out of 
use, and it was supposed to have been lost till the 
last century, when it was published at Rome. 

Dan'i-el (see above), A-poc'ry-phal Ad-di'tions to. 
The Greek translations of Daniel, like that of Esther, 
contain several pieces not in the original text. The 
most important of these additions are contained in 
the Apocrypha of the A. V. under the titles of The 
Song of the three Holy Children, The History of Sic- 
sanna ,and The History of the Destruction of Bel and 
the Dragon. — 1. a. The first of these pieces is incor- 
porated into the narrative of Daniel. After the 
three confessors were thrown into the furnace 
(Dan. iii. 23), Azarias is represented praying to 
God for deliverance (Sg. 3 H. Ch. 3-22) and in an- 
swer the angel of the Lord shields them from the 
fire which consumes their enemies (23-2*7), where- 
upon "the three, as out of one mouth," raise a 
triumphant song (29-68), of which a chief part (35- 
66) has been used as a hymn in the Christian 
church since the fourth century (see the Book of 
Common Prayer of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, under Morning Prayer, " all ye works 
of the Lord," &c). — b. The two other pieces appear 
more distinctly as appendices, and offer no sem- 
blance of forming part of the original text. The 
History of Susanna (or The judgment of Daniel) is 
generally found at the beginning of the book (Vat. 
& Alex. MSS. Old L. version) ; though it also oc- 
curs after the twelfth chapter ( Vidg. ed. Complu- 
tensian). The History of Bel and the Dragon is 
placed at the end of the book ; and in the LXX. 
version it bears a special heading as "part of the 
prophecy of Eabakkuk." — 2. The additions are 
found in both the Greek texts, the LXX. and Theo- 
dotion, in the Old Latin and Vulgate, and in the 
existing Syriac and Arabic versions. On the other 
hand there is no evidence that they ever formed 
part of the Hebrew text, and they were originally 
wanting in the Syriac. — 3. Various conjectures have 
been made as to the origin of the additions. It 
has been supposed that they were derived from 
Aramaic originals, but the character of the additions 
themselves indicates rather the hand of an Alex- 
andrine writer (Alexandria) ; and it is not unlikely 
that the translator of Daniel wrought up traditions 
which were already current, and appended them to 
his work. Canon. 

Dan'ites (from Dan), the = the descendants of 
Dan, and members of his tribe (Judg. xiii. 2, xviii. 
1, 11; 1 Chr. xii. 35). 

Dan-ja'an (Heb. Dan in the wood, Vulg., Ges. ; 
Dan [i. e. Baal or Pan ; see below] playing the pipe, 
Fii.), a place named only in 2 Sam. xxiv. 6 as one 
of the points visited by Joab in taking the census 
of the people. It occurs between Gilead and Zion, 
and probably = Dan 2. Filrst makes Dan-jaan = 
Bdnias, where Baal or Pan was worshipped in a 
grotto. Cesarea Philippi. 

Dan'nab (Heb. low ground, Fii.), a city in the 
14 



mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 49), probably S. or 
S. W. of Hebron ; site unknown. 

Daphne [daf-] (Gr. laurel ; also the daughter of 
the river-god Peneus, who, pursued by Apollo, is 
said to have been changed into a laurel), a cele- 
brated grove and sanctuary of Apollo, near Anti- 
och 1 (2 Mc. iv. 33). The distance between the two 
places was about five miles, and in history they are 
associated most intimately together. The situation 
was of extreme natural beauty, with perennial 
fountains and abundant wood. Here Seleucus 
Nicator erected a magnificent temple and colossal 
statue of Apollo. The succeeding Seleucid mon- 
archs, especially Antiochus Epiphanes, embellished 
the place still further. When Syria became Roman, 
Daphne continued to be famous as a place of pil- 
grimage and vice. The site has been well identified 
by Pococke and other travellers at Bdl-el-Maa ( = 
the House of the Water), on the left bank of the 
Orontes, to the S. W. of Antioch. 

Da'ra (Heb.) — Darda (1 Chr. ii. 6). 

Darda (Heb. pearl of wisdom, Ges. ; bearer, 
holder, Fii.), a son of Mahol, and one of four men of 
great fame for their wisdom, but surpassed by Solo- 
mon (1 K. iv. 31). In 1 Chr. ii. 6, however, the 
same four names occur again as " sons of Zerah," 
of the tribe of Judah, with the slight difference that 
Darda appears as Dara. The identity of these per- 
sons with those in 1 K. iv. 31 has been greatly 
debated ; but there cannot be much reasonable 
doubt that they are the same (so Mr. Grove). He- 
man 1, 2. 

Dark. Dram ; Money, II. 2. 

Da-ii'ns (L. • Heb. Ddrydvesh ; from old Pers. = 
coerce?; cpnservator, Hdt, Ges.), the name of several 
kings of Media and Persia. Three kings bearing 
this name are mentioned in the 0. T. 1. "Darius the 
Mede" (Dan. xi. 1, vi. 1), "the son of Ahasuerus of 
the seed of the Medes" (ix. 1), who succeeded to the 
Babylonian kingdom (Babel) on the death of Belshaz- 
zar, being then sixty-two years old(v. 31, ix. 1). Only 
one year of his reign is mentioned (ix. 1, xi. 1); but 
that was of great importance for the Jews. Daniel 
was advanced by the king to the highest dignity 
(vi. 1 ff.), probably in consequence of his former 
services (compare v. I 1 ?); and after his miraculous 
deliverance, Darius issued a decree enjoining 
throughout his dominions " reverence for the God 
of Daniel " (vi. 25 ff.). The extreme obscurity of 
the Babylonian annals has given occasion to three 
different hypotheses as to the name under which 
Darius the Mede is known in history. The first of 
these which identifies him with Darius Hystaspis, 
rests on no plausible evidence, and may be dis- 
missed at once. The second, adopted by Josephus, 
and supported by many recent critics (Berth- 
oldt, Lengerke, Havernick, Hengstenberg, Au- 
berlen), is more deserving of notice. Accord- 
ing to this he was Cyaxares II., "the son and 
successor of Astyages," who is commonly regarded 
as the last king of Media. But the only direct evi- 
dence for the existence of Cyaxares II. is that of 
Xenophon's romance. A third identification (Winer, . 
Niebuhr) remains, by which Darius is represented 
as the personal name of "Astyages," the last king 
of the Medes, and this appears to satisfy all the con- 
ditions of the problem (so Mr. Westcott, original 
author of this article). — 2. Da-ri'ns, the son of 
Hys-tas'pes (L. from old Pers. = possessor of horses,. 
Bonfey), or D. Hys-tas'pis, the fifth in descent from 
Achsemenes, the founder of the Perso-Aryan dynasty 
(Persians). Upon the usurpation of the Magian 



210 



DAR 



DAV 



Smerdis (Artaxerxes 1), he conspired with six other 
Persian chiefs to overthrow the impostor, and on the 
success of the plot was placed upon the throne b. c. 
521. His designs of foreign conquest were inter- 
rupted by a revolt of the Babylonians, which was at 
length put down and severely punished (about b. c. 
516). After the subjugation of Babylon, Darius 
turned his arms against Scythia, Libya, and India. 
The defeat of Marathon (b. c. 490) only roused him 
to prepare vigorously for that decisive struggle with 
the West which was now inevitable. His plans 
were again thwarted by rebellion, and he died b. c. 
485. With regard to the Jews, Darius Hystaspis 
pursued the same policy as Cyrus, and restored to 
them the privileges which they had lost (Ezr. iv. 
24, v., vi. ; Haggai ; Jerusalem; Zechariah 1). — 3. 
Da-rius the Per'sian (Neh. xii. 22) may be identified 
with Darius II. Nothus (Ochus), king of Persia b. c. 
424-3 — 105-4, if the whole passage in question was 
written by Nehemiah. If, however, the register was 
continued to a later time, as is not improbable, the 
occurrence of the name Jaddua (ver. 11, 22) points 
to Darius III. Codomannus, the antagonist of 
Alexander the Great, and last king of Persia b. c. 
336-330 (1 Mc. i. 1).— 4. Areus, king of the Lace- 
demonians (1 Mc. xii. 7). 

Dark'ness is spoken of as encompassing the actual 
presence of God, as that out of which He speaks, 
the envelope, as it were, of Divine glory (Ex. xx. 
21; IK. viii. 12; Ps. xcvii. 2; compare Joel ii. 31, 
iii. 15 ; Mat. xxiv. 29, &c). (Cloud.) The plague 
of darkness in Egypt (Ex. x. 21-23 ; Ps. cv. 28) has 
been ascribed by various commentators to non- 
miraculous agency, but no sufficient account of its 
intense degree, long duration, and limited area, as 
proceeding from any physical cause, has been given. 
The darkness " over all the land " (Mat. xxvii. 45 ; 
Mk. xv. 33 ; Lk. xxiii. 44) attending the crucifixion 
has been similarly attributed to an eclipse. Phlegon 
of Tralles indeed mentions an eclipse of intense 
darkness, which began at noon, and was combined, 
he says, in Bithynia, with an earthquake, which in 
the uncertain state of our chronology more or less 
nearly synchronizes with the event. Wieseler, how- 
ever, and De Wette, consider the year of Phlegon's 
eclipse an impossible one for the crucifixion, and re- 
ject that explanation of the darkness. Origen also 
denies the possibility of such a cause ; for by the 
fixed Paschal reckoning the moon must have been 
about full. The argument from the duration (3 
hours) is also of great force ; for an eclipse seldom 
lasts in great intensity more than 6 minutes. On 
the other hand, Seyffarth maintains that the Jewish 
calendar, owing to their following the sun, had be- 
. come so far out that the moon might possibly have 
been at new. He however views this rather as a 
natural basis than as a full account of the darkness, 
which in its degree at Jerusalem was still preternat- 
ural. Darkness is also, as in " land of darkness," 
used for the state of the dead (Job x. 21, 22) ; and 
frequently figuratively = gloom, adversity, misery 
(Ps. cvii. 10, cxliii. 3 ; Is. v. 30, &c), also = igno- 
rance, unbelief, and sin, as the privation of spiritual 
Light ( Jn. i. 5 ; iii. 19). Mist ; Night. 

Dar'kon (Heb. scatterer, Ges. ; bearer, Fii.), an- 
cestor of some among the " children of Solomon's 
servants," who returned from Babylon with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 56 ; Neh. vii. 58). Lozon. 

* Dart. Arms, II. 2. 

Dates (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, margin). Honey ; Palm- 
Tree. 

Da'tliaa (Heb. of, or from, a fountain, Ges., Fii.), 



a Reubenite chieftain, son of Eliab, and brother of 
Abiram, who joined the conspiracy of Korah the 
Levite (Num. xvi. 1 ff., xxvi. 9 ; Deut. xi. 6 ; Ps. 
cvi. 17). 

Dath'c-nia (Gr.), a fortress in which the Jews of 
Gilead took refuge from the heathen (1 Mc. v. 9). 
The reading of the Peshito-Syriac, Ramtha, points 
to Ramoth-Gilead, which can hardly fail to be the 
correct identification. 

Daughter (Heb. bath; Gr. thugater). 1. The 
word in Scripture not only = daughter in the 
strict sense, but grand-daughter or other female 
descendant, much in the same way and like extent 
with " son " (Gen. xxiv. 48, xxxi. 43). (Child ; Edu- 
cation.) — 2. The female inhabitants of a place, a 
country, or the females of a particular race are 
called " daughters " (Gen. vi. 2, xxvii. 46, xxviii. 6, 
xxxvi. 2; Num. xxv. 1; Deut. xxiii. 17; Is. iii. 16; 
Jer. xlvi. 11, xlix. 2-4; Lk. xxiii. 28).— 3. The 
same notion of descent explains the phrase " daugh- 
ters of music," i. e. singing-birds (Eccl. xii. 4), and 
the use of the word for branches of a tree (Gen. 
xlix. 22), the pupil of the eye (literally " daughter 
of the eye") (Lam. ii. 18; Ps. xvii. 8), and the ex- 
pression " daughter of 90 years " (A. V. " 90 years 
old "), to denote the age of Sarah (Gen. xvii. 17). — 
4. It is also used of cities in general, poetically for 
the inhabitants of a city, often for the whole body 
of inhabitants personified as a female, Ges. (Is. x. 
32, xxiii. 12; Jer. vi. 2, 23; Zech. ix. 9).— 5. But 
more specifically of dependent towns, villages, or 
hamlets, while to the principal city the correlative 
"mother" is applied (Num. xxi. 25, marg. ; 2 Chr. 
xxviii. 18, A. V. "villages" in both; Josh. xvii. 11, 
16; Judg. i. 27; 1 Chr. vii. 28, 29 ; A. V. "towns" 
in these passages). Hazerim ; Village. 

Da'vid (Heb. beloved), the son of Jesse, is the 
best known to us of any of the characters in the 
O. T. In him, as in the case of St. Paul in the 
N. T., we have the advantage of comparing a de- 
tailed narrative of his life with undoubted works 
of his own composition, and the combined result is 
a knowledge of his personal character, such as we 
probably possess of no historical personage before 
the Christian era, with the exception of Cicero, and 
perhaps of Cesar. His life may be divided into 
three portions, more or less corresponding to the 
three old lost biographies by Samuel, Gad, and 
Nathan : — I. His youth before his introduction to 
the court of Saul. II. His relations with Saul. 
III. His reign. — I. The early life of David contains 
in many important respects the antecedents of his 
future career. 1. His family may best be seen in 
the form of a genealogy. It thus appears that 
David was the youngest son, probably the youngest 
child, of a family of ten. His mother's name is 
unknown. His father, Jesse, was of a great age 
when David was still young (1 Sam. xvii. 12). His 
parents both lived till after his final rupture with 
Saul (xxii. 3). Through them David inherited 
several points which he never lost, (a) His con- 
nection with Moab through his great-grandmother 
Ruth. This he kept up when he escaped to Moab 
and intrusted his aged parents to the care of the 
king (xxii. 3), and it may not have been without its 
use in keeping open a wider view in his mind and 
history than if he had been of purely Jewish de- 
scent, (b) His birthplace, Bethlehem. His recol- 
lection of the well of Bethlehem is one of the most 
touching incidents of his later life (1 Chr. xi. 17), 
and it is his connection with it that brought the 
place again in after-times into universal fame (Lk. 



DAY 



DAY 



211 



ii. 4). (c) His general connection with the tribe of 
Judah. In none of the tribes does the tribal feel- 
ing appear to have been stronger, (d) His rela- 
tions to Zeruiah and Abigail. Though called, in 
1 Chr. ii. 16, sisters of David, they are not ex- 



pressly called the daughters of Jesse ; and Abigail, 
in 2 Sam. xvii. 25, is called the daughter of Na- 
hash. Stanley asks, Is it too much to suppose 
that David's mother had been the wife or concu- 
bine of Nahash, and then married by Jesse ? — 2. 



Salmon 
or Salma 
(Ru. iv. 21 ; 
1 Chr. ii. 11). 



Elimelech = Naomi (Ru. i. 1). 



Boaz — Ruth = Mahlon 
| (Ru. iv. 10). 

Obed 
(Ru. iv. 17). 



Chiiion = Orpah. 



(2 Sam. rvii. 25) Nahash [?] == unknown « Jesse (1 Chr. ii. 12 ff.). 



Jonathan (1 Chr. xrvii. 32) [!]. 



Zeruiah 
(1 Chr. 
ii. 16). 



= Jether = Ira ! ! 
(1 Chr. (Jerome, 



Eli'ab, Abinadab. Shammah, 



ii. 17). 



liu. Heb. 
on 1 Chr. 
Jd. 40). 



Elibu 
(1 Chr. 
xxvii. 18). 



Shin 
Shimeah 
(2 Sam. 
m 21). 
I 



NethaneeL Raddai Ozem 
(Rael, (Asam, 
Jos. Jos. 
vi. 8, § 1. vi. 8, | 1.) 
Rei, Ewald). 



Abishai. Joab. Asi 



Zebi.diah 
(1 Chr. jotvii. 7). 



eh Amasa. Abihail «= Rehoboam. 
(2 Chr. xi. 19). 



Jonathan Jonadab Joel [?] 

(2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; (2 Sam. (Jerome, 

1 Chr. xxvii. 32 [!]). xiii. 3). Qu. Beb. 

(Nathan t on 1 Chr. 

Jerome, Qu. Heb. ii. 38). 
on 1 Sam. xvi. 12). 



I 

(one 
[1 Sam. xvi. 10] 
is not given, 
unless 
Elihu, 
Syr. and 
Ar. 

1 Chr. ii. 15). 



As the youngest of the family he may possibly 
have received from his parents the name, which 
first appears in him, of David, the beloved, the dar- 
ling. Perhaps for this same reason he was never 
intimate with his brethren. The familiarity which 
he lost with his brothers he gained with his 
nephews. The three sons of his sister Zeruiah, 
and the one son of his sister Abigail, were proba- 
bly of the same age as David himself, and they ac- 
cordingly were to him throughout life in the rela- 
tion usually occupied by brothers and cousins. 
The two sons of his brother Shimeah are both 
connected with his after-history. One was Jona- 
dab, the friend and adviser of his eldest son Am- 
non (2 Sam. xiii. 3). The other was Jonathan (2 
Sam. xxi. 21), who afterward perhaps (see Jona- 
than 2) became the counsellor of David him- 
self (1 Chr. xxvii. 32). The first time that David 
appears in history at once admits us to the 
whole family circle. There was a practice once 
a year at Bethlehem, probably at the first new 
moon of the year, of holding a sacrificial feast, 
at which Jesse, as the chief proprietor of the 
place, would preside (1 Sam. xx. 6), with the elders 
of the town. At this or such like feast (xvi. 1) 
suddenly appeared the great prophet Samuel, dri- 
ving a heifer before him, and having in his hand a 
horn of the consecrated oil of the Tabernacle. 
The heifer was killed. The party were waiting to 
begin the feast. Samuel stood with his horn to 
pour forth the oil (Anointing), as if for an invita- 
tion to begin (compare ix. 22). He was restrained 
by divine intimation as son after son passed by. 
Eliab, the eldest, by "his height" and "his coun- 
tenance," seemed the natural counterpart of Saul, 
whose rival, unknown to them, the prophet came 
to select. But the day was gone when kings were 
chosen because they were head and shoulders taller 
than the rest. " Samuel said unto Jesse, Are here 
all thy children ? And he said, There remaineth 
yet the youngest, and behold he keepeth the 
sheep." This is our first and most characteristic 
introduction to the future king. The boy was 
brought in, and " anointed " by the prophet " in 
the midst of his brethren ; and the spirit of the 
Lord came upon David from that day forward " 
(xvi. 13). It is useless to speculate on the extent 
to which his mission was then known to himself or 



to others. Josephus (vi. 8, § 1) says that Samuel 
whispered it into his ear. We are enabled to fix 
his appearance at once in our minds. He was of 
short stature, with red or auburn hair, such as is 
not unfrequently seen in his countrymen of the 
East at the present day. In later life he wore a 
beard. His bright eyes are especially mentioned 
(xvi. 12), and generally he was remarkable for the 
grace of his figure and countenance (" fair of eyes," 
"comely," "goodly," xvi. 12, margin, 18, xvii. 42), 
well made, and of immense strength and agility. 
His swiftness and activity made him (like his 
nephew Asahel) like a wild gazelle, his feet like 
harts' feet, and his arms strong enough to break a 
bow of steel (Ps. xviii. 33, 34). He was pursuing 
the occupation allotted in Eastern countries usually 
to the slaves, the females, or the despised of the 
family. He usually carried a switch or wand (A.V. 
"staff") in his hand (1 Sam. xvii. 40), such as 
would be used for his dogs (xvii. 43), and a scrip 
or wallet (Bag 3) round his neck, to carry any 
thing that was needed for his shepherd's life (xvii. 
40). — 3. But there was another preparation still 
more needed for his office, which is his next intro- 
duction to the history. When the body-guard of 
Saul were discussing with their master where the 
best minstrel could be found to chase away his mad- 
ness by music, one of the young men in the guard 
suggested David. Saul, with the absolute control 
inherent in the idea of an Oriental king, instantly 
sent for him, and in the successful effort of David's 
harp we have the first glimpse into that genius for 
music and poetry which was afterward consecrated 
in the Psalms. — 4. One incident alone of his soli- 
tary shepherd life has come down to us — his con- 
flict with the lion and the bear in defence of his 
father's flocks (xvii. 34, 35). But it did not stand 
alone. He was already known to Saul's guards for 
his martial exploits, probably (so Stanley) against 
the Philistines (xvi. 18), and, when he suddenly ap- 
peared in the camp, his elder brother immediately 
guessed that he had left the sheep in his ardor to 
see the battle (xvii. 28). The reconciliation of the 
apparently contradictory accounts in 1 Sam. xvi. 
14-23, and xvii. 12-31, 55-58, has much perplexed 
commentators. " The old solution of the difficulty, 
that as David, after his first introduction to Saul, 
did not abide constantly with him, but went and 



212 



DAY 



DAY 



came between Saul and his father's house (xvii. 15), 
he may have been at home when the war with the 
Philistines broke out ; and as Saul's distemper was 
of the nature of mania, he very probably retained 
no recollection of David's visits to him while under 
it, but at each new interview regarded and spoke 
of him as a stranger, is, after all, the best that has 
been suggested " (Dr. W. L. Alexander in Kitto). 
The statement that David became Saul's armor- 
bearer, &c. (xvi. 21) may be anticipatory (compare 
xvi. 22 and xviii. 2), or Saul may have had as many 
armor-bearers as Joab (2 Sam. xviii. 15), and in 
either case both Saul and Abner might easily fail 
to recognize David, especially in the excitement of 
the moment and under the greatly changed appear- 
ance which David probably presented at his en- 
counter with Goliath. Nor would his having 
been Saul's armor-bearer without actual service in 
the field have made him a proficient in the use of 
arms or armor at this time. His encounter with 
Goliath took place at Ephes-dammim, in the fron- 
tier-hills of Judah. Saul's army is encamped on 
one side of the ravine, the Philistines on the other ; 
the watercourse of Elah runs between them. A 
Philistine of gigantic stature, and clothed in com- 
plete armor, insults the comparatively defenceless 
Israelites, amongst whom the king alone appears to 
be well armed (xvii. 38 ; compare xiii. 22). No one 
can be found to take up the challenge. At this 
juncture David appears in the camp. Just as he 
comes to the circle of wagons (Carriage 3) which 
formed, as in Arab settlements, a rude fortification 
round the Israelite camp (xvii. 20), he hears the 
well-known shout of the Israelite war-cry (compare 
Num. xxiii. 21). The martial spirit of the boy is 
stirred at the sound ; he leaves his provisions with 
the baggage-master, and darts to join his brothers, 
like one of the royal messengers, into the midst of 
the lines. Then he hears the challenge, now made 
for the fortieth time — sees, the dismay of his coun- 
trymen — hears the reward proposed by the king — 
goes with the impetuosity of youth from soldier to 
soldier, talking of the event, in spite of his brother's 
rebuke — he is introduced to Saul — undertakes the 
combat. His victory over the gigantic Philistine is 
rendered more conspicuous by his own diminutive 
stature, and by the simple weapons with which it 
was accomplished — not the armor of Saul, which 
he naturally found too large, but the shepherd's 
sling, which he always carried with him, and the 
five polished pebbles which he picked up as he 
went from the watercourse of the valley, and put 
in his shepherd's wallet. Two trophies long re- 
mained of the battle — one, the sword of the Philistine 
(Arms, I. 1), which was hung up behind the ephod in 
the Tabernacle at Nob (1 Sam. xxi. 9); the other, 
the head, which he bore away himself, and which 
was either laid up at Nob, or subsequently at Jeru- 
salem. Ps. cxliv., though by its contents of a 
much later date, is by the title in the LXX. 
" against Goliath." But there is also a psalm, 
preserved in the LXX. at the end of the Psalter, 
and which, though probably a mere adaptation 
from the history, well sums up this early period of 
his life. — II. Relations with Saul. — We now enter 
on a new aspect of David's life. The victory over 
Goliath had been the turning-point of his career. 
Saul inquired his parentage, and took him finally to 
his court. Jonathan was inspired by the romantic 
friendship which bound the two youths together to 
the end of their lives. The triumphant songs of 
the Israelitish women announced that they felt that 



in him Israel had now found a deliverer mightier 
even than Saul. And in those songs, and in the fame 
which David thus acquired, was laid the foundation 
of that unhappy jealousy of Saul toward him 
which, mingling with the king's constitutional 
malady, poisoned his whole future relations to 
David. Three new qualities now began to de- 
velop themselves in David's character. The first 
was his prudence, already glanced at (1 Sam. 
xvi. 18), which was the marked feature of the 
beginning of his public career (xviii. 5, 14, 15, 
18, 23, 30). It was that peculiar Jewish caution 
which has been compared to the sagacity of a 
hunted animal, such as is remarked in Jacob, and 
afterward in the persecuted Israelites of the mid- 
dle ages. Secondly, we now see his magnanimous 
forbearance called forth first toward Saul, but dis- 
playing itself (with a few painful exceptions) in the 
rest of his life. He is the first example of the vir- 
tue of chivalry. Thirdly, his hairbreadth escapes, 
continued through so many years, impressed upon 
him a sense of dependence on the Divine help, 
clearly derived from this epoch (2 Sam. iv. 9 ; 1 K. 
i. 29 ; Ps. xviii. 2, 36, xxxi. 20). This course of 
life subdivides itself into four portions : — 1. His life 
at the court of Saul till his final escape (1 Sam. 
xviii. 2-xix. 18). His office is not exactly defined. 
But it would seem that, having been first armor- 
bearer (xvi. 21, xviii. 2), then captain over a thou- 
sand — the subdivision of a tribe — (xviii. 13), he 
finally, on his marriage with Michal, the king's 
second daughter, was raised to the high office of 
captain of the king's body-guard, second only, if not 
equal, to Abner, the captain of the host, and Jona- 
than, the heir apparent. These three formed the 
usual companions of the king at his meals (xx. 25, 
compare xxii. 14). David was now chiefly known 
for his successful exploits against the Philistines, 
by one of which (xviii. 25 ff.) he won his wife, and 
drove back the Philistine power with a blow from 
which it only rallied at the disastrous close of Saul's 
reign. He also still performed from time to time 
the office of minstrel. But the successive snares 
laid by Saul to entrap him, and the open violence 
into which the king's madness twice broke out, at 
last convinced him that his life was no longer safe. 
He had two faithful allies, however, in the court — the 
son of Saul, his friend Jonathan 1 — the daughter of 
Saul, his wife Michal. Warned by the one, and 
assisted by the other, he escaped by night, and was 
thenceforward a fugitive (Ps. lix. title). Jonathan 
he never saw again except by stealth. Michal was 
given in marriage to another (Phaltiel), and he saw 
her no more till long after her father's death. 2. 
His escape (1 Sam. xix. 18 to xxi. 15). He first fled 
to Naioth of Ramah, to Samuel. This is the first 
recorded occasion of his meeting with Samuel since 
the original interview during his boyhood at Beth- 
lehem. Up to this time both the king and himself 
had thought that a reunion was possible (see xx. 5, 
26). But the madness of Saul now became more 
settled and ferocious in character, and David's dan- 
ger proportionably greater. The secret interview 
with Jonathan confirmed the alarm already excited 
by Saul's endeavor to seize him at Ramah, and he 
now determined to leave his country, and take 
refuge, like Coriolanus or Themistocles in like cir- 
cumstances, in the court of his enemy. Before this 
last resolve, he visited Nob, the seat of the Taber- 
nacle, partly to obtain a final interview with the 
high-priest (xxii. 9, 15), partly to obtain food and 
weapons. On the pretext of a secret mission from 



DAV 



DAV 



213 



Saul, he gained an answer from the oracle, some of 
the consecrated loaves, and the consecrated sword 
of Goliath (Ps. Hi. title). (Abiathar ; Ahimelech 1 ; 
Doeg.) His stay at the court of Achish was short. 
Discovered possibly by " the sword of Goliath," his 
presence revived the national enmity of the Philis- 
tines against their former conqueror, and he only 
escaped by feigning madness (1 Sam. xxi. 13). 3. His 
life as an independent outlaw (xxii. 1 to xxvi. 25). 
(a) His first retreat was the cave of Adullam, 
where he was joined by his whole family, now feel- 
ing themselves insecure from Saul's fury (xxii. 1). 
This was probably the foundation of his intimate 
connection with his nephews, the sons of Zeruiah. 
(Abishai ; Asahel 1 ; Joab.) Besides these, were 
outlaws and debtors from every part, (b) His next 
move was to a stronghold, either (so Stanley) the 
mountain, afterward called Herodium, probably 
the modern Frank Mountain, called in Arabic 
el-Fureidis, and lying close to the traditional 
cave of Adullam, or the fastness called by Jose- 
phus (J3. J. viii. 9, § 3) Masada, the Greek form 
of the Heb. nietsad or metsuddh, A. V. "hold" (1 
Sam. xxii. 4, 5 ; 1 Chr. xii. 16), and identified by 
Robinson (i. 525) with the ruin on the modern 
Sebbeh, a pyramidal cliff about ten miles S. of En- 
gedi (see cut, under Sea, the Salt) ; but some 
suppose this " hold " was in the land of Moab. 
Whilst there he had deposited his aged pa- 
rents, for the sake of greater security, beyond 
the Jordan, with their ancestral kinsman of 
Moab (1 Sam. xxii. 3). The neighboring king, Na- 
hash of Ammon, also treated him kindly (2 Sam. x. 
2). Here occurred the chivalrous exploit of the 
three heroes to procure water from the well of 
Bethlehem, and David's chivalrous answer, like that 
of Alexander in the desert of Gedrosia (1 Chr. xi. 
16-19 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14-17). He was joined here 
by two separate bands. One a little body of eleven 
fierce Gadite mountaineers, who swam the Jordan 
in flood-time to reach him (1 Chr. xii! 8). Another 
was a detachment of men from Judah and Benjamin 
under Amasai (= Amasa, David's nephew?), who 
henceforth attached himself to David's fortunes 
(16-18). (c) At the warning of the prophet Gad, 
he fled next to the forest of Hareth, and then again 
fell in with the Philistines, and again, apparently 
advised by Gad (1 Sam. xxiii. 4), made a descent on 
their foraging parties, and relieved Keilah, in which 
he took up his abode. Whilst there, now for the 
first time in a fortified town of his own (xxiii. 7), he 
was joined by a new and most important ally — Abi- 
athar, the last survivor of the house of Ithamar. 
By this time the 400 who had joined him at Adul- 
lam (xxii. 2) had swelled to 600 (xxiii. 13). [d) 
The situation of David was now changed by the ap- 
pearance of Saul himself on the scene. Apparently 
the danger was too great for the little army to keep 
together. They escaped from Keilah, and dispersed, 
" whithersoever they could go," amongst the fast- 
nesses of Judah. Henceforth it becomes difficult 
to follow his movements with exactness. But thus 
much we discern. He is in the wilderness of Ziph 
2. Once (or twice) the Ziphites betray his move- 
ments to Saul. From thence Saul literally hunts 
him like a partridge, the treacherous Ziphites beat- 
ing the bushes before him, and 3,000 men, stationed 
to catch even the print of his footsteps on the hills 
(xxiii. 14, 22 [Heb.], 24 [LXX.], xxiv. 11, xxvi. 2, 
20). David finds himself driven to the extreme S. 
of Judah, in the wilderness of Maon. On two, if not 
three occasions, the pursuer and pursued catch sight 



of each other ; twice David generously spares Saul's 
life, and Saul confesses his fault and predicts the 
future prosperity of David (xxin. 25-29, xxiv. 1-22, 
xxvi.). To this period are annexed by their titles 
Ps. liv., Ivii., lxiii., cxlii. Whilst he was in the wil- 
derness of Maon occurred David's adventure with 
Nabal, instructive as showing his mode of carrying 
on the freebooter's life, and his marriage with Abi- 
gail. His marriage with Ahinoam from Jezreel 2, 
also in the same neighborhood (Josh. xv. 56), seems 
to have taken place a short time before (1 Sam. xxv. 
43, xxvii. 3 ; 2 Sam. iii. 2). 4. His service under 
Achish (1 Sam. xxvii. 1-2 Sam. i. 2V). Wearied 
with his wandering life he at last crosses the Philis- 
tine frontier, not, as before, in the capacity of a fugi- 
tive, but the chief of a powerful band — his 600 men 
now grown into an organized force, with their wives 
and families around them (1 Sam. xxvii. 3, 4). After 
the manner of Eastern potentates, Achish gave him, 
for his support, a city — Ziklag on the frontier of 
Philistia (xxvii. 6). There we meet with the first 
note of time in David's life. He was settted there 
for a year and four months (xxvii. 7), and a body 
of Benjamite archers and slingers, twenty-three of 
whom are specially named, joined him from the very 
tribe of his rival (1 Chr. xii. 1-7). He deceived 
Achish into confidence by attacking the old No- 
madic inhabitants of the desert frontier, and repre- 
senting the plunder to be of portions of the S. tribes 
or the Nomadic allied tribes of Israel. But this 
confidence was not shared by the Philistine nobles, 
and accordingly David was sent back by Achish 
from the last victorious campaign against Saul. 
During his absence the roving Amalekites, 
whom he had plundered during the previous year, 
had made a descent upon Ziklag, burnt it to the 
ground, and carried off the wives and children of 
the new settlement. A wild scene of frantic grief 
and recrimination ensued between David and his 
followers. It was calmed by an oracle of assurance 
from Abiathar. Assisted by the Manassites who 
had joined him on the march to Gilboa (1 Chr. xii. 
19-21), he overtook the invaders in the desert, and 
recovered the spoil (1 Sam. xxx.). Two days after 
this victory an Amalekite arrived from the N. with 
the fatal news of the defeat of Gilboa. The recep- 
tion of the tidings of the death of his rival and 
of his friend, the solemn mourning, the vent of his 
indignation against the bearer of the message, the 
pathetic lamentation that followed, well close the 
second period of David's life (2 Sam. i. 1-27). — III. 
David's reign. — (I.) As king of Judah at Hebron, 
seven and a half years (2 Sam. ii. 1-v. 5). Hebron 
was selected, doubtless, as the ancient sacred city 
of the tribe of Judah, the burial-place of the pa- 
triarchs and the inheritance of Caleb. Here David 
■was first formally anointed king (ii. 4). To Judah 
his dominion was nominally confined. Gradually 
his power increased, and during the two years 
which followed the elevation of Ishbosheth a series 
of skirmishes took place between the two king- 
doms. Then rapidly followed, though without Da- 
vid's consent, the successive murders of Abner and 
of Ishbosheth (in. 30, iv. 5). The throne, so long 
waiting for him, was now vacant, and the united 
voice of the whole people at once called him to 
occupy it. A solemn league was made between 
him and his people (v. 3). For the third time 
David was anointed king, and a festival of three 
days celebrated the joyful event (1 Chr. xii. 89). 
His little band had now swelled into "a great 
host, like the host of God " (xii. 22). The com- 



214 



DAV 



DAV 



mand of it, which had formerly rested on David 
alone, he now devolved on his nephew Joab (2 
Sam. ii. 28). Underneath this show of outward 
prosperity, two cankers, incident to the royal state 
which David now assumed, had first made them- 
selves apparent at Hebron, which darkened all the 
rest of his career : (1.) the formation of a harem, 
according to the usage of Oriental kings (ii. 2, iii. 
3-5, 14 ff.) ; (2.) the increasing power of his kins- 
men and chief officers, which the king strove to re- 
strain within the limits of right (iii. 31-36). (II.) 
Reign over all Israel thirty-three years (2 Sam. v. 5 
to 1 K. ii. 11). 1. The foundation of Jerusalem. 
One fastness alone in the centre of the land had 
hitherto defied the arms of Israel. On this, with a 
singular prescience, David fixed as his future capital. 
By one sudden assault Jebus was taken. The reward 
bestowed on the successful scaler of the precipice 
was the highest place in the army. Joab hencefor- 
ward became captain of the host (1 Chr. xi. 6). The 
royal residence was instantly fixed there — fortifica- 
tions were added by the king and by Joab — and it 
was known by the special name of the " city of 
David " (xi. 7 ; 2 Sam. v. 9). The Philistines made 



I 



xxiv., xxix., xxx., xlvi., lxviii., xevi, ci., cv., cvi., 
cxxxii., and compare 1 Chr. xvi. 8-36). 2. Foun- 
dation of the court and empire of Israel (2 Sam. 
viii.-xii.). The erection of the new capital at Jeru- 
salem introduces us to a new era in David's life and 
in the history of the monarchy. He became a king 
on the scale of the great Oriental sovereigns of 
Egypt and Persia, with a regular administration and 
organization of court and camp, and he also founded 
an imperial dominion which for the first time real- 
ized the prophetic description of the bounds of the 
chosen people (Gen. xv. 18-21). The internal or- 
ganization now established lasted till the final over- 
throw of the monarchy. The empire was of much 
shorter duration, continuing only through the reigns 
of David and his successor Solomon. But, for the 



two ineffectual attacks on the new king (2 Sam. v. 
17-25), and a retribution on their former victories 
took place by the capture and conflagration of their 
own idols (1 Chr. xiv. 12). Tyre, now for the first 
time appearing in the sacred history, allied herself 
with Israel ; and Hiram sent cedarwood for the build- 
ings of the new capital (2 Sam. v. 11), especially 
for the palace of David himself (vii. 2). Unhallowed 
and profane as the city had been before, it was at 
once elevated to a sanctity which it has never lost, 
above any of the ancient sanctuaries of the land. 
The ark was now removed from its obscurity at 
Kirjath-jearim with marked solemnity. A temporary 
halt, owing to the death of Uzzah, detained it at 
Obed-edom's house, after which it again moved for- 
ward with great state to Jerusalem. It was the 
greatest day of David's life. One incident only tar- 
nished its splendor — the reproach of Michal, his 
wife (Dance), as he was finally entering his own 
palace, to carry to his own household the benedic- 
tion which he had already pronounced on his people. 
His act of severity toward her was an additional 
mark of the stress which he himself laid on the 
solemnity (vi. 20-23 ; 1 Chr. xv. 29 ; Ps. vi., xv., 



Abijam. 

period of its existence, it lent a peculiar character 
to the sacred history (2 Sam. vii. 9). (a) In the in- 
ternal organization of the kingdom, the first new 
element to be considered is the royal family, the 
dynasty, of which David was the founder, a position 
which entitled him to the name of " Patriarch " 
(Acts ii. 29), and (ultimately) of the ancestor of the 
Messiah. Of these, Absalom and Adonijah both 
inherited their father's beauty (2 Sam. xiv. 25 ; IK. 
i. 6) ; but Solomon alone possessed any of his higher 
qualities. It was from a union of the children of 
Solomon and Absalom that the royal line was car- 
ried on (1 K. xv. 2). David's strong parental affec- 
tion for all of them is very remarkable (2 Sam. xiii. 
31, 33, 36, xiv. 33, xviii. 5, 33, xix. 4 ; 1 K. i. 6). 
(b) The military organization (Arms ; Army), which 



TABLE OF DAVID'S WIVES AND CHILDREN. 



(I.) Wives op the Wanderings. 

(1 Sam. xxrlL 3 ; 1 Chr. ill. 1.) 
Ahlaoam of Jezreel — Abigail of Carmel. 



Maacah =. 
of Geshur 



(II.) Wives at Hebron 

(2 Sam. iii. 2-6 ; 1 Chr. iii. 1-4) 
Haggith — Abital 



Amaon or Jehiel f f 
(Jerome Qu. Heh. 
on 1 Chr. xxvii. 32). 



Chlleab or Daniel 
(1 Chr. iii. 1 : 
Joa. vlL 1, % 4). 



— Eglah =. Michal 
I (2 Sam. 

iii. 13). 



Absalom. Tamor. Adonijah. Shephatiah. Ithream. 



N. B.— There were, besides. 10 concubines 
(2 Sam. v. 13, it. 16), whose children (1 Chr. 
ill. 9) are not named. 



3 Bona who 
died (2 Sam. 
xiv. 27, 
xviii. 18). 



Turner = Uriel % 
(2 Sam. I (2 Chr. 
xiv. 27). xiii. 2). 



Maachah 
Michaiah 
(2 Chr. xiii, 2), . 

Abijam. 



Rehoboam 
(1 K. xv. 2). 



(HX) Wives at Jerusalem. 

(1.) Wives not named (2 Sam. v. 13-16 ; 1 Chr. iiL 5-8, xiv. 4-7). 



har, 
tear 
XX.). 



Elishoa, 
Elishama 
(1 Chr. 
iii. 6). 



ElipLlet, 
Elpalet 
(1 Chr. 
xiv. 5). 



Nogah. Nep'heg. Japlia. 



Eliada, 
Beeliada 
(1 Chr. 
xiv. 7). 



Eliphelet, Jerimoth 
Eliphalet. (2 Chr. xi. 18). 



Mahalath =. Rehoboam. 



(2.) Bath-sheba, 
Bath-shua 
(1 Chr. iiL 5). 



one died 
as a child 
(2 Sam. xiL 15). 



Shammua, 

Shimea 
(1 Chr. iiL 5). 



Solomon 
(2 Sam. xii. 25). 



Mahalath =. Rehoboam «= Maachah 
I (1 K. xv. 2). 



DAY 



DAV 



215 



was in fact inherited from Saul, but greatly devel- 
oped by David, was as follows : (1.) " The Host," i. e. 
the whole available military force of Israel, in 12 
divisions of 24,000 each, who were held to be in 
duty month by month (1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15). The 
army was still distinguished from those of surround- 
ing nations as a force of infantry without cavalry. 
The only innovations as yet allowed were the in- 
troduction of a very limited number of chariots 
(2 Sam. viii. 4) and of mules for the princes and 
officers instead of the asses (xiii. 29, xviii. 
9). (2.) The Body-guard now assumed a peculiar 
organization. They are usually called " Chereth- 
ites and Pelethites;" The captain of the force was 
Benaiah 1, son of Jehoiada (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, 
xx. 23 ; IK. i. 38, 44). (3.) The most peculiar mil- 
itary institution in David's army was that which 
arose out of the peculiar circumstances of his early 
life. The nucleus of what afterward became the 
only standing army in David's forces was the band 
of six hundred men who had gathered round him in 
his wanderings. The number of six hundred was 
still preserved. It became yet further subdivided 
into three large bands of two hundred each, and 
small bands of twenty each. The small bands were 
commanded by thirty officers, one for each band, 
who together formed " the thirty," and the three 
large bands by three officers, who together formed 
" the three," and the whole by one chief, " the cap- 
tain of the mighty men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 8-39 ; 1 Chr. 
xi. 9-47). This commander of the whole force was 
Abishai, David's nephew (1 Chr. xi. 20 ; and com- 
pare 2 Sam. xvi. 9). The preceding is the view 
adopted by Stanley. (Army.) (c) Side by side with 
this military organization were established social 
and moral institutions. Some were entirely for pas- 
toral, agricultural, and. financial purposes (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 25-31), others for judicial (xxvi. 29-32). 
Some few are named as constituting what would 
now be called the court or council of the king ; 
the councillors, Ahithophel of Gilo, and Jonathan 
the king's "uncle" or nephew (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, 
33); the "companion" or "friend," Hushai (33; 2 
Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 19); the scribe, Sheva or Seraiah, 
and at one time Jonathan (xx. 25 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 
32); Jehoshaphat, the recorder or historian, and 
Adoram the tax-collector, both of whom survived 
him (2 Sam. xx. 24; 1 K. xii. 18, iv. 3, 6). But the 
more peculiar of David's institutions were those 
directly bearing on religion. Two prophets appear 
as the king's constant advisers. Of these, Gad, 
who seems to have been the elder, had been David's 
companion in exile ; and from his being called " the 
seer," belongs probably to the earliest form of the 
prophetic schools. Nathan, who appears for the 
first time after the establishment of the kingdom at 
Jerusalem (2 Sam. vii. 2), is distinguished both by 
his title of " prophet," and by the nature of the 
prophecies which he utters (5-17, xii. 1-14), as of 
the purest type of prophetic dispensation, and as 
the hope of the new generation, which he supports 
in the person of Solomon (1 K. i.). Two high-priests 
also appear — representatives of the two rival houses 
of Aaron (1 Chr. xxiv. 3) ; here again, as in the 
case of the two prophets, one, Abiathar, who at- 
tended him at Jerusalem, companion of his exile, 
and connected with the old time of the judges 
(xxvii. 34), joining him after the death of Saul, and 
becoming afterward the support of his son ; the 
other Zadok, who ministered at Gibeon (xvi. 39), 
and was made the head of the Aaronic family 
(xxvii. 17). Besides these four great religious func- 



tionaries there were two classes of subordinates — 
prophets, specially instructed in singing and music, 
under Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun (xxv. 1-31) — 
Levites, or attendants on the sanctuary, who again 
were subdivided into the guardians of the gates and 
guardians of the treasures (xxvi. 1-28) which had 
been accumulated, since the reestablishment of the 
nation, by Samuel, Saul, Abner, Joab, and David 
himself (26-28). (d) From the internal state of 
David's kingdom we pass to its external relations. 
Within ten years from the capture of Jerusalem, he 
had reduced to a state of permanent subjection the 
Philistines on the W. (2 Sam. viii. 1); theMoABiTES 
on the E. (viii. 2) ; the Syrians on the N. E. as far 
as the Euphrates (viii. 3) ; the Edomites (viii. 14) 
on the S. ; and finally the Ammonites, who had 
broken their aucient alliance, and made one grand 
resistance to the advance of his empire (x. 1-19, 
xii. 26-31). These three last wars were entangled 
with each other. The last and crowning point was 
the siege of Kabbah 1 (2 Sam. xxii. ; Ps. xviii., xx., 
xxi., lx., lxviii., cviii. 7-13). 3. Three great calam- 
ities may be selected as marking the beginning, 
middle, and close of David's otherwise prosperous 
reign ; which appears to be intimated in the question 
of Gad (2 Sam. xxiv. 13), " a three years' famine (1 
Chr. xxi. 12 ; probably the " 7 " in 2 Sam. is a copy- 
ist's error), a three months' flight, or a three days' 
pestilence." (a) Of these, the first (the three years' 
famine) (2 Sam. xxi. 1 ff.) introduces us to the last 
notices of David's relations with the house of Saul. 
There has often arisen a painful suspicion in later 
times, as there seems to have been at the time (xvi. 
7), that the oracle, which gave as the cause of the 
famine Saul's massacre of the Gibeonites, may have 
been connected with the desire to extinguish the last 
remains of the fallen dynasty. But such an expla- 
nation is not needed. The massacre was probably 
the most recent national crime that had left any 
deep impression ; and the whole tenor of David's 
conduct toward Saul's family is of an opposite kind 
(compare ix. 1-13, xxi.- 7, 14). (b) The second group 
of incidents contains the tragedy of David's life, 
which grew in all its parts out of the polygamy, 
with its evil consequences, into which he had 
plunged on becoming king. Underneath the splen- 
dor of his last glorious campaign against the Am- 
monites, was a dark story, known probably at that 
time only to a very few ; the double crime of adul- 
tery with Bath-sheba, and of the virtual murder of 
Uriah 1 (xi. ff.). The crimes are undoubtedly those 
of a common Oriental despot. But the rebuke of 
Nathan; the sudden revival of the king's con- 
science ; his grief for the sickness of the child ; the 
gathering of his uncles and elder brothers around 
him ; his return of hope and peace ; are character- 
istic of David, and of David only (Ps. xxxii., li.). 
But the clouds from this time gathered over David's 
fortunes, and henceforward " the sword never de- 
parted from his house " (2 Sam. xii. 10). The 
outrage on his daughter Tamar 2 ; the murder of 
his eldest son Amnon 1 ; and then the revolt of his 
best-beloved Absalom, brought on the crisis which 
once more sent him forth a wanderer, as in the days 
when he fled from Saul ; and this, the heaviest trial 
of his life, was aggravated by the impetuosity of 
Joab, now perhaps, from his complicity in David's 
crime, more unmanageable than ever. The rebellion 
was fostered apparently by the growing jealousy of 
the tribe of Judah at seeing their king absorbed 
into the whole nation ; and if Ahithophel was the 
grandfather of Bath-sheba, its main supporter was 



216 



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DAY 



one whom David had provoked by his own crimes 
(Ps. iii., iv. [?], xlii., lv., Ixix., cix., cxliii.). (Ahimaaz 
2 ; Barzillai 1 ; Shimei 2.) Mahanaim was the 
capital of David's exile, as it had been of the exiled 
house of Saul (2 Sam. xvii. 24; comp. ii. 8, 12). His 
forces were arranged under the three great military 
officers who remained faithful to his fortunes — Joab, 
Abishai, and Ittai, who seems to have taken the 
place of Benaiah as captain of the guard (xviii. 2). 
On Absalom's side was David's nephew Amasa (xvii. 
25). The final battle was fought in the forest of 
Ephraim (Ephraim, the Wood of), which terminated 
in the accident leading to the death of Absalom. 
The return was marked at every stage by rejoicing 
and amnesty (xix. 16-40). Judah was first recon- 
ciled. The embers of the insurrection still smoul- 
dering (xix. 41-43) in David's hereditary enemies 
of the tribe of Benjamin were trampled out by the 
mixture of boldness and sagacity in Joab, now, after 
the murder of Amasa, once more in his old posi- 
tion ; and David again reigned in undisturbed peace 
at Jerusalem (xx. 1-22). (c) The closing period of 
David's life, with the exception of one great calam- 
ity, may be considered as a gradual preparation for 
the reign of his successor. This calamity was the 
three days' pestilence which visited Jerusalem at 
the warning of the prophet Gad. The occasion 
which led to this warning was the census of the 
people taken by Joab at the king's orders (xxiv. 1- 
9 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 1-7, xxvii. 23, 24). Joab refused al- 
together to number Levi and Benjamin (xxi. 6). 
The plague and its cessation were commemorated 
down to the latest times of the Jewish nation. At 
the threshing-floor of Araunaji, or Oman, the Je- 
busite (2 Sam. xxiv. 16 ff. ; 1 Chr. xxi. 15 ff.), an aw- 
ful vision appeared, such as is described in the later 
days of Jerusalem, of the angel of the Lord stretch- 
ing out a drawn sword between earth and sky over 
the devoted city. The scene of such an apparition 
at such a moment was at once marked out for a 
sanctuary. David demanded, and Araunah willing- 
ly granted the site ; the altar was erected on the 
rock of the threshing-floor ; the place was called 
" Moriah " 2 (2 Chr. iii. 1) ; and for the first time a 
holy place, sanctified by a vision of the divine pres- 
ence, was recognized in Jerusalem. This spot after- 
ward became the altar of the Temple, and therefore 
the centre of the national worship, with but slight 
interruption, for more than one thousand years, and 
it is even contended that the same spot is the rock 
still regarded with almost idolatrous veneration, in 
the centre of the Mussulman " Dome of the Rock." 
A formidable conspiracy to interrupt the succession 
(Adonijah) broke out in the last days of David's 
reign, which detached from his person two of his 
court, Joab and Abiathar. But Zadok, Nathan, Be- 
naiah, Shimei, and Rei, remaining firm, the plot was 
stifled, and Solomon's inauguration took place under 
his father's auspices (1 K. i. 1-53 ; Ps. ii., xcii.). — 
By this time David's infirmities had grown upon 
him. The warmth of his exhausted frame was at- 
tempted to be restored by the introduction of Abi- 
shag {1 K. i. 1 ff., ii. IV ff.). His last song is pre- 
served — a striking union of the ideal of a just ruler 
which he had placed before him, and of the difficul- 
ties which he had felt in realizing it (2 Sam. xxiii. 1 
-7). His last words, as recorded, to his successor, 
are general exhortations to his duty, combined with 
warnings against Joab and Shimei, and charges to 
remember the children of Barzillai (1 K. ii. 1-9). 
He died, according to Josephus, at the age of seven- 
ty, and " was buried in the city of David." After 



the return from the Captivity, " the sepulchres of 
David " were still pointed out " between Siloah and the 
house of the mighty men," or " the guardhouse " (Neh. 
iii. 16). His tomb, which became the general sepulchre 
of the kings of Judah, was pointed out in the latest 
times of the Jewish people. The edifice shown as 
such from the Crusades to the present, day is on the 
S. hill of modern Jerusalem, commonly called Mount 
Zion, under the so-called " Ccenaculum ; " but it can- 
not be identified with the tomb of David, which was 
emphatically within the walls. David's character is 
fully brought out in the historical record of his life 
and in his Psalms. His faults, which were Certainly 
great, have often been exaggerated. They were the 
common faults in his day of a man of ardent pas- 
sions, and were especially to be expected in one 
placed in his varying circumstances. His life will 
compare favorably in this respect with the lives of 
Eastern warriors aud monarchs in general. On the 
other hand, his virtues shine with peculiar bright- 
ness, and render it not inappropriate for God to call 
him "a man after his owu heart" (1 Sam. xiii. 14 ; 
Acts xiii. 22). If his sins were great, his humiliation 
was as deep, and his penitence evidently as sincere 
as any ever recorded (Ps. Ii., &c). He had the high 
honor of being both an ancestor and a representative 
(Ez. xxxiv. 23, 24, &c.) of the Lord Jesus Christ. 
Israel, Kingdom of. 

Da'vid, Cit'y of. Bethlehem; Jerusalem. 

Day (Heb. yom; Gr. hemera). The variable length 
of the natural day at different seasons led in the 
very earliest times to the adoption of the civil day 
(or one revolution of the sun) as a standard of time. 
The commencement of the civil day varies in different 
nations : the Babylonians reckoned it from sunrise 
to sunrise; the Umbrians from noon to noon; the 
Romans from midnight to midnight ; the Athenians 
and others from sunset to sunset. The Hebrews 
naturally adopted the latter reckoning (Lev. xxiii. 32, 
" from even unto even shall ye celebrate your sab- 
bath ") from Gen. i. 5, " the evening and the morning 
were the first day " (see below). The Jews are sup- 
posed, like the modern Arabs, to have adopted from 
an early period minute specifications of the parts of 
the natural day. Roughly indeed they were content 
to divide it into " morning, evening, and noon " (Ps. 
lv. 17) ; but when they wished for greater accuracy 
they pointed to six unequal parts, each of which was 
again subdivided. These are held to have been 
called in Hebrew : I. Nesheph (A. V. " twilight," 
1 Sam. xxx. 17, &c. ; " dawning of the morning," 
Ps. cxix. 14, &c.) and shahar or shachar (usually 
translated in A.V. "the morning," Gen. xix. 15, &c.) 
= the dawn. After their acquaintance with Persia 
they divided this into (a) the time when the eastern, 
and (b) when the western horizon was illuminated. 
The writers of the Jerusalem Talmud divide the 
dawn into four parts. — II. Boker (usually translated 
"morning,'" Gen. i. 5, 8, 13, 19, 23, 31, xix. 27, &c), 
sunrise. Some suppose the Jews, like other 
Oriental nations, commenced their civil day at this 
time until the Exodus. — in. Horn or chom hayyom, 
" heat of the day " (Gen. xviii. 1, &c), about nine 
o'clock. — IV. Tsdharaim, the two noons (Gen. xliii. 
16, A. V. " noon ; " Deut. xxviii. 29, A. V. " noon- 
day "). — Y.RuahoTruaeh hayyom, "the cool (literally 
wind) of the day," before sunset (Gen. iii. 8) ; so called 
by the Persians to this day. — VI. 'Ereb, " evening." 
The phrase between the two evenings (Ex. xvi. 12, A.V. 
" at even ; " xxx. 8, A. V. " at even," margin " be- 
tween the two evens "), marking the time for slaying 
the paschal lamb and offering the evening sacrifice 



DAY 



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217 



(Ex. xii. 6, A. V. " in the evening," margin " between 
the two evenings ; " xxix. 39, A.V. " at even "), led 
to a dispute between the Karaites and Samaritans on 
the one hand, and the Pharisees on the other. The 
former took it to mean between sunset and full dark- 
ness (Deut. xvi. 6) ; the Rabbinists explained it as 
the time between the beginning and end of sunset. 
— The word " day " is used of a festal day (Hos. vii. 
5), a birthday (Job hi. 1), a day of ruin (Hos. i. 11 ; 
Job xviii. 20), the judgment-day (Joel i. 15 ; 1 Th. 
v. 2), the kingdom of Christ (in Jn. viii. 56 = time, 
time of manifestation, Rbn. iV. T. Lex. ; in Rom. xiii. 
12 = the light of true and higher knowledge, moral 
light, Rbn. N. T.Lex.), and in other senses which are 
mostly self-explaining. " Day " is often used indefi- 
nitely =ftW or period of time (Gen. ii. 4 ; Judg. xviii. 
30 ; Is. xlviii. 1 ; Jn. xiv. 20, &e.). On the length of 
the " six days " of Gen. i., see Creation. Many in- 
terpreters regard the "days" in Dan. xii. 11,12; 
Rev. xi. 3, 9, &c., as symbolizing or denoting years, 
and compare Lev. xxv. 3, 4 ; Num. xiv. 34 ; Ez. iv. 
2-6. Of those who believe the work of Creation 
to have occupied six long successive periods of time, 
some adopt a figurative and some a symbolic principle 
of interpretation : 1. The figurative, that " day " in 
Gen. i. and Ex. xx. 11 (as in Gen. ii. 4, &c), and its 
equivalent phrase, " evening and morning," directly 
= an indefinite period of time. This view claims 
that neither " evening and morning " nor " day " 
could be literally understood of the first three 
"days" of Gen. i., before the sun and moon ap- 
peared (and the second three must be similar to the 
first three) : but that " evening and morning " must 
here simply = the natural boundaries of one of those 
successive periods called " days." 2. The symbolic, 
that " day " (and so " evening and morning ") is used 
literally in Gen. i. &c. ; but it is then made a typical 
representative of a higher period (compare the " sev- 
enty weeks " of Daniel, and see above). The Mosaic 
record may thus have been originally communicated 
to man in a series of visions, each vision giving a 
view of one " day's " work, the " morning " then =the 
period of the presence of creative energy or activity, 
and the " evening " — that of the absence or cessation 
of this energy or activity ; or without visions the 
same symbolization would be used. Both these 
views regard the word " day," &c, as the best to ex- 
press, in a revelation made to Hebrews and unedu- 
cated minds generally, the abstract idea of a regular 
succession of periods of indefinite duration (Prof. E. 
P. Barrows in B. S., xiv. 79 ff. ; Rev. E. A. Walker in 
New Englandcr, xix. 553 ff.). Chronology ; Hour ; 
Judgment, Day of; Night; Sabbath; Week. 

Daysman, an old English term, meaning umpire 
or arbitrator (Job ix. 33). It is derived from day, 
in the specific sense of a day fixed for a trial. The 
word is found in Spenser's Faerie Queene, ii. c. 8, 
in the Bible published in 1551 (1 Sam. ii. 25), and 
in other works of the same age. 

Deacon, the A. V. translation in Phil. i. 1 ; 1 
Tim. iii. 8, 12 of the Gr. diakonos, elsewhere trans- 
lated "minister" (Mat. xx. 26; Rom. siii. 4, xv. 8, 
&c.) and " servant " (Mk. ix. 35 ; Jn. xii. 26 ; Rom. 
xvi. 1, &c). In 1 Tim. iii. 10, 13, the corresponding 
Greek verb diakoned = to " use the office of a dea- 
con;" elsewhere = to "minister" (Mat. iv. 11, 
viii. 15, &c.) and "serve" (Lk. x. 40, xxii. 26, 27; 
Jn. xii. 2, 26 ; Acts vi. 2, &c). The office described 
by this title appears in the N. T. as the correlative 
of Bishop. The two are mentioned together in 
Phil. i. 1 ; 1 Tim. iii. Like most words of similar 
import, it appears to have been first used in its 



generic sense, implying subordinate activity (1 Cor. 
iii. 5 ; 2 Cor. vi. 4 ; A.V. " ministers " in both), 
and afterward to have gained a more defined con- 
notation, as applied to a distinct body of men in 
the Christian society. The narrative of Acts vi. 
is commonly referred to as giving an account of 
the institution of this office. The apostles, in 
order to meet the complaints of the Hellenistic 
Jews, that their widows were neglected in the 
daily ministration (Gr. diakonia), call on the body 
of believers to choose seven men "full of the 
Holy Ghost and of wisdom," whom they "may ap- 
point over this business." It is questioned by- 
many, whether the seven = the deacons of the 
N. T. (Seven, the.) There are indications, how- 
ever, of the existence of another body in the 
church of Jerusalem whom we may compare 
with the deacons of Phil. i. 1, and 1 Tim. iii. 
8. As the " elders " of Acts xiv. 23, xv. 6 ; 1 Pet. 
v. 1, were not merely men advanced in years, so 
the "young men" of Acts v. 6, 10, were probably 
not merely young men, but persons occupying a 
distinct position and exercising distinct functions. 
The identity of " bishops " and " elders " has been 
shown under Bishop ; and it is natural to infer 
that there was a similar relation between the " dea- 
cons " and " young men." Lk. xxii. 26 tends to 
the same conclusion. Assuming on these data the 
identity of the two names we have to ask — (I.) To 
what previous organization, if any, the order is 
traceable? (II.) What were the qualifications and 
functions of the men so designated ? I. As the 
constitution of the Jewish synagogue had its el- 
ders and pastors, so also it had its subordinate of- 
ficers (Lk. iv. 20, A. V. " minister "), whose work 
it was to give the reader the rolls containing the 
lessons for the day, to clean the synagogue, to open 
and close it at the right times. II. The moral 
qualifications described in 1 Tim. iii., as necessary 
for the office of a deacon, are substantially the 
same as those of the bishop. The deacons, how- 
ever, were not required to be " given to hospital- 
ity," nor to be "apt to teach." It was enough for 
them to " hold the mystery of the faith in a pure 
conscience." They were not to gain their living 
by disreputable occupations. On offering them- 
selves for their work they were to be subject to a 
strict scrutiny (iii. 10), and if this ended satisfac- 
torily were to enter on it From the later practice 
of the church, the analogy of the synagogue, and 
the scanty notices of the N. T., we may think of 
the " deacons" in the church of Jerusalem as pre- 
paring the rooms in which the disciples met, taking 
part in the distribution of alms out of the common 
fund, maintaining order at the daily meetings of 
the disciples to break bread, distributing the bread 
and the wine of the Lord's Supper, which the apos- 
tle or his representative had blessed. According 
to Tertullian (second century) and Jerome (fourth 
century), deacons were permitted in some churches 
to baptize. It does not appear to have belonged 
to the office of a deacon to teach publicly in the 
church. The possession of any special " gift " or 
talent would lead naturally to a higher work and 
office, but the idea that the diaconate was but a 
probation through which a man had to pass before 
he could be an elder or bishop was foreign to the 
constitution of the church of the first century. The 
best expositors (compare Wiesinger and Ellicott) 
regard the " good degree " gained by those who 
" have used the office of a deacon well," as refer- 
ring to the honor which belongs essentially to the 



218 



DEA 



DEC 



lower work, not to that which they were to find in 
promotion to a higher. 

Dea'con-ess. The Gr. diakonos is found in Rom. 
xvi. 1 (A. V. " servant "), associated with a female 
name, and this has led to the conclusion that there 
existed in the apostolic age, as there undoubtedly 
did a little later, an order of women bearing that 
title, and exercising in relation to their own sex 
functions analogous to those of the deacons. On 
this hypothesis it has been inferred that the women 
mentioned in Rom. xvi. 6, 12, belonged to such an 
order. The rules given as to the conduct of women 
in 1 Tim. iii. 11 and Tit. ii. 3, have in like manner 
been referred to them, and they have been identi- 
fied even with the "widows" of 1 Tim. v. 3-10. 
(Widow.) In some of these instances, however, it 
seems hardly doubtful that writers have transferred 
to the earliest age of the church the organization 
of a later. 

* Dead [ded]. Death. 

Dead Sea. This name nowhere occurs in the 
Bible, and appears not to have existed until the 
second century a. c. Sea, the Salt. 

* Deaf [def or deef ] = unable to hear (Ex. iv. 
11, &c). It was forbidden in the Law to curse 
them (Lev. xix. 14). Jesus Christ often restored 
hearing to the deaf, and adduced this as a proof of 
His Messiahship (Mat. xi. 5 ; Mk. vii. 32-37, &c). 
(Miracles.) Those are figuratively "deaf" who 
refuse to obey the divine requirements (Is. xxix. 

18, xlii. 18, &c). 
Dearth. Famine. 

* Death (Heb. mdveth ; Gr. thanatos, &c.) = the 
termination or extinction of life. 1. " To die," 
" death," " dead," are used with reference to the 
termination of human or animal life, whether nat- 
urally (Gen. v. 5, xxiii. 2, 3 ff., xxv. 8, 11 ; Mat. x. 
8 ; Mk. v. 23, xii. 20 ff, &c.) or by violence (Gen. 
xxvi. 9 ; Ex. xxi. 34 ff. ; Judg. xvi. 30 ; Mat. xv. 
4; Jn. xix. 33, &c). — 2. They also refer to the de- 
parture or destitution of spiritual life, or a state of 
insensibility to holiness, &c, as connected with sin 
or alienation from God (Mat. viii. 22, first; Eph. ii. 
1, &c). — 3. They also refer to the perdition, or ut- 
ter destitution of happiness and final exclusion 
from God's favor, which is also, under the law of 
God, consequent on unforgiven sin, and which in 
Rev. ii. 11, &c, is called the "second death" (Jn. 
vi. 50, viii. 51 ; Rom. vi. 21, 23, &c). In Mat. viii. 
22 the spiritually " dead " (No. 2) are to bury the 
naturally "dead" (No. 1); and elsewhere the dif- 
ferent senses are often closely connected, and may 
be illustrated in the same sentence or even in the 
same word (Lk. xv. 24, 32, &c). " Death" is often 
personified (Rev. vi. 8, &c). Physical death (No. 
1) is represented as a return to the dust (Gen. iii. 

19, &c), a removal or an absence, sc. from the 
body (Job x. 21 ; Mat. xxvi. 24 ; Phil. L 23, &c), a 
sleep (Jer. Ii. 39; Dan. xii. 2; Jn. xi. 11, 12, &c), 
&c. Blood ; Damnation ; Darkness ; Eternal ; 
Gate ; Hell ; Murder ; Punishments. 

De'bir (Heb. inner sanctuary, Ges.). 1. A town 
in the mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 49), one of a 
group of eleven cities to the W. of Hebron. The 
earlier name of Debir was Kirjath-sepher and 
Kirjath-sannah. Joshua took it after Hebron, 
and destroyed its king, its Anakim, and all its in- 
habitants (Josh. x. 38 ff., xi. 21, xii. 13). It was 
apparently reoccupied by the Canaanites after this 
conquest, and afterward taken by Othniel (Josh, 
xv. 15 ff). It was one of the cities given with their 
" suburbs " to the priests (Josh. xxi. 15 ; 1 Chr. vi. 



58). Debir does not appear to have been known to 
Jerome, nor has it been discovered with certainty 
in modern times. About three miles W. of Hebron 
is a deep and secluded valley called the Wady Nun- 
kur, enclosed on the N. by hills, of which one bears 
a name certainly suggestive of Debir — Devnr-b&n 
(Rosen ; Rbn. Phys. Geog., 249). Schwarz speaks 
of a Wady Dibir in this direction. Van de Velde 
finds Debir at Dilbeh, six miles S. W. of Hebron. — 
2. A place on the N. boundary of Judah, near the 
"Valley of Achor" (Josh. xv. V), and therefore 
somewhere in the complications of hill and ravine 
behind Jericho. A Wady Dabor is marked in Van 
de Velde's map as close to the S. of Neby Musa, at 
the N. W. corner of the Dead Sea. — 3. The " bor- 
der of Debir " is named as forming part of the boun- 
dary of Gad (Josh. xiii. 26), and as apparently not 
far from Mahanaim ; site unknown. 

De'bir (Heb., see above), king of Eglon ; one of 
the five Amorite kings hanged by Joshua at Mak- 
kedah (Josh. x. 3, 23). 

Deb'o-ra ( = Deborah), a woman of Naphtali, 
mother of Tobiel, the father of Tobit (Tob. i. 8). 

Deb'o-rah (Heb. bee, Ges., Fii.). 1. The nurse of 
Rebekah (Gen. xxxv. 8). Deborah accompanied 
Rebekah from the house of Bethuel (xxiv. 59), and is 
only mentioned by name on the occasion of her 
burial, under the oak-tree of Bethel, which was 
called in her honor Allon-Bachuth.— 2. A prophet- 
ess who judged Israel (Judg. iv., v.). She lived 
under the palm-tree of Deborah, between Ramah 
and Bethel in Mount Ephraim (iv. 5), which, as 
palm-trees were rare in Palestine, " is mentioned 
as a well-known and solitary landmark, and was 
probably the same spot as that called (xx. 33) 
Baal-Tamar, or the sanctuary of the palm " (Stl. 
146). She was probably a woman of Ephraim, al- 
though, from the expression in Judg. v. 15, some 
suppose her to have belonged to Issachar. Lapi- 
doth was probably her husband, and not Barak, 
as some say. She was not so much a judge as 
one gifted with prophetic command (iv. 6, 14, v. 
7), and by virtue of her inspiration " a mother in 
Israel." Jabin's tyranny was peculiarly felt in the 
northern tribes, who were near his capital and 
under her jurisdiction, viz. Zebulon, Naphtali, and 
Issachar : hence, when she summoned Barak to the 
deliverance, it was on them that the brunt of the 
battle fell. Under her direction Barak encamped 
on the broad summit of Tabor. Deborah's prophecy 
was fulfilled, the army of Jabin 2 was defeated, 
and Sisera 1 was slain by Jael (iv. 1, 9, compare 
15 ff). Deborah's title of " prophetess " includes 
the notion of inspired poetry, as in Ex. xv. 20 ; and 
in this sense the glorious triumphal ode (Judg. v.) 
well vindicates her claim to the office. Prophet. 

Debt [det], Debt'or. Loan. 

* Dec'a-logne (fr. Gr.) = Ten Commandments. 

De-cap'o-lis (Gr. the ten cities). This name occurs 
only three times in the Scriptures (Mat. iv. 25 ; Mk. 
v. 20, vii. 31). Immediately after the conquest of 
Syria by the Romans (b. c. 65) ten cities appear to 
have been rebuilt, partially colonized, and endowed 
with peculiar privileges ; the country around them 
was hence called Decapolis. The limits of the terri- 
tory were not very clearly defined ; and probably 
(so Porter) in the course of time other neighboring 
cities received similar privileges. Pliny enumerates 
them as follows : Sctthopolis or Beth-shean, Hip- 
pos, Gadara, Pella, Philadelphia (Rabbah 1), Ger- 
asa, Dion, Canatha (Kenath), Damascus, and 
Raphana. Ptolemy (v. IV) makes Capitolias one of 



DEC 



DEL 



219 



the ten ; and an old Palmyrene inscription includes 
Abila. (Abilene.) Josephus (B. J. iii. 9, § 7) calls 
Scythopolis the largest city of Decapolis, thus mani- 
festly excluding Damascus from the number. All 
the cities of Decapolis, except Scythopolis, lay E. 
of the Jordan. It would appear, however, from 
Mat. iv. 25, and Mk. vii. 31, that Decapolis was a 
general appellation for a large district extending 
along both sides of the Jordan. Pliny says it 
reached from Damascus on the N. to Philadelphia 
on the S., and from Scythopolis on the W. to Cana- 
tha on the E. This region, once so populous and 
prosperous, from which multitudes flocked to hear 
the Saviour, and through which multitudes followed 
His footsteps, is now almost without an inhabitant. 

* De-cis'ion (Heb. hdruis or chdruts — decision, 
judgment, LXX., Ges., Fii., &c), Val'ley of (Joel iii. 
14). Jehoshaphat, Valley op. 

* De-crce'. Judge ; King ; Law. 

De'dan (Heb. low country, Fii. ; advance [i. e. in- 
crease'] of the family, Sim.). 1. The name of a son 
of Raamah, son of Cush (Gen. x. 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 9).— 
2, A son of Jokshan, son of Keturah (Gen. xxv. 3 ; 
1 Chr. i. 32). The usual opinion respecting these 
founders of tribes is that the first settled among the 
sons of Cush, wherever these latter may be placed ; 
the second, on the Syrian borders, about the terri- 
tory of Edom. But Gesenius and Winer have sug- 
gested that the name may apply to one tribe ; and 
this may be adopted as probable on the supposition 
that the descendants of the Keturahite Dedan inter- 
married with those of the Cushite Dedan, whom Mr. 
E. S. Poole places, presumptively, on the borders of 
the Persian Gulf. (Arabia.) The theory of this mixed 
descent gains weight from the fact that in each case 
the brother of Dedan is named Sheba. It may be 
supposed that the Dedanites were among the chief 
traders traversing the caravan-route from the head 
of the Persian Gulf to the S. of Palestine, bearing 
merchandise of India, and possibly of southern 
Arabia ; and hence the mixture of such a tribe with 
another of different (and Keturahite) descent pre- 
sents no impossibility. The passages in the Bible 
in which Dedan is mentioned (besides the genealo- 
gies above referred to) are Is. xxi. 13 (" Dedanim "), 
Jer. xxv. 23, xlix. 8, and Ez. xxv. 13, xxvii. 15, 20, 
xxxviii. 13, and are in every case obscure. The 
probable inferences from these mentions of Dedan 
are — 1. That Dedan, son of Raamah, settled on the 
shores of the Persian Gulf, and his descendants be- 
came caravan-merchants between that coast and 
Palestine. 2. That Jokshan, or a son of Jokshan, 
by intermarriage with the Cushite Dedan' formed a 
tribe of the same name, which appears to have had 
its chief settlement in the borders of Idumea, and 
perhaps to have led a pastoral life. A native indi- 
cation of the name is presumed to exist in the island 
Dddan, on the borders of the gulf. 

Ded'a-nim or De-da'nim (Heb. pi. of Dedan) (Is. 
xxi. 13). Dedan. 

Ded-i-ca'tion, Feast of the, the festival instituted 
to commemorate the purging of the Temple and the 
rebuilding of the altar after Judas Maccabeus had 
driven out the Syrians, b. c. 164. It is named only 
once in the Canonical Scriptures (Jn. x. 22). Its 
institution is recorded 1 Mc. iv. 52-59. It com- 
menced on the 25th of Chisleu (in December ; see 
Month), the anniversary of the pollution of the 
Temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, b. c. 167. Like 
the great Mosaic feasts, it lasted eight days, but it 
did not require attendance at Jerusalem. It was an 
occasion of much festivity. The writer of 2 Mc. 



tells us that it was celebrated in nearly the same 
manner as the Feast of Tabernacles, with the car- 
rying of branches of trees, and with much singing 
(x. 6, 7). Josephus states that the festival was 
called " Lights." In the Temple at Jerusalem the 
"Hallel" (— Hallelujah, or service of praise; see 
Passover) was sung every day of the feast. 
Deer. Fallow-Deer. 

De-grees', Song of, a title given to fifteen Psalms, 
from cxx. to cxxxiv. inclusive. Four of them (cxxii., 
cxxiv., cxxxi., cxxxiii.) are attributed to David, one 
(the central one, cxxvii.) to Solomon, and the other 
ten give no indication of their author. Eichhorn 
supposes them all to be the work of one and the 
same bard, and he also shares the opinion of Her- 
der, who interprets the title, " Hymns for a journey." 
With respect to the Heb. ma'aloth, literally ascents, 
translated in the A. V. " degrees," a great diversity 
of opinion prevails amongst biblical critics. Ac- 
cording to some it refers to the melody to which 
the Psalm was to be chanted. Others, including 
Gesenius, derive the word from the poetical compo- 
sition of the song, and from the circumstance that 
the concluding words of the preceding sentence are 
often repeated at the commencement of the next 
verse (compare cxxi. 4, 5, and cxxiv. 1-2 and 3-4). 
Aben Ezra quotes an ancient authority, which main- 
tains that the degrees allude to the fifteen steps 
which, in the temple of Jerusalem, led from the 
court of the women to that of the men, and on each 
of which steps, one of the fifteen songs of degrees 
was chanted. The most generally accredited opin- 
ion, however, is that they were pilgrim songs, sung 
by the people as they went up to Jerusalem (com- 
pare Ex. xxxiv. 24 ; IK. xii. 27, 28 ; Acts xv. 2, 
xviii. 22, xxi. 12, &c). Hengstenberg supposes that 
the five ancient Psalms by David and Solomon, sung 
by the people, as they went up to Jerusalem, before 
the Captivity, were made the basis of a whole series 
or system, designed for the same use by an inspired 
writer after the return, who not only added ten 
Psalms of his own, as appears from the identity of 
tone and diction, but joined them to the old ones in 
a studied and artificial manner (Alexander on Ps. 
cxx.). 

De'ha-vites (from Heb. = villagers? Ges.), are 
mentioned but once in Scripture (Ezr. iv. 9). They 
were among the colonists planted in Samaria after 
the completion of the Captivity of Israel. From 
their name and their being coupled with the Stjsan- 
chites and the Elamites, it is fairly concluded that 
they are the Dai or Dahi, mentioned by Herodotus 
(i. 125) among the nomadic tribes of Persia, and re- 
garded by some as the ancestors of the modern 
Danes. Compare Apollonius 5. 

De kar (from Heb. = a thrusting through, Ges.). 
The son of Dekar (Ben-Dekar) was Solomon's com- 
missary in the western part of the hill-country of 
Judah and Benjamin, Shaalbim and Beth-shemesh 
(1 K. iv. 9). 

De-lai'ah (la'yah) or Del-a-i'ah (Heb. Jehovatis 
freedman = Dalaiah). 1. A priest in the time of 
David, leader of the twenty-third course of priests 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 18).— 2. "Children of Delaiah" were 
among the people of uncertain pedigree who re- 
turned from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 60 ; 
Neh. vii. 62). — 3. Son of Mehetabeel and father of 
Shemaiah (Neh. vi. 10). — 4. Son of Shemaiah, one 
of the " princes " about the court of Jehoiakim 
(Jer. xxxvi. 12, 25). 

De-li'lah, or Del'i-lah (Heb. feeble, pining with 
desire, Ges.), a woman who dwelt in the valley 



220 



DEL 



DEM 



of Sorek, beloved by Samson (Judg. xvi. 4-20). 
Her connection with Samson forms the third and 
last of those amatory adventures which in his histo- 
ry are so inextricably blended with the craft and 
prowess of a judge in Israel. She was bribed by 
the " lords of the Philistines " to win from Samson 
the secret of his strength, and the means of over- 
coming it. There seems to be little doubt that she 
was a Philistine courtesan ; and her employment as a 
political emissary, together with the large sum offered 
for her services (1,100 pieces of silver from each 
lord = 5,500 shekels ; compare Judg. iii. 3), and the 
tact attributed to her in Judges, but more espe- 
cially in Josephus, indicates a position not likely to 
be occupied by any Israelitish woman at that period 
of national depression. 
Deluge. Noah. 

De'lns (from Gr. delos — visible, probably from the 
story of its becoming suddenly visible by order of 
Neptune, L. & S.), mentioned in 1 Mc. xv. 23, is 
the smallest of the islands called Cyclades in the 
iEgean Sea, or Grecian Archipelago. It was one of 
the chief seats of the worship of Apollo, and was 
celebrated as the birthplace of this god and of his 
sister Artemis. Diana. 

De'mas (Gr., most probably a contraction from 
Demetrius, or perhaps from Demarchus = governor 
of the people), a companion of St. Paul (Phn. 24 ; Col. 
iv. 14) during his first imprisonment at Rome. At a 
later period (2 Tim. iv. 10) we find him mentioned as 
having deserted the apostle through love of this 
present world, and gone to Thessalonica. 

De-ine'tri-us (L. from Gr. — of, or belonging to, 
the goddess Ceres, in Gr. Demeter, L. & S.). A 
maker of silver shrines of Artemis (Diana) at Ephe- 
sus (Acts xix. 24). These were small models of the 
great temple of the Ephesian Artemis, with her 
statue, which it was customary to carry on journeys, 
and place on houses, as charms. — 2. A Christian 
highly commended in 3 Jn. 12 ; improbably supposed 
by some := No. 1. John, 3d epistle of. 

De-nie'tri-ns (L. from Gr., see above) I., sur- 
named So'ter (Gr. Saviour), king of Syria, was the 
son of Seleucus Philopator, and grandson of Anti- 
ochus the Great. While still a boy he was sent by 
his father as a hostage to Rome (b. c. 175) in ex- 
change for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes. From 
his position he was unable to offer any opposition to 
the usurpation of the Syrian throne by Antiochus 
IV. ; but on the death of that monarch (b. c. 164) he 
claimed his liberty and the recognition of his claim 
by the Roman senate in preference to that of his 
cousin Antiochus V. His petition was refused ; he 
left Italy secretly, and landed with a small force in 
Tripolis in Phenicia (1 Mc. vii. 1 ; 2 Mc. xiv. 1). The 
Syrians soon declared in his favor (b. c. 162), and 
Antiochus and his protector Lysias were put to death 
(1 Mc. vii. 2-4; 2 Mc. xiv. 2). His campaigns 
against the Jews were unsuccessful (1 Mc. vii.-x.). 
(Alcimus; Ariarathes; Bacchides; Maccabees; 
Nicanor.) In b. c. 152, Alexander Balas was 
brought forward, with the consent of the Roman 
senate, as a claimant to the throne. The rivals met 
in a decisive engagement (b. c. 150), and Demetrius, 
after displaying the greatest personal bravery, was 
defeated and slain (1 Mc. x. 48-50). 

De-me'tri-us (see above) II., surnamed Ni-ca'tor 
(the victorious), was the eldest son of Demetrius 
Soter. He was sent by his father, together with his 
brother Antiochus Sidetes, with a large treasure, to 
Cnidus, when Alexander Balas laid claim to the 
throne of Syria. When he was grown up he made 



a descent on Syria (b. c. 148), and was received with 
general favor (1 Mc. x. 67 ff.). His campaigns 
against Jonathan and the Jews, and the favorable 
terms obtained from Demetrius by Simon, are de- 
scribed in 1 Mc. x.-xiii. (Antiochus VI. ; Apol- 
lonius 5; Maccabees; Ptolemy VI.; Tryphon.) 
In b. c 138, Demetrius was taken prisoner by Arsa- 
ces VI. (Mithridates), whose dominions he had in- 
vaded (1 Mc xiv. 1-3). Mithridates treated his cap- 
tive honorably, and gave him his daughter in mar- 
riage. When Antiochus Sidetes, who had gained 
possession of the Syrian throne, invaded Parthia, 
Phraates employed Demetrius to effect a diversion. 
In this Demetrius succeeded, and when Antiochus 
fell in battle, he again took possession of the Syrian 
crown (b. c. 128). Not long afterward a pretender, 
supported by Ptolemy Physcon, appeared in the 
field against him, and after suffering a defeat he was 
assassinated, according to some by his wife (Cleo- 
patra 2), while attempting to escape by sea. 

De mon (from Gr. daimon. LXX. use Gr. daimo- 
nion ; N. T. dairnonion, rarely daimon, both trans- 
lated " devil " in A.V.). — I. The usage of daimon in 
classical Greek is various. In Homer, where the 
gods are but supernatural men, it is used inter- 
changeably with " god ; " afterward in Hesiod, when 
the idea of the gods had become more exalted and 
less familiar, the " demons " are spoken of as inter- 
mediate beings, the messengers of the gods to men. — 
II. In the LXX. the words daimon and dairnonion are 
not found very frequently, but yet employed to ren- 
der different Hebrew words ; generally in reference to 
the idols of heathen worship. In Josephus we find the 
word " demons " used always of evil spirits. By 
Philo it appears to be used in a more general sense, 
as equivalent to " angels," and referring to both good 
and evil. — III. We now come to the use of the term 
in the N. T. In the gospels generally, in Jas. ii. 19, 
and in Rev. xvi. 14, the demons (A. V. " devils ") 
are spoken of as spiritual beings, at enmity with 
God, and having power to afflict man, not only with 
disease, but, as is marked by the frequent epithet 
" unclean," with spiritual pollution also. They 
" believe " the power of God " and tremble " (Jas. ii. 
19); they recognize the Lord as the Son of God 
(Mat. viii. 29 ; Lk. iv. 41), and acknowledge the 
power of His name, used in exorcism, in the place 
of the name of Jehovah, by his appointed messen- 
gers (Acts xix. 15) ; and look forward in terror to 
the judgment to come (Mat. viii. 29). The descrip- 
tion is precisely that of a nature akin to the angelic 
(Angels) in knowledge and powers, but with the 
emphatic addition of the idea of positive and active 
wickedness. There can be no doubt of its being a 
doctrine of Scripture, mysterious (though not neces- 
sarily impossible) as it may be, that in idolatry the 
influence of the demons was at.work and permitted 
by God to be effective within certain bounds. Of 
the nature and origin of the demons, Scripture is all 
but silent. From Mat. xii. 24-30; Mk. iii. 22-30; 
Lk. xi. 14-26 ; Rev. xvi. 14, we gather that the de- 
mons are agents of Satan in his work of evil, subject 
to the kingdom of darkness, and doubtless doomed 
to share in its condemnation ; and we conclude 
probably that they = the "angels" of the devil 
(Mat. xxv. 41 ; Rev. xii. 7, 9), the " principalities 
and powers against whom we wrestle" (Eph. vi. 12, 
&c). Beelzebub ; Demoniacs ; Devil ; Satan. 

De-mo'ni-acs (the more literal translation of the 
Gr. pi. daimonizomenoi, A. V. " possessed with 
devils," &c), a term frequently used in the N. T., and 
applied to persons suffering under the possession of 



DEM 



DEM 



221 



a demon or evil spirit, such possession generally 
showing itself visibly in bodily disease or mental de- 
rangement. (So the Gr. daimonizn eckei, A. V. "he 
hath a devil," might be translated he has a demon, 
or he is a demoniac.) In our Lord's time (as is seen, 
e. g. constantly in Josephus) the belief in the pos- 
session of men by demons, who were either the souls 
of wicked men after death, or evil angels, was 
thoroughly established among all the Jews except 
the Sadducees alone. With regard to the frequent 
mention of demoniacs in Scripture three main opin- 
ions have been started. — I. That of Strauss and the 
mythical school, which makes the whole account 
merely symbolic, without basis of fact. The notion 
stands or falls with the mythical theory as a whole, 
which would take away not only the inspiration, but 
all the truth of the Scriptural narration. (Miracles.) 
— II. The second theory is, that our Lord and the 
Evangelists, in referring to demoniacal possession, 
spoke only in accommodation to the general belief 
of the Jews, without any assertion as to its truth or 
its falsity. It is concluded that, since the symptoms 
of the affliction were frequently those of bodily dis- 
ease (as dumbness, Mat. ix. 32 ; blindness, Mat. xii. 
22; epilepsy, Mk. ix. 17-27), or those seen in cases 
of ordinary insanity (as in Mat. viii. 28 ; Mk. v. 1-5), 
since also the phrase " to have a devil " is constantly 
used in connection with, and apparently = "to 
be mad " (Jn. vii. 20, viii. 48, x. 20, and perhaps 
Mat. xi. 18 ; Lk. vii. 33) ; and since, lastly, cases 
of demoniacal possession are not known to occur 
in our own days, therefore we must suppose that 
our Lord spoke, and the Evangelists wrote, in ac- 
cordance with the belief of the time, and with a 
view to be clearly understood, especially by the suf- 
ferers themselves, but that the demoniacs were 
merely persons suffering under unusual diseases of 
body and mind. With regard to this theory also, 
it must be remarked that it does not accord either 
with the general principles or with the particular 
language of Scripture. Accommodation is possible, 
when, in things indifferent, language is used which, 
although scientifically or etymologically inaccurate, 
yet conveys a true impression, or when, in things 
not indifferent, a declaration of truth (1 Cor. iii. 1, 
2), or a moral law (Mat. xix. 8), is given, true or 
right as far as it goes, but imperfect because of the 
imperfect progress of its recipients. But certainly 
here the matter was not indifferent, and superstition 
in things of far less moment was denounced by our 
Lord. Nor was the language used such as can be 
paralleled with mere conventional expression. 
There is no harm in our " speaking of certain forms 
of madness as lunacy, not thereby implying that we 
believe the moon to have or to have had any influ- 
ence upon them ; . . . but if we began to describe 
the cure of such as the moon's ceasing to afflict 
them, or if a physician were solemnly to address 
the moon, bidding it abstain from injuring his 
patient, there would be here a passing over to quite 
a different region, .... there would be that gulf 
between our thoughts and words in which the es- 
sence of a lie consists. Now Christ does everywhere 
use such language as this.'' (Trench, On Miracles, 
p. 153.) Nor is there in the whole of the N. T. the 
least indication that any " economy " of teaching 
was employed on account of the " hardness " of the 
Jews' " hearts." Possession and its cure are re- 
corded plainly and simply ; demoniacs are frequent- 
ly distinguished from those afflicted with bodilv sick- 
ness (Mk. i. 32, xvi. 17, 18; Lk. vi. 17, 18)," even, 
it would seem, from the epileptic (A. V. " lunatic," 



Mat. iv. 24); the same outward signs are sometimes 
referred to possession, sometimes merely to disease 
(compare Mat. iv. 24, with xvii. 15; xii. 22, with 
Mk. vii. 32, &c.) ; the demons are represented as 
speaking in their own persons with superhuman 
knowledge, and acknowledging our Lord to be, not 
as the Jews generally called him, son of David, but 
Son of God (Mat. viii. 29 ; Mk. i. 24, v. 7 ; Lk. iv. 
41, &c). All these things speak of a personal 
power of evil, and, if in any case they refer to what 
we might call mere disease, they at any rate tell us 
of something in it more than a morbid state of 
bodily organs or self-caused derangement of mind. 
Nor does our Lord speak of demons as personal 
spirits of evil to the multitude alone, but in His 
secret conversations with His disciples, declaring 
the means and conditions by which power over them 
could be exercised (Mat. xvii. 21). Twice also He 
distinctly connects demoniacal possession with the 
power of the Evil One; once in Lk. x. 18, to the 
seventy disciples, where He speaks of His powers 
and theirs over demoniacs as a " fall of Satan," 
and again in Mat. xii. 25-30, when He was accused 
of casting out demons through Beelzebub, and, in- 
stead of giving any hint that the possessed were 
not really under any direct and personal power of 
evil, He uses an argument, as to the division of Sa- 
tan against himself, which, if possession be unreal, 
becomes inconclusive and almost insincere. Lastly, 
the single fact recorded of the entrance of the de- 
mons at Gadara (Mk. v. 10-14) into the herd of 
swine, and the effect which that entrance caused, is 
sufficient to overthrow the notion that our Lord and 
the Evangelists do not assert or imply any objective 
reality of possession. In the face of this mass of 
evidence it seems difficult to conceive how the 
theory can be reconciled with any thing like truth 
of Scripture. (Divination ; Inspiration ; Lunatics ; 
Medicine; Miracles.) — III. We are led, therefore 
(so Mr. Barry), to the ordinary and literal interpre- 
tation of these passages, that there are evil spirits, 
subjects of the Evil One, w r ho, in the days of the 
Lord Himself and His apostles especially, were per- 
mitted by God to exercise a direct influence over 
the souls and bodies of certain men. This influence 
is clearly distinguished from the ordinary power of 
corruption and temptation wielded by Satan through 
the permission of God. The distinguishing feature 
of possession is the complete or incomplete loss of 
the sufferer's reason or power of will ; his actions, 
his words, and almost his thoughts are mastered by 
the evil spirit (Mk. i. 24, v. 7 ; Acts xix. 15), till 
his personality seems to be destroyed, or, if not de- 
stroyed, so overborne as to produce the conscious- 
ness of a twofold will within him, like that some- 
times felt in a dream. In the ordinary temptations 
and assaults of Satan the will itself yields conscious- 
ly, and by yielding gradually assumes, without 
losing its apparent freedom of action, the charac- 
teristics of the Satanic nature. It is solicited, urged, 
and persuaded against the strivings of grace, but 
not overborne. Still, however, possession is only 
the special, and, as it were, miraculous form of the 
" law of sin in the members," the power of Satan 
over the heart itself, recognized by St. Paul as an 
indwelling and agonizing power (Rom. vii. 21-24). 
Nor can it be doubted that it was rendered possible 
in the first instance by the consent of the sufferer 
to temptation and to sin. That it would be most 
probable in those who yielded to sensual temptations 
may easily be conjectured from general observation 
of the tyranny of a habit of sensual indulgence. 



222 



DEM 



DES 



Almost all the cases of demoniac possession are re- 
corded* as occurring among the rude and half-Gentile 
population of Galilee. It was but natural that the 
power of evil should show itself in more open and 
direct hostility than ever, in the age of our Lord 
and His apostles, when its time was short, that it 
should take the special form of possession in an 
age of such unprecedented and brutal sensuality as 
that which preceded His coming, and continued till 
the leaven of Christianity was felt ; — that it should 
have died away gradually before the great direct, 
and still greater indirect, influence of Christ's king- 
dom. Accordingly we find early fathers, e. g. Justin 
Martyr, Tertullian, alluding to its existence as a 
common thing, mentioning the attempts of Jewish 
exorcism in the name of Jehovah as occasionally 
successful (Mat. xii. 27 ; Acts xix. 13), but especially 
dwelling on the power of Christian exorcism to cast 
it out from the country as a test of the truth of the 
Gospel, and as one well-known benefit which it al- 
ready conferred on the empire. By degrees the 
mention is less and less frequent, till the very idea 
is lost or perverted'. 

Dcm'o-phon [-fon] (Gr.), a Syrian general in Pales- 
tine under Antiochus V. Eupator (2 Mc. xii. 2). 

Dc-na'ri-us (L.). Money, II. 2; Penny. 

Dc-pos'it [-poz-] (fr. L.). The arrangement by 
which one man kept at another's request the prop- 
erty of the latter until demanded back, was one 
common to all the nations of antiquity. Our Saviour 
seems to allude to conduct in such cases as a test 
of honesty (Lk. xvi. 12). In the later times, when 
no banking system (Loan) was as yet devised, 
shrines were often used for the custody of treasure 
(2 Mc. iii. 10, 12, 15) ; but, especially among an agri- 
cultural people, the exigencies of war and other 
causes of absence, must often have rendered it ne- 
cessary for an owner to intrust property, especially 
animals, to the custody of another. The articles 
specified by the Mosaic law on this subject are : (1.) 
" money or stuff ; " and (2.) " an ass, or an ox, or a 
sheep, or any beast." The first case was viewed as 
only liable to loss by theft (probably for loss by ac- 
cidental fire, &c, no compensation could be claimed), 
and the thief, if found, was to pay double, i. e. prob- 
ably to compensate the owner's loss, and the unjust 
suspicion thrown on the depositary. If no theft 
could be proved, the depositary was to swear before 
the judges that he had not appropriated the article, 
and then was quit. In the second, if the beast were 
to " die or be hurt, or driven away, no man seeing 
it," — accidents to which beasts at pasture were 
easily liable, — the depositary was to purge himself 
by a similar oath. In case, however, the animal 
were stolen, the depositary was liable to restitution, 
which probably was necessary to prevent collusive 
theft. If it were torn by a wild beast, some proof 
was easily producible, and, in that case, no restitu- 
tion was due (Ex. xxii. 7-13). In case of a false 
oath so taken, the perjured person, besides making 
restitution, was to " add the fifth part more there- 
to," to compensate the one injured, and to " bring 
a ram for a trespass-offering unto the Lord " (Lev. 
vi. 5, 6). In Tob. v. 3 a written acknowledgment 
of a deposit is mentioned (compare i. 14, iv. 20). 

Dep'n-ty, the uniform rendering in the A.V. of the 
Greek anthupatos — proconsul (Acts xiii. 7, 8, 12, 
xix. 38). The derived Greek verb anlhupaieud (Acts 
xviii. 12) = " to be deputy." At the division of 
the Roman provinces by Augustus (b. c. 27) into 
senatorial and imperial, the emperor assigned to the 
senate such portions of territory as were peaceable, 



and could be held without force of arms, an arrange- 
ment which remained with frequent alterations till 
the third century. Over these senatorial provinces 
the senate appointed by lot yearly an officer, called 
proconsul, who exercised purely civil functions. The 
provinces were in consequence called proconsular. 
(Achaia; Asia; Cyprus; Gallio; Sergius Paulus.) 
The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was formerly called 
deputy (Shakespeare, Henry VIII. iii. 2). 

Der'be (Gr.). The exact position of this town 
has not yet been ascertained, but its general situa- 
tion is undoubted. It was in the eastern part of the 
great upland plain of Lycaonia, which stretches from 
Iconium E. along the N. side of the chain of Taurus. 
It must have been somewhere near the place where 
the pass called the Cilician Gates opened a way from 
the low plain of Cilicia to the table-land of the in- 
terior ; and probably it was a stage upon the great 
road which passed this way. Derbe was visited by 
St. Paul on his first (Acts xiv. 6, 20) and second 
missionary journeys (xvi. 1), and probably also on 
the third (xviii. 23, xix. 1). " Gaius " was " of Der- 
be " (xx. 4). Three sites have been assigned to 
Derbe. (1.) By Col. Leake it was supposed to be 
Bin-bir-Kilisseh, at the foot of the Karadagh, a re- 
markable volcanic mountain which rises from the 
Lycaonian plain ; but this is almost certainly the 
site of Lystra. (2.) In Kiepert's Map, Derbe is 
marked farther to the E., at a spot where there are 
ruins, and which is in the line of a Roman road. 
(3.) Hamilton and Texier are disposed to place it at 
Divle, a little to the S. W. of the last position, and 
nearer to the roots of Taurus. 

Des'ert, in the sense ordinarily attached to the 
word, is a vast, burning, sandy plain, alike destitute 
of trees and of water ; but no such region as this 
is ever mentioned in the Bible as having any con- 
nection with the history of the Israelites. The words 
rendered in the A. V. by " desert," when used in 
the historical books, denoted definite localities, and 
those localities do not answer to the common con- 
ception of a "desert." — 1. Heb. 'arabuh (literally 
arid tract, sterile region, Ges.), as already shown 
(Arabah), with the article = the sunken valley N. 
and S. of the Dead Sea, but particularly the former. 
In the sense of the Jordan Valley it is translated 
" desert " only in Ez. xlvii. 8 ; in a more general 
sense of waste, deserted country it is translated " des- 
ert" in Is. xxxv. 1, 6, xl. 3, xii. 19, li. 3 ; Jer. ii. 6, 
v. 6, xvii. 6, 1. 12. — 2. Heb. midbdr = pasture 
ground, usually translated " wilderness," is trans- 
lated " desert " in speaking of the Wilderness of 
the Wandering in Ex. iii. 1, v. 3, xix. 2 ; Num. xx. 1, 
xxvii. 14, xxxiii. 16 ; and in more than one of these 
it is evidently employed for the sake of euphony 
merely. In Ex. xxiii. 31 it = the desert of Arabia 
(Bush), and in 2 Chr. xxvi. 10 it = the district S. E. 
of Jerusalem and W. of the Dead Sea (Bertheau). 
Midbdr (almost uniformly translated " wilderness ") 
is most frequently used for those tracts of waste 
land which lie beyond the cultivated ground in the 
immediate neighborhood of the towns and villages 
of Palestine (Beth-aven ; Gibeon ; Jeruel ; Maon ; 
Paran; Ziph, &c), covered in spring with a rich, 
green verdure of turf and small shrubs and herbs 
of various kinds, but at the end of summer having a 
most dreary aspect, as the herbage withers, the turf 
dries up and is powdered thick with the dust of the 
chalky soil. In the poetical books " desert " is 
found as the translation of midbdr in Deut. xxxii. 
10; Job xxiv. 5 ; Ps. lxxv. 6, margin, Heb. 7 ; Prov. 
xxi. 19, margin ; Is. xxi. 1 ; Jer. xxv. 24. — 3. Heb. 



DES 



DEU 



223 



h&rbdh or ch&rbah appears to have the force of dry- 
ness, and thence of desolation. It does not occur in 
any historical passages. It is rendered " desert " in 
Ps. cii. 6 ; Is. xlviii. 21 ; Ez. xiii. 4. The term com- 
monly employed for it in the A. V. is " waste places " 
or " desolation." — 4. Heb. yeshimon with the article, 
apparently denotes the waste tracts on both sides 
of the Dead Sea. In all these cases it is treated as 
a proper name in the A. V. (Jeshimon.) Without 
the article it occurs in a few passages of poetry, and 
is translated " wilderness " in Deut. xxxii. 10, and 
"desert" in Ps. lxxviii. 40; cvi. 14; Is. xliii. 19, 
20. — 5. Gr. eremos = solitary, lonely, desolate ; as a 
noun, a solitude, desert, wilderness (L. & S., Rbn. N. 
T. Lex.), translated "desert" (Mat. xiv. 13, 15, 
xxiv. 26, &c), "wilderness" (Mat. iii. 1, 3, &c), 
" desolate " (Mat. xxiii. 38 ; Lk. xiii. 35 ; Acts i. 
20 ; Gal. iv. 27), " solitary " (Mk. i. 35), and in LXX. 
= Nos. 2 and 3. The kindred Gr. noun eremia, usu- 
ally translated "wilderness" (Mat. xv. 33, &c), is in 
the plural translated " deserts " once (Heb. xi. 38). 

Des'sau (L.), a village (not " town "), at which Ni- 
canor's army was once encamped during his cam- 
paign with Judas (2 Mc. xiv. 16). Ewald conjectures 
that it may have been Adasa. 

* Dc-stme'tion, Cit y of. (Is. xix. 18). Ir-ha- 

HERES. 

Dcu'cl (Heb. invocation of God, Ges.), father of 
Eliasaph, the " prince " of Gad at the numbering of 
the people at Sinai (Num. i. 14, vii. 42, 47, x. 20). 
The same man is mentioned again in ii. 14 as Reuel, 
owing to an interchange of the two very similar 
Hebrew letters. 

Dcu-ter-on'o-my (fr. Gr. — second law). A. Con- 
tents. The book consists chiefly of three discourses 
delivered by Moses shortly before his death. They 
were spoken to all Israel in the plains of Moab on 
the E. side of the Jordan (i. 1), in the eleventh 
month of the last year of their wanderings, the for- 
tieth year after their Exodus from Egypt (i. 3). Sub- 
joined to these discourses are the Song of Moses, 
the Blessing of Moses, and the story of his death. 
— (I.) The first discourse (i. 1-iv. 40). After a brief 
historical introduction, the speaker recapitulates the 
chief events of the last forty years in the wilderness, 
and especially those events which had the most im- 
mediate bearing on the entry of the people into the 
promised land, and bases on this an earnest and 
powerful exhortation to obedience. To this discourse 
is appended a brief notice of the severing of the 
three cities of refuge on the E. side of the Jordan 
(iv. 41-43). — (II.) The second discourse is introduced 
like the first by an explanation of the circumstances 
under which it was delivered (iv. 44-49). It em- 
braces v. 1-xxvi. 19, and contains a recapitulation, 
with some modifications and additions, of the Law 
already given on Mount Sinai. It will be observed 
that no pains are taken here, or indeed generally in 
the Mosaic legislation, to keep the several portions 
of the law, considered as moral, ritual, and ceremo- 
nial, apart from each other by any clearly marked 
line. But there is in this discourse a very manifest 
gradual descent from the higher ground 1 to the 
lower. The speaker begins by setting forth Jeho- 
vah Himself as the great object of love and worship, 
thence he passes (1.) to the religious, (2.) to the po- 
litical, and (3.) to the social economy of his people. 
— (III.) In the third discourse (xxvii. 1-xxx. 20), 
the Elders of Israel are associated with Moses. The 
people are commanded to set up stones upon Mount 
Ebal, and on them to write " all the words of this 
law." Then follow the several curses to be pro- 



nounced by the Levites on Ebal (xxvii. 14-26), and 
the blessings on Gerizim (xxviii. 1-14). How ter- 
rible will be the punishment is further portrayed in 
the vivid words of a prophecy too fearfully verified 
in the subsequent history of the people. — (IV.) The 
delivery of the law as written by Moses (for its still 
further preservation) to the custody of the Levites, 
and a charge to the people to hear it read once every 
seven years (xxxi.) : the Song of Moses spoken in 
the ears of the people (xxxi. 30-xxxii. 44) : and the 
blessing of the twelve tribes (xxxiii.). — (V.) The 
Book closes (xxxiv.) with an account of the death 
of Moses, which is first announced to him in xxxii. 
48-52. — B. Relation of Deuteronomy to the preceding 
books. It has been an opinion very generally enter- 
tained by the more modern critics, as well as by the 
earlier, that the book of Deuteronomy forms a com- 
plete whole in itself, and that it was appended to 
the other books as a later addition. The more con- 
servative critics contend that Deuteronomy forms 
an integral part of the Pentateuch, which is 
throughout to be ascribed to Moses. Others have 
given reasons for believing that it was written by 
the Jehovist, or supposed later writer, according to 
the documentary hypothesis ; whilst others again 
are in favor of a different author. The chief grounds 
on which the last opinion rests are the many varia- 
tions and additions to be found in Deuteronomy, 
both in the historical and legal portions, as well as 
the observable difference of style and phraseology. 
It is necessary, therefore, before we come to con- 
sider more directly the question of authorship, to 
take into account these alleged peculiarities ; and it 
may be well to enumerate the principal alleged dis- 
crepancies, additions, &c, and to subjoin the replies 
and explanations which they call forth. — (I.) Alleged 
Discrepancies. The most important discrepancies 
alleged to exist between the historical portions of 
Deuteronomy and the earlier books are the follow- 
ing : — (1.) The appointment of judges (i. 6-18) is 
at variance with the account in Ex. xviii. — To this 
it has been answered, that although Deut. i. 6 men- 
tions the departure from Sinai, yet Deut. i. 9-17 re- 
fers evidently to what took place during the abode 
there, as is shown by comparing the expression " at 
that time," ver. 9, with the same expression ver. 18. 
Again, there is no force in the objection that Je- 
thro's counsel is here passed over in silence. When 
making allusion to a well-known historical fact, it is 
unnecessary for the speaker to enter into details. 
This at most is an omission, not a contradiction. 
Lastly, the story in Exodus is perfectly distinct from 
that in Num. xi., and there is no confusion of the 
two here. Nothing is said of the institution of the 
seventy in Deuteronomy, probably because the office 
was only temporary, and if it did not cease before 
the death of Moses, was not intended to be perpet- 
uated in the promised land. — (2.) Chapter i. 22 is 
at variance with Num. xiii. 2, because here Moses is 
said to have sent the spies into Canaan at the sugges- 
tion of the people, whereas there Qod is said to have 
commanded the measure. — The explanation is ob- 
vious. The people make the request ; Moses refers 
it to God, who then gives to it His sanction.— (3.) 
Chapter i. 44, " And the Amorites which dwelt in 
that mountain," &c, whereas in the story of the 
same event, Num. xiv. 43-45, Amalekites are men- 
tioned. — The Amorites stand here not for " Ama- 
lekites," but for " Canaanites," as being the most 
powerful of all the Canaanitish tribes. (Amorite.) 
— (4.) Chapter ii. 2-8, confused and at variance 
with Num. xx. 14-21, and xxi. 4. In the former 



224 



DEU 



DEU 



. we read (ver. 4), " Ye are to pass through the coast 
of your brethren, the children of Esau." In the 
latter (ver. 20), " And he said, Thou shalt not go 
through. And Edom came out against him," &c. — 
But, according to Deuteronomy, that part of the 
Edomite territory only was traversed which lay 
about Elath and Ezion-geber, whereas the opposi- 
tion, according to Numbers, was offered at Kadesh. 
In Deut. ii. 8 the failure of an attempt to pass else- 
where is implied. Again, the unfriendliness of the 
Edomites and Moabites in not coming out to meet 
the Israelites with bread and water (Num. xx. 19, 
20 ; Deut. xxiii. 4), was the very reason why the 
latter were obliged to buy provisions of them (ii. 
28, 29), for which in both accounts they offered to 
pay (Num. xx. 19; Deut. ii. 6). — (5.) More perplex- 
ing is the difference in the account of the encamp- 
ments of the Israelites, as given Deut. x. 6, 7, com- 
pared with Num. xx. 23, xxxiii. 30 and 3V. The 
explanation given by Kurtz is on the whole the 
most satisfactory. He says : " In the first month 
of the fortieth year the whole congregation comes 
a second time to the wilderness of Zin, which is Ka- 
desh (Num. xxxiii. 36). On the down-route to 
Ezion-geber they had encamped at the several sta- 
tions, Moseroth (or Mosera), Bene-Jaakan, Hor-ha- 
gidgad, and Jotbath. But now again departing 
from Kadesh, they go to Mount Hor, ' in the edge 
of the land of Edom ' (ver. 37, 38), or to Moserah 
(Deut. x. 6, 7), this last being in the desert at the 
foot of the mountain. Bene-Jaakan, Gudgodah, 
and Jotbath were also visited about this time, i. e. 
a second time, after the second halt at Kadesh." 
(Wilderness op the Wandering.) — (6.) In Deuter- 
onomy the usual name for the mountain on which 
the law was given is Horeb, only once (xxxiii. 2) 
Sinai ; whereas in the other books Sinai is far more 
common than Horeb. The answer given is, that 
Horeb was the general name of the whole moun- 
tain-range ; Sinai, the particular mountain on 
which the law was delivered. — (II.) The Additions 
both to the historical and legal sections are of far 
more importance, and the principal of -them we 
shall here enumerate. — (1.) In the History, (a.) The 
command of God to leave Horeb (Deut. i. 6, 7, not 
mentioned Num. x. 11). The repentance of the Is- 
raelites (Deut. i. 45, omitted Num. xiv. 45). The 
intercession of Moses in behalf of Aaron (Deut. is. 
20, omitted Ex. xxxii., xxxiii.). These are so slight, 
however, that they might have been passed over 
very naturally in the earlier books. But of more 
note are: (6.) The command not to fight with the 
Moabites and Ammonites (Deut. ii. 9, 19), or with 
the Edomites, but to buy of them food and water 
(ii. 4-8). The notices respecting the earlier in- 
habitants of the countries of Moab and Ammon and 
of Mount Seir (ii. 10-12, 20-23) ; the sixty fortified 
cities of Bashan (iii. 4) ; the king of the country 
who was "of the remnant of giants" (iii. 11); the 
different names of Hermon (iii. 9) ; the wilderness 
of Kedemoth (ii. 26) ; and the more detailed account 
of the attack of the Amalekites (xxv. 17, 18; com- 
pare Ex. xvii. 8). — (2.) In the Law. The appoint- 
ment of the cities of refuge (Deut. xix. 7-9 ; com- 
pare Num. xxxv. 14 and Deut. iv. 41) ; of one par- 
ticular place for the solemn worship of God, where 
all offerings, tithes, &c, are to be brought (Deut. 
xii. 5 ff.), whilst the restriction with regard to the 
slaying of animals only at the door of the taber- 
nacle of the congregation (Lev. xvii. 3, 4) is done 
away (Deut. xii. 15, 20, 21); the regulations re- 
specting tithes to be brought with the sacrifices 



and burnt-offerings to the appointed place (6, 11, 
17, xiv. 22 ff., xxvi. 12 ff.) ; concerning false proph- 
ets and seducers to idolatry and those that hearken 
unto them (xiii.) ; concerning the king and the 
manner of the kingdom (xvii. 14 ff.); the prophets 
(xviii. 15 ff.); war and military service (xx.); the 
expiation of secret murder; the law of female cap- 
tives ; of first-born sons by a double marriage ; of 
disobedient sons; of those who suffer death by 
hanging (xxi.); the laws in xxii. 5-8, 13-21; of 
divorce (xxiv. 1 ff.); and various lesser enactments 
(xxiii., xxv.); the form of thanksgiving in offering 
the first-fruits (xxvi.); the command to write the 
law upon stones (xxvii.), and to read it before all 
Israel at the Feast of Tabernacles (xxxi. 10-13). 
Many others are rather extensions or modifications 
of, than additions to, existing laws. — C. Author. 
1. It is generally agreed that by far the greater 
portion of the book is the work of one author. The 
only parts which have been questioned as possible 
interpolations, are, according to De Wette, iv. 41-3 
x. 6-9, xxxii. and xxxiii. 2. It cannot be denied 
that the style of Deuteronomy is very different from 
that of the other four books of the Pentatedch. 
3. Who then was the author? On this point the 
following principal hypotheses have been main- 
tained: — (1.) The old traditional view that this 
book, like the other books of the Pentateuch, is 
the work of Moses himself. Of the later critics, 
Hengstenberg, Havernick, Ranke, Stuart, &c, have 
maintained this view. In support of this opinion it 
is said: (a.) That supposing the whole Pentateuch 
to have been written by Moses, the change in style 
is easily accounted for when we remember that the 
last book is hortatory in its character, that it con- 
sists chiefly of orations, and that these were de- 
livered under very peculiar circumstances. (6.) 
That the use of language is not only generally in 
accordance with that of the earlier books, and that 
as well in their Elohistic as in their Jehovistic por 
tions (i. e. in those from the alleged older document, 
in which the name of God is Elohim, as well as in 
those from the alleged later one, in which the name 
' Jehovah is used ; see Pentateuch), but that there 
are certain peculiar forms of expression common 
only to these five books, (e.) That the alleged dis- 
crepancies in matters of fact between this and the 
earlier books may all be reconciled, (d.) That the 
book bears witness to its own authorship (xxxi. 19), 
and is expressly cited in the N. T. as the work of 
Moses (Mat. x\x. 7, 8 ; Mk. x. 3 ff. ; Acts iii. 22, 
vii. 37). The advocates of this theory of course 
suppose that the last chapter, containing an ac- 
count of the death of Moses, was added by a later 
hand, and perhaps formed originally the beginning 
of the book of Joshua. — (2.) The opinion of Stahe- 
lin (and as it would seem, of Bleek) that the author 
is the same as the writer of the Jehovistic or later 
portions of the other books. — (3.) The opinion of 
De Wette, Gesenius, &c, that the author of Deuter- 
onomy is distinct from the Jehovist (i. e. the writer 
of the alleged later document of the other books). 
— (4.) From the fact that certain phrases occurring 
in Deuteronomy are found also in Jeremiah, it has 
been too hastily concluded by Von Bohlen, Gese- 
nius, &c, that both books were the work of the 
prophet. — (5.) Ewald is of opinion^that it was writ- 
ten by a Jew living in Egypt during the latter half 
of the reign of Manasseh. The song of Moses 
(xxxii.) is, according to him, not by the author of 
the rest of Deuteronomy, but is nevertheless later 
than the time of Solomon. — Dt Bate of Composi- 



DEV 



DIA 



225 



Hon. Was the book really written, as its language 
certainly implies, before the entry of Israel into the 
Promised Land ? To suppose it was written long 
after the settlement of the Israelites in Canaan, in 
the reign of Solomon, or in that of Manasseh, is 
not only to make the book an historical romance, 
but to attribute very considerable inventive skill to 
the author. De Wette argues, indeed, that the 
character of the laws is such as of itself to presup- 
pose a long residence in the land of Canaan. He 
instances the allusion to the Temple (xii. and xvi. 
1-7), the provision for the right discharge of the 
kingly and prophetical offices, the rules for civil 
and military organization, and the state of the Le- 
vites, who are represented as living without cities 
(though such are granted to them in Num. xxxv.) 
and without tithes (allotted to them in Num. xviii. 
20 ff.). Other reasons for a later date, such as 
the mention of the worship of the sun and moon 
(Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3: compare Am. v. 26); the 
punishment of stoning (Deut. xvii. 5, xxii. 21 ff. ; 
compare Ex. xix. 13, xxi. 28 ff. ; Lev. xx. 2, 27, 
&c); the name Feast of Tabernacles (Deut. xvi. 13; 
compare Lev. xxiii. 34) ; and the motive for keep- 
ing the Sabbath (Deut. v. 15 ; compare Ex. xx. 11 ; 
one motive does not exclude other motives), are 
of little force. For a further discussion of the 
question of authorship, as well as of the date 
of the legislation in Deuteronomy, see Penta- 
teuch. 

Dev'il [dev'l], the A. V. translation of— 1. Gr. 
diabo/os ( = a traducer, accuser, slanderer, Rbn. 
iV. T. Lex.). This Greek word is found in the 
plural in 1 Tim. iii. 11 (A.V. "slanderers ") ; 2 Tim. 
hi. 3 and Tit. ii. 3 (A. V. in both " false accusers," 
margin " make-bates "). In all other cases it is 
used with the article in the singular as a descriptive 
name of Satan (A. V. " the devil," Wis. ii. 24 ; 
Mat. iv. 1, 5, 8, 11, xiii. 39, xxv. 41, &c), excepting 
that in Jn. vi. 70 (A. V. " a devil ") it is applied 
(without the article) to Judas (compare Mat. xvi. 
23), as doing Satan's work, also (without the article) 
to Satan (Acts xiii. 10, A. V. "thou child of the 
devil," literally Devil's son) ; in LXX. = " Satan." 
The name describes Satan as slandering God to 
man, and man to God. — 2. Gr. daimon (Mat. viii. 
31, &c), daimonion (Tob. vi. 1, 11, Gr. 8, 18; Bar. 
iv. 7, 35 ; Mat. vii. 22, ix. 33 f., &c), &c. (Demon ; 
Demoniacs.) — 3. Heb. sdHr (Lev. xvii. 7; 2 Chr. 
xi. 15), an object of idolatrous worship = a he-goat, 
Ges. (Goat; Satyrs.) — 4. Heb. pi. sfedim (Deut. 
xxxii. 17 ; Ps. cvi. 37) = idols, properly lords, 
Ges. ; demons, LXX. ; compare 1 Cor. x. 20. 

Dew. This in the summer is so copious in Pal- 
estine that it supplies to some extent the absence of 
rain (Ecclus. xviii. 16, xliii. 22), and becomes im- 
portant to the agriculturist. As a proof of this 
copiousness the well-known sign of Gideon (Judg. 
vi. 37, 39, 40) may be adduced (compare Cant. v. 
2 ; Dan. iv. 23, 25). Thus it is coupled in the di- 
vine blessing with rain, or mentioned as a prime 
source of fertility (Gen. xxvii. 28 ; Deut. xxxiii. 13 ; 
Zeeh. viii. 12), and its withdrawal is attributed to a 
curse (2 Sam. i. 21 ; IK. xvii. 1 ; Hag. i. 10). It 
becomes a leading object in prophetic imagery by 
reason of its penetrating moisture without the ap- 
parent effort of rain (Deut. xxxii. 2 ; Job xxix. 19 ; 
Ps. cxxxiii. 3 ; Prov. xix. 12 ; Is. xxvi. 19 ; Hos. 
xiv. 5; Mic. v. 7); while its speedy evanescence 
typifies the transient goodness of the hypocrite 
(Hos. vi. 4, xiii. 3). With the proverbial expres- 
sions (Prov. iii. 20), " the clouds drop down the 
15 



dew," compare the common modern phrase, " the 
dew falls." Agriculture ; Earth. 

Di'a-dem (fr. Gr., literally = something bound 
around, sc. the head). What the " diadem " of the 
Jews was we know not. (Crown.) That of other 
nations of antiquity was a fillet of silk, two inches 
broad, bound round the head and tied behind, the 
invention of which is attributed to Bacchus. Its 
color was generally white ; sometimes, however, it 
was of blue, like that of Darius ; and it was sown 
with pearls or other gems (Zech. ix. 16), and en- 
riched with gold (Rev. ix. 7). It was peculiarly the 
mark of Oriental sovereigns (1 Mc. xiii. 32). A 
crown (Heb. nezer — diadem, Ges.) was used by the 
kings of Israel, even in battle (2 Sam. i. 10) ; but 
probably this was not the state crown (Heb. 'ata- 
rdh, 2 Sam. xii. 30), although used in the corona- 
tion of Joash (2 K. xi. 12). In Esth. i. 11, ii. 17, 
we have the Heb. cether for the turban (A. V. 
" crown ") worn by the Persian king, queen, or 
other eminent persons to whom it was conceded as 
a special favor (viii. 15). The diadem of the king 
differed from that of others in having an erect tri- 
angular peak. The words in Ez. xxiii. 15 (trans- 
lated in A. V. " exceeding in dyed attire ") mean 
long and flowing turbans of gorgeous colors. 

Di'al. The Heb. pi. ma'alolh (translated " dial," 
margin " degrees," in 2 K. xx. 11 ; Is. xxxviii. 8) is 
rendered " steps" in A. V. (Ex. xx. 26; IK. x. 19, 
20, &c), and "degrees" in A. V. (2 K. xx. 9, 10, 
11 ; Is. xxxviii. 8, &c. ; see Degrees, Songs of). In 
the absence of any materials for determining the 
shape and structure of the solar instrument, which 
certainly appears intended (Ahaz), the best course 
is to follow the most strictly natural meaning of the 
words, and to consider with Cyril of Alexandria and 
Jerome, that the ma'aloth were really stairs, and . 
that the shadow (perhaps of some column or obelisk 
on the top) fell on a greater or smaller number of 
them according as the sun was low or high. The 
terrace of a palace might easily be thus orna- 
mented. Astronomy ; Chronology ; Hour. 

Bi'a-mond [di'a-mund or di'mund], the A. V. 
translation of — 1. Heb. yahalmn, a precious stone, 
the third in the second row on the breastplate of 
the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, xxxix. 11), and men- 
tioned (Ez. xxviii. 13) among the precious stones of 
the king of Tyre. Our translation, " diamond," is 
derived from Aben Ezra, defended by Braun, and 
apparently embraced by Fiirst, Henderson, Bush, 
&c. The diamond is a well-known transparent gem, 
the hardest and most costly of all minerals. Several . 
of the ancient versions translate the Hebrew word 
"the onyx, which," says Gesenius, "is not im- 
probable." Kalisch says "perhaps Emerald." — 2. 
Heb. shdmir ( Jer. xvii. 1). Adamant. 

Di-a'na or Di-an a. This Latin word, properly 
denoting a Soman divinity, is the representative of 
the Greek Artemis, the tutelary goddess of the 
Ephesians, who plays so important a part in Acts 
xix. The Ephesian Diana was, however, regarded 
as invested with very different attributes, and made 
the object of a different worship, from the ordinary 
Diana of the Greeks, and rather perhaps := Astarte 
(Ashtoreth) and other female divinities of the East. 
In some respects there was doubtless a fusion of the 
two. Diana was the goddess of rivers, of pools, and 
of harbors ; and these conditions are satisfied by 
the situation of the sanctuary at Ephesus. Again, 
on coins of Ephesus we sometimes find her exhib- 
ited as a huntress and with a stag. But the true 
Ephesian Diana is represented in a form entirely 



226 



DIB 



DIN 



alien from Greek art, viz. as a many-breasted mum- 
my, and was undoubtedly a symbol of the produc- 
tive and nutritive powers of nature. The coin be- 
low will give some notion of the image, which was 




Greek imperial copper coin of Ephesus and Smyrna allied 
('OfiOCOia) ; Domititi, with name of proconsul. 
Obv. : AOMITIA CeBACTH. Bust to right. Eev.: AN6Y 
KAICeN IIAITOY OMONOIA e*e ZMYP. Epuesian 
Diana. 

grotesque and archaic in character. The head 
wore a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal, 
and the lower part ended in a rude block covered 
with figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. 
This idol was regarded as an object of peculiar 
sanctity, and was believed to have fallen down from 
heaven (Acts xix. 35). The cry of the mob (28), 
" Great is Diana of the Ephesians ! " and the strong 
expression (27), " whom all Asia and the world 
worshippeth," may be abundantly illustrated from 
a variety of sources. The term " great " was evi- 
dently a title of honor recognized as belonging to 
the Ephesian goddess. We find it in inscriptions, 
tec. Pausanias tells us that the Ephesian Diana 
was more honored privately than any other deity. 

Dib-la'im or Dib'ln-im (Heb. double cake? Ges.), 
mother of Hosea's wife Gomer (Hos. i. 3). Gese- 
nius and Fairbairn make Diblaim the father of 
Gomer. 

Dib'lath (Heb. Diblah), a place named only in Ez. 
vi. 14, as if situated at one of the extremities of the 
land of Israel ; regarded by Jerome, Michaelis, 
Gesenius, &c, as a copyist's mistake for Riblah. 

Di'bon (Heb. a pining, wasting, Ges. ; river-place, 
Fii.). 1, A town on the E. side of Jordan, in the 
rich pastoral country, which was taken possession 
of and rebuilt by the children of Gad (Num. xxxii. 
3, 34). From this circumstance it possibly received 
the name of Dibon-gad. Its first mention is in the 
ancient fragment of poetry Num. xxi. 30, and from 
this it appears to have belonged originally to the 
Moabites. We find Dibon counted to Reuben in 
Josh. xiii. 9, IV. In the time of Isaiah and Jere- 
miah, however, it was again in possession of Moab 
(Is. xv. 2; Jer. xlviii. 18, 22, compare 24). In the 
same denunciations of Isaiah it appears, probably, 
under the name of Dimon. In modern times the 
name Dhibdn has been discovered by Seetzen, Irby 
and Mangles, and Burckhardt as attached to ex- 
tensive ruins on the Roman road, about three miles 
N. of the Arnon. All agree, however, in describing 
these ruins as lying low. — 2. One of the towns re- 
inhabited by the men of Judah after the Captivity 
(Neh. xi. 25) ; probably = Dimonah. Rowlands 
(in Fairbairn, under " S. country ") makes Dibon = 
Ehdeib, a ruined site about four miles E. of Tell 
'Ardd (Arad). 

Di'bon-gad (Heb. wasting of Gad), one of the 
halting-places of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 45, 
46) ; probably = Dibon 1. 

Dib'r! (Heb. eloquent ? Ges. ; bom on the pasture, 
or Jah distributes promise, Fii.), a Danite, father of 
Shelomith 1 (Lev. xxiv. 11). 

* Di-dracll'ma [-drak-] (L. fr. Gr. didrachmon = 



a double drachm) (Mat. xvii. 24, margin). Drachm ; 
Money ; Shekel. 

Did'y-mus (L. fr. Gr. = the twin), a surname of 
the Apostle Thomas (Jn. xi. 16, xx. 24, xxi. 2). 

* Die, to. Death. 

Dik'lah (Heb. ; see below) (Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. i. 
21), a son of Joktan, whose settlements, with those 
of Joktan's other sons, must be looked for in Ara- 
bia. The name in Hebrew signifies " a palm-tree," 
hence it is thought that Diklah is a part of Arabia 
containing many palm-trees. Bochart, and after 
him Gesenius, refer the descendants of Diklah to 
the Minsei, a people of Arabia Felix inhabiting a 
palmiferous country. No trace of Diklah is known 
to exist in Arabic works, except the mention of a 
place called Dakalah in El- Yemdmeh, with many 
palm-trees. The Ar. nakhleh also signifies a palm- 
tree, and is the name of many places, especially 
Nakhleh cl-Yemdneeych, and Nakhleh esh-Shumeeyeh, 
two well-known towns situate near each other. 
Therefore, 1. Diklah may probably be recovered in 
the place called Dakalah above mentioned ; or, 
possibly, 2. in one of the places named Nakhleh. 

Dil'e-an (Heb. gourd-field, Ges.), one of the cities 
in the lowlands of Judah (Josh. xv. 38); not iden- 
tified with certainty. Van de Velde suggests that 
it may be the modern place Tina, about three miles 
N. of Tell es-Safieh (Gath ?), in the maritime plain of 
Philistia, S. of Ekron. 

Dim'uah (Heb. a place of dung, Fii.), a city 
in the tribe of Zebulun, given to the Merarite Le- 
vites (Josh. xxi. 35) ; possibly a variation of Rim- 
mon (1 Chr. vi. 77). Van de Velde supposes Dim- 
nah at the village of Ddmon, seven or eight miles 
E. S. E. of 'Akka (Accho). 

Di'mon (Heb. = Dibon, Ges., Fii.), the Wa'ters 
of, some streams on the E. of the Dead Sea, in the 
land of Moab, against which Isaiah is here uttering 
denunciations (Is. xv. 9). Gesenius conjectures 
that Dimon = Dibon. 

Di-nio'nah (Heb. = Dibon, Ges.), a city in the 
S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 22), probably = Dibon 2. 
Rowlands (in Fbn. under " S. Country") supposes 
Dimonah (in LXX. Regma) = Rakhmeh, 
about fifteen miles E. S. E. of Beer-sheba. 

Di nah (Heb. judged, avenged; compare Dan), the 
daughter of Jacob by Leah (Gen. xxx. 21). She ac- 
companied her father from Mesopotamia to Canaan, 
and, having ventured among the inhabitants, was 
violated by Shechem the son of Hamor, the chief- 
tain of the territory in which her father had settled 
(xxxiv.) Her age at this time, judging by the sub- 
sequent notice of Joseph's age (xxxvii. 2), may have 
been from thirteen to fifteen, the ordinary period of 
marriage in Eastern countries. Shechem proposed 
to make the usual reparation by paying a sum to 
the father and marrying her (xxxiv. 12). But in 
this case the suitor was an alien, and the crown of 
the offence consisted in its having been committed 
by an alien against the favored people of God ; he 
had " wrought folly in Israel " (xxxiv. 7). The pro- 
posals of Hamor, who acted as his deputy, were 
framed on the recognition of the hitherto complete 
separation of the two peoples; he proposed the 
fusion of the two by the establishment of the rights 
of intermarriage and commerce. The sons of Jacob, 
bent upon revenge (Absalom ; Blood, Avenger of), 
availed themselves of the eagerness which Shechem 
showed, to effect their purpose ; they demanded, as 
| a condition of the proposed union, the circumcision 
! of the Shechemites. They therefore assented ; 
| and on the third day, when the pain and fever re- 



DIN 



DIS 



227 



suiting from the operation were at the highest, 
Simeon and Levi, own brothers to Dinah, attacked 
them unexpectedly, slew all the males and plun- 
dered their city. Nothing more is certainly known 
of Dinah ; but she probably went with the rest into 
Egypt (xlvi. 15). 

Di'na-ites (fr. Heb. = a people from some un- 
known place or region called Din [= a cause, judg- 
ment], Fii.), an unknown people of the Assyrian 
empire, from whom colonists were placed by As- 
napper in Samaria after the Captivity of the ten 
tribes (Ezr. iv. 9). 

Din'hil-bak (Heb. lord [i. e. place] of plundering ? 
Ges. ; bending aside, concealment, little place, Fii.), 
the capital city, and probably the birthplace, of 
Bela, son of Beor, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 32; 
1 Chr. i. 43) ; not identified. 

* Din'ner. Meals. 

Di-O-nys'i-a [-nish'e-a] (L. fr. Gr.) = " the feast 
of Bacchus." 

Di-O-uys'i-US [-nish'e-us] (L. fr. Gr. — of Diony- 
sus or Bacchus) the A-ie-op a-gite (Acts xvii. 34), 
an eminent Athenian (Areopagite ; Areopagus) 
converted to Christianity by the preaching of St. 
Paul. Eusebius makes him, on the authority of 
Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, to have been first 
bishop of Athens. According to a later tradition 
he suffered martyrdom at Athens. The writings 
once attributed to him are now confessed to be the 
production of some neo-Platonists of the sixth cen- 
tury. 

Di-O-ny'sus (L. fr. Gr.) = Bacchus (3 Mc. ii. 29). 

Di-os-fO-rin'thi-ns (fr. Gr.). Month. 

Di-Ot're-pllCS [-feez] (Gr. Jove-nurtured, L. & S.), 
a professed Christian, ambitious and domineering, 
who resisted the Apostle John's authority (3 Jn. 9, 
10). John, 3d Epistle of. 

Dis-ci'ple [dis-si'pl] (fr. L. = learner, scholar, pu- 
pil). Christian ; Education. 

Discus (L. fr. Gr. = quoit), a circular plate of 
stone or metal, made for throwing to a distance as 




Discobolus or Quoit-pitcher. - 
vol. 



(Osterlev, Denk, der alien Kunst, 
no. 139.) 



an exercise of strength and dexterity. The discus 
or quoit was originally of stone (Homer, Pindar). 
Discobolus (L. fr. Gr.) = one who throws or pitches 
the discus. Pitching the discus was one of the prin- 
cipal gymnastic exercises (Games) of the Greeks, 



and was introduced among the Jews by the high- 
priest Jason 4 (2 Mc. iv. 14). 
Dis-ea'ses. Medicine. 

Dish, the A. V. translation of the Heb. sephel 
(also translated " bowl "), tsallahath or tsallachath, 
and ke'drdh (also translated "charger"), also (Mat. 
xxvi. 23 ; Mk. xiv. 20) of the Gr. trublion (= a dish, 
bowl, for eating or drinking, Rbn. A 7 ". T. Lex.). Ba- 
sin ; Meals. 

Di'slian (Heb. = Dishon), youngest son of Seir 
the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 28, 30 ; 1 Chr. i. 38, 42). 

* Dishon (Heb.) (Deut. xiv. 5, marg.). Pygarg. 

Di'shou (Heb. antelope; see Pygarg). 1. The 
fifth son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 26, 30; 1 Chr. i. 
41). — 2. The son of Anah and grandson of Seir 
(Gen. xxxvi. 25; 1 Chr. i. 38, 41). Dishon and 
Dishan belong to the same root. The geographical 
position of the tribes descended from these patri- 
archs is uncertain. Knobel places them E. and S. E. 
of the Gulf of 'Akabah. Arabia. 

Dis-pcr'sioii, tlic Jews of the, or simply The Dis- 
per'sion (Gr. diaspora, A. V. " the dispersed," [Jn. 
vii. 35], "which are scattered abroad" [Jas. i. 1], 
"scattered" [1 Pet. i. 1]; comp. Deut. xxviii. 25; 
Jer. xxxiv. 17), was the general title applied to those 
Jews who remained settled in foreign countries after 
the return from the Babylonian exile, and during the 
period of the second Temple. The Dispersion, as a 
distinct element influencing the entire character of 
the Jews, dates from the Babylonian exile. (Cap- 
tivity ; Commerce ; Cyrus.) Outwardly and in- 
wardly, by its effects both on the Gentiles and on 
the people of Israel, the Dispersion appears to have 
been the clearest providential preparation for the 
spread of Christianity. At the beginning of the 
Christian era the Dispersion was divided into three 
great sections : the Babylonian, the Syrian, the 
Egyptian. Precedence was yielded to the first. 
From Babylon the Jews spread throughout Persia, 
Media, and Parthia ; but the settlements in China 
belong to a modern date. The Greek conquests in 
Asia extended the limits of the Dispersion. Se- 
leucus Nicator transplanted large bodies of Jewish 
colonists from Babylonia to the capitals of his 
western provinces. His policy was followed by his 
successor Antiochus the Great; and the persecu- 
tions of Antiochus Epiphanes only served to push 
forward the Jewish emigration to the remoter dis- 
tricts of his empire. Large settlements of Jews 
were established in Armenia, in Cyprus, in the isl- 
ands of the jEgean, and on the western coast of 
Asia Minor. The Jews of the Syrian provinces 
gradually formed a closer connection with their 
new homes, and together with the Greek language 
adopted in many respects Greek ideas. (Hellenist.) 
This Hellenizing tendency, however, found its most 
free development at Alexandria. The Jewish 
settlements established there by Alexander and 
Ptolemy I. became the source of the African Dis- 
persion, which spread over the N. coast of Africa, 
and perhaps inland to Abyssinia. At Cyrene and 
Berenice (Tripoli) the Jewish inhabitants formed a 
considerable portion of the population. The Af- 
rican Dispersion, like all other Jews, preserved their 
veneration for the " holy city," and recognized the 
universal claims of the Temple by the annual 
tribute. But the distinction in language led to 
wider differences, which were averted in Babylon by 
the currency of an Aramaic dialect. After the de 
struction of the Temple, a. d. 70, the Zealots found a 
reception in Cyrene ; and toward the close of the 
reign of Trajan, a. d. 115, the Jewish population 



228 



DIS 



DIV 



in Africa rose with terrible ferocity. The Jewish 
settlements in Rome were consequent upon the oc- 
cupation of Jerusalem by Pompey, b. c. 63. The 
captives and emigrants whom he brought with him 
were located in the trans-Tiberine quarter, and by 
degrees rose in station and importance. In the 
reign of Claudius the Jews became objects of sus- 
picion from their immense numbers ; and the internal 
disputes led to their banishment from the city (Acts 
xviii. 2). This expulsion, if general, can only have 
been temporary, for in a few years the Jews at Rome 
were numerous (xxviii. 17 ff.). The influence of 
the Dispersion on the rapid promulgation of Christi- 
anity can scarcely be overrated. The course of the 
apostolic preaching followed in a regular progress 
the line of Jewish settlements. The mixed assem- 
bly from which the first converts were gathered on 
the day of Pentecost represented each division of 
the Dispersion (Acts ii. 9, 11 ; [1.] Parthians 
Mesopotamia; [2.] Judea [i. e. Syria] . . . Pam- 
phylia; [3.] Egypt . . . Greece; [4.] Romans . . .), 
and these converts naturally prepared the way for 
the apostles in the interval which preceded the be- 
ginning of the separate apostolic missions. Antioch 
1 ; Paul ; Peter ; Seven, the. 
* Dis'taff. Spinning. 

*Di'ves [-veez], a Latin adjective (= rich), often 
used in theological writings to designate " the rich 
man" in the parable of Lk. xvi. 19-31, and doubt- 
less derived from the Vulgate version. 

Div-i-na'tion (Ez. xiii. 7 ; Acts xvi. 16, &c). This 
art " of taking an aim of divine matters by human, 
which cannot but breed mixture of imaginations " 
(Bacon, Essay xvii.), has been universal in all ages 
and all nations, alike civilized and savage. One kind 
of divination was called Natural, in which the me- 
dium of inspiration was transported from his own 
individuality, and became the passive instrument of 
supernatural utterances. The other kind of divina- 
tion (i. e. by the observation of phenomena) was 
artificial, and probably originated in an honest con- 
viction that external nature sympathized with and 
frequently indicated the condition and prospects of 
mankind ; a conviction not in itself ridiculous, and 
fostered by the accidental synchronism of natural 
phenomena with human catastrophes. When once 
this feeling was established the supposed manifesta- 
tions were infinitely multiplied. The invention of 
divination is ascribed to Prometheus, to the Phry- 
gians and Etrurians, especially sages, or to the devil. 
In the same way Zoroaster ascribes all magic to Ah- 
riman. (Persians.) Similar opinions have prevailed 
in modern times. Many forms of divination are 
mentioned in Scripture, and the subject is so fre- 
quently alluded to, that it deserves careful exami- 
nation. 1. Heb. hartummim or chartummim, A. V. 
" magicians," are first mentioned as a prominent 
body at the Egyptian court (Gen. xli. 8, &c). They 
were a class of Egyptian priests, eminent for learn- 
ing. The same name is applied to the Magi of Bab- 
ylon (Dan. i. 20, &c). (Magic.) Daniel was made 
"master of the magicians," &c, by Nebuchadnezzar 
(v. 11). — 2, Heb. hacdmim or chacdmim., A. V. 
"wise men" (Ex. vii. 11 ; Esth. i. 13; Jer. 1. 35), 
does not seem to mean any special class, but merely 
the wise men of Egypt, &c, generally (R. S. Poole). 
A kindred word, Chal. haccim or chaccim, A. V. 
" wise men," is used similarly in Dan. ii. 12 ff., &c. 
—3. Heb. mecaslishephim, A. V. " sorcerers," prop- 
erly = those who use magic formulas, incantations, 
&c, Ges. (Ex. vii. 11; Dan. ii. 2; Mai. iii. 5); 
mecashslieph, sing, masc, A. V. " a witch " (Deut. 



xviii. 10) ; micashshephdh, sing, fem., A. V. " a 
witch " (Ex. xxii. 18, Heb. 17). The kindred noun 
cashshdphim is translated in A.V. " sorcerers " (Jer. 
xxvii. 9). (Enchantments 2.) — 4. Heb. yidde'dnim 
(Lev. xix. 31, xx. 6, &c), uniformly translated in A.V. 
"wizards," or in sing. " wizard," literally knowing 
or wise ones, but always applied to wizards and false 
prophets (R. S. Poole). — 5. Heb. oboth, sing. 6b, 
A. V. " familiar spirits " (" spirit"), or "those that 
have familiar spirits " (Lev. xx. 6 ; Is. viii. 19, xix. 
3, &c.) ; shoel 6b, A. V. " a consulter with familiar 
spirits" (Deut. xviii. 11). The words properly de- 
note spirits of the dead, and then by an easy metony- 
my those who consulted them. They are also called 
Pythones. Hence the " spirit of Python " (Acts 
xvi. 16, margin). These ventriloquists (so the LXX. 
render oboth) " peeped and muttered " from the 
earth to imitate the voice of the revealing familiar 
(Is. xxix. 4, &c. ; 1 Sam. xxviii. 8 ; Lev. xx. 27). 
Ob properly = a bottle (Job xxxii. 19), and was ap- 
plied to the magician, because he was supposed to 
be inflated by the spirit. Of this class was the 
witch of Endor. — 6, Heb. kosem kesdmim, literally 
a diviner of divinations (R. S. Poole), A. V. " that 
useth divination " (Deut. xviii. 10), or kosem simply, 
A. V. " soothsayer," margin " diviner " Josh. xiii. 
22), usually kosimim in pi., A.V. " diviners " (Deut. 

xviii. 14, &c), = a diviner, one who foretells, used 
only of false prophets, Ges. — 7. Heb. mc'onen, A. V. 
"an observer of times" (Mic. v. 12; 2 K. xxi. 6), 
is derived by Gesenius, &c, from 'dnan, to cover, 
and may mean generally using hidden arts (Is. ii. 
6, A. V. " are soothsayers ; " Jer. xxvii. 9, A. V. 
" enchanters"). If derived from ^ayht, an eye, it = 
one who fascinates with the eyes, as in the Syriac ver- 
sion. A belief in the evil eye was universal, and is 
often alluded to in Scripture (Prov. xxiii. 6 ; Mat. 
xx. 15 ; Tob. iv. 7 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 9, " Saul eyed 
David "). Others again make the 'onenim (the form 
of the word in Is. ii. 6, &c.) = " soothsayers," who 
predicted " times," as in A.V., from the observation 
of the clouds. Gesenius says the word " seems 
rather to imply some kind of divination connected 
with idolatry." (Meonenim.) — 8. Heb. menahish or 
rnenachesh, A. V. "an enchanter" (Deut. xviii. 10). 
The verb ndhash or ndchash (Serpent), from which 
this comes, translated "use enchantments" (Lev. 

xix. 26 ; 2 K. xvii. 17, xxi. 6 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 6), 
"divine," margin "make trial" (Gen. xliv. 5, 15), 
"learn by experience" (xxx. 27), &c, = to take avr 
guries, practise divination, prognosticate, augur, Ges. 
Some understand by it divination by serpents (Ges.). 
(Serpent-charming.) The noun nahash or nachash 
is translated " enchantment " (Num. xxiii. 23, xxiv. 
1). Kindred Hebrew words (Idhash or Idrhash, verb, 
&c.) are translated "charmers" (Ps. lviii. 5, Heb. 
6), " enchantment " (Eccl. x. 11), " charmed " (Jer. 
viii. 17). Both verbs properly = to hiss, whisper, 
especially applied to the whispering or muttering of 
sorcerers, Ges. — 9. Heb. hober habdrhn or chober 
chabdrim., A. V. " charming," literally charming 
charms (Ps. lviii. 5, Heb. 6) ; hober hdber, A. V. "a 
charmer," literally one charming a charm (Deut. 
xviii. 11) ; = binding with spells, fascinating, charm- 
ing, spoken of a species of magic practised by bind- 
ing magic knots (Ges.). The pi. noun, A. V. " en- 
chantments," occurs alone in Is. xlvii. 9, 12. (Ma- 
gic ; Serpent-charming.) — 10. Belomanis, i. e. those 
who divine by arrows. In Ez. xxi. 21, Nebuchad- 
nezzar, at the parting of two ways, uses divination 
by arrows to decide whether he shall proceed 
against Jerusalem or Rabbah. Jerome explains it 



DIV 



DIV 



229 



of mingling m a quiver arrows on which were in- 
scribed the names of various cities, that city being 
attacked the name of which was drawn out. Estius 
says he threw up a bundle of arrows to see which 
way they would light, and falling on the right hand 
he marched toward Jerusalem. — 11. Closely con- 
nected with this was divination by rods, or rhabdo- 
mancy(Hos. iv. 12, A.V. "staff"). Of this many kinds 
are mentioned, e. g. striking the ground with a stalF 
and uttering horrid noises, till the diviner becomes 
frantic, and prophesies ; measuring a staff with the 
finger or hand, and uttering one of a set of words 
at each measurement ; peeling one side of a rod, 
and throwing it up to see whether the peeled or un- 
peeled side will fall uppermost ; setting up rods and 
observing which way they fall, &c. (Dr. P. Holmes, 
in Kitto). — 12. Cup divination (Gen. xliv. 5). Park- 
hurst and others, denying that divination is intend- 
ed, make it a mere cup of office " for which he 
would search carefully." But in all probability 
the A.V. is right (compare No. 8 above and Magic). 
The divination was by means of radiations from the 
water or from magically inscribed gems, &c, thrown 
into it. — 13. Consultation of Teraphim (Zech. x. 2, 
margin; Ez. xxi. 21, margin, &c). These were 
wooden images consulted as " idols," from which 
the excited worshippers fancied that they received 
oracular responses. — 14. Divination by the liver, or 
hepatoscopy (Ez. xxi. 21). The liver was the most 
important part of the sacrifice. Thus the deaths of 
both Alexander and Hephaestion were foretold. — 15. 
Divination by dreams, or oneiromancy (Deut. xiii. 2, 
3; Judg. vii. 13; Jer. xxiii. 32). Many warnings 
occur in Scripture against the impostures attendant 
on the interpretation of dreams (Zech. x. 2, &c). 
We find however no direct trace of seeking for 
dreams. — 16. The consultation of oracles may be 
considered as another form of divination (Is. xli. 21 
-24, xliv. V). (Oracle.) That there were several 
oracles of heathen gods known to the Jews we may 
infer both from the mention of that of Baal-zebub 
at Ekron (2 K. i. 2-6), and from the towns named 
Debiu. Moses forbade every species of divination, 
because a prying into the future clouds the mind 
with superstition, and because it would have been 
an incentive to idolatry (2 K. xxi. 6 ; Is. ii. 6) ; in- 
deed the frequent denunciations of the sin in the 
prophets tend to prove that these forbidden arts 
presented peculiar temptations to apostate Israel. 
But God supplied His people with substitutes for 
divination, which would have rendered it superflu- 
ous, and left them in no doubt as to His will in cir- 
cumstances of danger, had they continued faith- 
ful. It was only when they were unfaithful 
that the revelation was withdrawn (1 Sam. xxviii. 
6 ; 2 Sam. ii. 1 ; v. 23, &c). Superstition not un- 
frequently goes hand in hand with skepticism, and 
hence, amid the general infidelity prevalent through 
the Roman empire at our Lord's coming, imposture 
was rampant ; as a glance at the pages of Tacitus 
will suffice to prove. Hence the lucrative trades of 
such men as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9), Bar-jesus 
(xiii. 6, 8), the slave with the spirit of Python (xvi. 
16), the vagabond Jews, exorcists (Lk. xi. 19 ; Acts 
xix. 13), and others (2 Tim. iii. 13; Rev. xix. 20, 
&c), as well as the notorious dealers in magical 
books at Ephesus (Acts xix. 19). Demoniacs; In- 
spiration; Magic; Prophet; Urim and Thummim. 

Di -TOrce' [o as in force] (fr. L.). The law regulating 
this subject is found Deut. xxiv. 1-4, and the cases in 
which the right of a husband to divorce his wife 
was lost, are stated xxii. 19, 29. The ground of di- 



vorce (Heb. 'ervath ddbdr, A. V. " some unclean- 
ness ") is a point on which the Jewish doctors of 
the period of the N. T. widely differed ; the school 
of Shammai seeming to limit it to a moral delin- 
quency in the woman, whilst that of Ilillel extended 
it to any thing offensive or displeasing, e. g. if the 
wife burnt the food she was cooking for her hus- 
band. The Pharisees wished perhaps to embroil 
our Saviour with these rival schools by their ques- 
tion (Mat. xix. 3) ; by His answer to which, as well 
as by His previous maxim (v. 31), He declares that 
but for their hardened state of heart, such questions 
would have no place. Yet from the distinction 
made, " but I say unto you " (v. 31, 32), it seems 
to follow, that He regarded all the lesser causes 
than " fornication " (Adultery) as standing on too 
weak ground, and declined the question of how to 
interpret the words of Moses. It would be unreason- 
able, therefore (so Mr. Hayman), to suppose that 
by "some uncleanness," to which he limited the 
remedy of divorce, Moses meant " fornication," i. e. 
adultery, for that would have been to stultify the 
law " that such should be stoned " ( Jn. viii. 5 ; Lev. 
xx. 10). But the husband was not bound, so far as 
appears, to denounce his guilty wife, it being the 
business of the local police to bring crimes before 
the local courts for their adjudication. Thus the 
husband, even in cases of adultery, might give the 
ordinary bill of divorcement, leaving it to common 
fame to bring the matter before the police magis- 
trates. This view of Jewish usage explains Jer. iii. 
8 and Mat. i. 19 (so Pres. Woolsey, in New Englan- 
der, xxvi. 220). Knobel says of the Heb. 'ervath 
ddbdr, A. V. " some uncleanness," in Deut. xxiv. 1, 
that the phrase is used of human excrement in Deut. 
xxiii. 15 (A.V. 14), and is properly a " shame " or dis- 
grace from a thing (Is. xx. 4), i. e. any thing which 
awakens the feeling of shame and repulsion, inspires 
aversion and disgust, and nauseates in contact, e. g. 
bad breath, a secret running sore, &c. He con- 
siders the schools of Hillel and Shammai as " both 
wrong in this, that they built up a general principle 
upon the words, whilst the author only speaks of 
the commonest cause of divorce at his time" (Com- 
mentary on Deuteronomy, quoted by Pres. Wool- 
sey, in New Englander, xxvi. 92). The practical 
difficulty, however, which attends on the doubt 
which is now found in interpreting Moses' words will 
be lessened if we consider, that the mere giving " a 
bill of divorcement " (compare Is. 1. 1 ; Jer. iii. 8), 
would in ancient times require the intervention of a 
Levite, not only to secure the formal correctness of 
the instrument, but because the art of writing was 
then generally unknown. This would bring the 
matter under the cognizance of legal authority, and 
tend to check the rash exercise of the right by the 
husband. But the absence of any case in point in 
the period which lay nearest to the lawgiver him- 
self, or in any, save a much more recent one, makes 
the whole question one of great uncertainty. It is 
contrary to all known Oriental usage to suppose 
that the right of quitting their husband and choos- 
ing another, was allowed to women. Salome is 
noted as the first instance of it (Jos. xv. 1, § 10) ; 
one, no doubt, derived from the growing prevalence 
of heathen laxity. — The N. T. doctrine concerning 
divorce is to be gathered from Mat. v. 31, 3?, xix. 
3-9; Mk. x. 2-12; Lk. xvi. 18; Rom. vii. 2, 3; 
and 1 Cor. vii. 10-16. Our Saviour in the Gospels 
lays down these four rules: (1.) The man who in 
conformity with the permission or sufferance of 
the law puts away his wife by a bill of divorce- 



230 



DIV 



DOD 



ment — " saving for the cause of fornication " — 
and marries another, commits adultery " against 
her " (Mark) or to her injury. (2.) The man who 
thus puts away his wife, causes her to commit 
adultery, i. e. by placing it within her power to 
marry whom she pleases leads her to form an adul- 
terous connection, inasmuch as she is still his wife 
in the eye of God (Matthew). (3.) The man who 
marries her who has been thus put away commits 
adultery (Matthew ; Luke). (4.) The woman who 
puts away her husband and is married to another, 
commits adultery (Mark ; Romans). The general 
principle, serving as the groundwork of all these 
declarations, is, that legal divorce does not, in the 
view of God, and according to the correct rule of 
morals, authorize either husband or wife thus sep- 
arated to marry again, with the single exception 
that, when , the divorce occurs on account of a 
sexual crime, the innocent party may without guilt 
contract a second marriage. In 1 Cor. vii. the 
apostle notices two cases : (a) when both the parties 
were Christian believers (ver. 10, 11), for which case 
the Lord had given commandment in the Gospels ; 
(6) where one of the parties was an unbeliever (12 
ff.), which case had not been provided for by the 
Saviour's authority. In (a) the apostle conceives 
also of a state of things, in which a woman sep- 
arated from her husband, perhaps permanently, on ac- 
count of dissensions between the married pair, shall 
have no right, according to the Lord's command- 
ment, to marry another man, i. e. of an actual 
separation from bed and board, without a dissolu- 
tion of the marriage relation or absolute divorce. 
This third state between divorce and marriage has 
then the apostle's qualified sanction, not, of course, 
as something desirable, but probably as a kind of 
barricade against divorce, and a defence of the 
Saviour's commandment. In (6) the apostle's words 
involve, without expressing fully, the principle that 
the believing party is not to initiate .any steps 
which will terminate the marriage union, but must 
remain passive, while all active proceedings are 
expected to emanate from the other side. Thus, 
should the unbelieving husband or wife be content 
to dwell with the Christian partner, the latter may 
not put the other away. Marriage and the mar- 
riage-bed preserve their sanctity, because one of 
the parties is a consecrated person. Otherwise the 
children would be unclean, whereas all admit that 
they are consecrated, and thus certainly separated 
by a broad line from a family where both partners 
are unbelievers or heathens. But the heathen, 
whose husband or wife had become a Christian con- 
vert, might be soured or alienated for that very 
reason, and might insist on terminating the union. 
The apostle's decision then is, " If the unbelieving 
depart, let him depart," i. e. if he separates himself 
from his Christian partner, let him take his course 
unhindered. A believer has not been, by his pro- 
fession, brought into slavery, is not in bondage in 
such cases, is not subjected to the obligation of 
keeping up the marriage relation and of preventing 
the disruption by active measures of his own. Such 
bondage would subject the believer to a state of 
warfare, but God's call to him, when He invites 
him into the Gospel, is in the form of peace. And, 
moreover, let not the believing party think that he 
ought to take upon him this painful obligation in 
order to convert the heathen partner. For it is 
wholly uncertain whether by living with such a 
partner, when he is bent on separation, any such 
result will be attained. The apostle clearly had no 



thought about remarriage in such cases. The Chris- 
tian wife or husband must accept as a fact what 
the unbelieving partner has done, but the marriage, 
so far as the apostle lets his opinion be known, may 
still have been indissoluble, and the injured be- 
liever must remain in a state of desertion. The apos- 
tle, therefore, in 1 Cor. vii. advances beyond our 
Lord's position in a single particular, — in conceiv- 
ing of, and, to a certain degree, authorizing separa- 
tion without license of remarriage ; but this does 
not lead him to any departure from our Lord's 
principles. (This view of the N. T. doctrine is 
abridged from President Woolsey's article in the 
New Englander, xxvi. 212 ff.) Marriage ; Women. 

Diz'a-hab (Heb. of gold, i. e. a place rich in gold, 
Ges.), a place in the Arabian Desert, mentioned 
Deut. i. 1, as limiting the position of the spot in 
which Moses is there represented as addressing the 
Israelites. It is by Robinson, Gesenius, &c, identi- 
fied with Dahab, a cape on the W. shore of the 
Gulf of 'Akabah, E. of Sinai. 

* Doc tor (L. teacher). Lawyer ; Rabbi. 

Do'cus (Gr. dok, fr. Syr.= a lower, Wr.), a "little 
hold" near Jericho (1 Mc. xvi. 15, compare verse 
14) built by Ptolemee, the son of Abubus, in which 
he entertained and murdered his father-in-law 
Simon Maccabeus with his two sons. The name 
still remains attached to the copious and excellent 
springs of 'Ain-Duk, which burst forth in the Wady 
Naiv&'imeh, at the foot of the mountain of Quaran- 
tania (Kuruntul), about four miles N.W. of Jericho. 
Above the springs are traces of ancient foundations, 
which may be those of Ptolemee's castle, but more 
probably of that of the Templars, one of whose 
stations this was. 

Do'dai or Dod'a-i (Heb. = Dodo), an Ahohite 
who commanded the course of the second month (1 
Chr. xxvii. 4) ; probably = Dodo 2. 

Dod'a-nim or Do-da'nim (Heb. = Dedan, Sim. ; 
in some copies and in margin of A. V., 1 Chr. i. 7, 
Rodanim), a " son," i. e. family or race, descended 
from Javan, the son of Japheth (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 
7). The weight of authority is in favor of the former 
name. Dodanim is referred by Le Clerc and Mi- 
chaelis to the inhabitants of Dodona in Epirus ; but 
possibly (so Gesenius, Fiirst, &c.)=the Dardanians, 
who were found in historical times in Illyricum and 
Troy, the former district being regarded as their 
original seat, and were probably a semi-Pelasgie 
race, grouped with the Chittim in the genealogical 
table, as more closely related to them, than to the 
other branches of the Pelasgic race. Kalisch identi- 
fies Dodanim with the Daunians, who occupied the 
coast of Apulia ; he regards the name as referring 
to Italy generally. 

Dod'a-vah or Do-da'vah (Heb. love of Jehovah, 
Ges. ; Jah is f riend, Fii.), a man of Mareshah in 
Judah ; in the Jewish traditions son and nephew 
of Jehoshaphat ; father of Eliezer who denounced 
Jehoshaphat's alliance with Ahaziah (2 Chr. xx. 
37). 

Do do (Heb. amatory, Ges. ; Jah is friend, Fii.). 
1. A man of Bethlehem, father of Elhanan, who was 
one of David's thirty captains or " valiant men " (2 
Sam. xxiii. 24 ; 1 Chr. xi. 26). He is a different per- 
son from — 2. " Dodo the Ahohite," father of Eleazar, 
the second of the three mighty men who were over 
the thirty (2 Sam. xxiii. 9; I Chr. xi. 12). He, or 
his son — in which case we must suppose the words 
" Eleazar son of " to have escaped from the text — 
probably had the command of the second monthly 
course (1 Chr. xxvii. 4). In the latter passage the 



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231 



name is Dodai. — 3. A man of Issachar, forefather 
of Tola the Judge (Judg. x. 1). 

Do'eg (Heb. fearful, Ges., Fii.), an Edomite, chief 
of Saul's herdmen. He was at Nob when Ahime- 
lech gave David the sword of Goliath, and not only 
gave information to Saul, but, when others declined 
the office, himself executed the king's order to de- 
stroy the priests of Nob, to the number of eighty- 
five persons, with their families, and all their 
property (1 Sam. xxi. 7, xxii. 9, 18, 22 ; Ps. hi. title). 
Probably he was a proselyte, attending under some 
vow or act of purification at the Tabernacle. 

Dog (Heb. celeb; Gr. kudn, kunarion), an animal 
frequently mentioned in Scripture (Canis familiaris, 
Linn.). It was used by the Hebrews as a watch for 
their houses (Is. lvi. 10), and for guarding their 
flocks (Job xxx. 1). Then also^ as now, troops of 
hungry and semi-wild dogs used to wander about 
the fields and streets of the cities, devouring dead 
bodies and other offal (1 K. xiv. 11, xvi. 4, xxi. 19, 
23, xxii. 38 ; 2 K. ix. 10, 36 ; Jer. xv. 3; Ps. lix. 6, 
14), and thus became such objects of dislike that 
fierce and cruel enemies are poetically styled " dogs " 
in Ps. xxii. 16, 20. Moreover, the dog being an un- 
clean animal (Is. lxvi. 3), the terms " dog," " dead 
dog," " dog's head " were used as terms of reproach, 
or of humility in speaking of one's self (1 Sam. xxiv. 
14 ; 2 Sam. iii. 8, ix. 8, xvi. 9 ; 2 K. viii. 13). 
Through the East " dog " is a term of reproach for 
impure and profane persons (Rev. xxii. 15), and in 
this sense is used by the Jews respecting the Gen- 
tiles, and by Mohammedans respecting Christians. 
In allusion to its lechery "dog "—a male prostitute, 
sodomite, Ges. (Deut. xxiii. 18). Stanley saw on the 
very site of Jezreel the descendants of the dogs that 
devoured Jezebel, prowling on the mounds without 
the walls for offal and carrion thrown out to them 
to consume. 

Door. Gate ; House. 

Doph kail (Heb. cattle-driving, Fii.), a station in 
the Desert where the Israelites encamped (Num. 
xxxiii 12). Wilderness of the Wandering. 

Dor (Heb. circle of houses together, city, Fii.), an 
ancient royal city of the Canaanites (Josh. xii. 23), 
whose ruler was an ally of Jabin, king of Hazor, 
against Joshua (xi. 1, 2). It was probably the most 
S. settlement of the Phenicians on the coast of 
Syria. Josephus describes it as a maritime city, on 
the W. border of Manasseh and the N. border of 
Dan near Mount Carmel. It appears to have been 
within the territory of the tribe of Asher, though 
allotted to Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 11 ; Judg. i. 2*7). 
The original inhabitants were never expelled ; but 
during the prosperous reigns of David and Solomon 
they were made tributary (Judg. i. 27, 28), and the 
latter monarch stationed at Dor one of his twelve 
purveyors (1 K. iv. 11). Tryphon, the murderer of 
Jonathan Maccabeus, and usurper of the throne of 
Syria, having sought an asylum in Dor, the city was 
besieged and captured by Antiochus Sidetes ( 1 Mc. 
xv. 11 ff., A .V. " Dora "). It was afterward rebuilt, 
and remained an important place during the early 
years of the Roman rule in Syria. It became an 
episcopal city, but was already ruined and deserted 
in the fourth century. Jerome places it on the 
coast, " in the ninth mile from Cesarea, on the way 
to Ptolemais." Just at the point indicated is the 
small village of Taniura, probably an Arab corrup- 
tion of Bora, consisting of about thirty houses, 
wholly constructed of ancient materials. 

Do'ra (Gr.) = Dor (1 Mc. xv. 11, 13, 25). 

Dor'cas (L. fr. Gr. = antelope, gazelle). Tabitha. 



Do-rym'e-nes [-rim'e-neez] (L. fr. Gr. = valiant 
with the spear), father of Ptolemee 1 (1 Mc. iii. 38 ; 
2 Mc. iv. 45) ; probably the same Dorymenes who 
fought against Antiochus the Great. 

Do-sitll'e-ns (L. fr. Gr. = giving to God or given 
by God). 1. " A priest and Levite," who carried 
the translation of Esther to Egypt (Esth. xi. 1). — 2. 
A captain of Judas Maccabeus in the battle against 
Timotheus (2 Mc. xii. 19, 24).— 3. A horse-soldier 
of Bacenor's company, a man of prodigious strength, 
who, in attempting to capture Gorgias, was cut 
down by a Thracian (xii. 35). — 4. The son of Dri- 
mylus, a Jew, who had renounced the law of his 
fathers, and was in the camp of Ptolemy Philopator 
at Raphia (3 Mc. i. 3). He was perhaps a cham- 
berlain. 

Do'tha-im (Gr.) = Dothan. 

Do'than (Heb. two cisterns, Ges. ; double fountain, 
Fii.), a place first mentioned (Gen. xxxvii. 17) in 
connection with the history of Joseph 1, and ap- 
parently as in the neighborhood of Shechem. It 
next appears as the residence of Elisha (2 K. vi. 
13). Later still we encounter it as a landmark in 
the account of Holofernes' campaign against Bethu- 
lia (A. V. " Dothaim," Jd. iv. 6, vii. 3, 18, viii. 3). 
Dothan was known to Eusebius, who places it 
twelve miles to the N. of Sebaste (Samaria) ; and 
here its ruins have been discovered (V. de V., 
Rbn.) bearing its ancient name unimpaired, situ- 
ated at the S. end of a plain of the richest pastur- 
age, four or five miles S. W. of Jenin (En-gannim), 
and separated only by a swell or two of hills from 
the plain of Esdrselon. The traditional site was at 
the Khan Jubb YAsuf (At. = the khan of JosepjlCs 
Pit), near TeU-Evm (Capernaum ?), at the N. of the 
sea of Galilee. 

* Dongh. Bread. 

Doye (Heb. yon&h ; Gr. peristera). The first men- 
tion of this bird occurs in Gen. viii. The dove's 
rapidity of flight is alluded to in Ps. Iv. 6 ; the 
beauty of its plumage in lxviii. 13; its dwelling in 
the rocks and valleys in Jer. xlviii. 28, and Ez. vii. 
16; its mournful voice in Is. xxxviii. 14, lix. 11 ; 
Nah. ii. 7; its harmlessness in Mat. x. 16 ; its sim- 
plicity in Hos. vii. 11. The bride's eyes are repre- 
sented as dove-like (Cant. i. 15, iv. 1), and "dove" 
is a term of endearment (ii. 14, v. 2, &c. ; Ges.) 
The dove is a symbol of perfect gentleness, purity, 
fulness of life, and the power of communicating it 
(Lange on Mat. iii. 16). Doves.are kept in a domes- 
ticated state in many parts of the East. The pigeon- 
cote is a universal feature in the houses of Upper 
Egypt. In Persia pigeon-houses are erected at a 
distance from the dwellings, for the purpose of col- 
lecting the dung as manure. There is probably an 
allusion to such a custom in Is. Ix. 8. Commerce ; 
Dove's Dung ; Food ; Sacrifice ; Turtle. 

Dove's Dang (Heb. hiryyonim or chiryyonim, 
Ken dibyonim). Various explanations have been 
given of the passage in 2 K. vi. 25, which describes 
the famine of Samaria to have been so excessive, 
that " an ass's head was sold for fourscore pieces 
of silver, and the fourth part of a cab of dove's 
dung for five pieces of silver." The old ver- 
sions and very many ancient commentators are 
in favor of a literal interpretation of the He- 
brew word. Bochart has labored to show that 
it denotes a species of cicer, " chick-pea," which 
he says the Arabs call usndn, and sometimes im- 
properly " dove's or sparrow's dung." Linnaeus 
suggested that the Hebrew may signify the bulbous 
plant, Ornithogalum umbellalum, " Star of Bethle- 



232 



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hem." With regard to Bochart's opinion, Celsius, 
who advocates the literal interpretation, has shown 
that it is founded on an error. Still there is diffi- 
cult}' in believing that even in the worst horrors of 
a siege a substance so vile as is implied by the lit- 
eral rendering (Dung) should have been sold at the 
rate of about one pint for six shillings and four- 
pence sterling ; and, with Keil and Gesenius, while 
we admit the possibility, even the probability of the 
literal meaning, we do not admit its necessity, and 
therefore refrain from deciding (so Mr. Houghton). 
Dow'ry. Marriage. 

Drachm [dram] (fr. Gr. drachme, originally what 
one can hold in the hand, a handful, L. & S.), a 
Greek silver coin, varying in weight on account of 
the use of different talents (2 Mc. iv. 19, x. 20, xii. 
43; Lk. xv. 8, margin "drachma"). The Jews 
must have been acquainted with three talent? — the 
Ptolemaic, the Pheuician, and the Attic. The 
drachms of these talents weigh respectively, daring 
the period of the Maccabees, about 55 grains troy, 
58o, and 66, and, according to the present weight 
of U. S. silver coins, in value =: about 14 to 17 
cents. In Luke (A. V. "piece of silver") the 
Roman denarius ("Penny"), of nearly the same 
' value, seems to be intended. Money ; Weights 
and Measures. 

* Draeli'ma [drak-] (L. fr. Gr.) = Drachm (Lk. 
xv. 8, margin). 

Drag'on (fr. Gr.). The A. V., apparently follow- 
ing the Vulgate, rendered by the same word " drag 
on " — 1. Hob. tan, always in the plural, usually tan- 
nim (Job xxx. 29; Ps. xliv. 19, Heb. 20; Is. xiii. 
22, xxxiv. 13, xxxv. 7, xliii. 20; Jer. ix. 11, Heb. 
10, x. 22, xiv. 6, xlix. 33, li. 37 ; Mic. i. 8), once 
pi. fem. tannoih (Mai. i. 3). In Lam. iv. 3 an Ara- 
maic plural form (so Gesenius) tannin (Keri lannim) 
is translated in A. V. " sea-monsters," margin " sea- 
calves." It is always applied to some creatures in- 
habiting the desert, and we should conclude from 
this that it refers rather to some wild beast than to 
a serpent. The Syriac (according to Pococke, Ge- 
senius, Alexander on Isaiah, &c.) translates "jack- 
als." They suckle their young (Lam. iv. 3), and 
utter a w r ailing cry like that of a child (Job xxx. 29 ; 
Mic. i. 8). — 2. Heb. tannin, which seems to refer to 
any great monster, whether of the land or the sea, 
more usually to some kind of serpent or reptile, but 
not exclusively restricted to that sense. When we 
examine special passages, we find the word used in 
Gen. i. 21 (A. V. " whales ") ; Ps. cxlviii. 7, and 
probably in Job vii. 12 (A. V. "whale"), of the 
great sea-monsters, the representatives of the in- 
habitants of the deep. On the other hand, in Ex. 
vii. 9, 10, 12 (A. V. "serpent" in these verses); 
Deut. xxxii. 33; Ps. xci. 13, it refers to land-ser- 
pents of a powerful and deadly kind. It is also ap- 
plied metaphorically to Pharaoh or to Egypt (Is. 
xxviL 1, li. 9 ; Ez. xxix. 3, xxxii. 2, A. V. "whale," 
margin " dragon ; " perhaps Ps. lxxiv. 13), and, 
especially as feet are attributed to it, it probably = 
the crocodile as the well-known emblem of Egypt. 
When used of the king of Babylon (Jer. li. 34), it 
probably = some great serpent, such as might in- 
habit the sandy plains of Babylonia. — 3. Gr. drakon, 
in the Apocalypse (Rev. xii. 3, 4, 7, 9, 13, 16, 17, 
&c), applied metaphorically to " the old serpent, 
called the Devil, and Satan," the description of the 
" dragon " being dictated by the symbolical mean- 
ing of the image rather than by any reference to 
any actually existing creature. The reason of this 
scriptural symbol is to be sought not only in the 



union of gigantic power with craft and malignity, 
of which the serpent is the natural emblem, but 
in the record of the serpent's agency in the tempta- 
tion (Gen. iii.). 

* Drag'ou-well (Heb. 'eyre haltannin = fountain of 
the dragon ; see Ain ; Dragon 2 ; Fountain 1), ap- 
parently over against the Valley Gate of Jerusalem 
(Neh. ii. 13); probably (so Robinson, Gesenius, 
&c.) = the fountain or pool of Gihon. 

Dram, the A. V. translation of Heb. adarcon, 
darcmon or darcemou (Ezr. ii. 69, viii. 27 ; Neh. vii. 
70-72 ; 1 Ohr. xxix. 7), more accurately translated 
daric — a Persian gold coin current in Palestine af- 
ter the return from Babylon. The darics which 
have been discovered are thick pieces of pure gold, 
of archaic style, bearing on the obverse the figure 
of a king with bow aud javelins, or bow and dagger, 
and ou the reverse an irregular incuse square. 
(Money, II. 2.) Their full weight is about 128 
grains troy (about the weight of a U. S. half-eagle). 

* Draught [draft], the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Gr. agra ( — a catching of game, a hunting or fish- 
ing ; hence, what is caught, a draught, a catch of 
fishes) (Lk. v. 4, 9). — 2. Gr. aphedron (literally = a 
place of sitting apart, hence a privy, draught, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex.) (Mat. xv. 17 ; Mk. vii. 19). Draught- 
house. 

* Draught'-housc = a receptacle for filth, a privy 
(2 K. x. 27). Draught 2 ; Dung. 

Dreams.— I. The main difference between our 
sleeping and waking thoughts appears to lie in this 
— that, in the former case, the perceptive faculties 
of the mind are active, while the reflective powers 
are generally asleep. Yet there is a class of dreams 
in which the reason is not wholly asleep. In these 
cases it seems to look on as it were from without, 
and so to have a double consciousness. In either 
case the ideas suggested are accepted by the mind 
in dreams at once and inevitably, instead of being 
weighed and tested, as in our waking hours. But it 
is evident that the method of such suggestion is still 
undetermined, and in fact is no more capable of be- 
ing accounted for by any single cause than the sug- 
gestion of waking thoughts. The material of these 
latter is supplied either by ourselves, through the 
senses, the memory, and the imagination, or by 
other men, generally through the medium of words, 
or lastly by the direct action of the Spirit of God, or 
of created spirits of orders superior to our own, or 
the spirit within us. So also it is in dreams. On 
the two points in which the material is supplied by 
ourselves or by other men, experience gives un- 
doubted testimony; as to the third, it can, from the 
nature of the case, speak but vaguely and uncertain- 
ly. The Scripture declares, not as any strange 
thing, but as a thing of course, that the influence 
of the Spirit of God upon the soul extends to its 
sleeping as well as its waking thoughts. — II. It is, 
of course, with this last class of dreams that we 
have to do in Scripture. The dreams of memory or 
imagination are indeed referred to in Eccl. v. 3 ; Is. 
xxix. 8 ; but it is the history of the Revelation of 
the Spirit of God to the spirit of man, whether 
sleeping or waking, which is the proper subject of 
Scripture itself. It must be observed that, in ac- 
cordance with the principle enunciated by St. Paul 
in 1 Cor. xiv. 15, dreams, in which the understand- 
ing is asleep, are recognized indeed as a method ot 
divine revelation, but placed below the visions of 
prophecy, in which the understanding plays its part. 
It is true that the book of Job, standing as it does 
on the basis of "natural religion," dwells on dreams 



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233 



and " visions in deep sleep " as the chosen method 
of God's revelation of Himself to man (see Job iv. 
13, vii. 14, xxxiii. 15). But in Num. xii. 6 ; Deut. 
xiii. 1, 3, 5 ; Jer. xxvii. 9 ; Joel ii. 28, &c, dreamers 
of dreams, whether true or false, are placed below 
" prophets," and even below " diviners " (so Mr. A. 
Barry and Jewish doctors ; see Divination ; Proph- 
et) ; and similarly in the climax of 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, 
we read that " Jehovah answered Saul not, neither 
by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets." Under 
the Christian dispensation, while we read frequently 
of trances and visions, dreams are never referred to 
as vehicles of divine revelation. In accordance with 
this principle are the actual records of the dreams 
sent by God. The greater number of such dreams 
were granted, for prediction or for warning, to those 
who were aliens to the Jewish covenant (Gen. xx. 
3-7, xxxi. 24, xl. 5, xli. 1-8 ; Judg. vii. 13 ; Dan. ii. 
1 £f., iv. 10-18; Mat. ii. 12, xxvii. 19). And, where 
dreams are recorded as means of God's revelation 
to His chosen servants, they are almost always re- 
ferred to the periods of their earliest and most im- 
perfect knowledge of Him (Gen. xv. 12, and per- 
haps 1-9, xxviii. 12-15, xxxvii. 5-10; 1 K. iii. 5; 
Mat. i. 20, ii. 13, 19, 22). The only exception to 
this is in the dreams and "visions of the night" 
given to Daniel (Dan. ii. 19, vii. 1 ; see also 1 K. 
ix. 2-9). The general conclusion therefore is, first, 
that the Scripture claims the dream as a medium 
through which God may speak to man either di- 
rectly, or indirectly in virtue of a general influence 
upon all his thoughts ; and secondly, that it lays 
far greater stress on that divine influence by 
which the understanding also is affected, and 
leads us to believe that as such influence extends 
more and more, revelation by dreams, unless in 
very peculiar circumstances, might be expected to 
pass away. 

Drcss^ This subject includes — I. Materials. The 
earliest and simplest robe was made out of the 
leaves of a tree (A. V. " fig-leaves "), portions of 
which were sewn together, so as to form an apron 
(Gen. iii. 7). After the fall, the skins of animals 
supplied a more durable material (iii. 21), which 
was adapted to a rude state of society, and is stated 
to have been used by various ancient nations. Skins 
were not wholly disused at later periods : the " man- 
tle " worn by Elijah appears to have been the skin 
of a sheep or some other animal with the wool left 
on. It was characteristic of a prophet's office from 
its mean appearance (Zech. xiii. 4 ; compare Mat. 
vii. 15). Pelisses of sheep-skin still form an or- 
dinary article of dress in the East. (Leather.) The 
art of weaving hair was known to the Hebrews at 
an early period (Ex. xxvi. 7, xxxv. 6) ; the sack- 
cloth used by mourners was of this material. John 
the Baptist's robe was of camel's hair (Mat. iii. 4). 
(Camel.) Wool, we may presume, was introduced 
at a very early period, the flocks of the pastoral 
families being kept partly for their wool (Gen. 
xxxviii. 12) : it was at all times largely employed, 
particularly for the outer garments (Lev. xiii. 4V ; 
Deut. xxii. 11, &c). Probably the acquaintance 
of the Hebrews with linen, and perhaps cotton, 
dates from the period of the captivity in Egypt, 
when they were instructed in the manufacture (1 
Chr. iv. 21). After their return to Palestine we have 
frequent notices of linen. Silk was not introduced 
until a very late period (Rev. xviii. 12). The use of 
mixed material, such as wool and flax, was forbid- 
den (Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11). — II. Color and 
decoration. The prevailing color of the Hebrew 



dress was the natural white of the materials em- 
ployed, which might be brought to a high state of 
brilliancy by the art of the fuller (Mk. ix. 3). It is 
uncertain when the art of dyeing (Colors) became 
known to the Hebrews ; the dress worn by Joseph 
(Heb. cethdneth passim; see below, III. 1; Gen. 
xxxvii. 3, 23) is variously taken to be either a "coat 
of divers colors " (A. V., LXX., Vulg., &c), or a 
tunic furnished with sleeves and reaching down to 
the ankles. The latter is probably the correct 
sense (Ges'enius, Piirst, &c). The notice of scar- 
let thread (xxxviii. 28) implies some acquaintance 
with dyeing. The Egyptians had carried the art 
of weaving and embroidery to a high state of per- 
fection, and from them the Hebrews learned various 
methods of producing decorated stuffs. The ele- 
ments of ornamentation were — (1.) weaving with 
threads previously dyed (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; (2.) the 
introduction of gold thread or wire (Ex. xxviii. 6 
ff.); (3.) the addition of figures. (Embroiderer.) 
Robes decorated with gold (Ps. xlv. 13), and at a 
later period with silver thread, were worn by royal 
personages (compare Acts xii. 21); other kinds of 
embroidered robes were worn by the wealthy both 
of Tyre (Ez. xvi. 13) and Palestine (Judg. v. 30 ; Ps. 
xlv. 14). The art does not appear to have been 
maintained among the Hebrews ; the Babylonians 
and other Eastern nations (Babylonish Garment), 
as well as the Egyptians (Josh. vii. 21 ; Ez. xxvii. 
7, 24), excelled in it. Nor does the art of dyeing 
appear to have been followed up in Palestine : 
dyed robes were imported from foreign countries 
(Zephaniah i. 8), particularly from Phenicia, and 
were not much used on account of their ex- 
pensiveness : purple (Prov. xxxi. 22; Lk. xvi. 19) 
and scarlet (crimson ; see Colors, II. 3 ; 2 Sam. 
i. 24) were occasionally worn by the wealthy. The 
surrounding nations were more lavish in their use 
of them : the wealthy Tyrians (Ex. xxvii. 7), the 
Midianitish kings (Judg. viii. 26), the Assyrian no- 
bles (Ez. xxiii. 6), and Persian officers (Esth. viii. 15), 
are all represented in purple or blue. — III. The 
names, forms, and mode of wearing (he robes. It is 
difficult to give a satisfactory account of the various 
articles of dress mentioned in the Bible. The gen- 
eial characteristics of Oriental dress have indeed 
preserved a remarkable uniformity in all ages ; the 
modern Arab dresses much as the ancient Hebrew 
did ; there are the same flowing robes, the same dis- 
tinction between the outer and inner garments, the 
former heavy and warm, the latter light, adapted to 
the rapid and excessive changes of temperature in 
those countries ; and there is the same distinction 
between the costume of the rich and the poor, con- 
sisting in the multiplication of robes of a finer tex- 
ture and more ample dimensions. Hence the numer- 
ous illustrations of ancient costume, which may be 
drawn from the usages of modern Orientals, sup- 
plying in great measure the want of contempora- 
neous representations. The costume of the men 
and women was very similar ; there was sufficient 
difference, however, to mark the sex, and it was 
strictly forbidden to a woman to wear the appenda- 
ges (e. g. the staff, signet-ring, and other ornaments, 
or, according to Josephus, the weapons) of a man ; 
as well as to a man to wear the outer robe of a 
woman (Deut. xxii. 5). We shall first describe the 
robes common to the two sexes, and then those pe- 
culiar to women. 1. The most essential article of 
dress was a closely fitting garment (Heb. cu/tdneth, 
cethdneth, or cthoneth ; whence the Gr. chiton ; prop- 
erly = a tunic, Ges., Rbn. N. T. Lex.), resembling 



234 



DRE 



DRE 



in form and use our skirt, though unfortunately 
translated " coat " in the A. V. (Gen. iii. 21, &c), 
sometimes "garment" (2 Sam. xiii. 18, 19; Ezr. ii. 
69; Neh. vii. 10, 12), once "robe" (Is. xxii. 21). 
The material of which it was made was either wool, 
cotton, or linen. The primitive tunic was without 
sleeves and reached only to the knee. Another 
kind (Joseph's ? see above, II.) reached to the 
wrists and ankles. It was in either case kept close 
to the body by a girdle, and the fold formed by the 
overlapping of the robe served as an inner pocket. 
A person wearing the tunic alone was described as 
"naked," A. V. (1 Sam. xix. 24; Is. xx. 2; Am. ii. 
16; Jn. xxi. 1). The same expression is elsewhere 
applied to the poorly clad (Job xxii. 6 ; Is. lviii. 1 ; 
Jas. ii. 15), and to the literally "naked" (Job i. 21, 
xxiv. 1, 10; Is. xx. 4, &c). The annexed woodcut 
(fig. l) represents the simplest style of Oriental 




Fig. 1. — An Egyptian. — (Lane's Modern Ejyptiam.*, 

dress, a long loose shirt or tunic without a girdle, 
reaching nearly to the ankle. The same robe, with 




Fig. 2, — A Bedouin. — (Lynch, Dead Sea.) 

the addition of the girdle, is shown in fig. 4. In fig. 
2 we have the ordinary dress of the modern Bedouin ; 



the tunic overlaps the girdle at the waist, leaving an 
ample fold, which serves as a pocket. Over the tu- 
nic he wears the abba or striped plaid, and on his 
head is the kefiyeh (Head-dress). 2. The Heb. 
sadin, Gr. sindon, translated " sheets," margin 
"shirts" (Judg. xiv. 12, 13), "fine linen," (Prov. 
xxxi. 24 ; Is. iii. 23 ; Mk. xv. 46), " linen cloth " 
(Mat. xxvii. 59; Mk. xiv. 51, 52), "linen" (Mk. xv. 
46 ; Lk. xxiii. 53), appears to have been a wrapper 
of fine linen, which might be used in various ways, 
but especially as a night-shirt (Mk. xiv. 51). 3. The 
Heb. me HI, in A. V. "robe" (Ex. xxviii. 4, 31, 34; 
1 Sam. xviii. 4, &c), "mantle" (xv. 21; Ezr. ix. 3, 
5, &c), " coat " (1 Sam. ii. 19), " cloak " (Is. lix. 11), 
= an upper garment, robe, especially an exterior tunic, 
fuller and longer than the common one, but without 
sleeves ; that of kings' daughters was with long 
sleeves (Ges.) It was worn by kings (1 Sam. xxiv. 
4), prophets (xxviii. 14), nobles (Job i. 20), youths 
(1 Sam. ii. 19), women (2 Sam. xiii. 18), priests 
(Ezr. ix. 3, 5), particularly by the high-priest. (High- 
Priest, I. 2, c ; Priest.) For this the LXX. use 
the Gr. ependutes, which in Jn. xxi. 1 = the linen 
coat worn by Phenician and Syrian fishermen, A. V. 
" fisher's coat ; " also Gr. stole, translated " long 
clothing" in Mk. xii. 38, &c. Where two tunics 
are mentioned (Lk. iii. 11) as worn at the same time, 
this would be the second ; travellers generally wore 
two, but this was forbidden to the disciples, when 
Jesus first sent them forth (Mat. x. 10; Lk. ix. 3 ; 
compare xxii. 35, 36). The dress of the middle and 
upper classes in modern Egypt (fig. 3) illustrates the 




Fig. 3. — An Egyptian of the upper classes.— (Lane.) 

customs of the Hebrews. In addition to the tunic 
or shirt, they wear a long vest of striped silk and 
cotton, called kaftan, descending to the ankles, and 
with ample sleeves, so that the hands may be con- 
cealed at pleasure. The girdle surrounds this vest. 
The outer robe consists of a long cloth coat, called 
ffibbeh, with sleeves reaching nearly to the wrist. In 
cold weather the abba is thrown over the shoulders. 
4. The ordinary outer garment consisted of a qua- 
drangular piece of woollen cloth, probably resem- 
bling in shape a Scotch plaid. The size and texture 
would vary with the means of the wearer. The He- 
brew terms referring to it are — sindah (occasionally 
salmah, A. V. " garment," Gen. ix. 23 ; Judg. viii. 
25 ; Prov. xxx. 4, &c), sometimes put for clothes 



DRE 



DRE 



235 



generally (Gen. xxxv. 2, A. V. "garments;" xxxvii. 
34, A. V. "clothes;" Ex. iii. 22, xxii. 9; Deut. x. 
18, A. V. "raiment" in this and Ex.; Is. iii. 6, 1, 
A. V. " clothing; " iv. 1, A.V. " apparel," &c.) ; beged 
(Gen. xxxix. 12 ff., A. V. " garment," &c), which is 
more usual in speaking of robes of a handsome and 
substantial character (xxvii. 15, A. V. " raiment ; " 
xli. 42, A. V. "vestures;" Ex. xxviii. 2 ff., A. V. 
"garments ; " 1 Sam. xix. 13, A. V. "cloth ; " IK. 
xxii. 10 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 9, A. V. " robes " in both ; Is. 
lxiii. 1 ff., A. V. " garments," &c.) ; cesuth, appro- 
priate to passages where covering or protection is 
the prominent idea (Ex. xxii. 21, Heb. 26, A. V. 
"raiment;" Job xxvi. 6, xxxi. 19, A. V. "cover- 
ing " in both) ; and lastly tibush, usual in poetry, 
but specially applied to a warrior's cloak (2 Sam. 
xx. 8, A. V. " garment "), priests' " vestments " (2 K. 
x. 22), and royal " apparel " (Esth. vi. 8 ff., viii. 15). 
A cognate Hebrew term (malbush) describes specifi- 
cally a state-dress, in a royal household (1 K. x. 5 ; 
2 Chr. ix. 4 ; A. V. " apparel " in both) or for relig- 
ious festivals (2 K. x. 22, A. V. "vestments"); else- 
where handsome robes (Job xxvii. 16 ; Is. lxiii. 3 ; 
Ez. xvi. 13; Zeph. i. 8 ; A. V. "apparel" in the 
last, " raiment " in the others). Another Hebrew 
term, mad, with its derivations midddh and medev, is 
expressive of the amplitude of the Hebrew garments 
(Lev. vi. 10, Heb. 3, A. V. " garment ; " Judg. iii. 
16, A. V. " raiment ; " 2 Sam. xx. 8, A. V. " gar- 
ment," &c.) The Gr. himation (Mat. v. 40, A. V. 
" cloak ; " Acts ix. 39, A. V. "garments," &c.) and 
stole express the corresponding idea, the latter being 
especially appropriate to " robes " of more than or- 
dinary grandeur (1 Mc. x. 21, xiv. 9, A. V. "ap- 
parel;" Mk. xii. 38, A. V. " long clothing;" xvi. 5, 
A. V. "long garment;" Lk. xv. 22, xx. 46; Rev. 
vi. 11, vii. 9, 13, 14). The outer garment might be 
worn in various ways, either wrapped round the 
body, or worn over the shoulders, like a shawl, with 
the ends or "skirts" hanging down in front; or it 
might be thrown over the head, so as to conceal the 
face (2 Sam. xv. 30; Esth. vi. 12). The ends were 
skirted with a fringe and bound with a dark purple 
ribbon (Num. xv. 38) : it was confined at the waist 




Fig. 4. 5. — Egyptians of the lower orders. — (Lane.) 

by a girdle, and the fold, formed by the overlapping 
of the robe, served as a pocket. The ordinary mode 



of wearing the outer robe, now called abba, is ex- 
hibited in figures 2 and 5. The arms, when falling 
down, are completely covered by it, as in fig. 5 ; but 
in holding any weapon, or in active work, the lower 
part' of the arm is exposed, as in fig. 2. (Apron ; 
Frontlets ; Handkerchief ; Mantle ; Sandal.) The 
dress of the women differed from that of the men 
in regard to the outer garment, the tunic being worn 
equally by both sexes (Cant. v. 3). The names of 
their distinctive robes were as follows : — (l.)Heb. 
mitpahath or rmtpachath, a kind of shawl (a wide 
upper garment of a woman, a mantle, a cloak, Gese- 
nius) (Ru. iii. 15, A. V. "vail," margin "sheet" or 
" apron ;" Is. iii. 22, A. V. "wimples"). (2.) Heb. 
ma'atdphdh, another kind of shawl (a cloak, mantle, 
Ges.) (Is. iii. 22, A. V. "mantles"). (3.) Heb. tsdHph 
("vail," A.V., Ges.) (Gen.xxiv. 65, xxxviii. 14, 19); 
probably (so Mr. Bevan, after the LXX.) a light sum- 
mer dress of handsome appearance and of ample 
dimensions. (4.) Heb. rddid( u vail," A. V., Ges.), a 
similar robe (Is. iii. 23; Cant. v. 1). (5.) Heb. peth- 
igil (A.V. " stomacher ") a kind of costly raiment, per- 
haps an embroidered festive garmtnt, Ges. (Is. iii. 24). 
(6.) Heb. gilydnim (23), according to Schroeder and 
the LXX., = transparent garments ; in A.V. "glass- 
es ; " according to Chaldee, Vulgate, Gesenius, &c, 
= mirrors, i. e. tablets or plates of polished metal, 
used by the Hebrew women as mirrors. The gar- 
ments of females were terminated by an ample bor- 




Fig. 6. — An Egyptian womar. — ^Lnne.) 



der or fringe (Hem of Garment) (Heb. shobel, shul, 
A. V. " skirts ") which concealed the feet (Jer. xiii. 
22). Figures 6 and 1 illustrate some of the pecu- 
liarities of female dress ; the former is an Egyptian 
woman (in her walking dress) ; the latter represents 
a dress, probably of great antiquity, still worn by 
the peasants in the S. of Egypt. (Marriage ; Orna- 
ments, Personal ; Veil.) — The dresses of foreign 
nations are occasionally referred to in the Bible ; 
that of the Persians is described in Dan. iii. 21, in 
Chaldaic terms, which Mr. Bevan thus explains by 
comparison with Herodotus : — (1.) 1hesa?-bdlin (A.V. 
" coats ") or drawers, which were the distinctive fea- 
ture in the Persian as compared with the Hebrew- 
dress; (2.) the pattish ("A. V. "hosen") or inner 
tunic ; (3.) the carbeld (A.V. "hat ") or upper tunic, 
corresponding to the meHl of the Hebrews ; (4.) the 
lebush (A.V. " garment ") or cloak, which was worn, 
like the Hebrew beged, over all. Gesenius makes 



236 



DRE 



DRI 



No. 1 = " either long and wide trowsers, such as are 
still worn by the Orientals ; or cloaks, mantles : " 
No. 2 = a tunic, undergarment : No. 3 = mantle or 
Greek cloak : No. 4 =a garment, vestment, especially 
a splendid garment — Heb. lebush, above. In addi- 




ng. 7. — A woman of the southern province of Upper Egypt. — (Lane.) 

tion to these terms we have notice of a robe of state 
of fine linen and purple, Heb. tachrich, so called 
from its ample dimensions (Esth. viii. 15). The ref- 
erences to Greek or Roman dress are few : the Gr. 
chlamus or chlamys (2 Mc. xii. 35, A. V. " coat ; " 
Mat. xxvii. 28, 31, A. V. "robe") was either the L. 
paludamenlum, the military cloak of the Roman sol- 
diery, or theGr. chlamys itself, which was introduced 
under the emperors : it was especially worn by offi- 
cers. The travelling " cloak " (Gr. phelones) referred 
to by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 13) is generally identified 
with the Roman p&nula, which was a thick upper 
garment, and seems to have been a long sleeveless 
cloak with an opening for the head (Rbn. N. T.Lex.) 
It is, however, otherwise explained as a travelling 
case for carrying clothes or books. — IV. Special 
usages relating to dress. The loose flowing Hebrew 
robes admitted of a variety of symbolical actions. 
Rending them was expressive of grief, &c. (Mourn- 
ing.) Generally the outer garment alone was thus 
rent (Gen. xxxvii. 34; Job i. 20, ii. 12), occasionally 
the inner (2 Sam. xv. 32), and occasionally both 
(Ezr. ix. 3 ; Mat. xxvi. 65 ; compare Mk. xiv. 63). 
Shaking the garments, or shaking the dust off them, 
was a sign of renunciation (Acts xviii. 6) (Dust); 
spreading them before a person, of loyalty and joy- 
ous reception (2 K. ix. 13 ; Mat. xxi. 8) ; wrapping 
them round the head, of awe (1 K. xix. 13), or of 
grief (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; Esth. vi. 12 ; Jer. xiv. 3, 4) ; 
casting them off, of excitement (Acts xxii. 23) ; lay- 
ing hold of them, of supplication (1 Sam. xv. 27; 
Is. iii. 6, iv. 1 ; Zech. viii. 23). (Arm.) The length 
of the dress rendered it inconvenient for active ex- 
ercise ; hence the outer garments were either left in 
the house by a person working close by (Mat. xxiv. 
18) or were thrown off when the occasion arose (Mk. 
x. 50 ; Jn. xiii. 4 ; Acts vii. 58), or, if this was not 
possible, as in the ease of a person travelling, they 
were girded up (1 K. xviii. 46 ; 2K. iv. 29, ix. 1 ; 1 
Pet. i. 13); on entering a house the upper garment 
was probably laid aside and resumed on going out 



(Acts xii. 8). In a sitting posture, the garments con- 
cealed the feet ; this was held to be an act of rever- 
ence (Is. vi. 2). The proverbial expression in 1 Sam. 
xxv. 22 ; IK. xiv. 10, xxi. 21 ; 2 K. ix. 8, probably 
(so Mr. Bevan, &c.) owes its origin to the length of 
the garments, which made it more natural to per- 
form this office of nature in a sitting posture : the 
expression is variously understood to mean the low- 
est or youngest of the people. Gesenius says, " a 
male person, especially where mention is made of 
exterminating a whole tribe or family." To cut the 
garments short was the grossest insult a Jew could 
receive (2 Sam. x. 4). To raise the border or skirt 
of a woman's dress was a similar insult, implying 
her unchastity. The number of suits possessed by 
the Hebrews was considerable : a single suit (Judg. 
xvii. 10) consisted of an under and upper garment. 
The presentation of a robe in many instances 
amounted to installation or investiture (Gen. xii. 
42; Esth. viii. 15; Is. xxii. 21); on the other hand, 
taking it away amounted to dismissal from office (2 
Mc. iv. 38). The production of the best robe was a 
mark of special honor in a household (Lk. xv. 22). 
The number of robes thus received or kept in store 
for presents was very large, and formed one of the 
main elements of wealth in the East (Job xxvii. 16 ; 
Mat. vi. 19 ; Jas. v. 2), so that " to have clothing " 
= to be wealthy and powerful (Is. iii. 6, 7). But 
others understand this = to have still a garment, as 
an exception to the general destitution of clothing 
(Alexander on Is., 1. a). On grand occasions the 
entertainer offered becoming robes to his guests. 
(Banquets ; Marriage.) The color of the garments 
was, as already observed, generally white ; hence a 
spot or stain readily showed itself (Is. lxiii. 3 ; Jude 
23 ; Rev. iii. 4). (Soap.) The business of making 
clothes devolved upon women in a family (Prov. 
xxxi. 22 ; Acts ix. 39) ; little art was required in 
what we may term the tailoring department ; the 
garments came forth for the most part ready made 
from the loom, so that the weaver supplanted the 
tailor. Arms ; Beo ; Handicraft ; Loan. 

* Drink. See Food. — For Drink-offering ; see 
Burnt-offering; Meat-offering; Wine, &c. 

Drink, Strong. The Heb. shecdr (Gr. sikera), in its 
etymological sense, applies to any intoxicating bev- 
erage : it is generally connected with wine, either 
as an exhaustive expression for all other liquors 
(e. g. Judg. xiii. 4; Lk. i. 5), or as parallel to it, 
particularly in poetical passages (e. g. Is. v. 11 ; 
Mic. ii. 11) ; in Num. xxviii. 7 (A. V. " strong wine ; " 
comp. Ex. xxix. 40) it clearly — wine. (Drunkard.) 
We may infer from Cant. viii. 2, that the Hebrews 
were in the habit of expressing the juice of other 
fruits besides the grape for the purpose of making 
wine ; the pomegranate, which is there noticed, was 
probably one out of many fruits so used. In Is. 
xxiv. 9 there may be a reference to the sweetness of 
some kind of strong drink. We learn from Jerome, 
&c , that the following beverages were known to the 
Jews : 1. Beer, which was largely consumed in Egypt 
under the name of zuthus, and was thence introduced 
into Palestine. It was made of barley; certain 
herbs, such as lupin and skirret, were used as sub- 
stitutes for hops. The boozah of modern Egypt is 
made of barley-bread, crumbled in water, and left 
until it has fermented ; the Arabians mix it with 
spices, as described in Is. v. 22. 2. Cider, noticed 
in the Mishna as apple-wine. 3. Honey-wine, of which 
there were two sorts : one, consisting of a mixture 
of wine, honey, and pepper; the other a -decoction 
of the juice of the grape, termed debash (honey) by 



DRO 



DUN 



237 



the Hebrews, and dibs by the modern Syrians. 4. I 
Date-wine, also manufactured in Egypt by mashing 
the fruit in water in certain proportions. A similar 
method is still used in Arabia, except that the fruit 
is not mashed : the palm-wine of modern Egypt is 
the sap of the tree itself, obtained by an incision 
into its heart. 5. Various other fruits and vegeta- 
bles are enumerated by Pliny as supplying materials 
for factitious or home-made wine, such as figs, mil- 
let, the carob fruit, &c. Not improbably the He- 
brews applied raisins to this purpose in the simple 
manner followed by the Arabians, viz., by putting 
them in jars of water and burying them in the 
ground until fermentation takes place. 

Drom'e-da-ry [drum-], the representative in the 
A. V. of — 1. Heb. beefier or bichrah. (Camel 2.) — 
2. Heb. reehesh, in A. V. " dromedaries " (IK. iv. 
28, margin " mules," or " swift beasts "), " mules " 
(Esth. viii. 10, 14), "swift beast" (Mic. i. 13); no 
doubt=" a superior kind of horse " (Ges.). — 3. Heb. 
rammach, only in pi. (Esth. viii. 10), A. V. " young 
dromedaries," Heb. biney h&ramm&cMm, literally 
sons of mares, this being an explanation of the pre- 
ceding Hebrew word, translated in A. V. " camels," 
properly (so Gesenius, &c.) mules. Camel 4. 

* Drop sy occurs only in Lk. xiv. 2, in translation 
of Greek hudropifcos (= dropsical), A. V. "which 
had the dropsy." The man afflicted with this well- 
known disease was healed by our Saviour on the 
Sabbath. Medicine; Miracles. 

* Drongkt. Agriculture ; Famine ; Rain. 

* Drown ing. Noah ; Punishments ; Red Sea, 
Passage of. 

* Druuk'ard, Drnnk'en-ness. The first recorded in- 
stance of drunkenness is in Gen. ix. 21 ff. (Noah.) 
Warnings against the use of wine and strong drink 
are uttered in the Scriptures (Lev. x. 9 ; Prov. xxiii. 
29-32) ; drunkenness is set forth as abominable 
(Rom. xiii. 13 ; Gal. v. 21 ; Eph. v. 18) ; exam- 
ples of its evil consequences are often given (1 K. 
xvi. 9, xx. 16; Dan. v. 1, &c); and drunkards are 
to be excluded from Christian fellowship, and from 
the kingdom of God(l Cor. v. 11, vi. 10). Persons 
are figuratively " drunken," who are intensely ex- 
cited, or overcome with sorrow, rage, &c. (Is. xxix. 
9, li. 21 ; Rev. xvii. 6, &c. ; compare our use of in- 
toxicated). Drink, Strong ; Wine. 

Dru-sil'la(L. fern, diminutive of Drusus,a. Roman 
surname), daughter of Herod Agrippa I. and Cypros. 
She was at first betrothed to Antiochus Epipha- 
nes, prince of Commagene, but was married to 
Azizus, king of Emesa. Soon after, Felix, pro- 
curator of Judea, brought about her seduction by 
means of the Cyprian sorcerer Simon, and took 
her as his wife. In Acts xxiv. 24, we find her in 
company with Felix at Cesarea. Felix had by Dru- 
silla a son named Agrippa, who, together with his 
mother, perished in the eruption of Vesuvius under 
Titus. 

* Dnke (fr. L. dux = leader), the A.V. translation 
of — 1. Heb. allup>h( = head of a family or tribe, chief, 
chieftain, pn-ince, Ges.), applied to the chiefs of the 
Edomites and Horites (Gen. xxxvi. 15 ff. ; Ex. xv. 
15 ; 1 Chr. i. 51 ff.). The same Hebrew word (A.V, 
" governor ") is also in Zech. ix. 7, xii. 5, 6, applied 
to the Jewish chiefs. The pi. in Jer. xiii. 21 (A.V 
" captains ") = chiefs, leaders in general (Ges.). — 2. 
Heb. nasieh (= one anointed, i. e. a prince consecrated 
by anointing, Ges. ; compare Messiah), applied to 
the princes of Midian under Sihon (Josh. xiii. 21); 
usually translated "princes" (Ps. lxxxiii. 11, Heb. 
12; Ez. xxxii. 30, &c). 



Dul'ci-mcr [se-] the A.V. translation of the Chal. 
sumponyah, & musical instrument, mentioned in Dan. 
iii. 5 (margin "symphony," or "singing"), 10, 15. 
Rabbi Saadia Gaon describes the term as — the bag- 
pipe, an opinion adopted by the majority of biblical 
critics. The same instrument is still in use among 
peasants in the N. W. of Asia, and in S. Europe, 
where it is known by the similar name Sampogna 
or Zampogna. Some (Gesenius, &e.) trace the ety- 
mology of the Chaldee word to the Gr. sumphonia 
(= Eng. symphony) ; others regard it as a Shemit- 
ic word. The modern " dulcimer " is a triangular 
stringed instrument. 

Du'niah (Heb. silence, Ges.), a son of Ishmael ; 
most probably the founder of an Ishmaelite tribe 
of Arabia, and thence the name of the principal 
place, or district, inhabited by that tribe (Gen. xxv. 
14; 1 Chr. i. 30; Is. xxi. 11). The name of a town 
in the^N.W. part of the peninsula, Doomat el-Jendel, 
about 4 C E. of Petra (so Porter, in Kitto), is held 
by Gesenius and others to have been thus derived. 
It signifies " Dumah of the stones or blocks of 
stone," and seems to indicate that the place was 
built of unhewn or Cyclopean masonry, similar to 
that of very ancient structures. 

Dn'mau (Heb. silence), a city in the mountainous 
district of Judali, near Hebron (Josh. xv. 52). Rob- 
inson passed the ruins of a village called cd-Dau- 
meh, four or five miles S. W. of Hebron, and this 
may possibly be Dumah. 

* Dnmb [dum] = unable to speak (Ex. iv. 11, &c). 
Jesus Christ's making the dumb to speak was one 
of the proofs of his Messiahship (Mat. ix. 32, 33, 
xii. 22, &c). Miracles. 

Dnngi The uses of dung were twofold, as ma- 
nure, and as fuel. The manure consisted either of 
straw steeped in liquid manure (Is. xxv. 10), or the 
sweepings (Is. v. 25, margin) of the streets and 
roads, which were carefully removed from about 
the houses, and collected in heaps outside the walls 
of the towns at fixed spots (hence the " dung-gate " 
or "dung-port" at Jerusalem, Neh. ii. 13), and 
thence removed in due course to the fields. The 
mode of applying manure to trees was by digging 
holes about their roots and inserting it (Lk. xiii. 8), 
as still practised in southern Italy. In the case of 
sacrifices the dung was burnt outside the camp (Ex. 
xxix. 14; Lev. iv. 11, viii. IV; Num. xix. 5): hence 
the extreme opprobrium of the threat in Mai. ii. 3. 
Particular directions were laid down in the law to 
enforce cleanliness with regard to human ordure 
(Deut. xxiii. 12 ff.) : it was the grossest insult to 
turn a man's house into a receptacle for it (2 K. x. 
27, A. V. " draught-house ; " Ezr. vi. 11 ; Dan. ii. 
5, iii. 29, " dunghill" A.V.) ; public establishments 
of that nature are still found in the large towns of 
the East. The " dunghill " was put as the emblem 
of deep and squalid poverty (so Gesenius) (1 Sam. 
ii. 8; Ps. cxiii. 7); to "embrace dunghills" = to 
lie in the dust, to wallow in filth, Ges. (Lam. iv. 5). 
In Phil. iii. 8, " dung" A. V. (Gr. pi. skubala) prop- 
erlj=what is thrown to the dogs, refuse, offal, things 
worthless (Rbn. N. T. Lex.). The difficulty of pro- 
curing fuel in Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, has made 
dung in all ages valuable as a substitute : it was 
probably used for heating ovens and for baking 
cakes (Ez. iv. 12, 15), the equable heat, which it pro- 
duced, adapting it peculiarly for the latter opera- 
tion. (Bread; Oven.) Cow's and camel's dung is 
still used for a similar purpose by the Bedouins. 
The dung is mixed with chopped straw, made into 
cakes, and dried for use (Kitto). Dove's Dung. 



238 



DUN 



EAR 



* Dung-gate (Neh. iii. 13, 14, xii. 31) or Dung-port, 

a gate of Jerusalem, perhaps (so Kitto, Bonar, &c.) 
on the S. near the modern " dung-gate," Bab el-mu- 
gharibeh, in the Tyropoeon. Others place it on the 
W. or S. W. Kitto supposes it = " the gate be- 
tween the two walls " (2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4). 

Dungeon [-jun]. Cistern ; Prison. 

Dn'rii (Heb. circle, Fii.), the plain where Nebu- 
chadnezzar set up the golden image (Dan. iii. 1), 
has been sometimes identified with a tract a little 
below Tekrit, on the left bank of the Tigris, where 
the name Dur is still found. M. Oppert places the 
plain (or, as he calls it, the " valley ") of Dura to 
the S. E. of Babylon, in the vicinity of the mound 
of Dowair or D&air. He discovered on this site 
the pedestal of a colossal statue. 

* Dust is often used figuratively as well as literally 
in the Scriptures. (Ashes ; Earth ; Mortar ; Mourn- 
ing.) To " return to the dust " is closely con- 
nected with Death or the dissolution of the body 
(Gen. iii. 19). To "lick the dust" is used hyper- 
bolically of those who prostrate themselves in the 
dust (Ps. lxxii. 9; Mic. vii. 17); but "to put one's 
mouth in the dust " = to bow in silence, and 
await God's help (Gesenius). To throw dust on 
or at one indicates rage and contempt (2 Sam. xvi. 
13; Acts xxii. 23). To shake off the dust of one's 
feet symbolizes (so Lange) a complete cessation of 
all fellowship, and a renunciation of influence (Mat. 
x. 14; Mk. vi. 11; Acts xiii. 51). Dress. 

* Dyeing. Colors; Dress; Handicraft. 



E 

Eagle [ee'gl] (Heb. nesher; Gr. ados). The Hebrew 
word, which occurs frequently in the 0. T., and is 
uniformly in A. V. translated " eagle," may denote 
a particular species of the Falconidte or falcon 
family, as in Lev. xi. 13 ; Deut. xiv. 12, where the 
" eagle " is distinguished from the ossifrage, os- 
pray, and other raptatorial birds ; but the term is 
used also to express the griffon vulture ( Vultur 
fulvics) in two or three passages. At least four 
distinct kinds of eagles have been observed in Pal- 
estine, viz. the golden eagle (Aquila Chrysaelos), 
the spotted eagle (Aquila ncevia), the commonest 
species in the rocky districts, the imperial eagle 
(Aquila heliaca), and the very common Circaetos 
gallicus, which preys on the numerous reptiles of 
Palestine. The Hebrew nesher may stand for any 
of these different species, though perhaps more par- 
ticular reference to the golden and imperial eagles 
and the griffon vulture may be intended. The Scrip- 
tures refer to the eagle's swiftness of flight (Deut. 
xxviii. 49 ; 2 Sam. i. 23 ; Jer. iv. 13, xlix. 22 ; Lam. 
iv. 19, &c.) ; its mounting high into the air (Job 
xxxix. 27; Prov. xxiii. 5, xxx. 19; Is. xl. 31); its 
strength and vigor (Ps. ciii. 5) ; its predaceous hab- 
its (Job ix. 26; Prov. xxx. 17); its setting its nest 
in high places (Job xxxix. 27; Jer. xlix. 16); its 
care in training its young to fly (Ex. xix. 4 ; Deut. 
xxxii. 11); its powers of vision (Job xxxix. 29). 
Mic. i. 16, "Enlarge thy baldness as the eagle," has 
been understood (improbably) by Bochart and others 
to refer to the eagle at the time of its moulting in 
the spring. But if the nesher — the griffon vulture 
the simile is peculiarly appropriate, for the whole 
head and neck of this bird are destitute of true 
feathers. Some Jewish interpreters have illustrated 
Ps. ciii. 5 (see also Is. xl. 31) by a reference to the 
old fables about the eagle being able to renew his 



strength when very old ; most modern commentators 
think the verse refers to the eagle after the moulting 
season, when the bird is more full of activity than 
before ; but Mr. Houghton much prefers Hengsten- 
berg's explanation,— "Thy youth is renewed, so that 
in point of strength thou art like the eagle." The 
" eagles " of Mat. xxiv. 28 and Lk. xvii. 37 may in- 
clude the griffon vulture and the Egyptian vulture 
(Gier-Eagle), though, as eagles frequently prey upon 
dead bodies, there is no necessity to restrict the 
Greek word to the vulture family. The figure of an 
eagle is now and has been long a favorite military 
ensign. The Persians so employed it ; a fact which 
illustrates the passage in Is. xlvi. 11. The same 
bird was similarly employed by the Assyrians and 
the Romans. See cuts under Ensign. 




Imperial Eagle {Aquila heliaca). 



E'a-nes (1 Esd. ix. 21), a name which stands in the 
place of Harim, Maaseiah, and Elijah, in the par- 
allel list of Ezr. x. 21. 

• Ear = the organ of hearing. (Deaf.) In regard 
to boring the servant's ear, see Slave. 

* Ear, to, an old English verb = to plough (Deut. 
xxi. 4; 1 Sam. viii. 12; Is. xxx. 24). So "earing" 
(Gen. xlv. 6) and " earing time " (Ex. xxxiv. 21) = 
ploughing, ploughing lime. 

Ear'ncst as a noun (2 Cor. i. 22, v. 5 ; Eph. i. 14) 
is the A. V. translation of arrhabon, a Gr. form of 
the Heb. 'erdbon, which was introduced, by the Phe- 
nicians into Greece, and also into Italy, where it re- 
appears under the L. forms of arrhabo and arrha. 
It may again be traced in the Fr. arrhcs, and in the 
old English expression EarVs or Arle's money. The 
Heb. word was used generally for " pledge " (Gen., 
xxxviii. 17, 18, 20), and in its cognate forms for 
"pledge" (1 Sam. xvii. 18), "surety" (Prov. xvii. 
18), and " hostages " (2 K. xiv. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 24 ; 
literally sons of suretyship). The Gr. derivative, how- 
ever, acquired a more technical sense as signifying 
the deposit paid by the purchaser on entering into 
an agreement for the purchase of any thing. The 
adjective "earnest" (Rom. viii. 19; Heb. ii. 1, &c.) 
and adverb " earnestly " (1 Sam. xx. 6, 28 ; Lk. xxii. 
44, 56, &c.) are often used in A.V. in their ordinary 
meaning, usually in translating some intensive com- 
pound or idiomatic expression of the original. 

Ear'-rings. The Heb. nezem, by which these or- 



EAR 



EAR 



239 



naments are usually described, is ambiguous, origin- 
ally referring to the nose-ring (Gen. xxiv. 47, A. V. 
" ear-ring ; " Prov. xi. 22 ; Is. iii. 21 ; Ez. xvi.12 ; A.V. 
"jewel" in the last three), and thence transferred 
to the ear-ring. The Heb. 'digit is also translated 
" ear-rings " (Num. xxxi. 50 ; Ez. xvi. 12) ; and once 
(Is. iii. 20) Heb. lehdsMm (= charms, Ges. ; see 
Amulets). The material of which ear-rings were 
made was generally gold (Ex. xxxii. 2), and their 
form circular. They were worn by women and by 
youth of both sexes (Ex. I. c). It has been inferred 
from the passage quoted, and from Judg. viii. 24, 
that they were not worn by men : these passages 
are, however, by no means conclusive. The ear-ring 
appears to have been regarded with superstitious 
reverence as an amulet. On this account they were 
surrendered along with the idols by Jacob's house- 
hold (Gen. xxxv. 4). Chardin describes ear-rings 
with talismanic figures and characters on them, as still 
existing in the East. Jewels (Heb. netiphoth=drops, 
pendants for the ears, especially of pearls, Ges. ; 
translated in Judg. viii. 26 " collars," margin "sweet 
jewels," and in Is. iii. 19 "chains," margin " sweet 
balls ") were sometimes attached to the rings. The 
size of the ear-rings still worn, in Eastern countries 
far exceeds what is usual among ourselves ; hence 
they formed a handsome present (Job xlii. 11), or 
offering to the service of God (Num. xxxi. 50). Or- 
naments, Personal. 




E<ryptinn Ear-riDgj. — (From Wilkinson.) 



Earth. The term is used in two widely different 
senses: (1.) for the material of which the earth's 
surface is composed, Heb. ctddmdh; (2.) as the name 
of the planet on which man dwells, Heb. erets. The 
Gr. ge is used in both senses of " earth " (Mat. xiii. 
5, &c. ; v. 18, &c). — I. The Heb. addmdh is the 
earth in the sense of soil or ground, particularly as 
being susceptible of cultivation. The earth supplied 
the elementary substance of which man's body was 
formed, and the terms dddm (A. V. " man," Adam) 
and addmdh(A.Y. "ground ") are brought into jux- 
taposition, implying an etymological connection (Gen. 
ii. 7). The law prescribed "earth" as the material 
out of which altars were to be raised (Ex. xx. 24). 
(Altar.) — II. The Heb. erets (and so the Gr. ge in the 
LXX. and N. T.) is applied in a more or less extended 
sense : — 1. to the whole world (Gen. i. 1) ; 2. to laDd 
as opposed to sea (Gen. i. 10) ; 3. to a country (Gen. 
xxi. 32, A.V. " land"); 4. to a plot of ground (Gen. 
xxiii. 15, A.V. " land ") ; 5. to the " ground " on which 
a man stands (Gen. xxxiii. 3) ; 6. to the inhabitants 
of the earth (Gen. vi. 11, xi. 1). "Earth" often, 
especially in the N. T., = the land or country of 
Judea or Palestine (Lk. xxiii. 44; Rom. ix. 28; Jas. 
v. 17, &c). — For the origin of the earth, see Crea- 
tion. Probably the Hebrews, in common with other 
ancient nations, regarded the earth as the grand 



centre round which the sun and all the heavenly 
bodies revolve ; but it is manifest that the Scriptures, 
in using the language which, literally and strictly 
interpreted, would convey this idea, neither make 
themselves responsible for its scientific accuracy, nor 
positively inform us what the real belief of the He- 
brews on this subject was. Those among us who 
fully adopt the Copernican system of astronomy, have 
no hesitation in saying, " The sun rises ; " " the moon 
and stars set," &c. ; those who believe that the 
earth is a sphere still speak of " the level of the 
earth ; " those who believe the dew is simply deposited 
on the cold earth from the warm air, say with others, 
" the dew falls ; " those who believe that, according 
to the laws of optics, we only take cognizance of 
pictures or impressions made on the retina of the 
eye, do not scruple to affirm that they see the per- 
sons before their eyes, &c. In all these cases we use 
the scientifically incorrect language which is descrip- 
tive of appearances ; yet we are not misunderstood 
when we use this convenient language, nor do we 
ordinarily suppose that we ourselves sanction a false 
view, or that those whom we address receive from 
us a false view, or hold it themselves. Much of the 
Bible (Psalms, Isaiah, &c.) is animated poetry; the 
whole is so written that it may be the Book 
for the people. The Scriptures, therefore, use 
language which all can readily understand when 
they speak of the sun's rising and going down 
(Gen. xv. 17, xix. 23, &c), of Joshua's commanding 
the sun to stand still upon Gibeon and the moon in 
the valley of Ajalon (Josh. x. 12, 13), of the heavens 
as spread out (Job ix. 8), of the earth as having 
foundations (xxxviii. 4, 6 ; Ps. civ. 5 ; Prov. viii. 29) 
and pillars (Job. ix. 6; Ps. lxxv. 3). In Job xxvi. 
7, the earth is represented as hung upon nothing. 
(Astronomy ; Heaven, &c.) The " pit " or " hell " 
is spoken of as beneath the earth's surface 
(Num. xvi. 30 ; Deut. xxxii. 22 ; Job xi. 8). There 
seem to be traces (mostly in poetical passages) of 
the same ideas as prevailed among the Greeks, that 
the world was a disc (Is. xl. 22), bordered by the 
ocean (Deut. xxx. 13 ; Job xxvi. 10 ; Ps. cxxxix. 9 ; 
Prov. viii. 27), with Jerusalem as its centre (Ez. v. 
5), which was thus regarded, like Delphi, as the 
navel (Judg. ix. 37 ; Ez. xxxviii. 12), or, according 
to another view, the highest point of the world. 
But Jerusalem might be regarded as the centre of 
the world, not only as the seat of religious light and 
truth, but to a certain extent in a geographical 
sense. A different view has been gathered from the 
expression " four corners," as though implying the 
quadrangular shape of a gannent stretched out; 
but " corners " may be applied in a metaphorical 
sense to the extreme ends of the world (Job xxxvii. 
3; Is. xi. 12; Ez. vii. 2). is to the size of the 
earth, the Hebrews had but a very indefinite notion. 
Without unduly pressing the language of prophecy, 
it may be said that their views on this point extend- 
ed but little beyond the nations with which they 
came in contact ; its solidity is frequently noticed, 
its dimensions but seldom (Job xxxviii. 18 ; Is. xlii. 
5). The Bible abounds in topographical details re- 
specting Palestine and the neighboring countries. 
For fulness of detail in topography, for graphic 
sketches of scenery, for minute accuracy in the de- 
scription of natural products, peculiarities of climate, 
and manners and customs, no history, ancient or 
modern, can be compared with the Bible (Ptr. in 
Kit). Josh, xii.-xxi. contain a remarkable descrip- 
tion not only of the general features and boundaries 
of Palestine, but of the names and situations of its 



210 



EAR 



EAS 



towns and villages. The earth was divided into four 
quarters or regions corresponding to the four points 
of the compass ; these were described in various 
ways, sometimes according to their positions rela- 
tively to a person facing the E., before, behind, the 
right hand, and the left hand, thus representing re- 
spectively E., W., S., and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9) ; some- 
times relatively to the sun's course, the rising, the 
setting (Ps. 1.1); sometimes as the seat of the four 
winds (Ez. xxxvii. 9). Of the physical objects noticed 
in the 0. T. we may make the following summary, 
omitting of course the details of the geography of 
Palestine : — 1. Seas — the Mediterranean, termed the 
"great sea" (Num. xxxiv. 6), the "sea of the Phi- 
listines" (Ex. xxiii. 31), and the " uttermost sea" 
(Deut. xi. 24); the "Red Sea" (Ex. x. 19), or 
•' Egyptian Sea " (Is. xi. 15) ; the Dead Sea, under the 
names "Salt Sea" (Sea, the Salt) (Gen. xiv. 3), 
" Eastern Sea " (Joel ii. 20), and " Sea of the Plain " 
(Deut. iv. 49) ; and the Sea of Chinnereth, or Gali- 
lee (Num. xxxiv. 11). (Sea.) 2. Rivers — the Eu- 
phrates, which was specifically " the river " (Gen. 
xxxi. 21), or " the great river ' (Deut. i. 7) ; the Nile, 
which was named either " the River " 3 (Gen. xli. 

1) , or Sihor (Josh. xiii. 3); the Tigris, under the 
name of Hiddekel (Dan. x. 4); the Chebar (Ez. 
i. 3) ; the Habor (2 K. xvii. 6) ; the River of 
Egypt (Num. xxxiv. 5) ; and the rivers of Damascus, 
Aba.va and Pharpar (2 K. v. 12). For the Gihon 
and Pison (Gen. ii. 11, 13), see Eden. 3. Mountains 
— Ararat or Armenia (Gen. viii. 4) ; Sinai (Ex. xix. 

2) ; Horeb (Ex. iii. 1); Hor (Num. xx. 22) near 
Petra; Lebanon (Deut. iii. 25); and Sephar (Gen. 
x. 30) in Arabia. The distribution of the nations 
over the face of the earth is systematically described 
in Gen. x. (Tongues, Confusion of), to which ac- 
count subsequent additions are made in chapters 
xxv. andxxxvi., and in the prophetical and historical 
books. The hereditary connection of the Hebrews 
with Mesopotamia and the importance of the dy- 
nasties which bore sway in it make it a prominent 
feature in the ancient world. The Egyptian bondage 
introduces to our notice some of the localities in 
Lower Egypt, viz. the province of Goshen, and the 
towns Rameses (Gen. xlvii. 11) ; On (xli. 45) ; Pi- 
thom (Ex. i. 11); and Migdol (xiv. 2). It is difficult 
to estimate the amount of information which the 
Hebrews derived from the Phenieians ; but no doubt 
from them they learned the route to Ophir, and be- 
came acquainted with the positions and productions 
of a great number of regions comparatively un- 
known. From Ez. xxvii. we may form some notion of 
the extended ideas of geography which the Hebrews 
had obtained. The progress of information on the side 
of Africa is clearly marked ; the distinction between 
Upper and Lower Egypt is shown by the applica- 
tion of the name Pathros to the former (Ez. xxix. 14). 
Memphis, the capital of Lower Egypt, is first men- 
tioned in Hos. ix. 6, and afterward frequently as 
"N T oph" (Is. xix. 13); Thebes, the capital of Upper 
Egypt, at a later period, as "No-Amon" (Nah. iii. 8) 
and " No " ( Jer. xlvi. 25) ; and the distant Syene (Ez. 
xxix. 10). Several other towns are noticed in the Delta. 
The wars with the Assyrians and Babylonians, and the 
captivities which followed, bring us back again to the 
geography of the East. Incidental notice is taken of 
several important places in connection with these 
events. The names of Persia (2 Chr. xxxvi. 20) 
and India (Esth. i. 1) now occur: whether the far- 
distant China is noticed at an earlier period under 
the name Sinim (Is. xlix. 12) admits of doubt. The 
names of Greece and Italy are hardly noticed in He- 



brew geography : the earliest notice of the former, 
subsequently to Gen. x., occurs in Is. lxvi. 19, under 
the name of Javan. If Italy is described at all, it is 
under the name Chittim (Dan. xi. 30). Ia the Mac- 
cabean era the classical names came into common 
use ; and henceforward the geography of the Bible, 
as far as foreign lands are concerned, is absorbed in 
the wider field of classical geography. 
Earthen-ware. Pottery. 

Earth'qnakc. Earthquakes, more or less violent, 
are of frequent occurrence in Palestine, as might be 
expected from the numerous traces of volcanic agency 
visible in that country. (Argob; Sea, the Salt, &c.) 
The instances recorded in the Scriptures, however, are 
but few (1 Sam. xiv. 15 ; IK. xix. 11,12; Mat. xxviii. 
2 ; Acts xvi. 26, &c. ; see below) ; the most remark- 
able occurred in the reign of Uzziah (Am. i. 1 ; Zech. 
xiv. 5), which Josephus connected with the sacrilege 
and consequent punishment of that monarch (2 Chr. 
xxvi. 16 if.). From Zech. xiv. 4 we are led to infer 
that a great convulsion took place at this time in the 
Mount of Olives, the mountain being split so as to 
leave a valley between its summits. Josephus (ix. 
10, § 4) records something of the sort, but his ac- 
count is by no means clear. We cannot but think 
that the two accounts have the same foundation, and 
that the Mount of Olives was really affected by the 
earthquake. An earthquake occurred at the time 
of our Saviour's crucifixion (Mat. xxvii. 51-54), which 
may be deemed miraculous rather from the conjunc- 
tion of circumstances than from the nature of the 
phenomenon itself. Josephus(xv. 5,§ 2) records a very 
violent earthquake, b. c. 31, in which 10,000 people 
perished. Terrible earthquakes visited Syria and 
Palestine a. d. 1170, 1202, 1759, &c. That of Jan- 
uary 1, 1837, was felt in a region 500 miles long 
by 90 broad, but the principal scene of ruin was in 
Upper Galilee. Mr. Caiman, who accompanied Rev. 
W. M. Thomson to minister relief to the sufferers, 
estimated 5,025 killed, and 405 wounded at Safed, 
775 killed and 65 wounded at Tiberias, and more 
than 1,500 killed in other places (Kitto, Phys. Hist, 
of Pal, 88 £f. ; Thn. i. 429 ff.). Earthquakes are 
not unfrequently accompanied by fissures of the 
earth's surface ; instances of this are recorded in 
connection with the destruction of Korah and his 
company (Num. xvi. 32), and at the time of our 
Lord's death (Mat. xxvii. 51) ; the former may be 
paralleled by a similar occurrence at Oppido in 
Calabria a. d. 1783, where the earth opened to the 
extent of 500, and a depth of more than 200 feet. 
Darkness is frequently a concomitant of earth- 
quakes. The awe which an earthquake never fails 
to inspire rendered it a fitting token of Jehovah's 
presence (Judg. v. 4 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 8 ; Ps. lxxvii. 18, 
xcvii. 4, civ. 32; Am. viii. 8; Hab. iii. 10). An 
earthquake is a symbol of a wide-spread and terrible 
calamity, or of a great political convulsion or catas- 
trophe (Rev. vi. 12, &c). 

East. The Hebrew terms, descriptive of the east, 
differ in idea, and, to a certain extent, in applica- 
tion; (1.) Heb. kedem (and so the forms kedem, 
k&dim., kidmah, kadmon, kadmoni) properly means 
that which is before or in front of a person, and was 
applied to the E. from the custom of turning in that 
direction when describing the points of the compass, 
before, behind, the rigM, and the left, representing 
respectively E., W., S., and N. (Job xxiii. 8, 9; 
A. V. "forward," "backward," "on the left hand," 
" on the right hand ") ; (2.) Heb. mizrdh or mizrdch 
means the place of the sun's rising. Bearing in 
mind this etymological distinction, it is natural that 



EAS 



EBE 



241 



No. 1 should be used when the four quarters of the 
world are described (as in Gen. xiii. 14, xxviii. 14 ; 
Job xxiii. 8, 9 ; Ez. xlvii. 18 ff.), and No. 2 when the E. 
is only distinguished from the W. (Josh. xi. 3 ; Ps. 
1. 1, A. V. "from the rising of the sun unto the 
going down thereof; " ciii. 12, cxiii. 3; A. V. "from 
the rising," &c. ; Zech. viii. 7), or from some other 
one quarter (Dan. viii. 9, xi. 44 ; Am. viii. 12); ex- 
ceptions to this usage occur in Ps. cvii. 3, and Is. 
xliii. 5, each, however, admitting of explanation. 
Again, No. 2 is used in a strictly geographical sense 
to describe a spot or country immediately before 
another in an easterly direction ; hence it occurs in 
Gen. ii. 8, iii. 24, xi. 2 (Ararat), xiii. 11, xxv. 6, 
&c. ; and hence the subsequent application of the 
term, as a proper name (Gen. xxv. 6, A. V. " east- 
ward, unto the E. country ; " Judg. vi. 3, 33, &c, 
" children of the E.," literally sons of the E. ; Job i. 3, 
" men " [marg." sons] of the E. ; " compare our phrase 
" the East," and see Sephar), to the lands lying im- 
mediately eastward of Palestine, viz. Arabia, Meso- 
potamia, and Babylonia ; on the other hand, No. 2 is 
used of the far East with a less definite signification 
(Is.xli. 2, 25, A.V. "the rising;" xliii. 5, xlvi. 11). In 
the LXX. the Gr. anatolai, plural of anatole, which 
literally = No. 2, is used both for No. 1 and No. 2. So 
in N. T. (Mat. ii. 1, viii. 11, xxiv. 2V ; Lk. xiii. 29 ; Rev. 
xvi. 12). The Greek singular anatole is translated 
"East" in Mat. ii. 2, 9; Rev. vii. 2, xxi. 13; but 
Lange and most recent interpreters translate the 
Gr. en te anatole in Mat. ii. 2, 9, literally in the ruing 
sc. of the star : otherwise " in the E." = in Arabia. 
(Star of the Wise Men.) In Ps. Ixxv. 7 (Heb. 6) 
the Heb. mdt$d(= going forth, place of going forth; 
hence east, whence the sun goes forth, Ges.) is trans- 
lated " east ; " and in Jer. xix. 2 a gate of Jerusalem is 
called in A. V. " east gate," marg. " sun gate " (Heb. 
harsith or charsith in Keri, the text having u instead 
of i), translated by Gesenius, Henderson, &c, the pot- 
tery gate). — Children, or men, of the East ; see above. 

Eas'ter, in the A. V. of Acts xii. 4, is chiefly 
noticeable as an example of the want of consistency 
in the translators. In the earlier English versions 
" Easter " had been frequently used as the transla- 
tion of the Gr. pascha. At the last revision, Pass- 
over was substituted in all passages but this. 

*East Gate (Neh. iii. 29), agate of Jerusalem; 
perhaps (so Ges.) = the Water-gate or Horse-gate. 
In Jer. xix. 2, marg. " sun-gate," Ges. supposes it = 
the gate by which one went out to the Valley of 
Hinnom; others suppose it = the Valley Gate. 

* East Sea, the = the Dead Sea. Sea, the Salt. 
East Wind. Winds. 

* Eat, Eat ing. Food ; Meals. 

E'bal (Heb. stone, Ges. ; = Obal, Fii.). 1. Son of 
Shobal the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 40). 
— 2. Obal the son of Joktan (1 Chr. i. 22 ; comp. 
Gen. x. 28). 

E'bal (Heb. stone, Ges. ; bare mount, Fii.), Mount, 
a mount in the promised land, on which, according 
to the command of Moses, the Israelites were, after 
their entrance on the promised land, to " put " the 
curse which should fall upon them if they disobeyed 
the commandments of Jehovah. The blessing con- 
sequent on obedience was to be similarly localized 
on Mount Gerizim (Deut. xi. 26-29). Half the 
tribes were to stand on Mount Gerizim, responding 
to blessings, and half on Ebal, responding to curses, 
as pronounced by the Levites, who remained with 
the ark in the centre of the interval (xxvii. ; com- 
pare Josh. viii. 30-35). On Ebal further was to be 
erected an altar of large unhewn stones, plastered 
16 



with lime, and inscribed with the words of the law. 
Where, then, were Ebal and Gerizim situated ? The 
all but unanimous reply to this is, that they are the 
mounts which form the sides of the fertile valley in 
which lies Nablus, the ancient Shechem — Ebal on the 
N. and Gerizim on the S. (1.) It is plain that they 
were situated near together, with a valley between. 
A voice can be heard without difficulty across this 
valley, which, between the lower slopes of the 
mountains where the tribes probably stood, is 
about 200 yards wide (Ptr. in Kit.). (2.) Gerizim 
was very near Shechem (Judg. ix. 7), and in 
Josephus's time the names appear to have been 
attached to the mounts, which were then, as 
now, Ebal on the N. and Gerizim on the S. Euse- 
bius and Jerome place them in the Jordan valley, 
near Gilgal ; but they speak merely from hearsay. 
It is well known that one of the most serious varia- 
tions between the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch 
and the Samaritan text is in reference to Ebal and 
Gerizim. In Deut. xxvii. 4, the Samaritan has Ger- 
izim, which all critics of eminence, except Kenni- 
cott, regard as a corrupt reading (so Ptr. in Kit.), 
while the Hebrew (as in A. V.) has Ebal, as the 
mount on which the altar to Jehovah and the in- 
scription of the law w ere to be erected. Upon this 
basis the Samaritans ground the sanctity of Gerizim 
and the authenticity of the temple and holy place, 
which did exist and still exist there. Ebal is rarely 
ascended by travellers, but its summit, according to 
Vande Velde, is about 2,700 feet above the sea, 1,028 
feet above Nablus, and about 100 feet higher than 
Gerizim. Both mounts are terraced, and there is little 
or no perceptible difference in soil, &c. The struc- 
ture of Gerizim is nummulitic limestone, with occa- 
sional outcrops of igneous rock, and that of Ebal is 
probably similar. At its base above the valley of 
Nablus are numerous caves and sepulchral excava- 
tions. The modern name of Ebal is Sitti Salamiyah, 
from a Mohammedan female saint, whose tomb is 
standing on the eastern rart of the ridge, a little 
before the highest point is reached. Stanley (233 n.) 
gives the modern name of the mount as 'Imad cd- 
Dten (the pillar of the religion). 

E'bed (Heb. servant, slave). 1. (Many MSS. and the 
Syriac and Arabic versions, have Eber). Father 
of Gaal, who with his brethren assisted the men of 
Shechem in their revolt against Abimelech (Judg. 
ix. 26, 28, 30, 31, 35.-2. Son of Jonathan ; one of the 
" sons " of Adin who returned from Babylon with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 6) ; written Obeth in 1 Esd. 

E bed-me'Icf h [-lek] (Heb. see below), an Ethio- 
pian eunuch in the service of King Zedekiah, 
through whose interference Jeremiah was released 
from prison, and who was on that account preserved 
from harm at the taking of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxviii. 
7 ff., xxxix. 15 fF.). His name seems to be an official 
title = King's slave, i. e. minister. 

* E'bch (Heb.) (Job. ix. 26, marg.). The margin 
"ships of desire," or "ships of Ebeh," answers to 
" swift ships " in the text of the A. V. Ges. & Fii. 
make the Heb. ebeh = reed, bulrvsh, papyrus, and 
understand ships of reed, i. e. boats or skiffs made 
of papyrus, and famous for lightness and swiftness. 
Egypt. 

Eb'en-c'zer (Heb. the stone of help), a stone set up 
by Samuel after a signal defeat of the Philistines, 
as a memorial of the " help " received on the occa- 
sion from Jehovah (1 Sam. vii. 12); named twice 
previously (iv. 1, v. 1), but not unnaturally, in the 
narrative written after the event. Its position, still 
unknown, was between Mizpeh and Shen. 



242 



EBE 



ECB 



Eber (Heb. the region beyond, Ges. ; production, 
shoot, Fti.). 1. Son of Salah, and great-grandson 
of Shem(Gen. x. 21, 24, 25, xi. 14-17; 1 Chr. i. 18, 
19, 25); = Heber in Lk. iii. 35. In Num. xxiv. 24, 
" Eber " = the descendants of Eber, or the Hebrews 
collectively (compare Israel). Eber, according to 
Gen. xi., not only survived all his own lineal ances- 
tors, but attained nearly twice the age of any of his 
descendants in the line of Abraham, and indeed out- 
lived all of them down to Abraham himself, dying four 
years after the latter, at the age of 464 years. Of all 
who have lived since the flood, only Noah and Shem 
are recorded as older than Eber at their respective 
deaths, and their greater age is due to their having 
lived before as well as after the flood. Eber is as pre- 
eminent for his length of life after the flood as Me- 
thuselah for his before it. — 2. A Benjamite, son of 
Elpaal and descendant of Shaharaim (1 Chr. viii. 12). 
— 3. A priest, chief of the house of Amok under 
high-priest Joiakim (Neh. xii. 20). 

E-bi'a-saph (Heb. = Ahiasaph), a Kohathite Le- 
vite of the family of Korah, ancestor of the prophet 
Samuel and of Heman the singer (1 Chr. vi. 23, 
37). The same man is probably intended in ix. 19. 
The name appears = Abiasaph, and in one pas- 
sage (1 Chr. xxvi. 1) to be abbreviated to Asaph. 




Ebony (DiotpyroB Ebenuni), 

Eb'o-ny (neb. hobnim = wood as hard as stone) 
occurs only in Ez. xxvii. 15, as one of the valuable 
commodities imported into Tyre by the men of 
Dedan. The best kind of ebony is yielded by the 
Diospyros Ebenuni, a tree which grows in Ceylon and 
Southern India ; but there are many trees of the 
natural order Ebenacece which produce this material. 
The ancients held the black heart-wood in high es- 
teem. It admits of a fine polish, and is used for 
cabinet-work. There is every reason for believing 
that the ebony afforded by the Diospyros Ebenum 
was imported from India or Ceylon by Phenician 
traders ; though it is equally probable that the 
Tyrian merchants were supplied with ebony from 
trees which grew in Ethiopia. It is not known what 
tree yielded the Ethiopian ebony. 

E-bro'nah (Heb. ''abronah = passage, sc. of the sea, 
Ges. ; coast-place, bank-place, Fit.), a station of the 
Israelites in the desert, immediately preceding 
Ezion-gaber, possibly a ford across the head of the 
Elanitic Gulf (Num. xxxiii. 34, 35). Wilderness 
of the Wandering. 



E-ca'nns, one of the five swift scribes who attend- 
ed on Esdras (2 Esd. xiv. 24). Asiel 2. 

E('-bat'a-na, or Ec-bat'a-ne (L. Ecbatana, Ecbatana, 
from Gr. ; Heb. Ahmiihd, or Achmethd ; all from old 
Persian or Aryan = place of horses, stable, Lassen ; 

I place of assemblage, Sir Henry Rawlinson). It 
is doubtful whether the name of this place is really 
contained in the Hebrew Scriptures. Many of the 
best commentators understand the expression, in 
Ezr. vi. 2, differently, and translate it " in a coffer " 
(A. V. " Achmetha ; " margin "Ecbatana," or 
" in a coffer " ). If a city is meant, there is little 
doubt of one of the two Ecbatanas being intended, 
for except these towns there was no place in the 
province of the Medes which contained a palace, 
or where records are likely to have been deposited. 
In the Apocrypha " Ecbatane " is frequently men- 
tioned (Tob. iii. 7, xiv. 12, 14; Jd. i. 1, 2; 2 Mc. ix. 
3, &c). Two cities of the name of Ecbatana seem 
to have existed in ancient times, one the capital of 
northern Media, the Media Atropatene of Strabo; 
the other the metropolis of the larger and more im- 
portant province known as Media Magna. The site 
of the former Sir H. Rawlinson regards as the very 
curious ruins at Takht-i-Sulciman (lat. 36° 28', 
long. 47 9); while that of the latter, about 150 
miles S. E. of the former, is occupied by Hamadan, 
which is one of the most important cities of modern 
Persia. There is generally some difficulty in deter- 
mining, when Ecbatana is mentioned, whether the 
northern or the southern metropolis is intended. 
Few writers are aware of the existence of the two 
c'ties, and they lie sufficiently near to one another 
for geographical notices in most cases to suit either 
site. The northern city was the "seven-walled 
town," with battlements coated, five of them with 
paint of different colors, one with silver, and one 
with gold, described by Herodotus, and declared by 
him to have been the capital of Cyrus (Hdt. i. 98, 
99, 153); and it was thus most probably there that 
the roll was found which proved to Darius that 
Cyrus had really made a decree allowing the Jews 

| to rebuild their temple. The peculiar feature of the 
site of Takht-i-Snlnnian, which Sir H. Rawlinson pro- 
poses to identify with the northern Ecbatana, is a 
conical hill rising to the height of about 150 feet 
above the plain, and covered both on its top and 
sides with massive ruins of the most antique and 
primitive character. A perfect enceinte, formed of 
large blocks of squared stone, may be traced round 
the entire hill along its brow ; within there is an 
oval enclosure about 800 yards in its greatest and 
400 in its least diameter, strewn with ruins, which 
cluster round a remarkable lake, filled with water 
exquisitely clear and pleasant to the taste. On 
three sides — the S., the W., and the N. — the ac- 
clivity is steep, and the height above the plain uni- 
form, but on the E. it abuts upon a hilly tract of 
ground, and here it is but slightly elevated above 
the adjacent country. The northern Ecbatana 
continued to be an important place down to the 13th 
century after Christ. By the Greeks and Romans 
it appears to have been known as Gaza, Ga^aca, or 
Canzaca, "the treasure city," on account of the 
wealth laid up in it ; while by the Orientals it was 
termed Shiz. Its decay is referable to the Mogul 
conquests about a. d. 1200; and its final ruin is 
supposed to date from about the 15th or 16th cen- 
tury. In the 2d book of Maccabees (ix. 3, &c.) the 
" Ecbatane " is undoubtedly the southern city, now 
represented both in name and site by Hamadan. 
This place, situated on the northern flank of tho 



ECC 



ECC 



243 



great mountain called formerly 
Orontes, and now Ehvend, was 
perhaps as ancient as the other, 
and is far better known in history. 
If not the Median capital of Cyrus, 
it was at any rate regarded from 
the time of Darius Hystaspis as the 
chief city of the Persian satrapy of 
Media, and as such it became the 
summer residence of the Persian 
kings from Darius downward. It 
was afterward the metropolis of 
the Parthian empire, and is now a 
city of from 20,000 to 30,000 in- 
habitants. The Jews, many of 
whom reside here, regard it as the 
residence of Ahasuerus (Shushan), 
and show within its precincts the 
tomb of Esther and Mordecai. 
The " Eebatane " of Tobit and Ju- 
dith is thought by Sir H. Rawlin- 
son to be the northern city. 




Senle ofYartfje 
o too too ago /^ o 

Plan of the Northern Ecbfttana the modern Tahht-i-Sulciman. 
1. Remains of a Fire-Temple. 2. Ruined Mosque. 3. Ancient buildings, with shafts and capitals. 
4. Ruins of the palace of Abaliai Khan. 5. Cemetery. 6. Ridge of Rock called " the Dragon." 
7. Hill called Tawilah or " the Stable." 8. Ruins of Kalisiah. 9. Rocky hill of Ziudani-Solennnn. 




Southern Ecbatana = the modern Hamadan. The ruins in the foreground are said to be of the " castle " or palace of Darius. — From Chesney's 

Evphrates Expedition. — (Fairbairn.) 



Ec-flc-si-as'tes [ek-klee-ze-asteez] (L. fr. Gr. = 
preacher = Heb. Kohelelh ; see below). — I. Title. 
The Hebrew title of this book is taken from the 
name by which the son of David, or the writer who 
personates him, speaks of himself throughout it. 
The apparent anomaly of the feminine termination 
indicates that the abstract noun has been transferred 
from the office to the person holding it ; and hence, 
with the single exception of Eccl. vii. 27, the noun, 
notwithstanding its form, is used throughout in the 
masculine. The word has been applied to one who 
speaks publicly in an assembly, and there is, to say 
the least, a tolerable agreement (LXX., Vulgate, 
Luther, A. V., Gesenius, Knobel, Stuart, &c.) in favor 
of this interpretation. On the other hand, Grotius 
(followed by Herder, Jahn, and Mendelssohn) has 
suggested " compiler " as a better equivalent. — II. 
Canonicity. In the Jewish division of the books of 
the Old Testament, Ecclesiastes ranks as one of 
" the five Rolls " (Bible, III. 3, 6.), and its position, 
as having canonical authority, appears to have been 
recognized by the Jews from the time in which the 
idea of a canon first presented itself. We find it in 
all the Jewish catalogues of the sacred books, and 



from them it has been received universally by the 
Christian Church. Some singular passages in the 
Talmud indicate, however, that the recognition was 
not altogether unhesitating, and that it was at least 
questioned how far the book was one which it was 
expedient to place among the Scriptures that 
were read publicly. — III. Author and Date. The 
hypothesis naturally suggested by the account that 
the writer gives of himself in chapters i. and 
ii. is, that it was written by the only " son of 
David " who was " king over Israel in Jerusalem " 
(i. 1, 12). The belief that Solomon was actually 
the author was, it need hardly be said, received 
generally by the Rabbinic commentators and the 
whole series of Patristic writers. Grotius was in- 
deed almost the first writer who called it in question 
and started a different hypothesis, viz. that it was 
written after Solomon's time by some one who per- 
sonated that king as penitent. The objections 
urged against the traditional belief by Grotius and 
later critics, and the hypotheses substituted for it, 
are drawn chiefly from the book itself. — Objection 
1. The language of the book is said to be incor. 
sistent with the belief that it was written by Solo- 



244 ECC 

mon. It belongs (so Grotius, De Wette, Ewald, and 
most German critics, Stuart, &c.) to the time when 
the older Hebrew was becoming largely intermingled 
with Aramaic forms and words, and as such takes 
its place in the latest group of books of the O. T. 
The prevalence of abstract forms is urged as be- 
longing to a later period than that of Solomon in 
the development of Hebrew thought and language. 
The answers given to these objections by the de- 
fenders of the received belief are (a) that many of 
what we call Aramaic or Chaldee forms may have 
belonged to the period of pure Hebrew, though 
they have not come down to us in any extant wri- 
tings ; and (6) that, so far as they are foreign to the 
Hebrew of the time of Solomon, he may have learned 
them from his " strange wives," or from the men 
who came as ambassadors from other countries. — 
Objection 2. Would Solomon have been likely to 
speak of himself as in i. 12, or to describe with 
bitterness the misery and wrong of which his own 
misgovernment had been the cause, as in iii. 16, iv. 
1 ? On the hypothesis that he was the writer, the 
whole book is an acknowledgment of evils which 
he had occasioned, while yet there is no distinct 
confession and repentance. The question here 
raised is worth considering, but it can hardly lead 
in either direction to a conclusion. — Objection 3. It 
has been urged that the state of society indicated 
in this book leads to the same conclusion as its lan- 
guage, and carries us to a period after the return 
from the Babylonian captivity, when the Jews were 
enjoying comparative freedom from invasion, but 
were exposed to the evils of misgovernment under 
the satraps of the Persian king. Significant, though 
not conclusive in either direction, is the absence of 
all reference to any contemporaneous prophetic ac- 
tivity, or to any Messianic hopes. The use through- 
out the book of Elohim instead of Jehovah, as the 
divine name (God), leaves the question as to date 
nearly where it was. The indications of rising 
questions as to the end of man's life, and the con- 
stitution of his nature, of doubts like those which 
afterward developed into Sadduceeism (iii. 19-21), of 
a copious literature connected with those questions, 
confirm, it is urged, the hypothesis of the later 
date. It may be added, too, that the absence of any 
reference to such a work as this, in the enumeration 
of Solomon's writings in 1 K. iv. 32, tends at least 
to the same conclusion. In this case, however, as 
in others, the arguments of recent criticism are 
stronger against the traditional belief than in sup- 
port of any rival theory, and the advocates of that 
belief might almost be content to rest their case 
upon the discordant hypotheses of their opponents. 
On the assumption that the book belongs not to the 
time of Solomon, but to the period subsequent to 
the Captivity, the dates which have been assigned 
to it occupy a range of more than three hundred 
years. Grotius supposes Zerubbabel to be referred to, 
in xii. 11, as the " One Shepherd," and so far agrees 
with Keil, who fixes it in the time of Ezra and Ne- 
hemiah. Stuart supposes that Ecclesiastes may 
have been written between the first return of the 
Jews from Babylon (535 b. c.) and Ezra's time (about 
eighty years afterward). Ewald and De Wette con- 
jecture the close of the period of Persian or the 
commencement of that of Macedonian rule ; Bert- 
holdt the period between Alexander the Great and 
Antiochus Epiphanes ; Hitzig about 204 b. c. ; Hart- 
mann, the time of the Maccabees. On the other 
hand, the main facts relied on by these critics as 
fatal to the traditional belief are compatible with 



ECC 

any date subsequent to the Captivity. — IV. Plan. 
The book of Ecclesiastes comes before us as being 
conspicuously, among the writings of the 0. T., the 
great stumbling-block of commentators. Some at 
ieast of the Rabbinical writers were perplexed by 
its teachings. Little can be gathered from the Pa- 
tristic interpreters. The book is comparatively sel- 
dom quoted by them. No attempt is made to mas- 
ter its plan and to enter into the spirit of its writer. 
When we descend to the more recent developments 
of criticism, we meet with an almost incredible di- 
vergence of opinion. Luther sees in it a noble de- 
sign of leading men, in the midst of all the troubles 
and disorders of human society, to a true endurance 
and reasonable enjoyment. Grotius finds in it only 
a collection of many maxims, connected more or 
less closely with the great problems of human life. 
Others reject these views as partial and one-sided, 
and assert that the object of the writer was to point 
out the secret of a true blessedness in the midst of 
all the distractions and sorrows of the world as con- 
sisting in a calm, thankful enjoyment of the good 
that comes from God. The variety of these opin- 
ions indicates sufficiently that the book is as far re- 
moved as possible from the character of a formal 
treatise. It is that which it professes to be — the 
confession of a man of wide experience looking 
back upon his past life, and looking out upon the 
disorders and calamities which surround him. The 
true utterances of such a man are the records of his 
struggles after truth, of his occasional glimpses of 
it, of his ultimate discovery. The writer of Eccle- 
siastes is not a didactic moralist, nor a prophet, but 
a man who has sinned in giving way to selfishness 
and sensuality, upon whom have come from that sin 
satiety and weariness of life ; in whom the mood 
of spirit, over-reflective, indjsposed to action, has 
become dominant in its darkest form, but who has, 
through all this, been under the discipline of a divine 
education, and has learned from it the lesson which 
God meant to teach him. What that lesson was 
will be seen from an examination of the book itself. 
It is tolerably clear that the recurring burden of 
" Vanity of vanities " and the teaching which rec- 
ommends a life of calm enjoyment mark, when- 
ever they occur, a kind of halting-place in the suc- 
cession of thoughts. Taking this, accordingly, as 
his guide, Professor Plumptre, the original author 
of this article, considers the whole book as 
falling into five divisions, each of the first four, 
to a certain extent, running parallel to the others 
in its order and results, and closing with that 
which, in its position no less than its substance, 
is " the conclusion of the whole matter." (1.) 
Chapters i. and ii. This portion of the book more 
than any other has the character of a personal 
confession. The Preacher starts with reproducing 
the phase of despair and weariness into which his 
experience had led him (i. 2, 3). To the man who 
is thus satiated with life, the order and regularity 
of nature are oppressive (i. 4—7). That which 
seems to be new is but the repetition of the old 
(i. 8-11). Then, having laid bare the depth to 
which he had fallen, he retraces the path by which 
he had travelled thitherward. First he had sought 
after wisdom as that to which God seemed to call 
him (i. 13), but the pursuit of it was a sore tra- 
vail, and there was no satisfaction in its posses- 
sion. The first experiment in the search after 
happiness had failed, and he tried another — to sur- 
round himself with all the appliances of sensual 
enjoyment, and yet in thought to hold himself 



ECC 



ECC 



245 



above it (ii. 1-9). But this also failed to give him 
peace (ii. 11). The first section closes with that 
which, in different forms, is the main lesson of 
the book — to make the best of what is actually 
around one (ii. 24) — to substitute for the reckless, 
feverish pursuit of pleasure the calm enjoyment 
which men may yet find both for the senses and the 
intellect. (2.) Chapters iii. 1-vi. 9. The order of 
thought in this section has a different starting- 
point. One who looked out upon the infinitely 
varied phenomena of men's life might yet discern, 
in the midst of that variety, traces of an order. 
There are times and seasons for each of them in its 
turn, even as there are for the vicissitudes of the 
world of nature (iii. 1-8). The heart of man with 
its changes is the mirror of the universe (iii. 11), and 
is, like that, inscrutable. And from this there conies 
the same conclusion as from the personal experience. 
Calmly to accept the changes and chances of life, en- 
tering into whatever joy they bring, as one accepts 
the order of nature, this is the way of peace (iii. 13). 
The thought of the ever-recurring cycle of nature, 
which had before been irritating and disturbing, 
now whispers the same lesson. The transition from 
this to the opening thoughts of chapter iv. seems 
at first somewhat abrupt. Instead of the self- 
centred search after happiness, he looks out upon 
the miseries and disorders of the world, and learns 
to sympathize with suffering (iv. 1). And in this 
survey of life on a large scale, as in that of a per- 
sonal experience, there is a cycle which is ever being 
repeated. The opening of chapter v. again presents 
the appearance of abruptness, but it is because the 
survey of human life takes a yet wider range. The 
eye of the Preacher passes from the dwellers in 
palaces to the worshippers in the Temple, the de- 
vout and religious men. Have they found out the 
secret of life, the path to wisdom and happiness ? 
The answer to that question is, that there the blind- 
ness and folly of mankind show themselves in their 
worst forms. The command " Fear thou God " 
(verse 7) meant that a man was to take no part in 
a religion such as this. But that command also 
suggested the solution of another problem, of that 
prevalence of injustice and oppression which had 
before weighed down the spirit of the inquirer. 
The section ends as before with the conclusion, that 
to feed the eyes with what is actually before them 
is better than the ceaseless wanderings of the spirit. 
(3.) Chapters vi. 10-viii. 15. So far the lines of 
thought all seemed to converge to one result. The 
ethical teaching that grew out of the wise man's 
experience had in it something akin to the higher 
forms of Epicureanism. But the seeker could not 
rest in this, and found himself beset with thoughts 
at once more troubling and leading to a higher 
truth. The spirit of man looks before and after, 
and the uncertainties of the future vex it (vi. 12). 
There are signs (vii. 1-14) of a clearer insight into 
the end of life. Then comes an oscillation which 
carries him back to the old problems (vii. 15). The 
repetition of thoughts that had appeared before is 
perhaps the natural consequence of such an oscil- 
lation, and accordingly in chapter viii. we find the 
seeker moving in the same round as before. There 
are the old reflections on the misery of man (viii. 6), 
and the confusions in the moral order of the uni- 
verse (viii. 10, 11), the old conclusion that enjoy- 
ment, such enjoyment as is compatible with the 
fear of God, is the only wisdom (viii. 15). (4.) 
Chapters viii. 16-xii. 8. After the pause implied 
in his again arriving at the lesson of verse 15, the 



Preacher retraces the last of his many wanderings. 
This time the thought with which he started was a 
profound conviction of the inability of man to un- 
ravel the mysteries by which he is surrounded (viii. 
IV), of the nothingness of man when death is 
thought of as ending all things (ix. 3-6), of the 
wisdom of enjoying life while we may (ix. 7-10), 
of the evils which affect nations or individual man 
(ix. 11, 12). The wide experience of the Preacher 
suggests sharp and pointed sayings as to these 
evils (x. 1-20), each true and weighty in itself, but 
not leading him on to any firmer standing-ground 
or clearer solution of the problems which oppressed 
him. It is here that the traces of plan and method 
in the book seem most to fail us. In chapter xi., 
however, the progress is more rapid. The tone of 
the Preacher becomes more that of direct exhorta- 
tion, and he speaks in clearer and higher notes. 
The end of man's life is not to seek enjoyment for 
himself only, but to do good to others, regardless 
of the uncertainties or disappointments that may 
attend his efforts (xi. 1-4). The secret of a true 
life is that a man should consecrate the vigor of his 
youth to God (xii. 1). It is well to do that before 
the night comes, before the slow decay of age be- 
numbs all the faculties of sense (xii. 2, 6), before 
the spirit returns to God who gave it. The thought 
of that end rings out once more the knell of the 
nothingness of all things earthly (xii. 8) ; but (5.) 
(xii. 9-14) it leads also to the " conclusion of the 
whole matter," to that to which all trains of thought 
and all the experiences of life had been leading the 
seeker after wisdom, that " to fear God and keep 
his commandments " was the highest good attain- 
able. If the representation which has been given 
of the plan and meaning of the book be at all a 
true one, we find in it, no less than in the book of 
Job, indications of the struggle with the doubts and 
difficulties which in all ages of the world have pre- 
sented themselves to thoughtful observers of the 
condition of mankind. The writer of the book of 
Job deals with the great mystery presented by the 
sufferings of the righteous. In the words of the 
Preacher, we trace chiefly the weariness or satiety 
of the pleasure-seeker, and the failure of all schemes 
of life but one. In both, though by very diverse 
paths, the inquirer is led to take refuge in the 
thought that God's kingdom is infinitely great, and 
that man knows but the smallest fragment of it ; 
that he must refrain from things which are too high 
for him, and be content with the duties of his own 
life and the opportunities it presents for his doing 
the will of God. 

Ec-ele-si-as'ti-cns [ek-klee-ze-as'te-kus] (L. fr. Gr. 
= belonging to the public assembly or church, i. e. 
church-reading book ; see below), the title given in 
the Latin version to the Apocryphal book which is 
called in some manuscripts and editions of the LXX. 
The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach, and in 
the Vat. MS., &c, Wisdom of Sirach. The word, 
like many others of Greek origin, appears to have 
been adopted in the African dialect. The right ex- 
planation of the word is given by Rufinus, who re- 
marks that " it does not designate the author of 
the book, but the character of the writing," as pub- 
licly used in the services of the church. According 
to Jerome, the original Hebrew title was Proverbs ; 
and the Wisdom of Sirach shared with the canoni- 
cal book of Proverbs and the Wisdom of Solomon 
the title of The book of all virtues. In the Syriac 
version the book is entitled The book of Jesus the 
son of Simeon Asiro (i. e. the bound) ; and the same 



246 



ECC 



ECL 



book is called the wisdom of the son of Astro. In I 
many places it is simply styled Wisdom. 2. The 
writer of the present book describes himself as 
" Jesus (i. e. Jeshua or Joshua) the son of Sibach, 
of Jerusalem (1. 27). 3. The language in which 
the book was originally composed was Hebrew, i. e. 
perhaps the vernacular Aramean dialect (compare 
Jn. v. 2, xix. 13, &c). Jerome says that he had 
met with the " Hebrew " text. The internal char- 
acter of the present book bears witness to its for- \ 
eign source. 4. Nothing, however, remains of the 
original proverbs of Ben Sira except the few frag- 
ments in pure Hebrew which occur in the Talmud 
and later Rabbinic writers ; and even these may 
have been derived from tradition and not from any 
written collection. The Greek translation incor- 
porated in the LXX., which is probably the source 
from which the other translations were derived, 
was made by the grandson of the author in Egypt 
" in the reign of Euergetcs," for the instruction of 
those " in a strange country who were previously 
prepared to live after the law." The date which is 
thus given is unfortunately ambiguous. Two kings 
of Egypt bore the surname Euergetcs ; Ptolemy 
III., the son and successor of Ptolemy II. Phila- 
delphus, b. c. 247-222 ; and Ptolemy VII. Physcon, 
the brother of Ptolemy VI. PniLOMETon, b. c. 170- 
117. Some have supposed that the " Simon the high- 
priest, the son of Onias," eulogized in chapter 1., = 
Simon I. " the Just," who was high-priest about 310- 
290 b. c, and that the grandson of Jesus the son of 
Sirach, who is supposed to have been his younger con- 
temporary, lived in the reign of Ptolemy III. : others 
again have applied the eulogy to Simon II., also 
the son of Onias and high-priest when Ptolemy IV. 
Philopator endeavored to force an entrance into 
the Temple, b. c. 217, and fixed the translation in 
the time of Ptolemy VII. But both suppositions 
are attended with serious difficulties. From these 
considerations it appears best (so Mi'. West- 
cott) to combine the two views. The grand- 
son of the author was already past middle-age 
when he came to Egypt, and if his visit took 
place early in the reign of Ptolemy Physcon, 
it is quite possible that the book itself was writ- 
ten while the name and person of the last of 
" the men of the great synagogue" were still familiar 
to his countrymen. 5. The name of the Greek 
translator is unknown. He is commonly supposed 
to have borne the same name as his grandfather, 
but this tradition rests only on conjecture or mis- 
understanding. 6. It is a more important fact that 
the book itself appears to recognize the incorpora- 
tion of earlier collections into its text. Jesus the 
son of Sirach, while he claims for himself the wri- 
ting of the book, characterizes his father as one 
" who poured forth a shower of wisdom from his 
heart " (1. 27). From the very nature of his work, 
the author was like "a gleaner after the grape- 
gatherers " (xxxiii. 16). 7. The Syriac and Old 
Latin versions, which latter Jerome adopted with- 
out alteration, differ considerably from the present 
Greek text, and it is uncertain whether they were 
derived from some other Greek recension or from 
the Hebrew original. The Arabic version is di- 
rectly derived from the Syriac. 8. The existing 
Greek MSS. present great discrepancies in order, 
and numerous interpolations. The arrangement of 
xxx. 25-xxxvi. 17, in the Vatican and Compluten- 
sian editions, is very different. The A. V. follows 
the latter. 9. " The design of this book " (so Gins- 
burg in Kitto) "is to propound the true nature of 



wisdom, and to set forth the religious and social 
duties which she teaches us to follow through all 
the varied stages and vicissitudes of this life ; thus 
teaching the practical end of man's existence by 
reviewing life in all its different bearings and as- 
pects." It is impossible, says Mr. Westcott, to 
make any satisfactory plan of the book in its pres- 
ent shape. The latter part, xlii. 15-1. 21, is distin- 
guished from all that precedes in style and subject; 
and " the praise of noble men " seems to form a 
complete whole in itself (xKv.-l. 24). The words 
of Jerome imply that the original text presented a 
triple character answering to the three works of 
Solomon, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles. 
Eichhorn supposed that the book was made up of 
three distinct collections which were afterward 
united: i.-xxiii. ; xxiv.-xlii. 14; xlii. 15-1. 24. 
Bretschneider sets aside this hypothesis, and at the 
same time one which he had formerly been inclined 
to adopt, that the recurrence of the same ideas in 
xxiv. 32 ft'. ; xxxiii. 16, 17 (xxx.); 1. 27, marks the 
conclusions of three parts. The last five verses of 
chapter 1. (25-29) form a natural conclusion to the 
book ; and the prayer, which forms the last chapter 
(li.), is wanting in two MSS. 10. The earliest clear 
coincidence with the contents of the book occurs in 
the epistle of Barnabas (eh. xix. — Ecclus. iv. 31), 
but the parallelism consists in the thought, and there 
is no mark of quotation. The parallels which have 
been discovered in the N. T. are too general to show 
that they were derived from the written text, and 
not from popular language. The first distinct quo- 
tations occur in Clement of Alexandria ; but from 
the end of the second century the book was much 
used and cited with respect. Clement (Alex.) 
speaks of it continually as Scripture, as the work 
of Solomon. Origen cites passages with the same 
formula as the canonical books. The other writers 
of the Alexandrine school follow the same practice. 
Augustine quotes the book constantly himself as 
the work of a prophet, the Word of God, " Scrip- 
ture" but he expressly notices that it was not in the 
Hebrew Canon. Jerome, in like manner, contrasts 
the book with the " Canonical Scriptures," as 
" doubtful," while they are " sure." The book is 
not quoted by Irenanis, Hippolytus, or Eusebius ; 
and is not contained in the Canon of Melito, Origen, 
Cyril, Laodicea, Hilary, or Rufinus. It was never 
included by the Jews among their Scriptures. (Apoc- 
rypha ; Canon.) 11. But while the book is des- 
titute of canonical authority, it is a most im- 
portant monument of the religious state of the 
Jews at the period of its composition. As an ex- 
pi-ession of Palestinian theology it stands alone ; for 
there is no sufficient reason for assuming Alexan- 
drine interpolations or direct Alexandrine influence. 
The book marks the growth of that anxious legal- 
ism which was conspicuous in the sayings of the 
later doctors. 

E-elipse' of the Sun. No historical notice of an 
eclipse occurs in the Bible, but there are passages 
in the prophets which contain manifest allusion to 
this phenomenon (Am. viii. 9 ; Mic. iii. 6 ; Zech. 
xiv. 6; Joel ii. 10, 31; iii. 15). (Moon; Sun.) 
Some of these notices probably refer to eclipses 
that occurred about the time of the respective com- 
positions : thus the date of Amos coincides with a 
total eclipse which occurred February 9, b. c. 784, 
and was visible at Jerusalem shortly after noon; 
that of Micah with the eclipse of June 5, b. c. 716. 
A passing notice in Jer. xv. 9 coincides in date with 
the eclipse of September 30, b. c. 610, well known 



ED 



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247 



from Herodotus's account (i. 74, 103). The dark- 
ness that overspread the world at the crucifixion 
cannot with reason be attributed to an eclipse, as 
the moon was at the full at the time of the Pass- 
over. 

Ed (Heb. witness), a word inserted in the A. V. 
of Josh. xxii. 34, apparently on the authority of a 
few MSS., and also of the Syriac and Arabic ver- 
sions, but not existing in the generally received He- 
brew Text except in the last clause of the verse, 
where it is translated " witness." 

Edar (Heb. 'eder = Jiock; drove), Tow'er flf. 1. 
A place named only in Gen. xxxv. 21. Jacob's first 
halting-place between Bethlehem and Hebron was 
" beyond the tower of Edar." According to Jerome 
it was 1,000 paces (= one mile) from Bethlehem. — 
2. The " tower of the flock " (margin " Edar ") in 
Mic. iv. 8 " the stronghold of the daughter of 
Zion," i. e. of Mount Zion or Jerusalem. 

Ed-di'as (1 Esd. ix. 26) = Jeziah. 

E'den (Heb. delight, pleasure, Ges.). 1, The first 
residence of man. (Adam; Paradise.) It would 
be difficult, in the whole history of opinion, to find 
any subject which has so invited, and at the same 
time so completely baffled, conjecture, as the Gar- 
den of Eden. In order more clearly to understand 
the merit of the several theories, it will be neces- 
sary to submit to a careful examination the narra- 
tive on which they are founded. Omitting those 
portions of Gen. ii. 8-14 which do not bear upon 
the geographical position of Eden, the description 
is as follows (literally translated by Mr. W. A. 
Wright, the original author of this article) : — 
" And the Lord God planted a garden in Eden 

eastward And a river goeth forth from 

Eden to water the garden ; and from thence it is 
divided and becomes four heads (or arms). The 
name of the first is Pison : that is it which com- 
passeth the whole land of Havilah, where is the 
gold. And the gold of that land is good : there 
is the bdellium and the onyx stone. And the name 
of the second river is Gihon ; that is it which com- 
passeth the whole land of Cush (A. V. ' Ethiopia ; ' 
see margin). And the name of the third river is 
Hiddekcl ; that is it which floweth before Assyria. 
And the fourth river, that ;.s Euphrates." In the 
eastern portion, then, of the region of Eden was the 
garden planted. The river which flowed through 
Eden watered the garden, and thence branched off 
into four distinct streams. The first problem to be 
solved, then, is this : — To find a river which, at some 
stage of its course, is divided into four streams, 
two of which are the Tigris and Euphrates. The 
identity of these rivers with the Hiddekel and 
Phralh (Heb., A. V. " Euphrates ") has never been 
disputed, and no hypothesis which omits them is 
worthy of consideration. Setting aside minor dif- 
ferences of detail, the theories with regard to the 
situation of the terrestrial paradise naturally divide 
themselves into two classes. The first class in- 
cludes all those which place the garden of Eden 
below the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris, and 
interpret the names Pison and Gihon of certain 
portions of these rivers : the second, those which 
seek for it in the high table-land of Armenia, the 
fruitful parent of many noble streams. The old 
versions supply us with little or no assistance. It 
would be a hopeless task to attempt to chronicle 
the opinions of all the commentators upon this 
question : their name is legion. Philo is the first 
who ventured upon an allegorical interpretation. 
He conceived that by paradise is darkly shadowed 



forth the governing faculty of the soul ; that the 
tree of life signifies religion, whereby the soul is 
immortalized ; and by the faculty of knowing good 
and evil the middle sense, by which are discerned 
things contrary to nature. The four rivers he ex- 
plains of the several virtues of prudence, temper- 
ance, courage, and justice ; while the main stream 
of which they are branches is the generic virtue, 
goodness, which goeth forth from Eden, the wis- 
dom of God. The opinions of Philo would not be 
so much worthy of consideration, were it not that 
he has been followed by many of the Fathers. 
Among the Hebrew traditions enumerated by Je- 
rome is one that paradise was created before the 
world was formed, and is therefore beyond its lim- 
its. Among the literal interpreters there is an 
infinite diversity of opinions. What is the river 
which goes forth from Eden to water the garden ? 
is a question which has been often asked, and still 
waits for a satisfactory answer. That the ocean 
stream which surrounded the earth was the source 
from which the four rivers flowed was the opinion 
of Josephus. It was the Shal-el-Arab, according 10 
those who place the garden of Eden below the junc- 
tion of the Tigris and Euphrates, and their con- 
jecture would deserve consideration were it not 
that this stream cannot, with any degree of propri- 
ety, be said to rise in Eden. By those who refer 
the position of Eden to the highlands of Armenia, 
the "river" from which the four streams diverge is 
conceived to mean " a collection of springs," or a 
well-watered district. But this signification of the 
word is wholly without a parallel. Michaelis, Jahn, 
Bush, &c, make "river" in verse 10 a collective 
singular = rivers, i. e. the four rivers afterward 
specified. The latter part of the verse (A. V. "from 
thence it was parted, and became into four heads") 
Bush would understand thus : " afterward the 
rivers were parted (i. e. assigned in geographical 
reckoning to their particular districts), and became 
known as four principal rivers." That the Hid.- 
dckel is the Tigris, and the Phralh the Euphrates, 
has never been denied, except by those who assume 
that the whole narrative is a myth which originated 
elsewhere, and was adapted by the Hebrews to 
their own geographical notions. With regard to 
the Pison, the most ancient and most universally 
received opinion (Josephus, Eusebius, Jerome, Au- 
gustine, &c.) identifies it with the Ganges. But 
Bashi maintained that the Pison was the Nile. 
That the Pison was the Indus was an opinion cur- 
rent long before it was revived by Ewald and 
adopted by Kalisch, Gesenius, Bush, &c. Philostor- 
gius conjectured that it was the Hydaspes. Some 
have found the Pison in the Naharrnalca, one of the 
artificial canals which formerly joined the Euphrates 
and Tigris. (Chaldea.) Even those commentators 
who agree in placing the terrestrial paradise on the 
Shat-el-Arab, the stream formed by the junction of 
the Tigris and Euphrates, between Ctesiphon and 
Apamea, by no means agree in deciding to which 
of the branches, into which this stream is again 
divided, the names Pison and Gihon are to be ap- 
plied. Calvin, Scaliger, &c, conjectured that the 
Pison was the most -easterly of these channels; 
Huet and Bochart that it was the westernmost. 
The advocates of the theory that the true position 
of Eden is to be sought for in the mountains of Ar- 
menia (Belaud, Calmet, Bosenmuller, Hartmann, 
&c.) have identified the Pison with the Phasis. 
Baumer endeavored to prove that it was the 
Aras or Araxes, which flows into the Caspian 



248 



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EDE 



Sea. Colonel Chesney, from the results of exten- 
sive observations in Armenia, was "led to inter 
that the rivers known by the comparatively modern 
names of Halys and Araxes are those which, in the 
book of Genesis, have the names of Pison and Gi- I 
hon ; and that the country within the former is the 
land of Havilah, whilst that which borders upon the 
latter is the still more remarkable country of Cush." 
In Genesis the Pison is defined as that which sur- 
rounds the whole land of Havilah. It is, then, ab- 
solutely necessary to fix the position of Havilah 
before proceeding to identify the Pison with any 
particular river. In Gen. ii. 11, 12, it is described 
as the land where the best gold was found, and which 
was besides rich in the treasures of " bdellium " 
and the " onyx " stone. If the Havilah of Gen. ii. 
be identical with any one of the countries mentioned 
in Gen. x. 29, xxv. 18, and 1 Sam. xv. 7, we must look 
for it on the E. or S. of Arabia, and probably not 
far from the Persian Gulf. That Havilah is that 
part of India through which the Ganges flows, and, 
more generally, the eastern region of the earth ; 
that it is to be found in Susiana (Hopkinson), in 
Ava (Buttmann), or in the Ural region (Raumcr), 
are conclusions necessarily following upon the as- 
sumptions with regard to the Pison. Hartiuann, 
Reland, and Rosenm idler are in favor of Colchis, 
the scene of, the legend of the Golden Fleece. For 
all these hypotheses there is no more support than 
the merest conjecture. The second river of Paradise 
presents dillicultiesnot less insurmountable than the 
Pison. Those who maintained that the Pison was the 
Ganges held also (with Gesenius, Push, &c.) that the 
Gihon was the Nile. The etymology of Gihon seems 
to indicate that it was a swiftly flowing, impetuous 
stream. According to Golius, Jichoon is the name 
given to the Oxus, which has, on this account, been 
assumed by Rosenmiiller, Hartmann, and Michaelis 
to be the Gihon of Scripture. But the Araxes, too, 
is called by the Persians Jichoon ar-Ras, and from 
this circumstance it has been adopted by Reland, 
Calmet, and Colonel Chesney as the modern repre- 
sentative of the Gihon. Bochart and Huet contend- 
ed that it was the easternmost of the channels by 
which the united streams of the Euphrates and 
Tigris fall into the Persian Gulf. Calvin considered it 
to be the most westerly. That it should be the Oron- 
tes (Leclerc), the Ganges (Buttmann and Ewald), 
the Kur, or Cyrus (Link), necessarily followed from 
the exigencies of the several theories. Rask and 
Verbrugge are in favor of the Gyndes of the an- 
cients, a tributary of the Tigris. Cush has been I 
connected with Cuth or Cothah (2 K. xvii. 24 >. j 
Bochart identified it with Susiana, Link with the 
country about the Caucasus, and Hartmann with 
Bactria or Balkh, the site of Paradise being, in this 
case, in the celebrated vale of Kashmir. Cush (A. 
V. " Ethiopia ") is generally applied in the Old Tes- 
tament to the countries S. of the Israelites. It was 
the southern limit of Egypt (Ez. xxix. 10), and ap- 
parently the most western of the provinces over 
which the rule of Ahasuerus extended, " from India 
even unto Ethiopia" (Esth. i. 1, viii. 9). Egypt 
and Cush are associated in the majority of instances 
in which the word occurs (Ps. lxviii. 31 ; Is. xviii. 
1; Jer. xlvi. 9, &c.): but in two passages Cush j 
stands in close juxtaposition with Elam (Is. xi. 11), j 
and Persia (Ez. xxxviii. 5). In 2 Chr. xxi. 16, the j 
Arabians are described as dwelling " beside the 
Cushites " ("near the Ethiopians," A. V.), and both j 
are mentioned in connection with the Philistines. 
Further, Cush and Seba (Is. xliii. 3), Cush and the 



Sabeans (Is. xlv. 14) are associated in a manner 
consonant with the genealogy of the descendants of 
Ham (Gen. x. 7), in which Seba is the son of Cush. 
From all these circumstances it is evident that Cush 
included both Arabia and the country S. of Egypt 
on the western coast of the Red Sea. It is possi- 
ble, also, that the vast desert tracts W. of Egypt 
were known to the Hebrews as the land of Cush, 
but of this we have no certain proof. (See Cush, 
Ethiopia, and their derivatives.) In the midst of 
this diversity of opinions, what is the true conclu- 
sion at which we arrive ? All the theories which 
have been advanced share the inevitable fate of con- 
clusions which are based upon inadequate premises. 
The problem may be indeterminate because the data 
are insufficient. It would scarcely, on any other 
hypothesis, have admitted of so many apparent so- 
lutions. Other methods of meeting the difficulty 
have been proposed. Some have unhesitatingly 
pronounced the whole narrative a spurious interpo- 
lation of a later age (Granville Penn). But, even 
admitting this, the words demand explanation. 
Luther gave it as his opinion that the garden re- 
mained under the guardianship of angels till the 
deluge, and that its site was known to the descend- 
ants of Adam ; but that by the flood all traces of it 
were obliterated. But the narrative is so worded as 
to convey the idea that the countries and rivers 
spoken of were still existing in the historian's time. 
It has been suggested that the description of the 
Garden of Eden is part of an inspired antediluvian 
document (Morren, Ros. Geop.). The conjecture 
is incapable of proof or disproof. The effects of the 
flood in changing the face of countries, and altering 
the relations of land and water, are too little known 
at present to allow any inferences to be drawn from 
them. Meanwhile, as every expression of opinion 
results in a confession of ignorance, it will be more 
honest to acknowledge the difficulty than to rest 
satisfied with a fictitious solution. — 2. One of the 
marts which supplied the luxury of Tyre with 
richlv embroidered stuffs; associated with Haran, 
Sheba, and Asshur (Ez. xxvii. 23). In 2 K. xix. 12, 
and Is. xxxvii. 12, " the children of Eden " are men- 
tioned with Gozan, Haran, and Rezeph, as victims 
of the Assyrian greed of conquest. According to 
Bochart, who makes this = No. 1, it may be Addan, 
or Addana, which geographers place on the Eu- 
phrates. Michaelis is in favor of the modern Aden, 
in S. W. Arabia, as the Eden of Ezekiel. In the 
absence of positive evidence, probability seems to 
point to the N. W. of Mesopotamia as the locality 
of Eden. — 3. " House of Eden " (Am. i. 5, margin 
Betll-c'den = house of pleasure), probably the name 
of a country residence of the kings of Damascus. 
Michaelis, misled by an apparent resemblance in 
name, identified it with Ehden, about a day's jour- 
ney from Baalbek. But Grotius, with greater ap- 
pearance of probability, pointed to the Paradisus 
of Ptolemy as the locality of Eden. The desolate 
and uninteresting ruins of old JAsieh, about two and 
a half miles in circumference, and one hour S. S. E. 
from Pibleh (Ptr. ii. 331 ff.), are supposed by Robin- 
son (iii. 556) to mark the site of Ptolemy's ancient 
town of Paradisus. Others have conjectured that 
Beth-eden is no other than Beit-Jenn( = the house of 
Paradise), not far to the S. W. of Damascus, on the 
eastern slope of Hermon, and a short distance from 
Medjel. 

E den (Heb., see above). 1. A Gershonite Le- 
vite, son of Joah, in the days of Hezekiah (2 
Chr. xxix. 12)'. — 2. Also a Levite, contemporary 



EDE 



EDO 



249 



and probably identical with the preceding (2 Chr. 
xxxi. 15). 

E'der (Heb. a flock). 1. A town of Judah in the 
extreme S., on the borders of Edom (Josh. xv. 21) ; 
perhaps = Arad. Rowlands (in Fbn. under "S. 
Country ") supposes it at Eddeirat or Udheirah, an 
ancient site ten or twelve miles W. of Sebbch 
(Masada).— 2. A Levite of the family of Merari, in 
the time of David (1 Chr. xxiii. 23, xxiv. 30). 

i/des [ee'deez] (1 Esd. ix. 35) = Jadau. 

fcd'na (Gr. fr. Heb. = pleasure), the wife of 
Raguel (Tob. vii. 2, 8, 14, 16; x. 12; xi. 1). 

kv'dom (Heb. red), the name given to Esau, the 
first-born son of Isaac, and twin brother of Jacob, 
when he sold his birthright to the latter for a meal 
of lentile pottage. The peculiar color of the pottage 
gave rise to the name Edom — red (Gen. xxv. 29- 
34). The country which the Lord subsequently 
gave to Esau was hence called the " field (A. V. 
" country ") of Edom " (Gen. xxxii. 3), or " land of 
Edom" (xxxvi. 16; Num. xxxiii. 37), or Idumea. 
Probably its physical aspect may have had something 
to do with this. Edom was previously called Mount 
Seir. (Seir, Mount.) The original inhabitants of the 
country were called Horites. The boundaries of 
Edom, though not directly, are yet incidentally de- 
fined with tolerable distinctness in the Bible. The 
country lay along the route pursued by the Israel- 
ites from the peninsula of Sinai to Kadesh-barnea, 
and thence back again to Elath (Deut. i. 2, ii. 1-8) ; 
that is, along the E. side of the great valley of 
Arabah. (Wilderness of the Wandering.) It 
reached southward as far as Elath, which stood at 
the northern end of the gulf of Elath, and was the 
seaport of the Edomites ; but it does not seem to 
have extended farther, as the Israelites on passing 
Elath struck out eastward into the desert, so as to 
pass round the land of Edom (Deut. ii. 8). On the 
N. of Edom lay the territory of Moab, through which 
the Israelites were also prevented from going, and 
were therefore compelled to go from Kadesh by the 
southern extremity of Edom (Judg. xi. 11, 18; 2 
K. iii. 6-9). The boundary between Moab and 
Edom appears to have been the " brook Zered " 
(Deut. ii. 13, 14, 18), probably the modern Wady el- 
Ahsy, which still divides the provinces of Kerak 
(Moab) and Jebal (Gebalene). But Edom was 
wholly a mountainous country. It only embraced 
the narrow mountainous tract (about 100 miles long 
by 20 broad) extending along the eastern side of the 
Arabah from the northern end of the gulf of Elath 
to near the southern end of the Dead Sea. The 
mountain-range of Edom is at present divided into 
two districts. The northern is called Jebal. It 
begins at Wady el-Ahsy, which separates it from 
Kerak, and it terminates at or near Petra. The 
southern district is called esh-Sherah, a name which, 
though it resembles, bears no radical relation to the 
Hebrew Seir. The physical geography of Edom is 
somewhat peculiar. Along the western base of the 
mountain-range are low calcareous hills. To these 
succeed lofty masses of igneous rock, chiefly por- 
phyry, over which lies red and variegated sandstone 
in irregular ridges and abrupt cliffs, with deep 
ravines between. The latter strata give the moun- 
tains their most striking features and remarkable 
colors. The average elevation of the summits is 
about 2,000 feet above the sea. Along the eastern 
side runs an almost unbroken limestone ridge, a 
thousand feet or more higher than the other. This 
ridge sinks down with an easy slope into the plateau 
of the Arabian desert. (Arabia.) While Edom is 



thus wild, rugged, and almost inaccessible, the deep 
glens and flat terraces along the mountain sides are 
covered with rich soil, from which trees, shrubs, 
and flowers now spring up luxuriantly (compare 
Gen. xxvii. 39). The ancient capital of Edom was 
Bozrah (Puseireh), near the northern border (Gen. 
xxxvi. 33; Is. xxxiv. 6, lxiii. 1; Jer. xlix. 13,22). 
But Sela {Petra) appears to have been the principal 
stronghold in the days of Amaziah (b. c. 838 ; 2 K. 
xivj 1). Elath and Ezion-geber were the seaports ; 
they were captured by David, and here Solomon 
equipped his merchant-fleet (2 Sam. viii. 14 ; 1 K. 
ix. 26). When the kingdom of Israel began to de- 
cline, the Edomites not only reconquered their lost 
cities, but made frequent inroads upon southern 
Palestine (2 Chr. xxviii. 1*7). During the Captivity 
they advanced westward, occupied the whole terri- 
tory of their brethren the Amalekites (Gen. xxxvi. 
12; 1 Sam. xv. 1 ff'.), and even took possession of 
many towns in southern Palestine, including Hebron. 
The name Edom, or rather Idumea, was now given 
to the country lying between the valley of Aiabah 
and the shores of the Mediterranean. While Idumea 
thus extended westward, Edom Proper was taken 
possession of by the Nabatheans (Nebaiotii). They 
were a powerful people, and held a great part of 
southern Arabia. They took Petra and established 
themselves there at least three centuries b. c. 
Leaving off their nomad habits, they settled down 
amid the mountains of Edom, engaged in commerce, 
and founded the little kingdom called by Roman 
writers Arabia Petraa, which embraced nearly the 
same territory as the ancient Edom. Some of its 
monarchs took the name Aretas. The kingdom 
was finally subdued by the Romans a. d. 105. Un- 
der the Romans the transport trade increased, and 
roads were constructed. To the Nabatheans Petra 
owes those great monuments which are still the 
wonder of the world. Early in the Christian era 
Edom Proper was included by geographeis in Pal- 
estine, but in the fifth century a new division was 
made of the whole country into Palastina Prima, 
Seennda, and Tertia (= 1st, 2d, and 3a Palestine). 
The last embraced Edom and some neighboring 
provinces, and when it became an ecclesiastical 
division its metropolis was Petra. In the seventh 
century the Mohammedan conquest gave a death- 
blow to the commerce and prosperity of Edom. The 
great cities fell to ruin, and the country became, as 
it is still, a desert (Ez. xxxv. 3, 4, 1, 9, 14). On a 
commanding height about twelve miles N. of Petra 
the Crusaders built a strong fortress called 3/ons 
Regalis, now SMbek. From that time until the 
present century Edom remained an unknown land. 
In 1812 Burckhardt passed through it, and dis- 
covered the wonderful ruins of Petra. In 1828 
Laborde visited Petra. Many have since followed 
the first explorers. 

E'dom-ites — the descendants of Esau, or Edom. 
They soon became a numerous and powerful nation 
(Gen. xxxvi. 1 If. ; Aholibamah, &c). Their first 
form of government appears to have resembled that 
of the modern Bedouins ; each tribe or clan having 
a petty chief or sheikh ("Duke," A.V.). The Hor- 
ites, who inhabited Mount Seir from an early period, 
and among whom the Edomites still lived, had their 
sheikhs also. At a later period, probably when the 
Edomites began a war of extermination against the 
Horites, they felt the necessity of united action un- 
der one competent leader, and then a king was 
chosen. Against the Horites the children of Edom 
were completely successful. Having either exter- 



250 



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EDIT 



minated or expelled them, they occupied their whole 
country (Dcut. ii. 12). A statement in Gen. xxxvi. 
31, and 1 Chr. i. 43, serves to fix the period of the 
dynasty of the eight kings. They " reigned in the 
land of Edom before there reigned any king over 
the children of Israel ; " i. e. (so Porter) before the 
time of Moses, who may be regarded as the first 
virtual king of Israel (compare Deut. xxxiii. 5 ; Ex. 
xviii. 16-19). Esau's bitter hatred to his brother 
Jacob for fraudulently obtaining his blessing ap- 
pears to have been inherited by his latest posterity. 
The Edomites, prepared to resist by force any intru- 
sion, peremptorily refused to permit the Israelites 
to pass through their land (Num. xx. 14-21). For 
400 years we hear no more of the Edomites. They 
were then attacked and defeated by Saul (1 Sam. 
xiv. 47). Some forty years later David overthrew 
their army in the " Valley of Salt," and his general, 
Joab, following up the victory, destroyed nearly the 
whole male population (1 K. xi. 15, 16), and placed 
Jewish garrisons in all the strongholds of Edom (2 
Sam. viii. 13, 14). Hadad 4, a member of the 
royal family of Edom, made his escape with a few 
followers to Egypt, where he was kindly received by 
Pharaoh. After the death of David he returned, 
and tried (Jos. viii. 7, § 6) to excite his countrymen 
to rebellion against Israel, but failing in the attempt 
he went on to Syria, where he became one of Solo- 
mon's greatest enemies (1 K. xi. 14-22). The 
Edomites continued subject to Israel (1 K. xxii. 47 ; 
2 Iv. iii. 9) till the reign of Jehoshaphat (b. c. 914), 
when they attempted to invade Israel in conjunction 
with Amnion, and Moab, but were miraculously de- 
stroyed in the valley of Berachah (2 Chr. xx. 22 ff.). 
A few years later they revolted against Jehoram, 
elected a king, and for half a century retained their 
independence (xxi. 8 ff.). They were then attacked 
by Amaziah, and Sela, their great stronghold, was 
captured (2 K. xiv. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 11, 12). Yet the 
Israelites were never able again completely to subdue 
them (xxviii. 17). When Nebuchadnezzar besieged 
Jerusalem the Edomites joined him, and took an 
active part in the plunder of the city and slaughter 
of the Jews. Their cruelty at that time seems to be 
specially referred to in Ps. cxxxvii. On account of 
these acts of cruelty committed upon the Jews in 
the day of their calamity, the Edomites were fearfully 
denounced by the later prophets (Is. xxxiv. 6-8, 
lxiii. 1-4; Jer. xlix. 17; Lam. iv. 21; Ez. xxv. 12 
ff., xxxv. 3 if.; Am. i. 11, 12; Ob. 1 ff.). On the 
conquest of Judah, the Edomites, probably in re- 
ward for their services during the war, were per- 
mitted to settle in southern Palestine, and the 
whole plateau between it and Egypt ; but they were 
about the same time driven out of Edom Proper by 
the Nabatheans. For more than four centuries they 
continued to prosper. But during the warlike rule 
of the Maccabees they were again completely sub- 
dued, and even forced by John Hyrcanus to con- 
form to Jewish laws and rites, and submit to the 
government of Jewish prefects. The Edomites were 
now incorporated with the Jewish nation, and the 
whole province was often termed by Greek and 
Roman writers Idumea. One of the prefects, An- 
tipater, an Idumean by birth, became, through the 
friendship of the Roman emperor, procurator of 
Judea, and his son was King Herod the Great. 
Immediately before the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, 
20,000 Idumeans were admitted to the Holy City, 
which they filled with robbery and bloodshed. From 
this time the Edomites, as a separate people, disap- 
pear from the page of history. The character of 



the Edomites was drawn by Isaac in his prophetical 

blessing to Esau — " By thy sword shalt thou live " 
(Gen. xxvii. 40). Little is known of their religion ; 
but that iittle shows them to have been idolaters 
(2 Chr. xxv. 14, 15, 20). Josephus(xv. 7, § 9) refers 
to both the idols and priests of the Idumeans. The 
habits of the Idumeans were singular. The Horites, 
their predecessors in Mount Seir, were, as their 
name implies, troglodytes, or dwellers in caves ; and 
the Edomites seem to have adopted their dwellings 
as well as their country (Jer. xlix. 16 ; Ob. 3, 4). 
Everywhere we meet with caves and grottoes hewn 
in the soft sandstone strata. Those at Petra are 
well known. The nature of the climate, the dry- 
ness of the soil, and their great size, render them 
healthy, pleasant, and commodious habitations, 
while their security made them specially suitable to 
a country exposed in every age to incessant attacks 
of robbers. 

Ed'rc-i (Ileb. strong, might;/, Ges. ; com-diilrict, 
plantation, Fn.). 1. One of the two capital cities of 
Bashan (Num. xxi. 33 ; Deut. i. 4, iii. 10 ; Josh, 
xii. 4). In Scripture it is only mentioned in con- 
nection with the victory gained by the Israelites 
over the Amorites under Og their king, and the ter- 
ritory thus acquired. Probably the Israelites did 
not long retain it. The ruins of this ancient city, 
still bearing the name JSdr'a (so Porter), stand on a 
rocky promontory which projects from the S. W. 
corner of the Lcjah. (Argob.) The site is a strange 
one — without water (except in large subterranean 
cisterns), without access, except over rocks and 
through defiles all but impracticable, yet in the 
midst of a fertile plain. The ruins are nearly three 
miles in circumference, and have a strange, wild 
look, rising up in black shattered masses from the 
midst of a wilderness of black rocks. A number 
of the old houses still remain ; they are low, mas 
sive, and gloomy, and some of them are half buried 
beneath heaps of rubbish. In these the present in- 
habitants (about fifty families in 1854) reside. The 
monuments show it must have been an important 
town under the Romans. The identity of this site 
with the Edrei of Scripture has been questioned by 
many writers (Reland, Ritter, Burckhardt, &c), who 
follow Eusebius, and place the capital of Bashan i't 
the modern Der'a, about fourteen miles further S. 
in the open plain. — 2. A town of northern Pales- 
tine, allotted to the tribe of Naphtali, and situated 
near Kedesh (Josh. xix. 37). About two miles S. 
of Kedesh is a conical rocky hill called Tell Khur- 
aibch = hill of the ruin. It is evidently an old site, 
and Porter supposes it may be that of Edrei. 
Robinson (iii. 365 f.) regards this as the site of 
Hazor 1. 

Ed-n-ca'tion. Although nothing is more carefully 
inculcated in the Law than the duty of parents to 
teach their children its precepts and principles 
(Ex. xii. 26, xiii. 8, 14 ; Deut. iv. 5, 9, 10, vi. 2, 1, 
20, &c), yet there is little trace among the Hebrews 
in earlier times of education in any other subjects. 
The wisdom therefore and instruction, of which so 
much is said in the Book of Proverbs, are to be un- 
derstood chiefly of moral and religious discipline, 
imparted, according to the direction of the Law, by 
the teaching and under the example of parents 
(Prov. i. 2, 8, ii. 2, 10, iv. 1, 7, 20, viii. 1, ix. 1, 10, 
xii. 1, xvi. 22, xvii. 24, xxxi.). Exceptions to this 
statement may perhaps be found in the instances 
of Moses himself, who was brought up in all Egyp- 
tian learning (Acts vii. 22) ; of the writer of the book 
of Job, who was evidently well versed in natural 



EDU 



EGY 



251 



history and in the astronomy of the day (Job 
xxxviii. 81, xxxix.,xl., xli.) ; of Daniel and his com- 
panions in captivity (Dan. i. 4, 17); and above all, 
in the intellectual gifts and acquirements of Solo- 
mon, which were even more renowned than his 
political greatness (1 K. iv. 29-34, x. 1-9; 2 Chr. 
is. 1-8), and the memory of which has, with much 
exaggeration, been widely preserved in Oriental tra- 
dition. The commands to write the precepts of the 
Law upon the posts of the house and on the gates 
(Deut. vi. 9, xi. 20), and upon great stones at 
Mount Ebal " very plainly " (xxvii. 2-8), presup- 
pose a general knowledge of reading and writing 
communicated by parents to children. In later 
times the prophecies, and comments on them as well 
as on the earlier Scriptures, together with other sub- 
jects, were studied. Jerome adds that Jewish 
children were taught to say by heart the genealo- 
gies. Parents were required to teach their children 
some trade. (Handicraft.) Previous to the Cap- 
tivity, the chief depositaries of learning were the 
schools or colleges, from which in most cases (see 
Am. vii. 14) proceeded that succession of public 
teachers (Prophet) who at various times endeavored 
to reform the moral and religious conduct of both 
rulers and people. Besides the prophetical schools, 
instruction was given by the priests in the Temple 
and elsewhere, but their subjects were doubtless 
exclusively concerned with religion and worship 
(Lev. x. 11; Ez. xliv. 23, 24; 1 Chr. xxvj 7, 8; 
Mai. ii. 7). From the time of the settlement in 
Canaan there must have been among the Jews per- 
sons skilled in writing and in accounts. Perhaps 
the neighborhood of the tribe of Zebulun to the 
commercial district of Phenicia may have been the 
occasion of their reputation in this respect (Judg. 
v. 14). The municipal officers of the kingdom, es- 
pecially in the time of Solomon, must have required 
a staff of well-educated persons under the recorder 
or historiographer, who compiled memorials of the 
reign (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 2 K. xviii. 18 ; 2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 8). (Scribes.) To the schools of the Prophets 
succeeded, after the Captivity, the synagogues, 
which were either themselves used as schools or 
had places near them for that purpose. (Rabbi ; 
Synagogue.) A school or teacher was required in 
the Mishna for every twenty-five children ; when a 
community had only forty children they might have 
a master and an assistant. The age for a boy to go 
to school was six years ; before that the father 
must instruct his son. Besides these elementary 
schools, there were colleges, at first confined to 
Jerusalem, but gradually established in all the 
countries where the Jews resided. The topics dis- 
cussed in the colleges, comprehending all the 
sciences of that time, are preserved in the Talmud 
(Ginsburg in Kitto). After the destruction of Jeru- 
salem, colleges were maintained for a long time at 
Japhne in Galilee, at Lydda, at Tiberias, the most 
famous of all, and Sepphoris. According to the 
principles laid down in the Mishna, boys at five 
years of age were to begin the Scriptures, at ten the 
Mishna, at thirteen they became subject to the 
whole law, at fifteen they entered the Gemara. 
Teachers were treated with great respect, and both 
pupils and teachers were exhortod to respect each 
other. Physical science formed part of the course 
of instruction. Unmarried men and women were not 
allowed to be teachers of boys. In the schools the 
Rabbins sat on raised seats, and the scholars, ac- 
cording to their age, sat on benches below or on the 
ground. Of female education we have little account 



in Scripture. Needlework formed a large, but by no 
means the only, subject of instruction imparted to 
females, whose position in society and in the house- 
hold must by no means be considered as represented 
in modern Oriental usage (see Prov. xxxi. 16, 26 ; 
Sus. 3 ; Lk. viii. 2, 3, x. 39 ; Acts xiii. 50 ; 2 Tim. i. 5). 
(Dress; Women.) Among the Mohammedans, edu- 
cation, even of boys, is of a most elementary kind, 
and of girls still more limited. In one respect it 
may be considered as the likeness or the caricature of 
the Jewish system, viz. that besides the most com- 
mon rules of arithmetic, the Koran is made the 
staple, if not the only, subject of instruction. 

* Egg. Bird ; l oon ; Hen. 

Eg I all (Heb. a heifer), one of David's wives dur- 
ing his reign in Hebron, and mother of his son 
Ithream (2 Sam. iii. 5 ; 1 Chr. hi. 3). According to 
the ancient Hebrew tradition, she was Michal. 

Eg'la-im (Heb. two ponds), a place named only in 
Is. xv. 8, apparently one of the most remote points 
on the boundary of Moab ; perhaps = En-eglaim. 

Eg'loil (Heb. vituline, of a calf, Ges.), a king of 
the Moabites (Judg. iii. 12 ff.), who, aided by the 
Ammonites and the Amalekites, crossed the Jordan 
and took "the city of palm-trees" (Jericho). 
Here he built himself a palace (so Jos. v. 4, § 1 ff.), 
and continued for eighteen years to oppress the 
children of Israel, who paid him tribute. The cir- 
cumstances of his death are somewhat differently 
given in Judges and in Josephus. In Judges the 
Israelites send a present by Ehud (iii. 15) ; in 
Josephus Ehud wins his favor by repeated presents 
of his own. In Judges we have two scenes, the 
offering of the present and the death scene (IS, 19) ; 
in Josephus there is but one scene. In Judges the 
place seems to change from the reception-room into 
the " summer-parlor," where Ehud found him upon 
his return (comp. 18, 20). In Josephus the entire 
action takes place in the summer-parlor. The 
obesity of Eglon, and the consequent impossibility 
of recovering the dagger, are not mentioned by 
Josephus. After this desperate achievement, Ehud 
repaired to Seirath in the mountains of Ephraim 
(iii. 26, 27). To this wild central region, command- 
ing, as it did, the plains E. and W., he summoned 
i the Israelites by sound of " trumpet " (Cornet). 
Descending from the hills, they fell upon the Moab- 
ites, killed the greater number at once, seized the 
fords of Jordan, and not one of the fugitives es- 
caped. 

Eg lon (Heb., see above), a town of Judah in the 
low country (Josh. xv. 39). During the struggles 
of the conquest, Eglon was one of a confederacy of 
five Amorite towns which under Jerusalem (Adon- 
izedec) attempted resistance, by attacking Gibeon 
after the treaty of the latter with Israel (Josh. x.). 
It was destroyed by Joshua (x. 34 ff, xii. 12). The 
name doubtless survives in the modern 'Ajldn, a 
shapeless mass of ruins, about ten miles from Beit 
Jibrin (Eleutheropolis) and fourteen from Gaza, on 
the S. of the great maritime plain. 

E'gypt [ee'jipt] (L. yFgyplns ; said to have been 
named from an ancient king of the country), a coun- 
try occupying the northeastern angle of Africa, 
and lying between north latitude 31° 37' and 24° 1', 
and east longitude 27° 13' and 34 c 12'. Its limits 
appear always to have been very nearly the same. 
In Ezekiel (xxix. 10, xxx. 6, margin of both), the 
whole country is spoken of as extending from Mig- 
dol to Syene, which indicates the same limits to the 
E. and S.. as at present. — Names. The common 
name of Egypt in the Bible is " Mizraim " (Heb. 



252 



EGY 



EGY 



Milsrayim, generally translated " Egypt " in A. V.), 
or more fully, " the land of Mizraira," A. V. " the 
land of Egypt." In form Milsrayim is a dual, and 
accordingly it is generally joined with a plural verb. 
When, therefore, in Gen. x. 6, Mizraim is mentioned 
as a son of Ham, we must not conclude (so Mr. R. 
S. Poole, the author of this article), that any thing 
more is meant than that Egypt was colonized by 
descendants of Ham. The dual number doubtless 
indicates the natural division of the country into an 
upper and lower region. The Heb. singular Mdtsor 
also occurs, and some suppose that it indicates 
Lower Egypt, but there is no sure ground for this as- 
sertion. The Arabic name of Egypt, Mur, signifies 
red mud. Egypt is also called in the Bible " the 
land of Ham " (Ps. cv. 23, 27; compare lxxviii. 51), 
and " Raiiab ; " both these appear to be poetical 
appellations. The common ancient Egyptian name 
of the country is written in hieroglyphics Kern, 
which was perhaps pronounced Chem ; the demotic 
form is Kemec. This name signifies, alike in the 
ancient language and in Coptic, black, and may be 
supposed to have been given to the land on account 
of the blackness of its alluvial soil. We may rea- 
sonably conjecture that Kan is the Egyptian equiv- 
alent of Ham, and also of Mazor, these two words 
being similar or even the same in sense. Under 
the Pharaohs Egypt was divided into Upper and 
L)wer, "the two regions" Ta-tce? called respect- 
ively "the Southern Region" Ta-rcs, and the 
" Xorthern Region " Ta-rnehect. There were differ- 
ent crowns for the two regions, that of Upper 
Egypt being white, that of Lower Egypt red, the 
two together composing the so-called pschent. The 
sovereign had a special title as ruler of each region : 
or Upper Egypt he was Suien = king, and of Lower 
Egypt Shebt = bee, the two combined forming the 
common title Sutcn-Shcb 1 . The initial sign of the 
former name is a bent reed (compare 2 K. xviii. 
21 ; Is. xxxvi. 6 ; Ez. xxix. 6). In subsequent 
times this double division obtained. In the time of 
the Greeks and Romans, Upper Egypt was divided 
into the Heptanomis and the Thebai's, making alto- 
gether three provinces, but the division of the 
whole country into two was even then the most 
usual. — Superficies. Egypt has a superficies of about 
9,582 square geographical miles of soil, which the 
Nile either does or can water and fertilize. This 
computation includes the river and lakes as well as 
sandy tracts which can be inundated ; but the whole 
space either cultivated or fit for cultivation is no 
more than about 5,626 square miles. Anciently 
2,735 square miles more may have been cultivated, 
and now it would be possible at once to reclaim 
about 1,295 square miles. The chief differences in 
the character of the surface in the times b. c. were 
that the long valley through which flowed the canal 
between the Nile and the Red Sea was then culti- 
vated (Goshen), and that the Gulf of Suez extended 
much further N. than at present. — Ancient Cities. 
(Alexandria; Hanes; Memphis; On; Pi-beseth; 
Pithom ; Rameses ; Sin ; Stene ; Tahpanhes ; 
Thebes; Zoan.) — Nomes. From a remote period 
Egypt was divided into Nomes ffe.ipu, singular ffesp, 
each of which had its special objects of worship. 
They are said to have been first thirty-six in number. 
Ptolemy enumerates forty-four ; Pliny, forty-six ; 
afterward they were further increased. There is no 
distinct reference to them in the Bible. — General 
appearance, Climate, &c. The general appearance 
of the country cannot have greatly changed since 
the days of Moses. The Delta was always a vast 



level plain, although of old more perfectly watered 
than now by the branches of the Nile and numerous 
canals,while the narrow valley of Upper Egypt must 
have suffered still less alteration. Anciently, how- 
ever, the rushes must have been abundant ; whereas 
now they have almost disappeared, except in the 
lakes. The whole country is remarkable for its ex- 
treme fertility, which especially strikes the beholder 
when the rich green of the fields is contrasted with 
the utterly bare yellow mountains, or the sand 
strewn rocky desert on either side. The climate is 
equable and healthy. Rain is not very unfrequent 
on the northern coast, but inland very rare. Culti- 
vation nowhere depends upon it. The absence of 
rain is mentioned in Deut. xi. 10, 11, as rendering 
artificial irrigation necessary, unlike the case of 
Palestine, and in Zcch. xiv. 18 as peculiar to the 
country. Egypt has been visited in all ages by 
severe pestilences, but it cannot be determined that 
any of those of ancient times were of the character 
of the modern plague. (Medicine; Plagues, the 
Ten.) Famines are frequent, and one in the middle 
ages, in the time of the Fatimee Khaleefeh El-Mus- 
tansir-billah, seems to have been even more severe 
than that of Joseph. (Famine.) — Ceology. The fertile 
alluvial plain of the Delta (between the ancient Pelu- 
siac and Canopic mouths of the Nile), and the nar- 
row winding valley of Upper Egypt (which is seldom 
more than twelve miles across), are bounded by 
rocky deserts covered or strewn with sand. On 
cither side of the plain they are low, but they over- 
look the valley, above which they rise so steeply as 
from the river to present the aspect of cliffs. The 
formation is limestone as far as a little above Thebes, 
where sandstone begins. The First Cataract, the 
southern limit of Egypt, is caused by granite and 
other primitive rocks, which rise through the sand- 
stone and obstruct the river's bed. Limestone, 
sandstone, and granite were obtained from quarries 
near the river ; basalt, breccia, and porphyry from 
others in the eastern desert, between the Thebais 
and the Red Sea. An important geological change 
has in the course of centuries raised the country 
near the head of the Gulf of Suez, and depressed 
that on the northern side of the isthmus. Since 
the Christian era the head of the gulf has re- 
tired southward (Is. xi. 15, xix. 5). — The Nile 
The inundation of the Nile fertilizes and sustains 
the country, and makes the river its chief blessing; 
a very low inundation or failure of rising being the 
cause of famine. The Nile was on this account 
anciently worshipped. The rise begins in Egypt 
about the summer solstice, and the inundation com- 
mences about two months later. The greatest 
height is attained about or somewhat after the au- 
tumnal equinox. The inundation lasts about three 
months. — Cultivation, Agriculture, &c. The ancient 
prosperity of Egypt is attested by the Bible as well 
as by the numerous monuments of the country. 
As early as the age of the Great Pyramid it must 
have been densely populated. The contrast of the 
present state of Egypt to its former prosperity is 
more to be ascribed to political than to physi- 
cal causes. Egypt has lost all strength and energy. 
It is naturally an agricultural country. As far back 
as the days of Abraham, we find that, when the prod- 

! uce failed in Palestine, Egypt was the natural re- 
source. In the time of Joseph it was evidently 
the granary, at least during famines, of the nations 

I around. The inundation, as taking the place of 
rain, has always rendered the system of agricul- 
ture peculiar ; and the artificial irrigation during 



254 



EGY 



EGY 



the time of low Nile is necessarily on the same 
principle. Watering with the foot (Deut. xi. 10, 
11) may refer to some mode of irrigation by a 
machine, but the monuments do not afford a rep- 
resentation of it. (Agriculture.) That now called 




Shadoof, or pole and bucket for watering the garden. — (Wilkinson.) 



the shadoof is depicted, and seems to have been 
the common means of artificial irrigation. (Chal- 
dea.) There are detailed pictures of breaking up 
the earth, or ploughing, sowing, harvest, thresh- 
ing, and storing the wheat in granaries. The pro- 
cesses of agriculture began as soon as the water 
of the inundation had sunk into the soil, about a 
month after the autumnal equinox, and the har- 
vest-time was about and soon after the vernal 
equinox (Ex. ix. 31, 32). Vines were extensively 
cultivated. Of other fruit-trees, the date-palm was 




a 4 
Granary, showing how the grain was put in, nod that the doors a b were 
intended for taking it out.— (Wilkinson.) 



the most common and valuable. The gardens re- 
sembled the fields, being watered in the same man- 
ner by irrigation. On the tenure of land much 
light is thrown by the history of Joseph. Before 
the famine each city and large village had its field 
(Gen. xli. 48) ; but Joseph gained for Pharaoh all 
the land, except that of the priests, in exchange 
for food, and required for the right thus obtained 
a fifth of the produce, which became a law (xlvii. 
20-26). The evidence of the monuments, though 
not very explicit, seems to show that this law was 
ever afterward in force under the Pharaohs. The 
great lakes in the N. of Egypt were anciently of 
high importance, especially for their fisheries and 



the growth of the papyrus. The canals are now 
far less numerous than of old, and many of them 
are choked and comparatively useless. — Botami. 
The cultivable land of Egypt consists almost wholly 
of fields, in which are very few trees. There are 
no forests and few groves, except of date-palms 
(Palm-tree), and in Lower Egypt a few of orange 
and lemon-trees. There are also sycamores, mul- 
berry-trees and acacias, either planted on the sides 
of roads or standing singly in the fields. The 
Theban palm grows in the Thebais, generally in 
clumps. These were all, except perhaps the mul- 
berry-tree, of old common in the country. The 
chief fruits are the date, grape, fig, sycamore-fig, 
pomegranate, banana, many kinds of melons, and 
the olive ; and there are many others less common 
or important. These were also of old produced 
in the country. The vegetables are of many kinds 
and excellent, and form the chief food of the com- 
mon people (Num. xi. 4, 5). The most important 
field-produce in ancient times was wheat ; after it 
must be placed barley, millet, flax, and among the 
vegetables, lentils, peas, and beans. (Agriculture ; 
Food ; Garden.) It is clear from the evidence of 
the monuments and of ancient writers that, of old, 
reeds were far more common in Egypt than now. 
The byblus or papyrus (Reed 2) is almost or quite 
unknown. Anciently it was a common and most 
important plant : boats were made of its stalks, 
and of their thin leaves the famous paper was 
manufactured. The lotus was anciently the favor- 
ite flower, and at feasts it took the place of the 
| rose among the Greeks and Arabs : it is now very 
rare. — Zoology. Of old Egypt was far more a pas- 
toral country than at present. The neat cattle are 
still excellent, but lean kine are more common 
; among them than the)' seem to have been in the 
| days of Joseph's Pharaoh (Gen. xli. 19). Sheep 
and goats have always been numerous. Anciently 
swine were kept, but not in great numbers ; now 
there are none, or scarcely any. Under the Pha- 
raohs the horses of the country were in repute 
among the neighboring nations, who purchased 
them as well as chariots out of Egypt. Asses were 
anciently numerous : the breed at the present time 
is excellent. Dogs were formerly more prized than 
now, for being held by most of the Muslims to be 
extremely unclean, they are only used to watch the 
houses in the villages. The camel has nowhere 
been found mentioned in the inscriptions of Egypt, 
or represented on the monuments. Probably camels 
were not kept in Egypt, but only on the frontier. 
The deserts have always abounded in wild animals, 
especially of the canine and antelope kinds. An- 
ciently the hippopotamus (Behemoth) was found in 
the Egyptian Nile, and hunted. Now, this animal 
is rarely seen even in Lower Nubia. The elephant 
may have been, in the remotest historical period, 
an inhabitant of Egypt, and, as a land animal, has 
been driven further S. than the hippopotamus. 
Bats abound in the temples and tombs. The birds 
of Egypt are not remarkable for beauty of plu- 
mage : in so open a country this is natural. Birds 
of prey are numerous, but the most common are 
scavengers, as vultures and the kite. Both wading 
and web-footed birds abound on the islands and 
sandbanks of the river, and in the sides of the 
mountains which approach or touch the stream. 
Among the reptiles, the crocodile (Dragon 2 ; Le- 
viathan) must be especially mentioned. Frogs are 
very numerous in Egypt, and their loud and con- 
stant croaking in the autumn makes it not difficult 



EGY 



EGY 



255 



to picture the Plague of Frogs. Serpents and 
snakes are also common, but the more venomous 
have their home, like the scorpion, in the desert 
(compare Deut. viii. 15). The Nile and lakes have 
an abundance of fish. Among the insects the lo- 



custs must be mentioned, which sometimes come 
upon the cultivated land in a cloud. As to the 
lice and flies, they are still plagues of Egypt. 
(Plagues, the Ten.) — Ancient Inhabitants. The old 
inhabitants of Egypt appear from their monuments 




Making a papyrus boat. — : Wilkinson.) 




Boat of the Nile, showing how the sail was fastened to the yards, and the nature of the rigging. — (Wilkinson.) 



and the testimony of ancient writers to have occu- 
pied in race a place between the Nigritians and the 
Caucasians. In the diminution of the Nigritian 
characteristics as well as in regard to dress, man- 
ners, and character, the influence of the Arab set- 
tlers (Arabia) is apparent. The ancient Egyptians 
were very religious and contemplative, but given to 
base superstition, patriotic, respectful to women, 
hospitable, generally frugal, but at times luxurious, 
very sensual, lying, thievish, treacherous, and cring- 
ing, and intensely prejudiced, through pride of race, 
against strangers, although kind to them. This is 
very much the character of the modern inhabitants, 
except that Mohammedanism has taken away the 
respect for women. — Language. The ancient Egyp- 
tian language, from the earliest period at which it 
is known to us, is an agglutinate monosyllabic form 
of speech. It is expressed by the signs which we 
call hieroglyphics. The character of the language 
is compound : it consists of elements resembling 
those of the Nigritian Languages and the Chinese 
language on the one hand, and those of the Siie- 
mitic Languages on the other. As early as the age 
of the twenty-sixth dynasty a vulgar dialect was 
expressed in the demotic or enchorial writing. This 
dialect forms the link connecting the old language 
with the Coptic, which does not very greatly differ 
from the monumental language (the sacred dialect), 
except in the presence of many Greek words. The 
key to the ancient Egyptian language is the cele- 



brated Rosetta stone, a slab of black marble, found 
by the French in 1799 near the mouth of the Ro- 
setta branch of the Nile, and now in the British 
Museum. It contains a decree, written in sacred, 
enchorial, and Greek characters, respecting the co- 
ronation of Ptolemy V. Epiphanes. — Religion. The 
basis of the religion was Nigritian fetishism, the 
lowest kind of nature-worship, differing in different 
parts of the country, and hence obviously indigen- 
ous. On this were engrafted, first, cosmic worship, 
mixed up with traces of primeval revelation, as in 
Babylonia ; and then, a system of personifications 
of moral and intellectual abstractions. (Idolatry.) 
There were three orders of gods — the eight great 
gods (Amon), the twelve lesser, and the Osirian 
group, comprehending Osiris, his sister and wife 
Isis, their son Horus, &c. They were represented 
in human forms, sometimes having the heads of 
animals sacred to them, or bearing on their heads 
cosmic or other objects of worship. Osiris, the 
personification of moral good, was the most re- 
markable of these gods. Typhon was his adversary. 
The fetishism included, besides the worship of ani- 
mals, that of trees, rivers, and hills. Each of these 
creatures or objects was appropriated to a divinity. 
There was no prominent hero-worship, although de- 
ceased kings and other individuals often received 
divine honors. Sacrifices of animals, and offerings 
of food, and libations of wine, oil, &c, were made. 
The great doctrines of the immortality of the soul, 



256 



EGY 



EGY 



man's responsibility, and future rewards and pun- 
ishments, were taught, also the transmigration of 
the soul. Among the rites, circumcision is the 
most remarkable : it is as old as the time of the 
fourth dynasty. The Israelites in Egypt appear 
during the oppression, for the most part, to have 
adopted the Egyptian religion (Josh. xxiv. 14; Ez. 
xx. 7, 8). The golden calf, or rather steer, was 
probably taken from the bull Apis, certainly from 
one of the sacred bulls. Remphan and Chiun were 
foreign divinities adopted into the Egyptian Pan- 
theon. Ashtoketh was worshipped at Memphis. 
Doubtless this worship was introduced by the Phe- 
nician Shepherds. — Laws. We have no complete 
account of the laws of the ancient Egyptians either 
in their own records or in works of ancient writers. 
The paintings and sculptures of the monuments 
indicate a very high degree of personal safety, 
showing us that the people of all ranks commonly 
went unarmed, and without military protection. 
Capital punishment appears to have been almost 
restricted, in practice, to murder. Crimes of vio- 
lence were more severely treated than offences 
against religion and morals. Popular feeling seems 
to have taken the duties of the judge upon itself 
in the case of impiety alone (Ex. viii. 26). — Gov- 
ernment. The government was monarchical, but 
not of an absolute character. The sovereign was 
not superior to the laws, and the priests had the 
power to check the undue exercise of his authority. 
Nomes and districts were governed by officers whom 
the Greeks called nomarchs and toparchs. There 
seems to have been no hereditary aristocracy, except 
perhaps at the earliest period. — Foreign Policy. 
The foreign policy of the Egyptians must be re- 
garded in its relation to the admission of foreigners 
into Egypt, and to the treatment of tributary and 
allied nations. In the former aspect it was char- 
acterized by an exclusiveness which sprang from a 
national hatred of the yellow and white races, and 
was maintained by the wisdom of preserving the 
institutions of the country from the influence of the 
pirates of the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean, 
and the robbers of the deserts. Hence the jealous 
exclusion of the Greeks from the northern ports 
until Naucratis was opened to them, and hence, too, 
the restriction of Shemite settlers in earlier times 
to the land of Goshen, scarcely regarded as part of 
Egypt. The general policy of the Egyptians tow- 
ard their eastern tributaries seems to have been 
marked by great moderation. The Pharaohs inter- 
married with them, and neither forced upon them 
Egyptian garrisons, except in some important posi- 
tions, nor attempted those deportations that are so 
marked a feature of Asiatic policy. In the case of 
those nations which never attacked them, they do 
not appear to have even exacted tribute. So long 
as their general supremacy was uncontested, they 
would not "be unwise enough to make favorable or 
neutral powers their enemies. Of their relation to 
the Israelites we have for the earlier part of this 
period no direct information. The explicit account 
of the later part is fully consistent with the general 
policy of the Pharaohs. Shishak and Zerah are 
the only exceptions in a series of friendly kings. — 
With respect to the African nations a different policy 
appears to have been pursued. The Rebu (Lebu) 
or Lubim, to the W. of Egypt, on the N. coast, were 
reduced to subjection, and probably employed, like 
the Shayretana or Cherethim (Pelethites) as mer- 
cenaries. Ethiopia was made a purely Egyptian 
province, ruled by a viceroy, " the Prince of Kesh 



(Cush)," and the assimilation was so complete that 
Ethiopian sovereigns seem to have been received 
by the Egyptians as native rulers. Further S., the 
negroes were subject to predatory attacks like the 
slave-hunts of modern times. — Army. There are 
some notices of the Egyptian army in the 0. T. 
They show, like the monuments, that its most im- 
portant branch was the chariot-force. The Pharaoh 
of the Exodus led 600 chosen chariots besides his 
whole chariot-force in pursuit of the Israelites. 
The warriors fighting in chariots are probably the 
" horsemen " mentioned in the relation of this event 
and elsewhere, for in Egyptian they are called the 
" horse " or " cavalry." We have no subsequent 
indication in the Bible of the constitution of an 
Egyptian army until the time of the 22d dynasty, 
when we find that Shishak's invading force was 
partly composed of foreigners ; whether mercenaries 
or allies, cannot as yet be positively determined, 
although the monuments make it most probable 
that they were of the former character. The army 
of Necho, defeated at Carchemish, seems to have 
been similarly composed, although it probably con- 
tained Greek mercenaries, who soon afterward be- 
came the most important foreign element in the 
Egyptian forces. (Arms ; Army ; Chariot ; En- 
sign.) — Domestic Life. The sculptures and paint- 
ings of the tombs give us a very full insight into 
the domestic life of the ancient Egyptians, as may 
be seen in Sir G. Wilkinson's great work. (Beard; 
Bread; Dress; Food; Gate; Hair; Head-dress; 
House ; Meals, &c.) What most strikes us in 
their manners is the high position occupied by wom- 
en, and the entire absence of the harem system of 
seclusion. Marriage appears to have been uni- 
versal, at least with the richer class; and if polyg- 
amy were tolerated it was rarely practised. Con- 
cubinage (Concubine) was allowed, the concubines 
taking the place of inferior wives. There were no 
castes (i. e. civil, religious, military, &c, functions 
were not, as in India, necessarily hereditary), al- 
though great classes were very distinct, especially 
the priests, soldiers, artisans, and herdsmen, with 
laborers. The occupations of the higher class were 
the superintendence of their fields and gardens ; 
their diversions, hunting and fishing. The tend- 
ing of cattle was left to the most despised of the 
lower class. (Herd ; Shepherd.) The Egyptian 
feasts, and the dances, music, and feats which ac- 
companied them, for the diversion of the guests, 
as well as the common games, were probably intro- 
duced among the Hebrews in the most luxurious 
days of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. (Ban- 
quets ; Bells ; Cornet ; Cymbal ; Dance ; Games ; 
Harp ; Pipe ; Timbrel, &c.) The account of the 
noontide dinner of Joseph (Gen. xliii. 16, 31-34) 
agrees with the representations of the monuments. 
The funeral ceremonies (Burial ; Embalming) were 
far more important than any events of the Egyptian 
life, as the tomb was regarded as the only true home. 
— Literature and Art. The Egyptians were a very 
literary people, and time has preserved to us, be- 
sides the inscriptions of their tombs and temples, 
many papyri, of a religious or historical character, 
and one tale. They bear no resemblance to the 
books of the 0. T., except such as arises from their 
sometimes enforcing moral truths in a manner not 
wholly different from that of Proverbs. The moi al 
and religious system is, however, essentially dif- 
ferent in its principles and their application. In 
science, Egyptian influence may be distinctly traced 
in the Pentateuch. Moses was " learned in all the 



EGY 



EGY 



257 



wisdom of the Egyptians " (Acts vii. 22), and prob- 
ably derived from them the astronomical knowledge 
which was necessary for the calendar. (Astronomy ; 
Chronology.) The Egyptians excelled in geometry 
and mechanics. (Arch, &c.) They attained a high 
proficiency in medicine and surgery. Anatomy 
was practised from the earliest ages. The wonder- 
ful remains of Memphis, Thebes, &c, show the at- 
tainments of the Egyptians in the arts of architec- 
ture, sculpture, and painting. — Magicians. We find 
frequent reference in the Bible to the magicians of 
Egypt (Gen. xli. 8 ; Ex. vii. 11, &c). (Divination ; 
Magic.) — Industrial Arts. The industrial arts held 
an important place in the occupations of the Egyp- 
tians. The workers in fine flax and the weavers 
of white linen are mentioned in a manner that 
shows they were among the chief contributors to 
the riches of the country (Is. xix. 9). The fine 
linen of Egypt found its way to Palestine (Prov. vii. 
16). Pottery was a great branch of the native 
manufactures, and appears to have furnished em- 
ployment to the Hebrews during the bondage (Ps. 
lxxxi. 6, lxviii. 13 ; compare Ex. i. 14). (Basket ; 
Bellows; Brick; Cart; Glass; Handicraft, &c.) 
— Festivals. The religious festivals were numerous, 
and some of them were, in the days of Herodotus, 
kept with great merry-making and license. The 
feast which the Israelites celebrated when Aaron 
had made the golden calf seems to have been very 
much of the same character. (Idol ; Idolatry.) — 
Manners of Modern Inhabitants. The manners of 
the modern inhabitants are more similar to those 
of the ancient Hebrews, on account of Arab influ- 
ence, than were the manners of their predecessors 
(see above ; also Arabia). — Chronology and His- 
tory. — The subject may be divided into three main 
branches, technical chronology, historical chronol- 
ogy, and history : — 1. Technical Chronology. That 
the Egyptians used various periods of time, and 
made astronomical observations from a remote age, 
is equally attested by ancient writers, and by their 
monuments. There appear to have been at least 
three years in use with the Egyptians before the 
Roman domination, the Vague Year, the Tropical 
Year, and the Sothic Year ; but it is not probable 
that more than two of these were employed at the 
same time. The Vague Year contained 365 days 
without any additional fraction, and therefore 
passed through all the seasons in about 1,500 years. 
It was used for both civil and religious purposes. 
The Vague Year was divided into twelve months, 
each of thirty days, with five additional days, after 
the twelfth. The months were assigned to three 
seasons, each comprising four months, called re- 
spectively the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th of those seasons. 
The names by which the Egyptian months are com- 
monly known, Thoth, Paophi, &c, are taken from 
the divinities to which they were sacred. The 
seasons are called, according to Mr. Poole's ren- 
dering, those of Vegetation, Manifestation, and the 
Waters or the Inundation : the exact meaning of 
their names has, however, been much disputed. 
They evidently refer to the phenomena of a Trop- 
ical Year, and such a year we must therefore con- 
clude the Egyptians to have had, at least in a re- 
mote period of their history. M. Brugsch in his 
work on the Egyptian year (Berlin and Paris, 1856) 
makes the first four months, not, like most Egyp- 
tologers, of Vegetation, but of Inundation ; the 
second four, not of Manifestation or Harvest, but 
of Winter ; the third four, not of Inundation, but 
of Summer. He makes but two seasons of six 
17 



months each, Summer and Winter, the first half of 
the period of Inundation, with which he begins the 
year, belonging to Summer, and the second half to 
Winter (B. S. xiv. 644 fif.). The Sothic Year was 
a supposed sidereal year of 365 J days, commencing 
with the so-called heliacal rising of Sothis ( = 
Sirius). The Vague Year, having no intercalation, 
constantly retreated through the Sothic Year, until 
a period of 1,461 years of the former kind, and 1,460 
of the latter had elapsed, from one coincidence of 
commencements to another. The Egyptians are 
known to have used two great cycles, the Sothic 
Cycle and the Tropical Cycle. The former was a 
cycle of the coincidence of the Sothic and Vague 
Years, and therefore consisted of 1,460 years of the 
former kind. The Tropical Cycle was a cycle of 
the coincidence of the Tropical and Vague Years. 
It has been supposed by M. Biot to have a duration 
of 1,505 years; but the length of the 1,500 Vague 
Years is preferable. The monuments make men- 
tion of Panegyrical Months, which Mr. Poole makes 
to be periods of thirty years each, and divisions 
of a year of the same kind. — 2. Historical Chronol- 
ogy. The materials for historical chronology are 
the monuments and the remains of the historical 
work of Manetho. The remains of Manetho's his- 
torical work consist of a list of the Egyptian dynas- 
ties and two considerable fragments, one relating 
to the Shepherds, the other to a tale of the Exodus. 
The list is only known to us in the epitome given 
by Africanus, preserved by Syncellus, and that 
given by Eusebius. These present such great dif- 
ferences that it is not reasonable to hope that we 
can restore a correct text. The series of dynasties 
is given as if they were successive, in which case 
the commencement of the first would be placed full 
5000 years b. c, and the reign of the king who built 
the Great Pyramid 4000. The monuments do not 
warrant so extreme an antiquity, and the great 
majority of Egyptologers have therefore held that 
the dynasties were partly contemporary. The evi- 
dence of the monuments leads to the same conclu- 
sion. Kings who unquestionably belong to different 
dynasties are shown by them to be contemporary. 
The monuments will not, in Mr. Poole's opinion, 
justify any great extension of the period assigned 
to the first seventeen dynasties (b. c. 2700-1500). 
The last date, that of the commencement of the 
18th dynasty, cannot be changed more than a few 
years. The date of the beginning of the first dy- 
nasty, or the era of Menes, which Mr. Poole is dis- 
posed to place b. c. 2717, is more doubtful, but a 
concurrence of astronomical evidence points to the 
28th century. Some have supposed a much greater 
antiquity for the commencement of Egyptian his- 
tory. Lepsius places the accession of Menes b. c. 
3892, and Bunsen, 200 years later. Their system 
is founded upon a passage in the chronological 
work of Syncellus, which assigns a duration of 
3555 to the thirty dynasties. It is by no means 
certain that this number is given on the authority 
of Manetho, but apart from this, the whole state- 
ment is unmistakably not from the true Manetho. 
— 3. History. That Egypt was colonized by the 
descendants of Noah in a very remote age is shown 
by the mention of the migration of the Philistines 
from Caphtor (Gen. x. 14 ; see Casluhim), which 
had taken place before the arrival of Abraham in 
Palestine. Before this migration could occur, the 
Caphtorim and other Mizraites must have occupied 
Egypt for some time. A remarkable passage (Num. 
xiii. 22) points to a knowledge of the date at which 



258 MR. R. S. POOLE'S TABLE OF THE FIRST SEVENTEEN DYNASTIES. 



B. C. 



2600 



. 2500 



2300 



2100 



2000 



1700 



1600 



1500 



TH1NIIES 

I. 2717 
(era of Menes) 


















MEMPHITE8 

III. dr. 2650 


































1L cir. 2470 


IV. cir. 2440 


ELEPHAN- 
TIKITE8 

V. dr. 2440 
















2352. Date in 
reign of 
Suphtses 






















IIERACLEO- 
POLITE8 


DIOS- 
POLITE8 ? 












VL dr. 22O0 




IX. cir. 2200 


XI. cir. 2200 




















XOITES 


SHEPI 


ERD8 


cir. 2081. 
Abraham 
visits Egypt 






XIL cir. 20S0 

2005. Date in 
reign of Amen- 
emna II. 
1986. Date in 
reign of Seeer- 
teaen IIL t 

XIIL cir. 1920 


XIV. cir. 2080 


XV. cir. 2080 


XVI. cir. 2080 




































1876. Joseph 

governor. 
1867. Jacob 

goes into 

Egypt. 




VII. cir. 1800 
Vm. cir. 1800 




X. cir. 1750 










(215 years) 


















1 652. Exodus 










XVm. cir. 1525 





























EGY 



BGY 



259 



Zoan, an ancient city of Egypt, was founded. The 
evidence of the Egyptians as to the primeval his- 
tory of their race and country is extremely in- 
definite. They seem to have separated mankind 
into two great stocks, and each of these again into 
two branches, for they appear to have represented 
themselves and the negroes, the red and black 
races, as the children of the god Horus, and the 
Shemites and Europeans, the yellow and white races, 
as the children of the goddess Pesht. They seem 
therefore to have held a double origin of the species. 
The absence of any important traditional period is 
very remarkable in the fragments of Egyptian his- 
tory. These commence with the divine dynasties, 
and pass abruptly to the human dynasties. The 
indications are of a sudden change of seat, and the 
settlement in Egypt of a civilized race, which, 
either wishing to be believed native, or having lost 
all ties that could keep up the traditions of its first 
dwelling-place, filled up the commencement of its 
history with materials drawn from mythology. 
There is no trace of the tradition of the Deluge 
which is found in almost every other country of the 
world. The priests are indeed reported to have 
told Solon, when he spoke of one deluge, that many 
had occurred, but the reference is more likely to 
have been to great floods of the Nile than to any 
extraordinary catastrophes. The history of the 
dynasties preceding the eighteenth is not told by any 
continuous series of monuments. Except those of 
the fourth and twelfth dynasties there are scarcely 
any records of the age left to the present day, 
and thence in a great measure arises the dif- 
ficulty of determining the chronology. From 
the time of Menes, the first king, until the 
Shepherd-invasion, Egypt seems to have enjoyed 
perfect tranquillity. During this age the Mem- 
phite line was the most powerful, and by it, un- 
der the fourth dynasty, were the most famous pyra- 
mids raised. The Shepherds were foreigners who 
came from the East, and, in some manner unknown 
to Manetho, gained the rule of Egypt. Those whose 
kings composed the fifteenth dynasty were the first 
and most important. They appear to have been 
Phenicians. Most probably the Pharaoh 1 of Abra- 
ham was of this line. The period of Egyptian his- 
tory to which the Shepherd-invasion should be as- 
signed is a point of dispute. It is generally placed 
after the twelfth dynasty, for it is argued that this 
powerful line could not have reigned at the same 
time as one or more Shepherd-dynasties. Mr. 
Poole thinks that this objection is not valid, and that 
the Shepherd-invasion was anterior to the twelfth 
dynasty. The rule of the twelfth dynasty, which 
was of Thebans, lasting about 160 years, was a 
period of prosperity to Egypt, but after its close 
those calamities appear to have occurred which 
made the Shepherds hated by the Egyptians. During 
the interval to the eighteenth dynasty there seems 
to have been no native line of any importance but 
that of the Thebans, and more than one Shepherd 
dynasty exercised a severe rule over the Egyptians. 
— We must here notice the history of the Israelites 
in Egypt with reference to the dynasty of the Pha- 
raohs who favored them, and that of their oppress 
ors. According to the scheme of biblical chro- 
nology which Mr. Poole believes to be the most 
probable, the whole sojourn in Egypt would belong 
to the period before the eighteenth dynasty. The 
Israelites would have come in and gone forth during 
that obscure age for the history of which we have 
little or no monumental evidence. This would explain 



the absence of any positive mention of them on the 
Egyptian monuments. Since the Pharaoh 2 of 
Joseph must have been a powerful ruler and held 
Lower Egypt, there can be no question that he was, 
if the dates be correct, a Shepherd of the fifteenth 
dynast)'. The " new king," " which knew not Jo- 
seph," is thought, by many who hold with Mr. Poole 
as to the previous history, to have been an Egyp- 
tian, and head of the eighteenth dynasty. It seems 
at first sight extremely probable that the king who 
crushed, if he did not expel the Shepherds, would 
be the first oppressor of the nation which they pro- 
tected. But Ex. i. 9, 10, Mr. Poole thinks, points 
to a divided country and a weak kingdom, and can- 
not apply to the time of the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth dynasties. If we conclude that the Exodus 
most probably occurred before the eighteenth dy- 
nasty, we have to ascertain, if possible, whether the 
Pharaohs of the oppression (Pharaoh 3) appear 
to have been Egyptians or Shepherds. The change 
of policy is in favor of their having been Egyptians, 
but is by no means conclusive. If the chronology 
be correct, we can only decide in favor of the Shep- 
herds. During the time to which the events are as- 
signed there were no important lines but the The- 
ban, and one or more of Shepherds. Manetho, ac- 
cording to the transcript of Africanus, speaks of 
three Shepherd-dynasties, the fifteenth, sixteenth, 
and seventeenth, the last of which, according to 
the present text, was of Shepherds and Thebans, 
but this is probably incorrect, and the dynasty 
should rather be considered as of Shepherds alone. 
Is. lii. 4 indicates that the oppressor was an As- 
syrian, and therefore not of the fifteenth dynasty, 
which, according to Manetho, in the Epitomes, was 
of Phenicians, and opposed to the Assyrians. 
Among the names of kings of this period in the 
Royal Turin Papyrus, are two which appear to be 
Assyrian, so that we may reasonably suppose that 
some of the foreign rulers were of that race. It is 
not possible at present to decide whether they were 
of the sixteenth or seventeenth dynasty. The his- 
tory of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth 
dynasties is that of the Egyptian empire. Aahmes, 
the head of the eighteenth (b. c. about 1525), over- 
threw the power of the Shepherds, and probably 
expelled them. Queen Amennemt and Thothmes 
II. and III. are the earliest sovereigns of whom 
great monuments remain in the temple of El- 
Karnak, the chief sanctuary of Thebes. The last 
of these rulers, whom Wilkinson regards as the 
Pharaoh of the Exodus (Pharaoh 4), was a great 
foreign conqueror, and reduced Nineveh, and per- 
haps Babylon also, to his sway. Amenoph III., his 
great-grandson, states on the sacred beetles 
(scarabcei), struck apparently to commemorate his 
marriage, that his northern boundary was in Meso- 
potamia, his southern in Kara (Choloe ?). The head 
of the nineteenth dynasty, Sethee I., or Sethos 
(b. c. about 1340), waged great foreign wars, par- 
ticularly with the Hittites of the valley of the 
Orontes, whose capital Ketesh, situate near Emesa 
(now Hums), he captured. His son Rameses II. 
was the most illustrious of the Pharaohs. If he did 
not exceed all others in foreign conquests, he far 
outshone them in the grandeur and beauty of the 
temples with which he adorned Egypt and Nubia. 
(Thebes.) His chief campaign was against the Hit- 
tites and a great confederacy they had formed. 
Menptah, the son and successor of Rameses II., is 
supposed by the advocates of the Rabbinical date 
of the Exodus (Chronology) to have been the Pha- 



260 



EGY 



EKR 



raoh in whose time the Israelites went out. One 
other king of this period must be noticed, Rameses 
III., of the twentieth dynasty (b. c. about 1200), 
whose conquests, recorded on the walls of his great 
temple of Medeenet Haboo in western Thebes, seem 
to have been not less important than those of Ra- 
meses II. Under his successors the power of Egypt 
evidently declined, and toward the close of the 
dynasty the country seems to have fallen into 
anarchy, the high-priests of Amen (Amon) having 
usurped regal power at Thebes and a Lower Egyp- 
tian dynasty (the twenty-first) arisen at Tanis. 
Probably the Egyptian princess who became Solo- 
mon's wife was a daughter of a late king of the 
Tanite dynasty. The head of the twenty-second 
dynasty, Sheshonk I., the Shishak of the Bible, re- 
stored the unity of the kingdom, and revived the 
credit of the Egyptian arms (b. c. about 990). 
Probably his successor, Osorkon I., is the Zerah of 
Scripture, defeated by Asa. Egypt makes no figure 
in Asiatic history during the twenty-third and 
twenty-fourth dynasties : under the twenty-fifth it 
regained, in part at least, its ancient importance. 
This was an Ethiopian line, the warlike sovereigns 
of which strove to the utmost to repel the onward 
stride of Assyria. So, whom Mr. Poole is disposed 
to identify with Shebek II. or Sebichus, the second 
Ethiopian, rather than with Shebek I. or Sabaco, 
the first, made an alliance with Hoshea, the last king 
of Israel. Tehrak or Tirhakah, the third of this 
house, advanced against Sennacherib in support of 
Hezekiah. After this, a native dynasty again oc- 
cupied the throne, the twenty-sixth, of Saite kings. 
Psametek I. or Psammetichus I. (b. c. 664), who 
may be regarded as the head of this dynasty, warred 
in Palestine, and took Ashdod, after a siege of 
twenty-nine years. Neku or Necho (Pharaoh 9), 
the son of Psammetichus, continued the war in the 
E., and marched along the coast of Palestine to at- 
tack the king of Assyria. At Megiddo, Josiah en- 
countered him (b. c. 608-7), notwithstanding the re- 
monstrance of the Egyptian king, which is very il- 
lustrative of the policy of the Pharaohs in the E. 
(2 Chr. xxxv. 21), no less than is his lenient con- 
duct after the defeat and death of the king of Ju- 
dah. The army of Necho was after a short space 
routed at Carchemish by Nebuchadnezzar, b. c. 
605-4 (Jer. xlvi. 2). The second successor of 
Necho, Apries, or Pharaoh-hophra (Pharaoh 10), 
sent his army into Palestine to the aid of Zedekiah 
(Jer. xxxvii. 5, 7, 11), so that the siege of Jerusalem 
was raised for a time, and kindly received the fugi- 
tives from the captured city. He seems to have 
been afterward attacked by Nebuchadnezzar in his 
own country. There is, however, no certain ac- 
count of a complete subjugation of Egypt by the 
king of Babylon. Amasis, the successor of Apries, 
had a long and prosperous reign, and somewhat re- 
stored the weight of Egypt in the E. But the new 
power of Persia was to prove even more terrible to 
his house than Babylon had been to the house of 
Psammetichus, and the son of Amasis had reigned 
but six months when Cambyses reduced the coun- 
try to the condition of a province of his empire 
(b. c. 525). The people frequently revolted, and 
were as often subdued, but, about 414 b. c, they 
drove out the Persians, when Amyrtseus the Saite 
became the sole king of the twenty-eighth dynasty, 
and reigned six years. After him came the twenty- 
ninth or Mendesian dynasty of four kings : then the 
thirtieth dynasty of three Sebennyte kings, the last 
of whom, Nectanebo II. or Nekht-nebf, was con- 



quered and dethroned by Artaxerxes Ochus about 
350 b. c, when Egypt became again a Persian 
province. Alexander the Great conquered it, 332 
b. c. (Alexandria.) After him came the Ptolemies 
or Greek kings (Ptolemy I., &c), who ruled Egypt 
till it became a Roman province under Augustus 
Cesar (b. c. 30). It came under the Mohammedan 
power (Arabia) a. d. 640, and became a Turkish 
province in 1517. Prom 1805 to 1849 Mehemet 
Ali was pasha, and the vice-royalty of Egypt, as a 
fief of the Turkish empire, is now hereditary in his 
family. Prophecy (Jer. xlvi. ; Ez. xxix., xxx., &c.) 
has been strikingly fulfilled in regard to Egypt. 
From the second Persian conquest, more than two 
thousand years ago, until our own days, not one 
native ruler has occupied the throne. 

* E-gypt', River of. River of Egypt. 
E-gyp'tian [-jip'shan] = one from Egypt (Ex. ii. 

19) ; usually a native of Egypt (ii. 11 f., &c). The 
Hebrew word most commonly rendered "Egyp- 
tians " (Mitsrayim) is the name of the country, and 
might be appropriately so translated in many cases. 

* E-gyp'tian Sea = Red Sea (Is. xi. 15). 

* E-gyp'tian Ver'sions. Versions, Ancient, of the 
Old and New Testaments. 

E'lli (Heb. connection, Fii.), head of one of the 
Benjamite houses (Gen. xlvi. 21). Ahiram. 

E hnd (Heb. union, Ges. ; strong, powerful, Fii.). 
I. Son of Bilhan, and great-grandson of Benjamin 
the Patriarch (1 Chr. vii. 10, viii. 6).— 2. Son of 
Gera of the tribe of Benjamin (Judg. iii. 15 ff.) ; the 
second Judge of the Israelites (b. c. 1336). In the 
Bible he is not called a Judge but a deliverer (1. c.) : 
so Othniel (Judg. iii. 9) and all the Judges (Neh. ix. 
27). Josephus (v. 4, § 3) makes Ehud Judge eighty 
years. As a Benjamite he was specially chosen to 
destroy Eglon, who had established himself in Jeri- 
cho, which was within that tribe. He was very strong, 
and " left-handed," literally as in margin, " shut of 
his right hand." The words are differently ren- 
dered: 1. left-handed, and unable to use his right 
(Targum, Josephus, Arabic, Gesenius, Fiirst, A .V., 
&c.) ; 2. using his left hand as readily as his right ; 
ambidextrous (LXX., Vulgate, &c). The fact of 
drawing the dagger from the right thigh (Judg. iii. 
21) is consistent with either opinion. 

E'ker (Heb. a rooting up, & plant rooted up and 
transplanted, Ges.), a descendant of Judah through 
Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 27). 

Ek're-bel (Gr., see below), a place named in Jd. 
vii. 18 only, apparently in the hill country S. E. of 
the plain of Esdra?lon and of Dothain. The Syriac 
reading {Ecrabat) points to Acrabbein, mentioned 
by Eusebius as the capital of a district called Acra- 
battine (see under Akrabbim), and now known as 
'Akrabeh, a considerable village about seven miles 
S. E. of Nablxis. 

Ek'ron (Heb. eradication, Ges.), one of the five 
towns belonging to the lords of the Philistines, and 
the most northerly of the five (Josh. xiii. 3). Like 
the other Philistine cities, its situation was in the 
lowlands. It fell to the lot of Judah (Josh. xv. 45, 
46 ; Judg. i. 18), and formed a landmark on his N 
border, the boundary running thence to the sea at 
Jabneel 1. We afterward find it mentioned among 
the cities of Dan (Josh. xix. 43). But before the 
monarchy it was again in full possession of the Phi- 
listines (1 Sam. v. 10). Ekron was the last place to 
which the ark was carried before its return to 
Israel, and the mortality there in consequence 
seems to have been more deadly than at Ashdod 
or Gath (v. 11, 12). From Ekron to Beth-shemesh 



EKR 



ELA 



261 



was a straight highway (vi.). Henceforward Ekron 
appears to have remained in the hands of the Phi- 
listines (xvii. 52 ; 2 K. i. 2 ff. ; Jer. xxv. 20; Am. i. 
8; Zeph. ii. 4; Zech. ix. 5, 7). A sanctuary of 
Baal-zebub (Baal 2) was there. 'Akir, the modern 
representative of Ekron, is a mud village, about five 
miles S. W. of Bamleh, on the N. side of the fertile 
valley Wady Surar. In the Apocrypha it appears 
as Accaron (1 Mc. x. 89, only), bestowed with its 
borders by Alexander Balas on Jonathan Maccabeus 
as a reward for his services. 

Ek'ron-itcs = natives or inhabitants of Ekron 
(Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Sam. v. 10). 

E'la (Gr.) = Elam 4 (1 Esd. ix. 27). 

El'a-dah (Heb. whom God puts on, i. e. fills with 
Himself, Ges. ; God is ornament, Fit.), a descendant 
of Ephraim through Shuthelah (1 Chr. vii. 20). 

E'lah (Heb. strength; hence, oak, or terebinth, Ges., 
Fii.). 1. A duke of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 41 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 52). — 2. Father of Shimei, Solomon's commissary 
in Benjamin (1 K. iv. 18). — 3. Son and successor of 
Baasha, king of Israel (IK. xvi. 8 ff.); his reign 
lasted for little move than a year (compare verse 8 
with 10). He was killed, while drunk, by Zimri, in 
the house of his steward Arza, and his family was 
exterminated. — 1. Father of Hoshea, the last king 
of Israel (2 K. xv. 30, xvii. 1).— 5. Son of Caleb, 
the son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). — 6. A Ben- 
jamite chief, son of Uzzi (ix. 8). 

Eiah (Heb., see above), the Val ley of, a valley in 
(not " by," as the A. V. has it) which the Israelites 
were encamped against the Philistines when David 
killed Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 2, 19, xxi. 9). It lay 
somewhere near Socoh 1 of Judah, and Azekah, 
and was nearer Ekron than any other Philistine 
town. So 1 Sam. xvii. Socoh probably = Shu- 
weikeh, some fourteen miles S. W. of Jerusalem, 
on the S. slopes of the Wady es Sumt (= valley 
of the acacia), a fertile valley which runs off in 
a northwestern direction into the Philistine plain, 
and is identified by Robinson (and so Porter in 
Kitto, &c.) with the valley of Elah. One of the 
largest terebinths in Palestine still stands in the 
vicinity (Rbn. ii. 20, 21). The traditional Valley 
of Elah is the Wady Beit Hanina, which lies 
about four miles N.W. of Jerusalem, and is crossed 
by the road to Nebi SamwU. 

E lain (Gr. fr. Heb. unlimited duration, eternity, 
Sim.), originally the name of a man, a son of Shem 
(Gen. x. 22; 1 Chr. i. 17). Commonly, however, it 
is used as the appellation of a country (Gen. xiv. 1, 
9 ; Is. xi. 11, xxi. 2; Jer. xxv. 25, xlix. 34-39; Ez. 
xxxii. 24 ; Dan. viii. 2). The Elam of Scripture 
appears to be the province lying S. of Assyria, 
and W. of Persia Proper, to which Herodotus 
gives the name of Cissia (iii. 91, v. 49, &c), and 
which is termed Susis or Susiana by the geog- 
raphers. It includes a portion of the mountain- 
ous country separating between the Mesopotamian 
plain and the high table-land of Iran, together 
with a fertile and valuable low tract at the foot 
of the range, between it and the Tigris. It appears 
from Gen. x. 22, that this country was originally 
peopled by descendants of Shem, closely allied to the 
Arameans (Syrians) and the Assyrians ; and from Gen. 
xiv. 1-12, that by the time of Abraham a very im- 
portant power had been built up in the same region. 
(Chedorlaomer.) It is plain that at this early time 
the predominant power in Lower Mesopotamia was 
Elam, which for a while held the place possessed 
earlier by Babylon (Gen. x. 10), and later by either 
Babylon or Assyria. Discoveries made in the coun- 



try itself confirm this view. (Shushan.) The 
Elamitic empire established at this time was, how- 
ever, but of short duration. Toward the close 
of the Assyrian period she is found allied with 
Babylon and engaged in hostilities with Assyria; 
but she seems to have declined in strength after the 
Assyrian empire was destroyed. Elam was a prov- 
ince of Babylon under Belshazzar. It is uncertain 
at what time the Persians added Elam to their em- 
pire. Possibly it only fell under their dominion to- 
gether with Babylon ; but there is some reason to 
think that it may have revolted and joined the 
Persians before the city was besieged (see Is. xxi. 2, 
xxii. 6). She now became merged in the Persian 
empire, forming a distinct satrapy. Susa (Shushan), 
her capital, was made the ordinary residence of the 
court, and the metropolis of the whole empire. — 2. 
A Korhite Levite, fifth son of Meshelemiah ; one 
of the sons of Asaph, in David's time (1 Chr. xxvi. 
3). — 3. A Benjamite chief, son of Shashak (1 Chr. 
viii. 24). — i. " Children of Elam," to the number 
of 1,254, returned with Zerubbabel from Babylon 
(Ezr. ii. 7; Neh. vii. 12; 1 Esd. v. 12), and 71 
with Ezra in the second caravan (Ezr. viii. 7 ; 1 
Esd. viii. 33). Six " sons of Elam " were among the 
husbands of foreign wives in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 
26). " Elam " occurs among the chief of the 
people, who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. x. 14). — 5. 1,274 children of a second (" the 
other") Elam returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
31 ; Neh. vii. 34). — 6. One of the priests who ac- 
companied Nehemiah at the dedication of the new 
wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 42). 

E'lam-itcs (fr. Heb., see below) = the original in- 
habitants of the country called Elam (Ezr. iv. 9) ; 
they were descendants of Shem, and perhaps drew 
their name from an actual man Elam (Gen. x. 22). 
Strabo says they were skilful archers (compare Is. 
xxii. 6 ; Jer. xlix. 35). The " Elamites " in Acts ii. 
9 were probably descendants from captive Jews or 
Israelites in Elam (compare Is. xi. 11). In Jd. i. 6 
the name is given from the Greek as Elymeans. 

El'a-sah (Heb. whom God made, Ges. ; God is 
creator, Fii. ; = Eleasah). 1. A priest, of the sons 
of Pashur, in Ezra's time, who had married a Gentile 
wife (Ezr. x. 22). — 2. Son of Shaphan ; one of the 
two men sent on a mission by King Zedekiah to 
Nebuchadnezzar at Babylon (Jer. xxix. 3). 

E'lath (fr. Heb. sing.), E'loth (fr. Heb. pi. = trees, 
a grove, perhaps palm-grove, Ges.), a town of the 
land of Edom, commonly mentioned with Ezion- 
geber, and situate at the head of the Arabian Gulf, 
which was thence called the Elanitic Gulf. It first 
occurs in the account of the wanderings (Deut. ii. 
8), and in later times must have come under the 
rule of David in his conquest of Edom (2 Sam. viii. 
14). We find the place named again in connection 
with Solomon's navy (1 K. ix. 26; compare 2 Chr. 
viii. 17). It was apparently included in the revolt 
of Edom against Joram recorded in 2 K. viii. 20 ; 
but it was taken and rebuilt by Azariah (xiv. 22 ; 
2 Chr. xxvi. 2). Afterward "Rezin king of Syria 
recovered Elath, and drave out the Jews from 
Elath ; and the Syrians (the Keri, LXX., Vulg., 
and most expositors read ' Edomites,' instead of 
'Syrians') came to Elath, and dwelt there to this 
day " (xvi. 6). From this time the place is not 
mentioned until the Roman period, during which 
it became a frontier town of the south, and the resi- 
dence of a Christian bishop. Under the rule of the 
Greeks and Romans it lost its former importance ; 
but in Mohammedan times it again became a placs 



262 



ELB 



ELE 



of some note. " Extensive mounds of rubbish mark I 
the site of Ailah, the Elath of Scripture" (Rbn. i. 
163). Near these is the castle of 'Akabah, an im- 
portant station on the route of Egyptian pilgrims to 
Mecca. 

El-bethel (Heb. God of the Home of God, or 
God of Bethel), the name which Jacob bestowed 
on the place at which God appeared to him when 
he was fleeing from Esau (Gen. xxxv. 7). Bethel. 

El'ri-a [-she-a] (fr. Gr. = Hilkiah ?), ancestor 
of Judith, and therefore of the tribe of Simeon ( Jd. 
viii. 1). 

Kl da-ah (Heb. whom God called) (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 
1 Chr. i. 33), the last, in order, of the sons of 
Midian. No satisfactory trace of the tribe which 
we may suppose to have taken the appellation has 
yet been found. 

El'dad (Heb. whom God loves = Theophilus, 
Ges. ; God is a friend, Fii.) and Me dad (fr. Heb. = 
love, Ges., Fii.), two of the seventy elders to whom 
was communicated the prophetic power of Moses 
(Num. xi. 16, 26). Although their names were 
upon the list which Moses had drawn up (xi. 26), 
they did not repair with the rest of their brethren 
to the tabernacle, but continued to prophesy in the 
camp. Moses being requested by Joshua to forbid 
this, refused to do so, and expressed a wish that 
the gift of prophecy might be diffused throughout 
the people. The mode of prophecy in the case of 
Eldad and Medad was probably the extempore pro- 
duction of hymns, chanted forth to the people 
(Hammond) : compare the case of Saul, 1 Sam. x. 
11. Prophet. 

El'der. The term elder (or old man, as the Heb. 
z&ken, usually, in the plural, translated " elders," 
literally imports) was one of extensive use, as an 
official title, among the Hebrews and the surround- 
ing nations. It had reference to various offices, 
head-servants, officers of Pharaoh's household, mas- 
ter workmen, &c. (Gen. xxiv. 2 [A. V. " eldest"], 
1. 7; 2 Sam. xii. 17; Ez. xxvii. 9 [A. V. "an- 
cients"]). As betokening a political office, it ap- 
plied not only to the Hebrews, but also to the 
Egyptians (Gen. 1. 7), the Moabites and Midianites 
(Num. xxii. 7). Wherever a patriarchal system is 
in force, the office of the elder will be found, as the 
key-stone of the social and political fabric : it is so 
at the present day among the Arabs, where the 
Sheikh ( = the old man) is the highest authority in 
the tribe. (Age, Old.) The earliest notice of the 
elders acting in concert as a political body is at the 
time of the Exodus. They were the representatives 
of the people, so much so that elders and people are 
occasionally used as equivalent terms (compare 
Josh. xxiv. 1 with 2, 19, 21 ; 1 Sam. viii. 4 with 7, 
10, 19). (Congregation.) Their authority was 
undefined, and extended to all matters concerning 
the public weal. When the tribes became settled, 
the elders were distinguished by different titles ac- 
cording as they were acting as national representa- 
tives (1 Sam. iv. 3 ; 1 K. xx. 7 ; 2 K. xxiii. 1, &c), 
as district governors over the several tribes (Deut. 
xxxi. 28; 2 Sam. xix. 11), or as local magistrates 
in the provincial towns, whose duty it was to sit in 
the gate and administer justice (Deut. xix. 12 ; Ru. 
iv. 9, 11 ; 1 K. xxi. 8). (Judge.) Their number 
and influence may be inferred from 1 Sam. xxx. 26 
flf. They retained their position under all the po- 
litical changes which the Jews underwent : under 
the Judges ( Judg. ii. 7 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3) ; under the 
kings (2 Sam. xvii. 4) ; during the Captivity (Jer. 
x_xix. 1 ; Ez. viii. 1) ; subsequently to the return 



(Ezr. v. 5, vi. 7, 14, x. 8, 14) ; under the Maccabees, 
when they were described sometimes as the senate 
(Gr. gerousia, 1 Mc. xii. 6 [A. V. " elders"] ; 2 Mc. 
i. 10, xi. 27 [A. V. "council" in both], iv. 44 [A.V. 
"senate"]), sometimes by their ordinary title (Gr. 
presbuleros, literally one older or more aged, almost 
uniformly translated " elder," in plural " elders," 
(1 Mc. vii. 33, xi. 23, xii. 35); and, lastly, at the 
commencement of the Christian era, when they are 
noticed as a distinct body from the Sanhedrim 
(Mat. xvi. 21, xxi. 23, xxvi. 59). St. Luke describes 
the whole order by the Greek collective term pres- 
butcrion (Lk. xxii. 66 [A. V. " elders "] ; Acts xxii. 
5 [A. V. "estate of the elders"]), and the same 
word is translated " presbytery " in 1 Tim. iv. 14. 
For the position of the elders in the synagogue and 
the Christian church, see Synagogue; Bishop. 

E'lc-ad (Heb. whom God applauds, Ges.; God is 
protector, Fii.), a descendant of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 
21). Shuthelah. 

E-lo-a'lell (Heb. whither God ascends, Ges. ; the 
exalted God, Fii.), a place on the E. of Jordan, in 
the pastoral country, taken possession of and re- 
built by the tribe of Reuben (Num. xxxii. 3, 37). 
By Isaiah and Jeremiah it is mentioned as a Moab- 
ite town (Is. xv. 4, xvi. 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 34). The ex- 
tensive ruins of the place are still to be seen, bear- 
ing very nearly their ancient name, El-Al, a little 
more than one mile N. E. of Heshbon. 

E-lc'a-sa (Gr. fr. Heb. = Eleasah or Adasa ?), a 
place at which Judas Maccabeus encamped before 
the battle with Bacchides, in which he lost his life 
(1 Mc. ix. 5). It was apparently not far from Azo- 
tus (compare 15). Laish. 

E-lc'a-sah or E-Ic-a'sah (Heb. = Elasah). 1. 
Son of Helez ; a descendant of Judah, of the family 
of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 39).— 2. Son of Rapha, or 
Rephaiah ; a descendant of Saul through Jonathan 
and Merib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 37, ix. 
43). 

E-lc-a'zar or E-le'a-zar (Heb. whom God helps, 
Ges.; God is helper, Fii.). 1. Third son of Aaron, 
by Elisheba, daughter of Amminadab. After the 
death of Nadab and Abihu without children (Lev. 
x. 1 ff. ; Num. iii. 4), Eleazar was appointed chief 
over the principal Levites (Num. iii. 32). With his 
brother Ithamar he ministered as a priest during 
their father's lifetime, and immediately before his 
death was invested on Mount Hor with the sacred 
garments, as the successor of Aaron in the office of 
High-priest (xx. 28). One of his first duties was in 
conjunction with Moses to superintend the census 
of the people (xxvi. 3). He also assisted at the in- 
auguration of Joshua (xxvii. 22, 23), at the division 
of the Midianite spoil (xxxi. 21 ff.), and after the 
conquest of Canaan in the distribution of the land 
(Josh. xiv. 1, &c). The time of his death is not 
mentioned in Scripture; Josephus says it took 
place about the same time as Joshua's, twenty-five 
years after the death of Moses. He was buried in 
the hill of Phineas his son (xxiv. 23). — Z. The son 
of Abinadab, of the hill of Kiijath-jearim, conse- 
crated to take charge of the ark (1 Sam. vii. 1). — 
3. The son of Dodo the Ahohite ; one of the three 
principal mighty men of David's army (2 Sam. xxiii. 
9 ff. ; 1 Chr. xi. 12 ff.).— 4. A Levite, son of Mahli, 
and grandson of Merari (1 Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 
28). — 5. A priest who took part in the feast of 
dedication under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). — 6. A 
son (i. e. descendant) of Parosh ; an Israelite (i. e. 
a layman) who had married a foreign wife, and had 
to put her away (Ezr. x. 25 ; 1 Esd. ix. 26). — 7. Son 



ELE 



ELI 



263 



of Phinehas a Levite (Ezr. viii. 33 ; 1 Esd. viii. 63). 

g. In 1 Esd. viii. 43 = Eliezer 7. — 9. Surnamed 

Avaran (1 Mc. ii. 5) ; fourth son of Mattathias ; fell 
by an act of self-devotion in an engagement with 
Antiochus Eupator, b. c. 164 (vi. 43 ff.). In a for- 
mer battle with Nicanor, Eleazar was appointed by 
Judas to read " the holy book " before the attack, 
and the watch-word in the fight — "The help of 
God" — was his own name (2 Mc. viii. 23). — 10. A 
distinguished scribe of great age, who suffered mar- 
tyrdom during the persecution of Antiochus Epi- 
phanes (2 Mc. vi. 18-31). — 11. Father of Jason, 
ambassador from Judas Maccabeus to Rome (1 Mc. 

viii. 18). — 12. The son of Eliud, in the genealogy 
of Jesus Christ (Mat. i. 15). 

* E-lect' (fr. L.= chosen, selected, especially by God), 
the A. V. translation of the Heb. bdhir or bdchir 
(Is. xlii. 1, xlv. 4, lxv. 9, 22) and Gr. eklektos (Mat. 
xxiv. 22, 24, 31 ; Mk. xiii. 20, 22, 27 ; Lk. xviii. 7 ; 
Rom. viii. 33; Col. iii. 12; 1 Tim. v. 21 ; 2 Tim. ii. 
10; Tit. i. 1 ; 1 Pet. i. 2, ii. 6 ; 2 Jn. 1, 13), each of 
which is also translated " chosen" in other places 
(2 Sam. xxi. 6 margin, text " did choose ; " 1 Chr. 
xvi. 13 ; Ps. lxxxix. 3 [Heb. 4], cv. 6, 43, cvi. 5, 
23 ; Is. xliii. 20, lxv. 15 ; Mat. xx. 16, xxii. 14 ; Lk. 
xxiii. 35 ; Rom. xvi. 13 ; 1 Pet. ii. 4, 9 ; Rev. xvii. 
14). So the Gr. ekloge ( = choice, election, selection, 
Rbn. N. T. Lex.) is translated " election " in Rom. 

ix. 11, xi. 5, 7, 28; 1 Th. i. 4 ; 2 Pet. i. 10, and 
" chosen " (literally vessel of election) in Acts ix. 
15. 

E-le-a-zu'rns (1 Esd. ix. 24) = Eliashib 4. 

El-E-lo'he-Is'ra-el (fr. Heb. = Almighty, God of 
Israel), the name bestowed by Jacob on the altar 
which he erected facing the city of Shechem (Gen. 
xxxiii. 19, 20. 

E'leph (Heb. ox or thousand ; = Aleph), a town 
allotted to Benjamin, named next to Jerusalem 
(Josh, xviii. 28). 

El'e-pliant. The word does not occur in the 
text of A. V. of the canonical Scriptures, but is 
found as the marginal reading to Behemoth, in 
Job xl. 15. "Elephants' teeth' 1 '' is the marginal 
reading for "ivory" in 1 K. x. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 21. 
Elephants are mentioned as being used in warfare 
(1 Mc. i. 17, iii. 34, vi. 34 ff., viii. 6, xi. 56; 2 Mc. 
xi. 4, xiii. 2, &c). Elephants are now found na- 
tive only in S. Asia and in middle and S. Africa. 
Their great size, strength, sagacity, and docility, 
are well known. They are distinguished from 
all other quadrupeds by their flexible proboscis or 
trunk. 

* E-len-the-rop'o-Iis (Gr. free city), a city of S. 
Palestine, not mentioned in the Scriptures, but im- 
portant as the capital of a large province and the 
seat of a bishop in the fourth and fifth centuries 
a. c. ; probably so named about a. d. 202 ; previ- 
ously called Betogabra, and supposed by Thomson 
(ii. 360) also = Gath ; now Beit Jibrin, a village 
with extensive and massive ruins of a fortress, 
groups of caverns, &c. (Rbn. ii. 24, &c). It is 
about twenty miles S. W. from Jerusalem. 

E-leu'the-rns (L. fr. Gr. = free), a river of Syria 
mentioned in 1 Mc. xi. 7 ; xii. 30. In early ages it 
was a noted border stream. According to Strabo 
it separated Syria from Phenicia, and formed the 
N. limit of Celosyria. Of the identity of the 
Eleutherus with the modern Nahr el-Kebir, " Great 
River," there cannot be a doubt. Its highest source 
is at the N. E. base of Lebanon ; it sweeps round 
the N. end of the range, through the opening called 
in Scripture "the entrance of Hamath" (Num. 



xxxiv. 8) ; and falls into the Mediterranean about 
eighteen miles N. of Tripolis. 

El-ba'nan (Heb. whom God bestowed, Ges. ; God 
is kind, Fii.). 1. A distinguished warrior in David's 
time, who performed a memorable exploit against 
the Philistines. — (a.) 2 Sam. xxi. 19 says that he 
was the "son of Jaare-oregim the Bethlehemite," 
and that he " slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff of 
whose spear was like a weaver's beam." Here, in 
the A. V., the words "the brother of" are inserted, 
to bring the passage into agreement with — (b.) 1 
Chr. xx. 5, which states that " Elhanan son of Jair 
(or Jaor) slew Lahmi the brother of Goliath the 
Gittite, the staff of whose spear," &c. Of these 
two statements the latter is probably the more cor- 
rect — the differences between them being much 
smaller in the original than in English. Nearly all 
the commentators consider the text of Samuel 
here to be corrupt, and correct it from Chronicles 
(so Keil). The Hebrew word oregirn occurs twice 
in the verse in Samuel, first as a proper name, and 
again at the end, "weavers." The former has 
probably been taken in by an early transcriber 
from the latter, i. e. from the next line of the MS. 
— 2. The son of Dodo of Bethlehem, one of David's 
" thirty " valiant men, and named first on the list 
after Asahel (2 Sam. xxiii. 24 ; 1 Chr. xi. 26). 

EH (Heb. ascent, summit, the highest, Ges.), a 
high-priest descended from Aaron through Itha- 
mar, the youngest of his two surviving sons (com- 
pare 1 K. ii. 27 with 2 Sam. viii. 17 ; 1 Chr. xxiv. 
3). As the history makes no mention of any high- 
priest of Ithamar's line before Eli, he is generally 
supposed to have been the first of that line who 
held the office. From him, his sons having died 
before him, it appears to have passed to his grand- 
son, Ahitub (1 Sam. xiv. 3), and it certainly re- 
mained in his family till Abiathar, the grandson 
of Ahitub, was " thrust out from being priest unto 
the Lord " by Solomon for his share in Adonijah's 
rebellion (1 K. i. 7, ii. 26, 27), and the high-priest- 
hood passed back again to the family of Eleazar 
in the person of Zadok (ii. 35). This return of it 
to the elder branch was one part of the evil de- 
nounced against Eli during his lifetime, for his 
culpable negligence in not restraining his sons, 
when they by their rapacity and licentiousness pro- 
faned the priesthood, and brought the rites of re- 
ligion into abhorrence among the people (1 Sam. ii. 
22-36, iii. 11-14, with 1 K. ii. 27). Notwithstand- 
ing this one great blemish, the character of Eli is 
marked by eminent piety, as shown by his meek 
submission to the divine judgment (1 Sam. iii. 18), 
and his supreme regard for the ark of God (iv. 18). 
In addition to the office of high-priest he held that 
of judge forty years (twenty years in LXX.), being 
the immediate predecessor of his pupil Samuel (vii. 
6, 15-17), the last of the judges. It has been sug- 
gested that he was sole judge twenty years after 
having been co-judge with Samson twenty years. 
He died at the advanced age of ninety-eight years 
(iv. 15), overcome by the disastrous intelligence 
that the ark of God had been taken in battle by the 
Philistines, who had also slain his sons Hophni and 
Phinehas. 

* E'li (Heb. eli, my God), E'li, lama (Heb. Idmd, 
why? wherefore?) sa-bacll tlia-Iti (Chal. shebaklani, 
hast thou forsaken me), the words uttered by our 
Saviour in His agony on the cross (Mat. xxvii. 46), 
quoted from Ps. xxii. 1 (Heb. 2). The first words 
are given in Mk. xv. 34 more exactly according to 
the Aramaic dialect, "E-lo'i, E-lo'i," &c. 



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E-li'ab (Heb. to whom God is father, Ges.). 1. 
Son of Helon and leader of the tribe of Zebulun 
at the census in the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 9, 
ii. 7, vii. 24, 29, x. 16).— 2. A Reubenite, son of 
Pallu or Phallu, and father or progenitor of Dathan 
and Abiram (Num. xxvi. 8, 9, xvi. 1, 12 ; Deut. xi. 
6). — 3# One of David's brothers, the eldest son of 
Jesse (1 Chr. ii. 13; 1 Sam. xvi. 6, xvii. 13, 28). 
His daughter Abihail married her second cousin 
Rehoboam, and bore him three children (2 Chr. xi. 
18); although it is difficult not to suspect that 
" daughter " here = grand-daughter or descendant. 
—4. A Levite in David's time, who was both a 
"porter" and a musician on the "psaltery" (1 
Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5).— 5. One of the warlike 
Gadite leaders who came over to David when he 
was in the wilderness taking refuge from Saul (1 
Chr. xii. 9). — 6. An ancestor of Samuel the Proph- 
et ; a Kohathite Levite, son of Nahath (1 Chr. vi. 
27) ; probably = Eliiiu 2 and Eliel 2. — 7. Son 
of Nathanael ; ancestor of Judith, and therefore 
a Simeonite (Jd. viii. 1). 

E-li'a-da (fr. Heb. = whom God knows, i. e. cares 
for, Ges.). 1. One of David's sons ; according to 
the lists, the youngest but one of the family born 
to him in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. iii. 8) ; = 
Beeliada. From the latter passage it appears he 
was the son of a wife and not of a concubine. — 2. 
A mighty man of war, a Benjamite, who led 200,000 
of his tribe to the army of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 

xvii. IV). 

E-li'a-dali (fr. Heb. = Eliada), father of Rezon 
(1 K. xi. 23). 

E-li'a-das (Gr.) (1 Esd. ix. 2S) = Elioenai. 

E-li'a-dan (1 Esd. v. 58), possibly altered from 
Henadad. 

E-Ii'ak (fr. Heb. = Elijah). 1. A Benjamite 
chief, son of Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 27). — 2. A son, 
i. e. descendant, of Elam in Ezra's time, who had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 26). 

E-li'ah-ba (Heb. whom God hides, Ges.), a Shaal- 
bonite, one of David's thirty " valiant men " (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 32 ; 1 Chr. xi. 33). 

E-li'a-kim (Heb. whom God has set up, Ges.). 1. 
Son of Hilkiah 1 ; master of Hezekiah's household 
(2 K. xviii. 26, 37 ; Is. xxxvi. 3, &c). He succeeded 
Shebna in this office, after the latter had been 
ejected from it for his pride (Is. xxii. 15-20). Elia- 
kim was a good man, as appears by the title em- 
phatically applied to him by God, "my servant Elia- 
kim " (xxii. 20), and as was evinced by his conduct 
on the occasion of Sennacherib's invasion (2 K. 

xviii. 37, xix. 1-5), and also in the discharge of the 
duties of his high station, in which he acted as a 
" father to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and to the 
house of Judah " (Is. xxii. 21). It was a special 
mark of the Divine approbation of his character and 
conduct, of which, however, no further details have 
been preserved to us, that he was raised to the post 
of authority and dignity " over the house," which he 
held at the time of the Assyrian invasion. What 
this office was has been a subject of some perplexity 
to commentators. The ancients, including the 
LXX. and Jerome, understood it of the priestly 
office. But it is certain from the description of the 
office in Is. xxii., and especially from verse 22, that 
it was the king's house, and not the House of God, 
of which Eliakim was prefect. — 2. The original 
name of Jehoiakim, king of Judah (2 K. xxiii. 34; 

-2 Chr. xxxvi. 4). — 3. A priest in Nehemiah's time, 
who assisted at the dedication of the new wall of 

-Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 41). — i. Son of Abitjd, and 



father of Azor, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ 
(Mat. i. 13). — 5. Son of Melea, and father of Jonan, 
in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 30, 31). 

E-li'a-li (Gr.) (1 Esd. ix. 34), probably = Bin- 
nui 3. 

E-li'ani (Heb. = Eliab, Ges. ; God is gatherer, or 
founder of 'families and communities, Fii.). 1, Father 
of Bath-sheba, the wife of David (2 Sam. xi. 3). In 

1 Chr. iii. 5, the names of both father and daughter 
are altered, the former to Ammiel and the latter to 
Bath-shua.— 2. Son of Ahithophel the Gilonite ; 
one of David's " thirty " warriors (2 Sam. xxiii. 34). 
The name is omitted in 1 Chr. xi., but probably = 
"Ahijah 4 the Pelonite." The ancient Jewish 
tradition, preserved by Jerome, is that the two 
Eliams are the same person. 

E-li-a-o'ni-as (Gr.) (1 Esd. viii. 31) = Elihoenai. 

E-li'as, the Greek and Latin form of Elijah given 
in the A. V. of the Apocrypha and N. T. : Ecclus. 
xlviii. 1, 4, 12; 1 Mc. ii. 58; Mat. xi. 14, xvi. 14, 
xvii. 3, 4, 10, 11, 12, xxvii. 47, 49 ; Mk. vi. 15, viii. 
28, ix. 4, 5, 11-13, xv. 35, 36; Lk. i. 17, iv. 25, 
26, ix. 8, 19, 30, 33, 54 ; Jn. i. 21, 25 ; Rom. xi. 2 ; 
Jas. v. 17. In Rom. xi. 2, the reference is not to 
the prophet, but to the portion of Scripture des- 
ignated by his name, the words being literally " in 
Elias," not as in A. V. "of Elias." 

E-Ii'a-saitll (fr. Heb. ■ whom God has added, 
Ges. ; God is gatherer, i. e. protector, Fii.). 1. Son 
of Deuel or Reuel ; chief of Gad at the census in 
the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 14, ii. 14, vii. 42, 
47, x. 20).— 2. Son of Lael ; a Levite, and " chief 
of the house of the father of the Gershonites " at the 
same time (iii. 24). 

E-li'a-sbib (fr. Heb. = whom God restores, Ges. ; 
God is requiter, Fii.). 1. A priest in David's time, 
the eleventh of the " governors " of the sanctuary 
(1 Chr. xxiv. 12). — 2. A son of Elioenai, descendant 
of the royal family of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24). — 3. 
High-priest at Jerusalem at the rebuilding of the 
walls under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 1, 20, 21); allied 
to Tobiah and Sanballat (Ezr. x. 6 ; Neh. xiii. 4, 7, 
28)._ His genealogy is given in xii. 10, 22, 23. — 4. 
A singer in Ezra's time who had married a foreign 
wife (Ezr. x. 24). — 5. A son of Zattu (x. 27 ', and 
— 6. A son of Bani (x. 36), both of whom had 
transgressed in the same manner. 

E-li'a-sis (Gr.) (1 Esd. ix. 34) apparently = 
Jaasau. 

E-li'a-thali (Heb. to whom God comes, Ges.), a 
son of Heman ; a musician in the Temple in David's 
time, who with twelve of his sons and brethren had 
the twentieth division of the temple-service (1 Chr. 
xxv. 4, 27). 

E-li'dad (Heb. = Eldad, Ges., Fii.), son of Chis- 
lon ; the Benjamite prince who assisted in the di- 
vision of the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 21). 

E'li-el (Heb. to whom God is strength, Ges. ; God 
is God, Fii.). 1. One of the heads of the tribe of 
Manasseh on the E. of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24). — 2. 
Son of Toah ; a Levite, probably= Eliab 6 and Elihu 

2 (vi. 34). — 3. A Benjamite chief, son of Shimhi 
(viii. 20). — 4. A Benjamite chief, son of Shashak 
(viii. 22). — 5. "The Mahavite ; " one of David's 
"valiant men" (xi. 46). — 6. Another of the same, 
but without any express designation (xi. 47). — 7. 
One of the Gadite heroes who came across Jordan 
to David when he was in the wilderness of Judah 
hiding from Saul (xii. 11). — 8. A Kohathite Levite, 
chief of the sons of Hebron at the transportation 
of the ark from the house of Obed-edom to Jerusa- 
lem (xv. 9, 11). — 9. A Levite in Hezekiah's time; 



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265 



an overseer of the offerings made in the Temple (2 
Chr. xxxi. 13). 

E-li-e'uai, or E-H-e'na-i (Heb. = Elioenai), a 
Benjamite chief, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 20). 

E-li-e'zcr (Heb. God his help, Ges.). 1.- Abra- 
ham's chief servant, called by him, as the passage 
is usually translated, "Eliezer of Damascus," or 
" that Damascene, Eliezer," literally " Damascus 
Eliezer" (Gen. xv. 2). There is an apparent con- 
tradiction in the A. V., for it does not appear how, 
if he was of " Damascus," he could be " born in 
Abraham's house" (ver. 3). But the Hebrew phrase 
translated in A. V. " born in my house," is literally 
so?i of my house, which (so some) only imports that 
he was one of Abraham's household, not that he 
was bora in his house. But Geseuius makes son of 
my house — my home-born slave. Eliezer may be 
called " Damascus Eliezer " simply because his 
family originally came from Damascus (so Kalisch). 
If Abraham lived for a while in Damascus (as Jose- 
phus relates), or if, as Beke supposes, Haran was 
in the Damascus district, Eliezer might be both 
" Damascus Eliezer " and " born in Abraham's 
house." In verse 2, what is translated in A. V. 
" the steward of my house," &c, should probably 
be rendered " the son of possession," i. e. possessor, 
" of my house, shall be . . . Eliezer." It was, most 
likely, this same Eliezer who is described in Gen. xxiv. 
2 (Elder), and was sent to Padan-aram to take a 
wife for Isaac. — 2. Second son of Moses and Zip- 
porah, to whom his father gave this name, " be- 
cause, said he, the God of my father was my help, 
that delivered me from the sword of Pharaoh " (Ex. 
xviii. 4; 1 Chr. xxiii. 15, 17, xxvi. 25). He re- 
mained with his mother and brother Gershom, in 
the care of Jethro, his grandfather, when Moses re- 
turned to Egypt (Ex. iv. 18 ff.), she having been 
sent back to her father by Moses (xviii, 2), though 
she set off to accompany him, and went part of the 
way with him. — 3. Son of Becher, and grandson of 
Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). — 4. A priest in David's 
reign, appointed to sound with the trumpet before 
the ark (xv. 24). — 5. Son of Zichri, ruler of the Reu- 
benites in David's reign (xxvii. 16). — 6. Son of Doda- 
vah, of Mareshah in Judah (2 Chr. xx. 3V) ; a 
prophet, who rebuked Jehoshaphat for joining him- 
self with Ahaziah king of Israel. — 7. A chief Israel- 
ite—a " man of understanding " — whom Ezra sent 
with others from Ahava to Casiphia, to induce some 
Levites and Nethinim to accompany him to Jerusa- 
lem (Ezr. viii. 16). — 8, 9, 10. A priest, a Levite, 
and an Israelite of the sons of Harim, who, in the 
time of Ezra, had married foreign wives (Ezr. x. 18, 
23, 31). — 11. Son of Jorim, in the genealogy of 
Christ (Lk. iii. 29). 

E-li-ko-e'nai or E-li-ho-e'na-i (Heb. = Elioenai), 
son of Zerahiah ; one of the sons of Pahath-moab, 
who with 200 men returned from the Captivity with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 4). 

El-i-ho'reph [-ref] (Heb. God his recompense, 
Ges.), son of Shisha, and one of Solomon's scribes 
(1 K. iv. 3). 

E-li'ha or El i-ha (Heb. whose God is He, i. e. 
Jehovah, Ges.). 1. One of the interlocutors in the 
book of Job, described as the "son of Barachel the 
Buzite." In his speech (Job xxxii.-xxxvii.) he de- 
scribes himself as younger than the three friends, 
and accordingly his presence is not noticed in the 
first chapters. — 2. Son of Tohu ; a forefather of 
Samuel the prophet (1 Sam. i. 1). (Eliab 6 ; Eliel 
2.)— 3. In 1 Chr. xxvii. 18, Elihu "of the brethren 
of David " (according to ancient Hebrew tradition 



= Eliab 3) is mentioned as chief of the tribe of 
Judah. — 4. One of the captains of the thousands of 
Manasseh (1 Chr. xii. 20) who followed David to 
Ziklag after he had left the Philistine army on the 
eve of the battle of Gilboa, and assisted him against 
the marauding band of the Amalekites (compare 1 
Sam. xxx.). — 5. A Korhite Levite in the time of 
David ; one of the doorkeepers of the house of 
Jehovah. He was a son of Shemaiah, and of the 
family of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 

E-li'jall (fr. Heb. = my God is Jehovah, Ges.). 
1. "Elijah the Tishbite" (in Apocrypha and N. T. 
Elias) has been well entitled " the grandest and the 
most romantic character that Israel ever produced." 
Certainly there is no personage in the 0. T. whose 
career is more vividly portrayed, or who exercises 
on us a more remarkable fascination. His rare, 
sudden, and brief appearances — his undaunted 
courage and fiery zeal — the brilliancy of his tri- 
umphs — the pathos of his despondency — the glory 
of his departure, and the calm beauty of his reap- 
pearance on the Mount of Transfiguration — throw 
such a halo of brightness around him as is equalled 
by none of his compeers in the sacred story. The 
ignorance in which we are left of the circumstances 
and antecedents of the man who did and who suffered 
so much, doubtless contributes to enhance our in- 
terest in the story and the character. " Elijah the 
Tishbite of the inhabitants of Gilead "(IK. xvii. 1) 
is literally all that is given us of his parentage and 
locality. He was from the country on the further 
side of the Jordan — a country of chase and pasture, 
of tent-villages and mountain-castles, inhabited by a 
people not settled and civilized like those of Ephraim 
and Judah, but of wandering, irregular habits, ex- 
posed to the attacks of the nomad tribes of the 
desert, and gradually conforming more and more to 
the habits of those tribes. Of his appearance as he 
" stood before " Ahab, with the suddenness of 
motion to this day characteristic of the Bedouins 
from his native hills, we can perhaps realize some- 
thing from the touches, few, but strong, of the nar- 
rative. Of his height little is to be inferred ; that 
little is in favor of its being beyond the ordinary 
size. His chief characteristic was his hair, long and 
thick, and hanging down his back ; which, if not 
betokening the immense strength of Samson, yet 
accompanied powers of endurance no less remark- 
able. His ordinary clothing consisted (so Mr. Grove) 
of a girdle of skin round his loins (2 K. i. 8), which 
he tightened when about to move quickly (1 K. 
xviii. 46). But in addition to this he occasionally 
wore the mantle, or cape, of sheep-skin, which has 
supplied us with one of our most familiar figures 
of speech. In this mantle, in moments of emotion, 
he would hide his face (xix. 13), or when excited 
would roll it up as into a kind of staff. On one oc- 
casion we find him bending himself down upon the 
ground with his face between his knees. The 
solitary life in which these external peculiarities had 
been assumed had also nurtured that fierceness of 
zeal and that directness of address which so distin- 
guished him. It was in the wild loneliness of the 
hills and ravines of Gilead that the knowledge of 
Jehovah, the living God of Israel, had been im- 
pressed on his mind, which was to form the subject 
of his mission to the idolatrous court and country 
of Israel. The northern kingdom had at this time 
forsaken almost entirely the faith in Jehovah. The 
worship of the calves (Calf; Idolatry) had been a 
departure from Him, it was a violation of His com- 
mand against material resemblances ; but still it 



266 



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ELI 



would appear that even in the presence of 
the calves Jehovah was acknowledged, and they 
were at any rate a national institution, not one 
imported from the idolatries of any of the sur- 
rounding countries. But the case was quite dif- 
ferent when Ahab introduced the foreign religion 
of his wife's family, the worship of the Phenician 
Baal. (Asherah ; Ashtoreth ; Jezebel.) It is 
as a witness against these two evils that Elijah 
comes forward. — I. What we may call the first act 
in his life embraces between three and four years 
— three years and six months for the duration of 
the drought, according to the N. T. (Lk. iv. 25 ; 
Jas. v. 17), and three or four months more for the 
journey to Horeb, and the return to Gilead (IK. 
xvii. 1-xix. 21). His introduction is of the most 
startling description : he suddenly appears before 
Ahab, as with the unrestrained freedom of Eastern 
manners he would have no difficulty in doing, and 
proclaims the vengeance of Jehovah for the apos- 
tasy of the king. What immediate action followed 
on this we are not told ; but it is plain that Elijah 
had to fly before some threatened vengeance either 
of the king, or more probably of the queen (com- 
pare xix. 2). Perhaps it was at this juncture that 
Jezebel " cut off the prophets of Jehovah " (xviii. 
4). He was directed to the brook Cherith. There 
in the hollow of the torrent-bed he remained, sup- 
ported in the miraculous manner with which we are 
all familiar, till the failing of the brook obliged him 
to forsake it. His next refuge was at Zarephath, 
a Phenician town between Tyre and Sidon, certain- 
ly the last place at which the enemy of Baal would 
be looked for. The widow woman in whose house 
he lived seems, however, to have been an Israelite, 
and no Baal-worshipper, if we may take her adju- 
ration by " Jehovah thy God " as an indication. 
Here Elijah performed the miracles of prolonging 
the oil and the meal ; and restored the widow's son 
to life after his apparent death. In this, or some 
other retreat, an interval of more than two years 
must have elapsed. The drought continued, and 
at last the full horrors of famine, caused by the 
failure of the crops, descended on Samaria. The 
king and his chief domestic officer (Obadiah 10) di- 
vided between them the mournful duty of ascertain- 
ing that neither round the springs, which are so 
frequent a feature of central Palestine, nor in the 
nooks and crannies of the most shaded torrent- 
beds, was there any of the herbage left, which in 
those countries is so certain an indication of the 
presence of moisture. It is the moment for the 
reappearance of the prophet. He shows himself 
first to the minister. There, suddenly planted in 
his path, is the man whom he and his master have 
been seeking for more than three years. Before 
the sudden apparition of that wild figure, and that 
stern, unbroken countenance, Obadiah could not 
but fall on his face. Elijah, however, soon calms 
his agitation — " As Jehovah of hosts liveth, before 
whom I stand, I will surely show myself to Ahab ; " 
and thus relieved of his fear that, as on a former 
occasion, Elijah would disappear before he could 
return with the king, Obadiah departs to inform 
Ahab that the man they seek is there. Ahab ar- 
rived, Elijah makes his charge — " Thou hast for- 
saken Jehovah and followed the Baals." He then 
commands that all Israel be collected to Mount 
Caemel with the four hundred and fifty prophets of 
Baal, and the four hundred of Asherah (Ashtaroth), 
the latter being under the especial protection of the 
queen. There are few more sublime stories in his- 



tory than this. On the one hand the solitary ser- 
vant of Jehovah, accompanied by his one attend- 
ant ; with his wild, shaggy hair, his scanty garb 
and sheepskin cloak, but with calm dignity of de- 
meanor and the minutest regularity of procedure, 
repairing the ruined altar of Jehovah with twelve 
stones, — on the other hand the eight hundred and 
fifty prophets of Baal and Ashtaroth, doubtless in 
aft the splendor of their vestments (2 K. x. 22), 
with the wild din of their vain repetitions, and the 
maddened fury of their disappointed hopes, and 
the silent people surrounding all. The conclusion 
of the long day need only be glanced at. The fire 
of Jehovah consuming both sacrifice and altar 
(Miracles ; Prophet) — the prophets of Baal killed, 
it would seem by Elijah's Own hand (xviii. 40 ; com- 
pare Deut. xiii. 1-5, xviii. 20) — the king, with an 
apathy almost unintelligible, eating and drinking 
in the very midst of the carnage of his own ad- 
herents—the earnest prayer for rain (Jas. v. 18) — 
the rising storm — the ride across the plain to Jez- 
reel, a distance of at least sixteen miles ; the 
prophet, " the hand of the Lord " being on him, 
i. e. being supernaturally guided and strengthened, 
running before the chariot, but stopping short of 
the city, and going no further than the " entrance 
of Jezreel." So far the triumph had been com- 
plete ; but the spirit of Jezebel was not to be so 
easily overcome, and her first act is a vow of ven- 
geance against the author of this destruction. 
Elijah takes refuge in flight. The danger was great, 
and the refuge must be distant. The first stage on 
the journey was Beer-sheba. Here Elijah halted. 
His servant — according to Jewish tradition the boy 
of Zarephath — he left in the town; while he him- 
self set out alone into the wilderness. His spirit 
is quite broken, and he wanders forth over the 
dreary sweeps of those rocky hills wishing for 
death. But God, who had brought His servant into 
this difficulty, provided him with the means of es- 
caping from it. The prophet was awakened from his 
dream of despondency beneath the solitary bush 
of the wilderness, was fed with the bread and the 
water which to this day are all a Bedouin's require- 
ments, and went forward, in the strength of that 
food, a journey of forty days to the mount of God, 
even to Horeb. Here, in one of the numerous 
caverns in those awful mountains, he remained 
(A. V. " lodged ") for certainly one night. In the 
morning came the " word of Jehovah " — the ques- 
tion, "what doest thou here, Elijah ? " In answer 
to this invitation the Prophet opens his griefs. He 
has been very zealous for Jehovah ; but force has 
been vain ; one cannot stand against a multitude ; 
none follow him, and he is left alone, flying for his 
life from the sword which has slain his brethren. 
The reply comes in that ambiguous and indirect 
form in which it seems necessary that the deepest 
communications with the human mind should be 
couched, to be effectual. He is directed to leave 
the cavern, and stand on the mountain in the open 
air, face to face with Jehovah. Then, as before 
with Moses (Ex. xxxiv. 6), " The Lord passed by " 
in all the terror of His most appalling manifesta- 
tions, like Elijah's own modes of procedure ; and 
penetrating the dead silence which followed these, 
came the mysterious symbol — the " still small 
voice,", and still as it was it spoke in louder accents 
to the wounded heart of Elijah than the roar and 
blaze which had preceded it. To him no less un- 
mistakably than to Moses, centuries before, it was 
proclaimed that Jehovah was "merciful and gra- 



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267 



cious, long-suffering and abundant in goodness and 
truth." Elijah knew the call, and at once stepping 
forward, and hiding his face in his mantle, stood 
waiting for the divine communication. It is in the 
same words as before, and so is his answer ; but 
with what different force must the question have 
fallen on his ears, and the answer left his lips ! In 
the seven thousand unknown worshippers who had 
not bowed the knee to Baal, was the assurance that 
Elijah was not alone. Three commands were laid 
on him — three changes were to be made. Instead 
of Ben-hadad, Hazael was to be king over Syria ; 
instead of Ahab, Jehu was to be king of Israel ; 
and Elisha the son of Shaphat was to be his own 
successor. Of these three commands the two first 
were reserved for Elisha to accomplish, the last 
only was executed by Elijah himself. His first 
search was for Elisha. Apparently he soon 
found him ; we must conclude at his native place, 
Abel-meholah. Elisha was ploughing at the time, 
and Elijah " passed over to him " — possibly crossed 
the river — and cast his mantle, the well-known 
sheepskin cloak, upon him, as if, by that familiar 
action, claiming him for his son. A moment of 
hesitation, and then commenced that long period 
of - service and intercourse which continued till 
Elijah's removal, and which, after that time, pro- 
cured for Elisha one of the best titles to esteem 
and reverence — " Elisha the son of Shaphat, who 
poured water on the hands of Elijah." — II. Ahab 
and Jezebel now probably believed that their 
threats had been effectual, and that they had seen 
the last of their tormentor (1 K. xxi.). After the 
murder of Naboth, Ahab loses no time in entering 
on his new acquisition. But his triumph was a 
short one. Elijah had received an intimation from 
Jehovah of what was taking place, and rapidly as 
the accusation and death of Naboth had been hur- 
ried over, he was there to meet his ancient enemy 
on the very scene of his crime. And then follows 
the curse, in terms fearful to any Oriental — pecu- 
liarly terrible to a Jew— and most of all significant to 
a successor of the apostate princes of the northern 
kingdom. The whole of Elijah's denunciation may 
possibly be recovered by putting together the words 
recalled by Jehu, 2 K. is. 26, 36, 37, and those 
given in 1 K. xxi. 19-26.— III. A space of three or 
four years now elapses (compare 1 K. xxii. 1, 51 ; 
2 K. i. 17) before we again catch a glimpse of Eli- 
jah. Ahaziah, Ahab's son and successor, has met 
with a fatal accident, and is on his death-bed (2 K. 
i. 1, 2 ; IK. xxii. 51). In his extremity he sends 
to an oracle or shrine of Baal at the Philistine town 
of Ekron, to ascertain the issue of his illness. But 
the oracle is nearer at hand than the distant Ekron. 
An intimation is conveyed to the prophet, probably 
at that time inhabiting one of the recesses of Car- 
mel, and, as on the former occasions, he suddenly 
appears on the path of the messengers, without 
preface or inquiry utters his message of death (2 
K. i. 3, 4), and as rapidly disappears. But this 
check only roused the wrath of Ahaziah. A captain 
was dispatched, with a party of fifty, to take Elijah 
prisoner. " And there came down fire from heaven 
and consumed him and his fifty." A second party 
was sent, only to meet the same fate. In this exe- 
cution of judgment Elijah was not gratifying his 
personal feelings, which our Lord's disciples after- 
ward were inclined to do (Lk. ix. 53-56), but vindi- 
cating the honor of Jehovah, which was involved 
in the protection of His prophet against the im- 
pious violence of Ahaziah and his ungodly messen- 



| gers (compare Ex. xvi. 7 ; Lk. x. 16). Hence a 
change in their course was followed by a change in 
the mode of dealing with them (compare 1 K. xxi. 
28, 29). The altered tone of the leader of a third 
party brought Elijah down. But the message was 
delivered to the king's face in the same words as it 
had been to the messengers, and Elijah was allowed 
to go harmless. — IV. It must have been shortly after 
the death of Ahaziah that Elijah made a communi- 
cation with the southern kingdom. When Jehoram 
the son of Jehoshaphat began " to walk in the 
ways of the kings of Israel," Elijah sent him a 
letter denouncing his evil doings, and predicting his 
death (2 Chr. xxi. 12-15). In its contents the let- 
ter bears a strong resemblance to the speeches of 
Elijah, while in the details of style it is very pecu- 
liar and quite different from the narrative in which 
it is imbedded. Mr. Grove regards the chronologi- 
cal difficulty, that Elijah's removal must have taken 
place before Jehoshaphat's death (2 K. iii. 11), as 
solved by Jehoram's beginning to reign during Je- 
hoshaphat's lifetime (Israel, Kingdom of ; Jeho- 
kam 2) : but his slaying his brethren, which the 
writing reproves, was evidently after Jehoshaphat's 
death (compare 2 Chr. xxi. 1-4 with 13). The 
ancient Jewish commentators got over the apparent 
difficulty by saying that the letter was written and 
sent after Elijah's translation. Others believed it 
was the production of Elisha, for whose name that 
of Elijah had been substituted by copyists ; others, 
that it was prepared by the spirit of prophecy be- 
fore Elijah's departure, but not sent to Jehoram 
till afterward ; others, that Elijah's name is asso- 
ciated with it, because it proceeded from the Elijah 
school of prophecy (2 K. ii.), of which he was still 
regarded as the ideal head (compare Mai. iv. 5). 
We cannot positively decide the matter, from lack 
of knowledge ; but we can see that it may be ex- 
plained in several different ways. — V. The closing 
transaction of Elijah's life introduces us to a local- 
ity heretofore unconnected with him (2 K. ii. 1, &c). 
It was at Gilgal 2 — probably on the western edge 
of the hills of Ephraim — that the prophet received 
the divine intimation that his departure was at 
hand. He was at the time with Elisha, who seems 
now to have become his constant companion, and 
whom he endeavors to persuade to remain behind 
while he goes on an errand of Jehovah. But 
Elisha will not so easily give up his master. They 
went together to Bethel. Again Elijah attempts to 
escape to Jericho, and again Elisha protests that 
he will not be separated from him. At Jericho he 
makes a final effort to avoid what they both so 
much dread. But Elisha is not to be conquered, 
and the two set off across the undulating plain of 
burning sand, to the distant river — Elijah in his 
" mantle " of sheepskin, Elisha in ordinary clothes. 
Fifty men of the sons of the prophets ascend the 
abrupt heights behind the town to watch what hap- 
pens in the distance. Talking as they go, the two 
reach the river, and stand on the shelving bank be- 
side its swift brown current. But they are not to 
stop even here. It is as if the aged Gileadite can- 
not rest till he again sets foot on his own side of 
the river. He rolls up his mantle as into a staff 
(A. V. "wrapped it together"), and with his old 
energy strikes the waters as Moses had done be- 
fore him, — strikes them as if they were an enemy ; 
and they are divided hither and thither, and the 
two go over on dry ground. " And it came to pass, 
as they still went on and talked, that, behold, a 
chariot of fire and horses of fire, and parted them 



268 



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ELI 



both asunder, and Elijah went up by the (A. V. 
' a ') whirlwind into heaven." (Miracles.) — And 
here ends all the information in the 0. T. of the life 
and work of this great prophet. How deep was the 
impression which he made on the mind of the na- 
tion may be judged of from the fixed belief which 
many centuries after prevailed that Elijah would 
again appear for the relief and restoration of his 
country (Mat. xvi. 14 ; Mk. vi. 15 ; Jn.i. 21). (John 
the Baptist.) But on the other hand, the deep 
impression which Elijah had thus made on his na- 
tion only renders more remarkable the departure 
which the image conveyed by the later references 
to him evinces, from that so sharply presented in 
the records of his actual life. With the exception 
of the eulogiums in Ecclus. xlviii. and 1 Mc. ii. 58, 
and the allusion in Lk. ix. 54, none of these later 
references allude to his works of destruction or of 
portent. They all set forth a very different side of 
his character from that brought outin the historical 
narrative. They speak of his being a man of like 
passions with ourselves (Jas. v. 17); of his kind- 
ness to the widow of Sarepta (Lk. iv. 26) ; of his 
"restoring all things" (Mat. xvii. 11); "turning 
the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the 
disobedient to the wisdom of the just " (Mai. iv. 5, 
6 ; Lk. i. 17). He appeared with Moses in heaven- 
ly light on the Mount of Transfiguration, and then 
talked to our Lord " of His decease which He 
should accomplish at Jerusalem " (Mat. xvii. 1 ff. ; 
Mk. ix. 2 ff. ; Lk. ix. 28 ff.). Elijah has been can- 
onized (St. Elias) in both the Greek and Latin 
churches, and is celebrated in the Latin church as 
connected with the great order of the barefooted 
Carmelites. (Carmel 1.) — 2. A priest of the sons 
of Harim, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 
21). 

El'i-ka or E-li'ka (Heb. God is rejecter, sc. of a 
people, Fii.), a Harodite, one of David's "thirty" 
valiant men (2 Sam. xxiii. 25). 

E'Jim (fr. Heb. = trees, perhaps palm-trees, Ges.), 
the second station where the Israelites encamped 
after crossing the Red Sea, distinguished as having 
had "twelve wells (rather 'fountains') of water, 
and seventy palm-trees " (Ex. xv. 27 ; Num. xxxiii. 
9). Laborde supposed Elim at Wady Useit, the 
second of four wadys lying between 29° 7', and 29° 
20', which descend from the range of ei-Tih (here 
nearly parallel to the shore) toward the sea. Stan- 
ley says " Elim must be Ghnrundel, Useit, or Taiyi- 
beh." Lepsius takes another view, that Elim is to 
be found in Wady Shubeikeh, the last of the four. 
Wilderness of the Wandering. 

E-Iim'e-lech [-lek] (Heb. God is king, Ges., Fii.), 
a man of the tribe of Judah, and of the family of 
the Hezronites, who dwelt in BethlehenrEphratah 
in the days of the Judges. In consequence of a 
great dearth in the land, he went with his wife 
Naomi, and his two sons, Mahlon and Chilion, to 
dwell in Moab, where he and his sons died without 
posterity (Ru. i. 2, 3, &c). 

E-Ii-o-e'nai or E-li-o-e'na-i (Heb. toward Jehovah 
are my eyes, Ges. ; = Elihoenai and Elienai). 1. 
Eldest son of Neariah, the son of Shemaiah (1 
Chr. iii. 23, 24).— 2. Head of a family of the 
Simeonites (iv. 36). — 3. A Benjamite chief, son of 
Becher (vii. 8). — i. Seventh son of Meshelemiah, 
the son of Kore, of the sons of Asaph ; a Korhite 
Levite, and a doorkeeper of the " house of Jeho- 
vah " (xxvi. 3). — 5t A priest of the sons of Pashur, 
in Ezra's time, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. 
x. 22) : possibly = 6. mentioned in Neh. xii. 41, as 



one of the priests who accompanied Nehemiah with 
trumpets at the dedication of the wall of Jerusa- 
lem. — 7. An Israelite, of the sons of Zattu, who 
had also married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 27). 

E-li-o'nas (Gr.). 1. Elioenai 5 (1 Esd. ix. 22). 
—2. Eliezer 10 (1 Esd. ix. 32). 

El'i-phal or E-li pluil (Heb. whom God judges, 
Ges.), son of Ur (1 Chr. xi. 35); = Eliphelet 3. 

E-liph'a-lat (Gr.) = Eliphelet 6 (1 Esd. ix. 33). 

E-liph'a-let (fr. Heb. = Eliphelet). 1. The last 
of the thirteen sons born to David, after his estab- 
lishment in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 7); 
= Eliphelet 2. — 2. Eliphelet 5 (1 Esd. viii. 39). 

El'i-pliaz or E-li'phaz (Heb. God his strength, 
Ges.). 1. Son of Esau and Adah, and father of 
Teman, Amalek, &c, " dukes in the land of Edom " 
(Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10-12, 15, 16; 1 Chr. i. 35, 36).— 2. 
The chief of the " three friends " of. Job. He is 
called " the Temanite ; " hence it is naturally in- 
ferred that he was a descendant of Teman, son of 
No. 1. On him falls the main burden of the argument 
that God's retribution in this world is perfect and cer- 
tain, and that consequently suffering must be a proof 
of previous sin (Job iv., v., xv., xxii.). The great 
truth brought out by him is the unapproachable 
majesty and purity of God (iv. 12-21, xv. 12-16). 
Still he, with the other two friends, is condemned for 
having, in defence of God's providence, spoken of 
Him "the thing that is not right." On sacrifice 
and the intercession of Job all three are pardoned 
(xlii. 7-9) 

E-lipll'e-loh (fr. Heb. = whom God makes distin- 
guished, Ges.), a Levite of the second order ; one of 
the gate-keepers appointed by David to play on the 
harp " on the Sheminith " on the occasion of bring- 
ing up the ark to the city of David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 
21). 

E-liph'e-let (Heb. God his deliverance). 1. A son 
of David, born to him after his establishment in 
Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 6); = Elpalet. — 2. Another 
son of David, born also in Jerusalem (iii. 8) ; = 
Eliphalet 1. — 3. Son of Ahasbai, son of the 
Maachathite ; one of David's " thirty " warriors (2 
Sam. xxiii. 34) ; = Eliphal. — 4. Son of Eshek, a 
descendant of king Saul through Jonathan (1 Chr. 
viii. 39). — 5. A leader of the sons of Adonikam, who 
returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13).— 6. 
One of the sons of Hashum in Ezra's time who had 
married a foreign wife (x. 33). 

E-lis'a-beth [-liz-] (Gr. fr. Heb. = Elisheba), the 
wife of Zacharias, and mother of John the Baptist 
(Lk. i. 5 if.). She was herself of the priestly family, 
and a relation (i. 36) of the mother of our Lord. 
(Mary the Virgin.) She was a person of great piety, 
and was the first to greet Mary, on her coming to 
visit her, as the mother of our Lord (i. 42 ff.). 

El-i-se'ss (L. Elisaus, fr. Heb. Elisha), the form 
in which the name Elisha appears in the A. V. of 
the Apocrj'pha and the N. T. (Ecclus. xlviii. 12; 
Lk. iv. 27). 

E-li'sha (Heb. God his salvation, Ges. ; in N. T. 
and Apocrypha Eliseus), son of Shaphat of Abel- 
meholah ; the attendant and disciple of Elijah, and 
subsequently his successor as prophet of the king- 
dom of Israel. The earliest mention of his name is 
in the command to Elijah in the cave at Horeb (1 
K. xix. 16, 17). But our first introduction to the 
future prophet is in the fields of his native place, 
probably in the valley of the Jordan. Elijah, on 
his way from Sinai to Damascus by the Jordan 
valley, lights on his successor engaged in the labor9 
of the field. To cross to him, to throw over his 



ELI 



ELI 



269 



shoulders the rough mantle — a token at once of in- 
vestiture with the prophet's office, and of adoption, 
as a son — was to Elijah but the work of an instant, 
and the prophet strode on as if what he had done 
were nothing — " Go back again, for what have I 
done unto thee ? " Elisha was not a man who, 
having put his hand to the plough, was likely to 
look back ; he delayed merely to give the farewell 
kiss to his father and mother, and preside at a part- 
ing feast with his people, and then followed the 
great prophet on his northward road, to become to 
him what Joshua had been to Moses. Seven or 
eight years must have passed between the call of 
Elisha and the removal of his master, and during 
the whole of that time we hear nothing of him. 
But when that period has elapsed he reappears, to 
become the most prominent figure in the history of 
his country during the rest of his long life. In al- 
most every respect Elisha presents the most com- 
plete contrast to Elijah. The copious collection 
of his sayings and doings preserved in 2 K. 
iii.-ix., though in many respects deficient in that 
remarkable vividness which we have noticed in the 
records of Elijah, is yet full of testimonies to this 
contrast. Elijah was a true child of the desert, like a 
Bedouin. The clefts of the Cherith, the wild shrubs 
of the desert, the cave at Horeb, the top of Carmel, 
were his haunts and his resting-places. If he enters 
a city, it is only to deliver his message of fire and 
be gone. Elisha, on the other hand, is a civilized 
man, an inhabitant of cities (ii. 18, 25, v. 3, 9, 24, 
vi. 14, 32). And as with his manners so with his 
appearance. The slight touches of the narrative 
show that his dress was the ordinary garment of 
an Israelite, the Heb. beged (A. V. " clothes ; " see 
Dress, III. 4; 2 K. ii. 12), that his hair was worn 
trimmed behind (so Mr. Grove ; rather, he was bald) 
in contrast to the disordered locks of Elijah (ii. 23, 
as explained below), and that he used a walking- 
staff (iv. 29) of the kind ordinarily carried by grave 
or aged citizens (Zech. viii. 4). If from these ex- 
ternal peculiarities we turn to the internal charac- 
teristics of the two, and to the results which they 
produced on their contemporaries, the differences 
are highly instructive. Elijah was emphatically a 
destroyer. His mission was to slay and demolish 
whatever opposed or interfered with the rights of 
Jehovah. Elisha was the healer, strikingly char- 
acterized by beneficence. On him Elijah's mantle 
descended, and he was gifted with a double portion 
of his spirit. By his miracles of mercy (so Mr. 
Ayre), Elisha gained an influence over even irre- 
ligious princes ; he was the bulwark of the land 
against foreign foes ; he was a witness for God, 
known among the neighboring nations, and teaching 
them that the only true God was Jehovah, God of 
Israel ; he fostered the prophetic schools, and thus 
preserved a nucleus of piety in the nation, where 
doubtless were many more than the 7,000 of Elijah's 
time who had never bowed the knee at any idol 
altar. The call of Elisha seems to have taken place 
about four years before the death of Ahab. He 
died in the reign of Joash, the grandson of Jehu. 
This embraces a period of not less than 65 years, 
for certainly 55 of which he held the office of 
" prophet in Israel " (v. 8). — I. After the departure 
of his master, Elisha returned to dwell at Jericho 
(ii. 18). The town had been lately rebuilt (1 K. 
xvi. 34), and was the residence of a body of the 
"sons of the prophets" (2 K. ii. 5, 15), who ear- 
nestly sought and finally obtained from Elisha per- 
mission to send fifty of their number to search the 



land for Elijah. But their three days' search was in 
vain (ii. 16, 17). No one who has visited the site 
of Jericho can forget how prominent a feature in 
the scene are the two perennial springs which rise 
at the base of the steep hills of Quarantania behind 
the town. One of the springs was noxious at the 
time of Elisha's visit. At the request of the men 
of Jericho he remedied this evil. He took salt in a 
new vessel, and cast it into the water at its source 
in the name of Jehovah. From the time of Josephus 
to the present, the tradition of the cure has been 
attached to the large spring nearly two miles N. W. 
of the present town, which now bears, probably in 
reference to some later event, the name of 'Ain es- 
Sultdn. — II. We next meet with Elisha at Bethel 
1, the seat of Jeroboam's calf-worship as well as 
of a school of the prophets, on his way from Jericho 
to Mount Carmel (ii. 23). His last visit had been 
made in company with Elijah on their road down to 
the Jordan (ii. 2). The road to the town winds up 
the defile of the Wady Suweinit. Here the boys of 
the town were clustered, waiting, as they still wait 
at the entrance of the villages of Palestine, for the 
chance passer-by. In the short-trimmed locks of 
Elisha, how were they to recognize the successor 
of the prophet, with whose shaggy hair streaming 
over his shoulders they were all familiar ? So with 
the license of the Eastern children they scoff at the 
new-comer as he walks by — " Go up, roundhead ! 
go up, roundhead ! " (So Mr. Grove, after Ewald. 
But Gesenius and most interpreters agree with the 
A. V. in the translation " bald-head." Gesenius 
makes the Heb. = a bald-Jiead, having a bald spot 
on the crown or hinder part of the head.) For once 
Elisha assumed the sternness of his master. He 
turned upon them and cursed them in the name of 
Jehovah, and " there came forth two she-bears out of 
the wood, and tare forty and two children of them." 
Elisha thus vindicated, against rudeness, infidelity, 
and impiety, his title to respect as a prophet of the 
living God (compare i. 9-12 ; Elijah). — III. Elisha 
extricates Jehoram king of Israel, and the kings of 
Judah and Edom, from their difficulty in the cam- 
paign against Moab, arising from want of water (iii. 
4-27). This incident probably took place at the 
S. E. end of the Dead Sea. — IV. The widow of one 
of the sons of the prophets is in debt, and her two 
sons are about to be taken from her and sold as 
slaves (iv. 1 ff.). She has no property but a pot of 
oil. This Elisha causes (in his absence, iv. 5) to 
multiply, until the widow has filled with it all the 
vessels which she could borrow. — V. The next oc- 
currence is at Shunem and Mount Carmel (iv. 8-37). 
The story divides itself into two parts, separated 
from each other by several years, (a.) Elisha, 
probably on his way between Carmel and the Jordan 
valley, calls accidentally at Shunem. Here he is 
hospitably entertained by a woman of substance, 
apparently at that time ignorant of the character 
of her guest. There is no occasion here to quote 
the details of this charming narrative, (b.) An in- 
terval has elapsed of several years. The boy is now 
old enough to accompany his father to the corn- 
field, where the harvest is proceeding. The fierce 
rays of the morning sun are too powerful for him, 
and he is carried home to his mother only to die at 
noon. She says nothing of their loss to her hus- 
band, but, depositing her child on the bed of the 
man of God, at once starts in quest of him to 
Mount Carmel, fifteen or sixteen miles. No ex- 
planation is needed to tell Elisha the exact state of 
the case. The heat of the season will allow of no 



270 



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ELI 



delay in taking the necessary steps, and Gehazi is 
at once dispatched to run back to Shunem with the 
utmost speed. He takes the prophet's walking- 
staff in his hand which he is to lay on the face of 
the child. The mother and Elisha follow in haste. 
Before they reach the village the sun of that long, 
anxious summer afternoon must have set. Gehazi 
meets them on the road, but he has no reassuring 
report to give, the placing of the staff on the face 
of the dead boy had called forth no sign of life. 
Then Elisha enters the house, goes up to his own 
chamber, " and he shut the door upon them twain, 
and prayed unto Jehovah." The child is restored 
to life. — VI. The scene now changes to Gilgal 2, 
apparently at a time when Elisha was residing there 
(iv. 38^11). The sons of the prophets are sitting 
round him. It is a time of famine. The food of 
the party must consist of any herbs that can be 
found. The great caldron is put on at the com- 
mand of Elisha, and one of the company brings his 
blanket full of such wild vegetables (Gourd 2) as 
he has collected, and empties it into the pottage. 
But no sooner have they begun their meal than the 
taste betrays the presence of some noxious herb, 
and they cry out, " There is death in the pot, 
man of God ! " In this case the cure was effected 
by meal which Elisha cast into the pottage in the 
caldron. — VII. (iv. 42-44). This probably belongs 
to the same time, and also to the same place as the 
preceding. A man from Baal-shalisha brings the 
man of God a present of the first-fruits, which un- 
der the law (Num. xviii. 8, 12 ; Deut. xviii. 3,4) 
were the perquisite of the ministers of the sanctuary. 
This moderate provision is by the word of Jehovah 
rendered more than sufficient for 100 men. — VIII. 
The simple records of these domestic incidents 
amongst the sons of the prophets are now inter- 
rupted by an occurrence of a more important char- 
acter (v. 1-27). The chief captain of the army of 
Syria (Naaman), to whom his country was indebted 
for some signal success, was afflicted with leprosy. 
One of the members of his establishment was an 
Israelite girl, kidnapped by the Syrian marauders 
in one of their forays over the border, and she 
brings into that household the fame of the name and 
skill of Elisha. The news is communicated by 
Naaman himself to the king. Ben-hadad had yet to 
learn the position and character of Elisha. He 
writes to the king of Israel a letter very character- 
istic of a military prince. With this letter, and 
with a present, and a full retinue of attendants (13, 
15, 23), Naaman proceeds to Samaria. The king 
of Israel is dismayed ; but in consequence of a mes- 
sage from the prophet, Naaman goes to Elisha's 
house with his whole cavalcade. Elisha still keeps 
in the background, and, while Naaman stands at the 
doorway, contents himself with sending out a mes- 
senger with the simple direction to bathe seven times 
in the Jordan. The independent behavior of the 
prophet, and the simplicity of the prescription, all 
combined to enrage Naaman. His servants, how- 
ever, knew how to deal with the quick but not un- 
generous temper of their master, and the result is 
that he goes down to the Jordan and dips himself 
seven times, "and his flesh came again like the 
flesh of a little child, and he was clean." His first 
business after his cure is to thank his benefactor. 
He returns with " all his company," and this time 
he will not be denied the presence of Elisha, but 
making his way in, and standing before him, he 
gratefully acknowledges the power of the God of 
Israel, and entreats him to accept the present which 



he has brought from Damascus. Elisha is firm, and 
refuses the offer, though repeated with the strongest 
adjuration. But Gehazi cannot allow such treasures 
thus to escape him. So he frames a story by which 
the generous Naaman is made to send back with 
him to Elisha's house a considerable present 
in money and clothes. He then went in and 
stood before his master as if nothing had hap- 
pened. But the prophet was not to be so deceived. 
His heart had gone after his servant through the 
whole transaction, even to its minutest details, and 
he visits Gehazi with the tremendous punishment 
of the leprosy, from which he had just relieved 
Naaman. — IX. (vi. 1-1). We now return to the sons 
of the prophets, but this time the scene appears to 
be changed, and is probably at Jericho, and during 
the residence of Elisha there. Their habitation had 
become too small. They therefore move to the 
close neighborhood of the Jordan, and cutting down 
beams make there a new dwelling-place. As one 
of them was cutting at a tree overhanging the 
stream, the iron of his axe flew off and sank into 
the water. His cry soon brought the man of God 
to his aid. The stream of the Jordan is deep up 
to the very bank, especially when the water is so 
low as to leave the wood dry, and is moreover so 
turbid that search would be useless. But the place 
at which the lost axe entered the water is shown 
to Elisha ; he breaks off a stick and casts it into 
the stream, and the iron appears on the surface, 
and is recovered by its possessor. — X. (vi. 8-23). 
Elisha is now residing at Dothan, halfway between 
Samaria and Jezreel. The incursions of the Syrian 
marauding bands (compare v. 2) still continue ; but 
apparently with greater boldness. Their manoeuvres 
are not hid from the man of God, and by his warn- 
ings he saves the king "not once nor twice." A 
strong party with chariots is dispatched to capture 
Elisha. They march by night, and before morning 
take up their station round the base of the emi- 
nence on which the ruins of Dothan still stand. 
Elisha's servant — not Gehazi, but apparently a 
new-comer — is the first to discover the danger. But 
Elisha remains unmoved by his fears ; and at his 
request the eyes of the youth are opened to behold 
the spiritual guards which are protecting them. 
Again he prays to Jehovah, and the whole of the 
Syrian warriors are struck blind. Then descending, 
he offers to lead them to the person and the place 
they seek. He conducts them to Samaria. There, 
at the prayer of the prophet, their sight is restored, 
and they find themselves not in a retired country 
village, but in the midst of the capital of Israel, 
and in the presence of the king and his troops. 
The king, eager to destroy them, at Elisha's word 
feeds them, and sends them away to their master. 
After such a repulse, it is not surprising that the 
marauding forays of the Syrian troops ceased. — XI. 
(vi. 24-vii. 2). But the king of Syria could not 
rest under such dishonor. He abandons his ma- 
rauding system, and gathers a regular army, with 
which he lays siege to Samaria. The awful ex- 
tremities to which the inhabitants of the place were 
driven need not here be recalled. (Dove's Dung.) 
The king — Joram (so Josephus) — vents his wrath 
on the prophet ; his emissary starts to execute the 
sentence ; Elisha receives a miraculous intimation 
of the danger, and orders the door to be shut ; the 
messenger arrives, followed immediately by the 
king and one of his officers. The king's hereditary 
love of Baal bursts forth : " This evil is from Je- 
hovah," the ancient enemy of my house, " why 



ELI 



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271 



should I wait for Jehovah any longer ? " Elisha 
answers, predicting plenty on the morrow. This 
the officer declares incredible. Elisha replies : 
"Thou shalt see it with, thine eyes, but shalt not 
eat thereof" — a prediction which was fulfilled on 
the following day of plenty, after the Syrians had 
deserted their camp, by his being trodden upon in 
the gate by the people, so that he died (vii. 20). — 

XII. (viii. 1-6). We now go back several years to 
an incident connected with the woman of Shunem, 
at a period antecedent to the cure of Naaman and 
the transfer of his leprosy to Gehazi (v. 1, 27). 
Elisha had been made aware of a famine which Je- 
hovah was about to bring upon the land for seven 
years ; and he had warned his friend the Shunam- 
mite thereof that she might provide for her safety. 
At the end of the seven years she returned to her 
native place, to find that during her absence her 
house with the field-land attached to it had been 
appropriated by some other person. To the king, 
therefore, the Shunammite had recourse. And now 
occurred one of those rare coincidences which it is 
impossible not to ascribe to something more than 
mere chance. At the very moment of the entrance 
of the woman and her son, the king was listening 
to a recital by Gehazi of " all the great things 
which Elisha had done," the crowning feat of all 
being that which he was then actually relating — 
the restoration to life of the boy of Shunem. The 
woman and her son were instantly recognized by 
Gehazi. From her own mouth the king hears the 
repetition of the wonderful tale, and, whether from 
regard to Elisha, or struck by the extraordinary 
coincidence, orders her land to be restored with 
the value of all its produce during her absence. — 

XIII. (viii. 7-15). Hitherto we have met with the 
prophet only in his own country. We now find 
him at Damascus. He is there to carry out the 
command given to Elijah on Horeb to anoint Ha- 
zael to be king over Syria. At the time of his ar- 
rival, Ben-hadao was prostrate with his last illness. 
The king's first desire is naturally to ascertain his 
own fate ; and Hazael is commissioned to be the 
bearer of a present to the prophet, and to ask the 
question on the part of his master, " Shall I re- 
cover of this disease ? " The present is one of 
royal dimensions ; a caravan of forty camels, laden 
with the riches and luxuries which that wealthy city 
could alone furnish. The reply, probably originally 
ambiguous, is doubly uncertain in the present 
doubtful state of the Hebrew text in verse 10 ; but 
the general conclusion was unmistakable : — " Je- 
hovah hath showed me that he shall surely die." 
But this was not all that had been revealed to the 
prophet. If Ben-hadad died, who would be king in 
his stead but the man who now stood before him '? 
The prospect was one which drew forth the tears of 
the man of God. At Hazael's request, Elisha con- 
fesses the reason of his tears. But the prospect is 
one which has no sorrow for Hazael. His only 
doubt is the possibility of such good fortune for 
one so mean. " But what is thy slave, dog that he 
is, that he should do this great thing ? " To which 
Elisha replies, " Jehovah hath showed me that thou 
wilt be king over Syria." Returning to the king, 
Hazael tells him only half the dark saying of the 
man of God — " He told me that thou shouldest 
surely recover." But that was the last day of 
Ben-hadad's life.— XIV. (ix. 1-10). Two of the in- 
junctions laid on Elijah had now been carried out ; 
the third still remained. The time was come for 
the fulfilment of the curse upon Ahab by anointing 



Jehu king over Israel. Elisha's personal share in 
the transaction was confined to giving directions to 
one of the sons of the prophets. — XV. Beyond this 
we have no record of Elisha's having taken any 
part in the revolution of Jehu, or the events which 
followed it. He does not again appear till we find 
him on his deathbed in his own house (xiii. 14—19). 
King Joash, Jehu's grandson, is come to weep over 
the approaching departure of the great and good 
prophet. His words are the same as Elisha's when 
Elijah was taken away, " My father ! my father ! the 
chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof! " But 
one final effort against Syria must be made before 
Elisha's aid becomes unobtainable. At the proph- 
et's command " the arrow of Jehovah's deliverance " 
is discharged toward Syria, and thrice the king 
smote the bundle of arrows on the ground, " and 
stayed. And the man of God was wroth with 
him, and said, Thou shouldest have smitten five 
or six times, then hadst thou smitten Syria till thou 
hadst conquered it ; whereas now thou shalt smite 
Syria but thrice." (Joash 2.)— XVI. (xiii. 20-22). 
The power of the prophet, however, does not ter- 
minate with his death. Even in the tomb he re- 
stores the dead to life. It is the only instance in 
the whole Bible of restoration wrought by the inani- 
mate remains of prophet or saint. — We must not 
omit to notice the parallel which Elisha presents to 
our Lord — the more necessary because, unlike the 
resemblance between Elijah and John the Baptist, 
no attention is called to it in the N. T. It is not 
merely because he healed a leper, raised a dead 
man, or increased the loaves, that Elisha resembled 
Christ, but rather because of that loving, gentle 
temper and kindness of disposition — characteristic 
of him above all the saints of the 0. T. — ever ready 
to soothe, to heal, and to conciliate, which attracted 
to him women and simple people, and made him 
the universal friend and " father," not only con- 
sulted by kings and generals, but resorted to by 
widows and poor prophets in their little troubles 
and perplexities. — Elisha is canonized in the Greek 
church. His day is June 14. 

E-li' shall (Heb. firm binding, firm bond, Sim. ; 
see below), the eldest son of Javan and grandson 
of Japheth (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 7). The residence 
of his descendants is described in Ez. xxvii. 7, as 
the " isles of Elishah," whence the Phenicians ob- 
tained their purple and blue dyes. Josephus iden- 
tified the race of Elishah with the ^Eolians, who 
were one of the two leading Greek tribes, and for- 
merly inhabited Thessaly, Boeotia, Anatolia, Pelo- 
ponnesus, &c. His view is adopted by Knobel and 
Fiirst in preference to the more generally received 
opinion of Bochart, Gesenius, &c, that Elishah = 
Mis (a district of the Peloponnesus), and in a more 
extended sense Peloponnesus, and to the view of 
Michaelis, that Elishah = Hellas (i. e. ancient 
Greece). It appears correct to treat it as the des- 
ignation of a race rather than of a locality. Greek. 

E-lish'a-ma (Heb. whom God hears, Ges.). 1. Son 
of Ammihud ; the " prince " or " captain " of the 
tribe of Ephraim in the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. 
i. 10, ii. 18, vii. 48, 53, x. 22) ; grandfather of 
Joshua 1 (1 Chr. vii. 26). — 2. A son of King David, 
born of one of his wives after his establishment 
in Jerusalem (2 Sam. v. 16 ; 1 Chr. iii. 8, xiv. 7). — 
3. Another son of David (iii. 6), also called 
Elishua. — 1. A descendant of Judah; son of Jek- 
amiah (ii. 41); apparently identified in Jewish tra- 
ditions with — 5. The father of Nethaniah and grand- 
father of Ishmael 6 (2 K. xxv. 25 ; Jer. xli. 1).— 6. 



272 



ELI 



ELY 



Scribe to King Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12, 20, 21). — 
7, A priest in Jehoshaphat's time, sent to teach 
the people (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 

E-lish'a-phat (Heb. whom God judges, Ges.), son 
of Zichri ; one of the captains of hundreds in the 
time of Jehoiada (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 

E-lish'e-ba (Heb. God her oath, i. e. worshipper 
of God, Ges.), the wife of Aaron (Ex. vi. 23). She 
was daughter of Amminadab, and sister of Nah- 
shon the captain of Judah. 

El-i-shu'a or E-lish'n-a (Heb. God his salvation, 
Ges.), one of David's sons, born in Jerusalem (2 
Sam. v. 15 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 5) ; = Elishama 3. 

E-lis'i-nius = Eliashib 5 (1 Esd. ix. 28). 

E-li'u (= Elihu), ancestor of Judith (Jd. viii. 1). 

E-li'ud (L. fr. Heb. = God of the Jews), son of 
Achhn in the genealogy of Christ (Mat. i. 14, 15). 

E-liz'a-phan (fr. Heb.= whom Godprotects, Ges.). 
1. A Levite, son of Uzziel, chief of the Kohathites at 
the census in the Wilderness of Sinai (Num. iii. 30). 
— 2. Son of Parnach ; the prince of Zebulun who 
assisted in the division of Canaan (xxxiv. 25). 

E-li'znr (fr. Heb. = God his rock, Ges.), son of 
Shedeur ; prince of Reuben in the Wilderness of 
Sinai (Num. i. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18). 

El'ka-iiali (Heb. whom God created, Ges.), 1. 
A Kohathite Levite, son or rather grandson (1 Chr. 
vi. 23; [Heb. 8]) of Korah (Ex. vi. 24).— 2. A de- 
scendant of No. l,son of Joel (1 Chr. vi. 25, 36). — 
3. Another descendant of No. 1 in the line of Ahi- 
moth, otherwise Mahath (vi. 26, 35 [Heb. 11, 20]). — 
1. Another Kohathite Levite, in the line of Heman 
the singer ; son of Jeroham, and father of Samuel 
the Prophet (vi. 27, 34). He lived at Ramathaim- 
zophim, in Mount Ephraim, in Eli's time ; was a 
pious man of some wealth who went up yearly to 
Shiloh to worship and sacrifice ; had two wives, 
Hannah and Peninnah, and children by the latter 
but none by the former, till the birth of Samuel, 
after which he had by Hannah three sons and 
two daughters (1 Sam. i. 1, 4, 8, 19, 21, 23, ii. 2, 
20). — 5. A Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16) ; perhaps the 
same as — 6. A doorkeeper of the Ark in David's 
time (xv. 23). — 7. A Korhite who joined David at 
Ziklag (xii. 6). — 8. An officer in the household of 
Ahaz, king of Judah, slain by Zichri the Ephraim- 
ite, when Pekah invaded Judah. He seems to 
have been the second in command under the pre- 
fect of the palace (2 Chr. xxviii. 7). 

El'kosll (Heb. God's bow,\. e. power, might, Pii.), 
the birthplace of the prophet Nahum, hence called 
" the Elkoshite " (Nah. i. 1). Two widely differing 
Jewish traditions assign as widely different local- 
ities to this place. In the time of Jerome it was 
believed to exist in a small village of Galilee. 
According to Schwartz, the grave of Nahum is 
shown at Kefr Tanchum, a village two and a half 
English miles N. of Tiberias. But mediaeval tra- 
dition attached the fame of the prophet's burial- 
place to Elkush, a village E. of the Tigris, near 
the monastery of Rabban Hormezd, and about thirty 
miles N. of Mosul (B. S. Lx. 642-3). The former is 
more in accordance with the internal evidence af- 
forded by the prophecy, which gives no sign of 
having been written in Assyria. 

* El'kosh-ite (fr. Heb.) — one from Elkosh (Nah. 
i. 1). 

El'la-sar (Heb. oak of Assyria ? Jerusalem Tar- 
gum, Fij.) (Gen. xiv. 1, 9) has been considered a 
district or region = Thelasak ; but Rawlinson re- 
gards it as the city of Arioch, and the Hebrew rep- 
resentative of the old Chaldean town called in the 



native dialect Larsa or Larancha. Larsa was a 
town of Lower Babylonia or Chaldea, situated 
nearly halfway between Ur (Mugheir) and Erech 
( Warka), on the left bank of the Euphrates. It 
is now Senkereh. 

Elm (Hos. iv. 13). Oak 2. 

El-mo'dam (Gr., apparently = Almodad), son of 
Er, in the genealogy of Joseph (Lk. iii. 28). 

Ei'na-am (Heb. God his delight, Ges.), the father 
of Jeribai and Joshaviah, two of David's "valiant 
men" (1 Chr. xi. 46). 

Eliia-llian or M-na than (Heb. whom God has 
given — Theodore, Ges.). 1. The maternal grand- 
father of Jehoiachin, distinguished as " Elnathan 
of Jerusalem" (2 K. xxiv. 8); doubtless = El- 
nathan the son of Achbor (Jer. xxvi. 22, xxxvi. 12, 
25). — 2. The name of three among the "chief men " 
and " men of understanding " in Ezra's time (Ezr. 
viii. 16). 

*E-lo'him, a Heb. pi. applied as a pi. of excel- 
lence to the true " God " (Jehovah), or as a simple 
pi. to the " gods " (Idol) of the heathen. 

* E-lo'i (Aram. = my God) (Mk. xv. 34). Eli, 
Eli, lama Sabachthani. 

E'lon (fr. Heb. — oak, Ges.). 1. A Hittite, whose 
daughter (Adah ; Bashemath) was one of Esau's 
wives (Gen. xxvi. 34, xxxvi. 2). — 2. The second of 
the three sons of Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14 ; Num. 
xxvi. 26) ; founder of the family of the Elonites. 
— 3. " Elon the Zebulonite " judged Israel ten 
years, and was buried in Aijalon in Zebulun (Judg. 
xii. 11, 12). 

E'lon (fr. Heb. = oak, Ges.), a city in the border 
of Dan (Josh. xix. 43) ; not identified. 

E'lon-beth-lia'nan(fr. Heb. = oak of the house of 
grace) is named with two Danite towns in one of 
Solomon's commissariat districts (1 K. iv. 9). 

E lon-ites, the (Num. xxvi. 26). Elon 2. 

E'loth = Elath (1 K. ix. 26 ; 2 K. xvi. 6 margin ; 
2 Chr. viii. 17, xxvi. 2). 

El'pa-al (Heb. God his wages, Ges.), a Benjamite, 
son of Hushim and brother of Abitub (1 Chr. viii. 
11) ; founder of a numerous family. 

El'pa-let (Heb.= Eliphelet), one of David's sons 
born in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xiv. 5); = Eliphelet 1. 

El-pa'ran (fr. Heb. = the terebinth or oak of Pa- 
ran) (Gen. xiv. 6). Pakan. 

El'te-keh (Heb. God its fear, Ges.), a city in the 
border of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), allotted to the Ko- 
hathite Levites (xxi. 23). 

El'te-kon (Heb. God its foundation, Ges.), a city 
in the mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 59). Wilson 
(i. 387) suggests that Eltekon perhaps = Tekoa. 

El'to-lad (Heb. perhaps = God its race or pos- 
lerity, Ges.), a city in the S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 
30), allotted to Simeon (xix. 4), and in possession 
of that tribe until the time of David (1 Chr. iv. 
29). (Tolad.) Wilton {The Negeb) places it in 
the Wady el-Thoula or Luss&n, sixty or seventy 
miles S. of Gaza. Rowlands (in Fairbairn, under 
" South Country ") supposes its site may be in 
Wady Salud, thirty or forty miles S. E. of Gaza. 

E'lnl (Heb.) (Neh. vi. 15 ; 1 Mc. xiv. 27). Month. 

E-ln'zai or E-ln'za-i (Heb. God is my praises, i. e. 
the object of my praise, Ges.), one of the war- 
riors of Benjamin, who joined David at Ziklag (1 
Chr. xii. 5). 

El-y-me'ans (fr. Gr.) = Elamites (Jd. i. 6). Elt- 

MAIS. 

* El-y-ma'is (Gr. = Elam), the country of the 
Elymeans (Tob. ii. 10) ; a district of the Persian 
empire, E. of Susiana (so Strabo) ; a part of Su- 



ELY 



EMB 



273 



giana on the Persian gulf (so Ptolemy). A city 
Elymais (1 Mc. vi. 1) has no existence (so Winer). 
Elam ; Nanea. 

El'y-mas (L. fr. Ar. = wise, learned, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex. [Magi], a name of the Jewish sorcerer (Magic) 
Bar-jesus, who had attached himself to the pro- 
consul of Cyprus, Sergius Paulus (Acts xiii. 6 ft'.). 
On his attempting to dissuade the proconsul from 
embracing the Christian faith, he was struck with 
miraculous blindness by the Apostle Paul. 

El'za-l>ad(Heb. whom God has given — Theodore, 
Ges.). 1. One of the Gadite heroes who came across 
the Jordan to David in the wilderness of Judah (1 
Chr. xii. 12). — 2. A Korhite Levite, son of She- 
maiah, and grandson of Obed-edom (xxvi. 1). 

El'za-phan (fr. Heb. = Elizaphan), a Kohathite 
Levite, second son of Uzziel (Ex. vi. 22). 

Em-balm'ing, the process by which dead bodies 
are preserved from putrefaction and decay. It 
was most general among the Egyptians, and it is 




Mummy of Penamen, priest of Amnu Ra. — British MuBeom. — (Fairbairn.) 



in connection with this people that the two in- 
stances in the 0. T. are mentioned (Gen. 1. 2, 26). 
Of the Egyptian method of embalming there re- 
main two minute accounts (by Herodotus and Dio- 
dorus Siculus), which have a general kind of 
agreement, though they differ in details. Herodo- 
tus (ii. 86-89) describes three modes, varying in 
completeness and expense, and practised by per- 
sons regularly trained to the profession, who were 
initiated into the mysteries of the art by their ances- 
tors. The most costly mode, which is estimated by 
Diodorus Siculus (i. 91) at a talent of silver (more 
than $1,000), was, said by the Egyptian priests to 
belong to him whose name in such a matter it was 
not lawful to mention, viz. Osiris. The embalmers 
first removed part of the brain through the nostrils, 
by means of a crooked iron, and destroyed the rest 
by injecting caustic drugs. An incision was then 
made along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone, 
and the whole of the intestines removed. The 
cavity was rinsed out with palm-wine, and afterward 
scoured with pounded perfumes. It was then filled 
with pure myrrh pounded, cassia, and other aromat- 
ics, except frankincense. This done, the body was 
sewn up and steeped in natron for seventy days. 
When the seventy days were accomplished, the em- 
balmers washed the corpse and swathed it in band- 
ages of linen, cut in strips and smeared with gum. 
They then gave it up to the relatives of the deceased, 
who provided for it a wooden case, made in the 
shape of a man, in which the dead was placed, and 
deposited in an erect position against the wall of 
the sepulchral chamber. Diodorus Siculus omits 
all mention of the steeping in natron, but gives 
some particulars omitted by Herodotus. When the 
body was laid out for embalming, the scribe marked 
out the part of the left flank for the incision. 
The dissector then hastily cut through as much 
flesh as the law enjoined, and fled, pursued by 
curses and volleys of stones from the spectators. 
One embalmer extracted the intestines, except the 
heart and kidneys ; another cleansed and rinsed them 
in palm wine and perfumes. The body was then wash- 
ed with oil of cedar, &c, for more than thirty days, 
and afterward sprinkled with myrrh, cinnamon, &c. 
18 



The second mode of embalming cost about twenty 
mina;=one-third of a talent. In this case no incision 
was made in the body, nor were the intestines re- 
moved, but cedar-oil was injected into the stomach 
by the rectum. The oil was prevented from escap- 
ing, and the body was then steeped in natron for the 
appointed number of days. On the last day the cil 
was withdrawn, and carried off with it the stomach 
and intestines in a state of solution, while the flesh 
was consumed by the natron, and nothing was left 
but the skin and bones. The body in this state 
was returned to the relatives of the deceased. The 
third mode, which was adopted by the poorer 
classes, and cost but little, consisted in rinsing out 




Different forme of Mummy Cases. — (Wilkinson.) 
1, 2, 4, of wood. 3, 5, G, 7, 8, of stone. 9, of wood, and of early time — be- 
fore the eighteenth dynasty. 10, of burnt earthenware. 

the intestines with syrmaea, an infusion of senna 
and cassia, and steeping the body for the usual num- 
ber of days in natron. The medicaments employed 
in embalming were various. From a chemical analysis 
of the substances found in mummies, M. Rouelle 
detected three modes of embalming — 1. with as- 
phaltum, or Jew's pitch, called also funeral gum, 
or gum of mummies ; 2. with a mixture of asphal- 
tum and cedria, the liquor distilled from the cedar ; 
3. with this mixture together with some resinous 
and aromatic ingredients. The powdered aromatics 
mentioned by Herodotus were not mixed with the 
bituminous matter, but sprinkled into the cavities 
of the body. But the differences in the descriptions 
of Herodotus and Diodorus, and the impossibility of 
reconciling these descriptions in all points with the 
results of scientific observations upon existing mum- 
mies, lead to the conclusion that these descriptions, 
if correct in themselves, do not include every method 
of embalming which was practised, and that con- 
sequently any discrepancies between them and the 
Bible narrative cannot be fairly attributed to a 
want of accuracy in the latter. The events of Gene- 
sis were more than 1,000 years before Herodotus, 
who lived 400 years before Diodorus. The Egyp- 
tians practised embalming (so Herodotus) in accord- 
ance with their peculiar doctrine of the transmigra- 



274 



EMB 



ENA 



tion of souls. When the practice ceased entirely is 
unknown. It does not appear that embalming, 
properly so called, was practised by the Hebrews. 
Burial ; Egypt. 

Ein-broid cr-er, in the A. V. = the Heb. rokem, 
the productions of the art being described as 
"needlework " or " broidered work " (Heb. rikm&h). 
In Exodus xxxv. 35, &c, the embroiderer is con- 
trasted with the " cunning workman " (Heb. hosMb 
or chosheb). Various explanations have been of- 
fered as to the distinction between them, but most of 
these overlook the distinction marked in the Bible 
itself, viz. that the " embroiderer " wove simply a 
variegated texture, without gold thread or figures, 
and that the "cunning workman" interwove gold 
thread or figures into the variegated texture. The 
distinction, as given by the Talmudists, Gesenius, and 
Bahr, is this — that rikm&h, or "needlework," was 
where a pattern was attached to the stuff by being 
sewn on to it on one side, and the work of the " cun- 
ning workman " when the pattern was worked into 
the stuff by the loom, and so appeared on both sides. 
This view appears (so Mr. Bevan) to be entirely in- 
consistent with the statements of the Bible, and 
with the sense of the word rikm&h elsewhere. The 
absence of the figure or the gold thread in the one, 
and its presence in the other, constitute the essence 
of the distinction. The word translated " cunning 
workman " involves the idea of invention or design- 
ing patterns; that translated "needlework" the 
idea of texture as well as variegated color, also of a 
regular disposition of colors, which demanded no 
inventive genius. The Heb. verb s/idbats, translated 
in the A. V. " embroider " (Ex. xxviii. 39), and its 
derivative tashbets, translated " broidered " in ver. 4, 
refer to stuff worked in a lesselated manner, i. e. with 
square cavities such as stones might be set in (the 
6ame verb is translated "set" in ver. 20). The art 
of embroidery by the loom was extensively practised 
among the nations of antiquity. In addition to the 
Egyptians, the Babylonians were celebrated for it 
(Babylonish Garment) ; but embroidery in the prop- 
er sense of the term, i. e. with the needle, was a 
Phrygian invention of later date (Pliny viii. 48). 
Dress ; Girdle. 

Em'e-rald, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
nophech, a precious stone, first in the second row on 
the breastplate of the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 18, 
xxxix. 11), imported to Tyre from Syria (Ez. xxvii. 
16), used as an ornament of clothing (xxviii. 13, 
margin " chrysoprase "). In Exodus, and perhaps 
in Ezekiel xxviii. 13, the LXX. translate by anthrax, 
and the Vulgate by carbnncidus (see Carbuncle 3) ; 
in Ezekiel xxvii. both vary from the Hebrew, and 
give no equivalent for this word. Gesenius trans- 
lates "a gem, precious stone, of an uncertain kind." 
Fiirst has " a carbuncle, or a ruby." (Contrast car- 
buncle 2.) — 2. Gr. smaragdos, a precious stone, 
used as a seal or signet (Ecclus. xxxii. 6), as an or- 
nament of bed furniture (Jd. x. 21), and spoken of 
as one of the foundations of Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 
19; Tob. xiii. 16). The rainbow round the throne 
is compared to emerald in Rev. iv. 3. Under this 
Greek name the ancients comprehended not only 
the true emerald, but also green carbonate of cop- 
per or malachite, also sulphate of copper (chryso- 
colla), and other stones, more or less transparent, 
of similar color. The emerald, as a gem, ranks in 
value next to the diamond and ruby. It is a com- 
pound of silica, alumina, and glucina, and differs 
from Beryl in its rich green color, which is due to 
oxide of chrome. 



Ein'e-rods (Heb. 'apholim, tchorim or techorim), 
a disease which God threatened to inflict on the dis- 
obedient Israelites (Deut. xxviii. 27), and which He 
actually inflicted on the Philistines who had the Ark 
(1 Sam. v. 6, 9, 12, vi. 4, 5, 11, IV). It appears 
probable (so Mr. Hayman) that the former of these 
two Hebrew words (which is in the text, except in 1 
Sam. vi. 11, 17) means the disease, and the latter 
(which is in the text in these last passages, and in 
the Keri elsewhere) the part affected, which must 
necessarily have been included in the actually ex- 
isting image of it, and have struck the eye as the 
essential thing represented, to which the disease was 
an incident. As some morbid swelling, then, seems 
the most probable nature of the disease, so no more 
probable conjecture has been advanced than that 
hemorrhoidal tumors, or bleeding piles, are intend- 
ed: These are very common in Syria at present, ori- 
ental habits of want of exercise and improper food, 
producing derangement of the liver, constipation, 
&c, being such as to cause them. 

I: mini, or E minis (Heb. terrors, i. e. terrible ones), 
a tribe or family of gigantic stature (giants), smit- 
ten by Chcdorlaomer at Shaveh Kiriathaim (Gen. 
xiv. 5), and occupying the country afterward held 
by the Moabites (Deut. ii. 10, 11). They were re- 
lated to the Anakim, and were generally called by 
the same name ; but the Moabites termed them 
Emim. 

Eni-mann-el (L. fr. Heb.) = Immanuel (Mat. i. 
23). 

Em-ma'ns (L. fr. Heb. = warm bath, Jos. ; see 
Hammath), the village to which the two disciples 
were going when our Lord appeared to them on the 
way, on the day of His resurrection (Lk. xxiv. 13). 
Luke makes its distance from Jerusalem sixty stadia 
(A. V. "threescore furlongs "), or about 7| miles ; 
and Josephus mentions " a village called Emmaus " 
at the same distance. From the earliest period of 
which we have any record down to the 14th cen- 
tury, the opinion prevailed among Christian writers 
that the Emmaus of Luke = the Emmaus No. 2 on 
the border of the plain of Philistia, some 20 miles 
from Jerusalem (so Eusebius and Jerome, Robin- 
son, &c). About a. d. 1300 it began to be supposed 
that the site of Emmaus was at the little village of 
Kubcibch, about seven miles N. W. from Jerusalem. 
Thomson (ii. 308, 540) and Williams ( Churches in 
Palestine 7) suppose the site at Kurial el-Enab (Kir- 
jath-Jearim). The distance from Jerusalem is the 
main argument for both these last suppositions. 
Mr. Porter thinks the site of Emmaus remains yet 
to be identified. — 2. A town in the plain of Philis- 
tia, at the foot of the mountains of Judah, twenty- 
two Roman miles from Jerusalem, and ten from 
Lydda. It was fortified by Bacchides, the general 
of Antiochus Epiphanes, in the war with Jonathan 
Maccabeus (1 Mc. ix. 50). In the plain beside this 
city Judas Maccabeus had signally defeated the 
Syrians with a mere handful of men (1 Mc. iii. 40, 
57, iv. 3, &c). Emmaus became the capital of a 
toparchy under the Romans ; was burned by the 
Roman general Varus about a. d. 4 ; rebuilt and 
named Nieopolis about a. d. 220. A small miser- 
able village called ^Amwds still occupies the site of 
the ancient city. 

Em'mer (Gr.) = Immer 1 (1 Esd. ix. 21). 

Em'mor (Gr.) = Hamor (Acts vii. 16). 

*E-najim (fr. Heb. 'Eynayim = Enam) (Gen. 
xxxviii. 14, 21). See Enam. 

E'nain (fr. Heb. 'Eyndm = the double spi-ing), a 
city in the lowland (Valley 5) of Judah (Josh. xv. 



ENA 



ENE 



275 



34). From its mention with towns known to have 
been near Timnath, this is very probably the place 
in the " doorway " or entrance of which Tamar sat 
before her interview with her father-in-law (Gen. 
xxxviii. 14, A. V. " in an open place," margin " in 
the door of eyes " or " of Enajim ; " verse 21, A. V. 
"openly," margin "in Enajim "), 

Vj nau (fr. Heb. = having eyes, Ges.), father of 
Ahira, "prince" of Naphtali at the numbering in 
the wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 15, &c). 

E-nas'i-bns (fr. Gr.) = Eliashib 6 (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

En-camp meat (Heb. mahaneh or machaneh, in all 
places except 2 K. vi. 8, where tahanoth or tachanoth 
is used, A. V. usually " camp "). The word prima- 
rily denoted the resting-place of an army or com- 
pany of travellers at night (Ex. xvi. 13 ; Gen. xxxii. 
21, A. V. "company"), and was hence applied to 
the army or caravan when on its march (Ex. xiv. 
19 ; Josh. x. 5, xi. 4, A. V. " hosts " in both ; 
Gen. xxxii. 7, A.V. " bands ; " 8, A.V. " company "). 
Among nomadic tribes war never attained to the 
dignity of a science, and their encampments were 
consequently devoid of all the appliances of more 
systematic warfare. The description of the camp 
of the Israelites on their march from Egypt (Num. 
ii., iii.), supplies the greatest amount of information 
on the subject : whatever else may be gleaned is 
from scattered hints. (Army.) The tabernacle, 
corresponding to the chieftain's tent of an ordinary 
encampment, was placed in the centre, and around 
and facing it, arranged in four grand divisions, cor- 
responding to the four points of the compass, lay 
the host of Israel, according to their standards (i. 
52, ii. 2 if.). In the centre, round the tabernacle, 
and with no standard but the cloudy or fiery pillar 
which rested over it, were the tents of the priests 
and Levites, the foTmer, with Moses and Aaron at 
their head, on the E. side ; the Kohathites on the 
S. ; the Gershonites on the W. ; the Merarites on 
the N. (iii. 23, 29, 35, 38). The order of encamp- 
ment was preserved on the march (ii. IV), the 
signal for which was given by a blast of the two 
silver trumpets (x. 5). In this description of the 
order of the encampment no mention is made of 
sentinels, who, it is reasonable to suppose, were 
placed at the gates (Ex. xxxii. 26, 27) in the four 
quarters of the camp. This was evidently the case 
in the camp of the Levites (compare 1 Chr. ix. 18, 
24 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2). The sanitary regulations of 
the camp of the Israelites were for the twofold pur- 
pose of preserving the health of the vast multitude 
and the purity of the camp as the dwelling-place of 
God (Num. v. 3 ; Deut. xxiii. 10, 12, 14). The dead 
were buried without the camp (Lev. x. 4, 5) ; lepers 
and all with loathsome diseases were excluded (xiii. 
46, xiv. 3; Num. xii. 14, 15); all defiled by contact 
with the dead, and captives taken in war, were kept 
without for seven days (xxxi. 19). The ashes from 
the sacrifices were poured out without the camp at 
an appointed place, where the entrails and all not 
offered in sacrifice were burnt (Lev. iv. 11, 12, vi. 
11, viii. 17). The execution of criminals took place 
without the camp (Lev. xxiv. 14 ; Num. xv. 35, 36 ; 
Josh. vii. 24), as did the burning of the young bul- 
lock for the sin-offering (Lev. iv. 12). These cir- 
cumstances combined explain Heb. xiii. 12, and 
John xix. 17, 20. High ground appears to have 
been uniformly selected for the camp, whether on a 
hill or mountain side, or in an inaccessible pass 
(Judg. vii. 1, 8, x. 17; 1 Sam. xiii. 2, &c). The 
carelessness of the Midianites in encamping in the 
plain exposed them to the night surprise by Gideon, 



and resulted in their consequent discomfiture (Judg. 
vi. 33, vii. 8, 12). But another important considera- 
tion in fixing upon a position for a camp was the 
nearness of water : hence it is found that in most 
instances camps were pitched near a spring or well 
(vii. 1 ; 1 Mc. ix. 33). The camp was surrounded 
by the ma'gdlah (1 Sam. xvii. 20), or ma) gal (xxvi. 
5, 7), which Hebrew words some explain as an 
earthwork thrown up round the encampment (A. V. 
" trench "), others as the barriers formed by the 
baggage-waggons (Carriage 5). We know that, in 
the case of a siege, the attacking army, if possible, 
surrounded the place attacked (1 Mc. xiii. 43, &c). 
(War.) But there was not so much need of a formal 
intrenchment, as but few instances occur in which 
engagements were fought in the camps themselves, 
and these only when the attack was made at night. 
To guard against these attacks, sentinels were posted 
round the camp (Judg. vii. 19 ; 1 Mc. xii. 27). The 
valley which separated the hostile camps was gen- 
erally selected as the fighting-ground upon which 
the contest was decided, and hence the valleys of 
Palestine have played so conspicuous a part in its 
history (Josh. viii. 13 ; Judg. vi. 33 ; 2 Sam. v. 22, 
viii. 13, &c). When the fighting-men went forth 
to the place of marshalling, a detachment was left to 
protect the camp and baggage (1 Sam. xvii. 20-22, 
xxx. 24). The beasts of burden were probably 
tethered to the tent-pegs (2 K. vii. 10 ; Zech. xiv. 
15). Garrison ; Mahanaim ; Mahaneh-Dan. 

En-ehant ments. Several Hebrew words are trans- 
lated by this and kindred terms. 1. Heb. Idtim or 
lehdtim (Ex. vii. 11, 22, viii. 7, 18) = secret arts. — 2. 
Ceshdphim, A.V. "witchcrafts" (2 K. ix. 22; 
Mic. v. 12 ; Nah. iii. 4), " sorceries " (Is. xlvii. 9, 
12), = muttered spells. The belief in the power of 
certain formulae was universal in the ancient world. 
— 3. Lahash or lachash, A. V. " enchantment " 
(Eccl. x. 11), in the pi. " ear-rings," i. e. amulets (Is. 
iii. 20), &c. (Divination 8.) This word is espe- 
cially used of the charming of serpents. — 4. The 
kindred word nahash or nachash, A. V. " enchant- 
ment " = (so Gesenius) incantation, enchantment 
Num. xxiii. 23) ; augury, omen, which one takes 
xxiv. 1). (Divination 8.) — 5. Heber or cheber = 
spell, enchantment, Ges. Divination 9 ; Magic. 

En -dor (fr. Heb. 'eyn-Dor — spring of Dor ; 
fount of the dwelling, Ges.), a place in the territory 
of Issachar, and yet possessed by Manasseh (Josh, 
xvii. 11); long held in memory by the Jewish 
people as connected with the great victory over 
Sisera and Jabin (Ps. lxxxiii. 9, 10); the place 
where Saul, on the eve of his last engagement with 
the Philistines, consulted a woman that had "a 
familiar spirit" (1 Sam. xxviii. 7). (Magic.) Eu- 
sebius describes it as a large village four miles S. 
j of Tabor. Here on the N. E. corner of Jebel ed- 
I Duhy, seven or eight miles from the slopes of Gil- 
boa, the name still lingers, attached to a miserable 
village. The rock of the mountain, on which it 
stands, is hollowed into caves, one of which may 
well have been the scene of the witch's incantation. 

E'ne-as (L. JEneas, pron. Ee-nee'as), a paralytic at 
Lydda, healed by the Apostle Peter (Acts ix. 33, 34). 

En-eg-la'im (fr. Heb. = spring of two heifers), a 
place named only by Ezekiel (xlvii. 10), apparently 
as on the Dead Sea. Jerome locates it at the 
I mouth of the Jordan. Some make it = Eglaim, 
but the two words are different. 

En-e-mes'sar (Gr.), a corruption of the name 
Shalmaneser (Tob. i. 2, 15, &c). 

E-nc'ni-ns (fr. Gr.), one of the leaders of the 



276 



ENG 



ENO 



people who returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 8); 
not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

En-gad'di = En-gedi (Ecclus. xxiv. 14). 

Ell-gau'nini (fr. Heb. = spring of gardens). 1. 
A city in the low country of Judah, named between 
Zanoah and Tappuah (Josh. xv. 34). — 2. A city on 
the border of lssachar (six. 21), allotted to the 
Gershonite Levites (xxi. 29) ; probably (Rbn. ii. 
315) = the Ginaia of Josephus (xx. 6, § 1), which 
again, there can be little doubt, survives in the 
modern Jenin, the first village encountered on the 
ascent from the great plain of Esdraelon into the 
hills of the central country. Jenin contains about 
2,000 inhabitants and is the capital of a large dis- 
trict. It is still surrounded by " orchards" or " gar- 
dens," and the " spring " is to this day the character- 
istic object in the place. Anem ; Garden-House. 

Eu'-ge-di (fr. Heb. = the fountain of the kid), a 
town in the wilderness of Judah (Josh. xv. 62), on 
the W. shore of the Dead Sea (Ez. xlvii. 10); ori- 
ginally Hazezon-Tamar. Its site is now well known. 
It is about the middle of the W. shore of the lake. 
Here is a rich plain, half a mile square, sloping 
very gently from the base of the mountains to the 
water, and shut in on the N. by a lofty promontory. 
About one mile up the western acclivity, and some 
four hundred feet above the plain, is the fountain 
of 'i» Jidy, from which the place gets its name. 
Its banks are now cultivated by a few families of 
Arabs, who generally pitch their tents near this 
spot. Traces of the old city exist unon the plain 
and lower declivity of the mountain, on the S. bank 
of the brook. (See the view in the article Sea, the 
Salt.) The history of En-gedi, though it reaches 
back nearly 4,000 years, may be told in a few sen- 
tences. Immediately after an assault upon the "Am- 
orites, that dwelt in Hazezon-Tamar," the five Mes- 
opotamian kings were attacked by the rulers of the 
plain of Sodom (Gen. xiv. 7 ; compare 2 Chr. xx. 2). 
Saul was told that David was in the " wilderness of 
En-gedi (i. e. the wild region in its neighborhood, 
full of caverns, ravines, &c.) ; " and he took " 3,000 
men, and went to seek David and his men upon the 
rocks of the wild goats" (1 Sam. xxiii. 29, xxiv. 1- 
4). At a later period En-gedi was the gathering- 
place of the Moabites and Ammonites who went up 
against Jerusalem, and fell in the valley of Berachah 
(2 Chr. xx. 2). The vineyards of En-gedi were cel- 
ebrated by Solomon (Cant. i. 14), its balsam by Jo- 
sephus, and its palms by Pliny and in Ecclus. xxiv. 
14. But vineyards no longer clothe the mountain- 
side, and neither palm-tree nor balsam is seen on 
the plain. 

En'ginc [-jin], a term exclusively applied to mili- 
tary affairs in the Bible. The engines of king Uzziah, 

^% 




Afl3yrisn War Engine?, from Botta, plate 160. 



in 2 Chr. xxvi. 15, were designed to propel various 
missiles from the walls of a besieged town : one, like 
the L. balista, was for stones, consisting probably of 
a strong spring and a tube to give the right direc- 
tion to the stone ; another, like the L. catapulta, for 
arrows, an enormous stationary bow (compare 1 
Mc. vi. 51, 52). Another war-engine was the bat- 
tering-ram (Ez. iv. 2, xxi. 22, xxvi. 9). (Ram, Bat- 
tering.) The marginal rendering, " engine of shot " 
( Jer. vi. 6, xxxii. 24 ; Ez. xxvi. 8), is incorrect ; the 
text has " mount," i. e. mound. War. 

* En glish [ing'glish] lei'sicrs. Version, Au- 
thorized. 

En-gravcr, the A. V. translation of Heb. hdrash 
or chdrash in Ex. xxviii. 11, xxxv. 35, xxxviii. 23. 
The term = any artificer in wood, stone, or metal. 
(Charashim; Handicraft.) The chief business of 
an "engraver in stone" (xxviii. 11) was cutting 
names or devices on rings and seals ; the only no- 
tices of engraving are in connection with the high- 
priest's dress — the two onyx-stones, the twelve 
jewels, and the mitre-plate having inscriptions on 
them (xxviii. 11, 21, 36). But the same artisan 
(e. g. Aholiab, Bezaleel, Hiram 2) combined, in 
skill and practice, many branches, which modern 
division of labor distinguishes and assigns to dif- 
ferent men (Dr. P. Holmes in Kitto). Print ; Seal. 

En-liad'dah (fr. Heb. — sharp or swift spring), a 
city on the border of lssachar named next to En- 
gannim (Josh. xix. 21). Van de Velde would iden- 
tify it with 'Ain-haud on the W. side of Carmel, 
and about two miles only from the sea ; but this is 
surely out of the limits of lssachar, and rather in 
Asher or Manasseh. 

En-liak'ko-re (fr. Heb. = the spring of the crier) 
the spring which burst out in answer to the cry 
of Samson after his exploit with the jawbone ( Judg. 
xv. 19). Van de Velde improbably endeavors to 
identify Lehi with Tell el-Lckiyeh four miles N. of 
Beer-sheba, and En-hakkore with the large spring 
between the Tell and Klimelfeh (Keilah ?). 

En-ha'zor (fr. Heb. = spring of the village), a 
fenced city in Naphtali, distinct from Hazor (Josh, 
xix. 3V); not yet identified. 

Ell-Dlisll'pat (fr. Heb. = fountain of judgment, 
Ges.) = Kadesh (Gen. xiv. 7). 

Enoch [-nok] (Gr. fr. Heb. HanSch or Chanoch 
— initiated or initiating, Ges.; = Hanoch). 1. 
The eldest son of Cain (Gen. iv. 17), who called 
the city which he built after his name (18). 
Ewald fancies that there is a reference to the 
Phrygian Iconium. Other places have been iden- 
tified with the site of Enoch with little proba- 
bility : e. g. Anachta in Susiana, the Heniochi in 
the Caucasus, &c. — 2. The son of Jared and 
father of Methuselah (Gen. v. 21 
fT. ; Lk. iii. 37); — Henoch in 1 
Chr. i. 3. In Jude 14 he is de- 
scribed as " the seventh from 
Adam ; " and the number is prob- 
ably noticed as conveying the idea 
of divine completion and rest, 
while Enoch was himself a type 
of perfected humanity. The other 
numbers connected with his his- 
tory appear too sjTnmetrical to be 
without meaning (162 = 9x6x3, 
65 = 5 x 6~+~7, 365, &c). After 
the birth of Methuselah it is said 
(Gen. v. 22-4) that Enoch "walked 
with God 300 years . . . and he was 
not; for God took him." The phrase 



ENO 



ENO 



277 



" walked with God " is elsewhere only used of Noah 
(vi. 9; compare xvii. 1, &c), and is to be explained 
of a prophetic life spent in immediate converse 
with the spiritual world. In Ecclus. xliv. 16, xlix. 
14, he is spoken of among the " famous men " as 
' ! translated," " taken " up " from the earth." In 
Heb. xi. 5 the spring and issue of Enoch's life are 
clearly marked. The biblical notices of Enoch 
were a fruitful source of speculation in later times. 
Some theologians disputed with subtilty as to the 
place to which he was removed. Both the Latin 
and Greek fathers commonly coupled Enoch and 
Elijah as historic witnesses of the possibility of 
a resurrection of the body and of a true human 
existence in glory ; and the voice of early ecclesi- 
astical tradition is almost unanimous in regarding 
them as "the two witnesses" (Rev. xi. 3 ff.) who 
should fall before " the beast."— 3. In 2 Esd. vi. 
49, 51, Enoch stands in the Latin (and English) Ver- 
sion for Behemoth in the Ethiopic. Enoch, Book ok. 

Enoch (fr. Heb. ; see above), the Book of, is one 
of the most important remains of that early apoc- 
alyptic literature of which the book of Daniel is 
tho great prototype. I. The history of the book 
is remarkable. The first trace of its existence is 
generally found in Jude 14, 15 (compare Enoch 
i. 9), but the words of the apostle leave it uncertain 
whether he derived his quotation from tradition or 
from writing, though the wide spread of the book 
in the second century seems almost decisive in 
favor of the latter supposition. It appears to have 
been known to Justin, Irenseus, and Anatolius. 
Clement of Alexandria and Origen both make use 
of it. Tertullian expressly quotes the book as one 
which was " not received by some, nor admitted 
into the Jewish canon," but defends it on account 
of its reference to Christ. Considerable fragments 
are preserved in the Chronographia of Georgius 
Syncellus (about 792 a. d.), and these, with the 
scanty notices of earlier writers, constituted the 
sole remains of the book known in Europe till 
the close of the last century. Meanwhile, how- 
ever, a report was current that the entire book 
was preserved in Abyssinia; and at length, in 1773, 
Bruce brought with him on his return from Egypt 
three MSS. containing the complete Ethiopic trans- 
lation. It was published (Oxford, England, 1838) 
by Archbishop Laurence, who published an English 
translation with an introduction and notes (1821, 
1833, 1838). Dillmann edited the Ethiopic text from 
five MSS. (Leipsic, 1851), and afterward gave a 
German translation with a good introduction and 
commentary (1853). — II. The Ethiopic translation 
was made from the Greek, and probably toward the 
middle or close of the fourth century. The general 
coincidence of the translation with the patristic 
quotations of corresponding passages shows satis- 
factorily that the text from which it was derived 
was the same as that current in the early Church. 
But it is still uncertain whether the Greek text 
was the original, or itself a translation. One of 
the earliest references to the book occurs in the 
Hebrew Book of Jubilees, and the names of the an- 
gels and winds are derived from Aramaic roots. 
In addition to this, a Hebrew book of Enoch was 
known and used by Jewish writers till the thirteenth 
century, so that on these grounds, among others, 
many have supposed that the book was first com- 
posed in Hebrew (Aramean). — III. In its present 
shape the book consists of a series of revelations 
supposed to have been given to Enoch and Noah, 
which extend to the most varied aspects of nature 



and life, and are designed to offer a comprehensive 
vindication of the action of Providence. It has one 
hundred and eight chapters, and may be divided into 
five parts. The first part (chs. 1-36), after a general 
introduction, contains an account of the fall of the 
angels (Gen. vi. 1) and of the judgment to come 
on them and on the giants, their offspring (chs. 6- 
16); and this is followed by the description of the 
journey of Enoch through the earth and lower 
heaven in company with an angel, who showed to 
him many of the great mysteries of nature, the 
treasure-houses of the storms and winds, and fires 
of heaven, the prison of the fallen and the land of 
the blessed (chs. 17-36). The second part (chs. 37- 
71), styled "a vision of wisdom," consists of three 
" parables," in which Enoch relates the revelations 
of the higher secrets of heaven and of the spiritual 
world which were given to him. The first parable 
(chs. 38-44) gives chiefly a picture of the future bless- 
ings and manifestations of the righteous, with fur- 
ther details as to the heavenly bodies : the second 
(chs. 45-57) describes in splendid imagery the coming 
of Messiah, and the results which it should work 
among " the elect " and the gainsayers : the third 
(chs. 58-69) draws out at further length the blessed- 
ness of " the elect and holy," and the confusion 
and wretchedness of the world's sinful rulers. 
The third part (chs. 72-82), styled "the book of the 
course of the lights of heaven," deals with the 
motions of the sun and moon, and the changes of 
the seasons ; and with this the narrative of the 
journey of Enoch closes. The fourth part (chs. 83 
-91), not distinguished by any special name, con- 
tains the record of a dream which was granted to 
Enoch in his youth, in which he saw the history 
of the kingdoms of God and of the world up to the 
final establishment of the throne of Messiah. The 
fifth part (chs. 92-105) contains the last addresses of 
Enoch to his children, in which the teaching of the 
former chapters is made the groundwork of earnest 
exhortation. The signs which attended Noah's 
birth are next noticed (chs. 106-7) ; and another 
short " writing of Enoch " (ch. 108) forms the close 
to the whole book. — IV. The general unity which the 
book possesses in its present form marks it, in the 
main, as the work of one man ; but internal coin- 
cidence shows with equal clearness that different 
fragments were incorporated by the author into his 
work, and some additions were probably made 
afterward. The whole book appears to be distinctly 
of Jewish origin, and it may be regarded as describ- 
ing an important phase of Jewish opinion shortly 
before the coming of Christ (so Mr. Westcott, the 
original author of this article). Hoffmann and 
Weisse place the composition of the whole book 
after Christ ; so Stuart, Volkmar and Alford. 
Ewald distinguishes as the originals three books of 
Enoch, an appendix, and a book of Noah, the ear- 
liest composed about b. c. 144, and the whole edit- 
ed about b. c. 50 with transpositions, abridgments, 
&c. Davidson (in Kitto) agrees in the main with 
Ewald, but supposes only two original books of 
Enoch and a book of Noah. Dillmann upholds 
more decidedly the unity of the book, and as- 
signs the chief part of it to an Aramean writer 
about 110 b. c. The book (so Mr. Westcott) is dis- 
tinguished from 2d Esdras by its tone of triumphant 
expectation. It seems to repeat in every form the 
great principle that the world, natural, moral, and 
spiritual, is under the immediate government of 
God. Hence it follows that there is a terrible retri- 
bution reserved for sinners, and a glorious kingdom 



278 



ENO 



ENS 



prepared for the righteous, and Messiah is regarded 
as the Divine Mediator of this double issue. Not- 
withstanding the quotation in Jude, and the wide 
circulation of the book itself, the apocalypse of 
Enoch was uniformly and distinctly separated from 
the canonical Scriptures. Canon. 

E'non (L. jEnnon; Gr. Ainon ; fr. Chal. pi. 
' Eyndvdn = fountains), a place, " near to Salim " 
(Shalem), at which John baptized (Jn. iii. 23) ; ac- 
cording to the Onomasticon eight miles S. of Scyth- 
opolis, but not yet identified ; probably (so Robinson, 
N. T. Lex.) in one of the lateral valleys running 
down to the valley of the Jordan from the W. (com- 
pare iii. 22 with 26, and i. 28). Mr. Rowlands (in 
Fairbairn, art. Salim) mentions Ainun as an ancient 
site with some ruins five or six miles N. E. of N&bu- 
lus (Shechem) and about five miles N. of Salim. 
(Salim 2.) Barclay places it at Wad;/ Fdrah, a se- 
cluded valley about five miles N. E. of Jerusalem. 

E'nos (L. fr. Heb. enosh = man, Ges.), son of 
Seth ; properly Enosh (Gen. iv. 26, v. 6, 7, 9, 10, 
11 ; Lk. iii. 38). 

E'nosh (Heb. = man, Ges.) = Enos (Gen. iv. 26, 
margin ; 1 dir. i. 1). 

En-rim 'mon (fr. Heb. = fount of the pomegranate), 
one of the places which the men of Judah rein- 
habited after their return from the Captivity (Neh. 
xi. 29). Grotius, Rosenmiiller, Knobel, Keil, and 
Van de Velde suppose that "Ain 2 and Rimmon," 
originally near each other (Josh. xv. 32, xix. 7 ; 1 
Chr. iv. 32), were united after the Captivity as one 
town. Van de Velde places Ain on a hill about 
half a mile from Um er-Rumdmin (Rimmon?), and 
about eight miles N. of Beer-sheba. At the base of 
the hill is a copious fountain (Dr. P. Holmes in Kit- 
to). Wilton and Fairbairn (under " Rimmon ") make 
En-rimmon = Um er-Rumdmin, and believe one 
and the same place intended by " Ain and Rimmon" 
(Josh. xv. 32), and "Ain, Remmon" (xix. 7). Row- 
lands (in Fairbairn under " S. Country ") supposes 
Ain-Rimmon or En-rimmon was on or near a promi- 
nent round hill, Rds es-Serdm, having the Wady el- 
''Ain on its S., and situated about forty miles S. W. 
of Beer-sheba. 

En-ro'gel (fr. Heb. spring of the fuller, Targum ; 
fountain of the scout, Ges.), a spring, near Jerusa- 
lem, on the boundary-line between Judah (Josh. xv. 
7) and Benjamin (xviii. 16). Here, apparently con- 
cealed from the view of the city, Jonathan and 
Ahimaaz remained, after the flight of David, await- 
ing intelligence from within the walls (2 Sam. xvii. 
17); and here, by the stone Zoheleth, Adonijah 
held the feast which was the first and last act of his 
attempt on the crown (1 K. i. 9). By Josephus its 
situation is given as " without the city, in the royal 
garden." In more modem times, a tradition, appa- 
rently first recorded by Brocardus, and accepted by 
Robinson, Thomson, &c, would make En-rogel the 
well of Job or Nehemiah (Bir Eyub), below the 
junction of the valleys of Kidron and Hinnom, and 
S. of the Pool of Siloam. Against this general be- 
lief some strong arguments are urged by Dr. Bonar 
in fnvor of identifying En-rogel with the present 
"Fountain of the Virgin," ''Ain Um ed-Deraj — 
the perennial source from which the Pool of Siloam 
is supplied. 

En-she'mcsli (Heb. = spring of the sun), a spring 
on the N. boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 7) and the 
S. boundary of Benjamin (xviii. 17). The 'Ain 
Hand or Mm Chot — the " Well of the Apostles " — 
about one mile below Bethany, is generally identified 
with En-shemesh. 



En'sign [-sine] (Heb. nes ; in the A. V. generally 
rendered " ensign," or " standard," sometimes " ban- 
ner," &c. ; degel, " standard," except in Cant. ii. 4, 
" banner ; " 6th," ensign " in Num. ii. 2 and Ps. lxxiv. 




Egyptian Ensigns or Standards. — (Fbn.) 
From Cbampollion, 1, 2, 3, 4.— From Wilkinson, 5, 7, 8. — From Roael- 
lini, 6, 9. 




Assyrian Ensigns or Standards. — (Fbn.) 
From Sculpture in British Museum, 1. — From Botta, 2, 3. 




Roman Ensigns or Standards. — (Fbn.) 
From Montfaucon, 1, 2.— From Hope, 3, 4.— From the Arch of Titus, 5. 



4, but usually " sign " or " token "). The distinction 
between these three Hebrew terms is sufficiently 



ENT 



EPH 



279 



marked by their respective uses : nes is a signal ; 
degel a military standard for a large division of an 
army ; and 6th, the same for a small one. Neither 
of them, however, expresses the idea which " stand- 
ard " conveys to our mind, viz. a flag ; the standards 
in use among the Hebrews probably resembled those 
of the Egyptians and Assyrians — a figure or device 
of some kind elevated on a pole. (1.) The notices 
of the nes or " ensign " are most frequent ; it con- 
sisted of some well-understood signal exhibited on 
the top of a pole from a bare mountain top (Is. xiii. 
2 [A. V. " banner "], xviii. 3). What the nature of 
the signal was, we have no means of stating. The 
important point to be observed is, that the nes was 
an occasional signal, and not a military standard. 
(2.) The term degel is used to describe the standards 
given to each of the four divisions of the Israelite 
army at the Exodus (Num. i. 52, ii. 2 ff., x. 14 ff.). 
The character of the Hebrew military standards is 
a matter of conjecture; they probably resembled 
the Egyptian, which consisted of a sacred emblem 
such as an animal, a boat, or the king's name. 

En-tap'pn-all (fr. Heb. = spring of the apple or 
citron; see Apple), probably := Tappuah 2 (Josh, 
xvii. 7). 

E-paen'e-tns [-pen-] (L.) = Epenetus. 

Ep'a-phras (Gr. probably = Epaphroditus), a 
fellow-laborer with the Apostle Paul, mentioned 
Col. i. 7, as having taught the Colossian church the 
grace of God in truth, and designated a faithful 
minister of Christ on their behalf. He was at that 
time with St. Paul at Rome (iv. 12), and seems by 
the expression there used (A. V. " one of you ") to 
have been a Colossian by birth. We find him again 
mentioned in Philemon (ver. 23), which was sent at 
the same time as Colossians. Epaphras may be the 
same person as Epaphroditus, but the notices in the 
N. T. do not enable us to speak with any confidence. 

E-papIl-ro-di'tus (L. fr. Gr. — favored by Aphro- 
dite or Venus, lovely, fascinating, L. & S.), " mes- 
senger " of the Philippian church to the Apostle 
Paul at Rome, and bearer of the Epistle to the Phi- 
lippians ; highly esteemed and commended by St. 
Paul (Phil. ii. 25, iv. 18). Conybeare and Howson 
suppose Epaphroditus was probably a leading pres- 
byter of the church at Philippi. Epaphras. 

E-pcn'e-tns (L. JSpametus, fr. Gr. = praiseworthy 
or praised, L. & S.), a Christian at Rome, greeted by 
St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 5, and designated as his be- 
loved, and the first fruit of Asia (A. V. " Achaia") 
unto Christ; according to unreliable tradition, first 
bishop of Carthage. 

E'phah (fr. Heb. = darkness, Ges.), the first, in 
order, of the sons of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4 ; 1 Chr. i. 
33); afterward mentioned as a tribe (Is. lx. 6), but 
not satisfactorily identified. 

E'phah (see above). 1. Concubine of Caleb 
1, in the line of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 46). — 2. Son 
of Jahdai, also in the line of Judah (ii. 47). 

E'phah (Heb.fr. Egyptian = measure). Weights 
and Measures. 

E'phai (fr. Heb. = weary, languid, Ges.), a Neto- 
phathite, whose sons were among the " captains of 
the forces " left in Judah after the deportation to 
Babylon (Jer. xl. 8, compare xli. 11 ff.). Ishmael 6; 

JOHANAN 3. 

E'pher (Heb. calf, young animal, Ges.), the sec- 
ond, in order, of the sons of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4; 
1 Chr. i. 33). His settlements have not been iden- 
tified with any probability. 

E'pher (see above). 1. A son of Ezra, among the 
descendants of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 17). — 2. One of 



the heads of the families of Manasseh E. of Jordan 
(v. 24). 

E'plies-dam'niim (Heb. end or boundary of blood ?), 
a place between Socoh and Azekah, at which the 
Philistines were encamped before Goliath was killed 
(1 Sam. xvii. 1); = Pas-dammim (1 Chr. xi. 13); 
identified by Van de Velde with a ruined site, 
Damun or Chirbet Damoun, about three miles E. 
of Shuweikeh (Socoh). Elah, Valley or. 

E-phe'sians [-zhanz] (= people of Ephesus), the 
E-pis'tlc to the, was written by the Apostle Paul 
during his first captivity at Rome (Acts xxviii. 16), 
apparently immediately after he had written Colos- 
sians (Colossians, Epistle to), and during that 
period (perhaps the early part of a. d. 62) when his 
imprisonment had not assumed the severer character 
which seems to have marked its close. This sub- 
lime epistle was addressed to the Christian church 
at Ephesus, that church which the Apostle had him- 
self founded (Acts xix. 1 ff., compare xviii. 19), with 
which he abode so long (xx. 31), and from the 
elders of which he parted with such a warm-hearted 
and affecting farewell (xx. 18-35). The contents 
of this epistle easily admit of being divided into two 
portions, the first mainly doctrinal (ch. i.-iii.), the 
second hortatory and practical. With regard to the 
authenticity and genuineness of this epistle, there are 
no just grounds for doubt. The testimonies of an- 
tiquity are unusually strong. Without pressing 
the supposed allusions in Ignatius and Polycarp, 
we can confidently adduce Irenams, Clement of 
Alexandria, Origen, Tertullian, and after them the 
constant and persistent tradition of the ancient 
Church. Even Marcion did not deny that the 
epistle was written by St. Paul, nor did heretics re- 
fuse occasionally to cite it as confessedly due to him 
as its author. In recent times, however, its genuine- 
ness has been somewhat vehemently called in ques- 
tion. De Wette labors to prove that it is a mere 
spiritless expansion of Colossians, though compiled 
in the Apostolic age ; Schwegler, Baur, and others 
advance a step further, and reject both epistles as 
of no higher antiquity than the age of Montanism 
and early Gnosticism. But the arguments of De 
Wette and Baur are wholly destitute of any sound 
historical basis (Meyer, Davidson, Alford, &c). 
Two special points require a brief notice : — (1.) 
The readers for whom this epistle was designed. In 
Eph. i. 1 the words translated " at Ephesus " are 
omitted by the Vatican and Sinaitic MSS., both 
having them in the margin, by No. 67, Basil, and 
possibly Tertullian. This, combined with the some- 
what noticeable omission of all greetings to the 
members of a church with which the apostle stood 
in such affectionate relation, and some other inter- 
nal objections, have suggested a doubt whether 
these words really formed a part of the original 
text. At first sight these doubts seem plausible ; 
but when we oppose to them (a) the overwhelming 
weight of diplomatic evidence for the insertion of 
the words, (b) the testimony of all the versions, (c) 
the universal designation of this epistle by the an- 
cient Church (Marcion standing alone in his asser- 
tion that it was written to the Laodiceans) as an 
epistle to the Ephesians, (d) the extreme difficulty in 
giving any satisfactory meaning to the isolated 
particle translated " which are," and the absence of 
any parallel usage in the apostle's writings — we can 
scarcely feel any doubt as to the propriety of re- 
moving the brackets in which these words are en- 
closed in the second edition of Tischendorf, and of 
considering them an integral part of the original 



280 



EPH 



EPH 



text. The special greetings might have been separ- 
ately entrusted to the bearer Tychicus (Eph. vi. 22). 
— (2.) The question of priority in respect of compo- 
sition between this epistle and Colossians is very 
diilicult to adjust. On the whole, both internal and 



external considerations seem somewhat in favor of 
the priority of Colossians. On the similarity of 
contents, see Colossians, Epistle to. 

Eph'c-sns (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so one legend] from 
its founder, Ephesus, son of the Cayster ; or [so 




Site or Epheaus. — (Fr> 



another] from Gr. ephesis = permission, because the 
Amazons were permitted by Hercules to settle 
there), an illustrious city in the district of Ionia, 
nearly opposite the island of Samos, and about the 
middle of the western coast of the peninsula com- 
monly called Asia Minor. It stood partly on the 
level ground, partly on some hills, Mounts Prion, 
Coressus, &c, rising abruptly from it, on the S. 
side, and near the mouth of the river Cayster. Of 
the Roman province of Asia, Ephesus was the capi- 
tal. — 1. Geographical Relations. All the cities of 
Ionia were remarkably well situated for the growth 
of commercial prosperity, and none more so than 
Ephesus. With a fertile neighborhood and an ex- 
cellent climate, in the time of Augustus it was the 
great emporium of all the regions of Asia within the 
Taurus : its harbor (named Panormus), at the 
mouth of the Cayster, was elaborately constructed. 
St. Paul's life furnishes illustrations of its mercantile 
relations with Achaia on the W., Macedonia on the 
N., Syria on the E. (Acts xviii. 19, 21, 22, xix. 21, 
xx. 1 ff., &c), and to the inland regions of the con- 
tinent. The "upper coasts" (Acts xix. 1) through 
which he passed when about to take up his resi- 
dence in the city, were the Phrygian table-lands of 
the interior. Two great roads at least, in the 
Roman times, led eastward from Ephesus; one 
through the passes of Tmolus to Sardis, and thence 
to Galatia and the N. E., the other round the ex- 
tremity of Pactyas to Magnesia, and so up the valley 
of the Meander to Iconium, whence the communi- 
cation was direct to the Euphrates and to the Syrian 
Antioch. There seem to have been Sardian and 
Magnesian gates on the E. side of Ephesus corre- 
sponding to these roads respectively. There were 
also coast-roads leading northward to Smyrna and 
southward to Miletus. By the latter of these prob- 
ably the Ephesian elders travelled to meet Paul at 
the latter city (xx. 17, 18). — 2. Temple and Worship 
o f Diana. Conspicuous at the head of the harbor 
of Ephesus was the great temple of Diana or Arte- 
mis, the tutelary divinity of the city. This building 
was raised on immense substructions, in consequence 
of the swampy nature of the ground. The earlier 



temple, begun before the Persian war, was burnt 
down in the night when Alexander the Great was 
born (b. c. 356) ; and another structure, raised by 
the enthusiastic cooperation of all the inhabitants 




■ith a scale of feet.— (Fro n 
Guhl's £phesiaca.) 

of "Asia," had taken its place. The magnificence 
of this sanctuary— 425 feet long, 220 broad, built 



EPH 



eph 



281 



of cedar, cypress, white marble, gold, &c, with 
127 columns, each 60 feet high — was a proverb 
throughout the civilized world. Criminals were ex- 
empted from arrest at the temple or within one- 
eighth of a mile of it. In consequence of this de- 
votion to the goddess, the city of Ephesus was 
called in Gr. nedkoros (Acts xix. 35, A. V. " wor- 
shipper," margin " temple-keeper ") or " warden " of 
Diana. Another consequence of the celebrity of 
Diana's worship at Ephesus was, that a large manu- 
factory grew up there of portable shrines, which 
strangers purchased, and devotees carried with 
them on journeys or set up in their houses. Of the 
manufacturers engaged in this business, perhaps 
Alexander the " coppersmith " (2 Tim. iv. 14) was one. 
The case of Demetrius the " silversmith " is ex- 
plicit. (For the public games connected with the 
worship of Diana, see Asiarchs ; Games.) — 3. Study 
and Practice of Magic. There was a remarkable 
prevalence of magical arts at Ephesus. In illustra- 
tion of the magical books which were publicly 
burnt (Acts xix. 19) under the influence of St. 
Paul's preaching, it is enough here to refer to the 
Ephesian letters (mentioned by Plutarch and others), 



which were regarded as a charm when pronounced, 
and when written down were carried about as amu- 
lets. (Magic.) — 4. Provincial and Municipal Gov- 
ernment. It is well known that Asia was a procon- 
sular province ; and accordingly we find procon- 
suls (A. V. " deputies ") specially mentioned (xix. 
38). Again we learn from Pliny (v. 31) that Ephesus 
was an assize-town ; and in Acts xix. 38 we find 
the court days alluded to as actually being held 
(A.V. " the law is open ; " margin " the court-days 
are kept ") during the uproar. Ephesus itself was 
a " free city," and had its own assemblies and its 
own magistrates. The senate is mentioned by Jo- 
sephus ; and St. Luke, in Acts xix., speaks of the 
demos, i. e. the privileged order of citizens (verses 
30, 33, A. V. "the people") and of its customary 
assemblies (ver. 39, A. V. " a lawful assembly "). 
We even find conspicuous mention made of one of 
the most important municipal officers of Ephesus, 
the " Town-Clerk " or keeper of the records, whom 
we know from other sources to have been a person 
of great influence and responsibility. The theatre 
in Greek cities was often the place for large assem- 
blages (ver. 29, 31). At a meeting in the theatre 




View of the Theatre at Ephesus. — ;From Laborde.) 



at Cesarea, Agrippa I. received his death-stroke (xii. 
23). The theatre at Ephesus, the largest of its 
kind ever constructed, was 660 feet in diameter, 
and could accommodate 56,700 spectators (Fair- 
bairn). It is remarkable how all these political and 
religious characteristics of Ephesus, which appear 
in the sacred narrative, are illustrated by inscrip- 
tions and coins. The coins of Ephesus are full of 
allusions to the worship of Diana in various aspects. 
— That Jews were established there in considerable 
numbers is known from Josephus, and might be in- 
ferred from its mercantile eminence ; but it is also 
evident from Acts ii. 9, vi. 9. It is here, and here 
only, that we find disciples of John the Baptist ex- 
plicitly mentioned after the ascension of Christ 
(xviii. 25, xix. 3). The case of Apollos (xviii. 24) 
is ao. exemplification further of the intercourse be- 
tween this place and Alexandria. — The first seeds 
of Christian truth were possibly sown at Ephesus 
immediately after the Great Pentecost (ii.). St. 
Paul's first visit was on his return from the second 
missionary circuit ; and, after a very short stay, 



he left there Aquila and Priscilla (xviii. 19-21). 
In St. Paul's stay of more than two years (xix. 8, 
10, xx. 31 ), which formed the most important pas- 
sage of his third circuit, and during which he la- 
bored, first in the synagogue (xix. 8) and then in 




Coin of Ephesus, exhibiting the head of Nero, and the Temple of Diana. 

the school of Tyrannus (ver. 9), and also in private 
houses (xx. 20), and during which he wrote 1 Co- 
rinthians, we have the period of the chief evangeli- 
zation of this shore of the ./Egean. The address 
at Miletus (xx. 18 ff.) shows that the church at 



282 



EPH 



EPH 



Ephesus was thoroughly organized under its pres- 
byters. At a later period Timothy was set over 
them, as we learn from the two epistles addressed 
to him. St. Paul's companions, Trophimus and 
Tvchicds, were natives of Asia (xx. 4), and the 
latter probably (2 Tim. iv. 12), the former certainly 
(Acts xxi. 29), of Ephesus. In the same connection 
we ought to mention Onesipiiorus (2 Tim. i. 16-18) 
and his household (iv. 19). On the other hand must 
be noticed certain specified Ephesian antagonists of 
the apostle, the sons of Sceva and his party (Acts 
xix. 14), Hymeneus and Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20; 2 
Tim. iv. 14), and Phygellus and Hermogenes (2 Tim. 

i. 15). The church had declined from its first love 
when the epistle to it in Rev. ii. 1-7 was written. 
(See also John the Apostle.) The site of ancient 
Ephesus has been visited and examined by many 
travellers during the last two hundred years. The 
whole place is now utterly desolate, with the excep- 
tion of the small Turkish village at Ayasaluk. The 
ruins are of vast extent, both on Coressus and on 
the plain ; but there is great doubt as to many 
topographical details. It is satisfactory, however, 
that the position of the theatre on Mount Prion is 
absolutely certain. The situation of the temple is 
doubtful. 

Eph'lal (Heb. judgment, Ges.), a descendant of 
Judah through Hezron and Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 
37). 

Ephod (Heb. something girded on ; veiling, cloth- 
ing, Fii.), a sacred vestment originally appropriate 
to the high-priest (Ex. xxviii. 4), but afterward 
worn by ordinary priests (1 Sam. xxii. 18), and 
deemed characteristic of the office (ii. 28, xiv. 3 ; 
Hos. iii. 4). The importance of the ephod, as the 
receptacle of the breastplate, led to its adoption in 
the idolatrous forms of worship instituted in the 
time of the Judges (Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5, xviii. 14 
ff.). A kind of ephod was worn by Samuel (1 Sam. 

ii. 18), and by David, when he brought the ark to 
Jerusalem (2 Sam. vi. 14; 1 Chr. xv. 27); it was 
made of ordinary linen (Heb. bad), the priestly 
ephod of fine linen (Heb. shesh) (so Mr. Bevan) 
Links. 

E phod (Heb., see above ; oracle-giving, Fii.), father 
of Hanniel, prince of Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). 

* Eph'pha-tha (Aram.) = be thou opened (Mk. vii. 
34). 

Epltra-im (fr. Heb. = double fruit fulness ; double 
land, twin land? Ges. ; fruit, posterity, Fii.). I. Second 
son of Joseph 1 by his wife Asenath (Gen. xli. 52, 
xlvi. 20). The first indication of that ascendancy 
over his elder brother Manasseh, which at a later 
period the tribe of Ephraim so unmistakably pos- 
sessed, is in the blessing of the children by Jacob 
(Gen. xlviii.), a passage on the age and genuineness 
of which the severest criticism has cast no doubt. 
Ephraim was probably at that time about twenty- 
one years old. He was born before the beginning 
of the seven years of famine, toward the latter part 
of which Jacob had come to Egypt, seventeen years 
before his death (xlvii. 28). Before Joseph's death 
Ephraim's family had reached the third generation 
(1. 23), and it must have been about this time that 
the affray mentioned in 1 Chr. vii. 21 occurred (so 
Mr. Grove). (Beriah 2 ; Shuthelah.) To this 
early period, too, must probably be referred the cir- 
cumstance alluded to in Ps. lxxviii. 9. The num- 
bers of the tribe do not at once fulfil the promise 
of the blessing of Jacob. At the census in the 
wilderness of Sinai (Num. i. 32, 33, ii. 19) its num- 
bers were 40,500, placing it at the head of the 



children of Rachel ; Manasseh's number being 
32,200, and Benjamin's 35,400. But forty years 
later (xxvi. 37), while Manasseh had advanced to 
52,700, and Benjamin to 45,600, Ephraim had de- 
creased to 32,500, the only smaller number being 
thatof Simeon, 22,200, and Levi (ver. 62). Duringthe 
march through the wilderness, the position of the 
sons of Joseph with Benjamin was on the W. side 
of the tabernacle (ii. 18-24), and the prince of 
Ephraim was Elishama (i. 10). At the sending of 
the spies, we are first introduced to the great hero 
to whom the tribe owed much of its subsequent 
greatness. Under Joshua 1, and in spite of the 
smallness of its numbers, the tribe must have taken 
a high position in the nation, to judge from the 
tone which the Ephraimites assumed on occasions 
shortly subsequent to the conquest. The boundaries 
of the portion of Ephraim are given in Josh. xvi. 
1-10. The S. boundary was coincident for part of 
its length with the N. boundary of Benjamin. Com- 
mencing at the Jordan, at the reach opposite Jer- 
icho, it ran to the " water of Jericho," probably 
the 'Ain Duk or' Ain Sultan; thence, by one of the 
ravines, the Wady Harith or Wady Suwtinit, it as- 
cended through the wilderness (Desert 2) to Mount 
Bethel and Luz ; and thence by Ataroth, " the coast 
of Japhleti," Beth-horon the lower, and Gezer, to the 
Mediterranean, probably about Joppa. The general 
direction of this line is N. W. by W. In Josh. xvi. 
8 we probably have a fragment of the N. boundary 
(comp. xvii. 10). (Ashek ; Kanah ; Manasseh ; 
Tappuah 2.) But very possibly there never 
was any definite subdivision of the territory 
assigned to the two brother tribes (xvii. 14-18). It 
is not possible now to make out any such subdivision, 
except, generally, that Ephraim lay to the S., and 
the half-tribe of Manasseh to the N. Among the 
towns named as Manasseh's were Beth-shean in the 
Jordan Valley, En-dor on the slopes of the " Little 
Hermon," Taanach on the E. side of Carmel, and 
Dor on the sea-coast S. of the same mountain. Here 
the boundary — the N. boundary — joined that of 
Asher, which dipped below Carmel to take in an 
angle of the plain of Sharon : N. and N. W. of 
Manasseh lay Zebulun and Issachar respectively. 
The territory thus allotted to the " house of Joseph " 
embraced the larger part of what was called Sama- 
ria in the time of Christ. Central Palestine con- 
sists of an elevated district which rises from the flat 
ranges of the wilderness on the S. of Judah, and 
terminates on the N. with the slopes which descend 
into the great plain of Esdralon. On the W. a flat 
strip separates it from the sea, and on the E. an- 
other flat strip forms the valley of the Jordan. Of 
this district the N. half was occupied by the tribe 
of Ephraim and the half-tribe of Manasseh. Here 
was the " Mount Ephraim," a district which seems 
to extend as far S. as Ram ah 2 and Bethel (1 Sam. 
i. 1, vii. 17; 2 Chr. xiii. 4, 19, compared with xv. 
8), places but a few miles N. of Jerusalem, and 
within the limits of Benjamin. In structure it is 
limestone — rounded hills separated by valleys of 
denudation, but much less regular and monotonous 
than the part more to the S., about and below Jeru- 
salem ; with wide plains in the heart of the moun- 
tains, streams of running water, and continuous 
tracts of vegetation. All travellers bear testimony 
to the general growing richness and beauty of the 
country in going N. from Jerusalem. The wealth 
of their possession had not the same immediately 
degrading effect on the tribe of Ephraim that it had 
on some of its northern brethren. (Asher.) Vari- 



EPH 



EPH 



283 



ous causes may have helped to avert this evil. (1.) 
The central situation of Ephraim, in the highway 
of all communications from one part of the country 
to another. (2.) The position of Shechem, with the 
two sacred mountains of Ebal and Gerizim, and of 
Shiloh, and further of the tomb and patrimony of 
Joshua — all in the heart of the tribe. (3.) There was 
a spirit about the tribe itself which may have been 
both a cause and a consequence of these advan- 
tages of position. That spirit, though sometimes 
taking the form of noble remonstrance and repara- 
tion (2 Chr. xxviii. 9-15), usually manifests itself 
in jealous complaint at some enterprise undertaken 
or advantage gained in which they had not a chief 
share. The unsettled state of the country in gen- 
eral, and of the interior of Ephraim in particular 
(Judg. ix.), and the continual incursions of for- 
eigners, prevented the power of the tribe from 
manifesting itself in a more formidable manner 
than by these murmurs, during the time of the 
Judges and the first stage of the monarchy (viii. 1, 
xii. 1 [Jephthaii ; Shibboleth] ; 2 Sam. xix. 41- 
43). Samuel, though a Levite, was a native of 
Mount Ephraim ; Saul belonged to a tribe closely 
allied to the house of Joseph ; David's brilliant suc- 
cesses and his wide influence and religious zeal kept 
matters smooth for another period. But the reign 
of Solomon, splendid in appearance but oppressive 
to the people, developed both the circumstances of 
revolt and the leader who was to turn them to ac- 
count. Solomon saw through the crisis, and, if he 
could have succeeded in killing Jeroboam 1 as he 
tried to do (1 K. xi. 40), the disruption might have 
been postponed for another century. As it was, 
the outbreak was deferred for a time, but the irrita- 
tion was not allayed, and the insane folly of his son 
Rehoboam brought the mischief to a head. From 
the time of the revolt, the history of Ephraim is in 
two senses the history of the kingdom of Israel, 
since not only did the tribe become a kingdom, but 
the kingdom embraced little besides the tribe. (Is- 
rael, Kingdom of.) This is not surprising, and 
quite susceptible of explanation. N. of Ephraim 
the country appears never to have been really taken 
possession of by the Israelites (Judg. i. 27 ff.). And 
in addition to this original defect there is much in 
the physical formation and circumstances of the 
upper portion of Palestine to explain why those 
tribes — exposed to the inroads and seductions of 
their surrounding heathen neighbors, Phenicians, 
Syrians, Assyrians, &c. — never took any active part 
in the kingdom. But on the other hand the position 
of Ephraim was altogether different. It was one 
at once of great richness and great security. Her 
fertile plains and well-watered valleys could only 
be reached by a laborious ascent through steep and 
narrow ravines, all but impassable for an army. 
There is no record of any attack on the central 
kingdom, either from the Jordan Valley or the 
maritime plain. On the N. side, from the plain of 
Esdraelon, it was more accessible, and it was from 
this side that the final invasion appears to have been 
made. There are few things more mournful in the 
sacred story than the descent of this haughty and 
jealous tribe from the culminating point at which it 
stood when it entered on the fairest portion of the 
Land of Promise — the chief sanctuary and the chief 
settlement of the nation within its limits, its leader 
the leader of the whole people — through the dis- 
trust which marked its intercourse with its fellows, 
while a member of the confederacy, and the tumult, 
dissension, and ungodliness which characterized its 



independent existence, down to the sudden captivity 
and total oblivion which closed its career (Hos. xi. 
1-8). — 2. In " Baal-hazor which is by (A. V. ' be- 
side ') Ephraim " was Absalom's sheep-farm, at 
which took place the murder of Amnon, one of the 
earliest precursors of the great revolt (2 Sam. xiii. 
23). (Ephrain.) — 3. A city " in the district (A. V. 
' country ') near the wilderness," to which our Lord 
retired with His disciples when threatened with vio- 
lence by the priests (Jn. xi. 54). Robinson conjec- 
tures that it = Ophrah 1, and that their modern 
representative is et-Taiyibeh, a village four or five 
miles E. of Bethel, and sixteen from Jerusalem. 

E'phra-ini (Heb., see above), Gate of, one of the 
gates of Jerusalem (2 K. xiv. 13; 2 Chr. xxv. 23; 
Neh. viii. 16, xii. 39), probably at or near the posi- 
tion of the present " Damascus gate," and named 
from its leading toward the tribe of Ephraim ; prob- 
ably also = the gate of Benjamin. Benjamin, 
Gate op. 

* E'phra-im (Heb., see above), Mount. Ephraim 1. 
E'phra-im (Heb., see above), the Wood of, a wood, 

or rather a forest on the E. of Jordan, in which the 
fatal battle was fought between the armies of David 
and of Absalom (2 Sam. xviii. 6). Grotius suggested 
that the name was derived from the slaughter of 
Ephraim at the fords of Jordan by the Gileadites 
under Jephthah (Judg. xii. 1, 4 ff.). Is it not at 
least equally probable (Mr. Grove asks) that the 
forest derived its name from this very battle, in 
which the tribe of Ephraim must have been con- 
spicuous ? 

E'plira-im-ite = a descendant of Ephraim 1 ; one 
of the tribe of Ephraim ; elsewhere called " Eph- 
rathite " (Josh. xvi. 10 ; Judg. xii. 5). 

E'phra-ill (fr. Heb. = the two fawns, Ges.), a city 
of Israel, which with its dependent hamlets Abijah 
and the army of Judah captured from Jeroboam (2 
Chr. xiii. 19) ; conjectured Ephraim 2, 3, and 
Ophrah 1. 

Eph'ra-tah, and E'pbratta, or Eph'rath (Heb. land, 
region, Ges. ; fi~u.it, posterity, Fii.). 1. Second wife 
of Caleb the son of Hezron ; mother of Hur, and 
grandmother of Bezaleel the artificer (1 Chr. ii. 19, 
50, iv. 4). (See Caleb 1, 3, 4 ; and No. 2 below.) 
— 2. The ancient name of Bethlehem-judah (Gen. 
xxxv. 16, 19, xlviii. 7; Ru. iv. 11). (Bethlehem 1.) 
Lord A. C. Hervey supposes Ephratah (No. 1, above), 
the mother of Hur, was so called from the town of her 
birth, and that she probably was the owner of the 
town and district. — 3. Gesenius thinks that, in Ps. 
exxxii. 6, Ephratah means Ephraim. So Fiirst, 
who understands by it especially Shiloh, and Kir- 
jath-jearim by " the fields of the, wood " in the 
same verse. 

* E'phrath or Eph'rath (Heb.) = Ephratah. 
E'phrath-ite or Eph'rath-itc. 1. An inhabitant 

of Ephrath, i. e. Bethlehem (Ru. i. 2 ; 1 Sam. xvii. 
12).— 2. An Ephraimite (1 K. xi. 26). In 1 Sam. i. 
1 " Ephrathite " = Ephraimite (so Gesenius [doubt- 
fully], Lord A. C. Hervey, &c); or it may show 
some connection with Ephrath, i. e. Bethlehem 
(Ayre) ; or it may simply denote a native of Mount 
Ephraim or of the region held by the tribe of Eph- 
raim. Samuel. 

E'phron (Heb. fawn-like, Ges.), son of Zohar a 
Hittite, from whom Abraham bought the field and 
cave of Machpelah (Gen. xxiii. 8-1 V, xxv. 9, xlix. 
29, 30, 1. 13). 

E'phron (see above), a very strong city on the E. 
of Jordan between Carnaim (Ashteroth-Karnaim) 
and Beth-shean, attacked and demolished by Judas 



284 



EPH 



ESA 



Maccabeus (1 Mc. v. 46-52 ; 2 Mc. xii. 27); site un- 
known. 

Ephron (see above), Monnt. The "cities of 
Mount Ephron " are mentioned as on the N. boun- 
dary of the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 9). Ephron 
is probably the range of hills on the W. side of 
Wady Beit-Hqnina, the traditional valley of Elah. 
Winer supposes it = Mount Ephraim. Ephraim 1. 

Ep-i-cn-rc ans, the, derived their name from Epi- 
curus (342-271 b. c), a philosopher of Attic descent, 
whose " Garden " at Athens rivalled in popularity 
the " Porch " and the " Academy." The doctrines 
of Epicurus found wide acceptance in Asia Minor 
and Alexandria, and they gained a brilliant advocate 
at Rome in Lucretius (95-50 b. a). The object of 
Epicurus was to find in philosophy a practical guide 
to happiness. True pleasure and not absolute truth 
was the end at which he aimed ; experience and not 
reason the test on which he relied. It is obvious 
that a system thus framed would degenerate by a 
natural descent into mere materialism ; and in this 
form Epicurism w r as the popular philosophy at the 
beginning of the Christian era. It maintained the 
claims of the body to be considered a necessary part 
of man's nature coordinate with the soul, and af- 
firmed the existence of individual freedom against 
the Stoic doctrines of pure spiritualism and absolute 
fate. When St. Paul addressed " Epicureans and 
Stoics " (Acts xvii. 18) at Athens, the philosophy 
of life was practically reduced to the teaching of 
those two antagonistic schools. In the address of 
St. Paul, the affirmation of the doctrines of creation 
(verse 24), providence (verse 26), man's dependence 
(verse 28), resurrection and judgment (verse 31), ap- 
pears to be directed against the cardinal errors of 
Epicurism. Philosophy. 

E-piph'a-nes [-neez] (Gr. illustrious) (1 Mc. i. 10, 
x. 1). Antiochus Epiphanes. 

Ep'i-pki (Gr. fr. Egyptian) (3 Mc. vi. 38), name 
of the eleventh month of the Egyptian Vague year, 
and the Alexandrian or Egyptian Julian year. 

E-pis'tle [e-pis'l] (fr. Gr. epistole = something sent 
by a messenger, a letter). The use of written let- 
ters implies, it needs hardly be said, a considerable 
progress in the development of civilized life. (Wri- 
ting.) In the early nomadic stages of society, ac- 
cordingly, we find no traces of any but oral commu- 
nications. The first recorded letter in the history 
of the 0. T. was that which David wrote to Joab, 
and sent by the hand of Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 14), and 
this must obviously have been sealed w ith the king's 
seal. Written communications become more fre- 
quent in the later history (1 K. xxi. 8 ff. ; 2 K. v. 5, 6, 
x. 1 ff. ; 2 Chr. xxi. 12). Hezekiah introduces a system 
of couriers (Footman 2 ; Post II.) like that afterward 
under the Persian kings (2 Chr. xxx. 6, 10 ; Esth. 
viii. 10, 14 ; see Compel 5), and receives from Sen- 
nacherib the letter which he spreads before the Lord 
(2 K. xix. 14). Jeremiah writes a letter to the ex- 
iles in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 1, 3). Ezra and Nehe- 
miah contain or refer to many such documents (Ezr. 
iv. 6, 7, 11, v. 6, vii. 11 ; Neh. ii. 7, 9, vi. 5). The 
stress laid on the " open letter " sent by Sanballat 
(Neh. vi. 5) indicates that this was a breach of the 
customary etiquette of the Persian court. The in- 
fluence of Persian, and yet more, perhaps, of Greek 
civilization, led to the more frequent use of letters 
as a means of intercourse (1 Mc. xi. 30, xii. 6, 20, 
xv. 1, 16 ; 2 Mc. xi. 16, 34 ; Acts xv. 23 ff., xxiii. 25 
ff., xxv. 26). The Epistles of the N. T. in their out- 
ward form are such as might be expected from men 
brought into contact with Greek and Roman cus- 



toms, themselves belonging to a different race, and 
so reproducing the imported style with only partial 
accuracy. They are twenty -one in number, fourteen 
of them (see Hebrews, Epistle to the) generally 
ascribed to Paul, the other seven to James, Peter, 
John, and Jude. They begin (Hebrews and 1 John 
excepted) with the names of the writer and of those 
to whom the Epistle is addressed. Then follows the 
formula of salutation. Then the letter itself com- 
mences, in the first person, the singular and plural 
being used indiscriminately. When the substance 
of the letter has been completed, come the individual 
messages. The conclusion in St. Paul's Epistles was 
probably modified by the fact that the letters were 
dictated to an amanuensis. When he had done his 
work, the apostle took up the pen or reed, and add- 
ed, in his own large characters (Gal. vi. 11), the 
authenticating autograph. In one instance (Rom. 
xvi. 22), the amanuensis in his own name adds his 
salutation. An allusion in 2 Cor. iii. 1 brings before 
us another class of letters which must have been in 
frequent use in the early ages of the Christian 
Church, by which travellers or teachers were com- 
mended by one church to the good offices of others. 

Er (Heb. watchful). 1. First-born of Judah by the 
daughter of Shuah. Er " was wicked in the sight 
of the Lord ; and the Lord slew him." It does not 
appear what the nature of his sin was ; but, from 
his Canaanitish birth on the mother's side, it was 
probably connected with the abominable idolatries 
of Canaan (Gen. xxxviii. 3-7; Num. xxvi. 19). — 2. 
Descendant of Shelah the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 
21). — 3. Son of Jose, and father of Elmodam, in our 
Lord's genealogy (Lk. iii. 28). 

* E'ra. Chronology ; Jesus Christ. 

E'ran (Heb. = Er, Ges.), son of Shuthelah, 
Ephraim's eldest son ; ancestor of the Eranites 
(Num. xxvi. 36). 

E'ran-ites, the = descendants of Eran (Num. 
xxvi. 36). 

E-ras'tns (L. fr. Gr. = beloved, lovely, L. & S.). 1. 
One of the attendants of St. Paul at Ephesus, who 
w ith Timothy was sent forward into Macedonia while 
the apostle himself remained in Asia (Acts xix. 22) ; 
probably = the Erastus mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 20, 
though not the same with — 2. " Erastus the chamber- 
lain," or rather the public treasurer of Corinth, who 
was one of the early converts to Christianity (Rom. 
xvi. 23). According to the traditions of the Greek 
church, he was first treasurer to the church at Jeru- 
salem, and afterward bishop of Paneas. 

E'rech [-rek] (Heb. length, Ges.), one of the cities 
of Nimrod's kingdom in the land of Shinar (Gen. x. 
10) ; doubtless = Orchoe of Ptolemy, eighty-two 
miles S. and forty-three E. of Babylon, the modern 
designations of the site, Warka, Irka, and Irak, bear- 
ing a considerable affinity to the original name (so 
Mr. Bevan, after Col. Taylor, Rawlinson, &c). This 
place appears to have been the necropolis of the 
Assyrian kings, the whole neighborhood being cov- 
ered with mounds, and strewed with the remains of 
bricks and coffins. 

E'ri (Heb. watching [i. e. worshipping} Jehovah, 
Ges.), son of Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16), and ancestor of the 
Erites (Num. xxvi. 16). 

* E'rites (fr. Heb.) = descendants of Eri (Num. 
xxvi. 16). 

E-sai'as [e-za'yas] (Gr.) in the N. T. — Isaiah 
(Mat. iii. 3, iv. 14, &c). 

E'sar-had'don (Heb. fr. Assyrian ; perhaps = gift 
of fire, Bohlen, Ges.; victorious commandi r T, It.), 
one of the greatest of the kings of Assyria ; sen of 



ESA 



ESD 



285 



Sennacherib and grandson of Sargon who succeeded 
Shalmaneser. Nothing is really known of Esar-had- 
don until his accession (about b. c. 680 [so Rawlin- 
son ; see Sennacherib] ; 2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 
38); He appears by his monuments to have been 
one of the most powerful — if not the most powerful 
— of all the Assyrian monarchs. He carried his 
arms over all Asia between the Persian Gulf, the 
Armenian mountains, and the Mediterranean. In 
consequence of the disaffection of Babylon, and its 
frequent revolts from former Assyrian kings, Esar- 
haddon, having subdued the sons of Merodach-bala- 
dan who headed the national party, introduced the 
new policy of substituting, for the former govern- 
ment by viceroys, a direct dependence upon the As- 
syrian crown. He is the only Assyrian monarch 
whom we find to have actually reigned at Babylon, 
where he built himself a palace, bricks from which 
have been recently recovered bearing his name. His 
Babylonian reign lasted thirteen years, from b. c. 
680 to b. c. 667. He placed colonists in Samaria 
(Ezr. iv. 2). Manasseh, king of Judah, was brought 
before him at Babylon (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11), and de- 
tained for a time as prisoner there, but eventually 
restored to his throne. As a builder of great works 
Esar-haddon is particularly distinguished. Besides 
his palace at Babylon, he built at least three others 
in different parts of his dominions, either for him- 
self or his son ; while in a single inscription he 
mentions the erection by his hands of no fewer than 
thirty temples in Assyria and Mesopotamia. The 
S. W. palace at Nimriid, the great hall of which 
was 220 feet long by 100 broad, and the porch or 
antechamber 160 feet by 60, is the best preserved 
of his constructions. It is impossible (so Rawlin- 
son) to fix the length of Esar-haddon's reign or the 
order of events in it. It has been conjectured that 
he died about b. c. 660, after occupying the throne 
for twenty years. 

E'san (L. fr. Heb. EaAv = hairy, rough, Ges.). 
1. Eldest son of Isaac, and twin-brother of Jacob. 
The singular appearance of the child at his birth 
originated the name (Gen. xxv. 25). This was not 
the only remarkable circumstance connected with 
the birth of the infant. Even in the womb the 
twin-brothers struggled together, and Kebekah was 
divinely informed that the elder should serve the 
younger (ver. 22, 23). Esau's robust frame and 
" rough " aspect were the types of a wild and dar- 
ing nature. The peculiarities of his character soon 
began to develop themselves. He was, in fact, a 
thorough Bedouin, a " son of the desert," who de- 
lighted to roam free as the wind of heaven, and who 
was impatient of the restraints of civilized or settled 
life. His old father, by a caprice of affection not 
uncommon, loved his wilful, vagrant boy ; and his 
keen relish for savory food being gratified by Esau's 
venison, he liked him all the better for his skill in 
hunting (xxv. 28). An event occurred which ex- 
hibited the reckless character of Esau on the one 
hand, and the selfish, grasping nature of his brother 
on the other (29-34; Heb. xii. 16, 17). Jacob 
takes advantage of his brother's distress to rob him 
of that which was as dear as life itself to an Eastern 
patriarch. (First-born.) Esau, under the pressure 
of temporary suffering, despises his birthright by 
selling it for a mess of pottage. It is evident the 
whole transaction was public, for it resulted in a 
new name, seldom applied, however, to Esau him- 
self, though almost universally given to the country 
he settled in and to his posterity (Edom ; Edomites). 
Esau married at the age of forty, and contrary to 



the wish of his parents. (Aholibamah; Bashemath.) 
His wives were both Canaanites ; and they " were 
bitterness of spirit unto Isaac and to Kebekah " 
(Gen. xxvi. 34, 35). The next episode in the his- 
tory of Esau and Jacob (xxvii.) is still more painful 
than the former. Jacob, through the craft of his 
mother, is again successful, and secures irrevocably 
the covenant blessing. Esau vows vengeance. But 
he knew not a mother's watchful care. By a char- 
acteristic piece of domestic policy Rebekah succeed- 
ed both in exciting Isaac's anger against Esau, and 
obtaining his consent to Jacob's departure. When 
Esau heard that his father had commanded Jacob 
to take a wife of the daughters of his kinsman 
Laban, he also resolved, to try whether by a new 
alliance he could propitiate his parents. He accord- 
ingly married his cousin Mahalath, the daughter of 
Ishmael (xxviii. 8, 9). This marriage appears to 
have brought him into connection with the Ishmaeli- 
tish tribes beyond the valley of Arabah. He soon 
afterward established himself in Mount Seir (Seir, 
Mount) ; still retaining, however, some interest in 
his father's property in southern Palestine. He 
was residing in Mount Seir when Jacob returned 
from Padan-aram, and had then become so rich 
and powerful that the impression of his brother's 
early offences seem to have been almost completely 
effaced (so Porter; but see Gen. xxxii., xxxiii.). 
It does not appear that the brothers again met until 
the death of their father about twenty years after- 
ward. They united in laying Isaac's body in the 
cave of Machpelah (xxxv. 29). Esau knew that the 
covenant blessing was Jacob's ; that God had in- 
alienably allotted the land of Canaan to Jacob's 
posterity ; and that Mount Seir was given to him- 
self (compare xxvii. 39, xxxii. 3 ; Deut. ii. 5) ; and 
he was therefore desirous now to enter into full 
possession of his country, and drive out its old in- 
habitants (Gen. xxxvi. 6-8; Deut. ii. 12). He 
" lived by his sword" (Gen. xxvii. 40), and the rocky 
fastnesses of Edom would be a safer and more suit- 
able abode than southern Palestine. Of Esau's 
subsequent history nothing is known ; for that of 
his descendants (Gen. xxxvi. ; 1 Chr. i. 35 ff.) see 
Edom and Edomites. — 2. Ziha 1 (1 Esd. v. 29). 

E'say [s as z] = Isaiah (Ecclus. xlviii. 20, 22; 
2 Esd. ii. 18). 

* Es-dra'lotii [-dree-] (Gr. Esdrelom = Jezreel) 

= ES-DR.ELON. 

Es-dra'lcn (Gr. Esdrelon — Jezreel). This name 
occurs in this exact shape only twice in the A. V. 
( Jud. iii. 9, iv. 6). In Judith vii. 3 it is " Esdrelom," 
and in i. 8 " Esdrelom," with the addition of the 
" great plain." In the O. T. the plain is called the 
" Valley of Jezreel ; " by Josephus " the great 
plain." The name is derived from the old royal 
city of Jezreel, which occupied a commanding site, 
near the eastern extremity of the plain, on a spur 
of Mount Gilboa. " The great plain " of Esdralon 
extends across Central Palestine from the Mediter- 
ranean to the Jordan, separating the mountain 
ranges of Carmel and Samaria from those of Galilee. 
The western section of it is properly the plain of 
Accho, or Mtt«. The main body of the plain is a 
triangle. Its base on the E. extends from Jenin 
(the ancient En-gannim) to the foot of the hills be- 
low Nazareth, and is about fifteen miles long ; the 
N. side, formed by the hills of Galilee, is about 
twelve miles long ; and the S. side, formed by the 
Samaria ridge, is about eighteen miles. The apex 
on the W. is a narrow pass opening into the plain 
of 'Akka. The plain of Esdraelon has a gently un- 



286 



ESD 



ESD 



dulating surface, dotted with several low gray hills, 
and near the sides with a few olive-groves. Here 
Barak triumphed, and Josiah was defeated and re- 
ceived his death-wound ( Judg. v. ; 2 Chr. xxxv.). 
The river Kishon drains the plain. (Megiddo.) 
From the base of this triangular plain three branches 
stretch out eastward, like fingers from a hand, di- 
vided by two bleak, gray ridges — one bearing the 
familiar name of Mount Gilboa ; and the other called 
by Franks Little Hermon, but by natives Jehel ed- 
Duhy. Into the N. branch, between Tabor and 
Little Hermon, the troops of Barak defiled from 
Tabor (Judg. iv. 14). Across the S. branch, between 
Jenin and Gilboa, Ahaziah fled from Jehu (2 K. ix. 
27). The central branch is the richest as well as 
the most celebrated. This is the " Valley of Jez- 
reel " proper — the battle-field on which Gideon tri- 
umphed, and Saul and Jonathan were overthrown 
(Judg. vii. 1 fF. ; 1 Sam. xxix. and xxxi.). Two 
things are worthy of special notice in the plain of 
Esdraelon : 1. its wonderful richness ; 2. its des- 
olation. If we except the eastern branches, there 
is not a single inhabited village on its whole surface, 
and not more than one-sixth of its soil is cultivated. 
It is the home of the wild wandering Arabs, and is 
now known among them only as Merj ibn 'Amcr^ — 
the plain of the son of , Amer). It has always been in- 
secure^ — exposed to every hasty incursion and every 
shock of war. The whole borders of the plain are 
dotted with places of high interest. On the E. we 
have En-dor, Nain, Shunem, Beth-shean, Gilboa, 
Jezreel ; on the S., En-gannim, Taanach, and Megid- 
do ; at the W., Carmel, &c. ; on the N., Nazareth, 
Tabor, &c. 

Es'dras (Gr.) in 1 and 2 Esd. = Ezra the scribe. 

Es'dras (Gr. = Ezra), First Book of, the first in 
order of the Apocryphal books in the English Bible. 
In the Vatican and modern editions of theLXX.,our 
1 Esd. is called the frst book of Esdras, in relation to 
the canonical Book of Ezra which follows it and is 
called the second Esdras. But in the Vulgate, 1 
Esd. = the canonical Book of Ezra, and 2 Esd. or 
Neh. = our Nehemiah, according to the primitive 
Hebrew arrangement, mentioned by Jerome, in 
which Ezra and Nehemiah made up two parts of 
the one book of Ezra ; and 3 and 4 Esd. = our 1 
and 2 Esdras. These last, with the prayer of Ma- 
nasses, are the only books of the Apocrypha not 
declared canonical by the Council of Trent. In all 
the earlier editions of the English Bible the books 
of Esdras are numbered as in the Vulgate. The 
Geneva Bible first adopted the classification used in 
our present Bibles, in which Ezra and Nehemiah = 
the two canonical books, and the two Apocryphal 
become 1 and 2 Esdras. As regards the antiquity 
of this book and the rank assigned to it in the early 
Church, it may suffice to mention that Josephus 
quotes largely from it, and follows its authority. 
It is quoted also by Clemens Alexandrinus, by 
Cyprian, Augustine, Athanasius, and other fathers. 
Nothing can be clearer on the other hand than that 
it is rightly included by us among the Apocrypha, 
not only on the ground of its historical inaccuracy, 
and contradiction of Ezra, but also on the external 
evidence of the early Church. That it was never 
known to exist in Hebrew and formed no part of 
the Hebrew Canon, is admitted by all. As regards 
the contents of the book, and the author or authors 
of it — the first chapter is a transcript of the two last 
chapters of 2 Chr., for the most part verbatim, and 
only in one or two parts slightly abridged and para- 
phrased, and showing some corruptions of the text, 



the use of a different Greek version, and some 
various readings. Chapters iii.-v. 6 are the original 
portions of the book, containing the legend of the 
three young Jews (Zerubbabel, &c.) at the court of 
Darius, and the rest is a transcript more or less 
exact of Ezra, with the chapters transposed and 
quite otherwise arranged, and a portion of Nehe- 
miah. Hence a twofold design in the compiler is 
discernible: one to introduce and give Scriptural 
sanction to the legend about Zerubbabel ; the other 
to explain the great obscurities of Ezra, in which, 
however, he has signally failed. As regards the 
time and place when the compilation was made, the 
original portion is that which alone affords much 
clew. This seems to indicate that the writer was 
thoroughly conversant with Hebrew and the He- 
brew Scriptures, even if he did not write the book 
in that language. But that he did not live under 
the Persian kings, appears by his undiscriminating 
use of the phrase Medes and Persians, or Persians 
and Medes, according as he was imitating the lan- 
guage of Daniel or of Esther (so Lord A. C. Hervey, 
the original author of this article). Dr. C. D. Gins- 
burg (in Kit.) regards the author as a master of the 
Greek language, who lived in Palestine at least 100 
years b. c. Dr. S. Davidson says (Introduction to 
the 0. T. and Apocrypha), " He was a Hellenist, or 
Greek-speaking Jew, who lived in Palestine." 

Es'dras (Gr. == Ezra), the Sec ond Book of, in the 
English Version of the Apocrypha, and so called by 
the author (2 Esd. i. 1), is more commonly known, 
according to the reckoning of the Latin Version, as 
the fourth book of Ezra. (Esdras, First Book 
of.) The original title, "the Apocalypse of Ezra," 
is far more appropriate. — I. For a long time this 
Book of Ezra was known only by an old Latin ver- 
sion, which is preserved in some MSS. of the Vul- 
gate. A second Arabic text was discovered by Mr. 
Gregory about the middle of the 17ih century in two 
Bodleian MSS. A third Ethiopic text was published 
in 1820 by Archbishop Laurence with English and 
Latin translations, likewise from a Bodleian MS. — II. 
The three versions were all made directly from a 
Greek text ; and in default of direct evidence to the 
contrary, it must be supposed that the book was 
composed in Greek. — III. The common Latin text, 
which is followed in the English version, contains 
two important interpolations (Chs. i. ii. ; xv. xvi.) 
which are not found in the Arabic and Ethiopic ver- 
sions, and are separated from the genuine Apoca- 
lypse in the best Latin MSS. Both of these passages 
are evidently of Christian origin (so Mr. Westcott, 
the original author of this article). Another smaller 
interpolation occurs in the Latin version in vii. 28, 
where filius meus Jesus (A. V. " my son Jesus ") 
answers to " My Messiah " in the Ethiopic, and to 
" My Son Messiah " in the Arabic. On the other 
hand, a long passage occurs in the Ethiopic and Ara- 
bic versions after vii. 35, which is not found in the 
Latin. — IV. Theoriginal Apocalypse (1 Esd. iii.-xiv.) 
consists of a series of angelic revelations and visions 
in which Ezra is instructed in some of the great 
mysteries of the moral world, and assured of the 
final triumph of the righteous. The subject of the 
frst revelation (iii.-v. 15) is the unsearchableness 
of God's purposes, and the signs of the last age. 
The second revelation (v. 16-vi. 34) carries out this 
teaching yet further, and lays open the gradual 
progress of the plan of Providence, and the nearness 
of the visitation before which evil must attain its 
most terrible climax. The third revelation (vi. 35- 
ix. 25) answers the objections from the apparent 



ESD 



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287 



narrowness of the limits within which the hope of 
blessedness is confined, and describes the coming 
of Messiah and the last scene of Judgment. After 
this follow three visions. The first vision (ix. 26-x. 
59) is of a woman (Sion) in deep sorrow, lamenting 
the death, upon his bridal day, of her only son (the 
city built by Solomon), who had been born to her 
after she had had no child for thirty years. But 
while Ezra looked, her face " upon a sudden shined 
exceedingly," and " the woman appeared no more, 
but there was a city builded." The second vision 
(xi., xii.), in a dream, is of an eagle (Rome) which 
" came up from the sea " and " spread her wings 
over all the earth." After some strange transfor- 
mations, suddenly a lion (Messiah) came forth and 
with a man's voice rebuked the eagle, and it was 
burnt up. The third vision (xiii.), in a dream, is of 
a man (Messiah) " flying with the clouds of heaven," 
against whom the nations of the earth are gathered, 
till he destroys them with the blast of his mouth, 
and gathers together the lost tribes of Israel and of- 
fers Sion, " prepared and builded," to His people. 
Chapter xiv. recounts an appearance to Ezra of the 
Lord who showed himself to Moses in the bush, at 
whose command he receives again the law which 
had been burnt, and with the help of scribes writes 
down ninety-four books (the twenty-four canonical 
books of the 0. T., and seventy of secret mysteries). 
— V. The date of the book is much disputed, though 
the limits within which opinions vary are narrower 
than in the case of the book of Enoch. Liicke 
places it in the time of Cesar; Van der Vlis shortly 
after the death of Cesar. Laurence and Hilgenfeld 
bring it down somewhat lower, to 28-25 b. c. On 
the other hand, Gfrorer, Wieseler, and Bauer assign 
the book to the time of Domitian, a. d. 81-96. Dr. 
Ginsburg (in Kit.) assigns it to about 50 b. c. — VI. 
The chief characteristics of the " three-headed 
eagle," which refer apparently to historic details, 
are " twelve feathered wings," " eight counter 
feathers," and " three heads ; " but though the 
writer expressly interprets these of kings (xii. 14, 
20) and " kingdoms " (xii. 23), he is, perhaps inten- 
tionally, so obscure in his allusions, that the inter- 
pretation only increases the difficulties of the vision 
itself. One point only may be considered certain, — 
the eagle can typify no other empire than Rome. 
But when it is established that the interpretation of 
the vision is to be sought in the history of Rome, 
the chief difficulties of the problem begin. All is 
evidently as yet vague and uncertain, and will prob- 
ably remain so till some clearer light can be thrown 
upon Jewish thought and history during the critical 
period 100 b. c-100 a. c— VII. But the book, i. e. 
chapters iii.-xiv., is a genuine product of Jewish 
thought, probably written in Egypt ; the opening and 
closing chapters certainly were. — VIII. In tone and 
character the Apocalypse of Ezra offers a striking 
contrast to that of Enoch. (Enoch, Book of.) Tri- 
umphant anticipations are overshadowed by gloomy 
forebodings of the destiny of the world. The idea 
of victory is lost in that of revenge. — IX. One tradi- 
tion which the book contains obtained a wide recep- 
tion in early times, and served as a pendant to the 
legend of the origin of the LXX. Ezra, it is said, 
for forty days and forty nights dictated to his 
scribes, who wrote ninety-four books, of which 
twenty-four were delivered to the people in place 
of the books which were lost (xiv. 20-48). This 
strange story probably owed its origin to the tradi- 
tion which regarded Ezra as the representative of 
the men of the " Great Synagogue." (Canon ; Syn- 



agogue, the Great.) — X. Though the book was 
assigned to the "prophet" Ezra by Clement of 
Alexandria, it did not maintain its ecclesiastical 
position in the Church. Jerome speaks of it with 
contempt, and it is rarely found in MSS. of the 
Latin Bible. It is found, however, in the printed 
copies of the Vulgate older than the Council of 
Trent. On the other hand, though this book is in- 
cluded among those which are " read for examples 
of life " by the English Church, no use of it is there 
made in public worship. 

* Es-dre'loni (Gr.) = Esdr^elon ; Jezreel (Jd. i. 

8). 

Es'e-bon (Gr.) = Heshbon (Jd. v. 15). 

Es-e-bri'as = Sherebiah (1 Esd. viii. 54). 

E sck (Heb. strife), a well, which the herdsmen of 
Isaac dug in the valley of Gerar (Gen. xxvi. 20). 

Esll'-ba-al (-bay-] (Heb. BaaPs man), fourth son 
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39), doubtless — Ish- 
bosheth. Compare Merib-baal. 

Esh'ban (Heb. = Heshbon, Ges.), a Horite, son 
of Dishon (Gen. xxxvi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41). 

Esh'col (Heb. cluster), brother of Mamre the Am- 
orite, and of Aner ; one of Abraham's companions 
in his pursuit of the four kings who had carried off 
Lot (Gen. xiv. 13, 24). 

Esh'col (Heb. cluster), the Val ley, or the Brook, 
of, a wady (Brook 4 ; Valley 3) in the neighbor- 
hood of Hebron, explored by the spies sent by 
Moses from Kadesh-barnea. From the terms of two 
of the notices of this transaction (Num. xxxii. 9 ; 
Deut. i. 24), it might be gathered that Eshcol was 
the farthest point to which the spies penetrated. 
But this would contradict the express statement of 
Num. xiii. 21, that they went as far as Rehob. 
From this fruitful valley they brought back a huge 
cluster of grapes (Num. xiii. 23, 24). The valley, 
Wady Teffuh, coming down toward Hebron from 
the N. W., and distinguished for its fine vineyards, 
which " produce the largest and best grapes in all 
the country," Robinson {Phys. Geog. 121) "with- 
out hesitation" identifies with Eshcol ; but says the 
fountain, a few minutes N. of the city, which Van 
de Velde (ii. 64) gives as 'iiti Eskali ( fountain of 
Eshcol) is 'A in Kaslikala, according to the Arabic 
scholar G. Rosen. 

E'she-an (Heb. prop, support, Ges.), a city in the 
mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 52) ; site unknown. 

E'shek (Heb. oppression, Ges.), a Benjamite, one 
of the late descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39). 

Esh'ka-lon-itcs (fr. Heb.) the, = inhabitants of 
Ashkelon (Josh. xiii. 3). 

Esh'ta-ol (Heb., perhaps = a receding, retreat, 
Ges. ; hollow way, Fii.), a town in the low country 
(Valley 5) of Judah, the first of the first group of 
cities in that district (Josh. xv. 33). Zorah and 
Eshtaol were two of the towns allotted to the tribe 
of Dan out of Judah (xix. 41). From them went 
out the Danites who took Laish (xviii. 2, 8, 11). 
Here, among the old warriors of the tribe, Samson 
spent his boyhood, and hither after his last exploit 
his body was brought (xiii. 25, xvi. 31). In the 
Onomasticon Eshtaol is twice mentioned— (1.) as As- 
taol of Judah, described as then existing between Azo- 
tus and Ascalon under the name of Astho ; (2.) as 
Esthaul of Dan, ten miles N. of Eleutheropolis. 
Porter (in Kitto) supposes it at the modern village 
of Yeshu'a or Eshwa\ about two miles E. of Sur^a 
(Zorah), at the end of a valley. 

Esh'ta-ul-ites (fr. Heb. = natives or descendants 
of Eshtaol), the, with the Zareathites, were among 
the families of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). 



288 



ESH 



EST 



Esh-te-mo'a, and Esh'te-moh (both Heb. = obe- 
dience, Ges.), a town of Judah, in the mountains 
(Josh. xv. 50), allotted to the priests (xxi. 14 ; 1 
Chr. vi. 57). It was one of the places frequented 
by David and his followers during their wanderings 
(1 Sam. xxx. 28, compare 31). There is little doubt 
that it has been discovered by Robinson at Scmu'a, 
a village seven miles S. of Hebron. Eshtemoa ap- 
pears to have been founded by the descendants of 
the Egyptian wife of a certain Mered (1 Chr. iv. 
11). " Eshtemoa the Maachathite " (ver. 19) appears 
to be an actual person. 

* Esh'tc-moh (Heb.) = Eshtemoa. 

Esh'ton (Heb. womanish, uxorious, Ges.), a name 
in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 11, 12). 

Es'H (Gr., probably = Azaliah), son of Nagge, 
and father of Nauru, in the genealogy of Christ (Lk. 
iii. 25). 

E-so'ra (fr. Gr.), a place fortified by the Jews on 
the approach of the Assyrian army under Holofer- 
nes ( Jd. iv. 4) ; perhaps = Hazor, or Zorah. 

* Es-pous'als. Marriage. 

Es'ril (Gr.) (1 Esd. ix. 34). Azareel, or Sharai. 

Es'rom (Gr.) = Hezron 2 (Mat, i. 3 ; Lk. iii. 33). 

Es-scnes' (-seenz] (Gr. Essenoi ; see below). I. 
In the description of Josephus (£. J. ii. 8, &c.) the 
Essenes appear to combine the ascetic virtues of the 
Pythagoreans and Stoics with a spiritual knowledge 
of the Divine Law. Though not mentioned by the 
name Esstncs in the N. T., Dr. Ginsburg (in Kitto) 
thinks tbey are referred to in Mat. xix. 12, 1 Cor. 
vii., &c. II. Various derivations have been pro- 
posed for the name Essene, and all are more or less 
open to objection. Mr. Westcott supposes that 
Essene represents a Chaldean or Aramaic word = 
seer (so Suidas), or the silent, the mysterious. Dr. 
Ginsburg (in Kitto) favors the derivation from hdsi 
or chdsi = pnous (compare Assideans). III. The ob- 
scurity of the Essenes as a distinct body arises from 
the fact that they represented originally a tendency 
rather than an organization. As a sect they were 
distinguished by an aspiration after ideal purity 
rather than by any special code of doctrines. 
From the Maccabean age there was a continuous ef- 
fort among the stricter Jews to attain an absolute 
standard of holiness. (Assideans.) Each class of 
devotees was looked upon as practically impure by 
their successors, who carried the laws of pmity 
still further; and the Essenes stand at the extreme 
limit of the mystic asceticism thus gradually re- 
duced to shape. To the Pharisees they stood nearly 
in the same relation as that in which the Pharisees 
themselves stood with regard to the mass of the 
people (so Mr. Westcott, original author of this ar- 
ticle; see below, VII.) VII. The traces of the ex- 
istence of Essenes in common society are not 
wanting nor confined to individual cases. Not 
only was a gate at Jerusalem named from them, 
but a later tradition mentions the existence of 
a congregation there which devoted " one-third of 
the day to study, one-third to prayer, and one-third 
to labor." The isolated communities of Essenes 
furnished the type preserved in the popular de- 
scriptions. These w r ere regulated by strict rules, 
analogous to those of the monastic institutions 
of a later date. The full membership in these 
was attained after two novitiates, the first of one 
year, the second of two years, when the novice 
bound himself by awful oaths — though oaths were 
absolutely forbidden at other times — to observe 
piety, justice, obedience, honesty, and secrecy. V. 
The order itself was regulated by an internal juris- 



diction. Excommunication was equivalent lo a 
slow death, since an Essene could not take food 
prepared by strangers for fear of pollution. All 
things were held in common, without distinction of 
property or house ; and special provision was rqade 
for the relief of the poor. Self-denial, temperance, 
and labor— especially agriculture — were the marks 
of the outward life of the Essenes ; purity and di- 
vine communion the objects of their aspiration. 
Slavery, war, and commerce were alike forbidden. 
VI. In doctrine, they did not differ essentially from 
strict Pharisees. Moses was honored by them next 
to God. They observed the Sabbath with singular 
strictness, and though unable to offer sacrifices at 
Jerusalem, probably from regard to purity, they 
sent gifts thither. Like most ascetics, they turned 
their attention specially to the mysteries of the 
spiritual world, and looked upon the body as a 
mere prison of the soul. The Essenes (so Ginsburg, 
in Kitto) were simply an order of Pharisees, living 
in celibacy. They believed that to obey diligently 
the commandments of the Lord, to lead a pure 
and holy life, to mortify the flesh and the lusts 
thereof, and to be meek and lowly in spirit, would 
bring them in closer communion with their Creator, 
and make them the temples of the Holy Ghost, 
when they would be able to prophesy and perform 
miracles, and, like Elias (Elijah), be ultimately the 
forerunners of the Messiah. VII. The number of the 
Essenes is roughly estimated by Philo at 4,000. 
Their best-known settlements were on the N. W. 
shore of the Dead Sea. VIII. In the Talmudic writings 
there is no direct m< ntion of the Essenes, but their 
existence is recognized by the notice of peculiar 
points of practice and teaching. IX. The character 
of Essenism limited its spread. Out of Palestine 
Levitical purity was impossible, for the very land 
was impure ; and thus there is no trace of the sect 
in Babylonia. The case was different in Egypt, and 
the tendency which gave birth to the Essenes found 
a fresh development in the pure speculation of the 
Therapeuta?. (Alexandria.) X. From the nature 
of the case, Essenism in its extreme form could ex- 
ercise very little influence on Christianity. In all 
its practical btaiings it was diametrically opposed 
to the apostolic teaching. The only real similarity 
between Essenism and Christianity lay in the com- 
mon element of true Judaism. Nationally, however, 
the Essenes occupy the same position as that to 
which John the Baptist was personally called. 
They mark the close of the old, the longing for the 
new, but in this case without ihe promise. At a 
later time traces of Essenism appear in the Clemen- 
tines. After the Jewish war the Essenes disappear 
from history. 

Es'thfr L" ter ] (Gr. fr. Pers. = the planet Venus; 
star, good fortune, happiness, compare Ashtoreth, 
Ges.), a name of Hadassah, daughter of Abihail, 
the son of Shimei, the son of Kish, a Benjamite 
(Esth. ii. 5, 15). Esther was a beautiful Jewish 
maiden, an orphan, brought up by her cousin Mor- 
decai, who had an office in the household of Ahas- 
uerus 3, king of Persia, and dwelt at " Shushan 
the palace." When Vashti had been dismissed 
from being queen, and all the fairest virgins of the 
kingdom had been collected at Shushan for the king 
to choose her successor from among them, the 
choice fell upon Esther. The king was not aware, 
however, of her race and parentage ; and so, on 
the representation of Haman the Agagite, that the 
Jews scattered through his empire were a pernicious 
race, he gave him full power and authority to kill 



EST 



ETE 



289 



them all, young and old, women and children, and 
take possession of all their property. The means 
taken by Esther to avert this great calamity from 
her people and her kindred, and the success of her 
scheme, by which she became forever especially 
honored among her countrymen (Purim), are fully 
related in Esther. (Esther, Book of.) Profane 
history is wholly silent both about Vashti and 
Esther. Herodotus only mentions one of Xerxes' 
wives ; Scripture only mentions two, if indeed either 
of them was a wife at all. Lord A. C. Hervey 
thinks that Esther, a captive, and one of the harem, 
was not of the highest rank of wives, but that a 
special honor, with the name of queen, may have 
been given to her, as to Vashti before her, as the 
favorite concubine or inferior wife, whose offspring, 
however, if she had any, would not have succeeded 
to the Persian throne. 

Esther [-ter] (Gr., see above), Book of, one of 
the latest of the canonical books of Scripture, 
written (so Lord A. C. Hervey, &c.) late in the reign 
of Xerxes (Ahasuerus 3), or early in that of his 
son Artaxerxes Longimanus. The book has its 
name from Esther, who is so prominent in the nar- 
rative. The author is not known, but may very 
probably have been Mordecai himself. Those who 
ascribe it to Ezra, or the men of the Great Syna- 
gogue, may have merely meant that Ezra edited and 
added it to the canon of Scripture, which he prob- 
ably did. Esther appears in a different form in the 
LXX., and the translations therefrom, from that in 
which it is found in the Hebrew Bible. — I. The 
canonical Esther is placed among the hagiographa 
by the Jews, and in that first portion of them which 
they call " the five rolls." (Bible III. 3.) It is 
sometimes emphatically called Megillah (Heb. = 
roll), without other distinction, and is read through 
by the Jews in their synagogues at the feast of 
Purim. It has often been remarked as a pecu- 
liarity of this book, that the name of God does 
not once occur in it. It was always reckoned in 
the Jewish canon, and is named or implied in 
almost every enumeration of the books composing 
it, from Josephus downward. Jerome mentions it 
by name, as do Augustine, Origen, and many others. 
The style of writing is remarkably chaste and sim- 
ple. It does not in the least savor of romance. 
The Hebrew is very like that of Ezra and parts 
of 1 & 2 Chronicles ; generally pure, but mixed 
with some words of Persian origin, and some of 
Chaldaic affinity. In short, it is just what one 
would expect to find in a work of the age to 
which Esther professes to belong. — II. The LXX. 
version of the book consists of the canonical Esther 
with various interpolations prefixed, interspersed, 
and added at the close. The chief additions are — 
what in the A. V. (Apocrypha) constitutes xi. 2- 
xii. 6, is in the LXX. placed before i. 1 (A.V.); xiii. 
1-7 (A. V.) follows iii. 13 (A. V.); xiii. 8-xiv. 19 
(A. V.) follows iv. 17 (A. V.) ; xv. (A. V.) is an am- 
plification of v. 1, 2 (A. V.) ; xvi. (A. V.) is an in- 
terpolation in viii. 13 (A. V.); x. 4-xi. 1 (A. V.) fol- 
lows x. 3 (A. V.). Though the interpolations of 
the Greek copy are manifest, they make a consist- 
ent and intelligible story. But the Apocryphal 
additions as inserted in some editions of the Latin 
Vulgate, and in the English Bible under the title, 
" The rest of the Chapters of the Book of Esther, 
which are found neither in the Hebrew, nor in the 
Chaldee," are incomprehensible ; the history of 
which is this : — When Jerome translated Esther, he 
first gave the version of the Hebrew alone as being 
19 



alone authentic. He then added at the end a version 
in Latin of those several passages in the LXX. 
which were not in the Hebrew, stating where each 
passage came in, and marking them all with an obe- 
lus [f ]. The first passage so given is x. 4-13, xi. 1 
(A. V.), which form the conclusion of the book in 
the LXX. Having annexed this conclusion, he then 
gives the Proozmium (L. = Introduction), which he 
says forms the beginning of the Greek Vulgate (xi. 
2-xii. 6 [A. V.]) ; and so proceeds with the other 
passages. But in subsequent editions all Jerome's 
explanatory matter has been swept away, and the 
disjointed portions have been printed as chapters xi., 
xii., xiii., xiv., xv., xvi., as if they formed a narrative 
in continuance of the canonical book. Esther, in 
the LXX., in the Vatican edition, and most others, 
comes between Judith and Job. Tobit and Judith 
have been placed between it and Nehemiah, doubt- 
less for chronological reasons. But in the very 
ancient Codex or MS. published by Tischendorf, 
and called V. Fridcrico-Augustanus(\. e. ilie Frederic- 
Augustus MS.), Esther immediately follows Nehe- 
miah, and precedes Tobit. The Apocryphal addi- 
tions to Esther were probably written in Greek by 
a Hellenistic Jew or Jews to supply the name of 
God, and point out more distinctly His interposition 
in behalf of His chosen people. The Council of 
Trent pronounced the whole of Esther, including 
these additions, to be canonical, but all Protestants 
reject them. Apocrypha. 

15'taiH (L. fr. Heb. = place of ravenous beasts, 
Ges.). 1. A village or city of Simeon, specified only 
in 1 dir. iv. 32; = Ether? (compare Josh. xix. 7). 
— 2. A place in Judah, fortified and garrisoned by 
Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 6). From its position in this 
list we may conclude that it was near Bethlehem 
and Tekoah. Here, according to Josephus (viii. 7, 
§ 3) and the Talmudists, were the sources of the 
water from which Solomon's gardens and pleasure- 
grounds were fed, and Bethlehem and the Temple 
supplied. Robinson (i. 477, iii. 273) supposes Etam 
at the ruined village of Urlas, about one and a half 
miles S. of Bethlehem. (Etam, the Rock). — 3. A 
name in the lists of Judah's descendants (1 Chr. iv. 
3), but probably referring to No. 2. 

E'tam (see above), the Rock, a cliff or lofty rock, 
into a cleft or chasm of which Samson retired after 
his slaughter of the Philistines (Judg. xv. 8, 11). 
This natural stronghold was in the tribe of Judah ; 
and near it, probably at its foot was Lehi or Ra- 
math-lehi, and En-hakkore (xv. 9, 14, 17, 19). The 
extremely uneven and broken country round the 
modern Urt&s (Etam 2) is a fitting scene for the ad- 
venture of Samson. In the abundant springs and 
the numerous eminences of the district round Urtas, 
the cliff Etam, Ramath-lehi, and En-hakkore may 
be yet discovered. 

* E-ter'nal (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Heb. '61dm once(Is. lx. 15), usually translated "for 
ever" (Gen. iii. 22; Ex. iii. 15, xii. 14, 17, &c.), or 
"everlasting" (Gen. ix. 16, xvii. 7, 8, 13, 19, xxi. 
33, &c.); also translated " alway " or "always" 
(Gen. vi. 3; 1 Chr. xvi. 15; Job vii. 16, &c), "per- 
petual" (Gen. ix. 12; Ex. xxix. 9, &c), "of old" 
(Gen. vi. 4 ; Ps. cxix. 52, &c), " old " (Deut. xxxii. 
7 ; Job xxii. 15, &c), " world " (Ps. lxxiii. 12 ; Eccl. 
iii. 11; see below), &c. The Heb. word (so Gese- 
nius) properly = hidden ; specifically, hidden time, 
i. e. obscure and long, of which the beginning or 
end is uncertain or indefinite, duration, everlasting, 
eternity, spoken — (a) of time long past, of old, ever- 
lasting (Gen. vi. 4; Deut. xxxii. 7, &c); — (b) of 



290 



ETE 



ETE 



future time, ever, forever, evermore, in such a way 
that the duration to which it extends is to be de- 
termined from the nature of the subject, as the 
whole period of life (Deut. xv. 17, A. V. " ever," 
&c), the whole duration of a race, dynast}', or peo- 
ple (Gen. xvii. 7, 8, &c), the duration of the earth 
and the universe (Ps. civ. 5, A.V. " ever," &c), and 
of human things after death (Jer. li. 39, 57, A. V. 
" perpetual " in both ; Dan. xii. 2, A. V. " everlast- 
ing " twice, &c), the existence of God (Gen. xxi. 33, 
&c. ; compare Gen. iii. 22, &c), the eternity of life, 
prosperity, &c, which is hyperbolically expressed 
in good wishes (1 K. i. 31, A. V. "for ever," &c). 
(Eternity.) In Eccl. iii. 11, '61dm, in A. V., LXX., 
Vulgate, is translated " the world ; " by Baiir, Ro- 
senmiiller, &c, eternity ; by Gesenius, the world, 
hence love of worldly things, world/iness (compare 
No. 4 below) ; by Gaab, Spohn, Uitzig, Stuart, in- 
telligence. In Ps. lxxiii. 12 (A.V. " in the world "), 
Gesenius, J. A. Alexander, sc., translated ever, for 
ever.— 2. Heb. kedcm once (Deut. xxxiii. 27); once 
translated "from everlasting" (Hab. i. 12), fre- 
quently "of old" (Neh. xii. 46; Ps. lxxiv. 2, 12, 
&c), &c. This He"b. word (so Gesenius) properly = 
the front, what is before ; and is used of place = 
"east" (Gen. x. 30, &c), and poetically of time = 
former times, aforetime, ancient days, like No. 1 
(Ps. lxxiv. 12, &c), also of eternity, at least that 
which has no beginning (Deut. xxxiii. 27, &c). — 3. 
Gr. aidios( = everlasting ; fr. Gr. ad = ever, always, 
L. & S., Rbn. K T. Lex.), once applied to God 
(Rom. i. 20) ; translated in the only other passage 
of its occurrence in the N. T. " everlasting " 
(Jude 6), and there applied to the " chains" of the 
fallen angels. — 4. Gr. aion (so Robinson, N. 1\ Lex.), 
properly (compare No. 1) = duration, the course or 
flow of time, in various relations, as determined by 
the context, viz. : (a), human life, existence, in Homer, 
&c. ; (b) lime indefinite, a period of the world, the 
world (see below for N. T. ; in LXX. for Nos. 1 & 2 ; 
also in other Greek writers) ; (c) endless duration, per- 
petuity, eternity (Eph. iii. 1 1 ; 1 Tim. i. 17, see below ; 
in LXX. for No. 1 ; also in Plato and other Greek 
writers). This word in different phrases is differ- 
ently translated. Thus, under (b), the Gr. ap'aionos 
(sing.) is translated " since the world began " (Lk. 
i. 70; Acts iii. 21), "from the beginning of the 
world" (xv. 18); apo ton aionon (pi.) "from the be- 
ginning of the world " (Eph. iii. 9), " from ages " 
(Col. i. 26); ehtou aionos, "since the world began" 
(Jn. ix. 32) ; pro ton aionon, " before the world " (1 
Cor. ii. 7) ; ho aion houtos, " this world " (Mat. xii. 
32, xiii. 22, 40; Mk. iv. 19; Lk. xvi. 8, xx. 34; Rom. 

xii. 2 ; 1 Cor. i. 20, ii. 6, 8, iii. 18 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ; Gal. 
i. 4; Eph. i. 21, vi. 12; 1 Tim. vi. 17; 2 Tim. iv. 
10; Tit. ii. 12); he sunteleiatou aionos (sing.) (Mat. 

xiii. 39, 49, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 20) and he suntelcia ion 
aionon (pi.) (Heb. ix. 26), both translated "the end 
of the world : " 1a tele ton aionon (I Cor. x. 11), " the 
ends of the world ; " kala ton aiona tou kosmou toutou 
(Eph. ii. 2), " according to the course of this world ; " 
the pi. is translated " worlds " (i. e. heaven and 
earth, the universe) in references to the creation 
(Heb. i. 2, xi. 3). Under (c), it is twice in the pi. 
translated " eternal " (literally of durations or of 
eternities), once of God's purpose (Eph. iii. 11), and 
once of God himself (1 Tim. i. 17). Here belong 
the Greek phrases eis Jiemeran aionos (literally to 
eternity's day) (2 Pet. iii. 18), translated "for ever;" 
eis ton aiona (literally to the eternity), translated " for 
ever" (Mat. xxi. 19; Mk. xi. 14; Lk. i. 55; Jn. vi. 
bl, 58, viii. 35, xii. 34, xiv. 16; 2 Cor. ix. 9; Heb. 



v. 6, vi. 20, vii. 17, 21, 24; 1 Pet. i. 23, 25 ; 1 Jn. ii. 
17 ; 2 Jn. 2 ; Jude 13), "while the world standeth" 
(1 Cor. viii. 13), "for evermore" (Heb. vii. 28), with 
a negative in Greek usually translated " never " 
(Mk. iii. 29; Jn. iv. 14, viii. 51, 52, x. 28, xi. 26, 
xiii. 8) ; eis aiona (literally to eternity) , also trans- 
lated "for ever" (2 Pet. ii. 17); eis torn ■ aionas (lit- 
erally to the eternities), also translated " for ever " 
(Mat. vi. 13 ; Lk. i. 33 ; Rom. i. 25, ix. 5, xi. 36, xvi. 
27 ; Heb. xiii. 8), "for evermore" (2 Cor. xi. 31); 
eistous aionas ton aionon (literally to the eternities of 
the eternities), translated " for ever and ever " (Gal. 
i. 5 ; Phil. iv. 20 ; 1 Tim. i. 17 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18 ; Heb. 
xiii. 21 ; 1 Pet. iv. 11, v. 11 ; Rev. i. 6, iv. 9, 10, v. 
13, 14, vii. 12, x. 6, xi. 15, xv. 7, xix. 3, xx. 10, 
xxii. 6), "for evermore" (Rev. i. 18); eis aionas 
aionon (literally to eternities of eternities), also trans- 
lated "for ever and ever" (Rev. xiv. 11); eis ton 
aiona tou aionos (literally to the eternity of the eter- 
nity), also translated "for ever and ever" (Heb. i. 
8); tou aionos ton aionon (literally of the eternity of 
the eternities), translated " world without end " (Eph. 
iii. 21) ; eispantas lous aionas (literally to all the eter- 
nities), translated "ever" (Jude 25) ; mellon aion, 
translated " the world to come " (Heb. vi. 5 ; in 
Mat. xii. 32, A. V. " the world to come," and Eph. 
i. 21, A. V. "that which is to come," the word aion 
= " world " is to be supplied from the preceding 
part of the sentence); ho aion ho erchomenos, also 
translated " the world to come " (Mk. x. 30 ; Lk. 
x viii. 30); ho aion ekeiuos, translated "that world" 
(Lk. xx. 35); hoi aiones hoi eperchomenoi, translated 
"the ages to come" (Eph. ii. 7). — 5. Gr. aionios, 
(adj. fr. No. 4) = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) ever enduring, 
perjjetual, everlasting ; used (like No. 1) (a) of time 
long past and indefinite, pjrimevo.l, most ancient, of 
old, in the Greek phrases chronois aicniois (literally 
in times of old), translated "since the world began" 
(Rom. xvi. 25) ; pro ehronon aionion (literally be- 
fore limes of old), translated "before the world be- 
gan " (2 Tim. i. 9 ; Tit. i. 2) ; (l>) of endless duration, 
eternal, everlasting, sometimes of that without be- 
ginning or end (Rom. xvi. 26, A.V. "everlasting;" 
Heb. ix. 14, A. V. "eternal"), but usually of the 
endless future only, translated indiscriminately in 
A. V. " everlasting " (Mat. xviii. 8, xix. 29, xxv. 41 ; 
Lk. xvi. 9, xviii. 30; Jn. iii. 16, 36, iv. 14, v. 24, vi. 
27, 40, 47, xii. 50; Acts xiii. 46 ; Rom. vi. 22 ; Gal. 

vi. 8; 2 Th. i. 9, ii. 16; 1 Tim. i. 16, vi. 16; Heb 
xiii. 20; 2 Pet. i. 11; Rev. xiv. 6) and "eternal" 
(Mat. xix. 16; Mk. iii. 29, x. 17, 30; Lk. x. 25, 
xviii. 18; Jn. iii. 15, iv. 36, v. 39, vi. 54, 68, x. 28, 
xii. 25, xvii. 2, 3 ; Acts xiii. 48 ; Rom. ii. 7, v. 21, 
vi. 23; 2 Cor. iv. 17, 18, v. 1 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12, 19; 2 
Tim. ii. 10; Tit. i. 2, iii. 7; Heb. v. 9, vi. 2, ix. 12, 
15; 1 Pet. v. 10; 1 Jn. i. 2, ii. 25, iii. 15, v. 11, 13, 
20; Jude 7, 21), once both " everlasting" and "eter- 
nal " in the same verse (Mat. xxv. 46), and once 
"forever" (Phn. 15). Damnation ; Death ; Eter- 
nity ; Life. 

* E-tcr'lli-ty (fr. L.), occurs once only in the text of 
the A. V. of the canonical Scriptures, viz., as the 
translation in Is. lvii. 15 of the Heb. 'ad (properly 
a passing, progress, in space; also duration in time; 
hence perpetual lime, eternity; — Heb. 'clum, Ges. 
[Eternal 1]) in the sentence " the high and lofty one 
that inhabiteth eternity," i. e. that sittelh en- 
throned for ever (Gesenius). The Heb. 'ad is twice 
in A.V. translated " everlasting," viz., in the phrases 
" everlasting Father " (Is. ix. 6, Heb. 5) and " ever- 
lasting mountains " (Hab. iii. 6), and once " per- 
petually " (Am. i. 11), but usually with a Hebrew 



ETH 



EUE 



291 



preposition = " for ever " (Ps. cxi. 3, 10, &c.), or in 
connection with Heb. 'tiMm, = " for ever and ever" 
(Ex. xv. 18; Ps. x. 16, cxi. 8, &c.) "Eternity" 
occurs three times in the margin of A.V., viz., twice 
as the translation of Heb. ''61dm (Jer. x. 10, text 
" everlasting King," margin " King of eternity ; " 
Hie. v. 2 [Heb. 1], text " from everlasting," margin 
" from the days of eternity " [Eternal 1]), and once 
for Heb. nelsah or netsach (1 Sam. xv. 29, text 
" strength," margin " eternity," or " victory ; " Ge- 
senius translates here confidence or object of confi- 
dence), which most commonly = perpetuity, eternity, 
is in A.V. usually translated " ever " or " for ever " 
(2 Sam. ii. 26; Is. xxxiii. 20; Am. i. 11, &c), but 
admits of a like variation in meaning with , dldm 
(Eternal 1). — Eternity in the most unlimited sense 
(i. e. existence without beginning or end) belongs 
to God (Deut. xxxiii. 27 ; Ps. xc. 2, &c.) ; as having 
a beginning, but no eud in the future, it describes 
the immortal existence of man and of created spir- 
itual beings, and the endless duration of their future 
happiness or misery (Mat. xxv. 41, 46; Jn. iii. 15, 

16, 36, &c). Angels; Damnation; Death; Eter- 
nal ; Hinnom, Valley of, &c. 

E'tliam(Heb. fr. Egyptian = boundary of the sea? 
Jablonsky, Ges.), a station of the Israelites as they 
were leaving Egypt. Exodcts, the. 

E than (L. fr. Heb. = perpetuity, firmness, Ges. ; 
God as very ancient, Fii.). 1. " The Ezrahite," one 
of the four sons of Mahol, whose wisdom was ex- 
celled by Solomon (1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr. ii. 6). 
(Darda; Heman 1, 2.) His name is in the title of 
Ps. lxxxix. — 2. Son of Kishi or Kushaiah; head of 
the Merarite Levites in David's time (1 Chr. vi. 44, 
Heb. 29), and a " singer." With Heman and Asaph, 
the heads of the other two families of Levites, 
Ethan was appointed to sound with cymbals (xv. 

17, 19). It has been conjectured that the two 
names Ethan and Jeduthun belonged to one man, 
or are identical, but there is no direct evidence of 
this. — 3. A Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph 
the singer (1 Chr. vi. 42, Heb. 27). Joah 2. 

Eta'a-nim. Month. 

Eta'In-al [-bay-] (Heb. with Baal), king of Sidon 
and father of Jezebel (1 K. xvi. 31). Josephus rep- 
resents him as king of the Tyrians as well as the 
Sidonians. We may thus identify him with Eithoba- 
lus or Ithobalus, noticed by Menander, a priest of 
Astarte, who, after having assassinated Pheles, 
usurped the throne of Tyre for thirty-two years. 
The date of Ethbaal's reign may be given as about 
B. c. 940-908. 

E'tlier (Heb. abundance, Ges.), a city of Judah in 
the low country (Josh. xv. 42), allotted to Simeon 
(xix. 7) ; = Etam 1, or Tociien (?). Wilton (in Fair- 
bairn, art. Libnah) identifies Ether with 'Atlarah 
near Gaza. 

E-thi-o'pi-a (L. JElhiopia, fr. Gr. Aithiopia, Aithi- 
op$ — burnt [i. e. dark, swarthy] countenance ; see 
below), the country called by the Hebrews " Cusii," 
lying S. of Egypt, and embracing, in its most ex- 
tended sense, the modern Nubia, Seunaar, Kordo- 
fan, and N. Abys.tinia, and in its more definite 
sense the kingdom of Meroe, from the junction of 
the Blue and White branches of the Nile to the bor- 
der of Egypt. The only direction in which a clear 
boundary can be fixed is in the N., where Syene 
marked the division between Ethiopia and Egypt (Ez. 
xxix. 10) : in other directions the boundaries may be 
generally described as the Red Sea on the E., the 
Libyan desert on the W., and the Abyssinian high- 
lands on the S. The name " Ethiopia " is probably 



an adaptation of the Egyptian name " Ethaush " (so 
Mr. Bevan, &c). The Hebrews do not appear to 
have had much practical acquaintance with Ethio- 
pia itself, though the Ethiopians were well known 
to them through their intercourse with Egypt. They 
were, however, perfectly aware of its position (Is. 
xviii. 1 ; Ez. xxix. 10 ; Zeph. iii. 10) and its tropical 
characteristics, and they carried on commercial in- 
tercourse with it (Job xxviii. 19 ; Is. xlv. 14). The 
country is for the most part mountainous, the 
ranges gradually increasing in altitude toward the 
S., until they attain an elevation of about 8,000 feet 
in Abyssinia. The inhabitants of Ethiopia were a 
Hamitic race (Gen. x. 6), dark-complexioned (Jer, 

xiii. 23) and stalwart (Is. xlv. 14). They were di- 
vided into various tribes, of which the Sabeans were 
the most powerful. (Seba; Sukkiims.) The his- 
tory of Ethiopia is closely interwoven with that of 
Egypt. The two countries were not unfrequently 
united under the same sovereign. (So ; Tirhakah ; 
Zerah 4.) Esar-haddon is stated in the Assyrian 
inscriptions to have conquered both Egypt and 
Ethiopia. At the time of the conquest of Egypt, 
Cambyses advanced against Meroe and subdued it ; 
but the Persian rule did not take any root there, 
nor did the influence of the Ptolemies generally ex 
tend beyond N. Ethiopia. Shortly before our Sav- 
iour's birth, a native dynasty of females, holding the 
official title of Candace, held sway in Ethiopia, and 
even resisted the advance of the Roman arms. Pro- 
phecies against Ethiopia are recorded (Is. xviii., 
xx.; Ez. xxx.; Zeph. ii. 12; see also Nah. iii. 9). 
The conversion of Ethiopia is predicted (Ps. lxviii. 
31 ; Is. xlv. 14 ; Zeph. iii. 10 ?). See the five articles 
below. 

E-thi-o'pi-an (= one from Ethiopia), properly a 
" Cushite " (Jer. xiii. 23); used of Zerah (2 Chr 

xiv. 9 [Heb. 8]), and Ebed-melech (Jer. xxxviii. 7, 
10, 12, xxxix. 16). Ethiopians. 

E-tlii-o'pi-an Woman (Ethiopian). The wife of 
Moses is so described in Num. xii. 1 (margin " Cush- 
ite"). She is elsewhere said to have been the 
daughter of a Midianite, and in consequence of this 
some have supposed that the allusion is to another 
wife whom Moses married after the death of Zip- 
porah. 

E-thi-o'pi-ans (see Ethiopian), properly '' Cosh " 
or " Ethiopia " in Is. xx. 4 ; Jer. xlvi. 9 ; elsewhere 
" Cushites," or inhabitants of Ethiopia (2 Chr. xii. 
3, xiv. 12 f. [Heb. 11 f.], xvi. 8, xxi. 16; Dan. xi. 
43 ; Am. ix. 7; Zeph. ii. 12). 

* E-tbi-op'ic Lan'guagc. Shemitic Languages. 

* E-tbi-op'ie Ver'sion^ Versions, Ancient, of 
? the O. and N. T. 

Eth'ma (Gr.) in 1 Esd. ix. 35 apparently a corrup- 
tion of Nebo in the parallel list of Ezr. x. 43. 

Etll'lian (Heb. a gift, hire, Ges.), a descendant 
of Judah, and son of Helah the wife of Ashur (1 
Chr. iv. 7). 

Eth'ni (Heb. giving, munificent, Ges. ; Jehovah 
reroards, Fii.), a Gershonite Levite, ancestor of 
Asaph (1 Chr. vi. 41, Heb. 26). 

En-Wins (L. fr. Gr. = of good counsel, shrewd, 
prudent, L. & S.), a Christian at Rome mentioned 
by St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 21). 

En-cr'gc-tes [-je-teez] (Gr. a benefactor), a com- 
mon surname and title of honor in Greek states. 
(Benefactor.) The title was borne by two of the 
Ptolemies, Ptolemy III. Euergetes I., b. c. 247- 
222, and Ptolemy VII. Euergetes II., also called 
Ptolemy Physcon, the brother, rival, and successor 
of Ptolemy VI. Philometor, b. c. (170) 146-117. 



292 



EUM 



EUP 



The Euergetes mentioned in the prologue to Eccle- 
siasticus has been identified with each of these. 

Eu'me-nes [-neez] (Gr. well-disposed, kind, friendly, 
L. & S.) II., king of Pergamus, succeeded his father 
Attalus I., b. c. 197. In the war with Antiochus 
the Great, he rendered the most important services 
to the Romans. After peace was made (b. c. 189), 
he repaired to Rome to claim the reward of his 
loyalty ; and the Senate conferred on him the prov- 
inces of Mysia, Lydia, and Ionia (with some excep- 
tions), Phrygia, Lycaonia, and the Thracian Cher- 
sonese (1 Mc. viii. 8 wrongly says "the country of 
India, and Media," &c). The exact date of his 
death is not mentioned, but it must have taken 
place in b. c. 159. 

En'na-tan (1 Esd. viii. 44), apparently a corrup- 
tion of Elnathan (compare Ezr. viii. 16). 

En'llicc [yu'nis ; in L. pron. yu-ni'see] (L. fr. Gr. 
-jEunike = well -victorious), a Jewess of unfeigned 
faith," mother of Timothy (2 Tim. i. 5). Her hus- 
band was a Greek (Acts xvi. 1). 

En'nncli [yu'nuk] (fr. Gr. ; see No. 2 below), the 
A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. saris (2 K. ix. 32, xx. 
18; Is. xxxix. 7, lvi. 3, 4; Jer. xxix. 2, xxxiv. 19, 

xxxviii. 7, xli. 16, lii. 25 ; Dan. i. 3, 7 ff.), often the 
marginal translation (1 Sam. viii. 15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9; 
2 K. viii. 6, xxiii. 11, xxiv. 12, 15, xxv. 19 ; 1 Chr. 

xxviii. 1; 2 Chr. xviii. 8; Esth. i. 10, 12, iv. 4). 
The Hebrew word is also translated " Chamber- 
lain " (2 K. ix. 32 [margin], xxiii. 11 ; Esth. i. 10, 
12, 15, ii. 3, 14, 15, 21, iv. 4, 5, vi. 2, 14, vii. 9 ; Jer. 

xxix. 2 [margin]), and "Officer" (Gen. xxxvii. 36, 

xxxix. 1, xl. 2, 7 ; 1 Sam. viii. 15 ; 1 K. xxii. 9 ; 2 
K. viii. 6, xxiii. 11 [margin], xxiv 12, 15, xxv. 19; 
1 Chr. xxviii. 1 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 8). — 2. Gr. cvnouchos 
(literally bed-keeper, chamberlain) (Mat. xix. 12 ; 
Acts viii. 27 ff.). The original Hebrew word clearly 
implies the incapacity which mutilation involves, 
and perhaps includes all the classes mentioned in 
Mat. xix. 12 (see below), not signifying an office 
merely. The law (Deut. xxiii. 1 ; compare Lev. xxi. 
19, xxii. 24) is repugnant to thus treating any Is- 
raelite ; and Samuel, when describing the arbitrary 
power of the future king (1 Sam. viii. 15, margin), 
mentions " his eunuchs," but does not say that he 
would make "their sons" such. This, if we com- 
pare 2 K. xx. 18 and Is. xxxix. 7, possibly implies that 
these persons would be foreigners. It was a bar- 
barous custom of the East thus to treat captives 
(Hdt. iii. 49, vi. 32), not only of tender age, but, it 
would seem, when past puberty The " officer " 
Potiphar (Gen. xxxvii. 36, xxxix. 1, margin "eu- 
nuch ") was an Egyptian, was married, and was 
the " captain of the guard ; " but (so Gesenius) many 
eunuchs are not wholly impotent, and they some- 
times live in matrimony (see Terence, Juvenal, 
Chardin, &c). In the Assyrian monuments a eunuch 
with a bloated, beardless face and double chin often 
appears, sometimes armed, and in warlike capacity, 
or as a scribe, noting the number of heads and 
amount of spoil, as receiving the prisoners, and 
even as officiating in religious ceremonies. The 
origination of the practice is ascribed to Semiramis, 
and is no doubt as early, or nearly so, as Eastern 
despotism itself. The complete assimilation of the 
kingdom of Israel, and latterly of Judah, to the 
neighboring models of despotism, is traceable in the 
rank and prominence of eunuchs (see references 
above). They mostly appear in one of two rela- 
tions, either military as " set over the men of war," 
greater trustworthiness possibly counterbalancing 
inferior courage and military vigor, or associated, | 



as we mostly recognize them, with women and chil- 
dren. We find the Assyrian Rab-Saris, or chief 
eunuch (2 K. xviii. 17), employed together with 
other high officials as ambassador. It is probable 
that Daniel and his companions were thus treated, 
in fulfilment of 2 K. xx. 17, 18 and Is. xxxix. 7 ; com- 
pare Dan. i. 3, 7. The court of Herod of course 
had its eunuchs, as had also that of Queen Candace 
(Acts viii. 27). Three classes of "eunuchs" are 
mentioned in Mat. xix. 12 — (1.) those born incapable 
of procreation ; (2.) those made so by emasculation : 
(3.) those figuratively said to make themselves soj 
because they voluntarily live like eunuchs in ab- 
stinence. See Robinson, N. T. Lex,, &c. 

Eu-o'di-as (Gr. Euodia — a good journey, pros- 
perous course, L. & S. ; correctly Euodia), a Chris- 
tian woman at Philippi, exhorted to live in harmony 
with Syntyche (Phil. iv. 2). 

Eu-plira'tcs [-teez] (Gr. ; Heb. Perdth ; prob- 
ably fr. Aryan = the good and abounding river), a 
river, most frequently denoted in the Bible by the 
term " the river ; " the largest, the longest, and by 
far the most important river of Western Asia. It 
rises from two chief sources in the Armenian moun- 
tains (Armenia), one of them at Bondi, twenty-five 
miles N. E. of Erzeroum, and little more than a de- 
gree from the Black Sea ; the other on the N. slope 
of the mountain range called Ala-Tagh, near the 
village of Biyadin, and not far from Mount Ararat. 
Both branches flow at first toward the W. or S. W., 
passing through the wildest mountain districts of 
Armenia ; they meet at Kebban-Maden, nearly in 
longitude 39° E. from Greenwich, having run re- 
spectively 400 and 270 miles. Here the stream 
formed by their combined waters is 120 yards wide, 
rapid, and very deep ; it now flows nearly S., but in 
a tortuous course, forcing a way through the ranges 
of Taurus and Anti-Taurus, and still seeming as if 
it would empty itself into the Mediterranean ; but 
prevented from so doing by the longitudinal ranges 
of Amanus and Lebanon, here parallel to the Syrian 
coast, and at no great distance from it, the river at 
last in about latitude 36° turns toward the S. E., 
and proceeds in this direction for above 1,000 miles 
to its mouth in the Persian Gulf. The entire course 
is calculated at 1,780 miles, and of this distance 
more than two-thirds (1,200 miles) is navigable for 
boats and for small steamers. The width of the 
river is greatest at the distance of 700 or 800 miles 
from its mouth, i. e. from its junction with the 
Khabour to the village of Wcrdi. It there averages 
400 yards. From the entire lack of tributaries be- 
low the Khabour, the employment of the water in 
irrigation, and the tendency to run off and waste it- 
self in vast marshes, the lower course of the river 
is continually varying, and it is doubted whether at 
present, except in the inundation, any portion of 
the Euphrates water is poured into the Shat-el-Arab 
(the stream formed by the junction of the Euphra- 
tes and Tigris). The annual inundation of the 
Euphrates is caused by the melting of the snows 
in the Armenian highlands. It occurs in May. The 
great hydraulic works ascribed to Nebuchadnezzar 
had for their main object to control the inundation 
by turning the waters into canals and distributing 
them. The Euphrates has at all times been of some 
importance as furnishing a line of traffic between 
the East and the West. Herodotus speaks of per- 
sons, probably merchants, using it regularly on their 
passage from the Mediterranean to Babylon. He 
also describes the circular boats in use, of wicker- 
work coated with bitumen, sometimes covered with 



EUP 



EUP 



293 




Map of the Countries watered by the Euphrates and Tigris, corrected from the Map in Cassell'fl Bible Dictionary. 



ekins. Boats of this kind, called kufas, still abound 
on the river. The disadvantage of the route was 




Kufa, or circular boat of wicker-work, used on the Euphrates. — From Col. 
Chesney. — (Rawlinson's Herodotus, L 260.) 

the difficulty of conveying return cargoes against 
the current. But probably throughout the Babylo- 



nian and Persian periods this route was made use of 
by the merchants of various nations, and by it the 
East and West continually interchanged their most 
important products. The Euphrates is first men- 
tioned in Scripture as one of the four rivers of 
Eden 1 (Gen. ii. 14) ; next in the covenant made 
with Abraham (xv. 18), where the whole country, 
" from the river of Egypt unto the great river, the 
river Euphrates," is promised to the chosen race 
(Deut. i. 1, xi. 24 ; Josh. i. 4). From 1 Chr. v. 9 it 
appears that the tribe of Reuben did actually extend 
itself to the Euphrates in the times anterior to Saul. 
During the reigns of David and Solomon the do- 
minion of Israel actually attained to the full extent 
both ways of the original promise, the Euphrates 
forming the boundary of their empire to the N. E., 



294 



EUP 



EXC 



and the river of Egypt to the S. W. (2 Sam. viii. 3- 
8 ; 1 K. iv. 21 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 3 ff. ; 2 Chr. ix. 26). 
This wide-spread territory was lost upon the disrup- 
tion of the empire under Rehoboam ; and no more 
is heard in Scripture of the Euphrates until the ex- 
pedition of Necho against the Babylonians in the 
reign of Josiah. The river still brings down as 
much water as of old, but the precious element is 
wasted by the neglect of man ; the various water- 
courses along which it was in former times conveyed 
are dry ; the main channel has shrunk ; and the 
water stagnates in unwholesome marshes. The 
Euphrates is mentioned in the N. T. only in Rev. ix. 
14, xvi. 12. Assyria; Babel; Carchemish ; Chal- 
dea ; Mesopotamia. 

En-itol'e-nms (L. fr. Gr. = good at war, L. & S.), 
"the son of John, the son of Accos," one of the en- 
voys sent to Rome bv Judas Maccabeus, cir. b. c. 
161 (1 Mc. viii. 17; 2 Mc. iv. 11). He has been 
identified with the historian of the same name men- 
tioned by Josephus (Ap. i. 23), but it is by no 
means clear that the historian was of Jewish de- 
scent. 

En-roc'ly-don (fr. Gr. Eurokludon, compounded 
of Euros, E. wind, and kluddn, a wave, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.), the name given (Acts xxvii. 14) to the gale 
of wind which off the S. coast of Crete seized the 
ship in which St. Paul was ultimately wrecked on 
the coast of Malta. It came down from the island, 
and therefore must have blown, more or less, from 
the N. Next, the wind is described as being like a 
typhoon or whirlwind (A. V. " tempestuous "). The 
long duration of the gale (verse 27), the overclouded 
state of the sky (20), and even the heavy rain which 
concluded the storm (xxviii. 2), could easily be 
matched with parallel instances in modern times. 
We have seen that the wind was more or less north- 
erly. The context (xxvii. 14, 16, 17) gives us full 
materials for determining its direction with great 
exactitude. Dr. Howson concludes that it blew 
from the N. E. or E. N. E. This is quite in har- 
mony with the natural sense of the Gr. Eurakulon 
(= a N. E. wind, L. & S. ; Euroaguib, Vulg.), which 
is regarded as the true reading by Bentley, and is 
found in some of the best MSS. ; but Dr. Howson 
adheres to the Received Text. 

Eu'ty-cbus [-kus] (L. fr. Gr. = well off, fortunate), 
a youth at Troas (Acts xx. 9), who, having fallen 
asleep while St. Paul was discoursing far into the 
night, fell from his seat in a window of the third 
story, and, being taken up dead, was miraculously 
restored to life by the apostle. 

E-van'ge-list (fr. Gr. euanggelistes, see below). 
The constitution of the Apostolic Church included 
an order or body of men known as Evangelists. The 
meaning of the name, " The publishers of glad ti- 
dings," seems common to the work of the Christian 
ministry generally, yet in Eph. iv. 11, the "evan- 
gelists " appear on the one hand after the " apos- 
tles " and " prophets : " on the other before the 
" pastors " and " teachers." This passage accord- 
ingly would lead us to think of them as standing be- 
tween the two other groups — sent forth as mission- 
ary preachers of the Gospel by the first, and as 
such preparing the way for the labors of the second. 
The same inference would seem to follow the occur- 
rence of the word as applied to Philip in Acts xxi. 
8. (Philip the Evangelist.) Timothy is to " preach 
the word ; " in doing this he is to fulfil " the work 
of an Evangelist" (2 Tim. iv. 2, 5). It follows from 
what has been said that the calling of the Evangelist 
is the proclamation of the glad tidings to those who 



have not known them, rather than the instruction 
and pastoral care of those who have believed and 
been baptized. It follows also that the name de- 
notes a work rather than an order. The Evangelist 
might or might not be a Bishop-Elder or a Deacqn. 
The apostles, so far as they evangelized (A. V. 
" preached the Gospel ; " Acts viii. 25, xiv. 7 ; 1 Cor. 
i. 17), might claim the title, though there were many 
Evangelists who were not apostles. Theodoret de- 
scribes the Evangelists as travelling missionaries. 
The account given by Eusebius, though somewhat 
rhetorical and vague, gives prominence to the idea 
of itinerant missionary preaching. If the Gospel 
was a written book, and the office of the Evan- 
gelists was to read or distribute it, then the writers 
of such books were preeminently " the Evan- 
gelists " (Eusebius, Hist. Ecclts.). (Gospels.) In 
later liturgical language the word was applied to 
the reader of the Gospel for the day. 

Ere (fr. Heb. Hawaii or Chavv&h — living, alive, 
or life), the name given in Scripture to the first 
woman (Adam's wife). The account of Eve's crea- 
tion is in Gen. ii. 21, 22. (Marriage.) Through 
the subtlety of the serpent, Eve was beguiled into 
a violation of the commandment imposed upon her 
and Adam (iii. ; 2 Cor. xi. 3). The different aspects 
under which Eve regarded her mission as a mother 
are seen in the names of her sons (Cain ; Abel ; 
Seth). The Scripture account of Eve closes with 
the birth of Seth (Gen. iv. 25). 

*E'ven-ing. Chronology 1; Day; Night. 

* Ev'er and For ev'er. Eternal ; Eternity. 

* Ev-er-last'ing. Eternal ; Eternity. 

E'vi (Heb. desire or dwelling, Ges.), one of the five 
kings or princes of Midian, slain by the Israelites 
(Num. xxxi. 8; Josh. xiii. 21). 

E'vil-me-ro'datli [-dak] (Heb. 3/erodaeJi's fool, 
but probably a name of Assyrian or Babylonian 
origin is concealed under the Hebrew word trans- 
lated " fool," Ges. ; terrible Merodach, Fii. [Mero- 
dach]), according to Berosus and Abydenus, the son 
and successor of Nebuchadnezzar, as king of Baby- 
lon. (Babel.) He reigned but a short time, having 
ascended the throne on the death of Nebuchadnez- 
zar in b. c. 561, and being himself murdered and 
succeeded by Neriglissar in b. c. 559. He treated 
Jehoiachin kindly (2 K. xxv. 27 ; Jer. Hi. 31). 

* Ewe, a female sheep (Gen. xxxii. 14, &c). 

* Ex-clian'gers (Mat. xxv. 27). Money-changers. 
Ex-tcm-mn-ni-ea'tion (fr. L. = a putting out of 

the community), is a power founded upon a right in- 
herent in all religious societies, and is analogous to 
the powers of capital punishment, banishment, and 
exclusion from membership, which are exercised by 
political and municipal bodies. — I. Jewish Excom- 
munication. The Jewish system of excommunica- 
tion was threefold. For a first offence a delinquent 
was subjected to the penalty of Niddui. The 
twenty-four offences for which it was inflicted are 
various, and range in heinousness from keeping a 
fierce dog to taking God's name in vain. The of- 
fender was first cited to appear in court ; and if he 
refused to appear or to make amends, his sentence 
was pronounced. He was prohibited the use of the 
bath, razor, or convivial table ; and all who had to 
do with him must keep him at four cubits' distance. 
He was allowed to go to the Temple, but not to 
make the circuit in the ordinary manner. The term 
of this punishment was thirty days ; and it was ex- 
tended to a second and to a third thirty days when 
necessary. If at the end of that time the offender 
I was still contumacious, he was subjected to the sec- 



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EXO 



295 



ond excommunication termed Herem, or Cherem 
(Anathema). Now the offender was not allowed to 
teach or to be taught with others, to hire or to be 
hired, or to perform any commercial transactions 
beyond purchasing the necessaries of life. The sen- 
tence was delivered by a court of ten, and was ac- 
companied by a solemn malediction. Lastly followed 
JSkammdlhd, which was an entire cutting off from 
the congregation. It has been supposed by some 
that these two latter forms of excommunication were 
undistinguishable from each other. The punish- 
ment of excommunication is not appointed by the 
Law of Moses. It is founded on the natural right 
of self-protection which all societies enjoy. The 
case of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram (Num. xvi.), the 
curse denounced on Meroz (Judg. v. 23), the com- 
mission and proclamation of Ezra (Ezr. vii. 26, x. 8), 
and the reformation of Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 25), are 
appealed to by the Talmudists as precedents by 
which their proceedings are regulated. In the New 
Testament, Jewish excommunication is brought 
prominently before us in the case of the man that was 
born blind (Jn. ix.). The expressions here used re- 
fer, no doubt, to the first form of excommunication, 
or Niddui. In Luke vi. 22, it has been thought that 
our Lord referred specifically to the three forms of 
Jewish excommunication: "Blessed are ye when 
men shall hate you, and when they shall separate 
you from their company, and shall reproach you, 
and cast out your name as evil, for the Son of Man's 
sake." The three words very accurately express the 
simple narration, the additional malediction, and the 
final exclusion — niddui, herem or cherem, and sham- 
mdlhd. (Synagogue.) — II. Christian Excommunica- 
tion. Excommunication, as exercised by the Chris- 
tian Church, is not merely founded on the natural 
right possessed by all societies, nor merely on the ex- 
ample of the Jewish church and nation. It was insti- 
tuted by our Lord (Mat. xviii. 15-18), and it was 
practised and commanded by St. Paul (1 Tim. i. 20 ; 1 
Cor. v. 2-5, 11 ; Tit. iii. 10). In the epistles we find 
St. Paul frequently claiming the right to exercise dis- 
cipline over his converts (compare 2 Cor. i. 23, xiii. 10). 
In two cases (1 Cor. v. 2-5 ; 1 Tim. i. 19, 20) we find 
him exercising this authority to the extent of cutting 
off offenders from the Church. What is the full 
meaning of the expression, " deliver unto Satan," is 
doubtful. All agree that excommunication is con- 
tained in it, but whether it implies any further pun- 
ishment, inflicted by the extraordinary powers com- 
mitted specially to the apostles, has been questioned. 
(Hymeneus.) — Apostolic Precept. In addition to 
the claim to exercise discipline, and its actual exer- 
cise in the form of excommunication, by the apos- 
tles, we find apostolic precepts directing that dis- 
cipline should be exercised by the Church, and that 
in some cases excommunication should be resorted 
to (Rom. xvi. 17; 1 Cor. xvi. 22; Gal. i. 8, 9, v. 
12; 2 Th. iii. 14; 1 Tim. vi. 3; Tit. iii. 10; 2 Jn. 
10; 3 Jn. 10; Rev. ii. 20). It has been supposed 
that the two expressions, " let him be Anathema " 
(A.V. " accursed ") (Gal. i. 8, 9), " let him be Anath- 
ema Maranatha" (1 Cor. xvi. 22), refer respec- 
tively to the two later stages of Jewish excommuni- 
cation — the herein or cherem, and the shammdthd ; 
but this view (so Conybeare & Howson) appears 
to be without foundation. — Restoration to Commun- 
ion. Two cases of excommunication are related 
(see above) ; and in one of them the restitution of 
the offender is specially directed (2 Cor. ii.). — The 
Nature of Excommunication is made more evident 
by these acts of St. Paul than by any investigation 



of Jewish practice or of the etymology of words. 
We thus find, (1.) that it is a spiritual penalty, in- 
volving no temporal punishment, except acciden- 
tally ; (2.) that it consists in separation from the 
communion of the Church ; (3.) that its object is the 
good of the sufferer (1 Cor. v. 5), and the protection 
of the sound members of the Church (6, 7 ; 2 Tim. 
iii. 17) ; (4.) that its subjects are those who are 
guilty of heresy (1 Tim. i. 20), or gross immorality 
(1 Cor. v. 1); (5.) that penitence is the condition on 
which restoration to communion is granted (2 Cor. 
ii. 7). Church. 

Ex-e-cu'tion-er, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
labbdh or tabbdeh (literally = slaughterer, slayer, Ges.) 
in the margin (Gen. xxxvii. 36 ; Jer. xxxix. 9 ; Dan. ii. 
14), translated uniformly in the text, when used in 
the plural, " guard ; " twice in the singular " cook" 
(1 Sam. ix. 23, 24). The Hebrew word describes 
first, the office of executioner, and secondly, the 
general duties of a monarch's body-guard. Thus 
Potiphar was " chief of the executioners " (Gen. 
xxxvii. 36, margin; "captain of the guard " in text). 
(So Nebuzar-adan and Arioch.) That the " captain of 
the guard" himself occasionally performed the duty 
of an executioner appears from 1 K. ii. 25, 34. Never- 
theless the post was one of high dignity. — 2. The 
Gr. spekoulator (Mk. vi. 27), borrowed from the 
Latin speculator ; originally a military spy or scout, 
but under the emperors transferred to the body- 
guard. 

Ex'ile [eks'ile] (fr. L.). Captivity. 

Ex'o-dns (L. fr. Gr. = a going out, L. & S.), the 
second book of the Law or Pentateuch. — A. Con- 
tents. The book may be divided into two principal 
parts : I. Historical, i.-xviii. ; and II. Legislative, 
xix.-xl. The former of these may be subdivided 
into (1.) the preparation for the deliverance of Israel 
from their bondage in Egypt; (2.) the accomplish- 
ment of that deliverance. I. (1.) The first section 
(i. 1-xii. 36) contains an account of — The great in- 
crease of Jacob's posterity in Egypt, and their op- 
pression under a new dynasty, after the death of 
Joseph (chapter i.); the birth, education, and flight 
of Moses (ii.) ; his solemn call to be the deliverer of 
his people (iii. 1-iv. 17), and his return to Egypt in 
consequence (iv. 18-31) ; his first ineffectual attempt 
to prevail upon Pharaoh to let the Israelites go, 
which only resulted in an increase of their burdens 
v. 1-21) ; a further preparation of Moses and Aaron 
for their office, together with the account of their 
genealogies (v. 22-vii. 7) ; the successive signs and 
wonders, by means of which the deliverance of Israel 
from the land of bondage is at length accomplished 
(Plagues, the Ten, &c), and the institution of the 
Passover (vii. 8-xii. 36). (2.) A narrative of events 
from the departure out of Egypt to the arrival of 
the Israelites at Mount Sinai (xii. 37-xviii. 27). 
(Exonus, the ; Passover ; Red Sea, Passage or, 
&c.) II. The solemn establishment of the Theoc- 
racy on Mount Sinai (xix.-xl. ; Ten Commandments ; 
Calf; Law of Moses; Altar; Ark; High-priest; 
Priests ; Tabernacle, &c). This book, in short, 
gives a sketch of the early history of Israel as a 
nation : and the history has three clearly-marked 
stages. First we see a nation enslaved ; next a 
nation redeemed ; lastly a nation set apart, and 
through the blending of its religious and political 
life consecrated to the service of God. — B. Integrity. 
According to Von Lengerke (Kenaan lxxxviii., 
xc), the following portions of the book belong to 
the original or Elohistic document (Genesis) : — 
Chapter i. 1-14, ii. 23-25, vi. 2-vii. 7, xii. 1-28, 37, 



296 



EXO 



EXO 



38, 40-51 (xiii. 1, 2, perhaps), xvi., xix. 1, xx., xxv.- 
xxxi., xxxv.-xl. Stahelin and De Wette agree in 
the main with this division. Knobel, the most re- 
cent writer on the subject, in the introduction to his 
commentary on Exodus and Leviticus, has sifted 
these books still more carefully, and assigns to each 
of the so-called original and supplementary docu- 
ments passages that Von Lengerke assigns to the 
other. A mere comparison of the two lists of pas- 
sages selected by these different writers as belonging 
to the original document is sufficient to show how 
very uncertain all such critical processes must be. 
None of these critics attempt to make the Divine 
names a criterion to distinguish the several docu- 
ments. De Wette and his school set down every 
thing which savored of a miracle as proof of later 
authorship. Nor are Knobel's critical tests con- 
clusive. There is nothing indeed forced or improb- 
able in the supposition, either that Moses him- 
self incorporated in his memoirs ancient tradition 
whether oral or written, or that a writer later than 
Moses made use of materials left by the great legis- 
lator in a somewhat fragmentary form. But the 
unity of Exodus as a part of the "five books of 
Moses " was undisputed till modern times. (Pen- 
tateuch.)— C. Credibility. Almost every historical 
fact mentioned in Exodus has at some time or other 
been called in question. But it is certain that all 
investigation has hitherto tended only to establish 
the veracity of the narrator. A comparison with 
other writers and an examination of the monuments 
confirm, or at least do not contradict, the most ma- 
terial statements of this book. Thus, e. g. Manetho's 
story of the Hyksos points at least to some early 
connection between the Israelites and the Egyptians, 
and is corroborative of the fact implied in the Pen- 
tateuch that, at the time of the Israelitish sojourn, 
Egypt was ruled by a foreign dynasty. Manetho 
speaks, too, of strangers from the E. who occupied 
the eastern part of Lower Egypt. And his account 
shows that the Israelites had become a numerous 
and formidable people. According to Exodus xii. 
37, the number of men, besides women and children, 
who left Egypt was 600,000. This would give for 
the whole nation about two and a half millions. 
There is no doubt some difficulty in accounting for 
this immense increase, if we suppose (as on many ac- 
counts seems probable) that the actual residence of 
the children of Israel was only 215 years. We must 
remember that the number who went into Egypt with 
Jacob was considerably more than " threescore and 
ten souls " (Chronology) ; we must also take into ac- 
count the extraordinary fruitfulness of Egypt (con- 
cerning which all writers are agreed), and especially 
of that part of it in which the Israelites dwelt. 
According to De Wette, the story of Moses' birth is 
mythical, and arises from an attempt to account 
etymologically for his name. Other objections 
are of a very arbitrary kind. The ten plagues 
(Plagues, the Ten) are physically, many of them, 
what might be expected in Egypt, although in their 
intensity and in their rapid succession they are 
clearly supernatural. The institution of the Pass- 
over (ch. xii.) has been subjected to severe criti- 
cism. This has also been called a mythic fiction. 
The critics rest mainly on the difference between the 
directions given for the observance of this the first, 
and those given for subsequent passovers. But 
there is no reason why, considering the very remark- 
able circumstances under which it was instituted, 
the first Passover should not have had its own pecu- 
liar solemnities, or why instructions should not then 



have been given for a somewhat different observance 
for the future. In minor details the writer shows a 
remarkable acquaintance with Egypt, e. g. Phara- 
oh's daughter goes to the river to bathe (Ex. ii. 5). 
Herodotus tells us (also the monuments), that in 
ancient Egypt the women were under no restraint, 
but apparently lived more in public than the men. 
Besides, the Egyptians supposed a sovereign virtue 
to reside in the Nile-waters. According to the monu- 
ments, the Pharaohs led their armies to battle, and 
the armies consisted entirely of infantry and chariots 
(xiv. 6, 7). Many other facts have been disputed, 
such as the passage of the Red Sea (Exodus, the ; 
Red Sea, Passage of the), the giving of the manna, 
&c. (Miracles.) — D. The authorship and date of 
the book are discussed under Pentateuch. 

Ex'o-dns, the (L. fr. Gr., literally a going out, 
especially = the departure of the Israelites under 
Moses from Egypt). 1. Dale. Mr. R. S. Poole places 
the Exodus u. c. 1652 (Chronology; Egypt; 
Pharaoh 4), Hales b. c. 1648, Usher b. c. 1491, 
and Bunsen b. c. 1320. — 2. History. The Exodus is 
a great turning-point in Biblical history. With it 
the Patriarchal dispensation (Patriarch) ends, and 
the Law (Law of Moses) begins, and with it the 
Israelites cease to be a family and become a nation. 
(Joseph 1 ; Moses.) The history of the Exodus com- 
mences with the close of the Ten Plagues. (Exodus ; 
Plagues, the Ten.) In the night in which, at mid- 
night, the first-born were slain (Ex. xii. 29), Pharaoh 
urged the departure of the Israelites (31, 32). 
(Passover.) They at once set forth from Rameses 
(37, 39), apparently during the night (42), but 
toward morning, on the fifteenth day of the first 
month (Num. xxxiii. 3). They made three journeys 
and encamped by the Red Sea. Here Pharaoh over- 
took them, and the great miracle (Miracles) oc- 
curred by which they were saved, while the pursuer 
and his army were destroyed (Ex. xiv. ; Ps. exxxvi. 
13-15). — 3. Geography. The following points must 
be settled exactly or approximately : — the situation 
of the land of Goshen, the length of each day's 
march, the position of the first station (Rameses), 
and the direction of the journey. The Land of 
Goshen must have been an outer E. province of 
Lower Egypt. The Israelites, setting out from a 
town of Goshen, made two days' journey toward 
the Red Sea, and then entered the wilderness, a 
day's journey or less from the sea. They could only 
therefore have gone by the valley now called the 
Wddi-t-Tumeyldt, for every other cultivated or cul- 
tivable tract is too far from the Red Sea. It is not 
difficult to fix very nearly the length of each day's 
march of the Israelites. As they had with them 
women, children, and cattle, it cannot be supposed 
that they went more than fifteen miles daily ; at the 
same time it is unlikely that they fell far short of 
this. The three journeys would therefore give a 
distance of about forty-five miles. There seems, 
however, to have been a deflection from a direct 
course, so that we cannot consider the whole dis- 
tance from the starting-point, Rameses, to the shore 
of the Red Sea as much more than about thirty 
miles in a direct line (Ex. xiii. 17, 18). Measuring 
from the ancient western shore of the Arabian 
Gulf due E. of the Wddi-t-Tumeyldt, a distance of 
thirty miles in a direct line places the site of Rame- 
ses near the mound called in the present day El- 
'Abbdseeyeh, not far from the W. end of the valley (so 
Mr. R. S. Poole, the original author of this article). 
After the first day's journey the Israelites encamped 
at Succoth 2 — obviously a name very difficult of 



EXO 



EXO 



297 



identification — probably a mere resting-place of 
caravans, or a military station, or else a town named 
from one of the two. The next camping-place was 
Etham, the position of which may be very nearly 
fixed from its being described as " in the edge of 



of the route changed. The Israelites were com- 
manded " to turn and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, 
between Migdol 1 and the sea, over against Baal- 
zephon " (Ex. xiv. 2). Mr. Poole regards the iden- 
tification of the places mentioned in the narratives 
with modern sites as impossible without the dis- 
covery of ancient Egyptian names, and their posi- 
tive appropriation to such sites. From the names 
of the places Mr. Poole supposes the encampment 
was in a depression, partly marshy, having on either 
hand an elevation marked by a watch-tower. There 
can be no doubt that the direction was from the W. 
to the E., and that the breadth of the sea at the 
place of crossing was great, since the whole Egyp- 
tian army perished. Red Sea, Passage of. 

Ex'or-cist [-sist] (fr. Gr., literally one who adminis- 
ters an oath, L. & S. ; but usually, one wlw expels, or 
professes to expel, demons by adjurations, incanta- 
tions, &c). The use of the term " exorcists" in Acts 
xtx. 13 confirms what we know from other sources 
as to the common practice of exorcism among the 
Jews. That some, at least, of them, not only pre- 
tended to, but possessed, the power of exorcising, 
appears by our Lord's admission when he asks the 



the wilderness" (Ex. xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6, 7). It 
is reasonable to place Etham where the cultivable 
land ceases, near the Seba Bidr, or Seven Wells, 
about three miles from the W. side of the ancient 
head of the gulf. After leaving Etham, the direction 



Pharisees, " If I by Beelzebub cast out devils, by 
whom do your disciples (A. V. ' children ') cast 
them out? " (Mat. xii. 21). What means were em- 
ployed by real exorcists we are not informed. 
David, by playing skilfully on a harp, procured the 
temporary departure of the evil spirit which troubled 
Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 23). Justin Martyr has an inter- 
esting suggestion as to the possibility of a Jew suc- 
cessfully exorcising a devil, by employing the name 
of the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. But he 
goes on to say that the Jewish exorcists, as a class, 
had sunk down to the superstitious rites and usages 
of the heathen. With this agrees the account given 
by Josephus (viii. 2, § 5), of an exorcism which he saw 
performed by Eleazar, a Jew, in the presence of his 
sons, though the virtue of the cure is attributed to 
the mention of the name of Solomon, and to the use 
of a root and of certain incantations said to have 
been prescribed by him (compare Jos. B. J. vii. 6, § 3). 
It was the profane use of the name of Jesus as a 
mere charm or spell which led to the disastrous is- 
sue recorded in Acts xix. 13-10. The power of 
casting out devils was bestowed by Christ while on 
earth upon the apostles (Mat. x. 8) and the seventy 




Map to illustrate the Exodus of the Israelites. 



298 



EXP 



EZE 



disciples (Lk. x. 1*7-19), and was, according to His 
promise (Mk. xvi. 17), exercised by believers after 
His Ascension (Acts xvi. 18); but to the Christian 
miracle, whether as performed by our Lord Himself, 
or by His followers, the N. T. writers never apply 
the terms " exorcise " or " exorcist." Demoniacs ; 
Magic ; Miracles. 

Ex-pi-a'tion. Atonement; Sacrifice. 

* Eye = the organ of sight (Gen. iii. 6, 7, &c.) ; 
figuratively ascribed to God, cherubim, &c. (Prov. 
xv. 3 ; Ez. i. 18, &c). Blind; Fountain; Medi- 
cine; Paint; Punishments; Tears. 

*E'zar (fr. Heb.) = Ezer 1 (1 Chr. i. 38). 

Ez'ba-i, or Ez-bai (Heb. shining, beautiful, Fii.), 
father of Naarai, among David's " valiant men " (1 
Chr. xi. 37). 

Fz boil (Heb. working, Ges. ; hearing viz. of God 
[No. 1], splendor viz. of God [No. 2], Fii.). 1. Son of 
Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16); = Ozni. (See jS'o. 2.)— 2. Son of 
Bela, the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 7). Lord A. 
C. Hervey suggests that the family of No. 1 might 
have been of Jabesh-Gilead, and incorporated into 
Benjamin (Judg. xx., xxi. 12-14). Becheu 1. 

Ez-G-thi'as [-ki-] (L. = Hezekiah). 1. Jaiiaziah 
(1 Esd. ix. 14).— 2. Hezekiah 1 (2 Esd. vii. 40). 

Ez-e-fi'as [-si-] (= Hezekiah) in 1 Esd. ix. 43 = 
Hilkiah 5 in Neh. viii. 4. 

Ez-e-ki'as (Gr.) — Hezekiah 1 (Ecclus. xlviii. 17, 
22, xlix. 4 ; 2 Mc. xv. 22 ; Mat. i. !>, 10). 

E-ze'ki-el (fr. Heb. YchezCkcl, or YichezeM = God 
will strengthen, or the strength of God), one of the 
four greater prophets. He was the son of a priest 
named Buzi. The Rabbis absurdly identify Buzi 
with Jeremiah. Another tradition makes Ezekiel 
the servant of Jeremiah. Ezekiel rarely alludes to 
the facts of his own life, and we have to complete 
the imperfect picture by the colors of late and 
dubious tradition. He was taken captive with Je- 
hoiachin, eleven years before the destruction of Je- 
rusalem. Josephus says this happened when he 
was a boy, yet the statement is questionable. He 
was a member of a community of Jewish exiles on 
the banks of the Chebar. By this river " in the 
land of the Chaldeans," God's message first reached 
him (Ez. i. 3). His call took place B. c. 595, "in 
the fifth year of King Jehoiachin's captivity " (i. 2), 
"in the thirtieth year, in the fourth month" (i. 1). 
Many commentators (Origen, Carpzov, Fairbairn, 
&c.) make the latter expression = the thirtieth year 
of his age, the supposed period of assuming full 
priestly functions. (Levite ; Priest.) The Chaldee 
paraphrase by Jonathan ben Uzziel has — " thirty 
years after Hilkiah the high-priest had found the 
book of the Law in the sanctuary .... in the 
days of Josiah " (and so Jerome, Usher, Haver- 
nick, &c). Hitzig, following many early commen- 
tators, supposes it the thirtieth year from the Ju- 
bilee. It now seems generally agreed that it was 
the thirtieth year from the new era of Nabopolas- 
sar, father of Nebuchadnezzar, who began to reign 
B. c. 625. (Babel.) The use of this Chaldee epoch 
is the more appropriate as the prophet wrote in 
Babylonia, and he gives a Jewish chronology in 
verse 2. The decision of the question is the less 
important because in all other places Ezekiel dates 
from the year of Jehoiachin's captivity (xxix. 17, 
xxx. 20, &c). We learn from an incidental allu- 
sion (xxiv. 18) — the only reference which he makes 
to his personal history — that he was married, and 
had a house (viii. 1) in his place of exile, and iost 
his wife by a sudden and unforeseen stroke. He 
lived in the highest consideration among his com- I 



panions in exile, and their elders consulted him 
on all occasions (viii. 1, xi. 25, xiv. 1, xx. 1, &c). 
The last date he mentions is the twenty-seventh 
year of the captivity (xxix. 17), so that his mission 
extended over twenty-two years, during part of 
which period Daniel was probably living, and al- 
ready famous (Ez. xiv. 14, xxviii. 3). He is said 
to have been murdered in Babylon by some Jew- 
ish prince whom he had convicted of idolatry, and 
to have been buried in the tomb of Shem and 
Arphaxad, on the banks of the Euphrates. The 
tomb, said to have been built by Jehoiachin, was 
shown a few days' journey from Bagdad. But, as 
Hiivernick remarks, "by the side of the scattered 
data of his external life, those of his internal life 
appear so much the richer." He was distinguished 
by his stern and inflexible energy of will and char- 
acter ; and we also observe a devoted adherence 
to the rites and ceremonies of his national religion. 
Ezekiel is no cosmopolite, but displays everywhere 
the peculiar tendencies of a Hebrew educated under 
Levitical training. The priestly bias is always vis- 
ible. We may also note in Ezekiel the absorbing 
recognition of his high calling which enabled him 
cheerfully to endure any deprivation or misery, if 
thereby he may give any warning or lesson to his 
people (iv., xxiv. 15, 16, &c), whom he so ardently 
loved (ix. 8, xi. 13). His predictions are marvel- 
lously varied. He has instances of visions (viii,- 
xi.), symbolical actions (as iv. 8), similitudes (xii., 
xv.), parables (as xvii.), proverbs (as xii. 22, xviii. 
1 ff.), poems (as xix.), allegories (as xxiii., xxiv.), 
open prophecies (as vi., vii., xx., &c). Among the 
most splendid passages are chapters i. (Ciifrubim), 
viii. (vision of Judah's idolatries), xxvi. -xxviii. 
(against Tyrus), xxxi. (against Assyria). The depth 
of his matter and the marvellous nature of his 
visions make him occasionally obscure. Hence his 
prophecy was placed by the Jews among the 
" treasures," those portions of Scripture which (like 
the early part of Genesis, and Canticles) were not 
allowed to be read till the age of thirty. The 
Jews classed him in the very highest rank of 
prophets. — Of the authenticity of Ezekiel's proph- 
ecy there has been no real dispute, although 
a few rash critics have raised questions about 
the last chapters, even suggesting that they 
might have been written by a Samaritan, to incite 
the Jews to suffer the cooperation in rebuilding the 
Temple. The book is divided into two great parts 
— of which the destruction of Jerusalem is the turn- 
ing-point ; chapters i.-xxiv. contain predictions de- 
livered before that event, and xxv.-xlviii. after it, 
as we see from xxvi. 2. Again, chapters i.-xxxii. 
are mainly occupied with correction, denunciation, 
and reproof, while the remainder deal chiefly in 
consolation and promise. A parenthetical section 
in the middle of the book (xxv.-xxxii.) contains a 
group of prophecies against seven foreign nations, 
the septenary arrangement being apparently inten- 
tional. Havcrnick divides the book into nine sec- 
tions, distinguished by their superscriptions, as fol- 
lows: — I. Ezekiel's call (i.-iii. 15). II. The general 
carrying out of the commission (iii. 16— vii.). III. 
The rejection of the people because of their idol- 
atrous worship (viii.— xi.). IV. The sins of the age 
rebuked in detail (xii.-xix.). V. The nature of the 
judgment, and the guilt which caused it (xx.-xxiii.). 
VI. The meaning of the now commencing punish- 
ment (xxiv.). VII. God's judgment denounced on 
seven heathen nations (xxv.-xxxii.). VIII. Proph- 
ecies, after the destruction of Jerusalem, concern- 



EZE 



EZR 



299 



ing the future condition of Israel (xxxiii.-xxxix.). 
IX. The glorious consummation (xl.-xlviii.). There 
are no direct quotations from Ezekiel in the N. T., 
but in the Apocalypse there are many parallels and 
obvious allusions to the later chapters (xl.-xlviii.). 
Of these chapters Fairbairn (on Ezekiel) gives the 
four main lines of interpretation, viz., 1. The his- 
torico-literal (of Villalpandus, Grotius, &c), which 
makes all a prosaic description to preserve the mem- 
ory of Solomon's temple. 2. The historico-ideal (of 
Eichhorn, Dathe, &c), which reduces them to "a 
sort of vague and well-meaning announcement of 
future good." 3. The Jewish-carnal (of Lightfoot, 
Hofmann, &c), which maintains that their outline 
was actually adopted by the exiles. 4. The Chris- 
tian-spiritual, or Messianic (of Luther, Calvin, and 
most of the Fathers and modern commentators), 
which makes them " a grand, complicated symbol 
of the good God had in reserve for His Church." 
Temple. 

E'zel (Heb. departure, Ges.), the Stone, a well- 
known stone near Saul's residence, the scene of the 
parting of David and Jonathan when David finally 
fled from the court (1 Sam. xx. 19). 

E'zem (fr. Heb. = bone, Ges.), a town of Simeon 
(1 Chr. iv. 29) ; = Azem. 

E'zcr (No. 1 fr. Heb. = treasure, Ges. ; union, 
Fii. : No. 2-6, Heb. help, Ges., Fii.). 1. A Horite 
"duke" descended from Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 21, 27, 
30; 1 Chr. i. 42) ; inconsistently spelled Ezar in 
verse 38. — i. Father of Hushah, in the genealogies 
of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 4). — 3. A son of Ephraim, slain 
by the men of Gath (vii. 21). (Beriah 2; Shuthe- 
lah.) — 4. The first of the Gadite heroes who joined 
David in the wilderness (xii. 9). — 5. A Levite, son 
of Jeshua; one of those who repaired the wall of 
Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 19).— (J. A 
priest who assisted in the dedication of the walls of 
Jerusalem under Nehemiah (xii. 42). 

Ez-e-ri'as (Gr.) — Azariah 7 (1 Esd. viii. 1). 




E-zi'as (Gr.) = Azariah 25 ; Aziei (1 Esd. viii. 2). 

E'zi-ou-ga'ucr, or E'zi-on-gc'bcr (fr. Heb. = the 
giants backbone), the last station of the Israelites 
before they came to the wilderness of Zin, after- 
ward the station of Solomon's navy (Elath), and 
where Jehoshaphat's was " broken," probably de- 
stroyed on the rocks (Num. xxxiii. 35, 36 ; Deut. ii. 
8 ; 1 K. ix. 26, xxii. 48 ; 2 Chr. viii. 17, xx. 36). Kie- 
pert's map (1856) places it at ^Ain el-Ghudy&n, 
about twenty miles up what is now the dry bed of 
the Arabah, but, as he supposed, then the N. end 
of the gulf. Exodus, the ; Red Sea ; Wilderness 
of the Wandering. 

Ez'llitC (fr. Heb. 'etsni, the reading of the Keri ; 
the Hebrew text has 'etsno, which Gesenius trans- 
lates " his spear "), the. According to 2 Sam. xxiii. 
8, "Adino the Eznite " was another name for " Jo- 
sheb-bassebet the Tachmonite (margin ; text of A. V. 
' the Tachmonite that sat in the seat '), chief among 
the captains." (Jashobeam.) The passage is most 
probably corrupt. 

Ez'ra (Heb. help). 1. A descendant of Judah. 
The name occurs in the obscure genealogy of 1 Chr. 
iv. 17. — 2. The famous scribe and priest (in Apoc- 
rypha " Esdras ") ; son of Seraiah 7, and descendant 
of Hilkiah 2, the high-priest in Josiah's reign (Ezr. 
vii. 1). All that is really known of Ezra is contained 
in Ezr. vii.-x. and in Neh. viii. and xii. 26, 36. From 
these passages we gather that he was a learned and 
pious priest residing at Babylon in the time of Arta- 
xerxes Longimanus. The origin of his influence 
with the king does not appear, but in the seventh 
year of his reign, in spite of the unfavorable report 
which had been sent by Rehum and Shimshai (Ezr. 
iv. 8 fT.), he obtained leave to go to Jerusalem, and 
to take with him a company of Israelites, together 
with priests, Levites, singers, porters, and Nethinim. 
The journey of Ezra and his companions from Bab- 
ylon to Jerusalem took just four months ; and they 
brought up with them a large free-will offering of 





Reputed Tomb of Ezra on the banks of the Tigris. 

gold and silver, and silver vessels. It appears that I among the Palestine Jews, and to bring them back 
his great design was to effect a religious reformation I to the observance of the Law of Moses, from which 



300 



EZR 



FAB 



they had grievously declined. His first step, accord- 
ingly, was to enforce a separation from their wives 
upon all who had made heathen marriages, in which 
number were many priests and Levites, as well as 
other Israelites. This was effected in little more 
than six months after his arrival at Jerusalem. 
With the detailed account of this important trans- 
action Ezra's autobiography ends abruptly, and we 
hear nothing more of him till, thirteen years af- 
terward, in the twentieth of Artaxerxes, we find 
him again at Jerusalem with Nehemiah " the Tir- 
shatha." It seems probable that after he had ef- 
fected the above-named reformation, and had ap- 
pointed competent judges and magistrates, with 
authority to maintain it, he himself returned to the 
king of Persia. The functions he executed under 
Nehemiah's government were purely of a priestly and 
ecclesiastical character. But in such lie filled the first 
place. As Ezra is not mentioned after Nehemiah's 
departure for Babylon in the thirty-second year of 
Artaxerxes, and as every thing fell into confusion 
during Nehemiah's absence (Neh. xiii.), it is not 
unlikely that Ezra died or returned to Babylon 
before that year. Josephus vaguely says (xi. 5, 
§ 5), " he died an old man, and was buried in a 
magnificent manner at Jerusalem." Some Jewish 
chroniclers say, he died in the year in which Alex- 
ander the Great came to Jerusalem, in the same 
year with Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. Other 
traditions relate that he died at Babylon, aged 120 
years. The Talmud says he died at Zamzumu, a 
town on the Tigris, while on his way from Jerusalem 
to Susa. His reputed tomb (see cut) is shown on 
the Tigris, about twenty miles above its junction 
with the Euphrates (Kitto). The principal works 
ascribed to him by the Jews are : — 1. The institu- 
tion of the Great Synagogue. (Synagogue, the 
Great.) 2. The settling the canon of Scripture, 
and restoring, correcting, and editing the whole 
sacred volume. 3. The introduction of the Chaldee 
character instead of the old Hebrew or Samaritan. 
(Shemitic Languages; Writing.) 4. The author- 
ship of the books of Chronicles, Ezra (Ezra, Book 
of), Nehemiah (Nehemiah, Book of), and, some add, 
Esther ; and, many of the Jews say, also of Ezekiel, 
Daniel, and the twelve prophets. 5. The establish- 
ment of synagogues. (Synagogue.)— 3. The head 
of one of the twenty-two courses of priests which re- 
turned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 1, 13). 
— i. One who assisted at the dedication of the wall 
of Jerusalem (xii. 33); perhaps = No. 3. 

Ez'ra (Heb. help), Book of. The book of Ezra is 
manifestly a continuation of the books of Chron- 
icles (so Lord A. C. Hervey, the original author of 
this article). Like these books, it consists of the con- 
temporary historical journals kept from time to time T 
which were afterward strung together, and either 
abridged or added to, as the case required, by a 
later hand. That later hand, in Ezra, was doubtless 
Ezra's own, as appears by the four last chapters, as 
well as by other matter inserted in the previous 
chapters. It has already been suggested (Chron- 
icles) that the chief portion of the last chapter of 
2 Chr. and Ezr. i. may probably have been written 
by Daniel. The evidences of this in Ezr. i. must 
now be given more fully. Daniel passes over in ut- 
ter silence the first year of Cyrus, to which pointed 
allusion is made in Dan. i. 21, and Cyrus's decree, 
and proceeds in ch. x. to the third year of Cyrus. 
But Ezr. i., if placed between Dan. ix. and x., ex- 
actly fills up the gap, and records the event of the 
first year of Cyrus, in which Daniel was so deeply 



interested. And not only so, but the manner of the 
record is exactly Daniel's (so Lord A. C. Hervey ; 
compare Ezr. i. 1 with Dan. i. 1, ii. 1, &c). The 
giving the text of the decree (Ezr. i. 2-4 ; compare 
Dan. iv.), the mention of the name of " Mithredath 
the treasurer" (Ezr. i. 8; compare Dan. i. 3, 11), 
the allusion to the sacred vessels placed by Nebu- 
chadnezzar in the house of his god (Ezr. i. 7 ; com- 
pare Dan. i. 2), the giving the Chaldee name of 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. i. 8, 11; compare Dan. i. 7), and 
the whole stand-point of the narrator, who evidently 
wrote at Babylon, not at Jerusalem, are all circum- 
stances which in a marked manner point to Daniel 
as the writer of Ezr. i. Ezr. ii.-iii. 1 is found (with 
the exception of clerical errors) in Neh. vii. (Ne- 
hemiah, Book of.) The next portion (iii. 2-vi.), ex- 
cept one large explanatory addition by Ezra to il- 
lustrate the opposition by the heathen to the rebuild- 
ing of the Temple (iv. 6-23 ; Ahasuerus 2 ; Arta- 
xerxes 1), is the work of a writer contemporary 
with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, and an eye witness of 
the rebuilding of the Temple in the beginning of the 
reign of Darius Hystaspis. That it was the prophet 
Haggai becomes tolerably sure when we observe 
further the remarkable coincidences in style (so 
Lord A. C. Hervey). Chapters vii.-x. are Ezra's 
own, and continue the history after a gap of fifty- 
eight years — from the sixth of Darius to the seventh 
of Artaxerxes. Keil, Haverniek, Fairbairn, &c, 
maintain the unity of the book as proceeding from 
Ezra, but allow that he used previously existing doc- 
uments ; Dr. S. Davidson maintains that Chronicles, 
Ezra, and Nehemiah originally formed but one book, 
compiled by one who put together (in Ezra) mate- 
rials written by Ezra and others, interspersing his 
own here and there. — The text of Ezra is not in 
a good condition. There are many palpable cor- 
ruptions both in the names and numerals, and 
perhaps in some other points. It is written partly 
in Hebrew, and partly in Chaldee. The Chaldee 
begins at iv. 8, and continues to the end of vi. 18. 
The letter or decree of Artaxerxes, vii. 12-26, is 
also given in the original Chaldee. There has never 
been any doubt about Ezra being canonical, although 
there is no quotation from it in the N. T. (Canon.) 
The period covered by the book is eighty years, 
from the first of Cyrus, b. c. 536, to the beginning 
of the eighth of Artaxerxes, n. c. 456. Esdras, 
1st Book of. 

Fz'ra-liitC (fr. Heb. — descendant of Ezr ah or Ez- 
rach, i. e. of Zerah, Ges.), the, a title attached to 
Ethan 1 (1 K. iv. 31 ; Ps. lxxxix. title), and Heman 
(Ps. lxxxviii. title). 

Ez'ri (Heb. help of Jehovah, Ges.), son of Chelub, 
superintendent of King David's farm-laborers (1 
Chr. xxvii. 26). 



F 

Fa'ble (fr. L. fabula, literally what is spoken or 
told, a narrative, especially a fictitious narrative or 
story). Taking the words fable and parable, not in 
their strict etymological meaning, but in that which 
has been stamped upon them by current usage, 
lookins, i. e. at the fables of J^sop as the type of 
the on i, at the parables of the N. T. as the type 
I of the other, we have to ask (1.) in what rela- 
tion they stand to each other, as instruments of 
moral teaching ? (2.) what use is made in the 
Bible of this or of that form ? Perhaps the most 



FAC 



FAI 



301 



satisfactory summing up of the chief distinctive 
features of each is in the following extract from 
Neander : — " The parable is distinguished from the 
fable by this, that, in tha latter, qualities, or acts 
of a higher class of beings may be attributed to a 
lower (e. g. those of men to brutes); while in the 
former, the lower sphere is kept perfectly distinct 
from that which it seems to illustrate. The beings 
and powers thus introduced in the parable always 
follow the law of their nature, but their acts, accord- 
ing to this law, are used to figure those of a higher 
race." Of the fable, as thus distinguished from the 
parable, we have but two examples in the Bible : 
(1.) that of the trees choosing their king, addressed 
by Jotham to the men of Shechem (Judg. ix. 8-15) ; 
(2). that of the cedar of Lebanon and the thistle, as 
the answer of Jehoash to the challenge of Amaziah 
(2 K. xiv. 9). The appearance of the fable thus 
early in the history of Israel, and its entire absence 
from the direct teaching both of the 0. and N. T. 
are, each of them in its way, significant. Taking the 
received chronology, the fable of Jotham was spoken 
about 1209 b. c. The Arabian traditions of Lokman 
do not assign to him an earlier date than that of 
David. The first example in the history of Rome is 
the apologue of Menenius Agrippa b. c. 494, and its 
genuineness has been questioned on the ground that 
the fable could hardly at that time have found its 
way to Latium. The land of Canaan is, so far as 
we have any data to conclude from, the fatherland 
of fable. The absence of fables from the teaching 
of the 0. T. must be ascribed to their want of fitness 
to be the media of the truths which that teaching 
was to convey. The points in which brutes or in- 
animate objects present analogies to man are chiefly 
those which belong to his lower nature, his pride, 
indolence, cunning, and the like. Hence the fable, 
apart from the associations of a grotesque and lu- 
dicrous nature which gather round it, is. inadequate 
as the exponent of the higher truths which belong 
to man's spiritual life. It may serve to exhibit the 
relations between man and man ; it fails to represent 
those between man and God. To do that is the 
office of the Parable. The fables of false teachers 
claiming to belong to the Christian Church, alluded 
to by writers of the Jv T . T. (Gr. muthos [= L. fabida, 
above], literally what is spoken ; in N. T. = a myth, 
fable, legend, mythic, tale or discourse, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex. ; 1 Tim. i. 4, iv. 7 ; 2 Tim. iv. 4 ; Tit. i. 14 ; 
2 Pet. i. 16), do not appear to have had the charac- 
ter of fables, properly so called. 

* Face, besides being used for the outside or sur- 
face of any thing (Gen. i. 29, &c), and for the human 
countenance (iii. 19, &c), is figuratively used of God, 
indicating some special manifestation of His pres- 
ence, power, favor, &c. (Ps. xxxiv. 16, &c.). As it 
was esteemed a special privilege to see the face of 
an Eastern monarch, and implied high dignity and 
favor to have constantly this privilege (Esth. i. 14), 
this is figuratively transferred to God (Job xxxiii. 
26 ; Ps. xvii. 15 ; Mat. xviii. 10, &c). 

Fair Ha'vcns [hay'vnz], the (an English transla- 
tion of the Gr. Kaloi limenes, probably originally a 
descriptive title), a harbor in the island of Crete 
(Acts xxvii. 8), not mentioned in any other ancient 
writing, but still known by its own Greek name. 
Fair Havens appears to have been practically the 
harbor of Lasea. These places are situated four or 
five miles to the E. of Cape Matala, which is the 
most conspicuous headland on the S. coast of Crete, 
and immediately to the W. of which the coast trends 
suddenly to the N. In Fair Havens the ship which 



conveyed St. Paul was sheltered from the violent and 
long-continuing N. W. winds to which it would be 
fully exposed beyond Cape Matala. 

Fairs, the A. V. translation of the Heb. pi. 'ize- 
bonim (Ez. xxvii. 12, 14, 16, 19, 22, 27), translated 
" wares " in verse 33. Mr. Bevan, with Fiirst, Hit- 
zig, &c, would translate " wares " throughout. 
Gesenius, supposing, with Fiirst, the primary mean- 
ing to be traffic, commerce, translates a fair, market, 
market-place, except in verses 27, 33, where he trans- 
lates gains, earnings, profits from traffic. Hiiver- 
nick translates throughout exchanges or equivalent, 
and this Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kitto) approves. 

* Faith, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. emun 
= faithfulness, fidelity, Ges. (Deut. xxxii. 20 only), 
elsewhere translated " faithful " (Prov. xiii. 17, xiv. 
5, xx. 6), " truth " (Is. xxvi. 2, margin " truths "). 
— 2. Heb. emundh (kindred to No. 1 and to Amen) 
once (Hab. ii. 4), elsewhere translated "faithful- 
ness " (1 Sam. xxvi. 23 ; Lam. iii. 23, &c), "faithful " 
(Ps. cxix. 86,138; Prov. xxviii. 20), " faithfully " 
(2 K. xsii. 7, &c), " truth " (Deut. xxxii. 4 ; Ps. 
xxxiii. 4, &c), "set office," margin "trust" (1 Chr. 
ix. 22, 26, 31, &c), "verily," margin "in truth," or 
" stablene-s " (Ps. xxxvii. 3), " truly" (Prov. xii. 22), 
"steady" (Ex. xvii. 12), "stability" (Is. xxxiii. 6). 
Gesenius makes the Heb. = (a) firmness, stability 
(Ex. xvii. 12) ; (b) security (Is. xxxiii. 6); (e) faithful- 
ness, fidelity, especially in fulfilling promises (Deut. 
xxxii. 4 ; Prov. xxviii. 20, &c); also faith, trust, 
confidence of men toward God (Ps. xxxvii. 3 ; Hab. 
ii. 4). — 3. Gr. elpis once (Heb. x. 23), elsewhere 
uniformly translated " hope " (Acts ii. 26 ; Rom. iv. 
18, v. 2, 4, 5, &c). — 1. Gr. pislis more than 200 
times in N. T. (Mat. viii. 10, &c), once " belief" 
(2 Th. ii. 13), once "assurance" (Acts xvii. 31), 
once " fidelity " (Tit. ii. 10), twice translated by a 
phrase including a verb (Rom. iii. 26, " him which 
believeth," literally the one of [from] faith; Heb. x. 
39, " of them that believe," literally of faith). 
The kindred Greek verb pistcud is translated more 
than 200 times by the verb "believe" (Mat. viii. 13, 
&c), seven times by " commit," or " commit to one's 
trust" (Lk. xvi. 11 ; Jn. ii. 24; Rom. iii. 2; 1 Cor. 
ix. 17; Gal. ii. 7; 1 Tim. i. 11 ; Tit. i. 3), once 
"put in trust" (1 Th. ii. 4). The kindred Greek 
adjective pistos is translated " faithful " more than 
fifty times (Mat. xxiv. 45, &c), once "faithfully" 
(3 Jn. 5), twice " true" (2 Cor. i. 18 ; 1 Tim. iii. 1), 
once "sure" (Acts xiii. 34), twice "believing" (Jn. 
xx. 27 ; 1 Tim. vi. 2), once in plural "believers" (1 
Tim. iv. 12), also in a phrase including "believe" 
( Acts x. 45, xvi. 1 ; 2 Cor. vi. 15 ; 1 Tim. iv. 3, 10, 
v. 16). According to Robinson's iV. T. Lex., the Gr. 
pistil properly = firm persuasion, confiding belief 
in the truth, veracity, reality of any person or thing ; 
used sometimes in the N. T. as in classic Greek = 
faith, belief in general (Acts xvii. 31, A. V. "assur- 
ance," margin " faith," &c), or good faith, fidelity, 
sincerity, faithfulness (Mat. xxiii. 23, &c.) ; but es- 
pecially in reference to God and divine things, to 
Christ and His gospel = that faith, that confiding 
belief, which is the essential trait of Christian life 
and character (Mat. viii. 10; Rom. -iii. 22; Phil. i. 
25, 27 ; Heb. vi. 1, &c.) ; by metonymy, the object 
of Christian faith, the faith, the gospel (Acts vi. 7 ; 
Rom. i. 5, &c .). — In true Christian faith is included 
not only the intellectual assent to the truth of the 
gospel (Jas. ii. 17, 19, &c), but the consent of the 
will and the correspondence of the life to what this 
truth involves (Rom. iv. ; Gal. v. 6 ; Heb. xi. ; Jas. 
ii. 20-26). But the full development of this ton- 



302 



FAL 



FAS 



portant subject would require a treatise on practical 
theology. Atonement ; Justify, &c. 
* Fall of Man. Adam. 

Fal low-deer (Hcb. yahmur or yachmur). The 
Hebrew word, mentioned only in Deut. xiv. 5 as an 
animal allowed for food, and in 1 K. iv. 23 as form- 
ing part of the provisions for Solomon's table, ap- 
pears to point (so Mr. Houghton) to the Anti- 
lope Bubalis, or Alcclaphas Bubalis, a species of 




Alccjaphua Bubalis = Fallow Deer! 



antelope, about the size of a stag, and resembling 
both the calf and the stag. It is common in north- 
ern Africa, and lives in herds. The modern name 
is bekkcr-el-wash (wild ox). Col. C. H. Smith (in 
Kitto) refers the Hebrew name to the Oryx leucoryx, a 
species of antelope frequently represented on the 
monuments of Egypt and Nubia. The true fallow- 
deer, Cervus Duma, is undoubtedly a native of Asia, 
and is regarded by Gesenius and A. V. as the animal 
meant by the Hebrew word. Hart. 

* Fal'low Gronud. Agriculture ; Jubilee ; Sab- 
batical Year. 

* Fa-mil'iar Spirit. Divination ; Magic. 

Famine [-in] = a scarcity of food, usually preva- 
lent in Palestine, &c, when the sweet influences of 
the Pleiades are bound, i. e. when the best and most 
fertilizing rains, which fall when the Pleiades set at 
dawn, at the end of autumn, fail. In Egypt a de- 
ficiency in the rise of the Nile, with drying winds, 
produces the same results. The famines recorded 
in the Bible are traceable to both these phenomena ; 
and we generally And that Egypt was resorted to 
when scarcity afflicted Palestine. In the whole of 
Syria and Arabia, the fruits of the earth must ever 
be dependent on rain ; the watersheds having few 
large springs, and the small rivers not being suffi- 
cient for the irrigation of even the level lands. If, 
therefore, the heavy rains of November and Decem- 
ber fail, the sustenance of the people is cut off in 
the parching drought of harvest-time, when the 
country is almost devoid of moisture. Egypt, again, 
owes all its fertility to its mighty river, whose annual 
rise inundates nearly the whole land and renders its 
cultivation an easy certainty. The causes of dearth 
and famine in Egypt are occasioned by defective in- 
undation, preceded and accompanied and followed by 
prevalent easterly and southerly winds. The first 
famine recorded in the Bible is that of Abraham 



after he had pitched his tent on the E. of Bethel 
(Gen. xii. 10). We may conclude that this famine 
was extensive, although this is not quite proved by 
the fact of Abraham's going to Egypt ; for in the 
second famine, Isaac found refuge with Abimelech, 
king of the Philistines, in Gerar (xxvi. 1 ff.). We 
hear no more of times of scarcity until the great 
famine of Egypt, which " was over all the face of the 
earth " (xli. 56, 57 ; Joseph 1). In the seven years of 
plenty, Joseph was enabled to provide against the 
coming dearth, and to supply not only the popula- 
tion of Egypt with corn, but those of the surround- 
ing countries (xli. 53-57). The modern history of 
Egypt throws some curious light on these ancient rec- 
ords of famines, and may assist us in understanding 
their course and extent. The most remarkable 
famine was in the reign of the Fatimee Khaleefeh, 
El-Mustansir billah, the only seven years' famine 
in Egypt on record since Joseph's time (in the 
year of the hegira 457-464, a. d. 1064-1071). This 
famine exceeded in severity all others of modern 
times, and was aggravated by the anarchy which 
then ravaged the country. Vehement drought and 
pestilence, says Es-Suyootee, continued for seven 
consecutive years, so that the people ate corpses, 
and animals that died of themselves ; the cattle 
perished ; a dog was sold for five deenars, and a cat 
for three deenars . . . and an ardebb (about five 
bushels) of wheat for 100 deenars, and then it failed 
altogether. He adds, that all the horses of the 
Khaleefeh, save three, perished, and gives numerous 
instances of the straits to which the wretched in- 
habitants were driven, and of the organized bands 
of kidnappers who infested Cairo and caught pas- 
sengers in the streets by ropes furnished with hooks 
and let down from the houses. The famine of 
•Samaria (2 K. vi. 25) resembled it in many particu- 
lars ; and that very Briefly recorded in 2 K. viii. 1, 
2, affords another instance of one of seven years. 
Famines are often spoken of in the Scriptures as 
occurring in Palestine (Judg. vi. 4-6 ; Ru. i. 1 ; 
2 Sam. xxi. 1; IK. xvii. 1, 7, xviii. 2; 2 K. iv. 38, 
&c), and were classed among sore judgments " (Ez. 
xiv. 21). The evils of famine are now much dimin- 
ished in civilized countries by the great increase of 
productive labor applied to agriculture, of facilities 
for commercial exchanges, of improvements in the 
arts, &c. ; but they still exist. In Arabia, famines 
are of frequent occurrence. "Famine" is used 
figuratively in Am. viii. 11. 

* Fan. Agriculture. 

* Farm. Agriculture. 

Far thing, the A. V. translation of two names of 
coins in the N. T. — 1. Gr. kodraides,iv. L. quadrans, 
literally = one-fourth sc. of the Roman as, see No. 
2 (Mat. v. 26 ; Mk. xii. 42) ; a coin current in Pales- 
tine in the time of our Lord = two lepta (A. V. 
"mites") = three-eighths of a cent (Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.). — 2. Gr. assarion (Mat. x. 29; Lk. xii. 6), 
properly a small as, but in the time of our Lord 
used as = L. as = one and a half cents (Rbn. N. 
T.Lex.). Money. 

Fasts. — I. One fast only was appointed by the 
law, that on the day of Atonement (Atonement, 
Day of). There is no mention of any other periodi- 
cal fast in the O. T., except in Zech. vii. 1-7, viii. 
19. From these passages it appears that the Jews, 
during their captivity, observed four annual fasts, 
in the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth months. 
Zechariah simply distinguishes the fasts by the 
months in which they were observed ; but the 
Mishna and Jerome give statements of certain his- 



FAS 



FAT 



303 



torical events which they were intended to com- 
memorate : The fast of the fourth month to com- 
memorate the breaking of the tables of the law by 
Moses (Ex. xxxii.), and the storming of Jerusalem 
by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. lii.). The fast of the 
fifth month to commemorate the return of the 
spbs, &c. (Num. xiii., xiv.), the Temple burnt by 
Neouchadnezzar, and again by Titus ; and the 
ploughing up of the site of the Temple, with the cap- 
ture of Bether. The fast of the seventh month to 
commemorate the complete sack of Jerusalem by 
Nebuchadnezzar and the death of Gedaliah (2 K. 
xxv.). The fast of the tenth month to commemo- 
rate the receiving by Ezekiel and the other captives 
in Babylon of the news of the destruction of Jeru- 
salem. Some other events mentioned in the Mishna 
are omitted as unimportant. Of those here stated, 
several could have had nothing to do with the fasts 
in the time of the prophet. The number of annual 
fasts in the present Jewish calendar has been mul- 
tiplied to twenty-eight, a list of which is given by 
Reland. — II. Public fasts were occasionally pro- 
claimed to express national humiliation, and to sup- 
plicate diviue favor. In the case of public danger, 
the proclamation appears to have been accompanied 
with the blowing of trumpets (Joel ii. 1-15). The 
following instances are recorded of strictly national 
fasts : Samuel gathered " all Israel " to Mizpeh and 
proclaimed a fast (1 Sam. vii. 6); Jehoshaphat 
appointed one "throughout all Judah" when he 
was preparing for war against Moab and Am- 
nion (2 Chr. xx. 3); in the reign of Jehoiakim, 
one was proclaimed for " all the people in Jeru- 
salem and all who came thither out of the cities of 
Judah," when the prophecy of Jeremiah was pub- 
licly read by Baruch (Jer. xxxvi. 6-10; compare 
Baruch i. 5); three days after the feast of Taber- 
nacles, when the second Temple was completed, 
" the children of Israel assembled with fasting and 
with sackclothes and earth upon them" to hear the 
law read, and to confess their sins (Neh. ix. 1). 
There are references to general fasts in the Prophets 
(Joel i. 14, ii. 15; Is. lviii.), and two are noticed in 
1 and 2 Maccabees (1 Mc. iii. 46, 47 ; 2 Mc. xiii. 10- 
12). There are a considerable number of instances 
of cities and bodies of men observing fasts on oc- 
casions in which they were especially concerned 
(Judg. xx. 26; 1 Sam. xxxi. 13; 2 Sam. i. 12; 1 K. 
xxi. 9-12; Ezr. viii. 21-23; Esth. iv. 16).— III. Pri- 
vate occasional fasts are recognized in Num. xxx. 
13. The instances given of individuals fasting under 
the influence of grief, vexation, or anxiety, are 
numerous (1 Sam. i. 7, xx. 34; 2 Sam. iii. 35, xii. 
16; 1 K. xxi. 27; Ezr. x. 6; Neh. i. 4; Dan. ix. 3, 
x. 3). The fasts of forty days of Moses (Ex. xxiv. 
18, xxxiv. 28; Deut. ix. 9, 18) and Elijah (1 K. xix. 
8) were special acts of spiritual discipline. — IV. In 
the N. T. the only references to the Jewish fasts are 
the mention of " the Fast," in Acts xxvii. 9 (gener- 
ally understood to denote the Day of Atonement), 
and the allusions to the weekly fasts (Mat. ix. 14 ; 
Mk. ii. 18; Lk. v. 33, xviii. 12; Acts x. 30). These 
fasts originated some time after the Captivity. 
They were observed on the second and fifth days of 
the week, which, being appointed as the days for 
public fasts, seem to have been selected for these 
private voluntary fasts. A time of fasting for be- 
lievers is foretold (Mat. ix. 15), and a caution is 
given (vi. 16-18). Fasting and prayer are great 
sources of spiritual strength (Mat. xvii. 21 ; Mk. ix. 
29 ; 1 Cor. vii. 5), and are sometimes especially ap- 
propriate (Acts xiii. 3, xiv. 23). Our Saviour fasted 



forty days and forty nights (Mat. iv. 2). Anna 
fasted and prayed (Lk. ii. 36). — V. The Jewish fasts 
were observed with various degrees of strictness. 
Sometimes there was entire abstinence from food 
(Esth. iv. 16, &c). On other occasions, there ap- 
pears to have been only a restriction to a very plain 
diet (Dan. x. 3). Rules are given in the Talmud as 
to the mode in which fasting is to be observed on 
particular occasions. Those who fasted frequently 
dressed in sackcloth or rent their clothes, put ashes 
on their head, and went barefoot (1 K. xxi. 27 ; Neh. 
ix. 1; Ps. xxxv. 13). (Mourning.) — VI. The sacri- 
fice of the personal will, which gives to fasting all 
its value, is expressed in the old term used in the 
law, afflicting the soul. But the Jews were prone 
in their formal fasts to lose the idea of a spiritual 
discipline (Is. lviii. 3 ; Zech. vii. 5, 6 ; compare Mat. 
vi. 16). 

Fatt The Hebrews distinguished between the 
suet or pure fat of an animal (Heb. hcleb or cteleb), 
and the fat which was intermixed with the lean 
(Heb. mashmannim), (Neh. viii. 10). Certain restric- 
tions were imposed upon them in reference to the 
former: some parts of the suet, viz., about the 
stomach, the entrails, the kidneys, and the tail of a 
sheep, which grows to an excessive size in many 
Eastern countries, and produces a large quantity of 
rich fat, were forbidden to be eaten in the case of 
animals offered to Jehovah in sacrifice (Lev. iii. 3, 
9, 17, vii. 3, 23). The ground of the prohibition 
was that the fat was the richest part of the animal, 
and therefore belonged to Him (iii. 16). The pre- 
sentation of the fat as the richest part of the animal 
was agreeable to the dictates of natural feeling, and 
was the ordinary practice even of heathen nations. 
The burning of the fat of sacrifices was particularly 
specified in each kind of offering. The Hebrews 
fully appreciated the luxury of well-fatted meat, and 
had their stall-fed oxen and calves (1 K. iv. 23 ; Jer. 
xlvi. 21 ; Lk. xv. 23). " Fat " figuratively = the 
best of any production (Gen. xiv. 18 ; Num. xviii. 12 
marg'.n ; Ps. lxxxi. 16 margin, cxlvii. 14 margin ; 
compare 2 Sam. i. 22 ; Judg. iii. 29 margin ; Is. x. 
16). Food ; Sacrifice. 

Fat (i. e. Vat), the A. V. translation of the Heb. 
yekeb (Joel ii. 24, iii. 13), commonly translated 
"wine-press," once "press-fat" (Hag. ii. 16). 

Fa'tlier (Heb. Ab ; (Jr. pater). The position and 
authority of the father as the head of the family is 
expressly assumed and sanctioned in Scripture, as a 
likeness of that of the Almighty over His creatures. 
It lies of course at the root of that so-called patri- 
archal government (Patriarch) (Gen. iii. 16 ; 1 Cor. 
xi. 3), which was introductory to the more definite 
systems which followed, and which in part, but not 
wholly, superseded it. (Law of Moses.) The father's 
. blessing was regarded as conferring special benefit, 
but his malediction special injury, on those on whom 
it fell (Gen. ix. 25, 27, xxvii. 27-40, xlviii. 15, 20, 
xlix.). The sin of a parent affected in certain cases 
the welfare of his descendants (2 K. v. 27 ; Ex. xx. 
5 ; Eli) ; though the law forbade to punish the son 
for his father's transgression (Deut. xxiv. 16). In- 
stances of Jegal enactments in support of parental 
authority are found in Ex. xxii. 17; Num. xxx. 3, 
5; Deut. xxi. 18, 21; Lev. xx. 9, xxi. 9, xxii. 12: 
and the spirit of the law in this direction may be 
seen in Prov. xiii. 1, xv. 5, xx. 20, xxviii. 24, xxx. 
17; Is. xiv. 10; Mai. i. 6. (Age, Old; Child; 
Daughter ; Education ; Marriage ; Mother ; 
Punishments.) Among Mohammedans parental 
authority has great weight during the time of pupil- 



304 



FAT 



FEN 



age. — " Father " in the Scriptures = 1 The male 
parent (Gen. ix. 22, 23, &c.) ; in the plural sometimes 
= both parents (Eph. vi. 4, compare 2). 2. An an- 
cestor or forefather, especially a patriarch or founder 
of a tribe, people, city, &c. (Gen. xxviii. 13; Num. 
xviii. 1 ; 1 Chr. ii. 49 if'. ; Mat. iii. 9, &e.) ; in plural 
= ancestors in general (Gen. xv. 15, &c). Hence 
the originator of an art, as the founder of a family 
composed of those who practise it (Gen. iv. 21, &c), 
the beginner of any series or line of succession 
(Gen. xvii. 4; Jn. viii. 44; Rom. iv. 11, &c), &c. 3. 
The author or maker of any thing, especially a 
creator (Job xxxviii. 28; Jas. i. IV). 4. One who 
acts or is regarded as acting in any respect as a 
father, e. g. a benefactor, protector, teacher, adviser, 
&c. (Job xxix. 16; Ps. lxviii. 5; Judg. xvii. 10; 
Gen. xlv. 8, &c). God as the great creator, preserver, 
governor, is in a sense the Father of all men ; but 
especially the Father of His covenant people (Jer. 
xxxi. 9; Mat. vi. 9, &c). "The Father, the Son, 
and the Holy Ghost" are expressly distinguished 
(Mat. xxviii. 19, &c). Son of God ; Spirit, the 
Holt. 

Fatli'om. Weights and Measures. 

* I-'at ling. Beast ; Fat ; Food, &c. 
Feasts. Banquet ; Festivals. 

* Feasts of t'liar'i-ty (Gr. agapai, pi. of agape, = 
loves ; see Charity) (Jude 12 only , compare 2 Pet. 
ii. 13 and 1 Cor. xi. 17 ff.) = certain banquets or 
social meals among the early Christians, intended as 
an exhibition of their mutual love, and usually cel- 
ebrated in connection with the Lord's Supper; also 
called /ovc-fcasls (L. agapce). The food was contrib- 
uted by the wealthier members, and shared among 
all Christians who chose to partake (Acts ii. 46, vi. 
2). Portions were also sent to the sick and absent 
members. In consequence of abuses they were for- 
bidden by the Council of Laodicea a. d. 361, and 
by the third Council of Carthage a. d. 397, to be 
held in houses of worship, and after the prohibitions 
by the Council of Orleans a. d. 541, and of Trullo 
a. d. 692, &c., were entirely disused. Lord's Sup- 
per. 

*' Feet, plural of Foot. 

Fe'lix (L. happy), a Roman procurator of Judea, 
appointed by the Emperor Claudius, whose freedman 
he was, on the banishment of Ventidius Cumanus 
in a. d. 53. Tacitus states that Felix and Cumanus 
were joint procurators ; Cumanus having Galilee, 
and Felix Samaria. Felix was the brother of Clau- 
dius's powerful freedman Pallas. He ruled the 
province in a mean, cruel, and profligate manner. 
His period of office was full of troubles and sedi- 
tions. St. Paul was brought before Felix inCesarea. 
He was remanded to prison, and kept there two 
years, in hopes of extorting money from him '(Acts 
xxiii., xxiv.). At the end of that time Porcius Fes- 
tus was appointed to supersede Felix, who, on his 
return to Rome, was accused by the Jews in Cesarea, 
and would have suffered the penalty due to his atroci- 
ties, had not his brother Pallas prevailed with the Em- 
peror Nero to spare him. This was probably in 60 
a. d. Felix's wife was Drusilla, daughter of Herod 
Agrippa I. 

Fenced Cit'y [fenst sit'te] (Heb. mibtsar). The 
broad distinction between a city and a village in 
Biblical language consisted in the possession of 
walls. The city had walls, the village was unwalled, 
or had only a watchman's tower, to which the villa- 
gers resorted in times of danger. A threefold dis- 
tinction is thus obtained — 1. "cities;" 2. unwalled 
" villages ; " 3. villages with " castles " or towers 



(1 Chr. xxvii. 25). The district E. of the Jordan, 
forming the kingdoms of Moab and Bashan (Argob), 
is said to have abounded from very early times in 
castles and fortresses, such as were built by Uzziah 
to protect the cattle, and to repel the inroads of the 
neighboring tribes, besides unwalled towns (Deut. 
iii. 5; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). The fortifications of the 
cities of Palestine, thus regularly " fenced," con- 
sisted of one or more walls crowned with battle- 
mented parapets, having towers at regular intervals 
(xxxii. 5 ; Jer. xxxi. 38) (Jerusalem), on which, 
in later times, engines of war (Engine) were placed, 
and watch was kept by day and night in time ot 
war (2 Chr. xxvi. 9, 15 ; 2 K. ix. 17). The gateways 
of fortified towns were also fortified and closed with 
strong doors (Keh. ii. 8, iii. 3, 6, &c), In advance 
of the wall there appears to have been sometimes 
an outwork (Heb. heyl or cheyl, 2 Sam. xx. 15, A. V. 



rf 




Tile so-called Golden Gafe of Jerusalem, stowing Brproeed remains of 
the old Jewish wall. 



" in the trench," margin " against the outmost 
wall ; " 1 K. xxi. 23, A.V. " wall," margin " ditch "), 
which was perhaps either a palisade or wall lining 




Walls of AtiTloca in Syria.— (Ayre's Treasury of Eille Knowledge.) 

the ditch, or a wall raised midway within the ditch 
itself. In many towns there was a keep or citadd 
for a last resource to the defenders. These forts 



FER 



FEV 



305 



were well furnished with cisterns. (Antonia.) But 
the fortified places of Palestine served only in a few 
instances to check effectually the progress of an in- 
vading force, though many instances of determined 
and protracted resistance are on record, as of Sama- 
ria for three years (2 K. xviii. 10), Jerusalem (xxv. 
3) for four months, and in later times of Jotapata, 
Gamala, Machserus, Masada, and, above all, Jerusa- 
lem itself, the strength of whose defences drew forth 
the admiration of the conqueror Titus. — The walls 
of Antioch 1, large portions of which still re- 
main were of great size and strength, from thirty 
to fifty feet high, and fifteen feet thick, flanked by 
numerous square towers, and carried up and 
down the steep mountain-side. — The earlier Egyp- 
tian fortifications consisted usually of a quad- 
rangular and sometimes double wall of sun-dried 
brick, fifteen feet thick, and often fifty feet in 
height, with square towers at intervals, of the same 
height as the walls, both crowned with a parapet, 
and a round-headed battlement in shape like a 
shield. A second lower wall with towers at the en- 
trance was added, distant thirteen or twenty feet 
from the main wall, and sometimes another was 
made of seventy or one hundred feet in length, pro- 
jecting at right angles from the main wall, to enable 
the defenders to annoy the assailants in flank. An- 
tioch; Babylon; Nineveh; Tyre; War; Zidon. 

Fer'rct, the A. V. translation of the Heb. andkdh, 
one of the unclean creeping things in Lev. xi. 30 ; 
according to the LXX. and Vulgate = the shrew- 
mouse {Mm araneus); probably a reptile of the 
lizard tribe (so Mr. Drake, with Gesenius, Fiirst, 
&c). The "ferret" (Mustela furo, Linn.) is an 
animal of the weasel kind, often used to hunt rab- 
bits. 

* Fcr'ry-bttat, the translation by the A. V., Gese- 
nius, Fiirst, &c, of the Heb. 'abdrdh in 2 Sam. xix. 18 ; 
perhaps a shallow, flat-bottomed boat, or a raft or 
float of reeds like those used in crossing the 
Nile. 

Fes'ti-vals. I. The religious times ordained in 
the Law fall under three heads : — 1. Those for- 
mally connected with the institution of the Sabbath ; 

| (a) The weekly Sabbath itself, (b) The seventh 
new moon or Feast of Trumpets. (Trumpets, Feast 
of.) (c) The Sabbatical Year, (d) The Year of 
Jubilee.— 2. The great feasts ;—(«) The Pass- 

\ over, (b) The Feast of Pentecost, of Weeks, of 
Wheat-harvest, or, of the First-fruits, (c) The 
Feast of Tabernacles, or of Ingathering. (Taber- 
nacles, Feast of.) On each of these occasions every 
male Israelite was commanded " to appear before 
the Lord," i. e. to attend in the court of the Taber- 

j nacle or the Temple, and to make his offering with a 
joyful heart (Lev. xxiii. 40; Deut. xxvi. 11 ; Neh. 
viii. 9-12). The attendance of women was volun- 
tary, but the zealous often went up to the Passover 
(1 Sam. i. 7, ii. 19 ; Lk. ii. 41). On all the days of 

I Holy Convocation there was to be an entire sus- 
pension of ordinary labor of all kinds (Ex. xii. 16; 
Lev. xvi. 29, xxiii. 21, 24, 25, 35). But on the 
intervening days of the longer festivals work might 
be carried on. Besides their religious purpose, the 
great festivals must have had an important bearing 
on the maintenance of a feeling of national unity. 
The frequent recurrence of the sabbatical number 
(=7) in the organization of these festivals is remark- 
able. Pentecost occurs seven weeks after the Pass- 
over ; the Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles 
last seven days each ; the days of Holy Convocation 
are seven in the year ; the Feast of Tabernacles 
20 



and the Day of Atonement fall in the seventh 
month of the sacred year ; the cycle of annual 
feasts occupies seven months, from Nisan to Tisri. 
The agricultural significance of the three great 
festivals is already set forth in the account of the 
Jewish sacred year in Lev. xxiii. (Agriculture.) 
The times of the festivals were evidently ordained 
in wisdom, so as to interfere as little as possible 
with the industry of the people. — 3. The Day of 
Atonement. (Atonement, Day of.) — II. After the 
Captivity, the Feast of Purim (Esth. ix. 20 ff.) and 
that of the Dedication (1 Mc. iv. 56) were insti- 
tuted. The Feast of Wood-carrying, on the fifteenth 
of the fifth month, is mentioned by Josephus and 
the Mishna (Neh. x. 34). The feasts of Nicanor on 
the thirteenth of the twelfth month (1 Mc. vii. 49), 
of Acra (A. V. " the tower ") on the twenty-third 
of the second month (xiii. 50-52), of Water-draw- 
ing on the twenty-second of the seventh month 
(compare Jn. vii. 37), and some others, were insti- 
tuted after the Captivity, but subsequently discon- 
tinued (Dr. Ginsburg, in Kitto). The term " the 
Festival of the Basket " is applied by Philo to the 
offering of the First-fruits described in Deut. 
xxvi. 1-11. Banquets. 

Fcs'tus (L. of the holidays, festal ; a Roman sur- 
name), Por'ci-us(L., the name common to members 
of a certain Roman clan, from porcus, a hog ?), suc- 
cessor of Felix as procurator of Judea (Acts xxiv. 
27), sent by Nero, probably in the autumn of 60 a. d. 
A few weeks after Festus reached his province, he 
heard the cause of St. Paul, who had been left a 
prisoner by Felix, in the presence of Herod Agrippa 
II. and Bernice his sister (xxv. 11, 12). Judea was 
in the same disturbed state during Festus's proc- 
uratorship as through that of his predecessor. He 
died probably in the summer of a. d. 62, having 
ruled the province less than two years. 

Fetters ( = chains to confine the feet), the A. V. 
translation of — 1. Heb. nehushtayim or nechush- 
tayim, in the dual number, expressing the material 
of which fetters were usually made, viz. " Brass," and 
also that they were made in pairs (Judg. xvi. 21 ; 
2 Sam. iii. 34 ; 2 K. xxv. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxxiii. 11, xxxvi. 
6; Jer. xxxix. 7, lii. 11, margin in both, text 
" chains "). — 2. Heb.cebel, once in singular, perhaps 
= the link which connected the fetters (Ps. cv. 18, 
cxlix. 8). Iron is here mentioned as the material. 
— 3. Heb. pi. zikkim (Job xxxvi. 8), usually trans- 
lated " chains " (Ps. cxlix. 8 ; Is. xlv. 14 ; Nah. iii. 
10), but its radical sense appears to refer to the 
contraction of the feet by a chain. — 4. Gr. pi. 
pedai (Mk. v. 4 ; Lk. viii. 29). 

Fe'ver. The Heb. kaddahath or kaddachath is 
translated in A.V. " burning ague " (Lev. xxvi. 16), 
and " fever " (Deut. xxviii. 22) ; also in xxviii. 22 
Heb. dallekelh is translated " inflammation," and 
harhur or charchur is translated " extreme burn- 
ing." In the N. T. the Gr. noun puretos is trans- 
lated "fever" (Mat. viii. 15 ; Mk. i. 31 ; Lk. iv. 38, 
39 ; Jn. iv. 52 ; Acts xxviii. 8), and the kindred Gr. 
fem. participle puressonsa is translated " sick of a 
fever " (Mat. viii. 14 ; Mk. i. 30). Dr. W. L. Alex- 
ander (in Kitto) supposes the second (A. V. " inflam- 
mation ") to be the ague ; the third (A. V. " extreme 
burning") to be dysentery, or some inflammatory 
fever. — These words, from various roots signifying 
heat or inflammation, are suggestive of fever, or a 
feverish affection. Fever constantly accompanies 
the bloody flux, or dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). Fever 
and ague, &c, are very common in Jerusalem (Rbn. 
Phys. Geoff. 309). Malignant fevers are still preva- 



i' 



306 



FIE 



FIR 



lent, especially in summer and autumn, about the 
sea of Galilee (Thomson, i. 547). 

Field. The Hebrew sddeh, usually translated 
" field " = unenclosed land, the open fields, the coun- 
try, Ges. It embraces both tilled fields and pas- 
tures (Gen. xxxi. 4, xxxvii. 7, &c), also mountain- 
ous land and fields, planted with trees (Judg. ix. 
32, compare 36 ; Ps. cxxxii. 6). It is frequently 
contrasted with what is enclosed, whether a vine- 
yard, a garden, or a walled town. In many passages 
the term implies what is remote from a house (Gen. 
iv. 8, xxiv. 63 ; Deut. xxii. 25) or settled habitation, 
as in the case of Esau (Gen. xxv. 27). (Beast.) 
The separate plots of ground were marked off by 
stones (A. V. " land-marks "), which might easily 
be removed (Deut. xix. 14, xxvii. 17 ; compare Job 
xxiv. 2 ; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 10) : the absence of 
fences rendered the fields liable to damage from 
straying cattle (Ex. xxii. 5) or fire (ver. 6 ; 2 Sam. 
xiv. 30) : hence the necessity of constantly watch- 
ing flocks and herds. From the absence of en- 
closures, cultivated land of any size might be 
termed a field. Similar remarks apply to the Gr. 
agros (= Heb. sddeh, LXX), usually translated 
" field " in the N. T. (Mat. vi. 28, 30, xiii. 24 ff., &c). 
The expressions "fruitful field" (Is. x. 18, xxix. 
17, xxxii. 15, 16), and " plentiful field " (Is. xvi. 
10 ; Jer. xlviii. 33), are the A. V. translation of 
Heb. carmel — a garden, orchard, park, or well- 
kept wood, as distinct from a wilderness or a forest. 
Carmel ; Fuller's Field ; Potter's Field. 

Fig, Fig-tree, both occur as = Heb. teendh, which 
signifies the tree Ficus Carica of Linnaeus, and also 
its fruit. In N. T. the Gr. suke = " the fig-tree," 
and the Gr. plural suka = " figs." The fig-tree is 
very common in Palestine (Deut. viii. 8). Its fruit 
is a well-known and highly-esteemed article of food. 
In the East this is of three kinds ; (1.) the early Jig 
(Heb. biccurdh, below), ripening about the end of 




Fig, Ficut Carica. — (Fbn.) 



June; (2.) the summer Jig, ripening in August ; (3.) 
the winter Jig, larger and darker than No. 2, hanging 
and ripening late on the tree, even after the leaves 
were shed, and sometimes gathered in the spring 



(Rbn. N. T. Lex.). The blossoms of the fig-tree are 
within the receptacle or so-called " fruit," and 
not visible outwardly ; and this fruit begins to de- 
velop before the leaves. Hence the fig-tree which 
had leaves before the usual time might naturally 
have been expected to have also some figs on it 
(Mk. xi. 13) ; but it was not true to its pretensions. 
The "fig-leaves," of which our first parents made 
themselves " aprons " (Gen. iii.7), have been supposed 
to be leaves of the banyan or Indian fig {Ficus Indica) 
(so Milton), or the enormous leaves of the banana 
{Musa parcidisiaca) (so Celsius, Gesenius, &c), but 
were probably the large and beautiful leaves of the 
common fig-tree. Mount Olivet was famous for its fig- 
trees in ancient times, and they are still found there. 
"To sit under one's own vine and one's own fig- 
tree" became a proverbial expression among the 
Jews to denote peace and prosperity (IK. iv. 25; 
Mic. iv. 4; Zech. iii. 10). The Heb. biccurdh (Hos. 
ix. 10; Mic. vii. 1) = the Jirst ripe of the fig-tree ; 
Heb. pag (Cant. ii. 13 ; A. V. "green figs ") = the 
unripe fig, which hangs through the winter ; Heb. 
debeldh = a round cake of figs dried and compressed 
into a mass, used for food (1 Sam. xxv. 18, &c), also 
(A. V. " a lump of figs ") laid on Hezekiah's boil 
(2 K. xx. 7; Is. xxxviii. 21). 

* File, the A. V. translation of Heb. pclsir&h (1 
Sam. xiii. 21 only), which Gesenius translates dul- 
ness, bluntness, literally the being notched. The 
sense thus would be : " the Israelites went down to 
the Philistines to sharpen every man his share," 
&c. — "when the mattocks, &c, were dull;" liter- 
ally when there was notchedness of mouths (i. e. dul- 
ness of edges) to the mattocks, &c. 

* Fi'ncr = Refiner (Prov. xxv. 4). 

* Fines. Punishments. 

* Fin'gcr [fing'ger] (Heb. etsba 1 ; Gr. daktulos) — 
one of the five extremities of the hand. The priest 
sprinkled with his fore-finger (Lev. iv. 6 ff., xiv. 16, 
27, &c). "Putting forth the finger," i. e. pointing 
with it (Is. lviii. 9) indicated contempt. "The 
finger of God " (Ex. viii. 19 ; Lk. xi. 20) figuratively 
= God's power. One of the Philistine giants had 
six fingers on each hand (2 Sam. xxi. 20 ; 1 Chr. 
xx. 6). Weights and Measures. 

Fir, the A. V. translation of the Heb. berosh, 
beroth, denoting a tree whose timber was used for 
musical instruments (2 Sam. vi. 5), doors (IK. vi. 
34), gilded ceilings (2 Chr. iii. 5), boards or decks 
of ships (Ez. xxvii. v). Mr. Houghton supposes the 
Hebrew = the Pinus Halepensis (Aleppo pine), or 
the Juniperus ezcelsa (tall juniper), both of which 
grow on Lebanon, and would supply excellent tim- 
ber for these purposes. (Cedar.) Gesenius and 
ancient interpreters translate the Hebrew by Cy- 
press ; Celsius regards it as the cedar of Lebanon ; 
Fiirst infers that several trees (cypress, cedar, pine, 
&c.) were designated by the term. 

Fire (Heb. esh ; Gv.pur). — I. Religious. (1.) That 
which consumed the burnt sacrifice, and the incense- 
offering, beginning with the sacrifice of Noah (Gen. 

viii. 20), and continued in the ever-burning fire on 
the altar, first kindled from heaven (Lev. vi. 9, 13, 

ix. 24), and rekindled at the dedication of Solomon's 
Temple (2 Chr. vii. 1, 3). (Altar ; Burnt-Offer- 
ing; Incense; Sacrifice.) (2.) The symbol of 
Jehovah's presence, and the instrument of His 
power, in the way either of approval or of destruc- 
tion (Ex. iii. 2, xiv. 19, &c). Parallel with this ap- 
plication of fire and with its symbolical meaning is 
to be noted the similar use for sacrificial purposes, 
and the respect paid to it, or to the heavenly bodies 



FIR 



FIR 



307 



as symbols of deity, which prevailed among so many 
nations of antiquity, and of which the traces are not 
even now extinct : e. g. the Sabean and Magian sys- 
tems of worship, and their alleged connection with 
Abraham ; the occasional relapse of the Jews them- 
selves into sun-worship, or its corrupted form of 
fire-worship (Is. xxvii. 9; Deut. xvii. 3, &c), the 
worship or deification of heavenly bodies or of fire, 
prevailing to some extent, as among the Persians, 
so also even in Egypt. (Idolatry.) Fire for sacred 
purposes obtained elsewhere than from the altar 
was called "strange fire," and for use of such 
Nadab and Abihu were punished with death by fire 
from God (Lev. x. 1, 2; Num. iii. 4, xxvi. 61). (3.) 
Of the spoil taken from the Midianites, such articles 
as could bear it were purified by fire as well as in 
the water appointed for the purpose (Num. xxxi. 
23). The victims slain for sin-offerings were after- 
ward consumed by fire outside the camp (Lev. iv. 
12, 21, vi. 30, xvi. 27 ; Heb. xiii. 11). (Nazarite.) 
— II. Domestic. Besides for cooking purposes, fire 
is often required in Palestine for warmth (Jer. xxxvi. 
22; Mk. xiv. 54; Jn. xviii. 18). (Bread; Coal; 
Cooking; Oven.) For this purpose a hearth with a 
chimney is sometimes constructed, on which either 
lighted wood or pans of charcoal are placed. On 
the Sabbath, the Law forbade any fire to be kindled 
even for cooking (Ex. xxxv. 3 ; Num. xv. 32). — III. 
The dryness of the land in the hot season, in Syria, 
of course increases liability to accident from fire. 
• The Law therefore ordered that any one kindling a 
fire which caused damage to corn in a field should 
make restitution (Ex. xxii. 6 ; compare Judg. xv. 4, 
5; 2 Sam. xiv. 30). (Punishments.) — IV. Fire or 
flame is used in a metaphorical sense to express ex- 
cited feeling and divine inspiration, also to describe 
temporal calamities and future punishments (Ps. 
lxvi. 12; Jer. xx. 9; Joel ii. 30; Mai. iii. 2; Mat. 
xxv. 41; Mk. ix. 43; Rev. xx. 15). Brimstone; 
Burial ; Death ; Eternal ; Eternity ; Furnace ; 
Handicraft ; Molech ; Refiner ; Shechinah ; War. 

Fire pan, the A. V. translation of the Heb. malitdh 
or machtdh, one of the vessels of the temple service 
(Ex. xxvii. 3, xxxviii. 3 ; 2 K. xxv. 15 ; Jer. Iii. 19), 
elsewhere rendered " snuff-dish " (Ex. xxv. 38, 
xxxvii. 23 ; Num. iv. 9) and " censer " (Lev. x. 1, xvi. 
12; Num. xvi. 6 ff.). (Altar.) There appear, 
therefore, to have been two articles so called : one, 
like a chafing-dish, to carry live coals for burning 
incense ; another, like a snuffer-dish, used in trim- 
ming the lamps, to carry the snuffers and convey 
away the snuff. 
Fir'kin. Weights and Measures. 
Fir'ma-ment (fr. L. firmamentum = a strengthen- 
ing, support, prop), tie A. V. translation of the Heb. 
rdkia' (Gen. i. 6 flf. ; Ps. xix. 1 [Heb. 2], cl. 1 ; Ez. i. 
22 ff. x. 1 ; Dan. xii. 3), generally regarded as ex- 
pressive of simple expansion, and so rendered in the 
margin of Gen. i. 6. The Heb. root rdka 1 = (so Ge- 
senius) (1.) to beat, to smite with the feet, to " stamp' 1 '' 

\ (Ez. vi. 11, xxv. 6), hence to tread down enemies (2 
Sam. xxii. 42, A. V. " did spread them abroad ") ; 
(2.) to beat out, i. e. to spread out or expand by 
beating, whether by the hand, the foot, or any in- 
strument; used of beating out metals into thin 
plates (Ex. xxxix. 3 ; Num. xvi. 39, A. V. " they 
were made broad plates"). The sense of solidity, 

| therefore, is combined with the ideas of expansion 
and tenuity in the term (so Mr. Bevan, &c). Gese- 
nius says, " hence, simply to spread out, to expand, 

i as God the earth " (Ps. cxxxvi. 6, A. V. " stretched 
out ; " Is. xlii. 5, A. V. " spread forth ; " xliv. 24, 



A. V. " spreadeth abroad "), and the heavens (Job 
xxxvii. 18, A. V. "spread out"). It is unfair for 
us to take such poetical descriptions as those in 
which the heavens are compared to a mirror of 
shining metal, &c. (Job xxxvii. 18; compare Gen. 
i. 20 and Deut. xxviii. 23), and interpret them as 
scientific statements ; for modern poets use language 
fully as unscientific. The " firmament " was to 
serve as a division between the waters above and 
the waters below (Gen. i. 7). In it were placed the 
heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and stars (i. 14) ; 
" above" it, in Ezekiel's vision of the cherubim (Ez. 
i. 22-26), was "the likeness of a throne" (God's). 
" There seems no reason for thinking that the sacred 
writers conceived of " it " as a solid substance ; they 
seem rather to have thought of it as a wide expan- 
sion, in which the clouds, and winds, and heavenly 
bodies had their place, and from which the rain 
came down " (Dr. W. L. Alexander in Kitto). Crea- 
tion ; Earth ; Heaven. 

First'-born (Heb. bechor; Gr. prototokos), applied 
to animals and human beings. That some rights 
of primogeniture existed in very early times is plain, 
but it is not so clear in what they consisted. They 
have been classed as (a) authority over the rest of 
the family; (b) priesthood ; (c) a double portion of 
the inheritance (Gen. xxv. 23, 31, 34, xxvii. 29, 33, 
36, xlix. 3 ; 1 Chr. v. 1, 2 ; Heb. xii. 16). (Esau ; 
Reuben.) Under the Law, in memory of the Ex- 
odus (Plagues, the Ten, No. 10), the eldest son 
was regarded as devoted to God, and was in every 
case to be redeemed by an offering not exceeding 
five shekels, within one month from birth. If he 
died before the expiration of thirty days, the Jewish 
doctors held the father excused, but liable to the 
payment if he outlived that time (Ex. xiii. 12-15, 
xxii. 29 ; Num. viii. 17, xviii. 15, 16 ; Lev. xxvii. 6). 
(Child.) This devotion of the first-born was be- 
lieved to indicate a priesthood belonging to the 
eldest sons of families, which being set aside in the 
case of Reuben, was transferred to the tribe of Levi. 
The eldest son received a double portion of the 
father's inheritance (Deut. xxi. 15-17), but not of 
the mother's. Under the monarchy, the eldest son 
usually, but not always, as appears in the case of 
Solomon, succeeded his father in the kingdom (1 K. 
i. 30, ii. 22). The male first-born of animals was 
also devoted to God (Ex. xiii. 2, 12, 13, xxxiv. 19, 
20; Deut. xii. 5-7, xiv. 23). (Blemish.) Unclean 
animals were to be redeemed with the addition of 
one-fifth of the value, or else put to death ; or, if 
not redeemed, to be sold, and the price given to the 
priests (Lev. xxvii. 13, 27, 28). " First-born," or 
" first-begotten," figuratively denotes preeminence 
= first, chief, as " the first-born of death," i. e. the 
chief among deadly diseases (Job xviii. 13), " the 
first-born of the poor," i. e. the chief among the 
sons of the poor, or the poorest of the poor (Is. xiv. 
30), " the church of the first-born," i. e. distin- 
guished saints (Heb. xii. 23). This title is especially 
applied to the Lord Jesus Christ (Rom. viii. 29 ; Col. 
i. 15, 18 ; Heb. i. 6 ; Rev. i. 5 ; compare Ps. lxxxix. 
27). 

First'-fraits (Heb. biccurim, resMth; Gr. aparche). 
1. The Law ordered in general, that the first of all 
ripe fruits and of liquors, or, as it is twice expressed, 
the first of first-fruits, should be offered in God's 
house (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26). 2. On the 
morrow after the Passover sabbath, i. e. on the 16th 
of Nisan, a sheaf of new corn was to be brought to 
the priest, and waved before the altar, in acknowl- 
edgment of the gift of fruitfulness (Lev. xxiii. 5, 6, 



308 



FIR 



FIS 



10-12, ii. 12). 3. At the expiration of seven weeks 
from this time, i. e. at the Feast of Pentecost, an 
oblation was to be made of two loaves of leavened 
bread made from the new flour, which were to be 
waved like the Passover sheaf (Ex. xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. 
xxiii. 15-17 ; Num. xxviii. 26). 4. The feast of in- 
gathering, i. e. the Feast of Tabernacles in the 
seventh month, was itself an acknowledgment of the 
fruits of the harvest (Ex. xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22 ; Lev. 
xxiii. 39). These four sorts of offerings were na- 
tional. Besides them, the two following were of an 
individual kind. 5. A cake of the first dough that 
was baked was to be offered as a heave-offering 
(Num. xv. 19-21). 6. The first-fruits of the land 
were to be brought in a basket to the holy place of 
God's choice, and there presented to the priest, who 
was to set the basket down before the altar (Deut, 
xxvi. 2-11). (Festivals.) The offerings, both pub- 
lic and private, resolve themselves into two classes, 
(a) produce in general, (b) offerings, prepared prod 
uce. (a) Of the public offerings of first-fruits, the 
Law defined no place from which the Passover sheaf 
should be chosen, but the Jewish custom, so far as 
represented by the Mishna, prescribed that the 
wave-sheaf or sheaves should be taken from the 
neighborhood of Jerusalem. (Agriculture.) The 
offering made at the feast of the Pentecost was a 
thanksgiving for the conclusion of wheat harvest. 
It consisted of two loaves (according to Josephus 
one loaf) of new flour baked with leaven, which 
was waved by the priest as at the Passover. No 
private offerings of first-fruits were allowed before 
this public oblation of the two loaves. The private 
oblations of first-fruits may be classed in the same 
manner as the public. The Jews considered seven 
sorts of produce liable to oblation, viz. wheat, bar- 
ley, grapes, figs, pomegranates, olives, and dates. 
Though the Law laid down no rule as to quantity, 
the minimum fixed by custom was one-sixtieth. No 
offerings were to be made before Pentecost, nor 
after the feast of the Dedication (Ex. xxiii. 16 ; Lev. 
xxiii. 16, IV). The practice was for companies of 
twenty-four to assemble in the evening at a central 
station, and pass the night in the open air. In the 
morning they were summoned by the leader : " Let 
us arise and go up to Mount Zion, the House of the 
Lord our God." On the road to Jerusalem they re- 
cited portions of Psalms cxxii. and cl. Each party 
was preceded by a piper, and a sacrificial bullock 
having the tip of his horns gilt and crowned with 
olive. At their approach to the city they were met 
by priests appointed to inspect the offering, and 
welcomed by companies of citizens. On ascending 
the Temple mount, each took on his shoulders his 
basket, containing the first-fruits and an offering of 
turtle-doves, and proceeded to the court of the 
Temple, where they were met by Levites singing 
Psalm xxx. 1. The doves were sacrificed as a 
burnt-offering, and the first-fruits presented as ap- 
pointed in Deut. xxvi. After passing the night 
at Jerusalem, the pilgrims returned on the follow- 
ing day to their homes (Deut. xvi. 1). (b) The first- 
fruits prepared for use were not required to be 
taken to Jerusalem. They consisted of wine, wool, 
bread, oil, date-honey, onions, cucumbers (Num. xv. 
19-21 ; Deut. xviii. 4). They were to be made, ac- 
cording to some, only by dwellers in Palestine ; but 
according to others, by those also who dwelt in the 
land of Moab, Amnion, or Egypt. The offerings 
were the perquisite of the priests (Num. xviii. 11 ; 
Deut. xviii. 4). 'Hezekiah, and afterward Nehemiah, 
restored the offerings of first-fruits of both kinds, 



and appointed places to receive them (2 Chr. xxxi. 
5, 11 ; Net), x. 35, 37, xii. 44 ; compare Ez. xx. 40, 
xliv. 30, xlviii. 14 ; Mai. iii. 8). An offering of first- 
fruits is mentioned as an acceptable one to the pro- 
phet Elisha (2 K. iv. 42). The Law directed that 
the fruit of all trees fresh planted should be regard- 
ed as uncircumcised, or profane, and not to be 
tasted by the owner for three years. The whole 
produce of the fourth year was devoted to God. 
The fifth year the owner might eat of the fruit 
(Lev. xix. 23-25). Offerings of first-fruits were sent 
to Jerusalem by Jews in foreign countries. 

Fish (Heb. ddg, ddgdh ; Gr. ichthus, opsarion), 
Fishing. The Hebrews recognized fish as one of 
the great divisions of the animal kingdom (Gen. i. 
21, 28, ix. 2 ; Ex. xx. 4 ; Deut. iv. 18 ; IK. iv. 33). 
Fishes in modern zoology = " oviparous, vertebrat- 
ed, cold-blooded animals, breathing water by means 
of gills or branchial, and generally provided with 
fins ; " but none of these are mentioned by name in 
the Scriptures. In the popular and inexact sense 
of aquatic animals, eleven sorts are mentioned (so 
Dr. P. Holmes in Kitto ; Behemoth ; Colors II. 
1, 2 ; Dragon 1-3 ; Frog ; Horse-leech ; Levia- 
than ; Whale). The Heb. pi. aniyoik, translated 
uniformly by the A. V. and most " ships," French 
and Skinner (Tr. of Ps.\ Thrupp (Introd. to Ps.), 
and Dr. Holmes (in Kitto), apparently, would render 
" nautilus," from the resemblance of this little shell- 
fish to a ship. The fish of the Tigris which would 
have devoured Tobias (Tob. vi. 2 ff.) is supposed by 
Bochart, &c, to have been the Silurus glanis (allied 
to the American cat-fish or bull-head, Pimelodus of 
Cuvier), which is sometimes six feet long and weighs 
300 pounds ; but Col. C. H. Smith supposes it a 
species of crocodile. Dr. Holmes supposes in Ez. 
xxix. 4 an allusion to the remora, Echcneis Pemora, 
which has on its head an adhesive or sucking disc 
enabling it to adhere to another fish. The Mosaic 
law (Lev. xi. 9, 10) pronounced unclean such fish 
as were devoid of fins and scales : these were and 
are regarded as unwholesome in Egypt. (Clean; 
Food.) Of the various species found in the Sea 
of Galilee, the Silurus would be classed among the 
unclean, while the Sparus Oatilams (a species of 
bream), and the Mugil (chub), would be deemed 
" clean." In Genesis i. 21 (compare verse 28), the 
great marine animals are distinguished from " every 
living creature that creepeth" a description applying 
to fish, along with other reptiles, as having no legs. 
The Hebrews doubtless became familiar with the 
remarkable fecundity of fish while in Egypt, where 
the abundance of fish in the Nile, and the lakes and 
canals, rendered it one of the staple commodities of 
food (Num. xi. 5). The destruction of the fish was 
on this account a most serious visitation to the 
Egyptians (Ex. vii. 21 ; Is. xix. 8). Among the 
Philistines, Dagon was represented by a figure, half 
man and half fish. On this account the worship of 
fish is expressly prohibited (Deut. iv. 18). In Pal- 
estine, the Sea of Galilee was and still is remarkably 
well stored with fish, and the value attached to the 
fishery by the Jews is shown by the traditional be- 
lief that one of the ten laws of Joshua enacted 
that it should be open to all comers. Jerusalem 
derived its supply chiefly from the Mediterranean 
(Neh. xiii. 16 ; compare Ez. xlvii. 10). (Pal- 
estine ; Zoology.) The existence of a regular 
fish-market is implied in the notice of the Fish- 
gate, which was probably contiguous to it. Nu- 
merous allusions to the art of fishing occur in 
the Bible ; in the O. T. metaphorical, descriptive of 



FIS 



FLA 



309 




Egyptians fishing.— From Bent Hassan. — (Rawlinson's jjdt. ii. 102.) 



the conversion (Jer. xvi. 16 ; Ez. xlvii. 10), or of I 
the destruction (Eccl. ix. 12 ; Ez. xxix. 3 ff. ; Am. | 




Egyptian spearing Fish. — From Rosellini. — (Fbn.) 



iv. 2; Hab. i. 14) of 

God's enemies ; in the N. 
T. mostly historical (Mat. 
iv. 18, 20, 21, &c), me- 
taphorical in Mat. iv. 19, 
xiii. 47 ff., &c. The most 
usual method of catching 
fish was by the use of the 
net, either the casting 
net (Hab. i. 15 ; Ez. xxvi. 
5, 14, &c), probably re- 
sembling the one used 
in Egypt, or the draw or 
drag net (Is. xix. 8 ; Hab. 
i. 15 ; Mat. xiii. 4V), which 
was larger and required 
the use of a boat : the 
latter was probably most 
used on the Sea of Gali- 
lee, as the number of 
boats kept on it was very 
considerable. Angling 
was a favorite pursuit of the wealthy in Egypt, and 
was followed by the poor who could not afford a 
net ; the requisites were a hook and a line (Job 
xli. 1 ; Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15); the rod was oc- 
casionally dispensed with, and is not mentioned 
in the Bible. The custom of drying fish is fre- 
quently represented in the Egyptian sculptures. 
A still more scientific method was with the tri- 
dent or the spear, as practised in Egypt in tak- 
ing the crocodile (Job xli. 7) or the hippo- 
potamus. 

* Fish'-gate, a gate of Jerusalem (2 Chr. 
xxxiii. 14 ; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39 ; Zeph. i. 10) ; per- 
haps (so Gesenius) that now called St. Stephen's 
Gate, or (so Kitto) at the N. E. part of the city. 




Egyptians drying and preparing Fish.— From Tomb at tie Pyramids.— (Rawlinson'B Udt. ii. 109.) 




Nigella saliva =- " Fitches n in A. V. 



Fitch'es (i. e. vetches or Tares, leguminous plants 
allied to beans and peas), the A. V. translation of 
— 1. Heb. cussemeth (Ez. iv. 9), elsewhere translated 
" Rye." — 2. Heb. ketsah or kctsach (Is. xxviii. 25, 
27), without doubt = the Nigella saliva, an her- 
baceous annual plant, sometimes called Nutmeg 
Flower, belonging to the natural order Hanun- 
culacece, which was formerly cultivated in Pales- 
tine for its black aromatic seeds, used in Eastern 
countries as a medicine and a condiment. 

Flag, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. dim or 
dclm (" Can the flag grow without water," Job viii. 
11); translated "meadow" in Gen. xli. 2, 18, as 
that in which the well-favored kine fed. The He- 
brew word, according to Jerome, is of Egyptian 
origin, = " any green and coarse herbage, such as 
rushes and reeds, which grows in marshy places." 
Gesenius says, " marsh-grass, reeds, bidrushes, sedge, 
any thing green which grows in wet grounds." 
Probably some specific plant is denoted in Job viii. 



310 



FLA 



roo 



11. Dr. Royle (in Kitto) supposes it may be the 
Cyperus esculentus (= edible sedge), or a true grass, 
e. g. a species of Panicum. Kaliseh makes it " un- 
questionably either the Cyperus esadenius or the 
Butornus umbellatus " (= flowering rush). — 2. Heb. 
suph (Ex. ii. 3, 5 ; Is. xix. 6) ; translated " weeds " 
in Jon. ii. 5 ; used frequently in the 0. T. with Heb. 
yam (= " sea") to denote the " Red Sea," i. e. the 
" sea of weeds." Gesenius makes suph — a rush, 
reed, sedge ; Stanley (p. 6, n.) observes, " though 
used commonly for flags or rushes, it would by 
an easy change be applied to any aqueous vegeta- 
tion." 

Flag' on, theA.V. translation of— 1. Heb. dshishdh 
(2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xvi. 3; Cant. ii. 5; Hos. iii. 
1) = a cake of pressed raisins (so Gesenius, &c). — 2. 
Heb. nebel (Is. xxii. 24), commonly = " bottle " or 
" vessel," originally probably a skin, but in later 
times of pottery (Is. xxx. 14). Psaltery ; Viol. 

Flax, the A. V. translation of Heb. pishtdh (Ex. 
ix. 31; Is. xlii. 3), and pesheth (Josh. ii. 6; Judg. 
xv. 14 ; Prov. xxxi. 13 ; Is. xix. 9 ; Ez. xl. 3 ; Hos. 
ii. 5, 9 [Heb. 7, 11]). The latter is often translated 
"linen;" the former is once (Is. xliii. 17) trans- 
lated " tow." The Gr. linon is translated " flax " 
in Mat. xii. 20 (quoted from Is. xlii. 3) and "linen" 
in Rev. xv. 6. The common flax, Linum nsitatis- 
simum, is a well-known annual plant. The strong 
fibres of its bark are manufactured into linen, 
&c. The seeds yield linseed oil, and are also used 
in medicine. The Hebrew and Greek words are 
used for the article manufactured in the thread, 
the piece, or the made-up garment, and for the plant. 
In Ex. ix. 31, the flax of the Egyptians is recorded 
to have been damaged by the plague of hail. (Bolled.) 
Probably the cultivation of flax for the manufacture 
of linen was by no means confined to Egypt, but 
originating in India spread over the whole continent 
of Asia at a very early period of antiquity. That it 
was grown in Palestine even before the conquest of 
that country by the Israelites appears from Josh, 
ii. 6. The various processes employed in preparing 
the flax for manufacture into cloth are indicated : — 
1. The drying process. 2. The peeling of the stalks, 
and separation of the fibres. 3. The hackling (Is. 
xix. 9). That flax was anciently one of the most 
important crops in Palestine appears from Hos. ii. 
5, 9. 

Flea (Heb. par'osh), a well-known minute and 
troublesome insect {Pulex irritans) of great agility. 
David applies it to himself as a term of humility 
(1 Sam. xxiv. 14, xxvi. 20). Fleas are abundant in 
the East, and the subject of many proverbial expres- 
sions. 

* Fleece. Wool. 

* Flesh, the general translation in the Scriptures 
of the Heb. bdsdr and Gr. sarx = the muscles, fat, 
&c, on the bones of the living human or animal 
body (Ex. xvi. 12 ; Job xxxiii. 21 ; Lk. xxiv. 39, 
&c.) ; also the human body, as distinguished from 
the spirit (Job xiv. 22 ; Jn. vi. 52 ; Col. ii. 5, &c.) ; 
the human body, or human nature, especially as 
frail, prone to sin, opposed to what is spiritual or 
holy (Gen. vi. 3 ; Mat. xxvi. 41 ; Jn. iii. 6, &c), &c. 
"All flesh" sometimes = all animate beings (Gen. 
vi. 13, 17, &c), oftener all mankind (Gen. vi. 12 ; 
Lk. iii. 6, &c). Christ " was made flesh " (Jn. i. 14 ; 
1 Jn. iv. 2, &c. ; compare Heb. iv. 15), i. e. became 
human, had the nature and attributes of a man. 
Flesh-hooks ; see Altar. Food. 

* Flies. Fly. 

Flint. The Heb. haUdmish or ehalldnmh is trans- 



lated "flint" in Deut. viii. 15 ; Ps. cxiv. 8; and Is. 
1. 7 ; " rock " in Job xxviii. 9, margin " flint ; " 
"flinty," literally of flint in Deut. xxxii. 13. In 
Ez. iii. 9 " flint " = the Heb. tsor, translated " sharp 
stone," margin " knife," in Ex. iv. 25. Flint is 
properly a variety of quartz ; but the Hebrew prob- 
ably = any hard stone (Gesenius). 

* Flocks. Goat ; Lamb ; Sheep ; Shepherd. 

Flood. Noah. 

Floor. Agriculture ; Barn ; House ; Pave- 
ment. 

Flour. Bread ; Meat-offering ; Mill. 

Flow ers. Palestine, Botany. 

Flnte, a musical instrument (Chal. mashrokithA) 
used with others at the worship of the golden 
image which Nebuchadnezzar had set up (Dan. iii. 
5, 7, 10, 15). See also 1 K. i. 4 margin. Pipe. 

Flux, Blood'y (Acts xxviii. 8) = the dysentery, 
which in the East is, though sometimes sporadic, 
generally epidemic and infectious, and then assumes 
its worst form. Fever ; Medicine. 

Fly, Flics, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. zebub 
(Eccl. x. 1 ; Is. vii. 18), probably = any winged insect 
or fly ; perhaps in Isaiah = some very troublesome 
and injurious fly. — 2. Heb. 'drob (" swarms of flies," 
" divers sorts of flies," A. V.) = the insect, or in- 
sects, which God sent to punish Pharaoh in the 
fourth plague (Ex. viii. 21-31 ; Ps. lxxviii. 45, cv. 
31). (Plagues, the Ten.) As they filled the houses 
of the Egyptians, not improbably common flies 
(Museidu?) are more especially intended. 

Food. The diet of Eastern nations has been in 
all ages light and simple. As compared with our 
own habits, the chief points of contrast are the 
small amount of animal food consumed, the variety 
of articles used as accompaniments to bread, the 
substitution of milk in various forms for our liquors, 
and the combination of what we should deem hete- 
rogeneous elements in the same dish, or the same 
meal. The chief point of agreement is the large 
consumption of bread, the importance of which in 
the eyes of the Hebrew is testified by the use of the 
term lehem or lechem (originally food of any kind) 
specifically for bread, as well as by the expression 
" staff of bread " (Lev. xxvi. 26 ; Ps. cv. 16 ; Ez. iv. 

16, xiv. 13). Simpler preparations of " corn " were, 
however, common ; sometimes the fresh green ears 
were eaten in a natural state, the husks being rubbed 
off by the hand (Lev. xxiii. 14 ; Deut. xxiii. 25 ; 2 
K. iv. 42 ; Mat. xii. 1 ; Lk. vi. 1) ; more frequently, 
however, the grains, after being carefully picked, 
were roasted in a pan over a fire (Lev. ii. 14), and 
eaten as " parched corn," in which form they 
were an ordinary article of diet, particularly among 
laborers, or others who had not the means of dress- 
ing food (Lev. xxiii. 14; Ru. ii. 14; 1 Sam. xvii. 

17, xxv. 18; 2 Sam. xvii. 28): this practice is still 
very usual in the East. Sometimes the grain was 
bruised (A. V. " beaten," Lev. ii. 14, 1 6), and then 
dried in the sun ; it was eaten either mixed with 
oil (Lev. ii. 15), or made into a soft cake (A. V. 
" dough ; " Num. xv. 20 ; Neh. x. 37 ; Ez. xliv. 30). 
The Hebrews used a great variety of articles to give 
a relish to bread. Sometimes salt was so used 
(Job vi. 6) ; sometimes the bread was dipped into 
the sour wine (A. V. " vinegar ") which the laborers 
drank (Ru. ii. 14) ; or, where meat was eaten, into 
the gravy (Broth), which was either served up sep- 
arately for the purpose, as by Gideon (Judg. vi. 19), 
or placed in the middle of the meat-dish, as by 
the Arabs. Milk and its preparations hold a con- 
spicuous place in Eastern diet, as affording sub- 



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311 



stantial nourishment ; sometimes it was produced 
in a fresh state (Gen. xviii. 8), but more generally 
in the form of the modern leban, i. e. sour milk 
(A. V. " butter"). (Cheese.) Fruit was another 
source of subsistence; figs (Fig) stand first in 
point of importance ; they were generally dried and 
pressed into cakes. Grapes were generally eaten 
in a dried state as raisins. (Vine.) Fruit-cake 
forms a part of the daily food of the Arabians. (Ap- 
ple ; Manna ; Mulberry-trees ; Palm-tree ; Pome- 
granate ; Summer Fruits ; Sycamine-tree ; Syca- 
more.) Of vegetables we have most frequent notice 
of lentils, which are still largely used by the 
Bedouins in travelling ; Beans, Cucumbers, Garlic, 
Leeks, Melons, and Onions, which were and still 
are of a superior quality in Egypt (Num. xi. 5). 
The modern Arabians consume but few vegetables : 
radishes and leeks are most in use, and are eaten 
raw with bread. (Agriculture ; Bitter Herbs ; 
Garden ; Gourd.) The spices or condiments known 
to the Hebrews were numerous. (Almond ; Anise ; 
Coriander ; Cummin ; Mint ; Mustard ; Nuts ; Rue ; 
Spices.) An important article of food was Honey, 
whether the natural product of the bee, or the 
other natural and artificial productions included 
under that head, especially the dibs of the Syrians 
and Arabians, i. e. grape-juice boiled down. Oil 
(Olive) does not appear to have been used to the 
extent we might have anticipated. Eggs are not 
often noticed, but were evidently known as articles 
of food (Is. x. 14, lix. 5 ; Lk. xi. 12). The Orientals 
have been at all times sparing in the use of animal 
food : not only does the excessive heat of the climate 
render it both unwholesome to eat much meat, and 
expensive from the necessity of immediately con- 
suming a whole animal, but beyond this the ritual 
regulations of the Mosaic law in ancient, as of the 
Koran in modern times, have tended to the same 
result. (Cooking.) It has been inferred from Gen. 
ix. 3, 4 that animal food was not permitted before 
the flood ; but the permission here may be only 
a more explicit declaration of a condition implied 
in the grant of universal dominion (i. 28, compare 
iv. 2, 20, vii. 2). The prohibition expressed against 
consuming the blood of any animal (ix. 4) was 
more fully developed in the Levitical law, and en- 
forced by the penalty of death (Lev. iii. 17, vii. 26, 
xix. 26 ; Deut. xii. 16 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 32 ff. ; Ez. xliv. 
7, 1 5). Gentile converts to Christianity were laid 
under similar restrictions (Acts xv. 20, 29, xxi. 
25). Certain portions of the fat of sacrifices were 
also forbidden, as being set apart for the altar 
(Lev. iii. 9, 10, 16, vii. 25 ; compare 1 Sam. ii. 
16 ff. ; 2 Chr. vii. 7). Christians were forbidden 
to eat the flesh of animals, portions of which had 
been offered to idols (Acts xv. 29, xxi. 25 ; 1 Cor. 
viii.). All beasts and birds classed as unclean 
(Lev. xi. 1 ff. ; Deut. xiv. 4 ff.) were also prohibit- 
ed. (Clean ; Unclean Meats.) The Hebrews further 
abstained from eating the sinew of the hip (Gen. 
xxxii. 32, compare 25). Under these restrictions 
the Hebrews were permitted the free use of ani- 
mal food : generally they only availed themselves 
of it in the exercise of hospitality (Gen. xviii. "7), 
or at festivals of a religious (Ex. xii. 8), public 
(1 K. i. 9 ; 1 Chr. xii. 40), or private character 
(Gen. xxvii. 4 ; Lk. xv. 23 ; Banquets) : it was only 
in royal households that there was a daily consump- 
tion of meat (1 K. iv. 23 ; Neh. v. 18). The animals 
killed for meat were — calves (Gen. xviii. 7 ; 1 Sam. 
xxviii. 24 ; Am. vi. 4) ; lambs (2 Sam. xii. 4 ; Am. 
vi. 4) ; oxen, not above three years of age (1 K. i. 



9; Prov. xv. 17 ; Is. xxii. 13; Mat. xxii. 4); kids 
(Gen. xxvii. 9 ; Judg. vi. 19 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 20) ; harts, 
roebucks, and fallow-deer (1 K. iv. 23) ; birds of 
various kinds ; fish, except such as were without 
scales and fins (Lev. xi. 9 ; Deut. xiv. 9). Locusts, 
of which certain species only were esteemed clean 
(Lev. xi. 22), were occasionally eaten (Mat. iii. 4), 
but considered as poor fare. (See the various 
articles.) Meat does not appear ever to have been 
eaten by itself ; various accompaniments are no- 
ticed in Scripture, as bread, milk, and sour milk 
(Gen. xviii. 8) ; bread and broth (Judg. vi. 19) ; and 
with fish either bread (Mat. xiv. 19, xv. 36 ; Jn. 
xxi. 9) or honeycomb (Lk. xxiv. 42). As beverages 
the Hebrews used milk, and probably barley-water, 
and a mixture, resembling the modern sherbet, 
formed of fig-cake and water. It is almost need- 
less to say that water was most generally drunk. 
In addition to these the Hebrews were acquainted 
with various intoxicating liquors. Drink, Strong ; 
Vinegar; Wine. 

* Foot = one of the lower extremities, especially 
of the human body (Lev. xiii. 12, &c); figuratively 
ascribed to God (Ex. xxiv. 10, &c). To be " under 
one's feet " denotes subjection or conquest (Ps. viii. 
6, &c), probably from the eastern conqueror's prac- 
tice of setting his feet on the body or neck of the 
conquered : to " fall at one's feet " is to pay homage 
(1 Sam. xxv. 24, &c. ; Adoration) ; to " sit," or to 
be " brought up at one's feet " is to be a disciple, or 
receive instruction (Lk. x. 39 ; Acts xxii. 3). " Feet " 
euphemistically = the secret parts ; hence to " cover 
one's feet " = to ease one's self (Judg. iii. 24, &c). 
Ornaments for, or about, the feet ; see Anklet ; Or- 
naments, Personal. Agriculture ; Dust ; Meals ; 
Sandal ; Washing the Hands and Feet. 

Foot'man, employed in the A. V. translation of — 
1. Heb. ragti = a foot-man, especially a foot-soldier, 
Ges. (Num. xi. 21 ; Judg. xx. 2, &c). (Army.)— 2. 
Heb. rdts = a runner, courier, Ges. (1 Sam. xxii. 
17 only; margin "runners" or "guard"). This 
passage affords the first mention of the existence 
of a body of swift runners in attendance on the 
king, though such a thing had been foretold by 
Samuel (viii. 11). This body appear to have been 
afterward kept up, and to have been distinct (so 
Mr. Grove) from the body-guard — the six hundred 
and the thirty — who were originated by David. 
See 1 K. xiv. 27, 28 ; 2 Chr. xii. 10, 11 ; 2 K. x. 
25, xi. 4, 6, 11, 13, 19. In each of these cases the 
word is the same as the above, and is rendered 
" guard ; " but the translators have put the word 
" runners " in the margin in 1 K. xiv. 27. Compel ; 
Epistle ; Post II. 

* Ford = a place of crossing a river, &c. Fer- 
ry-boat ; Jordan. 

Fore'head [for'ed]. The practice of veiling the 
face in public for women of the higher classes, es- 
pecially married women, in the E., sufficiently stig- 
matizes with reproach the unveiled face of women 
of bad character (Gen. xxiv. 65 ; Jer. iii. 3). (Dress.) 
An especial force is thus given to the term "hard 
of forehead " as descriptive of audacity in general 
(Ez. iii. 7 [margin], 8, 9). The custom among many 
Oriental nations, both of coloring the face and fore- 
head and of impressing on the body marks indica- 
tive of devotion to some special deity or religious 
sect, is mentioned elsewhere. (Cuttings.) The 
"jewels for the forehead " (Ez. xvi. 12; Gen. xxiv. 
22) were probably nose-rings. Ear-rings ; Nose- 
jewel. 

* For'eign-er [for'in-er] Stranger. 



312 



FOR 



FOU 



* Fore'ship (Acts xsvii. 30) = forepart of a ship. 

* Fore'skiu = the prepuce, or projecting skin of 
the male organ of generation, which was cut off in 
circumcision (Gen. xvii. 11 ff. &c); figuratively = 
uncleanness, impurity (Deut. x. 16 ; Jer. iv. 4). 

For'est, the A. V. translation of Heb. ya'ar, 
horesh or choresh, and pardes. The first of these 
most truly = a forest, literally an abundance of 
trees (1 Sam. xxii. 5; IK. vii. 2, &c.) ; often trans- 
lated " wood " (Deut. xix. 5 ; Josh. xvii. 15, 18, &c). 
The second (= a thick wood, thicket, forest, Ges.) is 
translated "wood" in 1 Sam. xxiii. 15 ff., and in 
plural " forests " in 2 Chr. xxvii. 4. The third, 
pardes (Paradise), once = " forest " (Neh. ii. 8), 
elsewhere " orchard " (Eccl. ii. 5 ; Cant. iv. 13). 
Although Palestine has never been in historical 
times a woodland country, yet no doubt there was 
much more wood formerly than at present. (1.) 
The wood of Ephraim clothed the slopes of the 
hills that bordered the plain of Jezreel, and the 
plain itself near Beth-shan (Josh. xvii. 15 ff.). 
(Ephraim, Wood of.) (2.) The wood of Bethel 
(2 K. ii. 23, 24) was in the ravine which de- 
scends to the plain of Jericho. (3.) The forest 
of Hareth (1 Sam. xxii. 5) was somewhere on the 
border of the Philistine plain, in the southern part 
of Judah (4.) The wood through which the Israel- 
ites passed in their pursuit of the Philistines (1 Sam. 
xiv. 25) was probably in a valley near Aijalon (com- 
pare 31). (5.) The "wood " (Ps. cxxxii. 6) implied 
in the name of Kirjath-jearim (1 Sam. vii. 2) 
must have been near Kirjath-jearim. (6.) The 
" forests " in which Jotham placed his forts (2 Chr. 
xxvii. 4) were (so Bertheau) the wooded hills or 
mountain-summits of Judah, where cities could not 
be built. (7.) The plain of Sharon 1 was partly 
covered with wood (Is. lxv. 10). (8.) The wood in 
the wilderness of Ziph 2, in which David concealed 
himself (1 Sam. xxiii. 15 ff.), lay S. E. of Hebron. 
The house of the forest of Lebanon (1 K. vii. 2, x. 
17, 21 ; 2 Chr. ix. 16, 20) was so called probably 
from being fitted up with cedar. (Palace.) The 
forest supplied an image of pride and exaltation 
doomed to destruction (2 K. xix. 23 ; Is. x. 18, 
xxxii. 19, xxxvii. 24; Jer. xxi. 14, xxii. 7, xlvi. 23; 
Zech. xi. 2), and of unfruitfulness as contrasted with 
a cultivated field or vineyard (Is. xxix. 17, xxxii. 
15; Jer. xxvi. 18; Hos. ii. 12). 

* Forks (1 Sam. xiii. 21) = three-pronged instru- 
ments for gathering up hay, straw, &c. (so Gese- 
nius). Agriculture 

* For-ni-ca'tion. Adultery ; Harlot. 
For-ti-fl-ca'tions. Fenced City ; Tower ; War. 

* For'tress. Fortifications, &c. 

For-tu-na'tns (L. prospered, fortunate), a Corin- 
thian Christian at Ephesus, with Stephanas and 
Achaicus, when St. Paul wrote 1 Corinthians ; per- 
haps Fortunatus and Achaicus were members of 
Stephanas's household (1 Cor. xvi.17). The Fortuna- 
tus mentioned at the end of Clement's first epistle to 
the Corinthians was possibly the same person. 

* Foun-da'tion, Gate of the (2 Chr. xxiii. 5). Sur, 
Gate of. 

* Found er. Handicraft ; Metals. 
Fonn'tain, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 

^ayin (Ain ; Gen. xvi. 7 ; Num. xxxiii. 9 ; Deut. viii. 
7, xxxiii. 28 ; 1 Sam. xxix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 3 ; Nell, 
ii. 14, iii. 15, xii. 37 ; Prov. viii. 28), also translated 
"well" (Gen. xxiv. 13 ff. ; Ex. xv. 27; Judg. xv. 
19 margin; Neh. ii. 13), often "eye." — 2. Heb. 
mtfy&n (Gen. vii. 11, viii. 2; Lev. xi. 36; Josh. xv. 
9 ; 1 K. xviii. 5 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 4 ; Ps. lxxiv. 15, 



cxiv. 8 ; Prov. v. 16, viii. 24, xxv. 26 ; Cant. iv. 12, 
15; Is. xli. 18; Hos. xiii. 15; Joel iii. 18 [iv. 18 
Heb.]), "well" (Josh, xviii. 15; 2 K. iii. 19, 25; 
Ps. lxxxiv. 6 [Heb. 7]; Is. xii. 3), "spring" (Ps. 
lxxxvii. 7, civ. 10). — 3. Heb. bor or bayir once (Jer. 
vi. 7). (Ain ; Cistern.) — 4. Heb. ntabbua' once 
(Eccl. xii. 6), elsewhere translated " spring " (Is. 
xxxv. 7, xlix. 10). — 5. Heb. mAkor, usually figura- 
tively (Lev. xx. 18 ; Ps. xxxvi. 9 [Heb. 10], lxviii. 26 
[Heb. 27] ; Prov. v. 18, xiii. 14, xiv. 27 ; Jer. ii. 13, 
ix. 1 [viii. 23 Heb.], xvii. 13 ; Zech. xiii. 1), trans- 
lated "issue" (Lev. xii. 7), "well" (Prov. x. 11), 
" well-spring " (Prov. xvi. 22; xviii. 4), "spring" 
(Prov. xxv. 26; Jer. Ii. 36; Hos. xiii. 15).— 6. Gr. 
pege (in LXX. = No. 1, 2, 5) (Mk. v. 29 ; Jas. iii. 
11, 12 ; Rev. vii. 17, viii. 10, xiv. 7, xvi. 4, xxi. 6), 
translated "well" (Jn. iv. 6,14; 2 Pet. ii. 17). 
Among the attractive features presented by the 
Land of Promise to the nation migrating from 




FountaiD at Nazareth. — (From Roberts.) 



Egypt by way of the desert, none would be more 
striking than the natural gush of waters from the 
ground. The springs of Palestine, though short- 
lived, are remarkable for their abundance and 




So-called " Foimtain " of Cana.— (From Roberts.) 



beauty, especially those which fall into the Jordan 
and its lakes. The spring or fountain of living 
water is distinguished in all Oriental languages from 
the artificial well. The volcanic agency which has 
operated so powerfully in Palestine has, from very 
early times, given tokens of its working in the warm 
springs which are found near the Sea of Galilee and 
the Dead Sea. (Hammath ; Palestine, Geology § 10 ; 
Sea, the Salt, II. § 4.) Jerusalem appears to have 
possessed either more than one perennial spring, or 



FOU 



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313 



one issuing by more than one outlet. In Oriental 
cities generally public fountains are frequent. 
Traces of such fountains at Jerusalem may perhaps 
be found in the names En-rogel, the "Dragon- 
well," and the "gate of the fountain" (Neh. ii. 13, 
14). Fountain-gate. 

* Foun tain-gate (Neh. xii. 37), or Gate of the 
Fonn'tain (ii. 14, iii. 15), a gate of Jerusalem, near 
the king's pool and gardens ; probably at the S. B. 
part, near Siloam (so Gesenius). 

Fowl. Several Hebrew and Greek words are thus 
rendered in the A. V. ; but all of them, except one, 
are likewise translated " bird." The Heb. plural 
barburim occurs once only (1 K. iv. 23 [v. 3 Heb.]), 
and is translated " fowl," " fatted fowl " ( = capons, 
Kimchi ; geese, Ges., and the Jerusalem Targum), be- 
ing included among the daily provisions for Solo- 
mon's table. Chickens ; Cock ; Hen. 

Fowl'er. Cage; Gin; Hunting; Net; Sparrow. 

Fox, the A. V. translation of the Heb. shu'dl ( = 
jackal as well as fox), and Gr. alopex. Ps. Ixiii. 
10 evidently refers to jackals, which are ever ready to 
prey on the carcasses of the slain. In Judg. xv. 
4, "jackals," and not " foxes," are evidently meant, 




Jackal, Cants aureus.— (Fbn.) 



for the former animal is gregarious, the latter soli- 
tary in its habits, and it is improbable that Samson 
should have succeeded in catching 300 foxes, where- 




Fox of the Nile, Vulpee Niloticus. 



as he could readily have taken in snares (so the Heb.) 
so many jackals. He may have had men to help 
him ; some of the animals might have been taken 



in one portion of the Philistines' territory, and 
some in another, and let loose in different parts, and 
150 different centres of conflagration through the 
country of the Philistines must have burnt up 
nearly all their " corn." Both the fox and the jackal 
are fond of grapes and very destructive to vineyards 
(Cant. ii. 15); both have holes and burrows among 
ruins (Neh. iv. 3; Lam. v. 18; Mat. viii. 20; Lk. 
ix. 58). The crafty rapacity of Herod might be rep- 
resented by either (Lk. xiii. 32 ; compare Ez. xiii. 
4). The jackal of Palestine is no doubt the Canis 
aureus, which may be heard every night in the vil- 
lages. Hemprich and Ehrenberg speak of a vulpine 
animal, under the name of Canis Syriacus, as being 
found in Lebanon. The Egyptian Vulpes Niloticus 
( =fox of the Nile), and doubtless the common Euro- 
pean red fox, V. vulgaris, are Palestine species. 

Frank'in-censc (Heb. lebondh, in Is. and Jer. 
translated "incense;" Gr. libanos), a vegetable 
resin, brittle, glittering, and of a bitter taste, used 
for sacrificial fumigation (Ex. xxx. 34-36 ; Lev. ii. 1 
ff., xxiv. ; Mat. ii. 11, &c). It is obtained by suc- 
cessive incisions in the bark of a tree, the first of 
which yields the purest and whitest kind ; while the 
produce of the after-incisions is spotted with yel- 
low, and as it becomes old loses its whiteness alto- 
gether. The Hebrews imported their frankincense 
from Arabia (A.V. "incense ; " Is. lx. 6 ; Jer. vi. 20), 
particularly from Sheba ; but the Arabian frankin- 
cense, or olibaniim, is now of a very inferior kind, 
and the finest frankincense imported into Turkey 
comes through Arabia from the islands of the Indian 
Archipelago. There can be little doubt that the 
tree which produces the Indian frankincense is the 
Boswellia serrata of Roxburgh, or Boswellia thurifera 
of Colebrooke, growing on the mountains of India. 
It is still extremely uncertain what tree produces the 
Arabian olibanum. Lamarck proposes the Amyris 
Gileadensis = balsam of Gilcad (Spice) ; but, as it 
would seem, upon inconclusive evidence. The 
Indian frankincense, imported from Bombay, is used 
in the rites of the Greek and Roman Catholic 
churches, and as a perfume in sick-rooms. The com- 
mon frankincense of commerce is an exudation 
from the Norway spruce fir (Abies excelsa). 

* Free'dom. Citizen ; Slave. 

* Free -ivill-of fer-ing (Lev. xxii. 18 IF., &c). 
Sacrifice. 

* Fringe. Dress ; Hem of Garment. 

Frog (Heb. Uephardea 1 ; Gr. batrachos), a well- 
known reptile of the genus Rana, living mostly in 
or near water (Ex. viii. 2 ff. ; Ps. Ixxviii. 45, cv. 30 ; 
Rev. xvi. 13). (Plagues, the Ten.) Frogs are abundant 
in the Nile. Mr. Houghton maintains that only one 
species is now found in Egypt, the Rana esculenta, 
or edible frog of Europe ; but others (Gosse in 
Fairbairn, Duns, &c.) enumerate three or four spe- 
cies as found in Egypt. 

Frontlets [frunt-] (= what are worn in front or 
on the forehead [Ex. xiii. 16; Deut. vi. 8, xi. 18]), 
or Pliy-lac'te-ries (fr. Gr., literally = preservatives, 
guards, Amulets [Mat. xxiii. 5]), were strips of parch- 
ment, on which were written four passages of Scrip- 
ture (Ex. xiii. 2-10, 11-17; Deut. vi. 4-9, 13-23) 
in an ink prepared for the purpose. They were 
then rolled up in a case of black calfskin, attached 
to a stiffer piece of leather, having a thong one 
finger broad, and one and a half cubits long. They 
were placed at the bend of the left arm. Those 
worn on the forehead were written on four strips of 
parchment, and put into four little cells within a 
square case, on which the letter frj (Heb. shin ; Wei- 



314 



FRO 



FUR 




Frontlets or Phylacteries. 



ting) was written. The square had two thongs, on 
which Hebrew letters were 
inscribed. That phylacte- 
ries were used as amulets 
is certain, and was very na- 
tural. Scaliger even sup- 
poses that phylacteries 
were designed to supersede 
those amulets, the use of 
which had been already 
learned by the Israelites in 
Egypt. The expression 
"they make broad their 
phylacteries " (Mat. xxiii. 
5) refers not so much to 
the phylactery itself, which 
seems to have been of a 
prescribed breadth, as to 
the case in which the 
parchment was kept, which 
the Pharisees, among their 
other pretentious customs 
(Mk. vii. 3, 4 ; Lk. v. 33, &c), made as conspicuous 
as they could. It is said that the Pharisees wore 
them always, whereas the common people only 
used them at prayers. The Pharisees wore them 
above the elbow, but the Sadducees on the palm of 
the hand. The modern Jews only wear them at 
morning prayers, and sometimes at noon. In our 
Lord's time they were worn by all Jews, except the 
Karaites, women, and slaves. Boys, at the age of 
thirteen years and a day, were bound to wear them. 
The Karaites explained Deut. vi. 8, Ex. xiii. 9, &c, 
as a figurative command to remember the law, as is 
certainly the case in similar passages (Prov. Hi. 3, 
vi. 21, vii. 3; Cant. viii. 6, &c). It seems clear 
that the scope of these injunctions favors the Karaite 
interpretation. The Rabbis (Mishna) have many 
rules about their use. Amulets ; Forehead. 

* Frost, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. handmdl 
or chiinAmdl (Ps. lxxviii. 47 only, margin " great 
hailstones "). The LXX., Vulg., J. A. Alexander, 
&c, translate frost ; Fiirst, hailstones, hail ; Jli- 
chaelis, favored by Gesenius, ants. (Locust 7.) — 2. 
Heb. kerah or kerach = ice, Ges. (Gen. xxxi. 40; 
Job xxxvii 10 ; Jer. xxxvi. 30), twice translated 
" ice " (Job vi. 16, xxxviii. 29), once " crystal " (Ez. 
i. 22). The kindred Heb. karah or korach (Ko- 
rah) is also translated " ice " in Ps. cxlvii. IV (poet- 
ically for hail, Ges.). — 3. Heb. ccphor or cphor (Ex. 
xvi. 14 ; Ps. cxlvii. 16, " hoar-frost," in both ; Job 
xxxviii. 29, A. V. " hoary frost "). Gesenius sup- 
poses the Hebrew name is given to hoar-frost, be- 
cause it covers the ground, and to a cup or goblet 
(A. V. " Basin ") because this is covered by a lid. — 
Though on the coast of Palestine frost and snow are 
very rare, they are well known on Mount Lebanon, 
&c. (Rbn. Phys. Geog.). Throughout Western Asia 
there is much greater difference between the tem- 
perature of the day and night than in Europe gen- 
erally. In many parts of Asia even frosty nights 
in winter may be succeeded by very warm days 
(Gen. xxxi. 40 ; Kit., Pict. Bible). Dew ; Snow ; 
Winds. 

* Fruit = the produce of trees, and of plants in 
general ; applied also in the Scriptures to the produce 
of animals, and figuratively to the product or re- 
sult of labor, &c. First-fruits ; Food. 

* Fry'ing-Pan. Bread. 

*Fu'eI. Agriculture; Coal; Dung; Fire; 
Forest. 

Fntl'er (Heb. cobes ; Gr. gnapheus). The trade of 



the fullers, so far as mentioned in Scripture, appears 
to have consisted chiefly in cleansing garments and 
whitening them. (Dress.) The process of fulling 
or cleansing cloth, as gathered from the practice of 
other nations, consisted in treading or stamping on 
the garments with the feet or with bats in tubs of 
water, in which some alkaline substance, answering 
the purpose of soap, had been dissolved. The sub- 




Egyptian Fullers. 

stances used for this purpose which are mentioned 
in Scripture are natrum (A. V. " nitre ; " Prov. 
xxv. 20 ; Jer. H. 22) and " soap " (Mai. Hi. 2). Other 
substances also, as urine and chalk, are mentioned 
(Mishna) as employed in cleansing, which, together 
with alkali, seem to identify the Jewish with the 
Roman process. The process of whitening garments 
was performed by rubbing into them chalk or earth 
of some kind. Creta Cimolia (Cimolite) was prob- 
ably the earth most frequently used. The trade of 
the fullers, as causing offensive smells, and also as 
requiring space for drying clothes, appears to have 
been carried on at Jerusalem outside the city. Full- 
er's Field ; Handicraft. 

FDll'er's Field, the, a spot near Jerusalem (2 K. 
xviU. 17 ; Is. vii. 3, xxxvi. 2), so close to the walls, 
that a person speaking from there could be heard 
on them (2 K. xviii. 17, 26). It gave name to a 
" highway " in which was " the conduit of the 
upper pool." One resort of the fullers of Jerusa- 
lem would seem to have been below the city on the 
S. E. side. (En-rogel.) But Rabshakeh and his 
" great host " must have come from the N. ; and 
Mr. Grove, with Rev. G. Williams, places the Fuller's 
Field on the table-land, on the N. side of the city. 
Robinson, Porter (in Kitto), &c, place it on the W. 
side of the city, near the great road to Joppa. 

Fn'ner-als. Burial. 

Fnr'longt Weights and Measures. 

Fnr'nace, the A.V. translation of — 1. Heb. tannut 
= furnace, oven, Ges. (Gen. xv. 17 ; Is. xxxi. 9 ; 
Ne'h. Hi. 11, xii. 38), generally translated "oven." 
— 2. Heb. cibshdn — a smelting or calcining fur- 
nace, especially a lime-kiln (Gen. xix. 28 ; Ex. ix. 8, 
10, xix. 18). — 3. Heb. cur — a furnace for smelting 
metals, Ges. (Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 21 ; Ez. xxii. 18 
ff.) ; metaphorically, a state of dreadful trial (Deut. 
iv. 20 ; IK. viii. 51 ; Is. xlviii. 10; Jer. xi. 4).— 4. 
Chal. attun = a furnace, Ges. (Dan. iii. 6 ff.). The 
Persians were in the habit of using the furnace as 
a means of inflicting capital punishment (Dan. 1. c; 
Jer. xxix. 22 ; Hos. vii. 7 ; 2 Me. vii. 5). — 5. Gr. 
kaniinos — a furnace, for smelting metals, burning 
pottery, baking, &c., Rbn. N. 'T. Lex., L. & S. (Ec- 
clus. xxvii. 5, xxxviii. 28, 30 ; Mat. xiii. 42, 50 ; 
Rev. i. 15, ix. 2) ; in LXX. = No. 2-4. (Bel- 
lows ; Bread ; Glass ; Handicraft ; Iron ; Mines; 
Potter.) 

* Fnr'ni-ture, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 



GAA 



GAD 



315 



celi or cli = literally any thing completed, prepared, 
made, viz. apparatus, implement, equipment, utensil, 
vessel, &c, Ges. (Ex. xxxi. 7 [margin " vessel "], 8, 
9, xxxv. 14, xxxix. 33 ; Nah. ii. 9 [Heb. 10], margin 
"vessels"), elsewhere translated "vessel" (Ex. 
xxvii. 3, 19, &c), "instrument" (Gen. xlix. 5, &c), 
"weapon" (xxvii. 3, &c), " artillery " (1 Sara. xx. 
40), "jewel" (Gen. xxiv. 53, &c), "thing" (Lev. 
xiii. 49 ff., &c), "stuff" (Gen. xxxi. 37, &c), "ar- 
mor" (1 Sam. xiv. 1 ff., &c), "carriage," "bag," 
&c. " Furniture " above = the utensils or vessels of 
the altar, &c. ; "stuff" and some of the other words 
are applied to household furniture. The furniture 
of Eastern dwellings, especially in early ages, was 
very simple. The chamber prepared for Elisha by 
the rich and liberal Shunammite had apparently 
only " a bed, and a table, and a stool, and a candle- 
stick " (2 K. iv. 10, compare 13). Many articles 
which Europeans and Americans would esteem not 
merely useful, but necessary, find no place among 
ancient or modern Orientals. (Altar ; Basin ; Bas- 
ket ; Bath ; Bed ; Bottle ; Bowl ; Bread ; Candle- 
stick ; Charger ; Cup ; Dish ; Handicraft ; House ; 
Lamp ; Meals ; Mill ; Nail ; Oven ; Pitcher ; 
Tabernacle ; Temple.) — 2. Heb. car (Gen. xxxi. 34) 
= a camel's litter or saddle, i. e. the small tent or 
canopy fastened on a camel's back, in which a 
female rides (Gesenius). 

G 

Ga'al (Heb. loathing, Ges.), son of Ebed, aided the 
Shechemites in their rebellion against Abimelech, 
but was ejected from Shechem by Zebul, and de- 
feated by Abimelech (Judg. ix.) ; probably not a 
native of Shechem, nor specially interested in the 
revolution, but one of a class of brigands, willing 
at such a period of anarchy to sell their services 
to the highest bidder. 

Ga'ash(Heb. earthquake). On the N. side of "the 
hill of Gaash " was the city (Timnath-Serah) which 
was given to Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 30 ; Judg. ii. 9 ; 
compare Josh. xix. 49, 50). Hiddai or Hurai was 
" of the brooks of Gaash " (2 Sam. xxiii. 30 ; 1 
Chr. xi. 32). 

Ga'ba (Heb.) = Geba (Josh, xviii. 24 ; Ezr. ii. 
26 ; Neh. vii. 30). 

Gab'a-cl or Ga'ba-el (Gr. fr. Heb. = high one of 
God?) 1. An ancestor of Tobit (Tob. i. 1).— 2. A 
poor Jew (Tob. i. 17, Vulg.) of " Rages in Media," 
to whom Tobit lent ten talents of silver (Tob. i. 
14, iv. 1, 20, v. 6, ix., x. 2). 

Gab'a-tha (Gr.) = Bigthan (Esth. xii. 1). 

GaVba-i or Gab'bai (Heb. tax-gatherer, Ges.), ap- 
parently the head of an important family of Ben- 
jamin resident at Jerusalem (Neh. xi. 8). 

Gab'ba-tha, the Gr. form of the Heb. or dial, 
appellation of a place, also called " Pavement," 
where the judgment-seat or bema was planted, from 
his place on which Pilate delivered our Lord to 
death (Jn. xix. 13). The place was outside the 
pra?torium (Pr^torium, A. V. "judgment-hall"), 
for Pilate brought Jesus forth from thence to it. 
It is suggested by Lightfoot that Gabbatha is a 
mere translation of "pavement." It is more prob- 
ably from an ancient root signifying height or 
roundness. In this case Gabbatha = the elevated 
bema ; and the " pavement " possibly = some mo- 
saic or tesselated work, either forming the bema it- 
self or the flooring of the court immediately round 
it. 



Gab'des = Gaba (1 Esd. v. 20). 
Ga'brl-as (Gr. fr. Heb. = man of Jehovah), the 
brother, according to the present text of the LXX., 
of Gabael 2 (Tob. i. 14), though in iv. 20 described 
as his father. 

Ga'bri-cl (Heb. man of God). The word, which 
is not in itself distinctive, but merely a descrip- 
tion of the angelic office, is used as a proper name 
or title in Dan. viii. 16, ix. 21, and in Lk. i. 19, 
26. In the ordinary traditions, Jewish and Chris- 
tian, Gabriel is spoken of as one of the archangels. 
In Scripture he is set forth only as the represent- 
ative of the angelic nature in its ministration of 
comfort and sympathy to man. Angel. 

Gad (Heb., see below). 1. Jacob's seventh son, 
the first-born of Zilpah, Leah's maid, and whole- 
brother to Asher (Gen. xxx. 11-13, xlvi. 16, 18). 
(a) The passage in which the bestowal of the name 
I is preserved is more than usually obscure : "And 
Leah said, ' In fortune,' and she called his name 
Gad " (xxx. 11). Such is supposed (by Mr. Grove, 
Gesenius, &c.) to be the meaning of the old text 
of the passage. But in the marginal emendation 
of the Masorets the word is given, " Gad comes." 
(6) In the blessing of Jacob, " Gad " is taken as 
meaning a piratical band or troop (xlix. 19). (c) 
The force thus lent to the name has been by 
some partially transferred to the narrative of Geo. 
xxx., e. g. the Samaritan Version, the Veneto-Greek, 
and A. V. — " a troop (of children) cometh." Of 
the childhood and life of the patriarch Gad noth- 
ing is preserved. At the time of the descent into 
Egypt, seven sons are ascribed to him, remarkable 
from the fact that a majority of their names have 
plural terminations, as if those of families rather 
than persons (xlvi. 16 ; compare Num. xxvi. 15- 
18). Gad's position during the march to the 
Promised Land was on the S. side of the Taber- 
nacle with Reuben (Num. ii. 14, &c). At the first 
census Gad had 45,650; at the last, 40,500. Of 
all the sons of Jacob, Reuben and Gad alone re- 
turned to the land which their forefathers had left 
five hundred years before, with their occupations 
unchanged. At the halt on the E. of Jordan, we 
find them coming forward to Moses with the rep- 
resentation that they "have cattle" — "a great 
multitude of cattle," and the land where they now 
are is a "place for cattle" (xxxii. 1-5). They 
did not, however, attempt to evade taking their 
proper share of the difficulties of subduing the 
land of Canaan, and after that task had been ef- 
fected they were dismissed by Joshua " to their 
tents," to their " wives, their little ones, and their 
cattle," which they had left behind them in Gilead. 
The country allotted to Gad appears, speaking 
roughly, to have lain chiefly about the centre of the 
land E. of Jordan. The S. of that district — from 
the Arnon ( Wady Mojeb) to Heshbon, nearly due E. 
of Jerusalem — was occupied by Reuben, and at or 
about Heshbon the possessions of Gad commenced. 
They embraced half Gilead (Deut. iii. 12), or half 
the land of the children of Ammon (Josh. xiii. 
25), probably the mountainous district intersected 
by the torrent Jabbok — if Wady Zurka = the 
Jabbok— including, as its most northern town, 
the ancient sanctuary of Mahanaim. On the 
E. the furthest landmark given is " Aroer 2, that 
faces Rabbah " (Josh. xiii. 25). West was the 
Jordan (27). Such was the territory allotted to the 
Gadites, but no doubt they soon extended them- 
selves beyond these limits. The official records of 
the reign of Jotharn of Judah (1 Chr. v. 11, 16) 



316 



GAD 



GAD 



show them to have been at that time established 
over the whole of Gilead, and in possession of 
Bashan as far as Salcah, and very far both to the 
N. and the E. of the border given them originally, 
while the Manassites were pushed still further N. 
to Mount Hermon (v. 23). The character of the 
tribe is throughout strongly marked — fierce and 
warlike — " strong men of might, men of war for the 
battle, that could handle shield and buckler, their 
faces the faces of lions, and like roes upon the 
mountains for swiftness " (xii. 8). The history of 
Jephthah, who (so Mr. Grove) appears to have been 
a Gadite, develops elements of a different nature 
and a higher order than the mere fierceness neces- 
sary to repel the attacks of the plunderers of the 
desert. In the behavior of Jephthah throughout 
that affecting history, there are marks of a great 
nobility of character. If to this we add the loyalty, 
the generosity, and the delicacy of Barzillai (2 Sam. 
xix. 32-39), we obtain a very high idea of the tribe 
at whose head were such men as these. Nor must 
we, while enumerating the worthies of Gad, forget, 
that probably (so Mr. Grove) Elijah the Tishbite, 
" who was of the inhabitants of Gilead," was one of 
them. But while exhibiting these high personal 
qualities, Gad appears to have been wanting in the 
powers necessary to enable him to take any active 
or leading part in the confederacy of the nation. 
The territory of Gad was the battle-field on which 
the long and fierce struggles of Syria and Israel 
were fought out, and, as an agricultural and pasto- 
ral country, it must have suffered severely in conse- 
quence (2 K. xx. 33). Gad was carried into cap- 
tivity by Tiglath-Pileser (1 Chr. v. 26), and in the 
time of Jeremiah the cities of the tribe seem to 
have been inhabited by the Ammonites (Jer. 



xlix. 1). Gad is afterward mentioned in Ez. xlviii. 
27 ff. and Rev. vii. 5).— 2. " Gad, the seer," or "the 
king's seer," i. e. David's (1 Chr. xxix. 29 ; 2 Chr. 
xxix. 25 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 9), was a 
" prophet " who appears to have joined David when 
in the hold (1 Sam. xxii. 5). He reappears in con- 
nection with the punishment inflicted for the num- 
bering of the people (2 Sam. xxiv. 11-19; 1 Chr. 
xxi. 9-19). He wrote a book of the Acts of David 
(xxix. 29), and also assisted in the arrangements 
for the musical service of the " house of God " (2 
Chr. xxix. 25).— 3. Properly " the Gad." In the 
A.V. of Is. Ixv. 11, the clause " that prepare a table 
for that troop " has in the margin, instead of the 
last word, the proper name " Gad," evidently = 
some idol worshipped by the Jews in Babylon, 
though it is impossible positively to identify it. 
(Meni.) That Gad was the deity Fortune, under 
whatever outward form it was worshipped, is sup- 
ported by the etymology, and by the common assent 
of commentators. Gesenius is probably right in 
his conjecture that Gad was the planet Jupiter, re- 
garded by the astrologers of the East as the star of 
greater good fortune. Movers is in favor of the 
planet Venus. Vitringa considers it the sun. Il- 
lustrations of the ancient custom of placing a ban- 
queting table in honor of idols will be found in the 
table spread for the sun among the Ethiopians (Hdt. 
iii. 17, 18), and in the feast made by the Babylonians 
for their god Bel (B. & D. ; compare also Hdt. i. 181, 
&c). A trace of the worship of Gad remains in 
the proper name Baal-Gad. 

Gad'a-ra (Gr. fr. Heb. = Geder? Wr.), a strong 
city situated near the river Hieromax, E. of the Sea 
of Galilee, over against Scythopolis and Tiberias, 
and sixteen Roman miles distant from each of those 




Um Seia = Gadara.— (From Smith's Smaller Dictionary.) 



places. Josephus calls it the capital of Perea. A 
large district was attached to it. Gadara itself is 
not mentioned in the Bible, but it evidently gives 
name to the " country of the Gadarenes " (Mk. v. 



1 ; Lk. viii. 26, 37). Of the site of Gadara, thus 
so clearly defined, there cannot be a doubt. On 
a partially isolated hill, at the N. W. extremity of 
the mountains of Gilead, about sixteen miles from 



GAD 



GAL 



317 



Tiberias, lie the remarkable ruins of Um /lew, em- 
bracing two theatres, traces of the ancient wall, a 
city gate, a straight main street with its pavement 
nearly perfect, but its columns on each side all pros- 
trate, &c. The whole space occupied by the ruins 
is about two miles in circumference. The first his- 
torical notice of Gadara is its capture, along with 
Pella and other cities, by Antiochus the Great, b. c. 
218. Destroyed during the Jewish civil wars, it 
was rebuilt by Pompey (b. c. 63), and made the 
capital of a district by Gabinius. The territory of 
Gadara, with the adjoining one of Hippos, was sub- 
sequently added to the kingdom of Herod the Great. 
Gadara is regarded by Mr. Porter, Lange (on Mat), 
&c, as having been the scene of our Lord's miracle in 
healing the demoniacs (Mat. viii. 28-34 ; Mk. v. 1- 
21 ; Lk. viii. 26-40). (Gerasa ; Gergesenes.) The 
most interesting remains of Gadara are its tombs, 
which dot the cliffs for a considerable distance 
round the city. They are excavated in the lime- 
stone rock. (Tomb.) The present inhabitants of 
Um Keis all "dwell in tombs." Gadara was captured 
by Vespasian on yie first outbreak of the war with 
the Jews ; all its inhabitants massacred ; and the 
town itself, with its surrounding villages, reduced 
to ashes. Afterward it was the seat of a bishop ; 
but it fell to ruins at, or soon after, the Mohamme- 
dan conquest. 

* Gad-a-renes' [-reenz] = natives or inhabitants 
of Gadara. 

Gad'di (Heb. fortunate, Ges.), son of Susi ; the 
Manassite spy sent by Moses to explore Canaan 
(Num. xiii. 11). 

Gad'di-el (Heb. fortune of God, i. e. sent from God, 
Ges.), a Zebulonite, one of the twelve spies (Num. 
xiii. 10). 

Ga'di (Heb., a Gadite, Ges.), father of King Mena- 
hem (2 K. xv. 14, 17). 

Gad'ites, the = the descendants of Gad and mem- 
bers of his tribe. 

Ga'haill (Heb. probably == sunburnt, or swarthy), 
son of Nahor, Abraham's brother, by his concubine 
Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 

Ga'Iiar (Heb. lurking-place, Ges.), ancestor of a 
family of Nethinim who returned from the Captivi- 
ty with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 4V ; Neh. vii. 49). 

Gai'ns [ga'yus] (L. = Caius, a common Roman 
first name). John, Second and Third Epistles of. 

Gal'a-ad(l Mc. v. 9, 55 ; Jd. i. 8, xv. 5 ; and "the 
country of Galaad," 1 Mc. v. 17, 20, 25, 27, 36, 45, 
xiii. 22), the Greek form of Gilead. 

Ga'lal (Heb. perhaps weighty, worthy, Ges.). 1. 
A Levite, of the sons of Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 15). — 2. 
A Levite, son of Jeduthun (ix. 16 ; Neh. xi. 17). 

Ga-la'tia [-she-a, or, less formally, -sha] (Gr., 
literally = the Gallia, or Gaul, of the East). 
The Galatians were in their origin a stream 
of that great Celtic torrent which poured into 
Greece in the third century b. c. Some of these 
invaders moved on into Thrace, and appeared 
on the shores of the Hellespont and Bosporus, 
when Nicomedes I., king of Bithynia, then engaged 
in a civil war, invited them across to help him. 
Once established in Asia Minor, they became a ter- 
rible scourge. The neighboring kings succeeded 
in repulsing them within the general geographical 
limits to which the name of Galatia was given. At 
the end of the Roman Republic, Galatia appears as 
a dependent kingdom ; at the beginning of the 
empire, as a province (a. d. 26). The Roman 
province of Galatia may be roughly described as 
the central region of the peninsula of Asia 



Minor, with the provinces of Asia on the W., 
Cappadocia on the E., Pamphylia and Cilicia on 
the S., and Bithynia and Pontus on the N. It 
would be difficult to define the exact limits. In 
fact, they were frequently changing. At one time 
this province contained Pisidia and Lycaonia, and 
therefore Antioch 2, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, 
which are conspicuous in the narrative of St. Paul's 
travels. But the characteristic part of Galatia lay 
N. from those districts. These Eastern Gauls pre- 
served much of their ancient character, and some- 
thing of their ancient language. The prevailing 
speech, however, of the district was Greek. The 
inscriptions found at Ancyra are Greek, and St. 
Paul wrote his Epistle in Greek. It is difficult at 
first sight to determine in what sense the word Ga- 
latia is used by the writers of the N. T., or whether 
always in the same sense. In Acts xvi. 6, xviii. 23, 
the journeys of St. Paul through the district are 
mentioned in very general terms. Most probably 
Galatia is used by St. Luke as an ethnographical 
term, and not for the Roman province of that name. 
(See also 1 Cor.. xvi. 1 ; Gal. i. 2; 2 Tim. iv. 10; 1 
Pet. i. 1.) Bottger maintains that the Galatia of 
the Epistle (Galatians, Epistle to the) is entirely 
limited to the district between Derbe and Colosse, 
i. e. the extreme southern frontier of the Roman 
province. 

* Ga-la'tians [-she-anz or shanz] = natives or 
inhabitants of Galatia, originally from Gaul or 
aucient France (L. Gallia) (1 Mc. viii. 2 ; 2 Mc. viii. 
20; Gal. iii. 1). Some suppose that in 1 Macca- 
bees " Galatians "= the Gauls or ancient inhabitants 
of France. 

Ga-la'tians (see above), The E-pis'tle to the, was 

written by the Apostle Paul not long after his 
journey through Galatia and Phrygia (Acts xviii. 
23), and probably in the early portion of his two 
and a half years' stay at Ephesus, which terminated 
with the Pentecost of a. d. 57 or 58. The Epistle 
appears to have been called forth by the machina- 
tions of Judaizing teachers, who, shortly before the 
date of its composition, had endeavored to seduce 
the churches of this province into a recognition of 
circumcision (v. 2, 11, 12, vi. 12 fif), and had open- 
ly sought to depreciate the apostolic claims of St. 
Paul (compare i. 1, 11). The Epistle vindicates 
his own apostolic authority, and aims to bring back 
the Galatians to the simplicity of the Gospel, that 
they may be justified and saved through faith in 
Christ. The scope and contents of the Epistle are 
thus — (1.) apologetic (i., ii.) and polemical (iii., iv.) ; 
and (2.) hortatory and practical (v., vi.) : the posi- 
tions and demonstrations of the former portion be- 
ing used with great power and persuasiveness in 
the exhortations of the latter. With regard to the 
genuineness and authenticity of this Epistle, no writer 
of any credit or respectability has expressed any 
doubts. The testimony of the early Church is most 
decided and unanimous. Besides express references 
to the Epistle, we have one or two direct citations 
found as early as the time of the Apostolic Fathers, 
and several apparent allusions. (Canon ; Inspira- 
tion.) Two historical questions require a brief no- 
tice : — 1. The number of visits made by St. Paul to 
the churches of Galatia previous to his writing the 
Epistle. These seem certainly to have been two. 
The apostle founded the churches of Galatia in the 
visit recorded Acts xvi. 6, during his second mis- 
sionary journey, about a. d. 51, and revisited them 
at the period and on the occasion mentioned Acts 
xviii. 23, when he went through the country of 



318 



GAL 



GAL 



Galatia and Phrygia. On this occasion probably 
he found the leaven of Judaism beginning to work 
in the churches of Galatia. 2. Closely allied with 
the preceding question is that of the date, and the 
place from which the Epistle was written. Cony- 
beare and Howson, and more recently (185V) Light- 
foot, urge the probability of its having been written 
at about the same time as Romans. They would 
therefore assign Corinth as the place where the 
Epistle was written, and the three months that the 
apostle stayed there (Acts xx. 2, 3), apparently the 
winter of a. d. 57 or 58, as the exact period. But 
it seems almost impossible to assign a later period 
than the commencement of the prolonged stay in 
Ephesus (a. d. 54). The subscription, " written from 
Rome," the best critics pronounce spurious. 

Gal'ba-unm (L. ; Heb. helbendh or chelbendh), one 
of the perfumes employed in the preparation of the 
sacred incense (Ex. xxx. 34). The galbanum of 
commerce is brought chiefly from India and the 
Levant. It is a resinous gum of a brownish-yellow 
color, and strong, disagreeable smell, usually met 
with in masses, but sometimes found in yellowish 
tear-like drops. But, though galbanum itself is 
well known, the plant which yields it has not been 
exactly determined. Sprengel is in favor of the 
Ferula Fendago, Linn., which grows in North Africa, 
Crete, and Asia Minor. It was for some time sup- 
posed to be the product of the Bubou Galbanum, 
Linn., a native of the Cape of Good Hope. The 
Opoidia galbanifera of Lindley, a Persian plant, 
has been adopted by the Dublin college in their 
Pharmacopoeia as that which yields the galbanum. 
But the question remains undecided. 

Gal'e-cd (Hcb. heap of witness), the name given by 
Jacob to the heap which he and Laban made on 
Mount Gilead in witness of the covenant then en- 
tered into between them (Gen. xxxi. 47, 48 ; com- 
pare 23, 25). Jegar-sahadutha. 

Gal'ga-la (Gr. = Gilgal), the ordinary equivalent 
in the LXX. for Gilgal ; in the A. V. only in 1 
Mc. ix. 2, = either the upper Gilgal near Bethel, or 
the lower one near Jericho. 

* Gal-i-le'an = a native or inhabitant of Galilee 
(Mk. xiv. 70 ; Lk. xiii. 1, 2, xxii. 59, xxiii. 6 ; Jn. 
iv. 45 ; Acts ii. 7). 

Gal'i-lee (fr. Heb. gdlil — a circle or circuit). 
This name, in the Roman age applied to a large 
province, seems to have been originally confined to 
a little " circuit " of country round Kedesh-Naphtali, 
in which were situated the twenty towns given by 
Solomon to Hiram, king of Tyre, as payment for his 
work in conveying timber from Lebanon to Jerusa- 
lem (Josh. xx. 7, xxi. 32 ; IK. ix. 11). They were 
then, or subsequently, occupied by strangers, and 
for this reason Isaiah gives to the district the name 
"Galilee of the Gentiles" (Is. ix. 1; Mat. iv. 15). 
Probably the strangers increased in number, and 
became during the Captivity the great body of the 
inhabitants ; extending themselves also over the 
surrounding country, they gave to their new territo- 
ries the old name, until at length Galilee became 
one of the largest provinces of Palestine. In the 
Maccabean period Galilee contained only a few 
Jews living in the midst of a large heathen popula- 
tion (1 Mc. v. 20-23). In the time of our Lord, all 
Palestine was divided into three provinces, Judea, 
Samaria, and Galilee (Acts ix. 31; Lk. xvii. 11; 
Jos. B. J. iii. 3). The latter included the whole 
northern section of the country, including the an- 
cient territories of Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, and 
Naphtali. On the W. it was bounded by the terri- 



tory of Ptolemais, which probably included the whole 
plain of 'iHs (Accho) to the foot of Carmel. The 
southern boundary ran along the base of Carmel 
and of the hills of Samaria to Mount Gilboa, and 
then descended the valley of Jezrec-1 by Scythopolis 
to the Jordan. The river Jordan, the Sea of Gali- 
lee, and the upper Jordan to the fountain at Dan, 
formed the eastern border ; and the northern ran 
from Dan westward across the mountain ridge till it 
touched the territory of the Phenicians. Galilee 
was divided into two sections, Lower and Upper. 
Lower Galilee included the great plain of Esdra?lon 
with its offshoots, which run down to the Jordan 
and the Lake of Tiberias ; and the whole of the hill- 
country adjoining it on the N. to the foot of the 
mountain-range. It extended as far as the village 
of Ginea, the modern Jenin, on the extreme south- 
ern side of the plain, and included the whole region 
from the plain of 7 Akka, on the W., to the shores 
of the lake on the E. It was thus one of the richest 
and most beautiful sections of Palestine. The chief 
towns of Lower Galilee were Tiberias, Tarichsea, at 
the southern end of the Sea of Galilee, and Seppho- 
ris. The towns most celebrated in N. T. history 
are Nazareth, Cana, and Tiberias (Lk. i. 26 ; Jn. ii. 
1, vi. 1). Upper Galilee embraced the whole moun- 
tain-range lying between the upper Jordan and 
Phenicia. Its southern border ran along the 
foot of the Safed range from the north-west angle 
of the Sea of Galilee (Gennesaret) to the plain of 
'Akka. To this region the name " Galilee of the 
Gentiles " is given in the 0. and N. T. (Is. ix. 1 ; 
Mat. iv. 15). Capernaum, on the N. W. shore of the 
lake, was in Upper Galilee. Galilee was the scene 
of the greater part of our Lord's private life and 
public acts. His early years were spent at Naza- 
reth ; and when He entered on His great work He 
made Capernaum His home (Mat. iv. 13, ix. 1). It 
is a remarkable fact that the first three gospels are 
chiefly taken up with our Lord's ministrations in this 
province, while the Gospel of John dwells more 
upon those in Judea. The nature of our Lord's 
parables and illustrations was greatly influenced by 
the peculiar features and products of the country. 
The apostles originally were all either Galileans by 
birth or residence (Acts i. 11), and as such were 
despised, as their Master had been, by the proud 
Jews (Jn. i. 46, vii. 52 ; Acts ii. 7). It appears also 
that the pronunciation of the Jews in Galilee had 
become peculiar, probably from contact with their 
Gentile neighbors (Mat. xxvi. 73 ; Mk. xiv. 70). 
(Shemitic Languages, § 15, a ; Greek.) After 
the destruction of Jerusalem, Galilee became the 
chief seat of Jewish schools of learning, and the 
residence of their most celebrated Rabbins. Edu- 
cation. 

Gal'i-lee, Sea of. Galilee ; Gennesaret. 

Gall, theA.V. translation of — l.Heb. mcrerdh, or 
merordh, etymologically = thai which u bitter ; 
translated in Job xiii. 26, " bitter things ; " in Deut. 
xxxii. 32, " bitter ; " hence applied to the bile or 
"gall" from its intense bitterness (Job xvi. 13, xx. 
25) ; also = the poison of. serpents (Job xx. 14), 
which the ancients erroneously believed was their 
" gall." — 2. Heb. rosh, generally translated " gall " 
by the A. V., is in Hos. x. 4 rendered " hemlock ; " 
in Deut. xxxii. 33, and Job. xx. 16, " poison " or 
"venom" (of serpents). From Deut. xxix. 18, 
and Lam. iii. 19, compared with Hos. x. 4, it is 
evident that the Hebrew denotes some bitter, 
and perhaps poisonous plant. Celsius thinks poi- 
son " hemlock," Conium maculaium, is intended. 



GAL 



GAM 



319 



Gesenius understands " poppies." The various 
species of this family (Papaveracece) spring up 
quickly in corn-fields, and the juice is extremely 
bitter. A steeped solution of poppy-heads may be 
" the water of gall " ( Jer. viii. 14). — The passages in 
the Gospels which relate the circumstance of the 
Roman soldiers offering our Lord, just before His 
crucifixion, " vinegar mingled with gall " (Gr. 
chole; Mat. xxvii. 34), and "wine mingled with 
myrrh" (Mk. xv. 23), require some consideration. 
" Matthew, in his usual way," as Hengstenberg re- 
marks, " designates the drink theologically : always 
keeping his eye on the prophecies of the 0. T., he 
speaks of gall and vinegar for the purpose of ren- 
dering the fulfilment of the Psalms more manifest. 
Mark again, according to his way, looks rather at 
the outward quality of the drink." " Gall " is not to 
be understood in any other sense than as expressing 
the bitter nature of the draught. Notwithstanding 
the almost concurrent opinion of ancient and modern 
commentators that the " wine mingled with myrrh " 
was offered to our Lord as an anodyne, we cannot 
readily come to the same conclusion. Had the sol- 
diers intended a mitigation of suffering, they would 
doubtless have offered a draught drugged with some 
substance having narcotic properties. The drink in 
question was probably a mere ordinary beverage of 
the Romans (so Mr. Houghton). The Gr. chole (in 
LXX. = No. 1 and 2) is also translated " gall " in 
Acts viii. 23, where " gall of bitterness " (i. e. bitter 
gall) = malignant, aggravated depravity (Hackett), 
or a poisonous moral condition (Rev. I. Jennings in 
Kitto). Bitter Herbs. 

Gal'lcr-y, an architectural term, describing the 
porticos or verandas, which are not uncommon in 
Eastern houses. It is doubtful, however, whether 
the Hebrew words, so translated, have any reference 
to such an object. (1.) In Cant. i. 17 the Heb. 
rdhit or r&chit (translated in plural " rafters," mar- 
gin "galleries ") — carvedov fretted ceiling, Gesenius. 
— (2.) In Cant. vii. 5 (Heb. 6), the Heb. rahai, trans- 
lated "gutters" (Gen. xxx. 38, 41), and " troughs" 
(Ex. ii. 16), is applied to the hair, the regularly ar- 
ranged, flowing locks being compared by the poet to 
the channels of running water seen in the pasture- 
grounds of Palestine. — (3.) In Ez. xli. 15, 16, xlii. 
3, 5, the Heb. altik seems = a pillar used for the 
support of a floor (so Mr. Bevan, Villalpandus, &c. ; 
but Gesenius, Eiirst, Havernick, &c, translate ter- 
race, or gallery). 

Galley. Ship. 

Gal'lini (Heb. heaps, or possibly springs), a place 
mentioned in the Bible — (1.) As the native place of 
the man to whom Michal, David's wife, was given — 
" Phalti the son of Laish, who was from Gallini " 
(1 Sam. xxv. 44). — (2.) In the catalogue of places 
terrified at the approach of Sennacherib (Is. x. 30). 
It was perhaps a short distance N. of Jerusalem. 
The name of Gallim has not been met with in mod- 
ern times. 

Gal'li-0 (L. giving suck, milky, Walton's Poly- 
glott). Junius AmiEeus Gallio, the Roman pro- 
consul of Achaia when St. Paul was at Corinth, 
a. d. 53, under the Emperor Claudius. He was 
brother to Lucius Annseus Seneca, the philosopher, 
and was originally named Marcus Annseus Novatus, 
but got the above name from his adoption into the 
family of the rhetorician Lucius Junius Gallio. 
Seneca says he was universally beloved. The idea 
that Gallio was indifferent to all religion is not con- 
veyed by the Scriptures, though he refused to take 
cognizance of the Jews' charges against the apostle, 



and did not interfere with the Greeks who assaulted 
Sosthenes in his presence (Acts xviii. 12-17). He 
is said to have been put to death by Nero, " as well 
as his brother Seneca, but not at the same time " 
(Winer) ; but there is apparently no authority for 
this. Jerome, in the Chronicle of Eusebius, says that 
he committed suicide, 65 a. d. 

Gallows. Punishments. 

Gam'a-el (Gr.) = Daniel 2 (1 Esd. viii. 29). 

Ga-ma'li-el (Gr. and L. fr. Heb. = reward of God, 
benefit of God, Ges.). 1. Son of Pedahzur ; prince 
or captain of Manasseh at the census at Sinai (Num. 
i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 59), and at starting on the march 
through the wilderness (x. 23). — 2. A Pharisee and 
celebrated doctor of the law, who gave prudent 
worldly advice in the Sanhedrim respecting the 
treatment of the followers of Jesus of Nazareth 
(Acts v. 34 ff.). He was the preceptor of St. Paul 
(xxii. 3). He is generally identified with the very 
celebrated Jewish doctor Gamaliel. This Gamaliel 
was son of Rabbi Simeon, and grandson of the cele- 
brated Hillel ; he was president of the Sanhedrim 
under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, and is re- 
ported to have died eighteen years before the de- 
struction of Jerusalem. The Jewish accounts make 
him die a Pharisee. Ecclesiastical tradition (im- 
probably) makes him become a Christian, and bap- 
tized by St. Peter and St. Paul. 

Gaines. The notices of juvenile games are 
very few. It must not, however, be inferred from 
this that the Hebrew children were without the 
amusements adapted to their age (Zech. viii. 5). 
The only sports, recorded in the Bible, are keeping 
tame birds (Job xli. 5), and imitating the proceed- 
ings of marriages or funerals (Mat. xi. 16). Manly 
games were not much followed up by the Hebrews ; 
the natural earnestness of their character and the 
influence of the climate alike indisposed them to 
active exertion. The chief amusement of the men 
appears to have consisted in conversation and jok- 
ing (Jer. xv. 17 ; Prov. xxvi. 19). A military ex- 
ercise seems to be noticed in 2 Sam. ii. 14. In Je- 
rome's day the usual sport consisted in lifting 
weights as a trial of strength, as also practised in 
Egypt. Dice are mentioned by the Talmudists, 
probably introduced from Egypt. Public games 
were altogether foreign to the spirit of Hebrew in- 
stitutions : the great religious festivals supplied the 
pleasurable excitement and the feelings of national 
union which rendered the games of Greece so pop- 
ular, and at the same time inspired the persuasion 
that such gatherings should be exclusively con- 
nected with religious duties. Accordingly, the erec- 
tion of a gymnasium by Jason 4 was looked upon as 
a heathenish proceeding (1 Mc. i. 14 ; 2 Mc. iv. 12- 
14). The entire absence of verbal or historical ref- 
erence to this subject in the Gospels shows how 
little it entered into the life of the Jews. Among 
the Greeks, the rage for theatrical exhibitions was 
such, that every city of any size possessed its theatre 
and stadium. At Ephesus an annual contest was 
held in honor of Diana. (Asiarchs.) Probably 
St. Paul was present when these games were pro- 
ceeding. A direct reference to the exhibitions that 
took place on such occasions is made in 1 Cor. xv. 
32. St. Paul's Epistles abound with allusions to 
the Greek contests, borrowed probably from the 
Isthmian games, at which he may well have been 
present during his first visit to Corinth. These 
contests (2 Tim. iv. 7 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12) were divided 
into two classes, the pancratium, consisting of box- 
ing and wrestling, and the pentathlon, consisting of 



320 



GAM 



GAR 



leaping, running, quoiting (Discus), hurling the 
spear, and wrestling. The competitors (1 Cor. ix. 
25 ; 2 Tim. ii. 5) required a long and severe course 
of previous training (1 Tim. iv. 8), during which a 
particular diet was enforced (1 Cor. ix. 25, 27). In. 
the Olympic contests these preparatory exercises 
extended over a period of ten months, during the 
last of which they were conducted under the super- 
vision of appointed officers. The contests took 
place in the presence of a vast multitude of specta- 
tors (Heb. xii. 1), the competitors being the spectacle 
(1 Cor. iv. 9 ; Heb. x. 33). The games were opened 
by the proclamation of a herald (1 Cor. ix. 27), 




Isthmian Crowns. 

whose office it was to give out the name and coun- 
try of each candidate, and especially to announce 
the name of the victor before the assembled multi- 
tude. Certain conditions and rules were laid down, 
as, that no bribe be offered to a competitor, &c. ; 
any infringement of these rules involved a loss of 




Boxing -with the Cestus.— From Panofka, Bilder des Antlken Lebens. — (Fbn.) 

the prize (2 Tim. ii. 5). The judge was selected for 
his spotless integrity (2 Tim. iv. 8): his office was 
to decide any disputes (Col. iii. 15), and to give the 
prize (1 Cor. ix. 24; Phil. iii. 14), consisting of a 
crown (2 Tim. ii. 5, iv. 8) of leaves of wild olive at 




Foot-race, adapted from a view of the Circus Flora at Rome.— Montfancon'B L' A ntiquite.— (Ayri 



also placed in the hands of the victors (Rev. vii. 9). 
St. Paul alludes to two only out of the five contests, 
boxing and running, most frequently to the latter. 
In boxing (compare 1 Cor. ix. 26), the hands and 
arms were bound with the ceslus, a band of leather 
studded with nails. The foot-race (2 Tim. iv. 7) 
was run in the stadium (1 Cor. ix. 24), an oblong 
area, open at one end and rounded in a semicircular 
form at the other, along the sides of which were 
the raised tiers of seats on which the spectators 
sat. The judge was stationed by the goal (Phil. iii. 
14), which was clearly visible from one end of the 
stadium to the other. St. Paul brings vividly before 
our minds the earnestness of the competitor, having 
cast off every encumbrance, especially any closely- 
fitting robe (Heb. xii. 1), holding on his course un- 
interruptedly (Phil, iii. 12), his eye fixed on the dis- 
tant goal (Heb. xii. 2, xi. 26), unmindful of the space 
already past, and stretching forward with bent body 
(Phil. iii. 12), his perseverance (Heb. xii. 1), his joy 
at the completion of the course (Acts xx. 24), his 
exultation as he not only receives (Phil. iii. 12), but 
actually grasps (not " apprehend " as A.V. in Phil. ; 
1 Tim. vi. 12, 19) the crown which had been set 
apart (2 Tim. iv. 8) for the victor. 

Gamma-dim (Heb. pi., see below), or Gam'ma- 
dims. This word occurs only in Ez. xxvii. 11, and 
has been translated — (1. ) Pigmies (Vulgate, Kimchi, 
&c). — (2.) As a geographical or local term = Ancon, 
Cappadocians, &c. (Grotius, Chal., &c). — (3.) In 
a more general sense, brave warriors, Ges. ; desert- 
ers, Hitzig. After all, the render- 
ing in the LXX., guards, fur- 
nishes the simplest explanation. 

Ga'mnl (Heb. weaned, Ges.), a 
priest; the leader of the twenty- 
second course in the service of 
the sanctuary (1 Chr. xxiv. 17). 

Gar. "Sons of Gar" are 
named among the " sons of the 
servants of Solomon " in 1 Esd. 
v. 34, not in Ezr. and Neh. 

Gar'den (Heb. gan, gann&h, 
ginn&h ; Gr. kepos). Gardens in 
the East, as the Hebrew indicates, 
are enclosures, on the outskirts 
of towns, planted with various 
trees and shrubs. From the allusions in the 
Bible, we learn that they were surrounded by 
hedges of thorn (Is. v. 5), or walls of stone (Prov, 
xxiv. 31). For further protection, lodges (Is. i. 8; 
Lam. ii. 6) or watchtowers (Mk. xii. 1) were built in 
them, in which sat the keeper (Job 
xxvii. 18) to drive away the wild 
beasts and robbers, as is the case to 
this day. The gardens of the He- 
brews were planted with flowers and 
aromatic shrubs (Cant. vi. 2, iv. 16), 
also trees yielding olives, figs, nuts 
(vi. 11), pomegranates, and other 
fruits for domestic use (Ex. xxiii. 11 ; 
Jer. xxix. 5 ; Am. ix. 14). Gardens 
of herbs, or kitchen-gardens, are men- 
tioned in Deut. xi. 10, and 1 K. xxi. 
2. Cucumbers were grown in them 
(Is. i. 8 ; Bar. vi. 70), and probably 
also melons, leeks, onions, and gar- 
lic (Num. xi. 5). (Agriculture ; 
Food.) The rose-garden in Jeru- 
salem, said to have been situated 



the Olympic games, and of pine, or at one period, I W. of the temple mount, is remarkable as one of 
ivy, at the Isthmian games. Palm-branches were | the few gardens which, from the time of the prophets, 



GAR 



GAT 



321 



existed within the city walls. But of all the gardens 
of Palestine none is possessed of associations more 
sacred and imperishable than the garden of Geth- 
SEMANE. In addition to the ordinary productions 
of the country, we are tempted to infer from Is. 
xvii. 10 that in some gardens care was bestowed 
on rearing exotics. In a climate like that of Pal- 
estine, the neighborhood of water was an impor- 
tant consideration in selecting the site of a garden. 
To the old Hebrew poets, " a well-watered gar- 
den," or " a tree planted by the waters," was an 
emblem of luxuriant fertility and material pros- 
perity (Is. lviii. 11 ; Jer. xvii. 8, xxxi. 12). (Eden 
1.) From a neighboring stream or cistern were 
supplied the channels or conduits, by which the 
gardens were intersected, and the water was thus 
conveyed to all parts (Ps. i. 3 ; Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ecclus. 
xxiv. 30). On the expression " to water with the 
foot" in Deut. xi. 10, see Agriculture; Egypt. 
The orange, lemon, and mulberry groves which lie 
around and behind Jaffa, supply perhaps the most 
striking peculiarities of Oriental gardens — gardens 
which Maundrell describes as " a confused miscel- 
lany of trees jumbled together, without either 
posts, walks, arbors, or any thing of art or design, 
so that they seem like thickets rather than gar- 
dens." The kings and nobles had their country 
houses surrounded by gardens (1 K. xxi. 1 ; 2 K. 
ix. 27), and these were used on festal occasions 
(Cant. v. 1). The garden of Ahasuerus was in a 
court of the palace (Esth. i. 5), adjoining the ban- 
queting-hall (vii. 7). In Babylon (Babel) the gar- 
dens and orchards were enclosed by the city walls. 
In large gardens, the orchard was probably, as in 
Egypt, the enclosure set apart for the cultivation of 
date and sycamore trees, and fruit-trees of various 
kinds (Cant. iv. 13; Eccl. ii. 5). The ancient He- 
brews made use of gardens as places of burial (Jn. 

xix. 41). Manasseh and his son Amonwere buried 
in the garden of their palace, the garden of Uzza 
(2 K. xxi. 18, 26). The retirement of gardens 
rendered them favorite places for devotion (Mat. 
xxvi. 36 ; Jn. xviii. 1). In the degenerate times of 
the monarchy they were selected as the scenes of 
idolatrous worship (Is. i. 29, Ixv. 3, lxvi. 1*7), and 
images of the idols were probably erected in them. 
Gardeners are alluded to in Job xxvii. 18 and Jn. 

xx. 15. But how far the art of gardening was car- 
ried among the Hebrews we have few means of as- 
certaining. That they were acquainted with graft- 
ing is evident from Rom. xi. 17, 24, as well as from 
the minute prohibitions of the Mishna ; and propa- 
gating plants by layers or cuttings was not unknown 
(Is. xvii. 10). The traditional gardens and pools of 
Solomon, supposed to be alluded to in Eccl. ii. 5, 6, 
are shown in the Wady Urtds (i. e. Hortus, L. = 
garden), about one and a quarter hours S. W. of Beth- 
lehem (compare Jos. viii. 7, § 3). (Pool.) The 
" king's garden," mentioned in 2 K. xxv. 4 ; Neh. 
iii. 15; Jer. xxxix. 4,, Iii. 7, was near the pool of 
Siloam, at the mouth of the Tyropoeon, N. of Bir 
Eyub (En-Rogel), and was formed by the meeting of 
the valleys of Jehoshaphat and Hinnom. Jerusalem. 

* Gar'den-honse (Heb. beyth-haggan), a place by 
the way of which King Ahaziah 2 fled from Jehu ; 
probably at En-gannim, the modern Jenin (2 K. ix. 
27). 

Ga'reb (Heb. scabby, Ges.), " the Ithrite," one of 
the heroes of David's army (2 Sam. xxiii. 38 ; 1 Cbr. 
xi. 40). 

Ga'reb (Heb. scabby, Ges.), the Hill, in the neigh- 
borhood of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxi. 39 only), supposed 
21 



to have been the place to which lepers were sent 
from the city (Kitto). 

Gar'i-zim = Gerizim (2 Mc. v. 23 ; vi. 2). 

* Gar laud = a wreath (Acts xiv. 13). Crown. 

Gar'lic (Heb. shum) (Num. xi. 5), a vegetable al- 
lied to the onion ; the Allium sativum, Linn., which 
abounds in Egypt. 

Garment. Dress ; Mantle. 

Gar'mite (fr. Heb. = descendant of Gerem ; bony, 
Ges. ; strong, Fii.), the. Keilah the Garmite is 
mentioned in the obscure genealogical lists of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. iv. 19). 

* Garner. Barn ; Treasury. 

Gar'ri-son. The Hebrew words so rendered in 
the A. V. are derivatives from the root ndtsab, to 
place, erect, which may be applied to a variety of ob- 
jects. 1. Matstsab and matsts&bdh undoubtedly =: 
a " garrison," or fortified post (1 Sam. xiii. 23, 
xiv. 1, 4, 6, 11, 12, 15 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 14).— 2. Netsib 
also = " garrison " (1 Chr. xi. 16), but elsewhere 
(so Mr. Bevan, after the LXX.) — a column 
erected in an enemy's country as a token of 
conquest (1 Sam. xiii. 3, A. V. and Ges. "garri- 
son"). The same word elsewhere (so Mr. Bevan) 
= officers placed over a vanquished people (2 Sam. 
viii." 6, 14; 1 Chr. xviii. 13; 2 Chr. xvii. 2); Gese- 
nius agrees with the A.V. in most of these in trans- 
lating " garrison "). — 3. Malslsebilh in Ez. xxvi. 11 
(A. V. " garrison ") = a pillar. Mr. Bevan, 
Fairbairn, &c, give the Hebrew here its more usual 
meaning. — 4. In 2 Cor. xi. 32, the Greek verb 
phroured (= to keep watch or guard, L. & S.) is 
translated " kept with a garrison." 

Gash'mn (Heb.) = Geshem (Neh. vi. 6). 

Ga'tani (Heb. one puny and thin, Ges.), fourth son 
of Eliphaz the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 36), and one of the " dukes " of Eliphaz (Gen. 
xxxvi. 16). 

Gate (Heb. sha'ar, usually translated " gate ; " 
pethah or pethach, " entering," "entrance," "entry," 
" door," " gate ; " saph, " threshold," " door-post," 
" post," " door," " gate," " basin," &c. ; deleth, 
usually " door," also " gate," " two-leaved gate," &c. : 
Chal. tera\ twice only, in Dan. ii. 49, iii. 26, " gate," 
"mouth," margin "door;" Gr. thura, usually trans- 
lated " door," once " gate " of the temple ; pule, uni- 
formly "gate;" pulon, "gate," once "porch"). 
The gates and gateways of Eastern cities anciently 
held and still hold an important part, not only in 
the defence but in the public economy of the place. 
They thus sometimes represent the city itself (Gen. 
xxii. 17, xxiv. 60; Deut. xii. 12 ; Judg. v. 8 ; Ru. 
iv. 10 ; Ps. lxxxvii. 2, cxxii. 2). Among the special 
purposes for which they were used may be men- 
tioned — 1. As places of public resort, for business, 
conversation, news (Gen. xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 20, 
24 ; 1 Sam. iv. 18, &c). 2. Places for public de- 
liberation, administration of justice, or of audience 
for kings and rulers, or ambassadors (Deut. xvi. 18, 
xxi. 19, xxv. 7 ; Josh. xx. 4, &c.). 3. Public mar- 
kets (2 K. vii. 1). In heathen towns, the open 
spaces near the gates appear to have been some- 
times used as places for sacrifice (Acts xiv. 13 ; com- 
pare 2 K. xxiii. 8). Regarded, therefore, as positions 
of great importance, the gates of cities were care- 
fully guarded and closed at nightfall (Deut. iii. 5 ; 
Josh. ii. 5, 7 ; Judg. ix. 40, 44, &c). They con- 
tained chambers over the gateway (2 Sam. xviii. 24). 
The gateways of Assyrian cities were arched or 
square-headed entrances in the wall, sometimes 
flanked by towers. The doors themselves, of the 
larger gates mentioned in Scripture, were two- 



322 



GAT 



GAT 



leaved, plated with metal, closed with locks, and 
fastened with metal bars (Deut. iii. 5 ; Judg. xvi. 3 ; 
Ps. cvii. 16 ; Is. xlv. 1, 2, &c). Gates not defended 
by iron were of course liable to be set on fire by 



Iff 



BE 





Assyrian Gates. — (Layard.) 

an enemy (Judg. ix. 52). The gateways of royal 
palaces, and even of private houses, were often 
richly ornamented. Sentences from the Law were 
inscribed on and above the gates (Deut. vi. 9, >i. 




Egyptian Door-pins. — 1. Upper pin, on which the door turned. 2. Lower 
pin. — (Wilkinson.) 

20). The gates of Solomon's Temple were very 
massive and costly, being overlaid with gold and 
carvings (1 K. vi. 34, 35 ; 2 K. xviii. 16). Those 
of the Holy Place were of olive-wood, two-leaved, 




Modern Egyptian Door. — (Lane.) 

and overlaid with gold ; those of the Temple of fir 
(1 K. vi. 31, 32, 34 ; Ez. xli. 23, 24). The figurative 
" gates " of pearl and precious stones (Is. liv. 12 ; 
Rev. xxi. 21) may be regarded as having their types 
in the massive stone doors in some of the ancient 
houses in Syria. These are of single slabs several 



inches thick, sometimes ten feet high, and turn on 
stone pivots above and below. (Hinge.) Egyptian 
doorways were often richly ornamented. The parts 
of the doorway were the threshold (Judg. xix. 27) ; 




Fgyptian Door. — (Lane.) 



the side-posts, the lintel (Ex. xii. '7). Levites were 
the hereditary "porters" (i. e. door-keepers) in the 
Temple; and in houses of the wealthier classes, and 
in palaces, persons were especially appointed to 
keep the door (Jer. xxxv. 4 ; 2 K. xii. 9, xxv. 18, 
&c). " Gates " are figuratively ascribed to heaven 
(Gen. xxviii. 17), also to death (Job xxxviii. 17, &c), 
&c. In Mat. xvi. 18, " the gates of hell " = the 
power of the kingdom of Satan. Antioch ; City ; 
Commerce ; Curtain ; Fenced City ; House ; Jeru- 
salem ; Judge ; Porch ; Porter ; Temple. 

Gatll (Heb. wine-press), one of the five royal cities 
of the Philistines (Josh. xiii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 17) ; and 
the native place of the giant Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 
4, 23). The site of Gath for many centuries re- 
mained unknown. After a careful survey of the 
country in 1857, and a minute examination of the 
several passages of Scripture in which the name is 
mentioned, Mr. Porter came to the conclusion that 
it stood upon the conspicuous hill now called Tell 
es-Sdfteh, where are the foundations of an old castle, 
with other traces of ancient buildings, and a modern 
village. This hill, irregular in form, and about 200 
feet high, stands upon the side of the plain of Phi- 
listia, at the foot of the mountains of Judah, ten 
miles E. of Ashdod, about the same S. by E. of 
Ekron, and six miles N. of Eleutheropolis. Thom- 
son (ii. 360) regards Gath as = Eleutheropolis, now 
Beit Jibrin (= house of giants). He says the name 
Khurbet Get (= ruins of Oath) is now applied to 
one of the heaps of rubbish a short distance W. of 
the castle of Beit Jibrin. He makes Mareshah 
(Josh. xv. 44) a suburb of Gath ; hence Moresheth- 
gath (Mic. i. 14). Gath occupied a strong position 
(2 Chr. xi. 8) on the border of Judah and Philistia 
(1 Sam. xxi. 10; 1 Chr. xviii. 1); and from its 
strength and resources, forming the key of both 
countries, was the scene of frequent struggles, and 
was often captured and recaptured (2 Chr. xi. 8, 
xxvi. 6; 2K. xii. 17 ; Am. vi. 2). It was near Sho- 
coh and Adullam (2 Chr. xi. 8), and appears to have 
stood on the way leading from the former to Ekron ; 
for when the Philistines fled on the death of Goliath, 



GAT 



GAZ 



323 



they went "by the way of Shaaraim, even unto 
Gath and unto Ekron " (1 Sam. xvii. 1, 52). David 
fled twice to Achish, king of Gath. Ittai 1 was 
from Gath. The ravages of war to which Gath was 
exposed appear to have destroyed it at a compara- 
tively early period, as it is not mentioned among 
the other royal cities by the later prophets (Zeph. 
ii. 4 ; Zech. ix. 5, 6). Gittites. 

Gath-he'pUer, or Git'tsili-Ue'plicr (both Heb. = 
wine-press of the well), a town on the border of Zeb- 
ulun, not far from Japhia (Josh. xix. 12, 13), cele- 
brated as the native place of the prophet Jonah 
(2 K. xiv. 25). Porter identifies it with el-Meshhad, 
a village two miles E. of Sefurieh (Sepphoris). 
Jonah's tomb is still shown there. 

Gatli-riiu'intm (Heb. press of the pomegranate, 
Ges.). 1, A city of Dan given to the Levites (Josh, 
xxi. 24 ; 1 Chr. vi. 69), situated on the plain of Phi- 
listia, apparently not far from Joppa (Josh. xix. 45) ; 
supposed by Robinson (ii. 67) to be at the modern 
Deir Dubbdn. (Adullam.) — 2, A town of Manas- 
sehW. of the Jordan, assigned to the Levites (Josh, 
xxi. 25); = Bileam. 

Ga'za (L. fr. Heb. 'Azzdh = the strong, Ges. ; see 
Azzah), one of the five chief cities of the Philis- 
tines. It is remarkable for its continuous existence 
and importance from the very earliest times. It is 
the last town in the S. W. of Palestine, on the road 
between Syria and the valley of the Nile. This 
peculiarity of situation has made Gaza important 
in a military as well as commercial sense. Its name 
(= the strong) was well elucidated in its siege by 
Alexander the Great, which lasted ' five months. 



This city was one of the most important military 
positions in the wars of the Maccabees (1 Mc. xi. 
61, 62, xiii. 43). By the Romans it was assigned to 
the kingdom of Herod, and afterward to the prov- 
ince of Syria. Some of the most important cam- 
paigns of the crusaders took place in the neighbor- 
hood. The Biblical history of Gaza may be traced 
through the following stages. In Gen. x. 19 it ap- 
pears, even before the call of Abraham, as a " bor- 
der " city of the Canaanites. In the conquest of 
Joshua, the territory of Gaza is mentioned as one 
which he was not able to subdue (Josh. x. 41, xi. 
22, xiii. 3). It was assigned to Judah (Josh. xv. 47), 
and that tribe did obtain possession of it (Judg. i. 
18) ; but they did not hold it long; for soon after- 
ward we find it in the hands of the Philistines 
(Judg. iii. 3, xiii. 1, xvi. 1, 21); indeed, it seems to 
have been their capital ; and, notwithstanding the 
efforts of Samson, who died here, Gaza apparently 
continued, through the times of Samuel, Saul, and 
David, to be a Philistine city (1 Sam. vi. 17, xiv. 52, 
xxxi. 1 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 15). Solomon became master 
of it (1 K. iv. 24, A. V. " Azzah "). But in after- 
times the same trouble with the Philistines recurred 
(2 K. xviii. 8 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 16, xxvi. 6, xxviii. 18 ; Am. 
i. 6, 7 ; Zeph. ii. 4 ; Zech. ix. 5). Gaza is mentioned 
in the N. T. (Acts viii. 26) in the account of the 
baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch on his return from 
Jerusalem to Egypt. The words "which is desert" 
have given rise to much discussion. The probabil- 
ity is, that they refer to the road, and are used by 
the angel to inform Philip, who was then in Sama- 
ria, on what route he would find the eunuch. Be- 




Gaza from S. E. — (Ayre.) 



sides the ordinary road from Jerusalem by Ramleh 
to Gaza, there was another, more favorable for car- 
riages (Acts viii. 28), further to the S. through He- 
bron, and thence through a district comparatively 
without towns, and much exposed to the incursions 



of people from the desert. The modern town, called 
Ghuzzeh, contains about 15,000 inhabitants. It is 
situated partly on an oblong hill of moderate height 
and partly on the lower ground. The climate of the 
place is almost tropical, but it has deep wells of 



32i 



GAZ 



GED 



excellent water. There are a few palm-trees in 
the town, and its fruit-orchards are very produc- 
tive. But the chief feature of the neighborhood 
is the wide-spread olive-grove to the N. and N. E. 
Gazathites ; Gazites. 

Gaz'a-ra (Gr. = Gazer or Gezer), a place fre- 
quently mentioned in the wars of the Maccabees, 
and of great importance in the operations of both 
parties (1 Mc. ix. 52, xiii. 53, xiv. 7, 33, 34, 36, xv. 
28, xvi. 1 ; 2 Mc. x. 32-36) ; probably = Gezer or 
Gazer. 

Ga'zath-ites, the = the inhabitants of Gaza 
(Josh. xiii. 3) ; elsewhere Gazites. 

Gazer (Heb.) = Gezer (2 Sam. v. 25 ; 1 Chr. 
xiv. 16). 

Ga-ze'ra (Gr.). 1. Gazara (1 Mc. iv. 15 ; vii. 45). 
—2. Gazzam (1 Esd. v. 31). 

Ga'zcz (Heb. shearer, Ges.), a name which occurs 
twice in 1 Chr. ii. 46 ; (l.)as son of Caleb by Ephah 
his concubine ; (2.) as son of Haran, the son of 
the same woman ; the second is possibly only a 
repetition of the first. 

Gazites the = the inhabitants of Gaza (Judg. 
xvi. 2). Gazathites. 

Gaz'zam (Heb. devouring, Ges.), ancestor of cer- 
tain Nethinim who returned from the Captivity 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 48 ; Neh. vii. 51). 

Geba [g as in get] (Heb. the hill). 1. A city of 
Benjamin, allotted to the priests (Josh. xxi. 17 ; 1 
Chr. vi. 60). It is named in the first group of 
Benjamite towns, apparently those lying near to 
and along theN. boundary (Josh, xviii. 24, A.V." Ga- 
ba"). During the wars of the earlier part of the reign 
of Saul, Geba was held as a garrison by the Phi- 
listines (1 Sam. xiii. 3), but they were ejected by 
Jonathan. (Garrison 2.) Later, in the same cam- 
paign, in defining the position of the two rocks, 
which stood in the ravine below the garrison of 
Michmash, the terms fix Geba on the S. and Mich- 
mash on the N. of the ravine (1 Sam. xiv. 5, A. V. 
" Gibeah "). Exactly in accordance with this is 
the position of the modern village of Jeba, which 
stands picturesquely on the top of its steep, ter- 
raced hill, on the very edge of the great Wady 
Suweinit, looking N. to the opposite village, which 
also retains its old name of Mukhmas. Geba was 
fortified by Asa (1 K. xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6), and 
was the N. limit of the kingdom of Judah (2 K. 
xxiii. 8). It was occupied by the Benjamites after 
the Captivity (Neh. xi. 31). — 2. The Geba named 
in Jd. iii. 10 must be the modern village Jeba, on 
the road between Samaria and Jcnin (En-gannim), 
about three miles from the former. 

Ge'bal (Heb. mountain, Ges.), a proper name, oc- 
curring in Ps. lxxxiii. 7, in connection with Edom 
and Moab, Ammon and Amalek, the Philistines 
and the inhabitants of Tyre. Mr. Ffoulkes main- 
tains that the Gebal of the Psalm = the Gebal 
of Ez. xxvii. 9, a celebrated maritime town of Phe- 
nicia, the " Biblus " (or Byblus) of profane litera- 
ture, celebrated as the birth-place and principal 
sanctuary of Adonis. It is called Jebeil by the 
Arabs, and situated on the Mediterranean, about 
twenty miles N. of Beirut. (Giblites.) But Ge- 
senius, Fiirst, Fairbairn, Porter (in Kitto), &c, 
make the Gebal of Ps. lxxxiii. 7 = Gebalene (now 
Jebdh, the district round Petra. Edom. 

Ge ber (Heb. a man). 1. The " son of Geber " 
(margin " Ben-geber ") was Solomon's commissary, 
who resided in Ramoth-Gilead, and had charge of 
Havoth-Jair, and the district of Argob (1 K. iv. 
13). — 2t Geber the son of Uri, also Solomon's 



commissary, had a district S. of the former — the 
" country of Gilead," probably the modern Belka 
(1 K. iv. 19). Perhaps "the land" in this verse 
= the country over which the two kings, Sihon 
and Og, formerly reigned, excluding the parts as- 
signed to two other commissaries (ver. 13, 14); 
or this Geber may have been a superior officer 
or superintendent of the three districts, as " the 
only officer " in the A. V. is literally " one officer." 

Ge'bim (Heb., probably = the dilehes, Mr. Grove ; 
cisterns or locusts, Ges.), a village N. of Jerusalem 
(Is. x. 31), apparently between Anathoth and the 
ridge on which Nob was situated. El-Is&wvyeh 
occupies about the right spot (so Mr. Grove). 

Ged-a-li'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah has made 
great or powerful, Ges.). 1. Son of Ahikam (Jere- 
miah's protector), and grandson of Shaphan, the 
secretary of King Josiah. After the destruction 
of the Temple, b. c. 588, Nebuchadnezzar departed 
from Judea, leaving Gedaliah with a Chaldean 
guard (Jer. xl. 5) at Mizpah, to govern the vine- 
dressers and husbandmen (lii. 16) who were ex- 
empted from captivity. Jeremiah joined Gedaliah ; 
and Mizpah became the resort of Jews from vari- 
ous quarters (xl. 6, 11). Gedaliah's gentle and 
popular character, his hereditary piety, the pros- 
perity of his brief rule (xl. 12), the reverence 
which revived and was fostered under him for the 
ruined Temple (xli. 5), fear of the Chaldean con- 
querors whose officer he was — all proved insufficient 
to secure Gedaliah from Baalis and Ishmael 6. He 
was murdered by Ishmael two months after his 
appointment. — 2. A Levite, one of the six sons of 
Jeduthun who played the harp in the service of 
Jehovah (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 9). — 3, A priest in Ezra's 
time (Ezr. x. 18). — 4. Son of Pashur (Jer. xxxviii. 
1), one of those who caused Jeremiah to be im- 
prisoned. — .">. Grandfather of Zephaniah the prophet 
(Zeph. i. 1). 

Ged'dur (fr. Gr.) = Gahar (1 Esd. v. 30). 

Ged'c-on (Gr. — Gideon). 1. Ancestor of Judith 
(Jd. viii. 1).— 2. Gideon (Heb. xi. 32). 

Ge'der (Heb. wall, Ges.). The king of Geder 
was one of the thirty-one kings overcome by 
Joshua on the W. of the Jordan (Josh. xii. 13). 
Gesenius makes Geder perhaps = Gederah. Pos- 
sibly (so Mr. Grove) it may = Gedor 5 in 1 Chr. iv. 
39. 

Ged'c-rah (Heb. wall, enclosure, fold, Ges.), a town 
of Judah in the lowland country (Josh. xv. 36), 
apparently in its eastern part ; not identified ; per- 
haps (so Gesenius) = Beth-gader. 

Ged'e-rath-ite, the = the native or inhabitant 
of a place called Gederah, apparently in Benja- 
min (1 Chr. xii. 4). 

Ge'der-ite, or Ged e-rite, the = the native or 
inhabitant of some place named Geder or Gede- 
rah (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). 

Ged'e-roth (Heb. pi. of Gederah = sJieep-cotes), 
a town in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 
41; 2 Chr. xxviii. 18); identified by Wilton (in 
Fairbairn, under Kithlish) with el-Judeideh, W. of 
Tell el-Hasy, and S. of 'Ajldn (Eglon). 

Ged-e-ro-tha'im (Heb. dual of Gederah = two 
sheep-folds), a town in the low country of Judah 
(Josh. xv. 36), named next in order to Gederah. 

Ge'dor (Heb. wall, Ges.). 1. A town in the 
mountains of Judah (Josh. xv. 58), a few miles 
N. of Hebron ; probably at the ruined village Jedwr, 
half way between Bethlehem and Hebron, about 
two miles W. of the road (Robinson). — 2. The 
town, apparently of Benjamin, to which " Jehoram 



GEH 



GEN 



325 



of Gedor" belonged (1 Chr. xii. 7). — 3^ An ancestor 
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 31, ix. 37).— 4. " Penuel the 
father of Gedor " and " Jered the father of Ge- 
dor." are mentioned in the genealogies of Judah 
(1 Chr. iv. 4, 18). — 5. In 1 Chr. iv. 39, certain chiefs 
of Simeon are said to have gone, in the reign of 
Hezekiah, " to the entrance of Gedor, unto the E. 
side of the valley," and expelled thence the Ha- 
mites, &c. (Geder.) If what is told in verse 42 
was a subsequent incident in the same expedition, 
then we should look for Gedor between the S. of 
Judah and Mount Seir, i. e. Petra. No place of 
the name has yet been met with in that direction. 
The LXX. read Gerar for Gedor. 

Gc-ha'zi (Heb. valley of vision, Ges.), the servant 
or boy of Elisha. He was sent as the prophet's 
messenger on two occasions to the good Shunam- 
mite (2 K. iv.) ; obtained fraudulently money and 
garments from Naaman, was miraculously smitten 
with incurable leprosy, and was dismissed from 
the prophet's service (v.). Afterward he is men- 
tioned as relating to King Joram all the great 
things which Elisha had done, when the Shunam- 
mite appeared (viii.). 

Oe-lien'na (L. fr. Heb. gSy-hinnom = valley of 
Hinnom,) in A. V. the " valley of Hinnom " or " of 
the son (or ' children ') of Hinnom ; " a deep, nar- 
row glen S. of Jerusalem, where, after the intro- 
duction of the worship of the fire-gods by Ahaz, 
the idolatrous Jews offered their children to Molech 
(2 Chr. xxviii. 3, xxxiii. 6 ; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 2-6). It 
became in later times the image of the place of 
everlasting punishment. Eternal ; Hell ; Hinnom, 
Valley of ; Tophet. 

Gcl'i-lotll (Heb. pi. = circles, circuits, regions, 
Ges.), a place named on the S. boundary line of 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 17). Mr. Grove supposes 
Gilgal is the right reading. Or Geliloth may be 
another name = Gilgal 1. 

Ge-mal'li (Heb. camel-driver or camel-rider, Ges.), 
father of Ammiel, the Danite spy (Num. xiii. 12). 

Gem-a-ri'all (Heb. whom Jehovah has perfected, 
Ges.). 1. Son of Shaphan the scribe, and father 
of Michaiah. He was one of the nobles of Judah, 
and had a chamber in the house of the Lord, from 
which Baruch read Jeremiah's alarming prophecy 
in the ears of all the people, b. c. 606 (Jer. xxxvi.). 
— 2. Son of Hilkiah, and bearer of Jeremiah's let- 
ter to the captive Jews (xxix.). 

Gems [jemz]. Stones, Precious. 

Gcn-e-af o-gy (fr. Gr. = an account or record of 
pedigree, or lineage ; or the lineage itself). In He- 
brew the term for a genealogy or pedigree, is " the 
book of the generations ; " and because the oldest 
histories were usually drawn up on a genealogical 
basis, the expression often extended to the whole 
history. Nor is this genealogical form of history 
peculiar to the Hebrews, or the Shemitic races. 
The earliest Greek histories were also genealogies. 
The promise of the land of Canaan to the seed of 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob successively, and the 
separation of the Israelites from the Gentile world ; 
the expectation of Messiah as to spring from the 
tribe of Judah; the exclusively hereditary priest- 
hood of Aaron with its dignity and emoluments ; 
the long succession of kings in David's line ; and 
the whole division and occupation of the land upon 
genealogical principles by the tribes, families, and 
houses of fathers, gave a deeper importance to the 
science of genealogy among the Jews than perhaps 
in any other nation (Gen. iv., v., x., xi., &c). With 
Jacob, the founder of the nation, the system of 



reckoning by genealogies was much further devel- 
oped. In Gen. xxxv. 22-26, we have a formal ac- 
count of the sons of Jacob, the patriarchs of the 
nation, repeated in Ex. i. 1-5. In Gen. xlvi. we 
have an exact genealogical census of the house of 
Israel at the time of Jacob's going down to Egypt. 
When the Israelites were in the wilderness of Sinai, 
their number was taken by Divine command " after 
their families, by the house of their fathers " (Num. 
i., iii.). (Census.) According to these genealogical 
divisions they pitched their tents, and marched, and 
offered their gifts and offerings, chose the spies, 
and divided the land of Canaan. The tribe of Levi 
was probably the only one which had no admixture 
of foreign blood. (Chronology.) In many of the 
Scripture genealogies it is quite clear that birth 
was not the ground of their incorporation into their 
respective tribes (so Lord A. C. Hervey, original 
author of this article). (Becher ; Caleb.) However, 
birth was, and continued to be throughout their 
whole national course, the foundation of all the 
Jewish organization, and the reigns of the more 
active and able kings and rulers were marked by 
attention to genealogical operations. When David 
established the temple services on the footing which 
continued till the time of Christ, he divided the 
priests and Levites into courses and companies, 
each under the family chief. In Kehoboam's reign 
we have Iddo's work concerning genealogies (2 Chr. 
xii. 15). When Hezekiah reopened the Temple, and 
restored the temple services which had fallen into 
disuse, he reckoned the whole nation by geneal- 
ogies (1 Chr. iv. 41, ix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 16-19). 
In Jotham's reign we find a genealogical reckoning 
of the Reubenites (1 Chr. v. 17). When Zerub- 
babel brought back the captivity from Babylon, 
one of his first cares seems to have been to take a 
census of those that returned, and to settle them 
according to their genealogies (1 Chr. iii. 19-24, ix. ; 
Ezr. ii. ; Neh. vii., xi., xii.). Passing on to the 
time of Christ's birth, we have a striking incidental 
proof of the continuance of the Jewish genealogical 
economy in the fact that when Augustus ordered 
the census of the empire to be taken, the Jews in 
the province of Syria immediately went each one to 
his own city. Another proof is the existence of 
our Lord's genealogy in two forms as given by Mat- 
thew and Luke. (Genealogy of Jesus Christ.) 
The mention of Zacharias, as " of the course of 
Abia," of Elizabeth, as " of the daughters of Aaron," 
and of Anna the daughter of Phanuel, as " of the 
tribe of Aser," are further indications of the same 
thing. And this conclusion is expressly confirmed 
by the testimony of Josephus. From all this it is 
abundantly manifest that the Jewish genealogical 
records continued to be kept till near the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem. But there can be little doubt 
that the registers of the Jewish tribes and families 
perished at the destruction of Jerusalem, and not 
before. Some partial records probably survived 
that event, but the Jewish genealogical system then 
came to an end. Just notions of the nature of the 
Jewish genealogical records are of great importance 
with a view to the right interpretation of Scripture. 
Let it only be remembered that these records have 
respect to political and territorial divisions, as much 
as to strictly genealogical descent, and it will at 
once be seen how erroneous a conclusion it may be, 
that all who are called " sons " of such or such a 
patriarch, or chief father, must necessarily be his 
very children. If any one family or house became 
extinct, some other would succeed to its place, 



326 



GEN 



GEN 



called after its own chief father. (Becher 1.) Hence 
a census of any tribe, drawn up at a later period, 
would exhibit different divisions from one drawn 
up earlier (Neh. xii., compare 1 Chr. xxiv.). The same 
principle must be borne in mind in interpreting any 
particular genealogy. Again, when a pedigree was 
abbreviated, it would naturally specify such genera- 
tions as would indicate from what chief houses the 
person descended. But then as regards the chron- 
ological use of the Scripture genealogies, it follows 
from the above view that great caution is necessary 
in using them as measures of time, though they are 
invaluable for this purpose whenever we can be 
sure that they are complete. (Chronology ; Father ; 
Generation ; Son, &c.) Another feature in the 
Scripture genealogies which it is worth while to 
notice is the recurrence of the same name, or mod- 
ifications of the same name, such as Tobias, Tobit, 
Nathan, Mattatha, and even of names of the same 
signification, in the same family. The Jewish gene- 
alogies have two forms, one giving the generations 
in a descending, the other in an ascending scale. 
Examples of the descending form may be seen in 
Ru. iv. 18-22 ; 1 Chr. iii. ; Mat. i. Of the ascend- 
ing, 1 Chr. vi. 33-43 ; Ezr. vii. 1-5 ; Lk. iii. 23 ff. 
Females are named in genealogies when there is 
any thing remarkable about them, or when any 
right or property is transmitted through them. See 
Gen. xi. 29, xxii. 23, xxv. 1-4, xxxv. 22-26 ; Ex. vi. 
23; Num. xxvi. 33 ; 1 Chr. ii. 4, 19, 50, 35, &c. 

Gen-e-al'o-gy of Je sus Clirist. The N. T. gives 
us the genealogy of but one person, our Saviour 
(Mat. i. ; Lk. iii.). In regard to these two genea- 
logical records respecting our Lord Jesus Christ, 
two main theories have been held with various 
modifications : — the first, presented below, that 
both Matthew and Luke give the genealogy of 
Joseph 11, the reputed and legal father of Jesus 
(so Calvin, Grotius, Hug, Alford, Ellicott, Lord A. 
C. Hervey, Fairbairn, &c); the second that Mat- 
thew gives Joseph's genealogy, and Luke that of 
Mary (Mary, the Virgin), the mother of Jesus (so 
Luther, Calraet, Lightfoot, Michaelis, Kuinoel, Ols- 
hausen, Lange, Hales, Kitto, Robinson, &c). The 
following propositions will explain the true con- 
struction of these genealogies (so Lord A. C. Her- 
vey) : — 1. They are both the genealogies of Joseph, 
i. e. of Jesus Christ, as the reputed and legal son 
of Joseph and Mary. 2. The genealogy of Mat- 
thew is, as Grotius asserted, Joseph's genealogy as 
legal successor to the throne of David. That of 
Luke is Joseph's private genealogy, exhibiting his 
real birth, as David's son, and thus showing why 
he was heir to Solomon's crown. The simple prin- 
ciple that one evangelist exhibits that genealogy 
which contained the successive heirs to David's 
and Solomon's throne, while the other exhibits the 
paternal stem of him who was the heir, explains all 
the anomalies of the two pedigrees, their agree- 
ments as well as their discrepancies, and the cir- 
cumstance of their being two at all. 3. Mary, the 
mother of Jesus, was probably the daughter of 
Jacob, and first cousin to Joseph her husband. — 
But besides these main difficulties, as they have 
been thought to be, there are several others which 
cannot be passed over in any account, however 
concise, of the genealogies of Christ. The most 
startling is the total discrepancy between them 
both and that of Zerubbabel in the 0. T. (1 Chr. 
iii. 19-24). In this last, of seven sons of Zerub- 
babel, not one bears the name, or any thing like the 
name, of Rhesa or Abiud ; and of the next genera- 



tion not one bears the name, or any thing like the 
name, of Eliakim or Joanna, which are in the cor- 
responding generation in Matthew and Luke. Rhesa 
(so Lord A. C. Hervey) is not a name, but the Chal- 
dee title of the princes of the Captivity. It is very 
probable therefore that this title was placed against 
the name of Zerubbabel by some early Christian 
Jew, and thence crept into the text. If this be so, 
then Luke gives Joanna as the son of Zerubbabel. 
But Joanna is the very same name as Hananiah 8, 
the son of Zerubbabel according to 1 Chr. iii. 19. 
In Matthew this generation is omitted. In the next 
generation Lord A. C. Hervey identifies Matthew's 
Ab-jud (Abiud) with Luke's Juda 2, and both with 
Hodaiah of 1 Chr. iii. 24, by supposing the She- 
maiah 2 of 1 Chr. iii. 22 = the Shimei 5 of verse 
19. The next difficulty is the difference in the 
number of generations between the two genealogies. 
Matthew's division into three fourteens gives only 

42, while Luke, from Abraham to Christ inclusive, 
reckons 56, or, which is more to the point (since 
the generations between Abraham and David are 
the same in both genealogies), while Matthew 
reckons 28 from David to Christ, Luke reckons 

43, or 42 without Rhesa. But the genealogy itself 
supplies the explanation. In the second 14, in- 
cluding the kings, we know that three generations 
are omitted — Ahaziah, Joash, Amaziah — in order 
to reduce the generations from IV to 14: the dif- 
ference between these 17 and the 19 of Luke being 
very small. So it is obvious that the generations 
have been abridged in the same way in the third 
division to keep to the number 14. Another diffi- 
culty is the apparent deficiency in the number of 
the last 14, which seems to contain only 13 names; 
but Lord A. C. Hervey's explanation of this is, that 
either in the process of translation, or otherwise, 
the names of Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin are con- 
fused and expressed by the one name Jechonias. 
The last difficulty of sufficient importance to be 
mentioned here is a chronological one. In both 
the genealogies there are but three names between 
Salmon and David — Boaz, Obed, Jesse. But, ac- 
cording to the common chronology, from the en- 
trance into Canaan (when Salmon was come to 
man's estate) to the birth of David was 405 years, 
or from that to 500 years and upward. Now, for 
about an equal period, from Solomon to Jehoiachin, 
Luke's genealogy contains 20 .names. Lord A. C. 
Hervey maintains that therefore either the chro- 
nology or the genealogy is wrong, and asserts that 
shortening the interval between the Exodus and 
David by about 200 years, which brings it to the 
length indicated by the genealogies, does in the 
most remarkable manner bring Israelitish history 
into harmony with Egyptian, with the traditional 
Jewish date of the Exodus, with the fragment of 
Edomitish history preserved in Gen. xxxvi. 31-39, 
and with the internal evidence of the Israelitish 
history itself. (Chronology.) The following pedi- 
gree will exhibit the successive generations as given 
by the two Evangelists : — 



Accord- 


Adam 


Lk. Euoch 


ing to 






Lk. 


Seth 


Mathusala 




Enos 


Lamech 




1 

Cainan 


Noah 




Maleleel 


1 

Shem 




Jared 


Arpbaxad 



I 



GEN 



GEN 



327 



Lk. Cainan 
I 

Sala 
Heber 

Philec (Peleg) 
Eagau (Eeu) 
Saruch (Serug) 
Nachor 
* Thara (Terah) 

■ 1 i 

Accord- Abraham 
ing to 1 
Mat. and Isaac 
Lk. | 
Jacob 



Mat. and Lk. 



Judah 
I 

Pharez 

Esrom (Hezron) 
Aram (Ram) 
Aminadab 
Naason 

Salmon = Eachab 

Booz = Euth 

Qbed 
I 

Jesse 

Davld=Bath-sheba 
I 



Accord- Solomon 
ing to | 
, Mat. Eoboam 

Abia 

Asa 

Josaphat 



Accord- Nathan 
ing to | 
Lk. Mattatha 

Menan 

Melea 

Eliakim 



Joram (Ahaziab, 
Joash, Amaziah) 

Ozias 

Joatham 

Achaz 

Ezekias 

Manasses 
I 

Amon 

Josias 

I . . 
Jechonias (i. e. Je- 
hoiakim) and his 
brothers (i. e. Je- 
hoahaz, Zedekiah, 
and Shallum) 

Jechonias (i. e. Je- 
hoiachin), child- 
less 



(Mat. and Lk.) 



Jonan 
Joseph 
Juda 

a- 1 

Simeon 

Levi 
I 

Matthat 
I 

Jorim 

Eliezer 
I 

Jose 
I 
Elmodam 
Cosam 
Addi 
Melchi 
Neri 



His heir was 



. Salathiel 

Zorobabel (the Prince or Ehesa) 

Joanna (Hananiah, in 1 Chr. iii. 19, 
omitted by Matthew, i. 13) 

Juda, or Abiud (Hodaiah, 1 Chr. iii. 24) 



Mat. Eliakim 
Azor 
Sadoc 
Achim 
Eliud 
Eleazar 



Lk. - Joseph 

Semei 

Mattathias 

Maath 

Nagge 

Esli 

Naum 

Amos 

Mattathias 
I 



Lk. Joseph 
Janna 
Melchi 
Levi 

(Mat. and Lk.) | 
Mat. His heir was . . Matthan or Matthat 



Lk. 



Jacob 



(Mat. and Lk.) 



Heli 



Mary = Jacob's heir was 



Joseph 

Jesus, called Christ. 



Thus it will be seen that the whole number of 
generations from Adam to Christ, both inclusive, 
is 74, without the second Cainan and Rhesa. 

*Gen'cr-al (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). Army. 

Gen-er-a'tion (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of 
Heb. dor ; Chal. ddr ; Gr. genea, genesis in Mat. i. 
1, gennema in the phrase "generation (i. e. off- 
spring, progeny) of vipers," genos in 1 Pet. ii. 
9. 1. Abstract : — time, either definite or in- 
definite. The primary meaning of the Heb. dor 
is revolution: hence period of time. From the 
general idea of a period comes the more special 
notion of an age or generation of men, the ordinary 
period of human life. In the long-lived Patriarchal 
age, a generation seems to have been computed at 
100 years (Gen. xv. 16; compare 13, and Ex. xii. 
40) ; the latter reckoning, however, was the same 
which has been adopted by other civilized nations, 
viz., from thirty to forty years (Job xlii. 16). For 
generation = a definite period of time, see Gen. xv. 
16 ; Deut. xxiii. 3, 4, 8, &c. As an indefinite period 
of time : — for time past, see Deut. xxxii. 7 ; Is. lviii. 
12; for time future, see Ps. xlv. 17, Ixxii. 5, &c. 
" Generation " sometimes = history (Gen. v. 1, vi. 
9 ; Mat. i. 1, &c.) ; in Genesis ii. 4, a history of the 
origin (of the heavens and earth). 2. Concrete : — 
the men of an age, or time. So generation = con- 
temporaries (Is. liii. 8) ; posterity, especially in 
legal formula; (Lev. iii. 17, &c); fathers, or an- 
cestors (Ps. xlix. 19). Dropping the idea of time, 
generation = a race, or class of men. — In N. T. 
for the abstract and indefinite, see Lk. i. 50, Eph. 
iii. 21 (A. V. " ages "), future : Acts xv. 21 (A. V. 
"of old time"), Eph. iii. 5 (A. V. " ages"), past. 
For concrete, see Mat. xi. 16. Chronology ; Geneal- 
ogy. 

Ge-ncs'a-rcth [g as in get] (L. = Gennesaret) ap- 
pears in the edition of the A.V. of 1611, in Mark vi. 
53, and Luke v. 1, following the spelling of the Vul- 
gate. In Mat. xiv. 34 the A. V. originally followed 
the Received Greek Text — Genesaret. Gennesaret. 

Gen'e-sis [jen'e-sis] (Gr. origin, generation ; Heb. 
Beresliilh = " in the beginning "), the first book of 
the Law or Pentateuch. A. The book of Genesis 
has an interest and an importance to which no other 
document of antiquity can pretend. If not abso- 
lutely the oldest book in the world, it is the oldest 
which lays any claim to being a trustworthy history. 
If the religious books of other nations make any 
pretensions to vie with it in antiquity, in all other 
respects they are immeasurably inferior. Genesis 
is neither like the Hindoo Vedas, a collection of 
hymns more or less sublime ; nor like the Persian 
Zendavesta, a philosophic speculation on the origin 
of all things ; nor like the Chinese Yih-king, an un- 
intelligible jumble whose expositors could twist it 



328 



GEN 



GEN 



from a cosmological essay into a standard treatise 
on ethical philosophy. It is a history — a religious 
history. The earlier portion of the book, so far as 
the end of chapter xi., may be properly termed a 
history of the world ; the latter is a history of the 
fathers of the Jewish race. But from first to last it 
is a religious history. It is very important to bear 
in mind this religious aspect of the history if we 
would put ourselves in a position rightly to under- 
stand it. Of course the facts must be treated like 
any other historical facts, sifted in the same way, 
and subjected to the same laws of evidence. But 
if we would judge of the work as a whole we must 
not forget the evident aim of the writer. It is only 
in this way we can understand, e. g., why the his- 
tory of the Fall is given with so much minuteness 
of detail, whereas of whole generations of men we 
have nothing but a bare catalogue. And only in 
this way can we account for the fact that by far the 
greater portion of the book is occupied not with the 
fortunes of nations, but with the biographies of the 
three patriarchs, Abraham; Isaac; Jacob 1. — B. 
Unity and Design. That a distinct plan and method 
characterize the work is now generally admitted. 
What, then, is the plan of the writer ? First, we 
must bear in mind that Genesis is after all but a 
portion of a larger work. The five books of the 
Pentateuch form a consecutive whole : they are 
not merely a collection of ancient fragments loosely 
strung together, but a well-digested and connected 
composition. The great subject of this history is 
the establishment of the Theocracy. Its central 
point is the giving of the Law on Sinai, and the 
solemn covenant there ratified, whereby the Jewish 
nation was constituted " a kingdom of priests and a 
holy nation to Jehovah." The book of Genesis 
(with the first chapters of Exodus) describes the 
steps which led to the establishment of the Theoc- 
racy. Abraham is the father of the Jewish nation ; 
to Abraham the Land of Canaan is first given in 
promise. It is a part of the writer's plan to tell us 
what the Divine preparation of the world was, in 
order to show, first, the significance of the call of 
Abraham, and next, the true nature of the Jewish 
theocracy. He begins with the creation of the 
world, because the God who created the world and 
the God who revealed Himself to the fathers is the 
same God. The book of Genesis has thus a charac- 
ter at once special and universal. It embraces the 
world ; it speaks of God as the God of the whole 
human race. Its design is to show how God re- 
vealed Himself to the first fathers of the Jewish 
race, that He might make to Himself a nation who 
should be His witnesses in the midst of the earth. 
Five principal persons are the pillars, so to speak, 
on which the whole superstructure rests, Adam, 
Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. A specific 
plan is preserved throughout. The main purpose is 
never forgotten. God's relation to Israel holds the 
first place in the writer's mind. It is this which it 
is his object to convey. The history of that chosen 
seed, who were the heirs of the promise and the 
guardians of the Divine oracles, is the only history 
which interprets man's relation to God. By its 
light all others shine, and may be read when the 
time shall come. Meanwhile, as the different 
families drop off here and there from the principal 
stock, their course is briefly indicated. Beyond all 
doubt, then, we may trace in the book of Genesis in 
its present form a systematic plan. — C. Integrity. 
Granting that this unity of design, already noticed, 
leads to the conclusion that the work must have 



been by the same hand, are there any reasons for 
supposing that the author availed himself in its 
composition of earlier documents? and if so, are 
we still able by critical investigation to ascertain 
where they have been introduced into the body of 
the work? 1. Now it is almost impossible to read 
the book of Genesis with a critical eye without 
being struck with the great peculiarities of style 
and language which certain portions of it pre- 
sent. Thus, e. g., chapter ii. 3-iii. 24 is quite dif- 
ferent both from chapter i. and chapter iv. Again, 
chapter xiv. and (according to Jahn) chapter xxiii. 
are evidently separate documents transplanted in 
their original form without correction or modification 
into the existing work (so Mr. J. J. S. Perowne, origin- 
al author of this article). In fact there is nothing like 
uniformity of style till we come to the history of 
Joseph. 2. We are led to the same conclusion by 
the inscriptions which are prefixed to certain sec- 
tions, as ii. 4, v. 1, vi. 9, x. 1, xi. 10, 27, and seem 
to indicate so many older documents. 3. Lastly, 
the distinct use of the Divine names, Jehovah in 
some sections, and Elohirn (God) in others, is char- 
acteristic of two different writers. Astruc, a Bel- 
gian physician, was the first who broached the theory 
that Genesis was based on a collection of older docu- 
ments. Of these he professed to point out as many 
as twelve, the use of the Divine names, however, 
having in the first instance suggested the distinc- 
tion. Subsequently Eichhorn adopted this theory, 
so far as to admit that two documents, one (the 
earlier) Elohistic, and the other Jehovistic, were the 
main sources of the book, though he did not alto- 
gether exclude others. Since his time the theory 
has been maintained, but variously modified, by one 
class of critics (De Wette, Knobel, Tuch, Delitzsch, 
Ewald, Hupfeld, Davidson, &c), whilst another 
class (Hengstenberg, Keil, Baumgarten, Havernick, 
Banke, Kurtz, Turner, &c), has strenuously op- 
posed it. Hupfeld in 1853 thinks that he can dis- 
cover traces of three original records, an earlier 
Elohist, a Jehovist, and a later Elohist. These 
three documents were, according to him, subse- 
quently united and arranged by a fourth person, as 
editor of the whole. The advocates of the various 
theories in regard to documents disagree widely 
among themselves, some of them (e. g. De Wette, 
Ewald) having modified their views essentially at 
different times. (Pentateuch.) — D. Authenticity. 
Luther used to say, "Nihil pulchrius Genesi, nihil 
utilius," i. e. " Nothing is more beautiful, nothing 
more useful, than Genesis." But hard critics have 
tried all they can to mar its beauty and to detract 
from its utility. No book has met with more de- 
termined and unsparing assailants. To enumerate 
and to reply to all objections would be impossible. 
We will only refer to some of the most important. 
(1.) The story of Creation, as given in chapter i., 
has been set aside in two ways : first, by placing- it 
on the same level with other cosmogonies which are 
to be found in the sacred writings of all nations ; 
and next, by asserting that its statements are di- 
rectly contradicted by the discoveries of modem 
science, (a.) Now, when we compare the Biblical 
with all other known cosmogonies, we are imme- 
diately struck with the great moral superiority of 
the former. There is no confusion here between 
the Divine Creator and His work. God is before 
all things, God creates all things : this is the sub- 
lime assertion of the Hebrew writer. All the cos- 
mogonies of the heathen world are either Dualistic, 
i. e. they regard God and matter as two eternal 



GEN 



GEN 



329 



coexistent principles ; or they are Pantheistic, i. e. 
they confound God and matter, making the material 
universe a kind of emanation from the great Spirit 
which informs the mass, (b.) In regard to the ob- 
jections which have been urged from the results of 
modem discovery against the literal truth of this 
chapter, see Chronology ; Creation ; Day ; Earth ; 
Firmament ; Man, &c. (2.) To the description of 
Paradise, and the history of the Fall and of the 
Deluge, very similar remarks apply. All nations 
have their own version of these facts. But if there 
be any one original source of these traditions, any 
root from which they diverged, we cannot doubt 
where to look for it. The earliest record of these 
momentous facts is that preserved in the Bible. 
(Adam; Eden; Noah; Satan; Serpent, &c.) (3.) 
When we come down to a later period in the narra- 
tive, where we have the opportunity of testing the 
accuracy of the historian, we find it in many of the 
most important particulars abundantly corrobo- 
rated. One of the strongest proofs of the bona fide 
historical character of the earlier portion of Genesis 
is to be found in the valuable ethnological catalogue 
contained in chapter x. (4.) As to the fact implied 
in the dispersion (xi. 1 ff. ; Babel, Tower of), that all 
languages had one origin, philological research has 
not as yet been carried far enough to lead to any 
very certain result. The most that has been effected 
is a classification of languages in three great families. 
(Tongues, Confusion of.) (5.) Another fact, which 
rests on the authority of the earlier chapters of Gen- 
esis, the derivation of the whole human race from 
a single pair, has been abundantly confirmed by re- 
cent investigations. (Adam ; Man.) (6.) Suspicion 
has been cast upon the credibility of the narrative, 
because three stories are found in three distinct 
portions of the Book, which in their main features 
no doubt present a striking similarity to one an- 
other (xii. 10-20, xx., xxvi. 1-11). These, it is 
said, are clearly only three different versions of the 
same story. But all men repeat themselves, and 
even repeat their mistakes. Abraham might have 
been guilty twice of the same sinful cowardice ; and 
Isaac might, in similar circumstances, have copied 
his father's example, calling it wisdom. There is a 
further difficulty about the age of Sarah at the time 
of the first occurrence (xii. 11, 14). But as she 
lived to the age of 127, she was then only in middle 
life, corresponding to a woman now at 35 or 40. 
It is a minute criticism, hardly worth answering, 
which tries to cast suspicion on the veracity of the 
writer, because of difficulties such as these. The 
positive evidence is overwhelming in favor of his 
credibility. The patriarchal tent beneath the shade 
of some spreading tree, the wealth of flocks and 
herds, the free and generous hospitality to stran- 
gers, the strife for the well, the purchase of the cave 
of Machpelah for a burial-place — we feel at once 
that these are no inventions of a later writer in 
more civilized times. So again, what can be more 
lifelike, more touchingly beautiful, than the picture 
of Hagar and Ishmael, the meeting of Abraham's 
servant with Rebekah, or of Jacob with Rachel at 
the well of Haran ? There is a fidelity in the minu- 
test incidents which convinces us that we are read- 
ing history, not fable. Or can any thing more com- 
pletely transport us into patriarchal times than the 
battle of the kings and the interview between 
Abraham and Melchizedec ? Passing on to a later 
portion of the Book, we find the writer evincing 
the most accurate knowledge of the state of society 
in Egypt. (Bible; Canon; Inspiration; Miracles.) 



— E. Author and dale of composition. Moses ; Pen- 
tateuch. 

Gtu-ne'sar [g as in get] (Gr. = Gennesaret), The 
Wa ter of (1 Mc. xi. 67). Gennesaret. 

Geil-nes'a-ret [g as in get] (Gr. fr. Heb. = gar- 
dens of the prince, Stanley, &c. ; but probably from 
Chinnereth), Land of. After the miracle of feed- 
ing the five thousand, our Lord and His disciples 
crossed the Lake of Gennesaret and came to the 
other side, at a place which is called " the land of 
Gennesaret " (Mat. xiv. 34 ; Mk. vi. 53). It is gen- 
erally believed that this term was applied to the 
fertile crescent-shaped plain on the western shore 
of the lake, extending from Khan Minyeh on the 
N. to the steep hill behind Mejdel on the S., and 
called by the Arabs el-Ghuweir, "the little Ghdr." 
(Arab ah.) Mr. Porter gives the length as three 
miles, and the greatest breadth as about one mile ; 
Thomson (i. 536) makes it about four miles by two. 
Additional interest is given to the land of Gennesa- 
ret, or el- Ghuweir, by the probability that its scenery 
suggested the parable of the Sower. Josephus says 
the soil was so rich that every plant flourished ; but 
it " is now preeminently fruitful in thorns " (Thom- 
son). Gennesaret, Sea of. 

Gen-nes'a-ret (see above), Sea of, called in the 
O. T. " the sea of Chinnereth," or " Chinneroth " 
(Num. xxxiv. 11 ; Josh. xii. 3), from a town of that 
name on or near its shore (Josh. xix. 35). At its 
N. W. angle was a beautiful and fertile plain called 
" the land of Gennesaret " (see above) (Mat. xiv. 
34), from which the name of the lake was taken. 
The lake is also called in the N. T. " the sea of 
Galilee," from the province of Galilee which bor- 
dered on its western side (Mat. iv. IS ; Mk. vii. 31 ; 
Jn. vi. 1); and "the sea of Tiberias," from the 
celebrated city (vi. 1). Its modern name is 
Bahr Tubariyeh ~ Sea of Tiberias. Most of our 
Lord's public life was spent at or near the Sea 
of Gennesaret. This region was then the most 
densely peopled in all Palestine. Nine cities stood 
on the shores of the lake, but seven of them are 
now uninhabited ruins. (Bethsaida ; Capernaum ; 
Magdala ; Tiberias, &c.) The Sea of Gennesaret is 
of an oval shape, about thirteen geographical miles 
long, and six broad. (See the cut on p. 330.) The 
river Jordan enters it at its N. end, and passes out 
at its S. end. In fact, the bed of the lake is just a 
lower section of the great Jordan valley. Its most 
remarkable feature is its deep depression, being no 
less than seven hundred feet below the level of the 
ocean. The scenery is bleak and monotonous. The 
great depression makes the climate of the shores 
almost tropical. This is very sensibly felt by the 
traveller in going down from the plains of Galilee. 
In summer the heat is intense, and even in early 
spring the air has something of an Egyptian balmi- 
nesS. The water of the lake is sweet, cool, and 
transparent; and as the beach is everywhere pebbly 
it has a beautiful sparkling look. It abounds in 
fish now as in ancient times. The fishery, like the 
soil of the surrounding country, is sadly neglected. 
One little crazy boat is the sole representative of 
the fleets that covered the lake in N. T. times. 

Geu-ne'ns [g as in get] (fr. Gr. = high-born), 
father of Apollonius 4 (2 Mc. xii. 2). 

Gen'tiles [jen'tilez]. I. Old Testament. The Heb. 
pi. goi/im, translated " Gentiles " (Gen. x. 5 ; Judg. 
iv. 2,'l3, 16 ; Is. xi. 10, xlii. 1, 6, &c), "nations " 
(Gen. x. 5, 20, 31, 32, xiv. 1, 9, xvii. 4 ff., &c), 
"heathen" (Neh. v. 8; Ps. ii. 1, 8, &c), = the 
nations, the surrounding nations, foreigners as op- 



330 



GEN 



GER 




Sea of Gennesaret 



posed to Israel. It acquired an. ethnographic and 
also an invidious meaning, as other nations were 
idolatrous, rude, hostile, &c.,yet the Jews were able 
to use it in a purely technical, geographical sense, 
when it is usually translated "nations." The Eeb. 
sing, goy, usually translated " nation," is applied to 
the Jewish nation among others. — II. New Testa- 
ment. 1. The Gr. cthnos in sing. = a people or 
" nation " (Mat. xxiv. 7 ; Acts ii. 5, &c), and even 
the Jewish people (Lk. vii. 5, xxiii. 2, &c). In the 
pi. it — " heathen," " gentiles." 2. The Gr. Hellen 
(= Greek) is usually translated "Greek " (Jn. xii. 
20; Acts xiv. 1, xvii. 4; Rom. i. 16, x. 12, &c), 
gometimes " Gentile " as opposed to "Jew" (Jn. 

vii. 35; Rom. ii. 9, 10, hi. 9; 1 Cor. x. 32, xii. 13). 
The latter use of the word seems to have arisen 
from the almost universal adoption of the Greek 
language. Greece ; compare Barbarian. 

Ge-nn'bath [g as in get] (Heb. theft, Ges.), son 
of the Edomite Hadad 4 by the sister of Tahpenes, 
queen of the Pharaoh who governed Egypt in the 
latter part of David's reign. Genubath was born 
in Pharaoh's palace, and became a member of the 
royal establishment (1 K. xi. 20; compare 16). 

* Ge-og'ra-phy [-jee-]. Eaeth ; Palestine, &c. 

Ge'on (g as in get] (Gr.) = Gihon, one of the four 
rivers of Eden (Ecclus. xxiv. 27). 

Ge'ra (Heb. a grain, Ges.), one of the " sons " 
(i. e. descendants) of Benjamin, enumerated in Gen. 
xlvi. 21, as already living at the time of Jacob's mi- 
gration into Egypt. He was son of Bela (1 Chr. 

viii. 3). Lord A. C. Hervey regards the text of 
this last passage as corrupt, and the different Geras 
named in verses 3, 5, 7, as = the son of Bela. He 
also supposes Gera the ancestor of Ehud ( Judg. iiL 
15), and of Shimei (2 Sam. xvi. 5) to be the same 
person (compare Ahiah 3 ; Naaman 2). 

Ge'rah (Heb. a grain, berry, Ges.). Weights 
and Measures. 



Ge'rar (Heb. a sojourn, lodging-place, Sim.), a 
very ancient city S. of Gaza. It occurs chiefly in 
Genesis (x. 19, xx. 1, xxvi. 16); also incidentally in 
2 Chr. xiv. 13, 14. In Genesis the people are 
spoken of as Philistines; their king was Abimelech, 
and Phichol " the chief captain of his host." 
Their territory must have trenched on the "South" 
or " South country " of later Palestine. From a 
comparison of Gen. xxi. 32 with xxvi. 23, 26, Beer- 
sheba seems to be just on the verge of this territory, 
perhaps its limit toward the N. E. For its southern 
boundary, though very uncertain, none is more 
probable than the Wadys El 'Arish ("River of 
Egypt") and El 'Am, about forty-five miles from 
Gaza ; S. of which the neighboring " wilderness of 
Paran " (xx. 15, xxi. 22, 34) may be probably reck- 
oned to begin. Isaac was probably born in Gerar. 
The great crops which he subsequently raised at- 
test the fertility of the soil. Abraham and Isaac 
both denied their wives in Gerar. A large mound 
or ancient site, with traces of an extensive city, is 
said to exist near Wady Sherfah, three hours S. S. E. 
of Gaza, and this place, called Khirbet el Jerdr, 
sometimes Joorf el Jerdr, Mr. Hayman supposes 
may indicate the N. limit of the territory, if not 
the site of the town. Rowlands (in Fairbairn, art. 
Rehoboth) identifies it positively with the ancient 
city of Gerar, and considers the region S. and S. E. 
of Gaza, to the base of Jcbel Rakhmeh (a range of 
mountains, extending from N. E. to S. W., at about 
forty miles S. E. of Gaza), as constituting the land 
of Gerar. Wilton (The Negeb) believes that, though 
the metropolis may have been at Khirbet el Jerdr, 
" the valley of Gerar " = Wady el-Jerur about sixty 
miles S. of Gaza. Robinson and Kitto favor Wady 
Sheri'ah or one of its branches as = the valley of 
Gerar; Mr. Hayman prefers the Wadyel-Ain, about 
forty-five miles south of Gaza. 

Ger'a-sa [g as in get] (Gr.). This name does not 



GER 



GER 



331 



occur in the 0. T., or in the Received Text of the 
N. T. But some MSS. and critical editions have, 
in Mat. viii. 28, " Gerasenes " instead of " Gada- 
renes " or " Gergesenes." Gerasa was a celebrated 
city on the eastern borders of Peraea. It is situated 
amid the mountains of Gilead, twenty miles E. of 
the Jordan, and twenty-five miles N. of Philadelphia, 
the ancient Rabbath-Ammon. It is not known when 
or by whom Gerasa was founded. It is first men- 
tioned by Josephus as captured by Alexander Jan- 
naeus (cir. b. c. 85). It is indebted for its architec- 
tural splendor to the age and genius of the Anto- 
nines (a. d. 138-180). The ruins of Gerasa (modern 
Jerash) are by far the most beautiful and extensive 
E. of the Jordan. They are situated on both sides 
of a shallow valley that runs from N. to S. through 
a high undulating plain, and falls into the Zurka 
(the ancient Jabbok) at the distance of about five 
miles. The form of the city is an irregular square, 
each side measuring nearly one mile. Within the 
city upward of 230 columns remain on their pedes- 
tals ; heavy masses of masonry distinguish the po- 
sitions of the great theatres ; three gateways are 
still nearly perfect. 

* Gcr-a-sencs' [ger-a-seenz'] (fr. Gr.) = natives 
or inhabitants of Gerasa. Gergesenes. 

Ger-ge-senes' [g as in get ; -seenz] (fr. Gr. = in- 
habitants of the city of Gergesa, on the E. shore of 
the Sea of Galilee [so Origen]), (Mat. viii. 28 in 
A. V., and Received Greek Text). Thomson (ii. 34) 
identifies Gergesa with ruins at Kerza or Gersa, about 
the middle of the eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee. 
Gadara and Gerasa. 

Ger'ge-sitcs [g as in get], the = the Girgashites 
(Jd. v. 16). 

Ger'i-ziin [g as in get] (fr. Heb. = mountain of 
the Gerizites, Ges.), a mountain designated by 
Moses, in conjunction with Mount Ebal, to be the 
scene of a great solemnity upon the entrance of 
the children of Israel into the promised land. High 
places had a peculiar charm attached to them in 
these days of external observance. The law was 
delivered from Sinai : the blessings and curses af- 
fixed to the performance or neglect of it were di- 
rected to be pronounced upon Gerizim and Ebal 
(Deut. xxvii. ; Josh. viii.). The next question is, 
Has Moses defined the localities of Ebal and Geri- 
zim ? Standing on the E. side of the Jordan, in 
the land of Moab (Deut. i. 5), he asks : " Are they 
not on the other side Jordan, by the way where the 
sun goeth down (i. e. at some distance to the W.), 
in the land of the Canaanites, which dwell in the 
champaign over against Gilgal, beside the plains of 
Moreh ? " There is no room for doubting the Scrip- 
tural position of Ebal and Gerizim to have been 
— where they are now placed — in the territory of 
the tribe of Ephraim ; the latter of them overhang- 
ing the city of Shechem. Jotham 1, standing on 
the crest of one of the cliffs, uttered his parable in 
the hearing of the people below (Judg. ix. 7 ff), 
the ascent being so difficult that he could escape 
before any of Abimelech's followers could climb the 
hill (Porter, in Kitto). Mr. Ffoulkes and Dean Stan- 
ley (24V f.) are inclined to accept the Samaritan 
tradition that Gerizim was that " one of the moun- 
tains " in " the land of Moriah " 1 ( = Moreh 1 in 
their view) on which Abraham was directed to offer 
his son Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2 ff). But Mr. Porter (in Kit.) 
and Dr. Thomson (ii. 212) reject this tradition, the 
eighty to one hundred miles from Beer-sheba (com- 
pare xxi. 33, xxii. 4) to Gerizim being altogether too 
great a distance to be traversed in that country in 



less than three days by the ass and men on foot, bur- 
dened, as they all were ( ver. 3 if.). Another tradition, 
that Mount Gerizim was the spot where Melchizedek 
met Abraham (xiv. 18), is accepted by Stanley (246), 
but rejected by Mr. Ffoulkes, Porter, Thomson, &c., 
as too far from Abraham's route by the Jordan Val- 
ley and from Sodom (Gen. xiv. 15 ff.). (Salem 1.) — 
The altar which Jacob built was not on Gerizim, as 
the Samaritans contend, though probably about its 
base, at the head of the plain between it and Ebal, 
" in the parcel of a field " which that patriarch pur- 
chased from the children of Hamor, and where he 
spread his tent (xxxiii. 18-20). Here was likewise 
his well (Jn. iv. 6), and the tomb of his son Joseph 
(Josh. xxiv. 32), both of which are still shown. — We 
now enter upon the second phase in the history of 
Gerizim. According to Josephus, a marriage con- 
tracted between Manasseh, brother of the high-priest 
Jaddua, and the daughter of Sanballat, having 
created a great stir amongst the Jews, who had 
been strictly forbidden to contract alien marriages 
(Ezr. ix. 2 ; Neh. xiii. 23), Sanballat, in order to 
reconcile his son-in-law to this unpopular affinity, 
obtained leave from Alexander the Great to build a 
temple upon Mount Gerizim, and to inaugurate 
there a rival priesthood and altar to those of Jerusa- 
lem. " Samaria thenceforth," says Prideaux, " be- 
came the common refuge and asylum of the refrac- 
tory Jews." Hyrcanus destroyed the temple on 
Gerizim, after it had stood there 200 years. Massive 
existing foundations are regarded by Thomson (ii. 
213 f.) as the remains of the temple, the main build- 
ing being 241 feet by 255. Robinson (ii. 278) and 
Porter (in Kitto) suppose them to belong to a for- 
tress erected by the Emperor Justinian round a 
Christian church built there after the Samaritans 
(Samaria 3) were driven from Gerizim a. d. 487. 
The Samaritans have now no temple or altar on the 
mountain, but they still worship there, and their 
holiest place is a little S. of the ruins just men- 
tioned. Gerizim is still to the Samaritans what Je- 
rusalem is to the Jews, and Mecca to the Moham- 
medans. 
Ger'i-zites. Gerzites. 

G«r-rhe'ni-ans (fr. Gr., see below), the (2 Me. xiii. 
24 only), according to Grotius = inhabitants of the 
town Gerrhon or Gerrha, between Pelusium, in 
Egypt, and Wady el-Arish. Ewald, with greater 
probability, conjectures that the inhabitants of the 
ancient city of Gerar are meant. 

Ger'shom (Heb., see below). 1. The first-born son 
of Moses and Zipporah (Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3). The 
name is explained in these passages as = " a 
stranger there " (margin), in allusion to Moses' being 
a foreigner in Midian — " For he said, I have been a 
stranger (Ger) in a foreign land." Its true mean- 
ing, taking it as a Hebrew word, is " expulsion " (so 
Mr. Grove, after Gesenius) ; Fiirst interprets banish- 
ment, exile ; Josephus, Kitto, Fairbairn, &c, agree 
with Exodus. The circumcision of Gershom is prob- 
ably related in Ex. iv. 25. Gershom was ancestor 
of Jonathan 5 and Shebuel 1. — 2. Gershon, the 
eldest son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 16, 17, 20_, 43, 62, 71, 
xv. 7). — 3. The representative of the priestly family 
of Phinehas, among those who accompanied Ezra 
from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 2) ; = Gerson. 

Ger'shon (Heb. expulsion, Ges.), the eldest of the 
three sons of Levi, born before the descent of 
Jacob's family into Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 11 ; Ex. vi. 
16). But the families of Gershon were outstripped 
in fame by their younger brethren of Kohath, from 
whom sprang Moses and the priestly line of Aaron. 



332 



GER 



GET 



At the census in the wilderness of Sinai, the whole 
number of the males of the sons of Gershon was 
7,500 (Num. iii. 22), midway between the Kohathites 
and the Merarites. Gershon's sons were Libni 1 
and Shimi or Shimei 1. Asaph 1 "the seer" was 
descended from Gershon. The sons of Gershon 
had charge of the fabrics of the Tabernacle — the 
coverings, curtains, hangings, and cords (iii. 25, 26, 
iv. 25, 26) ; for the transport of these they had two 
covered wagons and four oxen (vii. 3, 7). In the 
encampment their station was behind the Taber- 
nacle, on the W. side (iii. 23). In the apportion- 
ment of the Levitical cities thirteen fell to the Ger- 
shonites. These were in the northern tribes — two 
in Manasseh beyond Jordan, four in Issachar, four 
in Asher, and three in Naphtali. Gershom 2 ; Ger- 
shonites; Levites. 

Ger'shon-itcs (fr. Heb.), the = the family descend- 
ed from Gershon or Gershom, the son of Levi 
(Num. iii. 21, 23, 24, iv. 24, 27, xxvi. 57 ; Josh. xxi. 
33 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 7 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 12). '" The Ger- 
shonite" (= descendant of Gershon or Gershom), 
as applied to individuals, occurs in 1 Chr. xxvi. 21 
(Laadan), xxix. 8 (Jehiel). 

Ger son (Gr.) = Gershom 3 (1 Esd. viii. 29). 

Ger'zites (fr. Heb. = dwelling in a shorn or desert 
land, Ges.), the, a tribe who, with the Geshurites 
and the Amalekites occupied the land between the 
S. of Palestine and Egypt in the time of Saul (1 
Sam. xxvii. 8, margin). (Gezrites.) In the name 
of Mount Gerizim we have (so Mr. Grove and Stan- 
ley, after Gesenius) the only remaining trace of the 
presence of this old nomadic tribe in central Pal- 
estine. 

Ge'sem (Gr. = Goshen), the Land of, the Greek 
form of Goshen (Jd. i. 9). 

Ge'sham (fr. Heb. = filthy, Ges. ; properly " Ge- 



shan," as in A. V. of 1611), one of the sons of Jah- 
dai, in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 47). 

Gc'shem (Heb. = rain, Ges.), and Gash nin, an 
Arabian (Neh. ii. 19, vi. 1, 2, 6); probably an in- 
habitant of Arabia Petroea, or of the Arabian Desert, 
and chief of a tribe. Geshem, like Sanballat and 
Tobiah, seems to have been one of the " governors 
beyond the river," to whom Nehemiah came, whose 
mission "grieved them exceedingly" (Neh. ii. 7, 
10). The endeavors of these confederates and their 
failure are recorded in chapters ii., iv., vi. 

Ge'shur (Heb. a bridge), a little principality in the 
N. E. corner of Bashan, adjoining the province of 
Argob (Deut. iii. 14), and the kingdom of Aram 
(" Syria " in the A. V. ; 2 Sam. xv. 8 ; compare 1 
Chr. ii. 23). It was within the allotted territory of 
Manasseh, but its inhabitants were never expelled. 
Probably Geshur was (so Porter) a section of the 
wild and rugged region now called el-Lejah. King 
David married the daughter of Talmai 2, king of 
Geshur. Geshuri. 

Gesh'u-ri (Heb. = Geshtcrite, or inhabitant of 
Geshur, Ges.), and Gesh'u-rites. \. The inhabitants 
of Geshdr (Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 13). 
— 2. An ancient tribe which dwelt in the desert 
between Arabia and Philistia (Josh. xiii. 2 ; 1 Sam. 
xxvii. 8). 

Gc'thcr (Heb. fear, Hiller, Sim.; dregs? Ayre), 
the third in order of the sons of Aram (Gen. x. 23). 
No satisfactory trace of the people sprung from this 
stock has been found. 

Geth-sem'a-nc (Gr. fr. Aram. = oil-press? Rbn. 
iV. T. Lex.), a small " farm " (A. V. " place ; " Mat. 
xxvi. 36 ; Mk. xiv. 32), situated across the brook 
Kidron (Jn. xviii. 1), probably at the foot of Mount 
Olivet (Lk. xxii. 39 ; Olives, Mount of), to the 
N. W., and about one-half or three-fourths of a 




S. E. View of Old Olive-Trees in GethEemane.— From a Photograph by J. Graham.— (Ayre.) 

mile English from the walls of Jerusalem. There | to which the olive, fig, and pomegranate doubtless 
was a " garden," or rather orchard, attached to it, | invited resort by their hospitable shade. And we 



GEU 



GIA 



333 



know from Lk. xxii. 39 and Jn. xviii. 2 that our 
Lord ofttimes resorted thither with hia disciples. 
According to Josephus, the suburbs of Jerusalem 
abounded with gardens and pleasure-grounds. But 
Gethsemane has not come down to us as a scene 
of mirth ; its inexhaustible associations are the 
offspring of a single event — the Agony of the Son 
of God on the evening preceding His Passion. A 
modern garden, in which are eight venerable olive- 
trees, and a grotto to the N., detached from it, and 
in closer connection with the Church of the Sep- 
ulchre of the Virgin — both securely enclosed and 
under lock and key — are pointed out by the Latins, 
as making up the true Gethsemane. Against the 
contemporary antiquity of the olive-trees, it has 
been urged that Titus cut down all the trees round 
about Jerusalem. Probably they were planted by 
Christian hands to mark the spot ; unless, like 
the sacred olive of the Acropolis, they may have 
reproduced themselves. The Greeks claim that 
they have the true site of Gethsemane a little N. 
of that held by the Latins. Thomson (ii. 483-4) be- 
lieves both these sites are too near the city and 
too close to the great thoroughfare to the B., and 
would place the garden in the secluded vale several 
hundred yards N. E. of them. 

Geu'el (Heb. majesty of God, Ges.), son of Machi ; 
the Gadite spy (Num. xiii. 15). 

Gezer (Heb., probably = a sleep place, precipice, 
Ges.), an ancient city of Canaan, whose king, 
Horam, coming to the assistance of Lachish, 
was killed with all his people by Joshua (Josh. x. 
33, xii. 12). The town, however, is not said to have 
been destroyed. It formed one of the landmarks 
on the S. boundary of Ephraim, between the lower 
Beth-horon and the Mediterranean (xvi. 3), the W. 
limit of the tribe (1 Chr. vii. 28). It was allotted 
with its suburbs to the Kohathite Levites (Josh, 
xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. vi. 67) ■ but the original inhabitants 
were not dispossessed (Judg. i. 29) ; and even down 
to the reign of Solomon the Canaanites were still 
dwelling there, and paying tribute to Israel (1 K. 
ix. 16). Ewald takes Gezer = Geshur. In one 
place Gob is given as = Gezer (1 Chr. xx. 4 ; com- 
pare 2 Sam. xxi. 18). The exact site of Gezer has 
not been discovered. Perhaps the strongest claims 
for identity with Gezer are put forward by a vil- 
lage called Yasur, four or five miles E. of Joppa, 
on the road to Ramleh and Lydd. Gazara ; Gazer ; 
Gazera ; Gezrites. 

Gez'rites (from Heb. sing. Gizri, probably = in- 
habitant of Gezer, Ges.), in the text of the A. V., 
corresponds to the Keri or marginal reading of the 
Heb. Bible, the Heb. text having Girzi translated 
" Gerzites " in the A. V. margin (1 Sam. xxvii. 8). 

* Gliost = spirit, applied especially to the Holy 
Spirit. Spirit, the Holt. 

Gi'ah (Heb. breaking forth, sc. of a fountain, 
Ges.), a place named only in 2 Sam. ii. 24, to desig- 
nate the position of the hill Ammah. 

Wants [g as _;']. 1. They are first spoken of in 
Gen. vi. 4, under the Heb. name nephilim. The 
Heb. word is derived either from pdl&h or paid (= 
marvellous), or, as is generally believed, from ndphal, 
either in the sense to throw down, or to fall ( = 
fallen angels; compare Is. xiv. 12; Lk. x. 18). 
Gesenius prefers to rush into or fall upon. That the 
word means "giant" is clear from Num. xiii. 32, 
33. But in Gen. vi. 1-4, we are told that " there 
were nephilim (A. V. ' giants ') in the earth," and 
that afterward the " sons of God " mingling with 
the beautiful " daughters of men " produced a race 



of violent and insolent gibborim (A. V. "mighty 
men," see No. 2 below). The genealogy of the 
nephilim, or at any rate of the earliest nephilim, is 
not recorded in Scripture, and the name itself is 
so mysterious that we are lost in conjecture re- 
specting them. — 2. The sons of the marriages 
mentioned in Gen. vi. 1-4 are called in Hebrew 
gibborim, a general name = powerful (A. V. 
" mighty men.") (Nimrod.) They were not neces- 
sarily giants in our sense of the word. Yet, as 
was natural, these powerful chiefs were almost 
universally represented as men of extraordinary 
stature. But who were the parents of these giants ? 
who are " the sons of God " ? The opinions are 
various: — (1.) Men of power, or of high rank (Tar- 
gum of Onkelos, Samaritan Version, Symmachus, 
Selden, &c). (2.) Men with great gifts " in the 
image of God" (Putter, Schumann). (3.) Descend- 
ants of Cain arrogantly assuming the title (Paulus). 
(4.) The pious descendants of Seth (compare Gen. 
iv. 26) (Augustine, Chrysostom, Theodoret, and a 
host of modern commentators). (5.) Worshippers 
of false gods (R. S. Poole). (6.) Devils or demons 
(Cabbalists). (Asmodeus.) (7.) Angels (LXX., Jo- 
sephus, Philo, most of the older Church Fathers, 
&c). The rare expression " sons of God " = angels 
in Job xxxviii. 7, i. 6, ii. 1, and that such is the 
meaning in Gjen. vi. 4 also, was the most prevalent 
opinion both in the Jewish and early Christian 
Church. Probably this very ancient view gave 
rise to the spurious Book of Enoch (Enoch, Book 
of), and the notion supposed to be quoted from 
it by St. Jude (ver. 6), and alluded to by St. Peter (2 
Pet. ii. 4 ; compare 1 Cor. xi. 10). Milton alludes 
to the interpretation in Paradise Regained, ii. 179. 
— The next race of giants mentioned in Scripture 
is, 3. " The Rephaim," a name which frequently oc- 
curs, and in some remarkable passages. The ear- 
liest mention of them is the record of their defeat 
by Chedorlaomer and some allied kings at Ashte- 
roth-karnaim (Gen. xiv. 5). Extirpated, however, 
from the E. of Palestine, they long found a home 
in the W. (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ff. ; 1 Chr. xx. 4). Prob- 
ably they had possessed districts W. of the Jor- 
dan in early times, since the " Valley of Rephaim " 
(2 Sam. v. 18; 1 Chr. xi. 15; Is. xvii. 5), a rich 
valley S. W. of Jerusalem, derived its name from 
them. They were probably one of those aborigi- 
nal people, to whose existence the traditions of 
many nations testify, and of whose genealogy the 
Bible gives us no information. Some suppose 
them to be descendants from Japheth. In A.V. the 
words used for it are " Rephaim," " giants," and 
" the dead." That it has the latter meaning in 
many passages is certain (Ps. lxxxviii. 10 ; Prov. 
ii. 18, ix. 18, xxi. 16 ; Is. xxvi. 14, 19). An atten- 
tive consideration seems to leave little room for 
doubt that the dead were called Rephaim, from 
some notion of Shedl (A.V. "hell") being the 
residence of the fallen spirits or buried giants. 
Branches of this great unknown people were called 
Emim, Anakim, and Zuzim (Goliath ; Og ; Rapha 
1, &c). — No one has yet proved by experience the 
possibility of giant races materially exceeding in 
size the average height of man. There is no great 
variation in the ordinary standard. The most 
stunted tribes of Esquimaux are at least four feet 
high, and the tallest races of America (e. g. the 
Guayaquilists and people of Paraguay) do not exceed 
six and a half feet. The general belief (until very 
recent times) in the existence of fabulously enor- 
mous men arose from fancied giant-graves, and 



334 



GIB 



GIB 



above all, from the discovery of huge bones, which 
were taken for those of men, in days when com- 
parative anatomy was unknown. On the other 
hand, isolated instances of monstrosity (seven, 
eight, to ten feet high) are sufficiently attested to 
prove that beings like Goliath and his kinsmen 
may have existed. 

Gibbar [g as in get] (Heb. mighty man, hero, war- 
rior, Ges. ). Ninety-five " children of Gibbar " 
(Gibeon in Neh. vii.) returned with Zerubbabel 
from Babylon (Ezr. ii. 20). 

Gib'bc-thon (Heb. a height, hill, Ges.), a town al- 
lotted to the tribe of Dan (Josh. xix. 44), and after- 
ward given to the Kohathite Levites (xxi. 23). 
The Philistines held it when Nadab, and afterward 
Omri besieged it (1 K. xv. 27, xvi. 15, 17). In the 
Onomasticon (Gabathon) it is quoted as a small 
village called Gabe, in the seventeenth mile from 
Cesarea. No name at all resembling it has, how- 
ever, been discovered in that direction. 

Gib'e-a (Heb. hill, Ges.). Sheva, " the father of 
Macbenah," and " father of Gibeah," is mentioned 
with other names unmistakably those of places, 
and not of persons, among the descendants of 
Judah (1 Chr. ii. 49, compare 42). This would seem 
to point out Gibea as = Gibeah 1. On the other 
hand, Madmannah (ver. 49) recalls Madmenah, a 
town named in connection with Gibeah 4 (Is. x. 
31). 

Gib'e-ab (Heb. hill), like most words of this 
kind, gave name to several towns and places in 
Palestine, doubtless generally on or near a hill. 
They are — 1, A city in the mountain-district of 
Judah, named with Maon and the southern Carmel 
(Josh. xv. 57 ; and compare 1 Chr. ii. 49, &c), 
identified by Robinson, Wilson, and Porter with the 
little village of Jeb'ah, on an isolated hill, six or 
seven miles S. S. W. of Bethlehem. Mr. Grove 
thinks it must have been S. E. of Hebron at some 
undiscovered site. — 2. Gib e-atll, enumerated among 
the last group of the towns of Benjamin, next to 
Jerusalem (Josh, xviii. 28), is generally taken to be 
= "Gibeah of Benjamin" or "of Saul." But this 
was five or six miles N. of Jerusalem. The name 
being in the Hebrew " construct state " — Gibeath 
and not Gibeah — Mr. Grove asks, may it not belong 
to the following name Kirjath, and denote the hill 
adjoining that town ? — 3. The place in which the 
ark remained from the time of its return by the 
Philistines till its removal by David (2 Sam. vi. 3, 
4 ; compare 1 Sam. vii. 1, 2 ; see No. 2 above). — 4. 
Gib'e-ab of Ben'ja-min does not appear in the lists 
of the cities of Benjamin in Josh, xviii. (1.) We 
first encounter it in the tragical story of the Levite 
and his concubine (Judg. xix., xx.), where in many 
particulars of situation Gibeah agrees very closely 
with Tideil el-Ful, a conspicuous^ eminence, with a 
heap of ruins on its summit, just four miles N. of 
Jerusalem, to the right of the road (Kbn. i. 577 ff.). 
It was then a " city," with the usual open street or 
square (Judg. xix. 15, 17, 20), anaVcontaining 700 
" chosen men," probably slingers (xx. rS>,/16). (2.) We 
next meet with Gibeah of Benjamin during the Philis- 
tine wars of Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.). 
The Philistines were in possession of the village of 
Geba 1, the present Jeba, on the south side of the 
Wady Suweinit. S. of the Philistine camp, and 
about three miles in its rear, was Jonathan 1, in 
Gibeah of Benjamin, with a thousand chosen war- 
riors (xiii. 2). (3.) As " Gibeah of Benjamin " this 
place is referred to in 2 Sam. xxiii. 29 (compare 1 
Chr. xi. 31), and as "Gibeah" it is mentioned by 



Hosea (v. 8, ix. 9, x. 9), but it does not again appear 
in the history. It is, however, almost without doubt 
identical with — 5. Gib'e-ab of Saul. This is not 
mentioned as Saul's city till after his anointing (1 
Sam. x. 26), when he is said to have gone "home" 
to Gibeah. In the subsequent narrative the town 
bears its full name (xi. 4). The name of Saul has 
not been found in connection with any place of 
modern Palestine, but it existed as late as the days 
of Josephus, and an allusion of his has fortunately 
given the clew to the identification of the town with 
the spot which now bears the name of Tultil el-Ful. 
Josephus, describing Titus's march from Cesarea to 
Jerusalem, gives his route as through Samaria to 
Gophna, thence a day's march to a valley " called 
by the Jews the Valley of Thorns, near a certain 
village called Gabathsaoule, distant from Jerusalem 
about thirty stadia," i. e. just the distance of Tuleil 
el-Ful. Here he was joined by a part of his army 
from Emmaus (Nicopolis), who would naturally come 
up the road by Btth-horon and Gibeon, the same 
which still falls into the northern road close to 
Tuleil el-Ful. In both these respects therefore the 
agreement is complete, and Gibeah of Benjamin must 
be taken as = Gibeah of Saul. In 1 Sam. xxii. 6, 
xxiii. 19, xxvi. 1, " Gibeah " doubtless = Gibeah of 
Saul. — 6. Gib'e-ali in the Field, named only in 
Judg. xx. 31, as the place to which one of the 
" highways " led from Gibeah of Benjamin ; probably 
= Geba 1. — 7. There are several other names com- 
pounded of Gibeah, which are translated in the 
A. V. ; (1.) the " hill of the foreskins" (Josh. v. 3) 
(Gilgai, 1); (2.) the "hill of Phinehas" in Mount 
Ephraim (xxiv. 33) ; (3.) the " hill of Moreh " 
(Judg. vii. 1); (4.) the "hill of God" (1 Sam. x.5); 
(5.) the "hill of Hachilah "(xxiii. 19); (6.) the "hill 
of Ammah" (2 Sam. ii. 24); (7.) the "hill Gareb" 
(Jer. xxxi. 39). 

Gib'c-ath (Heb.) = Gibeah 2 (Josh, xviii. 28). 

Gib'c-atli-ite (fr. Heb.), the = the native of Gib- 
eah (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

Gilt'c-on (Heb. hill-city, i. e. built on a hill, Ges.), 
one of the four cities of the Hivites, " a great city " 
(Josh. x. 2), the inhabitants of which, by an artifice, 
made a league with Joshua (ix. 3-15), and thus es- 
caped the fate of Jericho and Ai (compare xi. 19). 
(Gibeonites.) Gibeon lay within' the territory of 
Benjamin (xviii. 25), and was allotted to the priests 
(xxi. 17), of whom it became afterward a principal 
station. We next hear of it at the encounter be- 
tween David's men under Joab and Ish-bosheth's un- 
der Abner (2 Sam. ii. 12 ff.). (Helkatii-hazzurim.) 
Here Joab killed Amasa (xx. 5-10), and here he was 
afterward slain (1 K. ii. 28 ff.). In David's reign 
the Tabernacle was " in the high place at Gibeon " 
(1 Chr. xvi. 39, 40, xxi. 29). Here Solomon sacri- 
ficed 1,000 burnt-offerings and asked wisdom of God 
(1 K. iii. 4 ff., ix. 2; 2 Chr. i. 3). Here Johanan 
overtook Ishmael after the assassination of Gedaliah 
(Jer. xli. 12). " Children of Gibeon " (Gibbar) re- 
turned after the Captivity (Neh. vii. 25). The situa- 
tion of Gibeon has fortunately been recovered with 
as great certainty as any ancient site in Palestine. 
The traveller who pursues the northern camel-road 
from Jerusalem, turning off to the left at Tuleil el- 
Ful (Gibeah), on that branch of it which leads west- 
ward to Jaffa, finds himself, after crossing one or 
two stony and barren ridges, in a district of a more 
open character. The hills are rounder and more 
isolated than those through which he has been 
passing, and rise from broad undulating valleys of 

tolerable extent and fertile soil. This is the central 
> 



GIB 

plateau of the country, the "land of Benjamin;" 
and these round hills are the Gibeahs, Gebas, Gib- 
eons, and Ramahs, whose names occur so frequently 
in the records of this district. Retaining its ancient 
name almost intact, the modern village of el-Jib 



GID 



335 



stands on the top of a low, round, rocky hill, just at 
the place where the road to the sea parts into two 
branches, the one by the lower level of the Wady 
Suleiman, the other by the heights of the Beth- 
horons, to Gimzo, Lydda, and Joppa. The " wilder- 





N. W. View of el-Jib and Neby Samwil.—Trom a photograph hy Graham. — (AyTe.) 
El-Jib (Gibeon) is conspicuous on the hill in front: Neby Samwil (the traditional Ramah of Samuel or Eainathaim-zopUim) is marked by the ruined 

mosque on the hill at the extreme right. 



ness of Gibeon" (2 Sam. ii. 24) — i. e. the waste pas- 
ture-grounds (Desert 2) — must have been to the E., 
beyond the circle or suburb of cultivated fields, and 
toward the neighboring swells, which bear the 
names of Jedireh and Mr Nebattah. Its distance 
from Jerusalem by the main road is as nearly as 
possible six and a half miles ; but there is a more 
direct road reducing it to five miles. 

Gib'e-on-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the people of Gib- 
eon, and perhaps also of the three cities associated 
with Gibeon (Josh. ix. 17) — Hivites ; and who, on 
the discovery of the stratagem by which they had 
obtained the protection of the Israelites, were con- 
demned to be perpetual bondmen, hewers of wood 
and drawers of water for the congregation, and for 
the house of God and altar of Jehovah (Josh. ix. 23, 
27). _ Saul appears to have broken this covenant, 
and in a fit of enthusiasm or patriotism to have 
killed some and devised a general massacre of the 
rest (2 Sam. xxi. 1, 2, 5). This was expiated many 
years after by giving up seven men of Saul's de- 
scendants to the Gibeonites, who hung them or cru- 
cified them " before Jehovah " — as a kind of sacri- 
fice — in Gibeah, Saul's own town (4, 6, 9). (Nethi- 
nim.) Individual Gibeonites named are Ismaiah (1 
Chr. xii. 4), Melatiah (Neh. iii. 7), the false prophet 
HanaNiah (Jer. xxviii. 1 ff.). 

Gib'lites (fr. Heb. = natives or inhabitants of 
Gebal). The " land of the Giblites " is mentioned 
in connection with Lebanon among the portions of 
the Promised Land remaining to be conquered by 
Joshua (Josh. xiii. 5). Gebal. 



Gid-dal'ti (Heb. / have made great), one of the 
sons of Heman, the king's seer (1 Chr. xxv. 4). 

Gid'de! (Heb. perhaps = too great, giant, Ges.). 
1. Children of Giddel were among the Nethinim who 
returned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 47 ; Neh. vii. 49).— 2. Children of Giddel were 
also among the " servants of Solomon," who returned 
to Judea in the same caravan (Ezr. ii. 56 ; Neh. vii. 
58). 

Gid'c-on (Heb. perhaps = tree-feller, i. e. impetu- 
ous warrior, Ges.), a Manassite, youngest son of 
Joash of the Abiezrites, an undistinguished family 
who lived at Ophrah 2 ( Judg. vi. 15). He was the 
fifth recorded Judge of Israel, and for many reasons 
the greatest of them all. When we first hear of 
him he was grown up and had sons (vi. 11, viii. 20), 
and from the apostrophe of the angel (vi. 12), we 
may conclude that he had already distinguished 
himself in war against the roving bands of nomadic 
robbers who had oppressed Israel for seven years, 
and whose countless multitudes (compared to locusts 
from their terrible devastations, vi. 5) annually de- 
stroyed all the produce of Canaan, except such as 
could be concealed in mountain-fastnesses (vi. 2). 
When the angel appeared, Gideon was threshing- 
wheat with a flail in the winepress, to conceal it 
from the predatory tyrants. His call to be a deliv- 
erer, and his destruction of Baal's altar, and the 
"grove" (Asherah), are related in Judg. vi. After 
this begins the second act of Gideon's life. Clothed 
by the Spirit of God (Judg. vi. 34 ; compare 1 Chr. xii. 
18 ; Lk. xxiv. 49), he blew a trumpet, and, joined 



336 



GID 



GIL 



by Zebulun, Naphtali, and even the reluctant Asher, 
encamped on the slopes of Mount Gilboa. Strength- 
ened by a double sign from God, he reduced his 
army of 32,000 by the usual proclamation (Deut. 
xx. 8; compare 1 Mc. iii. 56). By a second test at 
" the spring of trembling " (Harod) he again reduced 
the number of his followers to 300 (Judg. vii. 5 ff.). 
The midnight attack upon the Midianites, their 
panic, and the rout and slaughter that followed, are 
told in Judg. vii. (Lamp 2 ; Midian.) The memory 
of this splendid deliverance took deep root in the 
national traditions (1 Sam. xii. 11; Ps. lxxxiii. 11; 
Is. ix. 4, x. 26 ; Heb. xi. 32). After this there was 
a peace of forty years, and we see Gideon in peace- 
ful possession of his well-earned honors, and sur- 
rounded by the dignity of a numerous household 
(Judg. viii. 29-31). It is not improbable that, like 
Saul, he had owed a part of his popularity to his 
princely appearance (viii. 18). In this third stage of 
his life occur alike his most noble and his most 
questionable acts, viz. the refusal of the monarchy 
on theocratic grounds, and the irregular consecra- 
tion of a jewelled ephod formed out of the rich 
spoils of Midian, which proved to the Israelites a 
temptation to idolatry, although it was doubtless 
intended for use in the worship of Jehovah. Chro- 
nology ; Judges, Book of. 

Gid-e-onl (Heb. a cutting down, Ges.), a Benja- 
mite, father of Abidan (Num. i. 11, iii. 22, vii. 60, 65, 
x. 24). 

Gi'dom (Heb. a cutting down, Ges.), a place named 
only in Judg. xx. 45 ; apparently situated between 
Gibeah (Tuleil el-Ful) and the cliff Rimmon; but 
no trace of the name has yet been met with. 

Gier'-ca-glc [jer'ee-gl] (Heb. rdhdm or rdehdm, 
rdhdmdh or rdchdmdh), an unclean bird mentioned 
in Lev. xi. 18 and Deut. xiv. 17. There is no rea- 
son to doubt that it = the racham of the Arabs, 
viz. the Egyptian vulture [Neophron percnopterus). 




Egyptian Vulture {Neophron percnopterus, Savigny). 



Gift. The giving and receiving of presents has 
in all ages been not only a more frequent, but also a 
more formal and significant proceeding in the East 
than among ourselves. We cannot adduce a more 
remarkable proof of the important part which pres- 
ents play in the social life of the East than the fact 
that the Hebrew language possesses no less than 
fifteen different expressions for the one idea. Many 
of these expressions have specific meanings : e. g. 
minhdh or minchdh — a "present " from an inferior 
to a superior, as from subjects to a king (Judg. iii. 



15 ; 1 K. x. 25 ; 2 Chr. xvii. 5) (Meat-offering) : 
maseth = a present from a superior to an inferior, 
as from a king to his subjects (Esth. ii. 18) : nisseth 
has very much the same sense (2 Sam. xix. 42, Heb. 
43): shohad or shochad is a gift for the purpose of 
escaping punishment, presented either to a judge 
(Ex. xxiii. 8 ; Deut. x. IV, A. V. " reward ; " Bribe) 
or to a conqueror (2 K. xvi. 8, A. V. "present"): 
other terms, as mattdn (Gen. xxxiv. 12 ; Prov. xviii. 
16, &c), mattdndh (Gen. xxv. 6 ; Ex. xxviii. 38, &c), 
mettath (Prov. xxv. 14; Eccl. iii. 13, &c), were used 
more generally. In the N. T. the Gr. dorna (Mat. 

vii. 11, &c), dorea (Jn. iv. 10, &c), dorcma (Rom. 
v. 16 ; Jas. i. 17), are translated "gift " uniformly ; 
doron (Mat. ii. 11, v. 23, 24, &c.) is usually trans- 
lated " gift," once (Lk. xxi. 4) " offering ; " anathema 
(= thai which is set up, especially a votive offering 
in the temple, L. & S.) is translated "gift " (Lk. xxi. 
5 only) ; charisma, uniformly translated " gift " 
(Rom. i. 11, v. 15, 16, vi. 23; 1 Cor. xii. 4, 9, 28, 
30, 31, &c), = a gift bestowed through the grace of 
God ; charis, usually translated " grace " (Lk. ii. 
40; Rom. i. 5, 7, iii. 24; 2 Cor. viii. 1, 6 ff., &c), 
also translated "favor" (Lk. i. 30, &c), "thank" 
(Lk. vi. 32 ff., &c), is once translated "gift " (2 Cor. 

viii. 4). It is clear that the term " gift " is fre- 
quently used where we should substitute " tribute," 
or " fee." The tribute (Taxes) of subject states was 
paid not in a fixed sum of money, but in kind, each 
nation presenting its particular product ; and hence 
the expression " to bring presents " = to own sub- 
mission (Ps. lxviii. 29, lxxvi. 11 ; Is. xviii. 7). 
Friends brought presents to friends on any joyful 
occasion (Esth. ix. 19, 22), those who asked for in- 
formation or advice to those who gave it (2 K. viii. 
8), the needy to the wealthy from whom any assist- 
ance was expected (Gen. xliii. 11 ; 2 K. xv. 19, xvi. 
8) ; on the occasion of a marriage, the bridegroom 
not only paid the parents for his bride (A. V. 
" dowry "), but also gave the bride certain presents 
(Gen. xxxiv. 12; compare Gen. xxiv. 22). The 
nature of the presents was as various as were the oc- 
casions. The mode of presentation was with as much 
parade as possible. The refusal of a present was 
regarded as a high indignity. No less an insult was 
it, not to bring a present when the position of the 
parties demanded it (1 Sam. x. 27). 

Gi'llOIl (Heb. stream, river, Ges.). 1. The second 
river of Paradise (Gen. ii. 13). (Eden 1.) — 2. A 
place near Jerusalem, memorable as the scene of 
the anointing and proclamation of Solomon as king 
(1 K. i. 33, 38, 45) ; mentioned also in 2 Chr. xxxii. 
30, xxxiii. 14. Conduit 2 ; Fuller's Field. 

Gil'a-lai (Heb. perhaps = dungy, Ges. ; weighty, 
Fii.), one of the priest's sons at the consecration of 
the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. xii. 36). 

Gil-bo'a (Heb. bubbling fountain ; see Harod, 
Well of), a mountain range on the eastern side 
of the plain of Esdr^elon, rising over the city of 
Jezreel (compare 1 Sam. xxviii. 4 with xxix. 1). 
It is only mentioned in Scripture in connection 
with the defeat and death of Saul and Jonathan by 
the Philistines (1 Sam. xxxi. 1 ; 2 Sam. i. 6, 21, xxi. 
12 ; 1 Chr. x. 1, 8). That Gilboa = the ridge which 
stretches eastward, from the ruins of Jezreel, no doubt 
can be entertained. The village on the top of the 
mount is now called Jelbon. The range of Gilboa ex- 
tends in length some ten miles from W. to E. The 
sides are bleak, white, and barren. The greatest 
height is not more than 500 or 600 feet above the 
plain. Their modern local name is Jebel Fuku'a. 
I Gil'e-ad (Heb., see below). 1. A mountainous 



GIL 



GIL 



337 



region E. of the Jordan ; bounded on the N. by 
Bashan, on the E. by the Arabian plateau, and on 
the S. by Moab and Ammon (Gen. xxxi. 21 ; Deut. 
iii. 12-17). It is sometimes called " Mount Gilead " 
(Gen. xxxi. 25), sometimes " the land of Gilead " 
(Num. xxxii. 1); and sometimes simply "Gilead" 
(Ps. lx. 7 ; Gen. xxxvii. 25) ; but a comparison of 
the several passages shows that they all mean the 
same thing. The name Gilead = a hard rocky re- 
gion. The statements in Gen. xxxi. 48 are not 
opposed to this etymology. The old name of the 
district was Gilead, but by a slight change in the 
pronunciation, the radical letters being retained, 
the meaning was made beautifully applicable to the 
" heap of stones " Jacob and Laban had built up. 
(Galeed = the heap of witness.) Those acquainted 
with the modern Arabs and their literature will see 
how intensely such a play upon the word would be 
appreciated by them. The extent of Gilead we can 
ascertain with tolerable exactness from incidental 
notices in the Scriptures. The Jordan was its west- 
ern border (1 Sam. xiii. 7; 2 K. x. 33). A com- 
parison of a number of passages shows that the 
river Hieromax, the modern Sherial el-Mandhur or 
< Yarmuk, separated it from Bashan on the N. On 
the E. the mountain range melts away gradually 
into the high plateau of Arabia. The boundary of 
Gilead is here not so clearly defined, but it may be 
regarded as running along the foot of the range. 
The valley of Heshbon was probably (so Porter) 
the S. boundary of Gilead. Gilead thus extended 
from the parallel of the S. end of the Sea of Galilee 
to that of the N. end of the Dead Sea — about sixty 
miles ; and its average breadth scarcely exceeded 
twenty. "Gilead" in Deut. xxxiv. 1; Josh. xxii. 
;! 9 ; and Judg. xx. 1, seems = the whole territory 
of the Israelites beyond the Jordan ; but this is 
only a vague way. of speaking, in common use 
everywhere. (Compare " England " = England 
and Wales.) The section of Gilead lying between 
the Jabbok and the Hieromax is now called Jebel 
\ Ajlurt ; while that to the S. of the Jabbok consti- 
tutes the modern province of Belka. One of the 
; most conspicuous peaks in the mountain range still' 
retains the ancient name, being called Jebel JiVad, 
"Mount Gilead." (Mizpah 1; Ramoth Gilead.) 
The mountains of Gilead have a real elevation of 
i from two thousand to three thousand feet ; but their 
i apparent elevation on the W. side is much greater, 
owing to the depression of the Jordan valley, which 
■ averages about one thousand feet. Their outline is 
! singularly uniform, resembling a massive wall run- 
ning along the horizon. The rich pasture-land of 
Gilead — " a place for cattle " (Num. xxxii. 1) — pre- 
sents a striking contrast- to the pasture-land of W. 
Palestine. At the invasion of the country by the 
Israelites, one half of Gilead was in the hands of 
' Sihon, king of the Amorites ; Og, king of Bashan, 
had the other section N. of the Jabbok. Afterward 
Gilead was allotted to Reuben and Gad. Their 
wandering tent-life and almost inaccessible country 
made them the protectors of the refugee and the 
outlaw (2 Sam. ii. 8 ff., xvii. 22 ff.). (Barzillai.) 
! Elijah the Tishbite, Jair 2, and Jephthah were 
j Gileadites. Gilead was a frontier land, exposed to 
I 1 the first attacks of the Syrian and Assyrian inva- 
ders, and to the unceasing raids of the desert 
tribes. The name Galaad occurs several times in 
the history of the Maccabees (1 Mc. v. 9ff.). Under 
the Roman dominion the country became more 
! settled and civilized ; under Mohammedan rule the 
country has again lapsed into semi-barbarism. 
22 



(Balm ; Gadara ; Gerasa ; Gileadite ; Mahanaim ; 
Rabbah 1 ; Spices.) — 2. Possibly the name of a 
mountain W. of the Jordan, near Jezreel ( Judg. vii. 
3). Porter is inclined, however, to agree with the 
suggestion of Clericus and others, that the true 
reading in this place should be Gilboa. — Z. Son of 
Machir, and grandson of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 29, 
30).— i. Father of Jephthah (Judg. xi. 1, 2). It is 
difficult to understand (compare ver. 7, 8) whether 
this Gilead was an individual or a personification of 
the community (so Porter). 

* Gil'e-ad-ite (fr. Heb.) = one of the Gileadites 
(Judg. x. 3, xi. 1, &c). 

Gil'e-ad-ites (fr. Heb.), the = a branch of the 
tribe of Manasseh, descended from Gilead 3, or in- 
habitants of the country of Gilead 1 (Num. xxvi. 
29; Judg. x. 3, xi.l, 40, xii. 4, 5, 7 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 
27, xix. 31 ; 1 K. ii. 7 ; 2 K. xv. 25 ; Ezr. ii. 61 ; 
Neh. vii. 63). There appears to have been an old 
standing feud between them and the Ephraimites, 
who taunted them with being deserters. See Judg. 
xii. 4, which may be rendered, " And the men of 
Gilead smote Ephraim, because they said, Runagates 
of Ephraim are ye (Gilead is between Ephraim and 
Manasseh) ; " the last clause being added parenthet- 
ically (so Mr. Wright). 

Gil'gal (Heb. a circle, or a rolling away, Ges.). 
1. The site of the first camp of the Israelites on the 
W. of the Jordan, the place at which they passed 
the first night after crossing the river, and where 
the twelve stones were set up which had been taken 
from the bed of the stream (Josh. iv. 19, 20, com- 
pare 3) ; where also they kept their first passover 
in the land of Canaan (v. 10). It was in the " end 
of the E. of Jericho " (A. V. " in the E. border of 
Jericho "), apparently on a hillock or rising ground 
(v. 3, compare 9), in " the plains of Jericho," i. e. 
the hot depressed district between the town and 
the Jordan (v. 10). (Plain 5.) Here the Israelites 
born on the march through the wilderness were cir- 
cumcised, and the reproach of Egypt " was rolled 
away." (Circumcision.) The camp established at 
Gilgal remained there during the early part of the 
conquest (ix. 6, x. 6 ff.), and probably Joshua re- 
tired thither at the conclusion (xiv. 6, compare 15). 
See Judg. iii. 19. We again encounter Gilgal in 
the time of Saul, when it seems to have become 
the chief sanctuary of the central portion of the 
nation (1 Sam. vii. 16, x. 8, xi. 14, 15, xiii. 4 ff., xv. 
12, 21, 33 ; compare Judg. ii. 1). We again 
have a glimpse of it, some sixty years later, in the 
history of David's return to Jerusalem (2 Sam. 
xix.). Afterward it (this Gilgal ?) was appropriated 
by the kingdom of Israel to a false worship (Hos. 
iv. 15, ix. 15, xii. 11 ; Am. iv. 4, v. 5). Beyond the 
general statements above quoted, the sacred text 
contains no indications of the position of Gilgal. 
Neither in the Apocrypha nor in the N. T. is it 
mentioned. No modern traveller has succeeded in 
eliciting the name, or in discovering a probable site. 
By Josephus the encampment is given as fifty stadia 
(rather under six miles) from the river, and ten 
from Jericho, which would place it at or near the 
modern village of Riha (Robinson, Porter). But 
this was certainly a distinct place from — 2. the 
Gilgal which is connected with the last scene in the 
life of Elijah, and with one of Elisha's miracles (2 
K. ii.). The mention of Baal-shalisha (iv. 42) gives 
a clew to its situation, when taken with the notice 
of Eusebius ( Onom. Bethsarisa) that that place was 
fifteen miles from Diospolis (Lydda) toward the N. 
In that very position stand now the ruins of Jiljuleh, 



■ 



338 



GIL 



GLA 



i. e. Gilgal. — 3. The " king of the nations of Gil- 
gal," or rather perhaps the " king of Goim (Heb. 
nations, Gentiles) at Gilgal," is mentioned in the 
catalogue of the chiefs overthrown by Joshua (Josh, 
xii. 23). The name occurs next to Dor (22) in an 
enumeration apparently proceeding S., and there- 
fore the position of the Jiljulch just named is not 
wholly inappropriate. A village of Jiljilia has also 
been discovered nearer the centre of the country, 
to the left of the main N. road, four miles from 
Shiloh (Seilun), and six miles N. from Bethel (Bei- 
tin). It may be the Beth-Gilgal of Neh. xii. 29 
(A. V. "house of Gilgal"); while the Jiljulch N. 
of Lydd may be that of Josh. xii. 23. — 4. A Gilgal 
is spoken of in Josh. xv. 7, in describing the N. 
border of Judah ; probably = No. 1. (Geliloth.) 

Gi'loh (Heb. exile, Ges.), a town in the moun- 
tains of Judah, named with Debir and Eshtemoh 
Josh. xv. 51) ; it was the native place of Ahithophel 
2 Sam. xv. 12). The site has not yet been met 
with. 

Gi'lon-ite (fr. Heb.), the = the native of Giloh (2 
Sam. xv. 12, xxiii. 34). 

* Gi'mcl(Heb. gimcl = camel, Ges.), the third let- 
ter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

Gim'zo (Heb. place fertile in sycamores, Ges.), a 
town which, with its dependent villages, was taken 
possession of by the Philistines in the reign of Ahaz 
(2 Chr. xxviii. 18). The name {Jimzu) still remains 
attached to a large village between two and three 
miles S. W. of Lydda, S. of the road between Jeru- 
salem and Jaffa. 

Gin [jin] = a trap for birds or beasts : it consisted 
of a net (Is. viii. 14), and a stick to act as a spring 
(Am. iii. 5). Hunting. 

Gi'liatll [g as in yet] (Heb. protection, Fii.), father 
of Tibni (1 K. xvi. 21, 22). 

Gin'nc-tlio (fr. Heb. = Ginnethon, Ges.), a chief of 
the priests who returned to Judea with Zerubbabel 
(Neh. xii. 4) ; doubtless the same as 

Gin ne-thon (Heb. = gardener, Ges.), a priest who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 6). 

Gir'dle (Heb. hagor or chagor, hagdrah or chago- 
r&h, ezor, mezahov mezach, meziah or rneziach, abnet; 
Gr. zone), an essential article of dress in the East, 
and worn both by men and women. The common 
girdle was made of leather (2 K. i. 8 ; Mat. iii. 4), 
like that worn by the Bedouins of the present day. 
A finer girdle was made of linen (Jer. xiii. 1 ; Ez. 
xvi. 10), embroidered w ith silk, and sometimes with 
gold and silver thread (Dan. x. 5 ; Rev. i. 13, xv. 
6), and frequently studded with gold and precious 
stones or pearls. The manufacture of these girdles 
formed part of the employment of women (Prov. 
xxxi. 24). The girdle was fastened by a clasp of 
gold or silver, or tied in a knot, so that the ends 
hung down in front, as in the figures on the ruins 
of Persepolis. It was worn by men about the loins 
(Is. v. 27, xi. 5). The girdle of women was gener- 
ally looser than that of the men, and was worn 
about the hips, except when they were actively en- 
gaged (Prov. xxxi. 17). The military girdle was 
worn about the waist ; the sword or dagger was sus- 
pended from it ( Judg. iii. 16 ; 2 Sam. xx. 8 ; Ps. xlv. 
3). Hence " girding up the loins " denotes prepa- 
ration for battle or for active exertion. In times 
of mourning, girdles of sackcloth were worn as 
marks of humiliation and sorrow (Is. iii. 24, xxii. 
12). In consequence of the costly materials of 
which girdles were made, they were frequently 
given as presents (1 Sam. xviii. 4 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 11). 
They were used as pockets, as among the Arabs 



still, and as purses (Purse), one end of the girdle 
being folded back for the purpose (Mat. x. 9 ; Mk. 
vi. 8). The girdle (Heb. abnet) worn by the priests 
about the close-fitting tunic (Ex. xxviii. 39, xxxix. 
29) is described by Josephus as made of linen so 
fine of texture as to look like the slough of a 
snake, and embroidered with flowers of scarlet, 
purple, blue, and fine linen. (Embroiderer.) It 
was about four fingers broad, and was wrapped sev- 
eral times round the priest's body, the ends hang- 
ing down to the feet. The " curious girdle " (Heb. 
hesheb or chesheb, Ex. xxviii. 8) was made of the 
same materials and colors as the ephod, i. e. of 
" gold, blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine twined 
linen." Josephus describes it as sewn to the breast- 
plate. After passing once round, it was tied in 
front upon the seam, the ends hanging down. 
" Girdle" is used figuratively in Ps. cix. 19 ; Is. xi. 
5 ; compare 1 Sam. ii. 4 ; Ps. xxx. 11, lxv. 12 ; Eph. 
vi. 14. 

Gir'ga-sllitfS (fr. Heb. sing. = dwelling in clayey 
or loamy soil, Ges.), the, one of the Canaanite na- 
tions who were in possession of Canaan before the 
entrance thither of the children of Israel ; appar- 
ently (so Mr. Grove) on the W. of Jordan (Gen. x. 
16 [A.V. " Girgasite "], xv. 21 ; Deut. vii. 1 ; Josh. 

iii. 10, xxiv. 11 ; 1 Chr. i. 14 ; Neh. ix. 8). 
Gir'ga-site (fr. Heb. = Girgashjtes), the (Gen. x. 

16). See the foregoing. 

Gis'pa (Heb. caress, flattery, Ges. ; attentive listen- 
ing, Fii.), one of the overseers of the Nethinim, in 
Ophel, after the return from captivity (Neh. xi. 21). 

Git'tah-he'pner (Heb.) = Gath-hepher (Josh. xix. 
13). 

Git'ta-im (fr. dual of Heb. gath, = two wine- 
presses), a place to which the Beerothites fled (2 Sam. 

iv. 3). Gittaim is again mentioned in the list of 
places inhabited by the Benjamites after the Cap- 
tivity (Neh. xi. 33). Its site is unknown. 

* Git'tite (fr. Heb. = one from Gath, &c). Git- 

TITES. 

Git'tites (fr. Heb. = natives or inhabitants of 
Gath), the six hundred men who followed David 
from Gath, under Ittai the Gittite (2 Sam. xv. 18, 
19), and who probably acted as a kind of body- 
guard. Obed-edom "the Gittite" (vi. 10, 11) may 
have been so named from Gittaim or from Gath- 
rimmon. 

Git'tith (Ileb.) = a musical instrument, by some 
supposed to have been used by the people of Gath, 
and thence introduced by David into Palestine ; and 
by others to have been employed at the festivities 
of the vintage (Heb. gath = wine-press) (Ps. viii., 
lxxxi., lxxxiv.). It may signify some joyous air or 
style of musical performance (J. A. Alexander, on 
Ps. viii.). 

Gi'zon-itc (fr. Heb. = one from Gizoh [perhaps 
= quarry, Ges. ; pass, ford, Fii.], a place other- 
wise unknown, Ges.), the. " The sons of Hashem 
the Gizonite " are named among the warriors of 
David's guard (1 Chr. xi. 34). Kennicott concludes 
that Gizonite should be Gouni, a proper name, not 
an appellative. 

Glass. The Heb. zechuchith, which, according to 
the best authorities, means a kind of glass anciently 
held in high esteem, occurs only in Job xxviii. 17, 
where in A.V. it is rendered " crystal." It seems 
that Job xxviii. 17 contains the only allusion to 
glass found in the 0. T., and even this reference is 
disputed. In spite of this absence of specific al- 
lusion to glass in the sacred writings, the Hebrews 
must have been aware of the invention. From 



I 



GLE 



GOA 



339 



paintings representing the process of glass-blowing 
which have been discovered at Beni-Hassan, and in 
tombs at other places, we know that the invention 
is at least as remote as the age of Osirtasen I. (per- 
haps a contemporary of Joseph), 3,500 years ago. 





Egyptian Glas9-blowera. — (Wilkinson.) 

Fragments of wine-vases as old as the Exodus have 
been discovered in Egypt. The art was known to 
the ancient Assyrians. There is little doubt that 
the honor of the discovery belongs to the Egyp- 
tians. Glass was not only known to the ancients, 
but used by them (as Winckelmanu thinks) far 
more extensively than in modern times. The Egyp- 
tians knew the art of cutting, grinding, and engrav- 
ing it, and they could even inlay it with gold or 
enamel, and " permeate opaque glass with designs 
of various colors." Besides this they could color it 
with such brilliancy as . to be able to imitate pre- 
cious stones in a manner which often defied detec- 
tion. In the N. T. glass is alluded to as an emblem 
of brightness (Gr. hualos, adj. hualinos ; Rev. iv. 
6, xv. 2, xxi. 18, 21). For "glasses" in Is. iii. 
23, and " glass " in 1 Cor. xiii. 12 ; 2 Cor. iii. 18 ; 
Jas. i. 23, see Mirror. 

Glean'ing. The remarks under Corner on the 
definite character of the rights of the poor, or 
rather of poor relations and dependants, to a share 
of the crop, are especially exemplified in the in- 
stance of Ruth gleaning in the field of Boaz (Ru. 
ii. 6, 8, 9). The gleaning of fruit-trees, as well as 
of cornfields, was reserved for the poor. 

Glede (gleed] (Heb. rddh), the old name for the 
common kite of the Eastern continent (M'dvus icti- 
nus, or vulgaris), occurs only in Deut. xiv. 13, among 
the unclean birds of prey. 

Gnat [nat] (Gr. konops), a small, winged insect, 
regarded as unclean, and mentioned only in the 
proverbial expression used by our Saviour in Mat. 
xxiii. 24 — " strain at (an error for ' strain out ') a 
gnat and swallow a camel." 

Goad. The equivalent terms in the Hebrew are 
(1.) malmad ( Judg. iii. 31) and (2.) dorbdn, dorbonoth 
(1 Sam. xiii. 21 ; Eccl. xii. 11). The goad, as still 
used in S. Europe and W. Asia, consists of a rod 
about eight feet long, brought to a sharp point, and 
sometimes cased with iron at the head. Its long 
handle might be a formidable weapon. The kicking 



of unruly oxen against the sharp points of the 
goads (Gr. pi. /centra, A. V. " pricks ") is alluded to 
in Acts ix. 5, xxvi. 14. Agriculture ; Prick. 

Goat. Of the Hebrew words translated " goat," 
" he-goat," and " she-goat " in A. V., the most 
common is 'ez, which neither 
a lie-goat (Ex. xii. 5 ; Lev. iv. 
23, 28, &c.) or a she-goat 
(Gen. xxx. 35, xxxi. 38, xxxii. 
14 [Heb. 15], &c). The Heb. 
plural 'attudim, translated 
"rams" (Gen. xxxi. 10, 12), 
"goats" (Ps.l. 13, &c), "he- 
goats " (Num. vii. 17 ff. ; Ps. 1. 
9, &c), = he-goats ; tsdphir(2 
Chr. xxix. 21 ; Dan. viii. 5, 
&c), and tayish (Gen. xxx. 
35, &c.) = "he-goat;" sd'ir 
(Lev. iv. 24, ix. 15, xvi. 1 ff., 
&c), often translated " kid" 
(iv. 23, ix. 3, xvi. 5, &c.),= he- 
goat (Devil 3 ; Satyrs) ; gedi 
and fern, gediydh are uniform- 
ly translated " kid " (Gen. 
xxvii. 9, 16 ; Cant. i. 8, &c.) ; 
the plural ye 'Slim = " wild 
goats," or mountain goats (1 
Sam. xxiv. 2 ; Job xxxix. 1, 
and Ps. civ. 18) ; akko (Deut. 
xiv. 5), translated " wild 
goat" in A. V. after the Tar- 
gum, Arabic, and Syriac, = the tragelaphus or goal- 
deer (so Mr. Drake after Shaw ; but Gesenius and 
Fiirst translate roebuck or roe, others prefer chamois, 
and others gazelle). On scape-goal (Heb. 'Ctzdzil), see 
Atonement, Day of. In the N. T. the Gr. eriphion 
(= young kid, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) is translated " goat " 
in Mat. xxv. 33 ; eriphos (= kid, young goat) is trans- 




Long-eared Syrian Goat ( Cap 



lated " goat " in verse 32, and " kid " in Lk. xv. 29 ; 
tragos (= he-goal) is translated "goat" in Heb. ix. 
12, 13, 19, x. 4. There appear to be two or three 
varieties of the common goat (Ilircus a>gagn>s) at 
present bred in Palestine and Syria, but whether 
they are identical with those which were reared by 
the ancient Hebrews it is not possible to say. The 



340 



GO A 



GOL 



most marked varieties are the Syrian goat ( Capra 
Mambrica, Linn.), and the Angora goat (Capra An- 
gorensis, Linn.), with fine long hair. There is also 
a variety that differs but little from British speci- 
mens. Goats have from the earliest ages been con- 
sidered important animals in rural economy both 
for their milk and the excellent flesh of the young 




Goat of Mount Sinai (Capra Sinaitica, Ehrenberg). 



animals. Goats were offered as sacrifices (Lev. iii. 
12, &c. ; Sacrifice) ; their milk was used as food 
(Prov. xxvii. 27); their flesh was eaten (Gen. xxvii. 
9 ; Deut. xiv. 4) ; their hair was used for the cur- 
tains of the tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 7 ; xxxvi. 14), and 
for stuffing bolsters (1 Sam. xix. 13; Bed; Sack- 
cloth) ; their skins were for bottles, and some- 
times as clothing (Heb. xi. 37). (Bottle; Dress.) 
The ye'elim ("wild goats," A. V.) not improbably 
= some species of ibex, perhaps the goat of Mount 
Sinai ( Capra Sinaitica), the Beden or Jaela of Egypt 
and Arabia. 

Goat, Scape. Atonement, Day of. 

Go'ath (fr. Heb. = lowing, Ges.), a place apparently 
in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, and named, in 
connection with the hill Gareb, only in Jer. xxxi. 
39. 

Gob (Heb. pit, cistern, Ges.), a place mentioned 
only in 2 Sam. xxi. 18, 19, as the scene of two en- 
counters between David's warriors and the Philis- 
tines. In 1 Chr. xx. 4, the name is given as Gezer. 
On the other hand the LXX. and Syriac have Gath 
in the first case, a name which in Hebrew somewhat 
resembles Gob. 

Gob'let (Heb. aggan), a circular vessel for wine or 
other liquid (Cant. vii. 2). Basin ; Cup. 

*God, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. SI, plural 
Slim (= strong, mighty, Ges.), applied to "mighty" 
ones (Ps. xxix. 1, &c), false gods (Ex. xv. 11? 
xxxiv. 14, &c), and idols (Is. xliv. 10 ff., &c), as well 
as the true God (Gen. xiv. 18 ff., xvi. 13, xvii. 1, 
&c.).— 2. Heb. eloah, plural elohirn. The singular 
form occurs only in poetry (especially Job), and in 
the later Hebrew (Neh., Dan., &c), applied to any 
god (2 Chr. xxxii. 15; Dan. xi. 37 ff. ; Hab. i. 11, 
&c), as well as to the living God (Deut. xxxii. 15 ; 
Neh. ix. 17; Job iii. 4; Ps. 1. 22; Hab. iii. 3, &c). 
The plural is used of deities or gods in general, and 
translated "gods" (Gen. xxxi. 30, 32, xxxv. 2, 4; 
Ex. xii. 12 ; Ps. Ixxxvi. 8, &c), but principally, as a 
plural of excellency or majesty, of the true God 



throughout the 0. T. (Gen. i. 1 ff., &c, &c). The 
use in the Pentateuch sometimes of Elohim, some- 
times of Jehovah, to designate the true God, has 
given rise to the document theories respecting the 
origin of the books of Moses. In Ps. viii. 6 the 
Heb. ilohim is translated " angels " in the A. V. 
Targum, Syriac, LXX., Vulgate, &c. ; but here Ge- 
senius, Fiirst, Dr. W. L. Alexander in Kitto, &c, 
w ould translate God ; and Dr. J. A. Alexander (on 
Ps.) translates divinity, as vaguely and abstractly re- 
ferring to all conditions of existence higher than our 
own. — 3. Heb. Yckovih (— Jehovah; Lord), when 
another Hebrew word translated " Lord " precedes 
it. In this case " God " is printed in capitals in the 
A. V.— 4. Gr. theos. This, like No. 1 and 2, for 
which the LXX. use it, is applied to any god (Acts 
vii. 43, xii. 22, &c.) or idol (vii. 40), as well as 
throughout the N. T. to the true God (Mat. i. 23, 

iii. 9, 16, &c); also to Satan "the god of this 
world " (2 Cor. iv. 4).— 5. Gr. kurios once (Acts 

xix. 20). This is usually translated "Lord " (Mat. 
i. 20 ff. &c), and in the LXX. = Jehovah. It is 
also applied to a human "lord" (Mat. x. 24, 25, 
&c), or " master " (vi. 24, &c), and is sometimes 
translated " sir " (xiii. 27, &c). — 6. Gr. daimonion 
(= Demon) in plural once (Acts xvii. 18). — The 
existence of God is assumed in the Scriptures 
as abundantly evident (Ps. xiv. 1, xix. 1 ; Bom. 
i. 20, 21, &c). The Bible, the volume of His 
revealed truth (Inspiration), sets forth His infinite 
attributes and perfect excellence (Ex. xxxiv. 6, 7), 
His works of creation and providence, His govern- 
ment and requirements, the provisions of His grace, 
and the retributions of eternity (Gen. xvii. 1 ; Ex. 

xx. 3-17; Ps. exxxix., cxlv. ; Mat. xix. 18, 19, xxv. 
31-46; Mk. xii. 29-31; Jn. iii. 16, 17; Rom. ii. 5- 
11, iii. 20-31, vi. 23, xii. 1, 2, xiii. 9, 10; 2 Cor.' v. 
10; 1 Tim. i. 17, &c. (Almighty; Atonement; 
Death ; Earth ; Eternal ; Foot ; Hand ; Heaven ; 
Hell ; Idol ; Idolatry ; Jesus Christ ; Life, &c. 

Gog (Heb. mountain, i. e. Caucasus, Fu.). 1. A 
Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 4), son of Shemaiah.— 2. 
See Magog. 

Go'lan (Heb. exile, Ges.), a city of Bashan (Deut. 

iv. 43) allotted out of the half-tribe of Manasseh to 
the Levites (Josh. xxi. 27), and one of the three 
cities of refuge E. of the Jordan (xx. 8). Its very 
site is now unknown. The city of Golan is several 
times referred to by Josephus ; he, however, more 
frequently speaks of the province which took its 
name from it, Gaulanitis. It seems that when 
Golan rose to power it became the head of a large 
province, the extent of which is pretty accurately 
given by Josephus. It lay E. of Galilee, and N. of 
Gadaritis. (Gadara.) The river Hieromax may be 
regarded as the S. border of Gaulanitis. The Jor- 
dan, from the Sea of Galilee to its fountains at Dan 
and Cesarea-Philippi, formed the western boundary. 
It is important to observe that the boundaries of 
the modern province of Jaulan (which is the Arabic 
form of the Hebrew Golan) correspond so far with 
those of Gaulanitis ; we may, therefore, safely as- 
sume that their northern and eastern boundaries 
are also identical. Jaulan is bounded on the N. by 
Jcdur (the ancient Iturcea), and on the E. by 
Hauran. The greater part of Gaulanitis is a flat 
and fertile table-land, well watered, and clothed 
with luxuriant grass. (Plain 4.) The western side 
of Gaulanitis, along the Sea of Galilee, is steep, 
rugged, and bare, upward of 2,500 feet in height. 
Gaulanitis was once densely populated, but is now 
almost completely deserted. 



GOL 



GOS 



341 



Gold (Heb. usually zdhdb ; Gr. chrusion, chrusos), 
the most valuable of metals, from its color, lustre, 
weight, ductility, and other useful properties. 
Hence it is used as an emblem of purity (Job xxiii. 
10) and nobility (Lam. iv. 1). Gold was known from 
the very earliest times (Gen. ii. 11). It was at first 
chiefly used for ornaments, &c. (Gen. xxiv. 22). 
Coined money was not known to the ancients till a 
comparatively late period; and on the Egyptian 
tombs gold is represented as being weighed in rings 
for commercial purposes (compare Gen. xliii. 21). 
Gold was extremely abundant in ancient times (1 
Chr. xxii. 14 ; 2 Chr. i. 15, ix. 9 ; Nah. ii. 9 ; Dan. 
iii. 1) ; but this did not depreciate its value, because 
of the enormous quantities consumed by the wealthy 
in furniture, &c. (1 K. vi. 22, x. ; Cant. iii. 9, 10; 
Esth. i. 6 ; Jer. x. 9). The chief countries mentioned 
as producing gold are Arabia, Sheba, and Ophir 
(1 K. ix. 28, x. 1 ; Job xxviii. 16). Other gold- 
bearing countries were Uphaz (Jer. x. 9 ; Dan. x. 5) 
and Parvaim (2 Chr. iii. 6). Metallurgic processes 
are mentioned in Ps. lxvi. 10; Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 
21 ; and in Is. xlvi. 6, the trade of goldsmith (com- 
pare Judg. xvii. 4) is alluded to in connection with 
the overlaying of idols with gold-leaf. Altar, B, 
II.; Calf; Dress; Embroiderer; Handicraft; 
Metals; Mines; Ornaments, Personal. 

* Gold'en Bowl (Eccl. xii. 6). Medicine. 

* Gold smith (Neh. iii. 8, &c). Gold; Handi- 
craft. 

Gol'go-tha (Gr. form of the Heb. or rather Chal. 
gidgalla = skull), the name of the spot at which our 
Lord was crucified (Mat. xxvii. 33 ; Mfc. xv. 22 ; Jn. 
xix. IV). By these three evangelists it is interpreted 
to mean the " place of a skull." St. Luke's words 
are really as follows — " the place which is called ' a 
skull ' " — not, as in the other gospels, " of a skull," 
thus employing the Greek term exactly as they do 
the Hebrew one. Two explanations of the name 
are given: (1.) that it was a spot where executions 
ordinarily took place, and therefore abounded in 
skulls. Or (2.) it may come from the look or form 
of the spot itself, bald, round, and skull-like, and 
therefore a mound or hillock, in accordance with 
the common phrase — for which there is no direct 
authority — " Mount Calvary." Whichever of these 
is the correct explanation, Golgotha seems to have 
been a known spot. Jerusalem. 

Go-li'ath (fr. Heb. = exile, an exile, Ges.), a famous 
giant of Gath, who "morning and evening for forty 
days " defied the armies of Israel, and was slain by 
David (1 Sam. xvii.). He was possibly descended 
from the old Rephaim, of whom a scattered remnant 
took refuge with the Philistines after their disper- 
sion by the Ammonites (Deut. ii. 20, 21 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 
22). His height was " six cubits and a span," 
which, taking the cubit at twenty-one inches, would 
make him ten and a half feet high. But the LXX. 
and Josephus read " four cubits and a span." 
(Giants.) The scene of his combat with David was 
the Valley of the Terebinth. (Elah, Valley of.) 
For an explanation of 2 Sam. xxi. 19, see Elhanan 1. 

Go'mer (Heb. completion, or perhaps heat, Fii.). 
1. The eldest son of Japheth, and the father of 
Ashkenaz, Riphath, and Togarmah (Gen. x. 2, 3). 
His name is subsequently noticed but once (Ez. 
xxxviii. 6) as an ally or subject of the Scythian king 
Gog. He is generally recognized as the progenitor 
of the early Cimmerians, of the later Cimbri and the 
other branches of the Celtic family, and of the mod- 
ern Gael and Cymry, the latter preserving with very 
slight deviation the original name. (Tongues, Con- 



fusion of.) — 2. The daughter of Diblaim, and con- 
cubine of Hosea (Hos. i. 3). 

Go-mor'rali (Heb. 'amiirdh, prob. = submersion), 
one of the five " cities of the plain " (Plain 5) or 
" vale of Siddim," that under their respective kings 
joined battle there with Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2- 
8) and his allies, by whom they were discomfited till 
Abraham came to the rescue. Four out of the five 
were afterward destroyed by the Lord with fire from 
heaven (xix. 23-29). Of these Gomorrah seems to 
have been only second to Sodom in importance, as 
well as in the wickedness that led to their over- 
throw (x. 19, xiii. 10; Deut. xxxii. 32, &c). What 
that atrocity was may be gathered from Gen. xix. 
4-8. Arabah ; Sea, the Salt. 

Go-mor'rha (Gr. fr. Heb.), in the A. V. of the 
Apoc. and N. T., = Gomorkah. 

Go'pher (Heb. literally = pilch, Ges. ; a hard, 
strong tree, Fii.) wood, the wood of which Noah's 
ark was made (Gen. vi. 14 only). The Hebrew word 
does not occur in the cognate dialects. Two prin- 
cipal conjectures have been proposed: — 1. That 
"trees of Gopher" = any trees of the resinous 
kind, such as pine, fir, &c. (Isaac Vossius). 2. That 
Gopher is cypress (Fuller, Bochart, Celsius, Gese- 
nius). 

Gor'gi-as [gor'je-as] (Gr.), a general in the service 
of Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mc. iii. 38), who was ap- 
pointed by his regent Lysias to a command in the 
expedition against Judea (b. c. 166), in which he 
was defeated by Judas Maccabeus with great loss 
(iv. 1 ff.). At a later time (b. c. 164) he held a gar- 
rison in Jamnia, and defeated the forces of Joseph 
and Azarias, who attacked him contrary to the or- 
ders of Judas (v. 56 ff. ; 2 Mc. xii. 32). The account 
of Gorgias in 2 Mc. viii. 9, x. 14, xii. 32 ff., is very 
obscure. 

Gor-ty'na (L. fr. Gr.), a city of Crete, and in 
ancient times its most important city, next to 
Cnossus. It appears to have contained Jewish resi- 
dents (1 Mc. xv. 23). It was nearly half way be- 
tween the eastern and western extremities of the 
island, and seems to have been the capital under 
the Romans. 

Go shen (Heb., perhaps fr. Egyptian = boundary 
of Hercules, Fii.), the name of a part of Egypt 
where the Israelites dwelt during their sojourn in 
that country; usually called the "land of Goshen," 
but also " Goshen " simply. It appears to have borne 
another name, " the land of Rameses " (Gen. xlvii. 
11), unless this be the name of a district of Goshen. 
It was between the residence of Joseph's Pharaoh 
and the frontier of Palestine, and apparently the ex- 
treme province toward that frontier (xlv. 10, xlvi. 29). 
Gen. xlvi. 33, 34, shows that Goshen was scarcely re- 
garded as a part of Egypt Proper, and was not peo- 
pled by Egyptians — characteristics that would posi- 
tively indicate a frontier province. The next men- 
tion of Goshen confirms the previous inference that 
its position was between Canaan and the Delta 
(xlvii. 1, 5, 6, 11). Goshen was a pastoral country 
where some of Pharaoh's cattle were kept. The 
clearest indications of the exact position of Goshen 
are those afforded by the narrative of the Exodus. 
(Exodus, the.) The Israelites set out from the town 
of Rameses in Goshen, made two days' journey to 
" the edge of the wilderness," and in one day more 
reached the Red Sea. At the starting-point two routes 
lay before them, "the way of the land of the Philis- 
tines . . . that [was] near," and " the way of the 
wilderness of the Red Sea " (Ex. xiii. 17, 18). From 
these indications Mr. R. S. Poole infers that the land 



342 



GOS 



GOS 



of Goshen was in part near the eastern side of the 
ancient Delta, Rameses lying within the valley now 
called the Wddi-t-Tumeyldt, about thirty miles in a 
direct course from the ancient western shore of 
the Arabian Gulf. The results of his examination of 
Biblical evidence are that the land of Goshen lay 
between the eastern part of the ancient Delta and 
the western border of Palestine, that it was scarcely 
a part of Egypt Proper, was inhabited by other for- 
eigners besides the Israelites, and was in its geo- 
graphical names rather Shemitic than Egyptian ; that 
it was a pasture land, especially suited to a shepherd- 
people, and sufficient for the Israelites, who there 
prospered, and were separate from the main body of 
the Egyptians ; and lastly, that one of its towns lay 
near the western extremity of the Wddi-t-Tnmey- 
lat. These indications seem (so Mr. R. S. Poole) 
decisively to indicate the Wddi-t-Tiimeyldt, the val- 
ley along which anciently flowed the canal of the 
Red Sea. Mr. Poole regards this tract, the whole 
cultivable part of which is probably under sixty 
geographical square miles, as sufficient for the sus- 
tenance of the Israelites, and argues that the ex- 
traordinary fertility of Egypt anciently supported an 
immense population as compared with its very small 
superficial extent, that probably the Israelites, like 
the Arabs, led their flocks into fertile tracts of the 
deserts around, that for the greater part of the 
sojourn their number must have been far lower than 
at the Exodus, and that before the Exodus they 
were partly spread about the oppressor's territory. 
Robinson (i. 52) supports the usual view of scholars 
at the present day, that the land of Goshen was the 
part of Egypt nearest to Palestine, and lay along the 
Pelusiac arm of the Nile, on the E. of the Delta, in 
the modern province esh-Shurklyeh, which includes 
the above-mentioned valley of the ancient canal ; 
but that Goshen probably extended further W. and 
more into the Delta than has usually been supposed. 
— 2. The "land" or the "country of Goshen " is 
twice named as a district in southern Palestine 
(Josh. x. 41, xi. 16), apparently between the south 
country and the lowlands of Judah. — 3. A town 
mentioned with Debir, Socoh, &c, as in the moun- 
tains of Judah (Josh. xv. 51) ; not identified. 

Gos'pels. Gospel (fr. Anglo-Saxon god and spell = 
good message or news) is the A.V. translation in the 
N. T. of the Gr. euanggclion ( = good news, glad ti- 
dings; compare Evangelist), denoting especially the 
message of divine mercy in respect to Jesus Christ 
and the salvation of sinners ( Acts xx. 24, &c); 
hence, the scheme of grace and truth made known 
in this message, i. e. Christian doctrine in general, 
embracing the truths and duties taught by Jesus 
Christ and His apostles (Rom. ii. 16, &c), or the 
making known of this message and whatever is in- 
volved m this (Rom. i. 1, 9, 16, &c). The name 
Gospel, or the Gospeh, is also applied in common 
language to the four inspired histories of the life 
and teaching of Christ (Matthew, Mark, Luke, John) 
contained in the _N. T., of which separate accounts 
will be given in their place. They were all com- 
posed during the latter half of the first century : 
Matthew and Mark some years before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem ; Luke probably about a. d. 64 ; 
and John toward the close of the century. Before 
the end of the second century, there is abundant 
evidence that the four Gospels, as one collection, 
were generally used and accepted. For this we 
have the testimony of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, 
Theophilus, and Tatian. The Muratorian fragment 
describes the Gospels of Luke and John ; but time 



and carelessness seem to hs>ve destroyed the sen- 
tences relating to Matthew and Mark. Another 
source of evidence is open to us in the citations from 
the Gospels found in the earliest writers. Barna- 
bas, Clemens Romanus, and Polycarp, quote pas- 
sages from them, but not with verbal exactness. 
The testimony of Justin Martyr (born about a. d. 
99, martyred a. d. 165) is much fuller; many 
of his quotations are found verbatim in Matthew, 
Luke, and John, and possibly Mark also, whose 
words it is more difficult to separate. Besides 
these, Matthew appears to be quoted by the au- 
thor of the Epistle to Diognetus, by Hegesippus, 
Irena?us, Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus. 
Eusebius records that Pantajnus found in India 
(the S. of Arabia ?) Christians who used the Gos- 
pel of Matthew. All this .shows that long be- 
fore the end of the second century the Gospel of 
Matthew was in general use. From the fact that 
Mark's Gospel has few places peculiar to it, it is 
more difficult to identify citations not expressly as- 
signed to him ; but Justin Martyr and Athenagoras 
appear to quote his Gospel, and Irenasus does so 
by name. Luke is quoted by Justin, Irenaeus, Ta- 
tian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus ; and John by 
all of these, with the addition of Ignatius, the Epis- 
tle to Diognetus, and Polycrates. From these we 
may conclude that before the end of the second 
century the Gospel collection was well known and 
in general use. There is yet another line of evi- 
dence. The heretical sects, as well as the Fathers 
of the Church, knew the Gospels ; and as there was 
the greatest hostility between them, if the Gospels 
had become known in the Church after the dissen- 
sion arose, the heretics would never have accepted 
them as genuine from such a quarter. But the 
Gnostics and Marcionites arose early in the second 
century ; and therefore it is probable that the Gos- 
pels were then accepted, and thus they are traced 
back almost to the times of the apostles. As a 
matter of literary history, nothing can be better es- 
tablished than the genuineness of the Gospels. On 
comparing these four books one with another, a pe- 
culiar difficulty claims attention, which has had 
much to do with the controversy as to their genu- 
ineness. In the fourth Gospel the narrative coin- 
cides with that of the other three in a few passages 
only. Putting aside the account of the Passion, 
there are only three facts which John relates in 
common with the other Evangelists. Two of these 
are, the feeding of the five thousand, and the storm 
on the Sea of Galilee (ch. vi.). The third is the 
anointing of His feet by Mary. Whilst the others 
present the life of Jesus in Galilee, John follows 
him into Judea ; nor should we know, but for him, 
that our Lord had journeyed to Jerusalem at the 
prescribed feasts. The received explanation is the 
only satisfactory one, namely, that John, writing 
last, at the close of the first century, had seen the 
other Gospels, and purposely abstained from writing 
anew what they had sufficiently recorded. In the 
other three Gospels there is a great amount of 
agreement. If we suppose the history that they 
contain to be divided into sections, in 42 of these 
all the three narratives coincide, 12 more are given 
by Matthew and Mark only, 5 by Mark and Luke 
only, and 14 by Matthew and Luke. To these must 
be added 5 peculiar to Matthew, 2 to Mark, and 9 
to Luke ; and the enumeration is complete. But 
this applies only to general coincidence as to the 
facts narrated : the amount of verbal coincidence, 
i. e. the passages either verbally the same, or coin- 



GOS 



GOS 



343 



ciding in the use of many of the same words, is 
much smaller. Without going minutely into the 
examination of examples, which would be desirable 
if space permitted, the leading facts connected with 
the subject may be thus summed up : — The verbal 
and material agreement of the three first Evangelists 
is such as does not occur in any other authors who 
have written independently of one another. The 
verbal agreement is greater where the spoken words 
of others are cited than where facts are recorded ; 
and greatest in quotations of the words of our Lord. 
But in some leading events, as in the call of the 
four first disciples, that of Matthew, and the Trans- 
figuration, the agreement even in expression is re- 
markable : there are also narratives where there is 
no verbal harmony in the outset, but only in the 
crisis or emphatic part of the story (Mat. viii. 3 
= Mk. i. 41 = Lk. v. 13, and Mat. xiv. 19, 20 = 
Mk. vi. 41-43 = Lk. ix. 16, 17). The language of 
all three is Greek, with Hebrew idioms : the He- 
braisms are most abundant in Mark, and fewest in 
Luke. In quotations from the 0. T., the Evangel- 
ists, or two of them, sometimes exhibit a verbal 
agreement, although they differ from the Hebrew 
and from the LXX. (Mat. iii. 3 = Mk. i. 3 = Lk. 
iii. 4. Mat. iv. 10 = Lk. iv. 8. Mat. xi. 10 = Mk. 
i. 2 = Lk. vii. 27, &c). Except as to twenty-four 
verses, Mark contains no principal facts not found 
in Matthew and Luke ; but he often supplies details 
omitted by them, and these are often such as would 
belong to the graphic account of an eye-witness. 
There are no cases in which Matthew and Luke ex- 
actly harmonize, where Mark does not also coincide 
with them. In several places the words of Mark 
have something in common with each of the other 
narratives, so as to form a connecting link between 
them, where their words slightly differ. The exam- 
ples of verbal agreement between Mark and Luke 
are not so long or so numerous as those between 
Matthew and Luke, and Matthew and Mark ; but as 
to the arrangement of events, Mark and Luke fre- 
quently coincide, where Matthew differs from them. 
These are the leading particulars ; but they are 
very far from giving a complete notion of a phe- 
nomenon well worthy of that attention and reverent 
study of the sacred text by which alone it can be 
fully and fairly apprehended. The harmony and 
the variety, the agreement and the differences, form 
together the problem with which Biblical critics 
have occupied themselves for 150 years. The at- 
tempts at a solution are so many, that they can be 
more easily classified than enumerated. The first 
and most obvious suggestion would be, that the 
narrators made use of each other's work. Accord- 
ingly Grotius, Mill, Wetstein, Griesbach, and many 
others, have endeavored to ascertain which Gospel 
is to be regarded as the first ; which is copied from 
the first ; and which is the last, and copied from the 
other two. Each of the six possible combinations 
has found advocates. But the theory in its crude 
form is in itself most improbable ; and the wonder 
is that so much time and learning have been de- 
voted to it. It assumes that an Evangelist has taken 
up the work of his predecessor, and, without sub- 
stantial alteration, has made a few changes in form, 
a few additions and retrenchments, and has then 
allowed the whole to go forth under his name. — The 
supposition of a common original from which the 
three Gospels were drawn, each with more or less 
modification, would naturally occur to those who 
rejected the notion that the Evangelists had copied 
from each other. It appeared to Eichhorn that the 



portions common to all the three Gospels were con- 
tained in a certain common document, from which 
they all drew. He considers himself entitled to as- 
sume that he can reconstruct the original docu- 
ment, and also that there must have been four 
other documents to account for the phenomena of 
the text. Thus he makes — 1. The original docu- 
ment. 2. An altered copy which St. Matthew used. 

3. An altered copy which St. Luke used. 4. A 
third copy, made from the two preceding, used by 
St. Mark. 5. A fourth altered copy, used by St. 
Matthew and St. Luke in common. As-there is no 
external evidence worth considering that this origi- 
nal or any of its numerous copies ever existed, the 
value of this elaborate hypothesis must depend 
upon its furnishing the only explanation, and that 
a sufficient one, of the facts of the text. Bishop 
Marsh, however, finds it necessary, in order to 
complete the account of the text, to raise the num- 
ber of documents to eight, still without producing 
any external evidence for the existence of any of 
them ; and this, on one side, deprives Eichhorn's 
theory of the merit of completeness, and, on the 
other, presents a much broader surface to the obvi- 
ous objections. He assumes the existence of — 1. A 
Hebrew original. 2. A Greek translation. 3. A 
transcript of No. 1, with alterations and additions. 

4. Another, with another set of alterations and ad- 
ditions. 5. Another, combining both the preceding, 
used by St. Mark, who also used No. 2. 6. An- 
other, with the alterations and additions of No. 3, 
and with further additions, used by St. Matthew. 
7. Another, with those of No. 4 and further addi- 
tions, used by St. Luke, who also used No. 2. 8. 
A wholly distinct Hebrew document, in which our 
Lord's precepts, parables, and discourses were re- 
corded, but not in chronological order ; used both 
by St. Matthew and St. Luke. It will be allowed 
that this elaborate hypothesis, whether in the form 
given it by Marsh or by Eichhorn, possesses almost 
every fault that can be charged against an argu- 
ment of that kind. For every new class of facts a 
new document must be assumed to have existed. 
The " original Gospel " is supposed to have been of 
such authority as to be circulated everywhere : yet 
so defective, as to require annotation from any 
hand, so little reverenced that no hand spared it. 
If all the Evangelists agreed to draw from such a 
work, it must have been widely if not universally 
accepted in the Church ; and yet there is no record 
of its existence. The force of this dilemma has 
been felt by the supporters of the theory : if the 
work was of high authority, it would have been pre- 
served, or at least mentioned ; if of lower authority, 
it could not have become the basis of three canon- 
ical Gospels : and various attempts have been made 
to escape from it. — There is another supposition to 
account for these facts, of which perhaps Gieseler 
has been the most acute expositor. Probably none 
of the Gospels was written until many years after 
the day of Pentecost on which the Holy Spirit de- 
scended on the assembled disciples. From that day 
commenced at Jerusalem the work of preaching the 
Gospel and converting the world. Prayer and 
preaching were the business of the apostles' lives. 
Now, their preaching must have been, from the 
nature of the case, in great part historical ; it must 
have been based upon an account of the life and 
acts of Jesus of Nazareth. They had been the eye- 
witnesses ; there was no written record to which 
the hearers might be referred for historical details; 
and therefore the preachers must furnish not only 



344 



GOS 



GOS 



inferences from the life of our Lord, but the facts 
of the life itself. The preaching, then, must have 
been of such a kind as to be to the hearers what 
the reading of lessons or chapters from the Gospels 
is to us. There is no improbability in supposing that 
in the course of twenty or thirty years' assiduous 
teaching, without a written Gospel, the matter of the 
apostolic preaching should have taken a settled form. 
Not only might the apostles think it well that their 
own accounts should agree, as in substance so in 
form ; but the teachers whom they sent forth, or 
left behind in the churches they visited, would have 
to be prepared for their mission ; and, so long as 
there was no written Gospel to put into their hands, 
it might be desirable that the oral instruction 
should be as far as possible one and the same to 
all. The guidance of the Holy Spirit supplied for a 
time such aid as made a written Gospel unneces- 
sary ; but the apostles saw the dangers and errors 
which a traditional Gospel would be exposed to in 
the course of time ; and, whilst they were still 
preaching the oral Gospel in the strength of the 
Holy Ghost, they were admonished by the same Di- 
vine Person to prepare those written records which 
were hereafter to be the daily spiritual food of all 
the Church of Christ. Nor is there any thing un- 
natural in the supposition that the apostles inten- 
tionally uttered their witness in the same order, 
and even, for the most part, in the same form of 
words. The language of their first preaching was 
the Syro-Chaldaic, which was a poor and scanty 
language ; and though Greek was now widely 
spread, and was the language even of several places 
in Palestine, though it prevailed in Antioch, whence 
the first missions to Greeks and Hellenists, or Jews 
who spoke Greek, proceeded (Acts xi. 20, xiii. 1-3), 
the Greek tongue, as used by Jews, partook of the 
poverty of the speech which it replaced ; as, indeed, 
it is impossible to borrow a whole language without 
borrowing the habits of thought upon which it has 
built itself. It is supposed, then, that the preach- 
ing of the apostles, and the teaching whereby they 
prepared others to preach, as they did, would tend 
to assume a common form, more or less fixed ; and 
that the portions of the three Gospels which har- 
monize most exactly owe their agreement not to the 
fact that they were copied from each other, although 
it is impossible to say that the later writer made no 
use of the earlier one, nor to the existence of any 
original document now lost to us, but to the fact 
that the apostolic preaching had already clothed 
itself in a settled or usual form of words, to which 
the writers inclined to conform without feeling 
bound to do so; and the differences which occur, 
often in the closest proximity to the harmonies, 
arise from the feeling of independence with which 
each wrote what he had seen and heard, or, in the 
case of Mark and Luke, what apostolic witnesses 
had told him. The harmonies begin with the bap- 
tism of John ; that is, with the consecration of the 
Lord to His Messianic office ; and with this event 
probably the ordinary preaching of the apostles 
would begin, for its purport was that Jesus is the 
Messiah, and that as Messiah He suffered, died, and 
rose again. They are very frequent as we approach 
the period of the Passion, because the sufferings of 
the Lord would be much in the mouth of every one 
who preached the Gospel, and all would become fa- 
miliar with the words in which the apostles de- 
scribed it. But as regards the Resurrection, which 
differed from the Passion in that it was a fact which 
the enemies of Christianity felt bound to dispute 



(Mat. xxviii. 15), it is possible that the divergence 
arose from the intention of each Evangelist to con- 
tribute something toward the weight of evidence 
for this central truth. Accordingly, all the four, 
even Mark (xvi. 14), who oftener throws a new 
light upon old ground than opens out new, men- 
tion distinct acts and appearances of the Lord to 
establish that He was risen indeed. The verbal 
agreement is greater where the words of others are 
recorded, and greatest of all where they are those 
of Jesus, because here the apostolic preaching would 
be especially exact ; and where the historical fact 
is the utterance of certain words, the duty of the 
historian is narrowed to a bare record of them. 
That this opinion would explain many of the facts 
connected with the text is certain. Whether, be- 
sides conforming to the words and arrangement of 
the apostolic preaching, the Evangelists did in any 
cases make use of each other's work or not, it 
would require a more careful investigation of de- 
tails to discuss than space permits. — How does this 
last theory bear upon our belief in the inspiration 
of the Gospels ? Supposing that the portion of the 
three first Gospels which is common to all has been 
derived from the preaching of the apostles in gen- 
eral, then it is drawn directly from a source which 
we know from our Lord Himself to have been in- 
spired (Mat. x. 19; Lk. xii. 11, 12; Mk. xiii. 11; 
Jn. xiv., xv., xvi.). Now, the inspiration of an his- 
torical writer will consist in its truth, and in its se- 
lection of events. Every thing narrated must be 
substantially and exactly true, and the comparison 
of the Gospels one with another offers us nothing 
that does not answer to this test. There are differ- 
ences of arrangement of events ; here some details 
of a narrative or a discourse are supplied which are 
wanting there ; and if the writer had professed to 
follow a strict chronological order, or had pretend- 
ed that his record was not only true but complete, 
then one inversion of order, or one omission of a 
syllable, would convict him of inaccuracy. But if 
it is plain — if it is all but avowed — that minute 
chronological data are not part of the writer's pur- 
pose — if it is also plain that nothing but a selection 
of the facts is intended, or, indeed, possible (Jn. 
xxi. 25) — then the proper test to apply is, whether 
each gives us a picture of the life and ministry of 
Jesus of Nazareth that is self-consistent and con- 
sistent with the others, such as would be suitable 
to the use of those who were to believe on His 
Name — for this is their evident intention. About 
the answer there should be no doubt. We have 
seen that each Gospel has its own features, and 
that the divine element has controlled the human 
but not destroyed it. But the picture which they 
conspire to draw is one full of harmony. The his- 
tories are true according to any test that should be 
applied to a history ; and the events that they se- 
lect — though we could not presume to say_ that 
they were more important than what are omitted, 
except from the fact of the omission — are at least 
such as to have given the whole Christian Church a 
clear conception of the Redeemer's life, so that 
none has ever complained of insufficient means of 
knowing Him. A perverted form of the theory we 
are considering pretends that the facts of the Re- 
deemer's life remained in the state of an oral tradi- 
tion till the latter part of the second century, and 
that the four Gospels were not written till that 
time (Strauss, &c). The latter theory was invent- 
ed to accord with the assumption that miracles are 
impossible, but upon no evidence whatever ; and 



GOS 



GOS 



345 



the argument, when exposed, runs in this vicious I accounts are not contemporaneous, it is not proved 
circle : — There are no miracles, therefore the ac- | that there are miracles. (Bible ; Canon ; New Tes- 
counts of them must have grown up in the course | tament.) That the present Gospels were post-apos- 
of a century from popular exaggeration ; and as the | tolic inventions, would be the greatest of miracles. 



TABLE OF THE HARMONY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. 

BY ABP. THOMSON, ORIGINAL AUTHOR OF THE PRECEDING ARTICLE. — WITH CORRECTIONS BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. 

N. B.— In the following Table, where all the references under a given section are printed in thick type, as under "Two 
Genealogies," it is to be understood that some special difficulty besets the harmony. Where one or more references 
under a given section are in thin, and one or more in thick type, it is to be understood that the former are given as 
in their proper place, and that it is more or less doubtful whether the latter are to be considered as parallel narratives 
or not. 



"The Word" 

Preface, to Theophilus 

Annunciation of the Baptist's birth 

Annunciation of the birth of Jesus 

Mary visits Elisabeth 

Birth of John the Baptist, 

Birth of Jesus Christ 

Two Genealogies 

The watching Shepherds 

The Circumcision 

Presentation in the Temple 

The wise men from the East 

Flight to Egypt , 

Disputing with the Doctors 

Ministry of John the Baptist 

Baptism of Jesus Christ. 

The Temptation , 

Andrew and another see Jesus 

Simon, now Cephas 

Philip and Nathanael 

The water made wine 

Passover (1st) and cleansing the Temple. . . 
Nicodemus. Our Lord's discourse to him . 

Christ and John baptizing 

The woman of Samaria, 

John the Baptist in prison 

Eeturn to Galilee 

The synagogue at Nazareth 

The nobleman's son 

Capernaum. Four apostles called 

Demoniac healed there 

Simon's wife's mother healed 

Circuit round Galilee 

Healing a leper 

Christ stills the storm 

Demoniacs in land of Gadarenes 

Jairus's daughter. Woman healed 

Blind men, and demoniac 

Healing the paralytic , 

Matthew the publican 

"Thy disciples fast not " , , 

Journey to Jerusalem to 2d Passover 

Pool of Bethesda. Power of Christ 

Plucking ears of corn on Sabbath 

The withered hand. Miracles 

The Twelve Apostles 

The Sermon on the Mount 

The centurion's servant 

The widow's son at Nain 

Messengers from John 

Woe to the cities of Galilee 

Call to the meek and suffering 

Anointing the feet of Jesus 

Second circuit round Galilee 

Parable of the Sower 

" Candle under a Bushel 

" the Sower. 

• " the Wheat and Tares 

" Grain of Mustard-seed 

" Leaven 

On teaching by parables 

Wheat and tares explained 

The treasure, the pearl, the net 

His mother and His brethren 

Eeception at Nazareth 

Third circuit round Galilee 

Sending forth of the Twelve 

Herod's opinion of Jesus 

Death of John the Baptist 

Approach of Passover (3d) 

Feeding of the five thousand 

Walking on the sea 



St. Matthew. 



i. 18-25 
i. 1-17 



ii. 1-12 

ii. 13-23 

iii. 1-12*" 

iii. 13-17 

iv. 1-11 



iv. 12 ; xiv. 3 
iv. 12 



iv. 13-22 

viii. 14-17 
iv. 23-25 
viii. 1-4 
viii. IS, 23-27 

viii. 28-34 

ix. 18-26 
ix. 27-34 
ix. 1-8 
ix. 9-13 
ix. 14-17 



xii. 1-8 
xii. 9-21 

x. 2-4 

v. 1-vii. 29 

viii. 5-13 

xi. 2-19 ' 
xi. 20-24 
xi. 25 -80 



xiii. 1-23 



xiii. 24-30 
xiii. 31, 32 
xiii. 33 
xiii. 34, 35 
xiii. 36-43 
xiii. 44-52 

xii. 46-50 

xiii. 53-58 
ix. 35-38; xi. 



xiv. 1, 2 
xiv. 3-12 

xiv. 18-21 
xiv. 22-33 



St. Mark. 



i. 1-8 
i. 9-11 
i. 12, 13 



i. 14 ; vi. 17 
i. 14, 15 



i. 16-20 
i. 21-28 
i. 29-34 
i. 35-39 

i. 40-45 

iv. 35-41 

v. 1-20 
v. 21-43 

ii. 1-12 
ii. 13-17 
ii. 18-22 



ii. 23-28 

iii. 1-12 
iii. 13-19 



iv. 1-20 
iv. 21-25 
iv. 26-29 

iv. 30^-32 

iv. 33,' 34 



iii. 31-35 

vi. 1-6 
vi. 6 
vi. 7-13 
vi. 14-16 
vi. 17-29 

vi. 30^-44 
vi. 45-52 



St. Luke. 



i. \~i 
i. 5-25 
i. 26-38 
i. 39-56 

i. 57-80 

ii. 1-7 

iii. 23-38 

ii. S-20 
ii. 21 
ii. 22-38 

ii. 89"" 

ii. 40-52 

iii. 1-18 

iii. 21, 22 

iv. 1-18 



iii. 19, 20 

iv. 14. 15 

iv. 16-30 

v. i-ii 

iv. 31-37 
iv. 38-41 

iv. 42-44 

v. 12-16 
viii. 22-25 
viii. 26-39 
viii. 40-56 

v. 17-26" 
v. 27-82 
v. 33-39 



vi. 1-5 
vi. 6-11 
vi. 12-16 

vi. 17-49 

vii. 1-10 
vii. 11-17 
vii. 18-35 



vii. 86-50 

viii. 1-3 
viii. 4-15 
viii. 16-18 



xiii. 18, 19 
xiii. 20, 21 



viii. 19-21 



ix. 1-6 
ix. 7-9 



ix. 10-17 



St. John. 



i. 1-14 



i. 15-31 
i. 32-34 

i. 35-40 
i. 41, 42 

i. 43-51 

ii. 1-11 
ii. 12-22 

ii. 23-iii. 21 

iii. 22-36 

iv. 1-42 

iii. 24 

iv. 43-45 

iv. 46-54 



v. 1 
v. 2-47 



vi. 4 
vi. 1-15 
vi. 16-21 



346 



GOS 



GOS 



TABLE OF THE HARMONY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS — continued. 



St. Matthew. 



Miracles in Getmesaret 

The bread of life 

The washen hands 

The Syropbenician woman 

Miracles of healing 

Feeding of the four thousand 

The sign from heaven 

The leaven of the Pharisees 

Blind man healed 

Peter's profession of faith 

The Passion foretold 

The Transfiguration 

Elijah 

The lunatic healed 

The Passion again foretold 

Fish caught for the tribute 

The little child 

One casting out devils 

Offences 

The lost sheep . .. 

Forgiveness of injuries 

Binding and loosing 

Forgiveness. Parable 

" Salted with fire 

Journey to Jerusalem 

Fire from heaven 

Answers to disciples 

The Seventy disciples , 

Discussions at Feast of Tabernacles. 

Woman taken in adultery 

Dispute with the Pharisees 

The man born blind 

The good Shepherd , 

The return of the Seventy 

The good Samaritan 

Mary and Martha 

The Lord's Prayer 

Prayer effectual 

"Throueb. Beelzebub" 

The unclean spirit returning 

The sign of Jonah 

The light of the body 



xiv. 34-36 

xv. 1-20 ' 
xv. 21-2S 
xv. 29-31 

xv. 32-39 

xvi. 1-4 
xvi. 5-12 

xvi. 13-19 

xvi. 20-28 

xvii. 1-9 
xvii. 10-13 
xvii. 14-21 
xvii. 22, 23 

xvii. 24-27 

xviii. 1-5 

xviii. 6-9 
xviii. 10-14 
xviii. 15-17 
xviii. 18-20 
xviii. 21-35 



viii. 19-22 



The Pharisees 

What to fear 

" Master, speak to my brother" 

Covetousness 

Watchfulness 

Galileans that perished 

Woman healed on Sabbath 

The grain of mustard-seed 

The leaven 

Toward Jerusalem 

" Are there few that be saved ? " 

Warning against Herod 

" O Jerusalem. Jerusalem " 

Dropsy healed on Sabbath-day 

Choosing the chief rooms 

Parable of the Great Supper 

Following Christ with the Cross 

Parables of Lost Sheep, Piece of Money, Prodigal i 

Son, Unjust Steward, Rich Man and Lazarus i 

Offences 

Faith and merit 

The ten lepers 

How the kingdom cometh 

Parable of the Unjust Judge 

" the Pharisee and Publican 

Divorce 

Infants brought to Jesns 

The rich, man inquiring 

Promises to the disciples 

Laborers in the vineyard 

Death of Christ foretold 

Request of James and John 

Blind men at Jericho 

Zaccheus 

Parable of the Ten Pounds 

Feast of Dedication 

Beyond Jordan 

Raising of Lazarus 

Meeting of the Sanhedrim 

Christ in Ephraim 

The anointing by Mary 

Christ enters Jerusalem 

Cleansing of the Temple (2d) 

The barren fig-tree 



vi. 9-13 

vii. 7-11 
xii. 22-37 
xii. 43-45 
xii. 38-42 

) v. 15 ; vi. 
I 22, 23 
xxiii. 
x. 26-33 

vi. 25-33 



xiii. 31, 32 
xiii. 33 



xxiii. 37-39 



xxii. 1-14 
x. 37, 38 



xviii. 6-15 
xvii. 20 



xix. 1-12 
xix. 13-15 
xix. 16-26 

xix. 27-30 

xx. 1-16 
xx. 17-19 
xx. 20-28 
xx. 29-34 

xxv! i4-30 



xxvi. 6-13 
xxi. 1-11 
xxi. 12-16 
xxi. 17-22 



St. Make. 



vi. 53-56 

vii. 1-23 ' 
vii. 24-30 

vii. 31-37 

viii. 1-10 
viii. 11-18 
viii. 14-21 
viii. 22-26 
viii. 27-29 

viii. 80-ix. 

ix. 2-10 
ix. 11-13 
ix. 14-29 
ix. 80-32 

Ix. 83^37 
ix. 88-41 
ix. 42-48 



ix. 49, 50 



iii. 20-30 



iv. 30-32 



St. Luke. 



x. 1-12 
x. 18-16 
x. 17-27 
x. 28-31 

x. 32-34 ' 
x. 35^5 
x. 46-52 



xiv. 3-9 
xi. 1-10 
xi. 15-18 
xi. 11-14, 19-23 



ix. 1S-20 
ix. 21-27 
ix. 28-36 

ix. 37-42 
ix. 43-45 

ix. 4(M8 
ix. 49, 50 
xvii. 2 
xv. 4-7 



ix. 51 

ix. 52-56 

ix. 57-62 

x. 1-16 



x. 17-24 
x. 25-37 

x. 88-42 

xi. 1-4 
xi. 5-13 
xi. 14-23 
xi. 24-28 
xi. 29-32 

xi. 33-86 

xi. 87-54 

xii. 1-12 
xii. 13-15 
xii. 16-31 

xii. 32-59 

xiii. 1-9 
xiii. 10-17 
xiii. 18, 19 
xiii. 20, 21 
xiii. 22 
xiii. 23-80 
xiii. 31-33 

xiii. 34, 85 

xiv. 1-6 
xiv. 7-14 
xiv. 15-24 

xiv. 25-35 

xv. , xvi. 

xvii. 1-4 
xvii. 5-10 
xvii. 11-19 

xvii. 20-37 

xviii. 1-8 
xviii. 9-14 

xviii. 15-17 
xviii. 18-27 
xviii. 28-30 

xviii. 31-84 

xviii. 35^43 

xix. 1-10 
xix. 11-28 



vii. 36-50 

xix. 29-44 
xix. 45-18 



GOS GOU 
TABLE OF THE HARMONY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. — continued. 



347 



Pray, and forgive 

'• By what authority," &c 

Parable of the Two Sons 

" the Wicked Husbandmen 

" the Wedding Garment 

The tribute-money 

The state of the risen 

The great Commandment 

David's Son and David's Lord 

Against the Pharisees 

The widow's mite 

Christ's second coming 

Parable of the Ten Virgins 

the Talents 

The Last Judgment 

Greeks visit Jesus Voice from heaven 

Reflections of John 

Last Passover (4th). Jews conspire 

Judas Iscariot 

Paschal Supper 

Contention of the Apostles 

Peter's fall foretold 

Last discourse. The departure ; the Comforter. 
The vine and the branches. Abiding in love 

Work of the Comforter in disciples 

The prayer of Christ 

Gethsemane 

The betrayal 

Before Annas (Caiaphas). Peter's denial 

Before the Sanhedrim.. 

Before Pilate 

The Traitor's death 

Before Herod 



The Condemnation 

Treatment by the soldiers 

The Crucifixion 

The mother of Jesus 

Mockings and railings '. 

The Penitent Thief 

Darkness and other portents. The Death 

The bystanders 

The side pierced 

The burial 

The guard of the sepulchre, and their subsequent 

report 

The Resurrection 

Disciples going to Emmaus 

Appearances in Jerusalem 

At the Sea of Tiberias 

On the Mount in Galilee 

Unrecorded Works 

Ascension 



St. Matthew. 



vi. 14, 15 

xxi. 23-27 
xxi. 2S-32 

xxi. 33-46 

xxii. 1-14 
xxii. 15-22 
xxii. 2?-33 
xxii. 34-40 

xxii. 41-46 

xxiii. 1-39 

xxiv. 1-51 

xxv. 1-13 
xxv. 14-30 
xxv. 31-46 



xxvi. 1-5 
xxvi. 14-16 
xxvi. 17-29 

xxvi. 80-35 



xxvi. 36-46 

xxvi. 47-56 
) xxvi 57, 58, ) 
\ 69-75 \ 

xxvi. 59-08 

\ xxvii. 1, 2, ) 
) 11-14 f 

xxvii. 3-10 

xxvii. 15-26 
xxvii. 27-31 



St. Mark. 



St. Litre. 



xxvii. 39-44 



xxvii. 45-53 
xxvii. 54-56 

xxvii. 57-61 

i xxvii. 62-66 [ 
j xxviii. 11-15 ) 

xxviii. 1-10 



xxviii. 16-20 



xi. 24-26 

xi. 27-33 

xii. 1-12 ' 

xii. 13-17 
xii. 18-27 
sii. 28-34 
xii. 35-37 
xii. 38-40 
xii. 41-44 
xlii. 1-37 



xiv. 1. 2 
xiv. 10, 11 
xiv. 12-25 

xiv. 26-31 



xiv. 32-42 
xiv. 43-52 
j xiv. 53, 54, 
I 66-72 
xiv. 55-65 



xv. 6-15 

xv. 16-20 
xv. 21-28 

xv. 29^32 

xv. 33^33 
xv. 39-41 

xv. 42^47 



xvi. 1-11 
xvi. 12, 13 
xvi. 14-18 



xvi. 19, 20 



xx. 1-8 

xx. ix. 19 
xiv. 16-24 

xx. 20 26 
xx. 27-40 

xx. 41^4 

xx. 45-47 

xxi. \-i 
xxi. 5-38 

xix. i l-28 



xxii. 1, 2 
xxii. 3-6 
xxii. 7-23 
xxii. 24-30 
xxii. 31-39 



xxii. 40-46 
xxii. 47-58 

xxii. 54-62 

xxii. 63-71 

xxiii. 1-5 

xxiii. '6^-12 
xxiii. 13-25 

xxiii. 36, 37 

xxiii. 26-34, 38 

xxiii. 35-37, 39 
xxiii. 40-43 
xxiii. 44-46 
xxiii. 47-49 

xxiii. 50-56 



xxiv. 1-12 
xxiv. 13-35 
xxiv. 36-49 



xxiv. 50-53 



Goth-o-li'as (Gr. = Athaliah). Josias, son of 
Gotholias, was one of the sons of Elam who re- 
turned from Babylon with Esdras (1 Esd. viii. 33). 

Go-tho'ni-el (Gr. = Othniel), father of Chabris 
(Jd. vi. 15). 

Gonrd, the A. V. translation of — 1, Heb. kik&yon, 
only in Jon. iv. 6-10. A difference of opinion has 
long existed as to the plant intended by this word ; 
but Mr. Houghton, with Jerome, Celsius, Bochart, 
Rosenmuller, Gesenius, Dr. Royle in Kitto, Prof. 
Stowe, &c, maintains that the plant which afforded 
shade to the prophet Jonah before Nineveh is the 
Ricinus communis, or castor-oil plant, which, for- 
merly a native of Asia, is now naturalized in Amer- 
ica, Africa, and Southern Europe. This plant varies 
considerably in size, being in India a tree, but in 
England seldom more than three or four feet high. 
The leaves are large and palmate, with serrated 
lobes, and would form an excellent shelter for the 
sun-stricken prophet. (See cut on p. 348.) The seeds 
contain the oil so well known under the name of 
" castor-oil," which has for ages been in high repute 



as a medicine. The Mohammedan, Christian, and 
Jewish inhabitants of Mosul, opposite ancient Nine- 
veh, all agree (so Dr. H. Lobdell in B. S. xii. S^l) 
that Jonah's "gourd" was the ker'a, a kind of 
pumpkin peculiar to the East, of astonishingly rapid 
growth, and very abundant on the banks of the 
Tigris. Its leaves are large, and its fruit some- 
what like the squash. — 2. Heb. ■p].pakku , 6th(2K. iv. 
39), a fruit gathered ignorantly by one of " the sons 
of the prophets," who supposed them to be good for 
food ; doubtless (so Mr. Houghton) a species of the 
gourd tribe ( Cucurbitacece), which contains some 
plants of a very bitter and dangerous character. 
The leaves and tendrils of this family of plants bear 
some resemblance to those of the vine. Hence the 
expression " wild vine," and as several kinds of 
Cuciirbitacea;, such as melons, pumpkins, &c, are 
favorite articles of refreshing food amongst the Ori- 
entals, we can easily understand the cause of the 
mistake. The etymology of the Hebrew word from 
pdka', " to split or burst open," has been thought to 
favor the identification of the plant with the Ecba- 



348 



GOV 



GOV 



Hum elaierium or " squirting cucumber," so called 
from the elasticity with which the fruit, when ripe, 
opens and scatters the seeds when touched. Celsius, 
Rosenmiiller, Winer, and Gesenius favor this ex- 




Costor-oil Plant (Ricinus communis). 



planation. The old versions, however, understand 
the colocynth, the fruit of which is about the size 
of an orange. The drastic medicine in such gen- 
eral use is a preparation from this plant. Since the 



\ 




Colocynth {CucumU Colocijnthis). 

dry gourds of the colocynth, when crushed, burst 
with a crashing noise, there is much reason for 
being satisfied with an explanation which has au- 
thority, etymology, and general suitableness in its 
favor. In 1 K. vi. 18 the Heb. plural ( pekdHm = 
pakku'oth, Ges.), used as an architectural ornament, 
is translated in the margin " gourds," but in the 
A. V. text there and in vii. 24 " knops." 

Gov'ern-or, in the A. V. the representative of — 1 . 
Heb. alluph, the chief of a tribe or family (Zech. ix. 



7, xii. 5, 6), translated " duke " in Gen. xxxvi. and 1 
Chr. i. — 2. Heb. hokek or chokek (Judg. v. 9), and 
:?. mehokek or mcchokek (v. 14), = a ruler in his 
capacity of lawgiver and dispenser of justice, also 
translated "lawgiver" (Gen. xlix. 10; Num. xxi. 
18, &c). — i. Heb. moshel = a ruler considered es- 
pecially as having power over the property and per- 
sons of his subjects ; = Judge (Gen. xlv. 26 ; Ps. 

xxii. 28 [Heb. 29] ; Jer. xxx. 31), also translated 
" rule " or " ruler " (Josh. xii. 2 ; Ps. cv. 20 ; Gen. 
xxiv. 2). The " governors of the people," in 2 Chr. 

xxiii. 20, appear to have been the king's body-guard 
(so Mr. Wright; compare 2 K. xi. 19). — 5. Heb. 
ndgid = a prominent personage, whatever his capa- 
city (2 Chr. xxviii. V). It is also translated " cap- 
tain," " ruler," " leader," " prince," &c, and ap- 
plied to a king as the military and civil chief of his 
people (2 Sam. v. 2, vi. 21 ; 1 Chr. xxix. 22), to the 
general of an army (2 Chr. xxxii. 21), and to the 
head of a tribe (xix. 11). It denotes an officer of 
high rank in the palace, the lord high chamberlain 
(A. V. " chief governor," 2 Chr. xxviii. 7). — 6. 
Heb. n&si (2 Chr. i. 2), translated usually " prince," 
also " captain," " chief," &c. The prevailing idea 
in this word is that of elevation. It is applied to the 
chief of the tribe (Gen. xvii. 20 ; Num. ii. 3, &c), 
to the heads of sections of a tribe (Num. iii. 32, vii. 
2), and to a powerful sheikh (Gen. xxiii. 6). — T. 
Heb. pchdh or pechdh (1 K. x. 15, &c), also trans- 
lated " captain," " deputy : " applied to the petty 
chieftains tributary to Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 14) ; to 
the military commander of the Syrians (1 K. xx. 24), 
the Assyrians (2 K. xviii. 24), the Chaldeans (Jer. 
li. 23), and the Medes (li. 28). Under the Persian 
viceroys, during the Babylonian captivity, the land 
of the Hebrews appears to have been portioned out 
among " governors," inferior in rank to the satraps 
(Ezr. viii. 36), like the other provinces under the Per- 
sian king (Neh. ii. 7, 9). It is impossible to determine 
the precise limits of their authority, or the functions 
which they had to perform. It appears from Ezr. 
vi. 8 that these governors were intrusted with the 
collection of the king's taxes ; and from Neh. v. 18, 
xii. 26, that they were supported by a contribution 
levied upon the people, which was technically termed 
" the bread of the governor " (compare Ezr. iv. 
14). They were probably assisted in discharging 
their official duties by a council (Ezr. iv. 7, vi. 6). 
The " governor " beyond the river had a judgment- 
seat at Jerusalem, from which probably he admin- 
istered justice when making a progress through his 
province (Neh. iii. 7). — 8. Heb. pdkid ( Jer. xx. 1), 
also translated "officer," "overseer," &c. ; = simply 
a person appointed to any office. It is used of the 
officers proposed to be appointed by Joseph (Gen. 
xii. 34) ; of Zebul, Abimelech's lieutenant (Judg. ix. 
281 ; of an officer of the high-priest (2 Chr. xxiv, 
11) ; and of a priest or Levite of high rank (Neh. 
xi. 14, 22).— 9. Heb. shallit (Gen. xlii. 6), also trans- 
lated " ruler," &c. ; = a man of authority : applied 
to Joseph as Pharaoh's prime minister (Gen. xlii. 
6) ; to Arioch, " captain " of the guard to the king 
of Babylon (Dan. ii. 15) ; and to Daniel as third 
in rank under Belshazzar (v. 29). — 10. Heb. sar 
(1 K. xxii. 26; 1 Chr. xxiv. 5, &c), also translated 
" captain," " prince," " ruler," " chief," " chief 
captain," &c. ; = a. chief, in any capacity. The term 
is used equally of the general of an army (Gen. xxi. 
22), or the commander of a division (1 K. xvi. 9, xi. 
24), as of the governor of Pharaoh's prison (Gen. 
xxxix. 21), and the chief of his butlers and bakers 
(xl. 2), or herdsmen (xlvii. 6). — 11. Chal. segan, pi. 



GOZ 



GRE 



349 



signin (Dan. ii. 48, iii. 2, 3, 27, vi. 7 [Heb. 8]), = a 
prefect, governor of a province, or of the magi. — 12. 
Gr. ethnarehes (literally rider of a people, elhnarch), 
an officer of rank under Aretas, the Arabian king 
of Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 32). It has been conjec- 
tured that the ethnarch of Damascus was merely 
the governor of the resident Jews, but it does not 
seem probable that an officer of such limited juris- 
diction would be styled " the ethnarch of Aretas the 
king ; " and as the term is clearly capable of a wide 
range of meaning, it was most likely intended to de- 
note one who held the city and district of Damascus 
as the king's vassal or representative. — 13. Gr. 
hegemon (literally leader), the procurator of Judea 
under the Romans (Mat. xxvii. 2, &c.) ; also a leader, 
chief or ruler (Mat. ii. 6, x. 18, &c.) ; once trans- 
lated " prince " (Mat. ii. 6), twice " ruler " (Mk. xiii. 
9 ; Lk. xxi. 12). The kindred Greek participle 
hegoumenos (= leading, a leader) is twice translated 
"governor" (Mat. ii. 6; Acts vii. 10). — 14. Gr. 
oikonomos, literally manager or ruler of a house 
(Gal. iv. 2), usually translated " steward " (Lk. xii. 
42, &c), once "chamberlain" (Rom. xvi. 23) ; = a 
steward, apparently intrusted (in Gal.) with the man- 
agement of a minor's property. — 15. Gr. architrik- 
linos = master of a feast, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ( Jn. ii. 
9), " the governor of the feast." Lightfoot supposes 
him to have been a kind of chaplain, who pro- 
nounced the blessings upon the wine that was drunk 
during the seven days of the marriage feast. He 
appears to have been on intimate terms with the 
bridegroom, and to have presided at the banquet in 
his stead. The duties of the master of a feast are 
given at full length in Ecclus. xxxii. (xxxv. in 
LXX.). 

Go'zail (Heb. quarry ? Ges. ; pass, ford, Fu.) 
seems in the A. V. of 1 Chr. v. 26 to be the name 
of a river; but in 2 K. xvii. 6, and xviii. 11, it is 
evidently applied not to a river but a country. 
Gozan was the tract to which the Israelites were 
carried away captive by Pul, Tiglath-pileser, and 
Shalmaneser, or possibly Sargon. It has been 
variously placed ; but probably = the Gauzanitis 
of Ptolemy, and the Mygdonia of other writers. It 
was the tract watered by the Habor, the modern 
Khabour, the great Mesopotamian affluent of the 
Euphrates (so Rawlinson, Gesenius, &c). 

Gra'ba = Hagaba (1 Esd. v. 29). 

* Grace (Heb. usually hen or chen ; Gr. charts) 
usually in the Scriptures = favor, kindness in feel- 
ing or action, especially as exercised by God and 
the Lord Jesus Christ toward mankind, and as mani- 
fested in the blessings of the Gospel (Gen. vi. 8 ; 
Jn. i. 14, 16, IV, &c). It may also = whatever 
yields pleasure or gratification, as gracefulness or 
beauty of form, manner, speech, character, &c. (Ps. 
xlv. 2 ; Prov. iii. 22 ; Eph. iv. 29 ; Col. iv. 6, &c). 
Atonement ; Justify ; Love ; Mercy, &c. 

* Graft ing. Garden. 

* Grain. Agriculture ; Corn ; Food ; Wheat, 
&c. 

* Gran'a-ry. Barn ; Egypt. 
Grape. Vine. 

Grass. 1. This is the ordinary rendering of the 
Heb. hdtsir or chdtsir — grass, herbage, Ges. (1 K. 
xviii. 5; Job xl. 15; Ps. civ. 14, &c), also trans- 
lated " hay," leeks, &c. As the herbage rapidly 
fades under the parching heat of the sun of Pales- 
tine, it has afforded to the sacred writers an image 
of the fleeting nature of human fortunes (Job viii. 
12, A. V. " herb ; " Ps. xxxvii. 2), and also of the 
brevity of human life (Is. xl. 6, 7 ; Ps. xc. 5).— 



2. In the A. V. of Jer. 1. 11, " as the heifer at 
grass " (Heb. dAshd) should be " as the heifer tread- 
ing out corn " (so Gesenius ; see Agriculture). A 
different word (Heb. deshe = the first-shoots from the 
earth, tender grass, young herbage, Ges.) is trans- 
lated " grass" in Gen. i. 11, 12 ; Is. xv. 6, &c. — 3. 
In Num. xxii. 4, where mention is made of the ox 
licking up the " grass " of the field, the Heb. is yerek, 
elsewhere rendered green. (Colors.) — 4. Heb. 'eseb = 
" herbs " for human food (Gen. i. 30 ; Ps. civ. 14), 
but also fodder for cattle (A. V. " grass ; " Deut. xi. 
15 ; Jer. xiv. 6, &c). It is the grass (A.V. " herb ") 
of the field (Gen. ii. 5 ; Ex. ix. 22) and of the moun- 
tain (Is. xlii. 15; Prov. xxvii. 25). — 5. In the N. T. 
" grass " occurs only as the translation of the Gr. 
chortos (Mat. vi. 30, &c), which is also translated 
"blade " (xiii. 26; Mk. iv. 28), and "hay" (1 Cor. 
iii. 12). Agriculture; Barn. 

Grass' liop-per. Locust. 

Grave. Burial Engraver; Tomb. 

* Gra'ven Image. Idol 19, 20. 

* Gray'honnd = Greyhound. 
Greaves. Arms, II. 4. 

* Gre'ci-a [-she-a or -sha] (L. Groscia ; see Gre- 
cian) = Greece (Dan. viii. 21, &c). 

* Grc'cian [-shan] (L. Grceeus, fr. Gr. Graikos = 
the old, Pott, Fiirst), usually = Greek, denoting 
one from Greece, or one of the race inhabiting 
Greece ; but in the N. T. the A.V. translation of Gr. 
Hellenistes = a Hellenist, or Jew speaking the Gr. 
language (Acts vi. 1, &c). 

Greece (fr. L. ; see Grecia). The histories of 
Greece and Palestine are as little connected as 
those of any two nations exercising the same 
influence on the destinies of mankind could well 
be. Homer's epic in its widest range does not in- 
clude the Hebrews, while on the other hand the 
Mosaic idea of the Western world seems to have 
been sufficiently indefinite. (Earth.) Moses may have 
derived some geographical outlines from the Egyp- 
tians ; but he does not use them in Gen. x. 2-5, 
where he mentions the descendants of Javan as 
peopling the isles of the Gentiles. From the time 
of Moses to that of Joel we have no notice of the 
Greeks in the Hebrew writings. When, indeed, the 
Hebrews came into contact with the Ionians of 
Asia Minor, and recognized them as the long-lost 
islanders of the western migration, it was natural 
that they should mark the similarity of sound be- 
tween the Heb. Ydvdn (= Yon), translated " Javan," 
and the Gr. Jones ( = inhabitants of Ionia), and the 
application of that name to the Asiatic Greeks 
would tend to satisfy in some measure a longing to 
realize the Mosaic ethnography. Accordingly the 
0. T. word translated in A. V. "Grecia" (Dan. viii. 
21, x. 20, xi. 2), and " Greece " (Zech. ix. 13), is in 
Heb. Ydvdn, i. e. Javan, while the Heb. beney hay- 
Yavdnim is translated " Grecians " (Joel iii. 6 [iv. 6 
in Heb.], margin " sons of the Grecians ") : " Javan," 
however, is sometimes retained (Is. lxvi. 19 ; Ez. 
xxvii. 13). The Greeks and Hebrews met for the 
first time in the slave-market. The medium of 
communication seems to have been the Tyrian 
slave-merchants. About b. c. 800 Joel speaks of 
the Tyrians as selling the children of Judah to the 
Grecians (Joel iii. 6) ; and in Ez. xxvii. 13 the 
Greeks are mentioned as bartering their brazen 
vessels for slaves. Prophetical notice of Greece oc- 
curs in Dan. viii. 21, &c, where the history of 
Alexander and his successors is rapidly sketched. 
Zechariah (ix. 13) foretells the triumphs of the Mac- 
cabees against the Greek empire of Syria, while 



350 



GRE 



GRE 



Isaiah (lxvi. 19) looks forward to the conversion 
of the Greeks, among other Gentiles, through 
the instrumentality of Jewish missionaries. In 1 
Mc. xii. 5-23 we have an account of an embassy 
and letter sent by the Lacedemonians to the Jews. 
The most remarkable feature in the transaction is 
the claim which the Lacedemonians prefer to kin- 
dred with the Jews, and which Areus professes to 
establish by reference to a book. The notices of 
the Jewish people which occur in Greek writers 
have been collected by Josephus (Apion, i. 22). 
The chief are Pythagoras, Herodotus, Chcerilus, 
Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Hecatseus. After the 
complete subjugation of the Greeks by the Romans, 
and the absorption into the Roman empire of the 
kingdoms formed out of the dominions of Alex- 
ander, the political connection between the Greeks 
and Jews as two independent nations no longer ex- 
isted. — Ancient Greece, called by its inhabitants 
Hellas, was a country of S. E. Europe which ex- 
tended from 36° to 40° N. latitude, separated on the 
N. from Illyricum and Macedonia by a range of 
mountains, and bounded on all other sides by the 
sea. That part of Greece on the N. of the Isthmus 
of Corinth contained the districts or provinces of 
Thessaly, Epirus, Acarnania, JStolia, Locris, Doris, 
Phocis, Bceotia, Megaris, and Attica : the southern 
part or the Peloponnesus contained Laconia, Mes- 
senia, Arcadia, Elis, Argolis, Achaia, Sicyonia, and 
Corinth. There were also numerous islands on the 
E. and W. coasts, all inhabited by the Greek race. 
Under the Romans the two provinces of Macedonia 
and Achaia were often both included under the 
name of Greece. Greece occurs once in N. T. 
(Acts xx. 2, Gr. Hellas), as opposed to Macedonia. 
The Greeks were fond of tracing back their origin 
to Hellen, the son of Deucalion and Pyrrha, the 
survivors of the deluge ; and of the four great di- 
visions of the race, the Dorians and ^Eolians claimed 
to be descended from two sons of Hellen, and the 
Ionians and Achaeaos from two of his grandsons. 
The first inhabitants of Greece were called Pelas- 
gians, and were regarded as a different race ; but 
the history of Greece before the siege of Troy by 
the Greeks (b. c. 1184), and, indeed, till long after- 
ward, is a matter of much doubt and dispute. The 
authentic history and chronology of Greece begins 
with the Olympiads (b. c. 776). Greece was divided 
into small independent states, some of the time at war 
among themselves, united into confederacies more 
or less extensive and lasting, but without any central 
controlling government; yet broadly distinguished 
from the rest of the world (Barbarian) by its lan- 
guage, blood, common religious rites and festivals, 
social institutions and laws. The two states of 
Greece which attained the greatest historical celeb- 
rity, were Sparta in Laconia, and Athens in At- 
tica. Some of the Greek colonies in W. Asia, N. 
Africa, Italy, and Sicily, attained high distinction. 
Darius Htstaspis, king of Persia, invaded Greece, 
and was defeated at Marathon (b. c. 492). His son 
Xerxes, following eleven years afterward with a land 
army of 1,800,000, was met by Leonidas, king of 
Sparta, with 7,000 at the pass of Thermopylae, and 
successfully resisted for two days, but on the third 
the Persians, by the help of a traitor, gained the 
rear of the gallant band, and the 1,000 which stood 
their ground with Leonidas were all slain. The 
Persians soon took Athens ; but on the defeat at 
Salamis of his naval force (more than 4,000 vessels 
and 500,000 men), Xerxes fled to Asia. His army 
under Mardonius was finally defeated at Plataja, and 



his fleet at Mycale (b. c. 479). Thus the second 
Persian invasion of Greece ended ; but it was fol- 
lowed by contests among the Greeks themselves, in- 
cluding the celebrated Peloponnesian war (b. c. 431 
-404), which lasted till Athens was captured by the 
Spartans and their allies. Philip, king of Macedon, 
established his supremacy in Greece by the battle 
of Chaeronea (b. c. 338), but was succeeded two 
years afterward by his son Alexander the Great, 
who extended Greek influence over the greater part 
of Asia W. of the Indus, though Greece itself was 
from this time mostly' in subjection, first to Mace- 
don, afterward to Rome (Roman Empire), and still 
later to Turkey. In 1821 the Greeks threw off the 
Turkish yoke, and a desolating war began, which 
lasted till 1829, when Greece took her place again 
as an independent country. — The language and lit- 
erature of Greece have made her famous through 
the civilized world. The almost universal prevalence 
of this language in our Saviour's time and its ad- 
mirable adaptedness to the expression of thought 
fitted it to be used in the preaching of the Gospel 
by the apostles and the writing of the New Testa- 
ment. Greece was then, as it had long been, " the 
school of the human intellect," and, though the 
Greek religion was idolatrous, and Greek wisdom 
despised the Gospel and its salvation, exerted an im- 
portant influence in preparing the way for the prop- 
agation and triumph of Christianity. (Alexandria, 
Athens; Corinth ; Grecian ; Greek; Philosophy; 
Septuagint, &c). See also the article Greece in 
the New American Cyclopaedia. 

* Greek (see Grecian), the A. V. translation of 
— 1. Gr. Hellen — a native or inhabitant of Greece, 
or one of the race inhabiting Greece, distinguished 
for civilization and refinement, and hence opposed 
to Barbarian (Rom. i. 14) ; but usually in the N. T. 
= one who uses the language and customs of this 
race, and thus equivalent to Gentile, and opposed 
to Jew (Acts xvi. 1, 3, &c). — 2. Gr. adj. masc. 
Hellenikos, fem. Htllenike, neu. Hellenikon (Lk. xxiii. 
38, A. V. " of Greek ;" Rev. ix. 11, A. V. " Greek 
tongue"), and — 3. Gr. adv. Hellenisti = in Greek, 
i. e. in the Greek language ( Jn. xix. 20 ; Acts xxi. 
37). The Greek language was undoubtedly under- 
stood and spoken in Palestine in our Saviour's time 
to a considerable extent. The Greek inscription 
placed over the cross and the question addressed 
in Greek by the Apostle Paul to the chief captain 
at the Temple are referred to above. Two of the 
apostles (Andrew ; Philip) had Greek names. The 
names Decapolis, Scyihopolis (Beth-shean), Phila- 
delphia (Rabbah 1), Plolernais (Accho), are all from 
the Greek. While the Aramean or modified Hebrew 
(Shemitic Languages) was the language used by 
the Jews generally in Judea, and by our Saviour in 
His exclamation on the cross (Mk. xv. 34, compare 
Mat. xxvii. 46), the Jews of all the larger cities and 
towns must have been more or less conversant with 
Greek. In Galilee the language of Hebrew origin 
had marked peculiarities (Mk. xiv. 70), and Greek 
was probably much more prevalent than in Judea. 
The government of Alexander's successors (An- 
tiochus ii.-vii., &c.) had much more authority and 
permanence there than in Judea, and Greek was 
under them the language of the administrators of 
the government. Greece ; New Testament, &c. 

* Greek Yer'sions of the Old Tes'ta-ment. Septua- 
gint ; Versions, Ancient Greek. 

Greyhound, the A. V. translation (Prov. xxx. 31, 
margin "horse," " Heb. girt in the loins") of the 
Heb. zarzir mothnayiv , i. e. one girt about the loins. 



GRI 



GUR 



351 



Various are the opinions as to what animal I 
" comely in going " is here intended. Some think | 
" a leopard," others " an eagle,*' or " a man girt 
with armor," or " a zebra," or " a war-horse girt 
with trappings " (Gesenius, Bochart, Rosenmiiller, 
&c.), or " a wrestler," when girt about the loins for 
a contest (Talmud, Maurer, Mr. Houghton). Kara- 
chi, Stuart, Gosse (in Fbn.), A. V., &c, translate 
" greyhound." 
Grinding. Mill. 

Grove, a word used in the A. V., with two excep- 
tions, to translate the Heb. Asherdh, which is not 
a - grove, but probably an idol or image of some 
kind. (Asherah.) It is believed also there was a con- 
nection between this symbol or image, whatever it 
was, and the sacred symbolic tree, often repre- 
sented on Assyrian sculptures, and figured here 
in several different forms. — The two excep- 
tions noticed above are Gen. xxi. 33, and 1 Sam. 
xxii. 6 (margin), where " grove " is the translation 
of the Heb. eshel, which in the text of 1 Sam. xxii. 
6, xxxi. 13, is translated " tree," and by Stanley, 
Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, a tamarisk; though Gesenius, 




Sacred Symbolic Tree of the Asayriana 

thought wrong to shut up the gods within walls, 
and hence, as Pliny expressly tells us, trees were 
the first temples ; and from the earliest times 
groves are mentioned in connection with religious 
worship (Gen. xii. 6, 1, xiii. 18 ; Deut. xi. 30 ; A.V. 
" plain "). The groves were generally found con- 
nected with temples, and often had the right of 
affording an asylum. Some hare supposed that 
even the Jewish Temple had an enclosure planted 
with palm and cedar (Ps. xcii. 12, 13), and olive 
(lii. 8), as the mosque on its site now has. This 
is more than doubtful ; but we know that a cele- 
brated oak stood by the sanctuary at Shechem 
(Josh. xxiv. 26; Judg. ix. 6). There are in Scrip- 
ture many memorable trees: e. g. Allon-bachuth 
(Gen. xxxv. 8), the tamarisk in Gibeah (1 Sam. 
xxii. 6 ; see above), the " oak " in Shechem (Josh, 
xxiv. 26) under which the law was set up, the 
palm-tree of Deborah (Judg. iv. 5), &c. This ob- 
servation of particular trees was among the 
heathen extended to a regular worship of them. 

Gnard, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. and 
Chal. tabbdh or labbdch, originally = a cook; and 
as butchering fell to the lot of the cook in East- 
ern countries, it gained the secondary sense of 
executioner, and is applied to the body-guard of 
the kings of Egypt (Gen. xxxvii. 36) and Babylon 
(2 K. xxv. 8 ff. ; Jer. xxxix. 9 ff., xl. 1 fF. ; Dan. ii. 
14). — 2. Heb. rdts, properly = a runner, the 
ordinary term employed for the attendants of the 
Jewish kings, whose office it was to run before 



Fiirst, &c, suppose the meaning probably passed 
from the special to the general, thus = any large 
tree, and collectively trees, a wood, grove. (See also 




Two forms of the Assyrian Sacred Tree. From Bas-reliefs, British 
Museum. — (Fbn.) 

Plain 7.) — In the religions of the ancient heathen 
world, groves play a prominent part. In the old 
times altars only were erected to the gods. It was 



the chariot (2 Sam. xv. 1; 1 K.i.5; A. V. " to 
run" in both), and to form a military guard (1 
Sam. xxii. IV, A. V. " footmen " ; 2 K. x. 25, xi. 6; 
2 Chr. xii. 10). (Epistle ; Footman 2 ; Post II.) — 
3. Heb. mishmereth and mishmai; properly = the 
act of watching, but occasionally transferred to the 
persons who kept watch (Neh. iv. 22, A.V. " watch " 
in iv. 9, vii. 3, xii. 9 ; Job vii. 12). Army ; Captain. 

Gnd'go-dah (Heb. thunder? Ges. ; incision, cleft, 
Fii.) (Deut. x. 1). Hor-hagidgad. 

Gnesf. Hospitality. 

Gnl'lotll (Heb. pi. of gulldh = fountains, A. V. 
" springs "), a Heb. term used to denote the springs 
added by Caleb to the S. land in the neighborhood 
of Debir, which formed the .dowry of his daughter 
Achsah (Josh. xv. 19 ; Judg. i. 15). The " springs " 
were " upper " and " lower " — possibly one at the 
top and the other at the bottom of a ravine or 
glen. An attempt has been lately made by Dr. 
Rosen to identify these springs with the 'Ain Nun- 
kur near Hebron, but the identification can hardly 
be received without fuller confirmation. 

Gn'ni (Heb. colored, dyed, Ges.). 1. A son of 
Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24 ; lChr. vii. 13), the founder 
of the family of the Gunites (Num. xxvi. 48). — 2. 
A descendant of Gad (1 Chr. v. 15). 

Gu'nites, the = the descendants of Guni, son of 
Naphtali (Num. xxvi. 48). 

Gnr (Heb. whelp of a lion, Ges.), the Going up to ; 
an ascent or rising ground, at which Ahaziah re- 
ceived his death-blow while flying from Jehu afte- 




. From Lord Aberdeen's Black Stone. — (Fergusson's Nineveh and Persepolis, p. 298.) 



352 



GUR 



HAD 



the slaughter of Joram (2 K. ix. 27) ; probably 
some place more than usually steep on the difficult 
road which leads from the plain of Esdrselon to 
Jenin. Ahaziah 2. 

Gur-l>a'al(Heb. sojourn of Baal, Ges.), a place or 
district in which dwelt Arabians, as recorded in 2 
Chr. xxvi. 7. It appears from the context to have 
been in the country lying between Palestine and 
the Arabian peninsula ; but this, although probable, 
cannot be proved. The Arab geographers mention 
a place called Baal, on the Syrian road, N. of Me- 
dina. 

H 

Ha-a-hash'ta-ri (Heb. the Ahashtarile ; fr. Pers., 
prob. = the mule-driver, Ges. ; the messenger, courier, 
Fii.), a man, or a family, immediately descended 
from Ashur, the " father of Tekoa," by his second 
wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 

Ha-bai'ah [-ba'yah] (Heb. whom Jehovah hides or 
protects, Ges.), ancestor of certain sons of the priests 
who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel, but, 
their genealogy being imperfect, were not allowed 
to serve (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. vii. 63). 

Ha-bak kuk, or Hab'ak-knk (Heb. embrace, Ges.), 
in Apocrypha Abacoc and Habbacuc. I. Of the 
facts of the prophet's life we have no certain infor- 
mation, and with regard to the period of his proph- 
ecy there is great dTvision of opinion. The Rabbin- 
ical tradition that Habakkuk was the son of the 
Shunammite woman whom Elisha restored to life 
is repeated by Abarbanel in his commentary, and 
has no other foundation than a fanciful etymology 
of the prophet's name, based on the expression in 
2 K. iv. 16. In the title of Bel and the Dragon, as 
found in the LXX. version in Origen's Telrapla, the. 
author is called " Habakkuk the son of Joshua, of 
the tribe of Levi." Some have supposed this apoc- 
ryphal writer = the prophet. Pseudo-Epiphanius 
and Dorotheus say that he was of the tribe of 
Simeon, and relate that when Jerusalem was sacked 
by Nebuchadnezzar, Habakkuk fled to Ostracine, 
and remained there till after the Chaldeans had left 
the city, when he returned to his own country, and 
died at his farm two years before the return from 
Babylon (b. c. 538). It was during his residence in 
Judea that he is said to have carried food to Daniel 
in the den of lions at Babylon (B. & D., Euseb., 
&c). Habakkuk is said to have been buried at Kei- 
lah (Euseb.)J Rabbinical tradition places his tomb 
at Hukkok. — II. The Rabbinical traditions agree in 
placing Habakkuk with Joel and Nahum in the 
reign of Manasseh. Kimchi, Abarbanel, Witsius, 
Jahn, &c, adopt this date. Davidson, following 
Keil, decides in favor of the early part of the reign 
of Josiah. Calmet, Ewald, De Wette, Rosenmiiller, 
Knobel, Maurer, Hitzig, Meier, &c, assign the com- 
mencement of Habakkuk's prophecy to the reign 
of Jehoiakim. Delitzsch concludes that Habakkuk 
delivered his prophecy about the twelfth or thir- 
teenth year of Josiah (b. c. 630 or 629). This view 
receives some confirmation from the position of his 
prophecy in the 0. T. Canon (so Mr. Wright, ori- 
ginal author of this article). The prophet com- 
mences by announcing his office and important mis- 
sion (i. 1). He bewails the corruption and social 
disorganization by which he is surrounded, and 
cries to Jehovah for help (i. 2-4). Next follows 
the reply of the Deity, threatening swift vengeance 
(i. 5-11). The prophet, transferring himself to the 



near future foreshadowed in the divine threatenings, 
sees the rapacity and boastful impiety of the Chal- 
dean hosts, but, confident that God has only em- 
ployed them as the instruments of correction, as- 
sumes (ii. 1) an attitude of hopeful expectancy, and 
waits to see the issue. He receives the divine com- 
mand to write in an enduring form the vision of 
God's retributive justice, as revealed to his pro- 
phetic eye (ii. 2, 3). The doom of the Chaldeans is 
first foretold in general terms (ii. 4-6), and the an- 
nouncement is followed by a series of denuncia- 
tions pronounced upon them by the nations who 
had suffered from their oppression (ii. 6-20). The 
strophical arrangement of these " woes " (three 
verses each) is a remarkable feature of the proph- 
ecy. The whole concludes with the magnificent 
Psalm in ch. iii., " Habakkuk's Pindaric ode " 
(Ewald), a composition unrivalled for boldness of 
conception, sublimity of thought, and majesty of 
diction. Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; Old Tes- 
tament ; Pbophet. 

Hab-a-zi-ni'ak (fr. Heb. := light or lamp of Je- 
hovah ? Ges. ; collection of Jah, Fii.), ancestor of 
Jaazaniah, and apparently head of a family of the 
Rechabites (Jer. xxxv. 3). 

Hab'ba-cnc (fr. L. form Habacuc) — Habakkuk 
(B. & D. 33-39). 

Ha-ber'ge-on [-je-]. Arms, II. 1, 2. 

Ha'hor (Heb. joining together, Ges.), the "river 
of Gozan" (2 K. xvii. 6, xviii. 11), beyond all 
reasonable doubt (so Rawlinson, Ritter, Gesenius, 
&c.) = the famous affluent of the Euphrates, which 
is called Aborrhas by Strabo, Chaboras by Pliny 
and Ptolemy, and now Khabour. It is about 200 
miles long ; its course is tortuous, having a general 
direction about S. S. W., through rich, flowery 
meads. It flows from several sources in the moun- 
tain-chain, which about 37 c N. lat. closes in the 
valley of the Tigris upon the S. — the Mons Masius 
of Strabo and Ptolemy, at present the Kharej 
Dagh. 

Haeh-a-li'ah [hak-] (fr. Heb. = whose eyes Jeho- 
vah enlivens, Ges.), father of Nehemiah 1 (Neh. i. 
1, x. 1). 

Hach'i-lah (Heb. darksome, Ges.), the Hill of, a 

hill apparently in a wood in the wilderness or waste 
land in the neighborhood of Ziph 2 ; in the fast- 
nesses, or passes, of which David and his six hun- 
dred followers were lurking when the Ziphites in- 
formed Saul of his whereabouts (1 Sam. xxiii. 19; 
compare 14, 15, 18). No trace of the name Hachi- 
lah has yet been discovered. 

Hach'mo-iii (Heb. wise, Ges.), Son of, and The 
Hacli'mo-nite (1 Chr. xxvii. 32, xi. 11), both render- 
ings — the former the correct one — of the same He- 
brew words. Hachmon or Hachmoni was no doubt 
the founder of a family to which Jehiel 5 and 
Jashobeam belonged : the actual father of Jasho- 
beam was Zabdiel (xxvii. 2), and he is also said to 
have belonged to the Korhites (xii. 6), possibly the 
Levites descended from Korah. 

Ha'dad (Heb. powerful, mighty, Fii. ; see No. 1 
below) was originally the indigenous appellation of 
the sun among the Syrians, and was thence trans- 
ferred to the king, as the highest of earthly author- 
ities. The title appears to have been an official one, 
like Pharaoh. It is found occasionally in the al- 
tered form Hadar. 1. (Heb. = sharp, Ges. ; power- 
ful, mighty, Fii.) Son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15; 1 
Chr. i. 30). — 2. A king of Edom who gained an im- 
portant victory over the Midianites on the field of 
Moab (Gen. xxxvi. 35, 36 ; 1 Chr. i. 46, 47).— 3. A 



HAD 



HAG 



353 



king of Edom, with Pau for his capital (1 Chr. i. 
50) ; = Hadar 2. — 4. A member of the royal house 
of Edom (1 K. xi. 14 ff.). In his childhood he es- 
caped the massacre under Joab, in which his father 
appears to have perished, and fled with a band of 
followers into Egypt. Pharaoh, the predecessor of 
Solomon's father-in-law, treated 'him kindly, and 
gave him his sister-in-law in marriage. After Da- 
vid's death Hadad resolved to attempt the recovery 
of his dominion: Pharaoh in vain discouraged him, 
and upon this he left Egypt and returned to his 
own country. It does not appear from the Hebrew 
text how Hadad became subsequently to this an 
" adversary unto Solomon " (ver. 14), still less how 
he gained the sovereignty over Syria (ver. 25). The 
LXX. refers ver. 25 entirely to him, and substitutes 
for Aram (Syria), Edom. 

Had-ad-e'zer (Heb. Hadad is his help, Ges.) = 
Hadarezer (2 Sam. viii. 3-12 ; 1 K. xi. 23). 

Ha'dad-rim'mon (Heb., see below), according to 
the ordinary interpretation of Zech. xii. 11 = a 
place in the valley of Megiddo, named after two 
Syrian idols (Hadad ; Rimmon), where a national 
lamentation was held for the death of King Josiah. 
Van de Velde (i. 355) identifies Hadadrimmon with 
the modern village Rumuni, three-quarters of an 
hour S. of Lejjun. (Megiddo) ; but its position is un- 
suitable (so Porter, in Kitto). 

Ha'dar (Heb.= Hadad). I. Son of Ishmael (Gen. 
xxv. 15); = Hadad 1. The mountain Hadad, be- 
longing to Teymd (Tema) on the borders of the 
Syrian desert, N. of .Medina, perhaps = the ancient 
dwellings of the tribe descended from him. — 2. King 
of Edom, successor of Baal-hanan the son of Ach- 
bor (Gen. xxxvi. 39) ; = Hadad 3. 

Had-ar-e'zer (Heb. = Hadadezer), son of Rehob 
(2 Sam. viii. 3), the king of Zobah, who, while on 
his way to " establish his dominion " at the Euphra- 
tes, was overtaken by David, and defeated with 
great loss of chariots, horses, and men (1 Chr. 
xviii. 3 ff.). (Arms, II. 6.) After the first repulse 
of the Ammonites and their Syrian allies by Joab, 
Hadarezer sent his army to the assistance of his 
kindred the people of Maachah, Rehob, and Ish-tob 
(xix. 16 ff. ; 2 Sam. x. 15 ff., compare 8). Under 
the command of Shophach, or Shobach, the captain 
of the host, they crossed the Euphrates, joined the 
other Syrians, and encamped at Helam. David him- 
self came from Jerusalem to take the command of 
the Israelite army. As on the former occasion, the 
rout was complete. 

Had a-shall (Heb. fern. = new), a city of Judah, 
in the maritime low country (Josh. xv. 37 only) ; 
probably = Adasa. Hitherto it has eluded dis- 
covery in modern times. 

Ha-das'sah (Heb. myrtle, Ges.), a name, probably 
the earlier name, of Esther (Esth. ii. 7). 

Ha-dat'tah (Heb. new, unused, Fii.), according 
to the A. V. one of the towns of Judah in the ex- 
treme S. (Josh. xv. 25) ; but the Hebrew accents 
connect the word with that preceding it, as if it 
were Hazor-hadaitah, i. e. New Haxor, in distinction 
from the Hazor in verse 23. Wilton and Rowlands 
(in Fairbairn, s. v. " South Country") identify Ha- 
zor-hadattah with an ancient ruin, Kasr Adadah, 
about twelve miles S. W. of Masada (Sebbeh) and 
W. of the Dead Sea. 

* Hades [-deez] (Gr.). Hell. 

Ha did (Heb. sharp), a place named with Lod 
(Lydda) and Ono in Ezr. ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34 ; 
probably about three miles E. of Lydd (Lydda) at 
the modern village el-Haditheh. Adida. 
23 



Had'lai or Dad'la-i (Heb. resting, Ges.), an 
Ephraimite, father of Amasa 2 (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). 

Ha-do'rani (Heb. Hadar [= Hadad] is exalted, 
Fii.). 1. Fifth son of Joktan (Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 21). His descendants, according to Gesenius, 
Fiirst, &c, = the Adramike, a tribe of S. Arabia. 
— 2. Son of Tou or Toi, king of Hamath ; his 
father's ambassador to congratulate David on his 
victory over Hadarezer, king of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 
10); = Joram 4. — 3. The intendant of taxes under 
David, Solomon, and Rehoboam (2 Chr. x. 18); = 
Adoniram and Adoram. 

Ha'drach [-drak] (Aram, periodical return of the 
sun, Fii. ; strong-weak, a symbolical name, Fbn. ; 
perhaps from Hadar), a country of Syria (Zech. ix. 
1, 2 only). The position of the district, with its 
borders, is here generally stated ; but the name it- 
self seems to have wholly disappeared. It still re- 
mains unknown. 

Ha'gab (Heb. locust, Ges. ; bent, Fii.), ancestor of 
certain Nethinim who returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46). 

Hag'a-l>a (Heb. = Hagab, Ges., Fii.), ancestor of 
certain Nethinim who came back from captivity 
with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48) ; = Hagabah. 

Hag'a-bah (Heb. = Hagab, Ges., Fu.) = Hagaba 
(Ezr. ii. 45). 

Ha'gar (Heb. flight), an Egyptian woman, the 
handmaid, or slave, of Sarah (Gen. xvi. 1), whom 
the latter gave as a concubine (Marriage) to Abra- 
ham, after he had dwelt ten years in the iand of 
Canaan and had no children by Sarah (xvi. 2, 3). 
That she was a bondwoman is stated both in the 
0. T. and in the N. T., in the latter as part of her 
typical character. It is recorded that " when she 
saw that she had conceived, her mistress -was de- 
spised in her eyes " (4), and Sarah, with the anger, 
we may suppose, of a free woman, rather than of a 
wife, reproached Abraham for the results of her 
own act. Hagar fled, turning her steps toward her 
native land through the great wilderness traversed 
by the Egyptian road. By the fountain in the way 
to Shur (Beer-lahai-roi) the angel of the Lord 
found her, charged her to return and submit her- 
self under the hands of her mistress, and delivered 
the remarkable prophecy respecting her unborn 
child, recorded in ver. 10-12. On her return, she 
gave birth to Ishmael, and Abraham was then 
eighty-six years old. Mention is not again made 
of Hagar in the history of Abraham until the feast 
at the weaning of Isaac, when " Sarah saw the son 
of Hagar the Egyptian, which she had borne unto 
Abraham, mocking ; " and in exact sequence with 
the first flight of Hagar, we now read of her expul- 
sion (xxi. 9 ff.). The verisimilitude, oriental exact- 
ness, and simple beauty of this story are internal 
evidences attesting its truth apart from all other 
evidence. The name of Hagar occurs elsewhere 
only when she takes a wife to Ishmael (xxi. 21); 
and in the genealogy (xxv. 12). St. Paul refers to 
her as the type of the old covenant, likening her to 
Mount Sinai, the Mount of the Law (Gal. iv. 22 ff.). 
In Mohammedan tradition Hagar is represented as 
the wife of Abraham. 

Ha-gar-enes' [-eenz], Ha'gar-ites (both ffr. Heb. 
pi. Hagrim, Hagriim = fugitives, Ges. ; descendants 
of Hagar ?), a people dwelling to the E. of Pales- 
tine, with whom the tribe of Reuben made war in 
the time of Saul (1 Chr. v. 10, 18-20). The same 
people, as confederate against Israel, are mentioned 
in Ps. lxxxiii. Who these people were is a question 
that cannot readily be decided, though it is gen- 



354 



HAG 



HAI 



erally believed that they were named after Hagar. 
It is uncertain whether the important town and 
district of Hcjer represent the ancient name and a 
dwelling of the Hagarenes ; but it is reasonable to 
suppose that they do. Hejer, or Hcjercl, is the capi- 
tal town, and also a subdivision, of the province of 
Northeastern Arabia called El-Bahreyn, on the bor- 
ders of the Persian Gulf. 

Ha'ger-ite [g as in get] (fr. Heb. Hagri = descend- 
ant of Hagar), the. Jaziz the Hagerite had the 
charge of David's sheep (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). 

Hag'ga-i or Ilag'gai (Heb. festive, Ges.), the tenth 
in order of the minor prophets, and first of those 
who prophesied after the Captivity. With regard 
to his tribe and parentage, both history and tradi- 
tion are alike silent. Probably he was one of the 
exiles who returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua. 
Ewald infers from chapter ii. 3 that he may have 
been one of the few survivors who had seen the 
first temple in its splendor. The rebuilding of the 
temple, commenced in the reign of Cyrus (b. c. 585), 
was suspended during the reigns of his successors, 
Cambyses and Pseudo-Smerdis, in consequence of 
the determined hostility of the Samaritans. On the 
accession of Darius Hystaspis (b. c. 521), the proph- 
ets Haggai and Zechariah urged the renewal of the 
undertaking, and obtained the permission and as- 
sistance of the king (Ezr. v. 1, vi. 14). Animated 
by the high courage of these devoted men, the 
people prosecuted the work with vigor, and the 
temple was completed and dedicated in the sixth 
year of Darius (b. c. 516). According to tradition, 
Haggai was born in Babylon, was a young man 
when he came to Jerusalem, and was buried with 
honor near the sepulchres of the priests. It has 
hence been conjectured that he was a priest. Hag- 
gai, Zechariah, and Malachi, according to the Jew- 
ish writers, were with Daniel when he saw the 
vision of Dan. x. 7 ; and were after the Captivity 
members of the Great Synagogue. (Synagogue, 
the Great; see also Ezra, Book op.) One tradi- 
tion places their death in the fifty-second year of 
the Medes and Persians ; another makes Haggai 
survive till the entry of Alexander the Great into 
Jerusalem, and even till our Saviour's time. The 
names of Haggai and Zechariah are associated in 
the LXX. in the titles of Ps. 137, 145-148 ; in the 
Vulgate in those of Ps. Ill, 145; and in thePeshito 
Syriac in those of Ps. 125, 126, 145-148. It may 
be that tradition assigned to these prophets the ar- 
rangement of the above-mentioned psalms for use 
in the temple service. According to Pseudo-Epi- 
phanius, Haggai was the first who chanted the Hal- 
lelujah in the second temple. The style of his 
writing is generally tame and prosaic, though at 
times it rises to the dignity of severe invective, 
when the prophet rebukes his countrymen for their 
selfish indolence and neglect of God's house. But 
the brevity of the prophecies is so great, and the 
poverty of expression which characterizes them so 
striking, as to give rise to a conjecture, not with- 
out reason, that in their present form they are but 
the outline or summary of the original discourses 
(so Mr. Wright, after Eichhorn, Jahn, &c). They 
were delivered in the second year of Darius Hystas- 
pis (b. c. 520), at intervals from the 1st day of the 
6th month to the 24th day of the 9th month in the 
same year. 

Hag'ge-ri [g as in get] (Heb. Hcigri = descendant 
of Hagar ; compare Hagerite). " Mibhar son of 
fiaggeri" (margin "the Haggerite ") was one of 
David's valiant men, according to 1 Chr. xi. 38. 



The parallel passage — 2 Sam. xxiii. 36 — has "Bani 
the Gaditc," which is probably the correct reading 
(so Kennicott). 

Hag'gi (Heb. = Haggai, Ges.), second son of 
Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16; Num. xxvi. 15) ; founder of the 
Haggites. 

Hag-gi'ah (fr. Heb. = festival of Jehovah, Ges.), 
a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. vi. 30). 

Hag'gites, the = a Gadite family sprung from 
Haggi (Num. xxvi. 15). 

Hag git ll (Heb. festive, Ges. ; a dancer, Mr. Grove), 
one of David's wives, the mother of Adonijah (2 
Sam. iii. 4 ; 1 K. i. 5, 11, ii. 13 ; 1 Chr. iii. 2). 

Ha'gi-a (fr. Gr.) = Hattil (1 Esd. v. 34). 

* Ha-gi-og'ra-pha (Gr. =: holy writings). Bible, 
III. 3 ; Psalms. 

ISa'i (II eb. = the Ai) = Ai (Gen. xii. 8, xiii. 3). 

* Bail (Heb. b&r&d ; Gr. chalaza) was the seventh 
of the plagues of Egypt. (Plagues, the Ten.) 
Hail is more common than snow in the hill-country 
of Palestine during the rainy season (Rbn. Phys. 
Geog. 2fl0 f.). Destructive hail-storms sometimes 
occurred (Ps. cxlviii. 8 ; Hag. ii. 17, &c). God 
smote the Amorites with " hailstones " (Josh. x. 
11). " Hail " is mentioned among the Divine judg- 
ments (Ps. lxxviii. 47, 48, cv. 32; Is. xxviii. 2, 17; 
Ez. xiii. 11, 13; Rev. viii. 11, &c). Rain ; Thun- 
der, &c. 

Hair. The Hebrews were fully alive to the im- 
portance of the hair as an element of personal 
beauty, whether as seen in the " curled locks, black 
as a raven," of youth (Cant. v. 11), or in the " crown 
of glory " that encircled the head of old age (Prov. 
xvi. 31). The customs of ancient nations in regard 
to the hair varied considerably : the Egyptians 
allowed the women to wear it long, but kept the 
heads of men closely shaved from early childhood. 
The Greeks admired long hair, whether in men 
or women. The Assyrians also wore it long. (See 
cut under Crown.) The Hebrews on the other 
hand, while they encouraged the growth of hair, 
observed the natural distinction between the sexes 
by allowing the women to wear it long (Lk. vii. 
38 ; Jn. xi. 2 ; f Cor. xi. 6 ff.), while the men 
restrained theirs by frequent clipping to a mod- 
erate length. This difference between the He- 
brews and the surrounding nations, especially the 
Egyptians, arose no doubt partly from natural 
taste, but partly also from legal enactments : clip- 
ping the hair in a certain manner and offering the 
locks, was in early times connected with religious 
worship : and hence the Hebrews were forbidden to 
" round the corners of their heads " (Lev. xix. 27), 
meaning the locks along the forehead and temples, 
and behind the ears. The prohibition against cut- 
ting off the hair on the death of a relative (Deut. 
xiv. 1) was probably grounded on a similar reason. 
In addition to these regulations, the Hebrews 
dreaded baldness, as it was frequently the result of 
leprosy (Lev. xiii. 40 ff.), and hence formed one of 
the disqualifications for the priesthood (Lev. xxi. 
20, LXX.). "Several of the Canaanitish nations 
shaved some part of the head." " The beard, mus 
taches, and eyebrows " of the Hittites " were all 
closely shaven. They had also a custom of shaving 
a square place just above the ear, leaving the hair 
on the side of the face and the whiskers, whi ch 
hung down in a long plaited lock. The Zuzim 
shaved the back of the head. The Moabites of 
Rabbah shaved the forehead half-way to the crown, 
combing all the rest of the hair backward." (Os- 
burn's Anc. Egypt, 125, 126.) Compare margin of 



HAI 



HAL 



355 



Jer. ix. 26, xxv. 23, &c, " cut off into comers, or, 
having the corners of their hair polled." Long hair 
was admired in the case of young men ; it is espe- 
cially noticed in the description of Absalom's per- 
son (2 Sam. xiv. 26). The care requisite to keep 
the hair in order in such cases must have been very 
great, and hence the practice of wearing long hair 
was unusual, and only resorted to as an act of re- 
ligious observance. (Nazarite.) In times of afflic- 
tion the hair was altogether cut off (Is. iii. IV, 24, 
xv. 2 ; Jer. vii. 29). Tearing the hair (Ezr. ix. 3), 
and letting it go dishevelled, were similar tokens of 
grief. Wigs were commonly used by the Egyp- 




Egyptian Wigs. — (Wilkinson.) 



tians, but not by the Hebrews. The usual and fa- 
vorite color of the hair was black (Cant. v. 11), as 
is indicated in the comparisons to a " flock of goats " 
and the " tents of Kedar " (iv. 1, i. 5) : a similar 
hue is probably intended by the jnirple of Cant. vii. 
5. A fictitious hue was occasionally obtained by 
sprinkling gold-dust on the hair. It does not ap- 
pear that dyes were ordinarily used. Herod is said 
to have dyed his gray hair. The approach of age was 
marked by a sprinkling (Hos. vii. 9) of gray hairs, 
which soon overspread the whole head (Gen. xlii. 
38, xliv. 29 ; 1 K. ii. 6, 9 ; Prov. xvi. 31, xx. 29). 
(Almond.) Pure white hair was deemed character- 
istic of the Divine Majesty (Dan. vii. 9 ; Rev. i. 14). 
The chief beauty of the hair consisted in curls, 
whether natural or artificial. With regard to the 
mode of dressing the hair, we have no very precise 
information ; the terms used are of a general char- 



acter, as of Jezebel (2 K. ix. 30), of Judith (Jd. x. 
3). The terms used in the N. T. (1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 1 
Pet. iii. 3) are also of a general character ; Schleus- 
ner understands them of curling rather than plait- 
ing. (Broidered.) The arrangement of Samson's 
hair into seven locks, or more properly braids 
(Judg. xvi. 13, 19), involves the practice of plaiting, 
which was also familiar to the Egyptians and Greeks. 




Grecian Manner of Wearing the Hair. — From Hope's Costumes. — (Fbn.) 

The locks were probably kept in their place by a 
fillet as in Egypt. Ornaments were worked into 
the hair, as practised by the modern Egyptians. 
Combs and hair-pins are mentioned in the Talmud 
(Head-dress.) The Hebrews, like other nations of 
antiquity, anointed the hair profusely with oint- 
ments, generally compounded of various aromatic 
ingredients (Ru. iii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xiv. 2 ; Ps. xxiii. 5, 
xlv. 7, xcii. 10 ; Eccl. ix. 8 ; Is. iii. 24) ; more espe- 
cially on occasion of festivities or hospitality (Mat. 
vi. 17, xxvi. 7 ; Lk. vii. 46). (Anointing ; Oint- 
ment.) It appears to have been the custom of the 
Jews in our Saviour's time to swear by the hair 
(Mat. v. 36), much as the Egyptian women still 
swear by the side-lock, and the men by their beards 
(Lane, i. 52, 71, notes). Beard; Handicraft; 
Punishments ; Razor. 

Hak'ka-tan (Heb. the little). Johanan, son of 
Hakkatan, was the chief of the sons of Azgad who 
returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). 

Hak'koz (Heb. the thorn), a priest, the chief of 
the seventh course in the service of the sanctuary, 
as appointed by David (1 Chr. xxiv. 10). In Ezr. ii. 
61, and Neh. iii. 4, 21, the name occurs again as 
Koz in the A. V. 

Ha-kn'p!ia (Heb. bent, crooked, Ges.), ancestor 
of certain Nethinim who returned from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53). 

Ha'lah (Heb.) (2 K. xvii. 16, xviii. 11 ; 1 Chr. v. 26) 
is probably (so Rawlinson) a different place from the 
Calah of'Gen. x. 11. Rawlinson supposes it = 
the Chalcitis of Ptolemy, a region adjoining Gauza- 
nitis (Gozan) ; and that the name remains in the 
modern Gla, a large mound on the upper Khabour 
(Habor). 

Ha'lak (Heb. the smooth), the Monilt, a mountain 
twice named as the southern limit of Joshua's con- 
quests (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7) ; according to Wilton 
(in Pairbairn, article " Karkaa ") the modern Jebel 
Yelek, a long and lofty ridge about 75 miles S. W. 
from Beer-sheba ; according to Keil and Porter (in 
Kitto) the line of chalk cliffs which form the north- 
ern limit of the Arabah (= the ascent of Akrab- 
bim, Robinson). 

* Half Part (Neh. iii. 9 ff.). Part. 

E5.ii 1ml (Heb. full of hollows, Fii.), a town of Ju- 
dah in the mountain district (Josh. xv. 58). The 
name still remains attached to a conspicuous hill, 
with ruins of walls, a mosque, &c, and a village on 
the eastern slope, one mile E. of the road from Je- 
rusalem to Hebron, between three and four miles 
from the latter. 

Ha'li (Heb. necklace, trinket, Ges.), a town on the 



356 



HAL 



HAM 



boundary of Asher, named between Helkath and 
Beten (Josh. xix. 25). 

Hal-i-car-nas'sus (L. fr. Gr.), in Caria, a city of 
great renown, as the birthplace of Herodotus and 
of the later historian Dionysius, and as embellished 
by the Mausoleum erected by Artemisia, but of no 
Biblical interest except as the residence of a Jewish 
population in the periods between the 0. and N. T. 
histories (1 Mc. xv. 23). The modern name of the 
place is Budrum. 

Hall, used of the court of the high-priest's house 
(Lk. xxii. 55). In Matthew xxvii. 27, and Mark xv. 
16, "hall" = " Pr^etorium," the "judgment-hall" 
in John xviii. 28. The hall or court of a house or 
palace would probably be an enclosed but uncov- 
ered space, on a lower level than the apartments 
of the lowest floor which looked into it. 

Ilal-le-lu jail (Heb. haliluy&h = praise ye Jehovah 
[A. V. " praise ye the Lord "]), in margin of Psalms 
cv. 45, cvi. 1, 48, cxi. 1, cxii. 1, cxiii. 1, &c, com- 
pare Psalms civ. 35, cxiii. 9, &c. ; written " Alle- 
luia " in Tobit xiii. 18, and Revelation xix. 1-6. 
Psalms cxiii.-cxviii. were called by the Jews the 
Hallel (Heb. praise), and were sung on the first of 
the month and at the feasts of Dedication, Taber- 
nacles, Weeks, and the Passover. These Psalms 
bear marks of being intended for use in the temple 
service, the words " praise ye Jehovah " being taken 
up by the full chorus of Levites. In Revelation 
xix. 1-6, as in the offering of incense (viii.), there is 
evident allusion to the service of the Temple, as the 
apostle had often witnessed it in all its grandeur. 
Hosanna ; Passover II. e. 

Hal-lo'Iiesh (Heb. the enchanter, Ges.), one of the 
" chief of the people " who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 24). 

Ha-lo'hesh (Heb. Hallohesh). Shallum, son of 
Halohesh, was " ruler of the half part of Jerusa- 
lem " (Part) at the repair of the wall by Nehemiah 
(Neh. iii. 12). 

Ham (Heb. prob. = warm or hot, Ges. ; dark-col- 
ored, black, Fii.). 1. The name of one of the three 
sons of Noah, apparently the second in age (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, the original author of this article ; but 
Gesenius, Furst, Knobel, Delitzsch, &c, regard Ham 
as the youngest of Noah's sons) (Gen. ix. 24). Of the 
history of Ham nothing is related except his irrever- 
ence to his father, and the curse which that patri- 
arch pronounced. The sons of Ham are stated to 
have been " Cush and Mizraim and Phut and Ca- 
naan " (Gen. x. 6 ; comp. 1 Chr. i. 8). The name 
of Ham alone, of the three sons of Noah, if Mr. 
Poole's identification of it with the Egyptian Kern{= 
Egypt) be correct, is known to have been given to a 
country (Ps. lxxviii. 51, cv. 23, cvi. 22). Mr. Poole 
concludes that settlements of Cush extended from 
Babylonia along the shores of the Indian Ocean to 
Ethiopia above Egypt, and that there was an eastern 
as well as a western Cush. The Mizraites ( = descend- 
ants of Mizraim, or [so Mr. Poole] of Mazor[Heb. M&- 
&or=Ham ? ; see Egypt and Mizraim]) occupy a ter- 
ritory wider than that bearing the name of Mizraim. 
Mr. Poole supposes that Mizraim included all the 
first settlements, and that in remote times other 
tribes besides the Philistines migrated, or extended 
their territories. Phut has been always placed in 
Africa, where we find, in the Egyptian inscriptions, 
a great nomadic people corresponding to it. Re- 
specting the geographical position of the Canaan- 
ites there is no dispute, although all the names are 
not identified. The Hamathites alone of those iden- 
tified were settled in early times wholly beyond the 



land of Canaan. Perhaps there was a primeval ex- 
tension of the Canaanite tribes after their first es- 
tablishment in the land called after their ancestor, 
for before the specification of its limits as those of 
their settlements it is stated " afterward were the 
families of the Canaanites spread abroad " (Gen. x. 
18, 19). One of their most important extensions 
was to the N. E. Philologers are not agreed as to 
a Hamitic class of language. Recently Bunsen has 
applied the term " Hamitism," or as he writes it, 
Chamitism, to the Egyptian language, or rather 
family. Sir H. Rawlinson has applied the term 
Cushite to the primitive language of Babylonia, and 
the same term has been used for the ancient language 
of the southern coast of Arabia. The Biblical evi- 
dence seems, at first sight, in favor of Hebrew being 
classed as a Hamitic rather than a Shemitic form 
of speech. It is called in the Bible " the language 
of Canaan" (Is. xix. 18), although those speaking 
it are elsewhere said to speak " in the Jews' lan- 
guage " (2 K. xviii. 26, 28 ; Is. xxxvi. 11,13; Neh. 
xiii. 24). But the one term, as Gesenius remarks, 
indicates the country where the language was 
spoken, the other as evidently indicates a people by 
whom it was spoken. Elsewhere we might find 
evidence of the use of a so-called Shemitic language 
by nations either partly or wholly of Hamite origin. 
This evidence would favor the theory that Hebrew 
was Hamitic ; but on the other hand we should be 
unable to dissociate Shemitic Languages from 
Shemitic peoples. The Egyptian languages would 
also offer great difficulties, unless it were held to be 
but partly of Hamitic origin, since it is mainly of 
an entirely different class from the Shemitic. It is 
mainly Nigritian, but it also contains Shemitic ele- 
ments. Mr. Poole believes that the groundwork is 
Nigritian, and that the Shemitic part is a layer 
added to a complete Nigritian language. An inqui- 
ry into the history of the Hamite nations presents 
considerable difficulties, since it cannot be deter- 
mined in the cases of the most important of those 
commonly held to be Hamite that they were purely 
of that stock. It is certain that the three most il- 
lustrious Hamite nations — the Cushites, the Pheni- 
cians, and the Egyptians — were greatly mixed with 
foreign peoples. There are some common charac- 
teristics, however, which appear to connect the 
different branches of the Hamite family, and to dis- 
tinguish them from the children of Japheth and 
Shem. Their architecture has a solid grandeur 
that we look for in vain elsewhere. The early his- 
tory of each of the chief Hamite nations shows 
great power of organizing an extensive kingdom, of 
acquiring material greatness, and checking the in- 
roads of neighboring nomadic peoples. (Arabia ; 
Babel; Egypt.) — 2. According to the Masoretic 
text (Gen. xiv. 5), Chedorlaomer and his allies 
smote the Zuzim in a place called Ham. If, as 
seems likely, the Zuzim = the Zamzummim, Ham 
must be placed in what was afterward the Ammon- 
ite territory. Hence it has been conjectured by 
Tuch, that Ham is but another form of the name 
of the chief stronghold of the children of ^wmion, 
Rabbah 1, now imman. — 3. In the account of a 
migration of the Simeonites to the valley of Ge- 
dor, and their destroying the pastoral inhabitants, 
the latter, or possibly their predecessors, are said 
to have been " of Ham " (1 Chr. iv. 40). This may 
indicate that a Hamite tribe was settled here, or 
more precisely, that there was an Egyptian settle- 
ment. 

Ha'man (Heb. perhaps fr. Pers. = magnificent, 



HAM 



HAM 



357 



splendid, or fr. Sansc. = the planet Mercury, Ges.), 
the chief minister or vizier of King Ahasuerus 
(Esth. iii. 1, &c). (Esther.) After the failure of 
his attempt to cut off all the Jews in the Persian 
empire, he was hanged on the gallows which he had 
erected for Mordecai. The Targum and Josephus in- 
terpret the description of him — " the Agagite " — as 
signifying that he was of Amalekitish descent ; but 
he is called a Macedonian by the LXX. in Esth. 
ix. 24. 

Ha math (Heb. fortress, citadel, Ges.) appears to 
have been the principal city of Upper Syria from 
the time of the Exodus to that of the prophet Amos. 
It was situated in the valley of the Orontes, about 
half way between its source near Baalbek, and the 
bend which it makes at Jisr-hadid. It thus natu- 
rally commanded the whole of the Orontes valley, 
from the low screen of hills which forms the water- 
shed between the Orontes and the Litdny — the " en- 
trance of Hamath," as it is called in Scripture (so 
Rawlinson, Stanley, &c, see below) (Num. xxxiv. 8 ; 
Josh. xiii. 5, &c.) — to the defile of Daphne below 
Antioch ; and this tract appears to have formed the 
kingdom of Hamath, during the time of its inde- 
pendence. Robinson (iii. 568 f.) and Porter (ii. 
356) regard " the entrance " or " entering in of 



Hamath " as the great interval or depression, open- 
ing toward the W. in lat. 34° 40', between the N. 
end of Mount Lebanon and the Nusairiyeh moun- 
tains. The Hamathites were a Hamitic race, and 
are included among the descendants of Canaan 
(Gen. x. 18). We must regard them as closely 
akin to the Hittites on whom they bordered, and 
with whom they were generally in alliance. Noth 
ing appears of the power of Hamath, until the 
time of David (2 Sam. viii. 10). (Toi.) Hamath 
seems clearly to have been included in the domin- 
ions of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21-24). The "store- 
cities," which Solomon " built in Hamath " (2 Chr. 
viii. 4), were places for collecting stores of provi- 
sions (xxxii. 28) ; when situated on the great trade- 
roads they were no doubt intended to relieve the 
wants of travellers and their beasts of burden (Ber- 
theau). In the Assyrian inscriptions of the time 
of Ahab (b. c. 900) Hamath appears as a separate 
power, in alliance with the Syrians of Damascus, 
the Hittites, and the Phenicians. About three- 
quarters of a century later, Jeroboam II. " recov- 
ered Hamath " (2 K. xiv. 28). Soon afterward the 
Assyrians took it (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13, &c), and 
from this time it ceased to be a place of much im- 
portance. Antiochus Epiphanes changed its name 




to Epiphaneia. The natives, however, called it Ha- 
math, even in Jerome's time, and its present name, 
Hamah, is but slightly altered from the ancient 
form. The population is 30,000 (Porter in Kitto). 
Huge water-wheels raise water from the Orontes, 
which is conveyed by rude aqueducts to the gardens 
and houses in the upper town. 

Ha'math-zo'bab (Heb. Hamath of Zobah, or 
fortress of Zobah) (2 Chr. viii. 3) has been conjec- 
tured to be = Hamath (so Gesenius, Alexander in 
Kitto, &c). But Rawlinson supposes Hamath-Zobah 
~ another Hamath, distinguished from the " Great 
Hamath " by the suffix '"Zobah." 

Ha'matli-ite (fr. Heb. = one from Hamath, Ges.), 
the, one of the families descended from Canaan, 
named last in the list (Gen. x. 18 ; 1 Chr. i. 16). 

Ham'matll (Heb. warm springs, Ges. ; hot baths), 
one of the fortified cities in Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35). 
The notices of the Talmudists leave no doubt that it 
was near Tiberias, one mile distant — in fact that it 
had its name because it contained the hot baths of 
Tiberias. Josephus mentions it under the name of 
Emm,;us as a village not far from Tiberias. The 
Wammdm, at present three in number, still send up 



their hot and sulphureous waters, at a spot rather 
more than one mile S. of the modern town. In the 
list of Levitical cities in Naphtali (Josh. xxi. 32) the 
name of this place seems to be given as Hammoth- 
dor, and in 1 Chr. vi. 76 it is Hammon. 

Ham-mod a-tha, or Hani-me-da'tha (Heb. fr. Pgrs. 
= the Medatha, Ges. ; given by the god Horn, Fii.), 
father of Haman (Esth. iii. 1, 10, viii. 5, ix. 24). 

Ham'mc-lech [-lek] (Heb. the king), rendered in 
the A. V. as a proper name (Jer. xxxvi. 26, xxxviii. 
6), probably = the king Jehoiakim in the first case, 
and in the latter Zedekiah. Jerahmeel 3 ; Mel- 
chiah 8. 

Ham mer. The Hebrew language has several 
names for this indispensable tool. l a Paltish, used 
by the gold-beater (Is. xli. 7, A. V. "carpenter") 
as well as by the quarry-man (Jer. xxiii. 29). — 2. 
Makkabah, properly a tool for hollowing, hence a 
stonecutter's mallet (IK. vi. 7). — 8. Halmuth, used 
only in Judg. v. 26. — 4. A kind of hammer, named 
mappets (Jer. li. 20, A.V. " battle-axe," Axe), or me- 
phits (Prov. xxv. 18, A.V. "maul"), was used as a 
weapon of war. — o. Cey/aphoth (plural) = sledge- 
hammers or axes, Ges. (Ps. lxxiv. 6). — "Hammer" 



358 



HAM 



HAN 



figuratively = any overwhelming power, worldly 
(Jer. 1. 23) or spiritual (xxxiii. 29). 

Hani-mole-keth (Heb. the queen), daughter of 
Machir and sister of Gilead (1 dir. vii. 1*7, 18). 

Haiu'mon (Heb. warm, sunny, Ges.). 1. A city 
in Asher (Josh. xix. 28), apparently not far from 
Zidon. — 2. A city of Naphtali allotted to the Levites 
(1 Chr. vi. 76) ; = Hammath and Hammotii-dor. 

Ham'nioth-dor (Heb. warm springs dwelling?), a 
city of Naphtali, allotted to the Gershonite Levites, 
and for a city of refuge (Josh. xxi. 32); probably = 
Hammath. 

Ila-ino'uali (Heb. multitude), a city, in or near 
which the multitudes of Gog were to be buried (Ez. 
xxxix. 16). 

lla'niou-gog (Heb. Gog's multitude), the Valley of, 

the name to be bestowed on a ravine or glen, pre- 
viously known as " the ravine of the passengers on 
the E. of the sea," after the burial there of " Gog 
and all his multitude" (Ez. xxxix. 11, 15). 

Ha'mor (Heb. an ass, Ges., Fii.), in N. T. Emmor, 
a Hivite (or according to the Alex. LXX. a Horite), 
who at the time of the entrance of Jacob on Pales- 
tine was prince of the land and city of Shechem, and 
father of Shechem who defiled Jacob's daughter 
(Gen. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 2, 4,6, 8, 13, 18, 20, 24, 26). 

Ham'n-el (fr. Heb. = wrath of God, Ges. ; 6Wis 
a sun, Fii.), a man of Simeon ; son of Mishma, of the 
family of Shaul (1 Chr. iv. 26). 

Ha mill (Heb. pitied, spared, Ges.), the younger 
son of Pharez, Judah's son by Tamar (Gen. xlvi. 
12 ; 1 Chr. ii. 5) ; ancestor of the Hamulites (Num. 
xxvi. 21). 

Ha'ninl-itcs, the = the descendants of Hamul ; 
a family of Judah (Num. xxvi. 21). 

Ha-niu'tal (Heb. perhaps = kinsman of the dew), 
daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah; one of the wives 
of King Josiah, and mother of Jehoahaz and Zede- 
ki ah (2 K. xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18; Jer. lii. 1). 

Uan'a-Dieel (Heb. = Hananeel ? Ges. ; God is a 
rock, safety, Fii.), son of Shallum, and cousin of 
Jeremiah 1, from whom the prophet bought a field 
(Jer. xxxii. 7-9, 12 ; and compare 44). 

Ha'nan (Heb. merciful, Ges., Fii.). 1. One of the 
chiefs of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 23). — 2. The last of 
the six sons of Azel, a descendant of Saul (1 Chr. 
viii. 38, ix. 44). — 3. " Son of Maachah," i. e. pos- 
sibly a Syrian of Aram-Maacah, one of David's 
"valiant men" (1 Chr. xi. 43). — 4. Ancestor of cer- 
tain Nethinim who returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46 ; Neh. vii. 49). — 5. One of 
the Levites who assisted Ezra in his public exposi- 
tion of the law (Neh. viii. 7). The same is probably 
mentioned in x. 10. — 6. One of the " heads " of the 
" people," who also sealed the covenant (x. 22). — 7. 
Another of the chief laymen on the same occasion 
(x. 26). — 8. Son of Zaccur, son of Mattaniah, whom 
Nehemiah made one of the storekeepers of the 
provisions collected as tithes (xiii. 13). — 9. Son 
of Igdaliah (Jer. xxxv. 4). His sons had a chamber 
in the Temple. 

Han'a-neel (Heb. God has graciously given, Ges. ; 
God is gracious, Fii.), the Tow'er of, a tower which 
formed part of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 1, xii. 
39). From these passages, particularly the former, 
it might almost be inferred that the Tower of Hana- 
neel = the Tower of Meah : at any rate they were 
close together, and stood between the sheep-gate 
and the fish-gate. This tower is further mentioned 
in Jer. xxxi. 38, and Zech. xiv. 10, both connecting 
this tower with the " corner-gate," which lay on the 
other side of the sheep-gate. 



Ha-na'nl (Heb. gracious, Ges., Fii.). 1. A son of 
Heman, and head of the 18th course of the service 
(1 Chr. xxv. 4, 25). — 2. A seer who rebuked (b. c. 
941) Asa, king of Judah (2 Chr. xvi. 7). For this 
he was imprisoned (10). He (or another Hanani) 
was the father of Jehu the seer, who testified against 
Baasha (1 K. xvi. 1, 7), and Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
xix. 2, xx. 34). — 3. One of the priests who in the 
time of Ezra had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 20). 
— 4. A brother of Nehemiah (Neh. i. 2), made gov- 
ernor of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (vii. 2). — 5. A 
priest (xii. 36), perhaps = No. 3. 

Han-a-ni'ah (Heb. whom Jehovah has graciously 
given, Ges. ; Jah is kind, Fii.). 1. One of the four- 
teen sons of Heman, and chief of the 16th course of 
singers (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 5, 23). — 2. A captain in the 
army of King Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 11.) — 3. Father 
of Zedekiah, a prince in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. 
xxxvi. 12). — 4. Son of Azur ; a Benjamite of Gibeon, 
and a false prophet in the reign of Zedekiah, king 
of Judah. In the fourth year of his reign, b. c. 595, 
Hananiah withstood Jeremiah the prophet, and 
publicly prophesied in the Temple that within two 
years Jeconiah and all his fellow-captives, with the 
vessels of the Lord's house which Nebuchadnezzar 
had taken away to Babylon, should be brought back 
to Jerusalem (Jer. xxviii.): an indication that 
treacherous negotiations were already secretly 
opened with Pharaoh-hophra. Hananiah corrobo- 
rated his prophecy by taking from off the neck of 
Jeremiah the yoke which he wore by Divine com- 
mand (Jer. xxvii.) in token of the subjection of 
Judea and the neighboring countries to the Babylo- 
nian empire, and breaking it. But Jeremiah was 
bid to go and tell Hananiah that for the wooden 
yokes which he had broken he should make yokes 
of iron, so firm was the dominion of Babylon des- 
tined to be for seventy years. The prophet Jere- 
miah added a rebuke and prediction of Hananiah's 
death, the fulfilment of which closes the history of 
this false prophet. The history of Hananiah throws 
much light upon the Jewish politics of that eventful 
time, divided as parties were into the partisans of 
Babylon on one hand, and of Egypt on the other, and 
also illustrates the manner in which the false proph 
ets hindered the mission, and obstructed the benefi- 
cent effects of the ministry, of the true prophets. 
— 5. Grandfather of Irijah, the captain of the ward 
at the gate of Benjamin who arrested Jeremiah on 
the charge of deserting to the Chaldeans (Jer. xxxvii. 
13). — 6. Head of a Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 24). 
— H. The Hebrew name of Shadrach. He was of 
the house of David, according to Jewish tradition 
(Dan. i. 3, 6, 7, 11, 19, ii. 17).— 8. Son of Zerubba- 
bel (1 Chr. iii. 19), from whom Christ derived His 
descent ; according to Lord A. C. Hervey,= Joanna 
in Luke. (Genealogy op Jesos Christ.) — 9. One 
of the sons of Bebai, husband of a foreign wife in 
Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 28). — 10. A priest, one of the 
makers of the sacred ointments and incense, who 
built a portion of the wall of Jerusalem in the days 
of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 8). He may be the Hananiah 
mentioned in verse 30 as having repaired another 
portion. If so, he was son of Shelemiah ; perhaps 
the same as is named (xii. 41) among the priests 
with trumpets at the thanksgiving. — 11. Head of the 
priestly course of Jeremiah in the days of Joiakim 
(xii. 12). — 12. Ruler of the palace at Jerusalem un- 
der Nehemiah, a faithful, God-fearing man. The 
arrangements for guarding the gates of Jerusalem 
were intrusted to him with Hanani, the Tirshatha's 
brother (vii. 2, 3). — 13. A chief of the people who 



HAN 



HAN 



359 



sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 23) ; per- 
haps = 12. 

*Hand (Heb. y&d ; Gr. chcir) is used in the 
Scriptures both literally as a member of the body, 
and figuratively = power, might, agency, protection, 
influence, &c. Thus a " hand " or " hands " are 
often ascribed to God, in describing the exercise of 
His power, or the bestowment of His favor, gifts, 
&c. The chief place of honor or dignity was at the 
right hand of a king, and hence the chief place of 
heavenly honor is spoken of as at the right hand of 
God (Ps". xlv. 9 ; Mk. xvi. 19, &c). The laying on 
of hands is a symbolical act in conveying or pro- 
nouncing a blessing, offering a sa- 
crifice, setting apart to an office or 
work, &c. (Gen. xlviii. 14 ; Lev. 
xvi. 21 ; Num. xxvii. 23 ; Mat. ix. 
18; Acts xiii. 3; 1 Tim. iv. 14, 
&c). 

* Hand'-brcadtU. Weights and 
Measures. 

Hand'i-craft. In the present ar- 
ticle brief notices can only be given 
of such handicraft trades as are 
mentioned in Scripture. 1. The 
preparation of iron for use either in 
war, in agriculture, or for domestic 
purposes, was doubtless one of the 
earliest applications of labor ; and, 
together with iron, working in 
brass, or rather copper alloyed 
with tin, bronze, is mentioned in 
the same passage as practised in 
antediluvian times (Gen. iv. 22). 
We know that iron was used for 
warlike purposes by the Assyrians, 
and on the other hand that stone- 
tipped arrows, as was the case 
also in Mexico, were used in the 
earlier times by the Egyptians as 
well as the Persians and Greeks. 
In the construction of the Taber- 
nacle, copper, but no iron, appears 
to have been used, though the use 
of iron was at the same period 
well known to the Jews, both from 
their own use of it and from their 
Egyptian education, whilst the Ca- 
naanite inhabitants of Palestine 
and Syria were in full possession 
of its use both for warlike and 
domestic purposes (Ex. xx. 25, 

xxv. 3, xxvii. 19; Num. xxxv. 16; 
Deut. iii. 11, iv. 20, viii. 9; Josh, 
viii. 31, xvii. 16, 18). After the 
establishment of the Jews in Ca- 
naan, the occupation of a smith be- 
came recognized as a distinct em- 
ployment (1 Sam. xiii. 19). The 
smith's work and its results are 
often mentioned in Scripture (2 
Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 K. vi. 1 ; 2 Chr. 

xxvi. 14; Is. xliv. 12, liv. 16). 
The worker in gold and silver 
must have found employment both 
among the Hebrews and the neigh- 
boring nations in very early times, 
as appears from the ornaments 
sent by Abraham to Rebekah 
(Gen. xxiv. 22, 53, xxxv. 4, xxxviii. 
18; Deut. vii. 25). Engraver; 
Ornaments, Personal ; Stones, 



Precious.) But, whatever skill the Hebrews possess- 
ed, it is quite clear that they must have learned much 
from Egypt and its " iron furnaces," both in metal- 
work and in the arts of setting and polishing precious 
stones. Various processes of the goldsmith's work 
are illustrated by Egyptian monuments. After the 
conquest frequent notices are found both of moulded 
and wrought metal, including soldering, which last 
had long been known in Egypt ; but the Phenicians 
appear to have possessed greater skill than the Jews 
in these arts, at least in Solomon's time (Judg. viii. 
24, 2V, xvii. 4; IK. vii. 13, 45, 46 ; Is. xli. V ; Wis. 
xv. 4 ; Ecclus. xxxviii. 28 ; Bar. vi. 50, 55, 5*7). (An- 




360 



HAN 



HAN 



vil ; Bellows ; Furnace ; Hammer ; Metals ; Tool, 
&c.) — 2. The work of the carpenter is often mentioned 




Egyptian Blow-pipe, and small fireplace with cheeks to confine and reflect 
the heat. — (Wilkinson.) 

in Scripture (Gen. vi. 14: Ex. xxxvii. ; Is. xliv. 13). 
In the palace built by David for himself, the work- 
men employed were chiefly Phenicians sent by Hiram 




Egyptian Carpenters.— (Wilkinson.) 

r, drills a hole in the seat of a chair, s. 1 1, legs of chair, u u, a 
if, man planing or polishing the leg of a chair. 



Tniiifciiiy I" II I t~ ' 2 




Tools of an Egyptian Carpenter.— (Wilkinson.) 
1, 2, 3. 4. Chisels and drills. 5. Part of drill. 6. Nut of wood belonging to drill. 7, 
8. Saws. 9. Horn of oil. 10. Mallet. 11. Basket of nails. 12. Basket which held 
the tools. 



(2 Sam. v. 11 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 1), as most probably were 
those, or at least the principal of those who were 
employed by Solomon in his works (1 K. v. 6). But 
in the repairs of the Temple, executed under Joash, 
king of Judah, and also in the rebuilding under 
Zerubbabel, no mention is made of foreign work- 
men, though in the latter case the timber is ex- 
pressly said to have been brought by sea to Joppa 
by Zidonians (2 K. xii. 11 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 12; Ezr. 
iii. 7). That the Jewish carpenters must have been 
able to carve with some skill is evident from Is. xh*. 
7, xliv. 13. In N. T. the occupation of a carpenter 
is mentioned in connection with Joseph the hus- 
band of the Virgin Mary, and ascribed to our Lord 
Himself by way of reproach (Mk. vi. 3 ; Mat. xiii. 55). 
(Awl ; Axe ; House ; Saw ; Tool.) — 3. The masons 
employed by David and Solomon, at least the chief 
of them, were Phenicians (1 K. v. 18; Ez. xxvii. 9). 
Among their implements are mentioned the saw, 
plumb-line, and measuring-reed. Some of these, also 
the chisel and mallet, are represented on 
Egyptian monuments. (See cut on p. 361.) 
The large stones used in Solomon's Temple 
are said by Josephus to have been fitted 
together exactly without either mortar or 
cramps, but the foundation stones to have 
been fastened with lead. For ordinary 
building, mortar was used ; sometimes, per- 
haps, bitumen (Slime), as at Babylon (Gen. 
xi. 3). The lime, clay, and straw, of which 
mortar is generally composed in the East, 
require to be very carefully mixed and united 
so as to resist wet. The wall " daubed with 
untempered mortar" of Ez. xiii. 10 was 
perhaps a sort of cob-wall of mud or clay 
without lime, which would give way under 
heavy rain. The use of whitewash on tombs 
is remarked by our Lord (Mat. xxiii. 27). 
Houses infected with leprosy were required 
by the Law to be replastered (Lev. xiv. 40- 
45). (Arch ; Architecture ; Brick; Clay.) 
— 4. Akin to the craft of the carpenter is 
that of ship and boat-building, which must 
have been exercised to some extent for the 
fishing-vessels on the lake of Gennesaret 
(Mat. viii. 23, ix. 1 ; Jn. xxi. 3, 8). Solomon 
built, at Ezion-geber, ships for his foreign 
trade, which were manned by Phenician 
crews, an experiment which Jehoshaphat 
endeavored in vain to renew (1 K. ix. 26, 
27, xxii. 48 ; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 37). (Egypt ; 
Ship.) — 5. The perfumes used in the re- 
ligious services, and in later times in the 
funeral rites of monarchs, imply knowledge 
and practice in the art of the " apotheca- 
ries," who appear to have formed a guild 
or association (Ex. xxx. 25, 35 ; Neh. iii. 8 ; 
2 Chr. xvi. 14 ; Eccl. vii. 1, x. 1 ; Ecclus. 
xxxviii. 8). (Medicine; Ointment.) — 6. 
The arts of spinning and weaving both 
wool and linen were carried on in early 
times, as they are still usually among the 
Bedouins, by women. One of the excel- 
lences attributed to the good house-wife is 
her skill and industry in these arts (Ex. xxxy. 
25, 26; Lev. xix. 19; Deut. xxii. 11 ; 2 K. 
xxiii. 7 ; Ez. xvi. 16 ; Prov. xxxi. 13, 24). 
The loom, with its beam (1 Sam. xvii. 7), 
pin (Judg. xvi. 14), and shuttle (Job vii. 
6), was perhaps introduced later, but as 
early as David's time (1 Sam. xvii. 7). (See 
cut on next page.) We read also of em- 



HAN 



HAN 



361 



broidery (Embroiderer), in which gold and silver 
threads were interwoven with the body of the stuff, 
sometimes in figure patterns, or with precious stones 
set in the needlework (Ex. xxvi. 1, xxviii. 4, xxxix. 
6_13). — 7. Besides these arts, those of dyeing and of 




Masons.— (Wilkinson.) 
Part I. leveling, and Part IL squaring a Btone. 

dressing cloth (Colors ; Dress ; Fuller) were prac- 
tised in Palestine, and those also of tanning and 
dressing leather (Josh. ii. 15-18; 2 K. i. 8 ; Mat. 
iii. 4 ; Acts ix. 43). Shoemakers, barbers, and tai- 
lors are mentioned in the Mishna : the barber, or 
his occupation, in the Scriptures (Razor ; Ez. v. 1 ; 
Lev. xiv. 8 ; Num. vi. 5), and the tailor, plasterers, 




An Egyptian Vertical Loom. — (Wilkinson. 1 
The shuttle, £, is not thrown, but put in with the hand, and draws the thread through 
backward and forward by a hook at each end. 



glaziers, and glass vessels (Glass), painters, and 
gold-workers are mentioned in the Mishna. Tent- 
makers are noticed in Acts xviii. 3, and fre- 
quent allusion is made to the trade of the potters. 
(Bottle ; Pitcher ; Pottery.) — 8. Bakers are no- 
ticed in Scripture (Jer. xxxvii. 21 ; Hos. vii. 
4 ; Bread ; Oven) ; and the valley Tyropoeon 
at Jerusalem probably derived its name from 
the occupation of the cheese-makers, its inhabi- 
tants. Butchers, not Jewish, are spoken of (1 
Cor. x. 25). Agriculture ; Alabaster ; Bas- 
ket ; Cart ; Chariot ; Craftsmen ; Mill, &c. 

Hand'ker-chief, Nap kin, Apron. The two 
former of these terms, as used in the A. V., 
= Gr. soudarion, the latter = Gr. simikinlhion. 
Both words are of Latin origin : soudarion = 
sudarium from sudo, to sweat ; simikinlhion = 
semicinctium, i. e. a half girdle. The sudarium 
is noticed in the N. T. as a wrapper to fold up 
money (Lk. xix. 20) — as a cloth bound about 
the head of a corpse (Jn. xi. 44, xx. 7), being 
probably brought from the crown of the head 
under the chin — and lastly as an article of 
dress that could be easily removed (Acts xix. 
12), probably a handkerchief worn on the head 
like the kcffieh of the Bedouins. (Head-dress.) 
According to the scholiast quoted by Schleus- 
ner, the distinction between the two terms is 
that the sudarium was worn on the head, and 
the semicinctium used as a handkerchief. 
Apron ; Dress. 

* Hand maid. Servant; Slate. 

* Hand' -staves (Ez. xxxix. 9). Arms I. 2, /. 
Hanes [-neez] (Heb. fr. Egyptian = name 

of a deity corresponding to Hercules, Fii.), a 
place in Egypt only mentioned in Is. xxx. 4 : 
"For his princes were at Zoan, and his mes- 
sengers came to Hanes." Hanes has been 
supposed by Vitringa, Michaelis, Rosenmiiller, 
and Gesenius = Heracleopolis Magna, common- 
ly regarded as an ancient royal city of Egypt, on 
the W. of the Nile, now Andsieh. This identi- 
fication depends wholly upon the similarity of the 
two names. Mr. R. S. Poole, Porter (inKitto), &c, 
are disposed to think that the Targum is right in 
identifying it with Tahpanhes, a fortified town on 
the eastern frontier. 
* Hanging. Punishments. 
Hanging; Hangings. These terms represent 
both different words in the original, and 
different articles in the Tabernacle furni- 
ture (1.) The "hanging" (Heb. m&sach) 
was a curtain or " covering " to close an 
entrance ; one was placed before the door of 
the Tabernacle (Ex. xxvi. 36, 37, xxxix. 38) ; 
another was placed before the entrance of 
the court (Ex. xxvii. 16, xxxviii. 18 ; Num. 
iv. 26) ; the term is also applied to the vail 
that concealed the Holy of Holies (Ex. 
xxxv. 12, xxxix. 34, xl. 21 ; Num. iv. 5). 
(2.) The "hangings" (Heb. keJa 1 im) were 
used for covering the walls of the court of 
the Tabernacle, just as tapestry was in mo- 
dern times (Ex. xxvii. 9, xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 
9 ; Num. iii. 26, iv. 26). (Leap 2.) In 2 K. 
xxiii. 7, the Heb. bottim, strictly houses, A.V. 
" hangings," is probably intended to de- 
scribe tents used as portable sanctuaries. 

Han'i-cl (fr. Heb. Hanniel), a son of 
Ulla, and chieftain of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 39). 

Han nah (Heb. grace or prayer ; Gr. and 
L. form Anna), one of the wives of Elka- 



362 



HAN 



HAR 



nah, and mother of Samuel (1 Sam. i., ii.). A 
hymn of thanksgiving for the birth of her son is 
in the highest order of prophetic poetry ; its resem- 
blance to that of the Virgin Mary (comp. 1 Sam. ii. 
1-10 with Lk. i. 46-55 ; see alsoPs. cxiii.) has been 
noticed by the commentators. 

Hau'ua-tllOll (Heb. graciously regarded, Ges.), a 
city, apparently on the northern boundary of Zebu- 
lun (Josh. xix. 14). 

Han'ni-el (Heb. grace of God, Ges.), son of Ephod, 
and prince of Manasseh (Num. xxxiv. 23). 

Ha noi ll [-nok] (Heb. initiated or initiating, Ges. ; 
= Enoch and Henoch). 1. The third in order of 
the children of Midian (Gen. xxv. 4); = Henoch 2. 
— 2. Eldest son of Reuben (Gen. xlvi. 9 ; Ex. vi. 14 ; 
Num. xxvi. 5 ; 1 Chr. v. 3), and founder of the 
family of Hanochites. 

Ha noeh-ites, the = the descendants of Hanoch 2 
(Num. xxvi. 5). 

Ha'nun (Heb. graciously regarded, favored, Ges.). 
1. Son of Nahash (2 Sam. x. 1, 2 ; 1 Chr. xix. 1, 2), 
king of Ammon, who dishonored the ambassadors 
of David (2 Sam. x. 4), and involved the Ammon- 
ites in a disastrous war (xii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xix. 6). — 2. 
A man who, with the people of Zanoah, repaired 
the valley-gate in the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 
13). — :{. Sixth son of Zalaph, who also assisted in 
the repair of the wall, apparently on the E. side 
(iii. 30). 

Ihi|»h ra-iin (fr. Heb. = two pits, Ges.), a city of 
Issachar, mentioned next to Shunem(Josh. xix. 19). 
About six miles N. E. of Lejjun (Megiddo), and 
two miles W. of Solum (the ancient Shunem), stands 
the village of el-Afuleh, possibly the representative 
of Haphraim. 

Ha'ra (Heb. mountainous land, Ges.) (1 Chr. v. 
26 only), is either a place utterly unknown, or == 
Haran or Charran(soRawlinson). Porter (in Kitto) 
supposes Hara may be the mountainous region N. of 
Gozan, ancient Mount Masius, now Karja Baghlar. 

Har'a-dall (Heb. trembling, terror; Ges.), a desert 
station of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 24, 25) ; its 
position is uncertain. Wilderness op the Wan- 
dering. 

Ha' ran (Heb. mountaineer, Ges.). 1, Third son 
of Terah, and therefore youngest brother of Abram 
(Gen. xi. 26). Three children are ascribed to him 
— Lot (27, 31), and two daughters, viz. Milcah, 
who married her uncle Nahor (29), and Iscah (29). 
Haran was born in Ur of the Chaldees, and he died 
there while his father was still living (28). The 
ancient Jewish tradition is that Haran was burnt 
in the furnace of Nimrod for his wavering conduct 
during the fiery trial of Abraham. — 2. A Gershon- 
ite Levite in the time of David, one of the family 
of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). 

Ha 'ran (Heb. parched, dry, Ges.), son of the great 
Caleb by his concubine Ephah (1 Chr. ii. 46). 

Ha ran (Heb. parched, dry, Ges.), the place 
whither Abraham migrated with his family from 
Ur of the Chaldees, and where the descendants of 
his brother Nahor established themselves (Gen. xi. 
31, 32, xii. 4, 5, xxvii. 43, xxviii. 10, xxix. 4, com- 
pare xxiv. 10). It is said to be in Mesopotamia 
(xxiv. 10), or more definitely, in Padan-aram (xxv. 
20), the cultivated district at the foot of the hills, a 
name well applying to the beautiful stretch of coun- 
try which lies below Mount Masius between the 
Khabour and the Euphrates. Here, about midway 
in this district, is a town still called Harran, which 
really seems never to have changed its appellation, 
and beyond any reasonable doubt (so Rawlinson, 



and most authorities) is the Haran or Charran of 
Scripture. Harr&n lies upon the Bclilk (ancient 
Bilichus), a small affluent of the Euphrates, which 
falls into it nearly in longitude 39°. It is now a 
small village inhabited by a few families of Arabs. 
Dr. Beke supposes that Haran, the " city of Na- 
hor," was at Harran el-Awamid (i. e. Harr&n of the 
columns), a small village, four hours E. of Damas- 
cus, and that Aram-naharaim = the region between 
the Abana and Pharpar. 

Ha'rar-itc (fr. Heb. = mountaineer, Ges.; one 
from some place called Harar or Haror [i. e. . 
mountain, Fu.]), the, the designation of three men 
connected with David's "valiant men." 1. Agee, 
a Hararite, father of Shammah 3 (2 Sam. xxiii. 11). 
— 2. Shammah 5 the Hararite (xxiii. 33). — 3. Sha- 
rar (xxiii. 33), or Sacar (1 Chr. xi. 35), the Harar- 
ite, was the father of Ahiam, another of the " val- 
iant men." 

Har-bo'na (Heb. prob. fr. Pers. = ass-driver, 
Ges.), the third of the seven chamberlains, or eu- 
nuchs, who served King Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

liar-bo Hah (Heb.) = Harbona (Esth. vii. 9). 

Hare (Heb. arnebeth) occurs only in Lev. xi. 6 




Hare ol Mount Sinai [Lepus Sinaiiicui). 



and Deut. xiv. 1, among the animals disallowed as 
food by the Mosaic law. There is no doubt that 
arnebeth denotes a " hare ; " and probably the spe- 




Hare of Mount Lebanon (Ztj vs Syriacus). 



cies Lepus Sinaiticvs, occurring in the valleys of 
Arabia Petroea and Mount Sinai, and Lepus Syriacus, 
found in Lebanon, are those which were best known 
to the ancient Hebrews. The hare is at this day 



HAR 



HAR 



363 



called arneb by the Arabs in Palestine and Syria. 
It is described as chewing the cud ; but is not a 
true ruminant, though both it and the ffyrax 
(Coney) have the habit of moving the jaw about 
like the ruminants. 

Har'el (Heb., see below). In the margin of Ez. 
xliii. 15 the word rendered "altar" in the text is 
given " Harel, i. e. the mountain of God." Junius 
(and so Gesenius) explains it of the hearth of the 
altar of burnt-offering, covered by the network on 
which the sacrifices were placed over the burning 
wood. Altar, 8. I. 

Harem. House. 

Ha'rcph (Heb. plucking off, Ges. ; a powerful, 
strong one, or early-born, Fii.), a name occurring in 
the genealogies of Judah, as a son of Caleb, and 
"father of Beth-gader" (1 Chr. ii. 51 only). 

Hareth (Heb. prob. = thicket, Ges.), the For'cst 
of, in which David took refuge, after, at the instiga- 
tion of the prophet Gad, he had quitted the " hold " 
or fastness of the cave of Adullam — if indeed it was 
Adullam and not Mizpeh of Moab, which is not 
quite clear (1 Sam. xxii. 5). Forest. 

Har-hai'ah [-ha'yah], or Har-ha-i'ah (Heb. he was 
dry, Ges. ; Jah is protecting, Fii.), father of Uzziel 
6 (Neh. iii. 8). 

Har'has (Heb. want, poverty, Ges. ; splendor, glit- 
ter, Fii.), an ancestor of Shallum, the husband of 
Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14). 

Har'hnr (Heb. inflammation, Ges. ; nobility, dis- 
tinction, Fii.). The sons of Harhur were among the 
Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 51 ; Neh. vii. 53). 

*Ha'rid (Heb.) — Hadid (Ezr. ii. 33 margin). 

Ha' rim (Heb. flat-nosed, Ges.). 1. A priest who 
had charge of the third division in the house of 
God (1 Chr. xxiv. 8).— 2. 1,017 " children of Harim," 
probably descendants of the above, came up from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 39 ; Neh. vii. 42). 
The name, probably as representing the family, is 
mentioned on two other occasions (Neh. x. 5 ; Ezr. 
x. 21). — 3. It further occurs in a list of the families 
of priests " who went up with Zerubbabel and 
Jeshua," and of those who were their descendants 
in the next generation — in the days of Joiakim the 
son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 15). In the former list 
(xii. 4) th'e name is Rehum. — 4. Another family of 
" children of Harim," 320 in number, came from 
the Captivity in the same caravan (Ezr. ii. 32 ; Neh. 
vii. 35). They also appear among those who had 
married foreign wives (Ezr. x. 31), as well as those 
who sealed the covenant (Neh. x. 27). 

Ha'ripll (Heb. autumnal rain, Ges. ; one early-born, 
Fii.). 112 " children of Hariph" returned from the 
Captivity with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 24). (Jorah.) 
The name occurs again among the " heads of the 
people" who sealed the covenant (x. 19). 

Har lot (Heb. zondh, nochriydh, kedeshdh ; Gr. 
pome). That this class of persons existed in the 
earlier states of society is clear from Gen. xxxviii. 
15. Rahab (Josh. ii. 1) is said by the Targum to 
have been an innkeeper, but if there were such 
persons, considering what we know of Canaanitish 
morals (Lev. xviii. 27), we may conclude that they 
would, if women, have been of this class. The law 
forbids (xix. 29) the father's compelling his daughter 
to sin, but does not mention it as a voluntary mode 
of life on her part without his complicity. The 
Heb. kedeshdh {= consecrated ; see Idolatry; Sodom- 
ite) points to one description of persons, and 
nochriydh ( = foreign woman ; A. V. " strange 
woman," " stranger," &c.) to another, of whom 



j this class mostly consisted. The first term refers 
to the impure worship of Astarte (Ashtoreth ; Num. 
xxv. 1 ; compare Hdt. i. 199). The latter class 
would grow up with the growth of great cities and 
of foreign intercourse, and hardly could enter into 
the view of the Mosaic institutes. As regards the 
fashions involved in the practice, similar outward 
marks seem to have attended its earliest forms to 
those which we trace in the classical writers, e. g. a 
distinctive dress and a seat by the wayside (Gen. 
xxxviii. 14; compare Ez. xvi. 16, 25 ; Bar. vi. 43). 
Public singing in the streets occurs also (Is. xxiii. 
16 ; Ecclus. ix. 4). Those who thus published 
their infamy were of the worst repute, others had 
houses of resort, and both classes seem to have 
been known among the Jews (Prov. vii. 8-12, xxiii. 
28 ; Ecclus. ix. 7, 8) ; the two women in 1 K. iii. 
16, lived, as Greek courtesans sometimes did, in a 
house together. In earlier times the price of a kid 
is mentioned (Gen. xxxviii.), and great wealth doubt- 
less sometimes accrued to them (Ez. xvi. 33, 39, 
xxiii. 26). But lust, as distinct from gain, appeal's 
as the inducement in Prov. vii. 14, 15. The " har- 
lots " are classed with " publicans," as those who 
lay under the ban of society in the N. T. (Mat. xxi. 
32). The children of such persons were held in 
contempt, and could not exercise privileges nor in- 
herit (Jn. viii. 41 ; Deut. xxiii. 2; Judg. xi. 1, 2). 
Adulter y. 

Uar'ne-plier (Heb. snorting of panting? Sim.), 
son of Zophah, of the tribe of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 
36). 

* Har'ncss in the A. V. = armor or weapons in 
general (IK. xx. 11 ; 2 Chr. ix. 24), or specifically 
a breastplate or coat of mail (IK. xxii. 34 ; 2 Chr. 
xviii. 33). (Arms, II. 1.) In the sense of equip- 
ments or tackling of a draught horse it does not oc- 
cur in the A. V., though the verb is found once ( Jer. 
xlvi. 4). Chariot ; Horse, &c. 

* Harnessed [-nest], the A. V. translation in Ex. 
xiii. 18 (margin "by five in a rank") of the Heb. 
pi. participle hamushim or chamushim, elsewhere 
translated "armed" (Josh. i. 14, iv. 12), "armed 
men " (Judg. vii. ll). Gesenius makes the He- 
brew = fierce, active, eager, brave in battle. Fiirst 
has equipped, ready for battle, armed. 

Ha'rod (Heb. trembling, terror, Ges.), the Well of, 
a spring (Heb. , ayin — the fountain of Jezreel ?) 
by which Gideon and his great army encamped on 
the morning of the day which ended in the rout of 
the Midianites (Judg. vii. 1), and where the trial of 
the people by their mode of drinking apparently took 
place. The 'Ain Jalud ( Ar. = fountain of Goliath), 
with which Stanley would identify Harod, is very 
suitable to the circumstances, as the largest spring 
in the neighborhood, forming a pool of considerable 
size, at which great numbers might drink. 

Ha'rod-ite (fr. Heb. = one from Harod [see be- 
low], or = Harorite and Hararite), the, the des- 
ignation of two of David's thirty-seven " valiant 
men," Shammah and Elikah (2 Sam. xxiii. 25) ; 
doubtless derived from a place named Harod. 

Ha-ro'eh (Heb. the seer), a name in the genealo- 
gical list of Judah as a son of " Shobal, father of 
Kirjath-jearim " (1 Chr. ii. 52); = Reaiah ? 

Ha'ror-ite (fr. Heb. = Harodite and Hararite, 
Fii.), the, the title given to Shammoth, one of Da- 
vid's " valiant men " (1 Chr. xi. 27). 

Ha-ro'sheth (Heb. a work, working, in wood, 
stone, &c, Ges. ; city of crafts, place of artificial 
viork, or [so others] forest, Fii.), or rather " Ha- 
rosheth of the Gentiles," as it was called, from the 



364 



HAR 



HAR 



mixed races that inhabited it, a city in the N. of | 
Canaan, supposed by Mr. Ffoulkes, &c, to have 
stood on the W. coast of the lake Merom (el-Huleh), 
from which the Jordan issues forth in one unbroken 
stream, and in the portion of the tribe of Naphtali. 
It was the residence of Sisera, captain of Jabin, 
king of Canaan (Judg. iv. 2), and the point to which 
the victorious Israelites under Barak pursued the 
discomfited host and chariots of the second poten- 
tate of that name (Judg. iv, 16). Thomson (ii. 143) 
identifies Harosheth with an enormous double 
mound covered with ruins, called in Arabic Ha- 
rothieh (= Harosheth in Hebrew), about eight miles 
N. N. W. from Megiddo, at the entrance of the 
pass from the plain of Acre by the Kishon into 
Esdraelon. 

Harp, the A. V. translation of Heb. cinnor and 
Gr. kiihara, a stringed instrument of music. The 
cinnor was the national instrument of the Hebrews, 
and was well known throughout Asia. The Penta- 




Assyrian Harps. — From Nineveh Marbles. — (Ayre.) 

teuch assigns its invention to the antediluvian 
period (Gen. iv. 21). Touching its shape, a great 
difference of opinion prevails. The author of Shilte 
Haggibborim describes it as resembling the modern 




Egyptian Harp.— From the Tomb at Thebes, called Belzoni's. — (Ayre.) 

harp ; Pfeiffer gives it the form of a guitar ; and 
Jerome declares it to have resembled in shape the 
Greek letter delta (A). Josephus records that the 
cinnor had ten strings, and that it was played on 
with the plectrum; others assign to it twenty four, 



and in the Shilte Haggibborim it is said to have had 
forty-seven. Josephus's statement, however, is in 
open contradiction to what is set forth in 1 Sam. 
xvi. 23, xviii. 10, that David played on the cinnor 
with his hand. Probably (so Prof. Marks, after 
Munk) there was a smaller and a larger cinnor, 




Egyptian Harp — From Champollion. — (Ayre.) 



and these may have been played in different ways 
(1 Sam. x. 5). The Gr. hUhara, sometimes in the 
LXX. = Heb. cinnor (Gen. xxxi. 27 ; 2 Chr. ix. 
11), occurs in the N. T. in 1 Cor. xiv. 1 ; Rev. v. 8, 
xiv. 2, xv. 2 ; and had (like the lyre, which was 
larger) a sounding base or bottom from which rose 
two horns as from a stag's head, these horns being 
connected near the top by a cross-bar, between 
which and the base the strings were stretched. It 
stood on the player's knees, was held with the left 
hand, and played with the right, sometimes with a 
plectrum or key (Rbn. N. T. Lex.). 

Wax row . The word so rendered (Heb. harits or 
chdrits ; 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xx. 3) is probably a 
threshing-machine or sledge (see Agriculture) ; the 
Heb. verb sddad, translated "to harrow" (Job 
xxxix. 10) and " break the clods " (Is. xxviii. 24 ; 
Hos. x. 11), expresses apparently the breaking of 
the clods (Gesenius translates to harrow, i. e. level 
a field), but whether done by any such machine as 
we call a harrow is very doubtful. 

Har'slia (Chal. enchanter, magician, Ges. ; worker, 
Fu.), ancestor of certain Nethinim who came from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; Neh. vii. 54). 

Hart (Heb. ayyal). The hart is reckoned among 
the clean animals (Deut. xii. 15, xiv. 5, xv. 22), and 
seems, from the passages quoted as well as from 1 
K. iv. 23, to have been commonly killed for food. 
The Heb. masc. noun ayyal denotes, no doubt, some 
species of Cervidce (deer-tribe), either the fallow- 
deer (Darna vulgaris; Cervus Dama, Linn.), or the 
Barbary deer ( Cervus Barbarus), the southern repre- 
sentative of the European stag ( C. Elaphus), which 
occurs in Tunis and the coast of Barbary. (See 
cut on p. 365.) Hind. 

Ha'rnm (Heb. exalted, Ges.), father of Aharhel, in 
one of the most obscure genealogies of Judah (1 
Chr. iv. 8). 

Ha-] u uiapll (Heb. snub-nosed, Ges., Fii.), father 
or ancestor of Jedaiah 2 (Neh. iii. 10). 

Ha'rnph-ite, or Harnpli-ite(fr. Heb. = descendant 
of an unknown Haruph or Hariph — the early- 
born, i. e. strong, Fu.), the, the designation of 
Shephatiah, one of the Korhites who repaired to 
David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). 



11AR 



HAT 



365 




Barbary Deer (Cervus Barbarus) «=* " Hart " of A. V. 



Ha'rnz (fr. Heb. = eager, active, Ges.), a man of 
Jotbah ; father of Meshullemeth, queen of Manas- 
seh (2 K. xxi. 19). 

Har'vcst. Agriculture. 

Haj-a-di'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah loves, 
Ges.), one of a group of five descendants of the 
royal line of Judah (1 Ohr. iii. 20), apparently sons 
of Zerubbabel, perhaps born after the restoration. 

Has-e-nn'ali (fr. Heb. = the bristling, Ges.), a 
Benjamite, of one of the chief families (1 Chr. ix. 

n 

Hasll-a-M'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah regards). 

I. A Merarite Levite, son of Amaziah in Ethan's 
line (1 Chr. vi. 45, Heb. 30). — 2. Another Merarite 
Levite (ix. 14). — 3. The fourth of Jeduthun's six 
sons (xxv. 3), who had charge of the twelfth course 
in the temple choir (19). — 1. A Hebronite Levite 
(xxvi. 30) ; possibly = No. 5. — 5. Son of Kemuel, 
who was prince of Levi in the time of David (xxvii. 
17). — 6. A Levite* chief, who officiated for King 
Josiah at his great passover-feast (2 Chr. xxxv. 9). — 
7. A Merarite Levite who accompanied Ezra from 
Babylon (Ezr. viii. 19).— 8. One of the chiefs of the 
priests in the same caravan (24). — 9. Ruler of 
half the circuit or environs (Part) of Keilah ; he 
repaired a portion of the wall of Jerusalem under 
Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 17). — 10. One of the Levites 
who sealed the covenant after the return from the 
Captivity (x. 11); probably = one of the chiefs of 
the Levites in the times immediately subsequent to 
the return from Babylon (xii. 24 ; compare 26). — 

II. A Levite, son of Bunni (xi. 15). — 12, Another 
Levite, son of Mattaniah (22). — 13. A priest of the 
family of Hilkiah in the days of Joiakim son of 
Jeshua (xii. 21). 

Ha-sliab'nah (Heb. = Hashabiah, Ges.), one of 
the chief of the people who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 25). 

Hash-ab-ni'ah (fr. Heb. = Hashabiah, Ges.). 1. 
Father of Hattush 2 (Neh. iii. 10). — 2. A Levite 
who officiated at the great fast under Ezra and Ne- 
hemiah when the covenant was sealed (ix. 5\ 

Hash-bad'a-na (fr. Heb. = thought in judging, 



perhaps thoughtful judge, Ges.), one (probably a 
priest or Levite) who stood on Ezra's left hand 
while he read the law to the people in Jerusalem 
(Neh. viii. 4). 

Ha sh em (Heb. fat? Ges.). The sons of Hashem 
the Gizonite are named among David's "valiant 
men " in 1 Chr. xi. 34. Jashen. 

Hash-man nim (Heb. pi., literally = the fat, i, e. 
the opulent, nobles, princes, Ges. ; see below). This 
word occurs only in the Hebrew of Ps. lxviii. 31 : 
" Hashmannim (A. V. ' princes ') shall come out of 
Egypt, Cush shall make her hands to hasten to 
God." The old derivation from the civil name of 
Hermopolis Magna seems reasonable (so Mr. R. S. 
Poole). This city was on the Nile, at the modern 
Ashmunein, nearly opposite Antinoe. The ancient 
Egyptian name is Ha-shmen, or Ha-shmoon, the abode 
of eight. If we suppose that Hashmannim is a proper 
name = Hermopolites, the mention might be ex- 
plained by the circumstance that Hermopolis Magna 
was the great city of the Egyptian Hermes, Thoth, 
the god of wisdom. But Kimchi, Gesenius, Fiirst, 
J. A. Alexander {on Ps.), &c, sustain the A. V. in 
rendering " princes." 

Hash-mo isall (Heb. fatness, fat soil, Ges.), a sta- 
tion of the Israelites, mentioned (Num. xxxiii. 29) 
next before Moseroth. Mr. Wilton would make 
Hashmonah = Heshmon. Wilderness op the 
Wandering. 

Ha'slmb (fr. Heb. = Hasshub). 1. A son of Pa- 

hath-moab who assisted in the repair of the wall of 
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 11).— 2. Another who assisted 
in the same work (iii. 23). — 3. One of the heads of 
the people who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(x. 23) ; perhaps = No. 1 or 2. — 4. A Merarite Le- 
vite (xi. 15) = Hasshub. 

Ha-sliubah (Heb. esteemed, Ges.), the first of a 
group of five men, apparently the latter half of the 
family of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 20). Hasadiah. 

Ha'slmm (Heb. rich, opulent, Ges.). 1. Two hun- 
dred and twenty-three " children of Hashum " came 
back from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 19; 
Neh. vii. 22). Seven of them had married foreign 
wives from whom they had to separate (Ezr. x. 33). 
The chief man of the family was among those who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 18). — 
2. One (probably a priest or Levite) who stood on 
Ezra's left hand while he read the law to the con- 
gregation (viii. 4). 

Ha-sliu'pha (fr. Heb. = Hasupha), ancestor of 
certain Nethinim who returned from the Captivity in. 
the first caravan (Neh. vii. 46). 

Has'rah (Heb ) — Harhas (2 Chr. xxxiv. 22). 

Has-sc-na'ali (Heb. the thorny, = Sena ah, Ges.). 
The " sons of Hassenaah" (= Senaah) rebuilt the 
fish-gate in the repair of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. 
iii. 3). 

Has'shnb [hash'shub] (fr. Heb. = thinking, Ges.), 
a Merarite Levite (1 Chr. ix. 14) = Hashub 4. 

Ha-sti'p!sa (Heb. stripped, Ges.), ancestor of cer- 
tain Nethinim who returned from Babylon with Ze, 
rubbabel (Ezr. ii. 43). 

Hat. Head-dress. 

Ha'tach [-tak] (fr. Heb. = verity, Bohlen), one 
of the eunuchs in the court of Ahasuerus (Esth. iv. 
5, 6, 9, 10). 

Ha'tliatli (Heb. terror, dismay, Ges.), one of the 
sons of Othniel the son of Kenaz (1 Chr. iv. 13). 

Hat'i-pha (Heb. seized, captive, Ges.), ancestor of 
certain Nethinim who returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56). 

Hat'i-ta (Heb. a digging, exploring, Ges.), ancestor 



366 



HAT 



HAY 



of certain " porters " (i. e. gate-keepers), who re- 
turned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45). 

Hat til (Heb. wavering, Ges.), ancestor of certain 
" children of Solomon's servants " who came back 
from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57 ; 
Neh. vii. 59). 

* Hat'si-bam-me-nu'cliotli (Heb. midst of rest- 
ing-places, Ges.), a proper name of a man or place 
(1 Chr. ii. 52, margin). Manahethites. 

Hat'tnsh (Heb., probably = assembled, Ges.). 1. 
A descendant of the kings of Judah, apparently one 
of the sons of Shechaniah (1 Chr. iii. 22), in the 
fourth or fifth generation from Zerubbabel ; pos- 
sibly the one who accompanied Ezra from Bab- 
ylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 2). — 2. A priest who 
returned with Zerubbabel, and sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 4, xii. 2). — 3. Son of Hash- 
abniah ; one of those who assisted Nehemiah in 
the repair of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 10). 
. Hainan (Ar. ; Heb. Havran or Chavrdn = cave- 
district, Fii.), a province of Palestine (Ez. xlvii. 16, 
18); probably — the well-known Greek province 
of Auranitis, and the modern Hauran. Josephus 
frequently mentions Auranitis in connection with 
Trachonitis, Batanasa, and Gaulanitis, which with 
it constituted the ancient kingdom of Bashan. The 
surface is perfectly flat, and the soil among the 
richest in Syria. It contains upward of one hun- 
dred towns and villages, most of them now deserted, 
though not ruined. 

Hav'i-Iah (Heb. circle, district, Fii.). 1. A son of 
Cush (Gen. x. 7); and 2. a son of Joktan (x. 29). 
Various theories have been advanced respecting 
these obscure peoples. Probably (so Mr. E. S. Poole) 
both stocks settled in the same country, and there 
intermarried ; thus receiving one name, and form- 
ing one race, with a common descent. The Cush- 
ite people of this name formed the westernmost 
colony of Cush along the S. of Arabia, and the 
Joktanites were an earlier colonization. It is com- 
monly thought that the district of Khawlan, in 
the Yemen, preserves the trace of this ancient 
people. The district of Khiiwlan lies between the 
city of San'a and the Hijaz, i. e. in the N, W. por- 
tion of the Yemen. It took its name, according 
to the Arabs, from Khawlan, a descendant of Kali- 
tan (Joktan), or, as some say, of Kahlan, brother 
of Himyer. This genealogy says little more than | 
that the name was Joktanite. Khawlan is a fertile [ 
territory, embracing a large part of myrrhiferous 
Arabia, mountainous, with plenty of water, and 
supporting a large population. Those who separate 
the Cushite and Joktanite Havilah either place 
them in Niebuhr's two Khiiwlans, or they place 
No. 2 on the N. of the peninsula, following the 
supposed argument derived from Gen. xxv. 18, and 
1 Sam. xv. 7, and finding the name in that of the 
Chaulotaibi on the Persian Gulf. A Joktanite 
settlement so far N. is, however, very improbable. 
They discover No. 1 in the Avalitae on the African 
coast, S. of the straits of Bab el-Mandeb. 

Hay'i-lata (Heb., see above) (Gen. ii. 11). Eden 1. 

Ha'voth-ja'ir (fr. Heb. = villages of Jair, Ges.), 
certain villages on the E. of Jordan, in Gilead or 
Bashan, which were taken by Jair the son of Ma- 
nasseh, and called after his name (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 
Dent. iii. 14). In the records of Manasseh in Josh, 
xiii. 30, and 1 Chr. ii. 23, the Havoth-jair are 
reckoned with other districts as making up sixty 
"cities" (compare 1 K. iv. 13). Porter (ii. 270) 
concludes that the sixty cities called Bashan-ha- 



toth-jair pertained to the land of Argob, which 
was in Bashan; and that the twenty-three cities 
called Havoth-jair were distinct from the former, 
and situated in Gilead. In Judg. x. 4, thirty cities 
are called Havoth-jair. Here the allusion is to 
a second Jair, by whose thirty sons they were 
governed, and for whom the original number may 
have been increased. 

Hawk, the A. V. translation of the Heb. nets 
(Lev. xi. 16 ; Deut. xiv. 15 ; Job xxxix. 26). The 
word is doubtless generic, as appears from the 
expression in Deuteronomy and Leviticus " after 
his kind," and includes various species of the Fal- 
conida (the falcon or hawk family), with more spe- 
cial allusion perhaps to the small diurnal birds, 
such as the kestrel (Falco linnuncidus), the hobby 
(ffi/potriorchis subbntco), the gregarious lesser kes- 
trel (Timamculus cenchris), common about the 
ruins in the plain districts of Palestine, all of 
which were probably known to the ancient He- 
brews. With respect to the passage in Job, which 
appears to allude to the migratory habits of hawks, 




Falco Saker. 



it is curious to observe that, of the ten or twelve 
smaller birds of prey of Palestine, nearly all are 
summer migrants. The kestrel remains all the 
year, but T. cenchris, Micronisus gabar, Hyp. eleo- 
norm, and F. melanopterus, are all migrants from 
the S. Besides the above-named smaller hawks, 
the two magnificent species of falcon, F. Saker and 
F. lanarhis, are summer visitors to Palestine. 

Hay, the A. V. translation in Prov. xxvii. 25, and 
Is. xv. 6, of the Heb. hdtsir or chdtsir, which occurs 
frequently in the 0. T., and denotes " grass " of any 
kind. Harmer, quoting from a MS. paper of Sir J. 
Chardin, states that hay is not made anywhere in 
the East, and that the " hay " of the A. V. is there- 
fore an error of translation. It is quite probable 
that the modern Orientals do not make hay in our 
sense of the term ; but it is certain that the ancients 
did mow their grass, and probably made use of the 
dry material. See Ps. xxxvii. 2. There is an ex- 
press Hebrew term for " dry grass " or " hay," viz. 
hashash or chashash, which, in the only two places 
where the word occurs (Is. v. 24, xxxiii. 11), is ren- 
dered " chaff " in the A. V. Doubtless, however, 



HAZ 



HAZ 



367 



the " dry grass " was not stacked, but only cut in 
small quantities, and then consumed. Agricul- 
ture ; Barn ; Mowing. 

Ha'za-el (Heb. whom God beholds, i. e. cares for, 
Ges.), a king of Damascus, who reigned from about 
b. c. 886 to b. c. 840. He appears to have been 
previously a person in a high position at the court 
of Ben-hadad II., and was sent by his master to 
Elisha, to inquire if he would recover from the 
malady under which he was suffering. Elisha's an- 
swer led to the murder of Ben-hadad by his ambi- 
tious servant, who forthwith mounted the throne (2 
K. viii. 7-15). He was soon engaged in hostilities 
with Ahaziah, king of Judah, and Jehoram, king of 
Israel, for the possession of Ramoth-Gilead (viii. 28). 
The Assyrian inscriptions show that about this time 
a bloody and destructive war was being waged be- 
tween the Assyrians on the one side, and the Syrians, 
Hittites, Hamathites, and Phenicians on the other. 
Toward the close of the reign of Jehu, Hazael led 
them against the Israelites (about b. c. 860), whom 
he "smote in all their coasts" (x. 32), thus accom- 
plishing the prophecy of Elisha (viii. 12). At the 
close of his life, having taken Gath (xii. 17; com- 
pare Am. vi. 2), he proceeded to attack Jerusalem 
(2 Chr. xxiv. 24), and was about to assault the city, 
when Joash bribed him to retire (2 K. xii. 18). 
Hazael appears to have died about the year b. c. 840 
(xiii. 24), having reigned forty-six years. 

Ha-zai'all [-za'yah] (Heb. whom Jehovah beholds, 
Ges.), a descendant of Shelah, son of Judah (Neh. 
xi. 5). 

Ha'zar-ad'dar, &c. ■ Hazer. 

Ha-zar-nia'veth (fr. Tleb.nourt of death, Ges.), the 
third in order of the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26). 
The name is preserved, almost literally, in the 
Arabic Hadramdwt and Hadrumawt, and the appel- 
lation of a province and an ancient people of south- 
ern Arabia. The province of Hadramawt is situate 
E. of the modern Yemen. Its capital is Satham, a 
very ancient city, and its chief ports are Mirbat, 
Zafari, and Kisheem, from whence a great trade was 
carried on, in ancient times, with India and Africa. 

* Haz'a-zon-ta'inar. Hazezon-tamar. 

Ha zel. The Hebrew term luz occurs only in Gen. 
xxx. 37. Authorities are divided between the hazel 
and the almond tree, as representing the luz. The 
latter is most probably correct. 

Haz-e-Itl-po'ni (fr. Heb. = the shade looking upon 
me, Ges.), the sister of the sons of Etam in the 
genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). 

Ha'zer (fr. Heb. hdtser — an enclosure, hence a 
court, village, Ges.), topographically, seems generally 
employed for the " villages " of people in a roving 
and unsettled life, the semi-permanent collections of 
dwellings which are described by travellers among 
the modern Arabs to consist of rough stone walls 
covered with the tent-cloths. As a proper name it 
appears in the A. V. : — 1. In the plural Hazerim, 
and Hazeroth ; see below. 2. In the slightly differ- 
ent form of Hazor. 3. In composition with other 
words. — 1. lla'zar-ad'dai' (from Heb. = village of 
Addar, Ges. ; Addar-court, Fii. ; see Adar), a place 
on the southern boundary of the land promised to 
Israel (Num. xxxiv. 4 ; " Adar," Josh. xv. 3) ; sup- 
posed by some to be at 'Ain el-Kudeirdt, forty or fifty 
miles W. of ''Ain el-Weibeh (Kadesh-Barnea ?). — 2. 
Ha'zar-e'nan (fr. Heb. = village of fountains, Ges. ; 
court of the holy fountain, Fii.), the place at which 
the northern boundary of the land promised to the 
children of Israel was to terminate (Num. xxxiv. 9, 
10; compare Ez. xlvii. 17, xlviii. 1). Porter would 



identify Hazar-enan with Kuryctcin (Ar. = the two 
villages), a village more than sixty miles E. N. E. of 
Damascus. — 3. Ila'zar-gad'dah (fr. Heb. = court of 
Gadda, an epithet of Venus as a fortune-bringing 
goddess, Fii.), one of the towns in the southern dis- 
trict of Judah (Josh. xv. 27), named between Mola- 
dah and Heshmon ; at Jurrah, four or five miles 
W. S. W. from Moladah ? — 4. Ha'zai'-Hiat'ti-con 
(fr. Heb. = middle village, Ges.), a place named in 
Ezekiel's prophecy of the ultimate boundaries of the 
land (Ez. xlvii. 16), on the boundary of Hauran. It 
is not yet known. — 5. Ha'zar-slm'al (fr. Heb. = 
village of jackals, Ges. ; court of jackals, Fii.), a town 
in the southern district of Judah, named between 
Hazai'-gaddah and Beer-sheba (Josh. xv. 28, xix. 
3 ; 1 Chr. iv. 28) ; reoccupied after the Captivity 
(Neh. xi. 27) ; site at Sdweh, an ancient site about 
three miles E. N. E. of Beer-sheba. — 6. Ha'zar- 
su'sah(fr. Heb. = Hazar-susim), one of the " cities " 
allotted to Simeon in the extreme south of Judah 
(Josh. xix. 5). (Sansannah.) — 7. Ha'zar-sn'sim (fr. 
Heb. = village of horses, Ges. ; court of the horses 
of the sun, in the sun-worship, Fii.) = the preced- 
ing name (1 Chr. iv. 31). 

Ha-ze'rim (fr. Heb. plural ; Hazer). The Avims 
are said to have lived " in the villages (A. V. ' Haze- 
rim') as far as Gaza" (Deut. ii. 23), before their 
expulsion by the Caphtorim. 

Ila-ze'rotU (fr. Heb. plural ; Hazer) (Num. xi. 35, 
xii. 16, xxxiii. 17 ; Deut. i. 1), a station of the Israel- 
ites in the desert, according to Burckhardt, Robin- 
son, Stanley, &c, at ''Ain el-Hudherah, about eighteen 
hours N. E. from Sinai ; according to Wilton, about 
twenty-five miles N. of Jebel Musa (Sinai ?). Wil- 
derness of the Wandering. 

Haz'e-zon-ta'mar, and Haz'a-zon-ta'mar (fr. Heb. 
= pruning of the palm, Ges. ; palm-roios, palm-forest, 
Fii.), the ancient name of En-gedi (Gen. xiv. 7 ; 2 
Chr. xx. 2). 

Ha'zi-cl (Heb. vision of God, Ges.), a Gershonite 
Levite in the time of David, of the family of Shimei 
or Shimi (1 Chr. xxiii. 9). 

Ha'zo (Heb. vision? Ges.), a son of Nahor, by 
Milcah his wife (Gen. xxii. 22). 

Ha'zor (Heb. enclosure, castle, Ges., Fii. ; Hazer). 
1. A fortified city allotted to Naphtali (Josh. xix. 
36). Its position was apparently between Ramah 
and Kedesh (xii. 19), on the high ground overlook- 
ing the Lake of Merom. There is no reason for sup- 
posing it a different place from that of which Jabin 
was king (xi. 1 ; Judg. iv. 2, 17 ; 1 Sam. xii. 9). It 
was the principal city of N. Palestine (Josh. xi. 10). 
It was fortified by Solomon (1 K. iv. 15), and its in- 
habitants were carried captive by Tiglath-pileser (2 
K. xv. 29). We encounter it once more iu 1 Mc. xi. 
67 (A. V. "Nasor"). Hazor was probably at Tell 
IUiuraibeh (so Mr. Grove, after Robinson). (Edrei 2.) 
Porter (inKitto) would place Hazor about four miles 
further S., on the S. bank of the Wady Hcnddj, where 
are the ruins of an ancient town on a commanding 
site. Thomson (ii. 439) would identify Hazor with 
Hazere, ten or fifteen miles W. of the above and of 
Lake Merom, where are also extensive ruins. Stan- 
ley (389) and Keith would place Hazor at Hazury, on 
a commanding site above Cesarea Philippi, N. E. of 
Lake Merom. — 2. One of the " cities " of Judah in 
the extreme south, named next to Kedesh (Josh. xv. 
23). (Ithnan.) — 3. Hazor-Hadattah (= new Hazor), 

\ another of the southern towns of Judah (xv. 25). 

I (Hadattah.) — 4. " Hezron which is Hazor " (xv. 

j 25); = one of the preceding ? or originally named 

I Hazor, afterward Hezron ? (Kerioth 1.) — 5. A place 



368 



HE 



HE A 



in which the Benjamites resided after the Captivity 
(Neh. xi. 33) ; at Tell 'Asur, about six miles N. of 
Bethel ? (Robinson) ; at Khurbet Arsur, a little W. 
of Raman ? (Tobler). — 6 # A place in Arabia (Jer. 
xlix. 28, 30, 33) ; = the region settled by descend- 
ants of Hazar-maveth ? (Porter in Kitto). 

* He (Heb. he — lattice or window ? Ges.), the fifth 
letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

* Head [hed] (Heb. rosh ; Gr. kephale) is used in 
the Scriptures both literally = the topmost part of 
the human body or the foremost part of any other 
animal, and figuratively = that which is highest or 
chief. The head was covered in affliction (Mourn- 
ing), and anointed in festivity, &c. (Anointing). 
Sometimes men swore by their head (Mat. v. 36). 

Head'-dress. The Hebrews do not appear to have 
regarded a covering for the head as an essential ar- 
ticle of dress. The earliest notice we have of such 
a thing is in connection with the sacerdotal vest- 
ments (Ex. xxviii. 40, A. V. " bonnets "). We may 
infer that it was not ordinarily worn in the Mosaic 
age. Even in after-times it seems to have been re- 
served especially for purposes of ornament : thus 
the Tsaniph (Heb. ; A. V. " diadem") is noticed as 
being worn by nobles (Job xxix. 14), ladies (Is. iii. 
23, A. V. " hoods"), and kings (lxii. 3), while the 
Peer (Heb.) was an article of holiday dress (M. 
3, A. V. " beauty ; " Ez. xxiv. 17, 23, A. V. " tire "), 
and was worn at weddings (Is. lxi. 10, A. V. " or- 
naments "). The former of these terms undoubtedly 
describes a kind of turban, and its form probably 
resembled that of the high-priest's Mitsucphelh (Heb. ; 
A. V. "mitre"), as described by Josephus (iii. 7, 
§ 3). The other term, Peer, primarily means an or- 
nament, and is so rendered in the A. V. (Is. lxi. 10 ; 
see also verse 3, " beauty "), and is specifically ap- 
plied to the head-dress from its ornamental charac- 
ter. It is uncertain what the term properly de- 
scribes, but it may have applied to the jewels and 
other ornaments with which the turban is frequently 
decorated. The ordinary head-dress of the Bedouin 




Modern Syrian and Egyptian Head-dresaes. 



consists of the keffieh, a square handkerchief, gen- 
erally of red and yellow cotton, or cotton and silk, 
folded so that three of the corners hang down over 
the back and shoulders, leaving the face exposed, 
and bound round the head by a cord. (Dress, fig. 
2.) Not improbably a similar covering was used by 
the Hebrews on certain occasions. The introduction 



of the Greek hat by Jason, as an article of dresa 
adapted to the gymnasium, was regarded as a na- 
tional dishonor (2 Mc. iv. 12). The Assyrian head- 
dress is described in Ez. xxiii. 15 under the terms 




Modern Egyptian Head-dressea. — (Lane.) 



"exceeding in dyed attire." The word rendered 
"hats" in Dan. iii. 21 properly applies to a cloak. 
Caul 3 ; Crown ; Diadem ; High-priest ; Marriage. 

* Heal'ing. Medicine ; Miracles. 

* Heart (Heb. leb, lebdb ; Gr. kardia), sometimes 
used in the Scriptures literally, but usually figura- 
tively. The Hebrews regarded the heart as the seat 
not only of the feelings or affections, e. g. love, 
hatred, confidence, courage, &c, and of the will or de- 
termination, but also of the mind or intellectual 
faculties (Judg. xvi. 17 ; IK. x. 2, &c). Bowels. 

Hearth [harth] (Heb. ah or &ch, moked, moktd&h, 
ciyor). One way of baking much practised in the East 
is to place the dough on an iron plate, either laid on, 
or supported on legs above the vessel sunk in the 
ground, which forms the oven. The cakes baked 
" on the hearth " (Gen. xviii. 6) were probably baked 
in the existing Bedouin manner, on hot stones, cov- 
ered with ashes. The " hearth " of King Jehoiakim's 
winter palace (Jer. xxxvi. 23) was possibly a pan or 
brazier of charcoal. Bread ; Fire. 

Heath, the A. V. translation of Heb. 'arfffo- (Jer. 
xlviii. 6), and 'ar'dr (xvii. 6). The common heath 
( Erica vulgaris) is a shrub much used in Great Britain 
to thatch houses, make brooms, beds for the poor, 
&c. ; but Mr. Houghton, Dr. Royle (in Kitto), Robin- 
son, Henderson, &c, accept Celsius' conclusion that 
the Hebrew words translated " heath " = the 'arar 
of Arabic writers, which is some species of juniper, 
probably the Juniperus Sabina, or savin. Gesenius 
translates the Heb. ruins. 

Heathen [th as in this] (Heb. gdy, plural goyim ; 
Gr. ethnos, plural ethne). 1. While as yet the He- 
brew nation had no political existence, goyim denoted 
generally the " nations " of the world, including the 
descendants of Abraham (Gen. xviii. 18 ; compare 
Gal. iii. 16). (Gentiles.) The Hebrews, as they grew 
in number and importance, were distinguished in a 
most marked manner from the nations by whom 
they were surrounded, and were provided with a 
code of laws and a religious ritual which made the 
distinction still more peculiar. The nations from 
whom they were thus separated .(A. V. " Gentiles," 
" heathen ") are ever associated with the worship 



HEA 



HEB 



369 



of false gods, and the foul practices of idolaters 
(Lev. xviii., xx.), and these constituted their chief 
distinctions, as goyim, from the worshippers of the 
one God, the people of Jehovah (Num. xv. 41 ; Deut. 
xxviii. 10). This distinction was maintained in its 
full force during the early times of the monarchy (2 
Sam. vii. 23 ; IK. xi. 4-8, xiv. 24; Ps. cvi. 35).— 
2. But, even in early Jewish times, the term goyim 
received by anticipation a significance of wider range 
than the national experience (Lev. xxvi. 33, 38 ; 
Deut. xxx. 1) ; and as the latter was gradually de- 
veloped during the prosperous times of the mon- 
archy, the goyim were the surrounding nations gen- 
erally, with whom the Israelites were brought into 
contact by the extension of their commerce. In the 
time of the Maccabees, following the customs of the 
goyim denoted the neglect or concealment of cir- 
cumcision (1 Mc. i. 15), disregard of sacrifices, prof- 
anation of the Sabbath, eating of swine's flesh and 
meat offered to idols (2 Mc. vi. 6-9, 18, xv. 1, 2), 
and adoption of the Greek national games (iv. 12, 
14). In all points Judaism and heathenism are 
strongly contrasted. The " barbarous multitude " 
in 2 Mc. ii. 21 are opposed to those who played the 
men for Judaism, and the distinction now becomes 
an ecclesiastical one (compare Mat. xviii. 17). But, 
in addition to its significance as an ethnographical 
term, goyim had a moral sense which must not be 
overlooked. In Ps. ix. 5, 15, 17 (compare Ez. vii. 
21) the word stands in parallelism with "the 
wicked ; " and in verse 17 the people thus desig- 
nated are described as " forgetters of God," that 
know not Jehovah (Jer. x. 25). Grekk. 

Heav'en [hev'n], pi. Heavens [hev'nz], the A. V. 
translation of — 1. Heb. pi. shdmayim (fr. an obsolete 
sing. = the high, Ges.), uniformly translated 
"heaven" (Gen. i. 1, 8, 9, 14, 15, 17, 20, &c), or 
" heavens " (ii. 1, 4, &c), except when connected 
with " fowl " or " bird," as in the phrase " fowl of 
the air" (i. 26, 28, 30, &c). This Hebrew word 
occurs in the 0. T. not far from 400 times. The 
kindred Chal. shemayin occurs nearly forty times in 
Ezra (v. 11, 12, &c), Jeremiah (x. 11), and Daniel 
(ii. 18, 19, &c ), and is uniformly translated 
" heaven " or " heavens." " The heaven and the 
earth " (Gen. i. 1), or " the heavens and the earth " 
(ii. 1), = the universe. (Creation ; Firmament.) 
— 2. Heb. shahak or shachak = the sky or heaven, 
so called from its expanse, Ges. (Ps. lxviii. 
34, marg. [Heb. 35], and lxxxix. 6, 37 [in Heb. 7, 
38]), usually in pi. and translated "skies " (2 Sam. 
xxii. 12, &c), or " clouds " (Job xxxv. 5, &c.). — 3. 
Heb. galgal once (Ps. lxxvii. 18 [Heb. 19] ; Ges. and 
Fii. translate here whirlwind), elsewhere usually 
translated " wheel " (Eccl. xii. 6, &c.) ; literally 
that which rolls or revolves. — 4. Heb. 'cirdbdh pi. 
once (Ps. lxviii. 4, Heb. 5). Professor J. A. Alex- 
ander says this version is entirely unauthorized by 
usage, and thus translates — cast up a highway for 
the one riding through the deserts ; in A. V. " extol 
him that rideth upon the heavens." (Arabah ; Des- 
ert 1.) — 5. Heb. pi. ariphim once only (Is. v. 30, 
marg. " destructions "). Gesenius makes the Hebrew 
literally = the distilling, poetically the clouds, and 
by metonymy the heavens. — 6. Gr. ouranos, pi. 
ouranoi (Mat. iii. 2 ; Mk. i. 10, 11 ; Lk. iii. 21, 22, 
&c), almost uniformly translated " heaven " or 
" heavens," but " air " in connection with " fowl " 
or "bird" (Mat. vi. 26, xiii. 32, &c. ; comp. No. 1), 
and " sky " in a few cases (Mat. xvi. 2, 3, &c). 
This Greek word occurs nearly 300 times in the N. T., 
and in the LXX. = No. 1. " Heaven " and "heav- 
24 



enly " are the A. V. translation in the N. T. of this 
word and of its derivatives only (see below). — 
Other Hebrew and Greek words may be considered = 
heaven, e. g. Heb. rdkia', uniformly translated " fir- 
mament ; " Heb. mdrom (= height), translated " from 
above " (2 Sam. xxii. 17, &c), " on high " (Is. xxxiii. 
5, &c), &c. ; Gr. hupsos (= height), sometimes trans- 
lated " on high " (Lk. i. 78, xxiv. 49 ; Eph. iv. 8) ; 
Gr. anothen = "from above " (Jn. iii. 31, &c). St. 
Paul's expression " third heaven " (2 Cor. xii. 2) 
has led to much conjecture (see below). Grotius 
said that the Jews divided the heaven into three 
parts, viz. (1.) the air or atmosphere, where clouds 
gather ; (2.) the firmament, in which the sun, moon, 
and stars are fixed ; (3.) the upper heaven, the 
abode of God and His angels. (Compare Dan. iv. 
12; Gen. xxii. 17; Ps. ii. 4, &c.) Robinson (N. T. 
Lex.) thus arranges the N. T. significations of Gr. 
ovranos (No. 6, above): (1.) properly and generi- 
cally heaven, as including the visible heavens and 
their phenomena (1 Cor. viii. 5, &c.) ; (2.) specifi- 
cally heaven, of the firmament itself, the starry 
heaven, in which the sun, moon, and stars are fixed 
(Mk. xiii. 25, &c.) ; (3.) specifically also of the 
lower heaven, or region below the firmament, = the 
air, atmosphere, where clouds and tempests are 
gathered, and lightning breaks forth, and where the 
birds fly (Mat. xxiv. 30, &c.) ; (4.) oftener heaven, 
the heavens, of the upper or superior heaven, beyond 
the visible firmament, the abode of God and His 
glory, of the glorified Messiah, the angels, the spir- 
its of the just after death, and generally of every 
thing which is said to be with God (v. 16, &c). 
Probably 2 Corinthians xii. 2 alludes to the three 
heavens above specified by Grotius and Robinson, 
and hence " the third heaven" = the highest heaven, 
the abode of God and angels and glorified spirits, 
the spiritual paradise (compare ver. 4 ; Eph. iv. 
10; Heb. iv. 14, vii. 26). By metonymy, "heaven," 
as God's abode, often — God himself (Mat. xxi. 25, 
&c). King; Kingdom. 
* He'bel (Heb.) — Abel (Gen. iv. 2, marg.). 
Heber (L. fr. Heb. heber or cheber = society, com- 
pany, Ges. ; sorcery, magic, Fii. ; the Heb. of No. 
3, 5, 7 is 'eber = Eber). 1. Grandson of the pa- 
triarch Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17 ; 1 Chr. vii. 31 ; Num. 
xxvi. 45). — 2. "The father of Socho ; " a man of 
the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18). — 3. A Gadite (v. 
13). — i, A Benjamite, son of Elpaal (viii. 17). — 5. 
A Benjamite, son of Shashak (viii. 22). — 6. " Heber, 
the Kenite," the husband of Jael (Judg. iv. 11-17, 
v. 24). — 7. The patriarch Eber 1 (Lk. iii. 35). 

He'bcr-itcs, the = the descendants of Heber 1, a 
branch of the tribe of Asher (Num. xxvi. 45). 

He'brcw, pi. Hc'brcws (fr. Heb. 'Ibri, pi. 'Ibrim, 
'Ibriyim ; Gr. Hebraios, pi. Hebraioi ; L. Hebrceus, 
pi. Hebrcei ; see below). This word first occurs as 
applied to Abraham (Gen. xiv. 13). It was after- 
ward given as a name to his descendants. Four 
derivations have been proposed : I. Patronymic 
from Abram (Augustine originally, Ambrose) ; an 
impossible derivation. — II. Appellative from Heb. 
verb 'dbar (= to pass over, Ges.), applied by the 
Canaanites to Abraham upon his crossing the Eu- 
phrates (Gen. xiv. 13). — III. Appellative from the 
noun 'eber (= the region or country beyond, on the 
other side, Ges.), is essentially the same with II., 
since both rest upon the hypothesis that Abraham 
and his posterity were called Hebrews to express a 
distinction between the races E. and W. of the Eu- 
phrates. One of these opinions (II. or III.) is main- 
tained by Jerome, Origen, Chrysostom, Grotius, 



« 



370 



HEB 



HEB 



Selden, Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, Fiirst, Rev. T. E. 
Brown, &c. The LXX. in Gen. xiv. 13 translates 
Habram ho perates (= Abram the one who carried 
over, L. and S. ; Abram who crossed over, so many). 
— IV. Patronymic from the patriarch Eber 1 (Jo- 
sephus, Bochart, Buxtorf, Leusden, Bauer, Ewald, 
Havernick, Baumgarten, Bush, Dr. W. L. Alexan- 
der in Kitto, &c). 'Ibri is undoubtedly the proper 
Hebrew form of a patronymic from 'Eber (= Eber). 
But it is objected that no special prominence is in 
the genealogy (Gen. xi. 10-26) assigned to Eber 
such as might entitle him to the position of head or 
founder of the race, though in Gen. x. 21 Shem is 
called " the father of all the children of Eber," 
which Mr. Brown explains as = father of the na- 
tions to the E. of the Euphrates. The longevity of 
Eber, however, since, according to the Hebrew text 
of Gen. xi., he lived almost twice as long as any of 
his descendants, is a sufficient reason for applying a 
patronymic from Eber to his descendant Abraham, 
whose other ancestors, subsequent to Eber, were 
all dead before he went to Canaan. Besides, Eber 
may have had other marks of distinction, of which 
we are ignorant. According to the natural mean- 
ing of Gen. x. 21 and xiv. 13, for which a reason 
appears as above in the Hebrew chronology, Abram 
was called " the Hebrew" on account of his descent 
from Eber (or Heber) ; and when this appellation 
was once given to him by the Canaanites and other 
strangers among whom he dwelt, the transfer of it 
to his descendants, and especially to the Israelites, 
as a national designation, was easy and natural. 
The term " Israelite " was used by the descendants 
of Jacob of themselves among themselves : " He- 
brew " was the name by which they were known to 
foreigners (so Mr. Brown, after Ges.). Ewald main- 
tains that " Israelite " was a sacred or religious 
name appropriate to them as the chosen people of 
God, and " Hebrew " the common appellation. Mr. 
Brown and others suppose that " Hebrew " was orig- 
inally applied to immigrants from beyond the Eu- 
phrates by the dwellers on the W. of that river ; it 
was accepted by these immigrants in their external 
relations ; and, after the general substitution of the 
word Jew, it still found a place in that marked and 
special feature of national contradistinction, the 
language. In the N. T. " the Hebrews " = the 
Jews, especially of Palestine, who used the " He- 
brew " or Aramaic language, and inhabited the coun- 
try of their fathers (Hellenist) ; " Hebrew of the 
Hebrews " = a Hebrew in the strictest sense, i. e. 
by both parents. Shemitic Languages. 

* He'brcw Bi'ble. Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; 
Old Testament. 

He brew-ess (fr. Heb.) = a Hebrew woman (Jer. 
xxxiv. 9). 

* He'brew Language. Greek ; Shemitic Lan- 
guages ; Writing. 

He'brews (see Hebrew), E-pis'tle to the. I. Ca- 
nonical authority. Was it received and transmitted 
as canonical by the immediate successors of the 
apostles ? The most important witness among 
these, Clement (a. d. 70 or 95), refers to this Epis- 
tle in the same way as, and more frequently than, 
to any other canonical book. Little stress can be 
laid upon the few possible allusions to it in Barna- 
bas, Hernias, Polycarp, and Ignatius. It is received 
as canonical by Justin Martyr, and by the compilers 
of the Peshito version of the N. T. Basilides and 
Marcion are recorded as distinctly rejecting the 
Epistle. But at the close of that period, in the 
N. African church, where first the Gospel found ut- 



terance in the Latin tongue, orthodox Christianity 
first doubted the canonical authority of the Epistle 
to the Hebrews. To the old Latin version of the 
Scriptures, which was completed probably about 
a. d. 170, this Epistle seems to have been added as 
a composition of Barnabas, and as destitute of 
canonical authority. During the next two centu- 
ries the extant fathers of the Roman and N. African 
churches regard the Epistle as a book of no canon- 
ical authority ; but in the fourth century its author- 
ity began to revive. At the end of the fourth cen- 
tury, Jerome, the most learned and critical of the 
Latin fathers, reviewed the conflicting opinions as to 
the authority of this Epistle. He considered that the 
prevailing, though not universal, view of the Latin 
churches was of less weight than the view not only 
of ancient writers, but also of all the Greek and all 
the Eastern churches, where the Epistle was re- 
ceived as canonical and read daily ; and he pro- 
nounced a decided opinion in favor of its authority. 
The great contemporary light of N. Africa, Augus- 
tine, held a similar opinion. The third Council of 
Carthage, a. d. 397, and a Decretal of Pope Inno- 
cent, a. d. 416, gave a final confirmation to their 
decision. But such doubts were confined to the 
Latin churches from the middle of the second to 
the close of the fourth century. All the rest of 
orthodox Christendom from the beginning was 
agreed upon the canonical authority of this Epistle. 
Cardinal Cajetan, the opponent of Luther, was the 
first to disturb the tradition of a thousand years, 
and to deny its authority. Erasmus, Calvin, and 
Beza questioned only its authorship. Luther, when 
he printed his version of the Bible, separated this 
book from St. Paul's Epistles, and placed it with 
the Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, next before 
the Revelation ; indicating by this change of order 
his opinion that the four relegated books are of less 
importance and less authority than the rest of the 
N. T., but his opinion has not been adopted in any 
confession of the Lutheran church. — II. Who was (he 
author of the Epistle? The superscription, the or- 
dinary source of information, is wanting ; but there 
is no reason to doubt that at first, everywhere, ex- 
cept in N. Africa, St. Paul was regarded as the 
author. The Alexandrian fathers received it in the 
same sense that the speech in Acts xxii. 1-21 is re- 
ceived as St. Paul's. Clement ascribed to St. Luke 
the translation of the Epistle into Greek from a 
Hebrew original of St. Paul. Origen believed that 
the thoughts were St. Paul's, the language and com- 
position St. Luke's or Clement's of Rome. Tertul- 
lian names Barnabas as the reputed author accord- 
ing to the N. African tradition. The view of the 
Alexandrian fathers, a middle point between the 
Eastern and Western traditions, won its way in the 
Church. In the last three centuries every word 
and phrase in the Epistle has been scrutinized ; 
Rev. C. Forster, Prof. Stuart (in Commentary), Prof. 
R. D. C. Robbins (in Bibliotheca Sacra, xviii. 469 
ff.), Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kitto), &c., advocate 
the opinion that St. Paul was the author of the lan- 
guage as well as of the thoughts of the Epistle. 
Dr. S. Davidson (Introduction to N. T.), Dr. Tre- 
gelles (in Home's Introduction), and Mr. Bullock 
(the original author of this article), substantially 
agree with the Alexandrian tradition. Luther's 
conjecture that Apollos was the author has been 
widely adopted in German) - , and by Alford in Erg- 
land. Barnabas has been named by Wieseler, 
Thiersch, &c. ; Luke by Grotius ; Silas by others. 
Keandcr attributes it to some apostolic man of the 



I1EB 



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371 



Pauline school, whose training and method of 
stating doctrinal truth differed from St. Paul's. 
Ewald has recently advocated the hypothesis that 
it was written by some Jewish teacher residing at 
Jerusalem to a church in some important Italian 
town, which is supposed to have sent a deputation 
to Palestine. Prof. Bobbins (1. c.) thus sums up 
his argument : — ' r The amount and value of the 
external evidence is, to say the least, strongly in 
favor of Paul as the author. Internal evidence, 
though not perhaps in any one point, taken by it- 
self, so clear as not to admit of question ; yet, in 
almost every particular, is sufficient to render the 
composition by the Apostle Paul probable. Circum- 
stances alluded to in the Epistle ... .do not certainly 
any more clearly suggest any other author. The 
sentiments and doctrines of the Epistle, when its 
object and aim are taken into view, seem to us 
strikingly Pauline. . . . The general characteristics 
of form are the same in the Hebrews and acknowl- 
edged Pauline Epistles, with, however, many differ- 
ences, such as we should expect in any encyclical 
letter purposely anonymous. . . . The superiority 
of style so generally attributed to the Hebrews . . . 
indicates a higher and more studied effort of the 
same mind and pen. Similarity rather than diversi- 
ty in the Hebrews and acknowledged Epistles of Paul, 
in the use of particular words and phrases, is now 
generally acknowledged. . . . By how much the spirit 
and doctrine of the Epistle is Pauline, by so much 
may it be believed that the diction is entirely the 
apostle's." — III. To whom was the Epistle sent? 
This question was agitated as early as the time of 
Chrysostom, who replies, — to the Jews in Jerusa- 
lem and Palestine. The argument of the Epistle is 
such as could be used with most effect to a church 
consisting exclusively of Jews by birth, personally 
familiar with and attached to the Temple-service. 
Ebrard limits the primary circle of readers even to 
a section of the church at Jerusalem. Some critics 
have maintained that this Epistle was addressed 
directly to Jewish believers everywhere : others 
have restricted it to those who dwelt in Asia and 
Greece. — IV. Where and when was it written? 
Eastern traditions of the fourth century, in connec- 
tion with the opinion that St. Paul is the writer, 
name Italy and Rome, or Athens, as the place from 
whence the Epistle was written. Either place 
would agree with, perhaps was suggested by, the 
mention of Timothy in the last chapter. The 
Epistle was evidently written before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem in a. d. 70. The whole argu- 
ment, and especially the passages viii. 4 ff., ix. 6 
ff., and xiii. 10 if., imply that the Temple was 
standing, and that its usual course of Divine service 
was carried on without interruption. The date 
which best agrees with the traditionary account of 
the authorship and destination of the Epistle is a. d. 
63, about the end of St. Paul's imprisonment at 
Rome, or a year after Albinus succeeded Festus as 
Procurator. — V. In what language was it written ? 
Like Matthew, the Epistle has afforded ground for 
much unimportant controversy respecting the lan- 
guage in which it was originally written. The 
earliest statement is that of Clement of Alexandria 
to the effect that it was written by St. Paul in He- 
brew, and translated by St. Luke into Greek. But 
nothing is said to lead us to regard it as a tradition, 
rather than a conjecture suggested by the style of 
the Epistle. Bleek argues in support of a Greek 
original, on the grounds of (1.) the purity and easy, 
flow of the Greek ; (2.) the use of Greek words 



which could not be adequately expressed in He- 
brew without long periphrase ; (3.) the use of 
paronomasia ; and (4.) the use of the LXX. in quo- 
tations and references. — VI. Condition of the He- 
brews, and scope of the Epistle. The numerous Chris- 
tian churches scattered throughout Judea (Acts ix. 
31 ; Gal. i. 22) were continually exposed to perse- 
cution from the Jews (1 Th. ii. 14); but in Jerusa- 
lem there was one additional weapon in the hands 
of the predominant oppressors of the Christians. 
The magnificent national Temple might be shut 
against the Hebrew Christian ; and even if this 
affliction were not often laid upon him, yet there 
was a secret burden which he bore within him, the 
knowledge that the end of all the beauty and awful- 
ness of Zion was rapidly approaching. What could 
take the place of the Temple, and that which was 
behind the veil, and the Levitical sacrifices, and the 
Holy City, when they should cease to exist? What 
compensation could Christianity offer him for the 
loss which was pressing the Hebrew Christian more 
and more ? The writer of this Epistle meets the 
Hebrew Christians on their own ground. His an- 
swer is — " Your new faith gives you Christ, and, in 
Christ, all you seek, all your fathers sought. In 
Christ the Son of God you have an all-sufficient 
Mediator, nearer than angels to the Father, eminent 
above Moses as a benefactor, more sympathizing 
and more prevailing than the High-priest as an in- 
tercessor : His sabbath awaits you in heaven ; to 
His covenant the old was intended to be subser- 
vient ; His atonement is the eternal reality of which 
sacrifices are but the passing shadow ; His city 
heavenly, not made with hands. Having Him, be- 
lieve in Him with all your heart, with a faith in the 
unseen future, strong as that of the saints of old, 
patient under present, and prepared for coming 
woe, full of energy, and hope, and holiness, and 
love." Such was the teaching of the Epistle to the 
Hebrews. Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; New Tes- 
tament ; Paul. 

He bron (Heb. conjunction, alliance, Ges.). 1. The 
third son of Kohath, and a grandson of Levi ; a 
younger brother of Am ram, father of Moses and 
Aaron (Ex. vi. 18 ; Num. iii. 19 ; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18, 
xxiii. 12). The immediate children of Hebron are 
not mentioned by name (comp. Ex. vi. 21, 22), but 
he was the founder of a family of Hebronites (Num. 
iii. 27, xxvi. 58 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23, 30, 31), or " sons 
of Hebron " (xv. 9, xxiii. 19). — 2. In the genealo- 
gical lists of Judah (ii. 42, 43), Mareshah is said to 
have been the " father of Hebron." It is impossible 
at present to say whether these names are intended 
to be those of the places themselves or of persons 
who founded them. 

Hc'bron (Heb. see above). 1. A city of Judah 
(Josh. xv. 54) ; situated among the mountains 
(xx. 7), twenty Roman miles S. of Jerusalem, 
and the same distance N. of Beer-sheba. Hebron is 
one of the most ancient cities in the world still ex- 
isting ; and in this respect it is the rival of Damas- 
cus. It was built, says a sacred writer, " seven 
years before Zoan in Egypt " (Num. xiii. 22) ; and 
was a well-known town when Abraham entered 
Canaan 3,780 years ago (Gen. xiii. 18). Its original 
name was Kirjath-arba (Judg. i. 10), " the city of 
Arba ; " so called from Arba, the father of Anak, 
and progenitor of the giant Anakim (Josh. xxi. 11, 
xv. 13, 14). It was sometimes called Mamre. The 
chief interest of this city arises from its having been 
the scene of some of the most striking events in the 
lives of the patriarchs. Sarah died at Hebron ; and 



372 



HEB 



HEL 



Abraham then bought from Ephron the Hittite the 
field and cave of Machpelah, to serve as a family 
tomb (Gen. xxiii. 2-20). The cave is still there ; 
and the massive walls of the Haram or mosque, 
within which it lies, form the most remarkable ob- 
ject in the whole city. Abraham is called by Mo- 
hammedans el-Khulil, " the Friend," i. e. of God, 
and this is the modern name of Hebron. Hebron 
was taken by Joshua from the descendants of 
Anak, and given to Caleb (Josh. x. 36, xiv. 6-15, 
xv. 13, 14). It was assigned to the Levites, and 
made a city of refuge (xxi. 11-13). Here David 
dwelt during the seven and a half years of his reign 
over Judah (2 Sam. v. 5). Hebron was rebuilt after 
the Captivity, but soon fell into the hands of the 
Edomites, from whom it was rescued by Judas Mac- 
cibeus (Neh. xi. 25 ; 1 Mc. v. 65). A short time 
before the capture of Jerusalem, Hebron was burned 
by an officer of Vespasian. About the beginning 
of the twelfth century it was captured by the Cru- 
saders. In 1187 it reverted to the Moslems, and 
has ever since remained in their hands. Hebron 
now contains about 5,000 inhabitants, of whom some 
fifty families are Jews. It is picturesquely situated 
in a narrow valley, surrounded by rocky hills. 
(Eshcol.) The valley runs from N. to S. ; and the 
main quarter of the town, surmounted by the lofty 
walls of the venerable Haram, lies partly on the 
eastern slope (Gen. xxxvii. 14; comp. xxiii. 19). 
The houses are all of stone. About a mile from the 
town, up the valley, is one of the largest oak-trees 
in Palestine. (Oak.) This, say some, is the very 
tree beneath which Abraham pitched his tent, and 
it still bears the name of the patriarch. — 2. (fr. Heb. 
= ferry, ford, Fii.). One of the towns of Asher 
(Josh. xix. 28), on the boundary of the tribe. No 
one in modern times has discovered its site. Be- 
sides, it is not certain whether the name should not 
rather be Ebdon or Abdon 5, since that form is 
found in many MSS. 

He'bron-itcs (fr. Heb.), the = a family of Kohath- 
ite Levites, the descendants of Hebron the son of 
Kohath (Num. iii. 27, xxvi. 58; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23). 

Hedge. Three of the Hebrew words thus ren- 
dered in the A. V., gdder, geder, gederdh, as well 
as their Gr. equivalent phragmos, denote simply 
that which surrounds or encloses, whether it be a 
stone " wall " (geder, Prov. xxiv. 31 ; Ez. xlii. 10), 
or a fence of other materials. Gdder and gederdh 
are used of the hedge of a vineyard (Num xxii. 24, 
A. V. "wall;" Ps. lxxxix, 40; 1 Chr. iv. 23), and 
the latter is employed to describe the rude walls of 
stone, or fences of thorn, which served as a shelter 
for sheep in winter and summer (Num. xxxii. 16, 
A. V. " folds "). The stone walls which surround the 
sheepfolds of modern Palestine are frequently 
crowned with sharp thorns. In order to protect the 
vineyards from the ravages of wild beasts (Ps. Ixxx. 
12), it was customary to surround them with a wall 
of loose stones or mud (Mat. xxi. 33; Mk. xii. 1), 
which was a favorite haunt of serpents (Eccl. x. 8), 
and a retreat for locusts from the cold (Nab. iii. 17). 
A " wall " or fence of this kind is clearly distin- 
guished in Is. v. 5 from the tangled " hedge," Heb. 
mesucdh (A. V. "thorn hedge," Mie. vii. 4), which 
was planted as an additional safeguard to the vine- 
yard (compare Ecclus. xxviii. 24), and was com- 
posed of the thorny shrubs with which Palestine 
abounds. The prickly pear, a species of cactus, so 
frequently employed for this purpose in the East at 
present, is believed to be of comparatively modern 
introduction. Thorns ; Wall. 



He'gai, or Heg'a-I (Heb. fr. Pers. = eunuch, Ben- 
fey), one of the eunuchs (A. V. "chamberlains") of 
the court of Ahasuerus (Esth. ii. 8, 15). 

Uc'ge (Heb.) = Hegai (Esth. ii. 3). 

Heifer [hef-]. The Hebrew language has no ex- 
pression that exactly = our heifer ; for both 'eglah 
and pdrdh are applied to cows ^hat have calved (1 
Sam. vi. 7-12, plural A. V. "kine;" Job. xxi. 10; 
Is. vii. 21, A. V. " cow " in both). The heifer or 
young cow was not commonly used for ploughing, 
but only for treading out the corn (Hos. x. 11 ; but 
see Judg. xiv. 18), when it ran about without any 
headstall (Dent. xxv. 4) ; hence the expression an 
"unbroken heifer" (Hos. iv. 16, A. V. "back- 
sliding heifer "), to which Israel is compared. 
Agriculture ; Bull ; Herd ; Ox ; Purification. 

Heir. The Hebrew institutions relative to inher- 
itance were of a very simple character. Under the 
Patriarchal system the property was divided among 
the sons of the legitimate wives (Gen. xxi. 10, xxiv. 
36, xxv. 5), a larger portion being assigned to one, 
generally the eldest (First-born), on whom devolved 
the duty of maintaining the females of the family. 
The sons of concubines were portioned off with 
presents (xxv. 6) ; occasionally they were placed on 
a par with the -legitimate' sons (xlix. 1 ff). At a 
later period the exclusion of the sons of concubines 
was rigidly enforced (Judg. xi. 1 ff.). Daughters 
had no share in the patrimony (Gen. xxxi. 14), but 
received a marriage portion. The Mosaic law reg- 
ulated the succession to real property thus : it was 
to be divided among the sons, the eldest receiving a 
double portion (Deut. xxi. 17), the others equal 
shares ; if there were no sons, it went to the daugh- 
ters (Num. xxvii. 8), on the condition that they did 
not marry out of their own tribe (xxxvi. 6 ft . ; 
Tob. vi. 12, vii. 13), otherwise the patrimony was 
forfeited. If there were no daughters, it went to the 
brother of the deceased ; if no brother, to the pater- 
nal uncle ; and, failing these, to the next of kin 
(Num. xxvii. 9-11). In the case of a widow left 
without children, the nearest of kin on her hus- 
band's side had the right of marrying her, and in the 
event of his refusal the next of kin (Ru. iii. 12, 13): 
with him rested the obligation of redeeming the 
property of the widow (iv. 1 ff.), if it had been either 
sold or mortgaged. If none stepped forward to 
marry the widow, the inheritance remained with her 
until her death, and then reverted to the next of 
kin. The land being thus so strictly tied up, the 
notion of heirship, as we understand it, was hardly 
known to the Jews. Testamentary dispositions 
were of course superfluous. The references to wills 
in St. Paul's writings are borrowed from the usages 
of Greece and Rome (Heb. ix. 17), whence the cus- 
tom was introduced into Judea. Agriculture; 
Child ; Marriage ; Widow. 

He'lah (Heb. rust, Ges.), one of the two wives of 
Ashur, father of Tekoa (1 Chr. iv. 5). 

He'lani (fr. Heb. — fortress, Fii.), a place E: of the 
Jordan, but W. of the Euphrates, at which the Syrians 
were collected by Hadarezer, and at which David 
met and defeated them (2 Sam. x. 16, 17). The 
most probable conjecture perhaps is that it = Ala- 
matha, a town named by Ptolemy, and placed by him 
on the W. of the Euphrates, near Nicephorium (so 
Mr. Grove, after Ewald). 

Mel ball (Heb. fatness, fertile region, Ges.), a town 
of Asher, probably on the plain of Phenicia, not far 
from Sidon (Judg. i. 31). 

Ilel'bon (Heb. fat, fertile, Ges.), a place only men- 
tioned in Ezekiel xxvii. 18, as noted for wine. Geog- 



IIEL 



HEL 



373 



raphers have hitherto represented Helbon = the 
city of Aleppo, called Hale b by the Arabs ; but Aleppo 
produces no wine of any reputation. Porter (ii. 330 
If.) and Robinson (iii. 471 f.) identify it with a village 
and district about ten miles N. of Damascus, still 
bearing the ancient name Helbon, and still celebrated 
as producing the finest grapes in the country. 

Hel-clli all [-ki-] (1 Esd. viii. 1). Hilkiah 2. 

Hel-ehi'as (2 Esd. i. 1) = Hilkiah 2. 

Hel'dai, or Hcl'da-i (Heb. worldly, Ges. ; enduring, 
long-lived, Fii.). 1. The twelfth captain of the I 
monthly courses for the Temple-service (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 15); = Heleb, Heled? — 2. An Israelite who 
seems to have returned from the Captivity (Zech. vi. 
10); = Helem 2? Tobijah 2. 

llc'leb (Heb. fat, fatness, Ges.), son of Baanah, the 
Netophathite ; one of David's " valiant men" (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 29); = Heled. 

He led (Heb. continuance of life, strength, Fii.) = 
IIeleb (1 Chr. xi. 30). Heldai 1. 

tlc'lck (Heb. possesion, Fii.), a descendant of 
Manasseh, and second sou of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 30) ; 
ancestor of the Helekites. 

He'lck-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the family descended 
from Helek (Num. xxvi. 30). 

Ile'lem (Heb. stroke, Ges.; hammer of God, Fii.). 
1. A descendant of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 35); = Ho- 
tham ? — 2. (Heb. strength, Fii.). A man mentioned 
only in Zech. vL 14 ; apparently = Heldai 2. 

Ile'lcph (Heb. exchange, Ges. ; place of rushes, 
Fii.), the place from which the boundary of Naph- 
tali started (Josh. xix. 33). Van de Velde proposes 
to identify it with Beit/if W. of Kades. Kedesh 3. 

He'lcz (fr. Heb. = loin? Ges. ; strength, Fii.). 1. 
One of David's " thirty " valiant men (2 Sam. xxiii. 
26; 1 Chr. xi. 27), an Ephraimite, and captain of 
the seventh monthly course (xxvii. 10). — 2. A man ! 
of Judah, son of Azariah, a descendant of Jerah- 
meel (ii. 39), 

He'li (Gr. = Eli). 1. The father of Joseph, the 
husband of the Virgin Mary (Lk. iii. 23) ; maintained \ 
by Lord A. C. Hervey to have been the real brother of i 
Jacob the father of the Virgin herself. (Genealogy 
of Jesus Christ. ) — 2. The third of three names 
inserted between Achitob and Amarias in the gen- 
ealogy of Ezra, in 2 Esd. i. 2 (comp. Ezr. vii. 2, 3). 

Hc-li'as (Gr.) = Elias or Elijah (2 Esd. vii. 39). I 

Hc-li-0-do'ras (L. fr. Gr. = given bg live sun), the i 
treasurer of Seleucus Philopator, who was commis- 
sioned by the king, at the instigation of Apollonius 
], to carry away the private treasures deposited in 
the Temple at Jerusalem. According to 2 Mc. iii. 
9 If., he was stayed from the execution of his design 
by a " great apparition," and fell down speechless. 
He was afterward restored at the intercession of the 
High-priest Onias (2 Mc. iii.). The full details of the 
narrative are not supported by any other evidence. 

Hel'kai, or Hel'ka-i (Heb. Jehovah his portion, 
Ges.), a priest of the family of Meraioth, in the days 
of Joiakim (Neh. xii. 15). 

Hel'kath (Heb. field, Fii.), the town named as the 
starting-point for the boundary of Asher (Josh. xix. 
25), and allotted to the Gershonite Levites-(xxi. 31) ; 
= Hukok. 

Hel'katll-haz'ZD-rilll (Heb. field of strong men, I 
A.V., Vulgate, Aquila ; field of swords, Ges. ; bare- 
ness of rocks, Fii.), a smooth piece of ground, ap- 
parently close to the pool of Gibeon, where the com- 
bat took place between the two parties of Joab's 
men and Abner's men, which ended in the death of 
the whole of the combatants, and brought on a gen- 
eral battle (2 Sam. ii. 16). 



Hel-ki'as = Hilkiah 2 (1 Esd. i. 8). 
Hell. This is the word generally used by our 
translators to render the Heb. Sheol. It would per- 
haps have been better to retain the Hebrew word, 
or else render it always by " the grave " or " the 
pit." It is poetically represented (Earth) as deep 
(Job xi. 8) and dark (xi. 21, 22), in the centre of 
the earth (Num. xvi. 30 ; Deut. xxxii. 22), having 
within it depths on depths (Prov. ix. 18), and fas- 
tened with gates (Is. xxxviii. 10) and bars (Job 
xvii. 16). In this cavernous realm are the souls of 
dead men, the Rephaim, and ill-spirits (Ps. lxxxvi. 
13, lxxxix. 48; Prov. xxiii. 14; Ez. xxxi. 17, xxxii. 
21). It is clear that in many passages of the O. T. 
Shiol can only mean " the grave," and is so rendered 
in the A. V. (e. g. Gen. xxxvii. 35, xlii. 38 ; 1 Sam. 
ii. 6 ; Job xiv. 13). In other passages, however, it 
seems to involve a notion of punishment, and is 
therefore rendered in the A. V. by the word " Hell." 
But in many cases this translation misleads the 
reader. It is obvious, e. g., that Job. xi. 8 ; Ps. 
exxxix. 8 ; Am. ix. 2 (where " hell " is used as the 
antithesis of " heaven "), merely illustrate the rep- 
resentation of Shfol in the bowels of the earth. 
The LXX. used the Gr. Hades as = Heb. Sheol. 
The ancient Greeks and Hebrews seem to have 
agreed in representing Hades or Sheol as (1.) the 
common receptacle of departed spirits, good and 
bad; (2.) divided into two compartments, the one 
an Elysium or abode of bliss for the good, the other 
a Tartarus, or abode of sorrow and punishment for 
the wicked; (3.) situated under ground, in the mid- 
regions of the earth. But while the heathen had no 
prospect beyond its shadowy realms, the believing 
Hebrew regarded Sheol as only his temporary and 
intermediate abode (Fbn., Bible Dictionary, art. 
Hades). In the N. T., Hades, like Sheol, sometimes 
merely = the grave (Rev. xx. 13; Acts ii. 31; 1 
Cor. xv. 55), or in general the unseen world. It is in 
this sense that the creeds say of our Lord " He went 
down into Hell," meaning the state of the dead in 
general, without any restriction of happiness or 
misery, a doctrine certainly, though only virtually, 
expressed in Scripture (Eph iv. 9; Acts ii. 25-31). 
Elsewhere in the N. T. Hades is used of a place of 
torment (Lk. xvi. 23 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4 ; Mat. xi. 23, &c). 
Consequently it has been the prevalent, almost the 
universal, notion that Hades is an intermediate stale 
between death and resurrection, divided into two 
parts, one the abode of the blessed and the other of 
the lost. The expression most frequently used in the 
N. T. for the place of future punishment is Gehenna or 
Gehenna of fire. (Gehenna and Hinnom.) See also 
Damnation ; Death ; Eternal ; Heaven ; Life ; 
Paradise. 

Hel'len-ist (fr. Gr. Hellenistes, translated "Gre- 
cian " in A. V.). In one of the earliest notices of 
the first Christian Church at Jerusalem (Acts vi. 1), 
two distinct parties are recognized among its mem- 
bers, " Hebrews " and Hellenists (Grecians), who ap- 
pear to stand toward one another in some degree in 
a relation of jealous rivalry (compare ix. 29). The 
name (so Mr. Westcott) marks a class distinguished 
by peculiar habits, and not by descent. Thus the 
Hellenists as a body included not only the proselytes 
of Greek (or foreign) parentage, but also those Jews 
who, by settling in foreign countries, had adopted 
the prevalent form of the current Greek civilization, 
and with it the use of the common Greek dialect. The 
flexibility of the Greek language gained for it in 
ancient times a general currency similar to that 
which French enjoys in modern Europe; but with 



374 



IIEL 



HEN 



this important difference, that Greek was not only 
the language of educated men, but also the language 
of the masses in the great centres of commerce. 
Peculiar words and forms adopted at Alexandria 
were undoubtedly of Macedonian origin, but the 
later Attic may be justly regarded as the real basis 
of Oriental Greek. The vocabulary was enriched 
by the addition of foreign words, and the syntax 
was modified by new constructions. In this way a 
variety of local dialects must have arisen. One of 
these dialects has been preserved after the ruin of 
the people among whom it arose, by being conse- 
crated to the noblest service which language has yet 
fulfilled. (New Testament ; Septdagint.) The 
functions which this Jewish-Greek had to discharge 
were of the widest application, and the language it- 
self combined the most opposite features. It was 
essentially a fusion of Eastern and Western thought. 
For, disregarding peculiarities of inflection and novel 
words, the characteristic of the Hellenistic dialect is 
the combination of a Hebrew spirit with a Greek 
body, of a Hebrew form with Greek words. The 
conception belongs to one race, and the expression 
to another. This view of the Hellenistic dialect will 
at once remove one of the commonest misconceptions 
relating to it. For it will follow that its deviations 
from the ordinary laws of classic Greek are them- 
selves bound by some common law, and that irregu- 
larities of construction and altered usages of words 
are to be traced to their first source, and interpreted 
strictly according to the original conception out of 
which they sprang. The adoption of a strange lan- 
guage was essentially characteristic of the true na- 
ture of Hellenism. The purely outward elements of 
the national life were laid aside with a facility of 
which history offers few examples, while the inner 
character of the people remained unchanged. In 
every respect the thought, so to speak, was clothed 
in a new dress. Hellenism was, as it were, a fresh 
incorporation of Judaism according to altered laws 
of life and worship. It accomplished for the outer 
world what the Return accomplished for the Pales- i 
tinian Jews : it was the necessary step between a 
religion of form and a religion of spirit ; it witnessed 
against Judaism as final and universal, and it wit- 
nessed for it, as the foundation of a spiritual religion 
which should be bound by no local restrictions. 
The Hellenists themselves were at once missionaries 
to the heathen, and prophets to their own country- 
men. Yet this new development of Judaism was 
obtained without the sacrifice of national ties. In 
another aspect Hellenism served as the preparation 
for a Catholic creed. As it furnished the language 
of Christianity, it supplied also that literary instinct 
which counteracted the traditional reserve of the 
Palestinian Jews. Alexander the Great ; Anti- 
ochus IV., Epiphanes ; Captivity ; Dispersion ; 
Greece. 

Hel met. Arms, II. 3. 

He Ion (Heb. strong, Ges.), father of Eliab, prince 
of Zebulun (Num. i. 9, ii. 1, vii. 24, 2-.', x. 16). 

Hem of Garment (Heb. tsitsith ; Gr. kraspedon). 
The importance which the later Jews, especially the 
Pharisees (Mat. xxiii. 5), attached to the hem or 
fringe of their garments was founded upon the reg- 
ulation in Num. xv. 38, 39, which gave a symbolical 
meaning to it. But the fringe was only in the first 
instance the ordinary mode of finishing the robe, 
the ends of the threads composing the woof being 
left in order to prevent the cloth from unravelling, 
just as in the Assyrian robes represented in the 
bas-reliefs of Nineveh : the blue ribbon being added 



to strengthen the border. The outer robe (Dress, 
III. 4) was a simple quadrangular piece of cloth, 
and generally so worn that two of the corners hung 
down in front : these corners were ornamented with 
a " ribbon of blue," or rather dark violet. 

He main (fr. Heb.) = Homam, son of Lotan, the 
eldest son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 22). 

He man (fr. Heb. — faithful, Ges.). 1. Son of 
Zerah (1 Chr. ii. 6 ; 1 K. iv. 31). (See No. 2.)— 2. 
Son of Joel and grandson of Samuel the prophet, a 
Kohathite. He is called " the singer," rather, the 
musician (1 Chr. vi. 33), and was the first of the 
three Levites to whom was committed the vocal and 
instrumental music of the Temple-service in the 
reign of David (xv. 16-22), Asaph and Ethan, or 
rather (xxv. 1, 3) Jeduthun, being his colleagues. 
A further account of Heman is given 1 Chr. xxv., 
where he is called (ver. 5) "the king's seer in the 
matters of God." We there learn that Heman had 
fourteen sons, and three daughters. Whether or 
no this Heman is the person to whom the 88th 
Psalm is ascribed is doubtful. He is there called 
"the Ezrahite;" and the 89th Psalm is ascribed to 
" Ethan the Ezrahite." But since Heman and 
Ethan are described in 1 Chr. ii. 6 as "sons of 
Zerah," it is in the highest degree probable (so Lord 
A. C. Hervey) that Ezrahite means " of the family 
of Zerah," and consequently that Heman of the 
88th Psalm is different from Heman the singer, the 
Kohathite. In 1 K. iv. 31 again (v. 11 Heb.), we 
have mention, as of the wisest ot mankind, of Ethan 
the Ezrahite, Heman, Chalcol, and Darda, the sons 
of Mahol, a list corresponding with the names of 
the sons of Zerah, in 1 Chr. ii. 6. If Heman the 
Kohathite, or his father, had married an heiress of 
the house of Zerah, and was so reckoned in the 
genealogy of Zerah, then all the notices of Heman 
might point to the same person. 

tic ninth, properly Hamatii (Am. vi. 14). 

He math (Heb. = Hammath), a person, or place, 
named in the genealogical lists of Judah, as the 
origin of the Kenites, and the " father " of the house 
of Rechab (1 Chr. ii. 55). 

Hem'dan (Heb. pleasant, Ges.), eldest eon of Di- 
shon, son of Anah the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 26) ; = 
Amram 2. The name Hemdan is by Knobel com- 
pared with those of Humeidy and Hamady, located 
to the E. and S. E. of 'Akaba. Also with the liene- 
Hamyde, found a short distance S. of Kerek. 

Hemlock. The Heb. ta'andh ("wormwood") and 
rosh (" gall "J are rendered " hemlock " once each. 

Hen (Heb. grace, favor, Ges.), according to the 
A. V. of Zech. vi. 14, a son of Zephaniah, and ap- 
parently the Josiah in verse 10. But, by the LXX. 
and others, the words are taken to mean " for the 
favor of the son of Zephaniah." Tobijah 2. 

Hen (Gr. ornis = bird, fowl). The hen is no- 
where noticed in the Bible except in Mat. xxiii. 37 
and Lk. xiii. 34,where our Saviour compares His anxi- 
ety to save Jerusalem to the tender care of a hen 
" gathering her chickens under her wiDgs." See 
also 2 Esd. i. 30, and Cock. 

He'na (Heb. low ground, Fii.) seems to have been 
one of the chief cities of a monarchical state which 
the Assyrian kings had reduced shortly before the 
time of Sennacherib (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13 ; Is. 
xxxvii. 13). At no great distance from Sippara 
(Sepharvaim) is an ancient town called Ana or 
Anah, which may be = Hena. A further conjec- 
ture identifies Ana with a town called Anai, men- 
tioned in the Assyrian inscriptions as situated on an 
island in the Euphrates. The modern Anat is on 



HEN 



HER 



375 



the right bank of the stream, near a string of isl- 
ands. 

Hen'a-dad (Heb. favor of Hadad, Ges.), the head 
of a family of the Levites who took a prominent 
part in the rebuilding of the Temple (Ez. iii. 9 ; Neh. 
iii. 18, 24, x. 9). 

He'noch (fr. Heb. = Hanoch, Enoch). 1. Enoch 
2 (1 Chr. i. 3).— 2. Hanoch 1 (i. 33). 

He'plier (Heb. a pit, well, Ges.). 1. Youngest 
son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32), and head of the He- 
pherites. — 2. Son of Ashur, the "father of Tekoa" 
(1 Chr. iv. 6). — 3. The Mecherathitc, one of David's 
" valiant men" (xi. 36); not in 2 Sam. xxiii. 34. 

Hc'phcr (see above), a place in ancient Canaan, 
which occurs in the list of conquered kings (Josh, 
xii. 17). It was on the W. of Jordan (compare 
ver. 7 and 1 K. iv. 10). 

He'phcr-itcs, the = the family of Hepher the 
son of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 32), a branch of Manas- 
seh. 

Hepb'zi-bah (Heb. my delight is in her). 1. A 
name to be borne by the restored Jerusalem (Is. 
Ixii. 4). — 2. Queen of King Hezekiah, and mother 
of Manasseh (2 K. xxi. 1). 

Herald (Chal. cdrdzd). The only notice of this 
officer in the 0. T. occurs in Dan. iii. 4. The term 
"herald " might be substituted for "preacher" in 
1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11 ; 2 Pet. ii. 5. 

* Herbs. Agriculture; Bitter Herbs; Food; 
Garden ; Palestine. 

Her'cu-les (L. fr. Gr. Herakles = having fame 
from the goddess Hera [L. Juno], Stephens's Thes.), 
the name commonly applied by the Western nations 
to the tutelary deity of Tyre (2 Mc. iv. 19, &c), 
whose national title was Melkart = king of the 
city. The identification was based upon a similar- 
ity of the legends and attributes referred to the two 
deities, but Herodotus (ii. 44) recognized their dis- 
tinctness, and dwells on the extreme antiquity of 
the Tyrian rite. The worship of Melkart was spread 
throughout the Tyrian colonies, and was especially 
established at Carthage. There can be little doubt 
but that Melkart is the proper name of the Baal 
mentioned in the later history of the 0. T. Samson. 

Herd, Herd man, Herds man. The herd was 
greatly regarded both in the patriarchal and Mo- 
saic period. The ox was the most precious stock 
next to horse and mule. The herd yielded the 
most esteemed sacrifice (Num. vii. 3; Ps. lxix. 31 ; 
Is. lxvi. 3); also flesh-meat and milk, chiefly con- 
verted, probably, into butter and cheese (Deut. xxxii. 
14 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29), which such milk yields more 
copiously than that of small cattle. The full-grown 
ox is hardly ever slaughtered in Syria ; but, both 
for sacrificial and convivial purposes, the young ani- 
mal was preferred (Ex. xxix. 1). The agricultural 
and general usefulness of the ox, in ploughing, 
threshing, and as a beast of burden (1 Chr. xii. 
40 ; Is. xlvi. 1), made such a slaughtering seem 
wasteful. The animal was broken to service prob- 
ably in his third year (Is. xv. 5 ; Jer. xlviii. 34). 
In the moist season, when grass abounded in the 
waste lands, especially in the "S." region, herds 
grazed there. Especially was the eastern table-land 
(Ez. xxxix. 18 ; Num. xxxii. 4) "a place for cattle." 
Herdsmen, &c, in Egypt were a low, perhaps the 
lowest caste ; but of the abundance of cattle in 
Egypt, and of the care there bestowed on them, 
there is no doubt (Gen. xlvii. 6, 17; Ex. ix. 4, 20). 
So the plague of hail was sent to smite especially 
the cattle (Ps. lxxviii. 48), the first-born of which 
also were smitten (Ex. xii. 29). The Israelites de- 



parting stipulated for (x. 26) and took "much 
cattle " with them (xii. 38). Cattle formed thus 
one of the traditions of the Israelitish nation in its 
greatest period, and became almost a part of that 
greatness. When pasture failed, a mixture of vari- 
ous grains (Job vi. 5) was used, as also "chopped 
straw " (Gen. xxiv. 25 ; Is. xi. 7, lxv. 25), which was 
torn in pieces by the threshing-machine and used 
probably for feeding in stalls. (Agriculture ; 
Barn ; Grass ; Hay.) These last formed an im- 
portant adjunct to cattle-keeping, being indispen- 
sable for shelter at certain seasons (Ex. ix. 6, 19). The 
occupation of herdsmen was honorable in early times 
(Gen. xlvii. 6 ; 1 Sam. xi. 5 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 29, xxviii. 
1). Saul himself resumed it in the interval of his 
cares as king; also Doeg was certainly high in his 
confidence (1 Sam. xxi. 7). Pharaoh made some of 
Joseph's brethren " rulers over his cattle." David's 
herd-masters were among his chief officers of state. 
The prophet Amos at first followed this occupation 
(Am. i. 1, vii. 14). Abraham; Shepherd. 

He'res (Heb. the sun, Ges., Fii.) (Is. xix. 18). 
(Ir-ha-heres.) For Mount Heres (Judg. i. 35), see 
Ir-shemesh. 

He resb (Heb. artificer), a Levite attached to the 
Tabernacle (1 Chr. ix. 15). 

Her mas (Gr. = Hermes [i. e. Mercury], or given 
by Hermes), a Christian resident at Rome to whom 
St. Paul sends greeting in Rom. xvi. 14. Ire- 
nes, Tertullian, and Origen, agree in attributing to 
him the work called the Shepherd : which is sup- 
posed to have been written in the pontificate of 
Clement I. ; while others affirm it to have been 
the work of a namesake in the following age. It 
existed for a long time only in a Latin version, 
but the first part in Greek is at the end of the 
Codex Sinaiticus. (New Testament; Septuagint. ) 
It was never received into the canon ; but yet was 
generally cited with respect only second to that paid 
to the authoritative books of the N. T., and was 
held to be in some sense inspired. 

Her'mcs (Gr. = the god known among the Ro- 
mans as Mercurius or Mercury), a man mentioned 
in Rom. xvi. 14. According to tradition, he was one 
of the seventy disciples, and afterward Bishop of 
Dalmatia. 

Her-m«g'e-nes [-moj'e-neez] (Gr. begotten by Her- 
mes, i. e. Mercury), a person mentioned by St. Paul 
in the latest of his Epistles (2 Tim. i. 15), when all 
in Asia had turned away from him, and among their 
number " Phygellus and Hermogenes." 

Her mou (Heb. prominent summit, peak, of a 
mountain, Ges.; prominent, rugged mountain, Fii.), 
a mountain on the N. E. border of Palestine 
(Deut. iii. 8; Josh. xii. 1), over against Lebanon 
(xi. 17), adjoining the plateau of Bashnn (1 Chr. 
v. 23). Its situation being thus clearly defined in 
Scripture, there can be no doubt as to its iden- 
tity. It stands at the southern end, and is the culmi- 
nating point of the Anti-Libanus range ; it towers 
high above the ancient border-city of Dan and the 
fountains of the Jordan, and is the most conspicu- 
ous and beautiful mountain in Palestine or Syria. 
The Sidonians called it Sirion, and the Amorites 
Shenir. It was also named Sion = the elevated 
(Deut. iv. 48). So now, at the present day, it is 
called Jebel esh-Sheikh, = the chief mountain ; and 
Jebel cth-Thelj, — snowy mountain. When the whole 
country is parched with the summer sun, white lines 
of snow streak the head of Hermon. This moun- 
tain was the great landmark of the Israelites. It 
was associated with their northern border almost 



HER 



HER 



377 



as intimately as the sea was with the western. Her- 
mon has three summits, situated like the angles of 
a triangle, and about a quarter of a mile from each 
other. This may account for the expression in Ps. 
xlii. 7 (A. V. 6), " I will remember thee from the land 
of the Jordan and the Herrnons " (A. V. " Hermon- 
ites"). This mountain is called Baal-herruon (Judg. 
iii. 3 ; 1 Chr. v. 23), possibly because Baal was there 
worshipped. The height of Hermon has never been 
measured, though it has often been estimated, It 
miy safely be reckoned at 10,000 feet. Hermon 
was probably the " high mountain " (Mat. xvii. 1 
ff. ; Mk. ix. 2 ff. ; Lk. ix. 28 ff.), or " holy mount " 
(2 Pet. i. 18), on which our Lord was trans- 
figured (so Porter, Stanley, &c), though a tradition 
of long standing makes this to have been Tabor 
(Robinson, ii. 358). — The name " Hermon " or 
" Little Hermon " is given to the range of Jebel ed- 
Duhy near Tabor, but only one " Hermon " is men- 
tioned in the Scriptures. 

Her'mon-ites (fr. Heb. pi. of Hermon), the. Prop- 
erly " the Hermons," with reference to the three 
summits of Mount Hermon (Ps. xlii. 6 [Heb. 7]). 

Her'od (Gr. Herddes = heroic?). Various ac- 
counts are given of the ancestry of the Herods ; 
but neglecting the exaggerated statements of friends 
and enemies, it seems certain that they were of 
Idumean descent. (Edomites.) But though aliens 
by race, the Herods were Jews in faith. The gen- 
eral policy of the whole Herodian family centred in 
the endeavor to found a great and independent 
kingdom, in which the power of Judaism should 
subserve to the consolidation of a state. The family 
relations of the Herods are singularly complicated 
from the frequent recurrence of the same names, 
and the several accounts of Josephus are not con- 
sistent in every detail. The table on p. 376, by Mr. 
Westcott, original author of this article, seems to offer 
a satisfactory summary of his statements. — I. Her'od 
tlie Great was the second son of Antipater, ap- 
pointed procurator of Judea by Julius Cesar, b. c. 
47, and Cypros, an Arabian of noble descent. At 
the time of his father's elevation, though only fifteen 
years old, he received the government of Galilee, 
and shortly afterward that of Celosyria. When 
Antony came to Syria (b. c. 41), he appointed Herod 
and his elder brother Phasael tetrarchs of Judea. 
Herod was forced to abandon Judea next year, by 
an invasion of the Parthians, who supported the 
claims of Antigonus, the representative of the As- 
monean dynasty, and fled to Rome (b. c. 40). At 
Rome he was well received by Antony and Octavian 
(Augustus), and was appointed by the senate king 
of Judea, to the exclusion of the Asmonean line. 
In a few years, by the help of the Romans, he took 
Jerusalem (b. c. 37), and completely established his 
authority throughout his dominions. After the 
battle of Actium he visited Octavian at Rhodes, and 
his noble bearing won for him the favor of the con- 
queror, who confirmed him in the possession of the 
kingdom (b. c. 31), and in the next year increased it 
by the addition of several important cities,and after- 
ward gave him the province of Trachonitis and the 
district of Paneas. The remainder of the reign of 
Herod was undisturbed by external troubles, but 
his domestic life was embittered by an almost un- 
interrupted series of injuries and cruel acts of ven- 
geance. The terrible acts of bloodshed which Her- 
od perpetrated in his own family were accompanied 
by others among his subjects equally terrible, from 
the number who fell victims to them. According 
to the well-known story, he ordered the nobles 



whom he had called to him in his last moments to 
be executed immediately after his decease, that so 
at least his death might be attended by universal 
mourning. It was at the time of his fatal illness 
that he must have caused the slaughter of the in- 
fants at Bethlehem (Mat. ii. 16-18), and from the 
comparative insignificance of the murder of a few 
young children in an unimportant village when con- 
trasted with the deeds which he carried out or de- 
signed, it is not surprising that Josephus has passed 
it over in silence. (Jesus Christ. ) In dealing with 
the religious feelings or prejudices of the Jews, 
Herod showed as great contempt for public opinion 
as in the execution of his personal vengeance. But 
while he alienated in this manner the affections of 
the Jews by his cruelty and disregard for the Law, 
he adorned Jerusalem with many splendid monu- 
ments of his taste and magnificence. The Temple, 
which he rebuilt with scrupulous care, was the 
greatest of these works. The restoration was be- 
gun b. c. 20, and the Temple itself was completed 
in a year and a half. But fresh additions were 
constantly made in succeeding years, so that it 
was said, " Forty and six years was this Temple in 
building" (Jn. ii. 20), a phrase which expresses 
the whole period from the commencement of Her- 
od's work to the completion of the latest addi- 
tion then made. — II. Her'od An'ti-pas was the son 
of Herod the Great by Malthace, a Samaritan. His 
father had originally destined him as his succes- 
sor in the kingdom, but by the last change of his 
will appointed him " tetrarch of Galilee and Pe- 
rea" (Mat. xiv. 1 ; Lk. iii. 19, ix. 7 ; Acts xiii. 1 ; 
compare Lk. iii. 1). He first married a daughter 
of Aretas, king of Arabia Petrcea, but after some 
time he made overtures of marriage to Herodias, 
the wife of his half-brother Herod Philip I. (IV. be- 
low), which she received favorably. Aretas, in- 
dignant at the insult offered to his daughter, found 
| a pretext for invading the territory of Herod, and 
j defeated him with great loss. This defeat, accord- 
I ing to the famous passage in Jos. xviii. 5, § 2, 
was attributed by many to the murder of John 
I the Baptist, which had been committed by Anti- 
I pas shortly before, under the influence of Herodias 
(Mat. xiv. 4 ff.; Mk. vi. 17 ff. ; Lk. iii. 19). At a 
later time the ambition of Herodias proved the 
cause of her husband's ruin. She urged him to go 
to Rome to gain the title of king (compare Mk. vi. 
14) ; but he was opposed at the court of Caligula 
by the emissaries of Agrippa, and condemned to 
perpetual banishment at Lugdunum (a. d. 39). He- 
rodias voluntarily shared his punishment, and he 
died in exile. Pilate took occasion from our Lord's 
residence in Galilee to send Him for examination 
(Lk. xxiii. 6 ff.) to Herod Antipas, who came up to 
Jerusalem to celebrate the Passover. The city of 
Tiberias, which Antipas founded and named in 
honor of the emperor, was the most conspicuous 
monument of his long reign. — III. Ar-ehe-la'ns 
(Archelaus).— IV. Her'od Philip I. ("Philip," 
Mk. vi. 17) was the son of Herod the Great, and 
Mariamne, and must be carefully distinguished from 
the tetrarch Philip II. (V. below). He married Hero- 
dias, the sister of Agrippa I., by whom he had a 
daughter Salome. Herodias, however, left him, and 
made an infamous marriage with his half-brother 
Herod Antipas (II. above), (Mat. xiv. 3 ; Mk. vi. 17 ; 
Lk. iii. 19). He was excluded from all share in his 
father's possessions in consequence of his mother's 
treachery, and lived afterward in a private station. 
— V. Her'od Pliil'ip II. was the son of Herod the 



378 



HER 



EES 



Great and Cleopatra. Like his half-brothers Anti- j 
pas and Archelaus, he was brought up at home. 
He received as his own government Batanea, Tra- 
chonitis, Auranitis (Gaulonitis), and some parts 
about Jamnia, with the title of tetrarch (Lk. iii. 1). 
He built a new city on the site of Paneas, near the 
sources of the Jordan, which he called Cesarea 
(Cesarea Philippi) (Mat. xvi. 13; Mk. viii. 27), and 
raised Bethsaida to the rank of a city under the 
title of Julias, and died there a. d. 34. He married 
Salome, the daughter of Herod Philip I. and Hero- 
dias, but, as he left no children at his death, his do- 
minions were added to the Roman province of Syria. 
— VI. He rod A-grip'pa I. was the son of Aristobu- 
lus and Berenice, and grandson of Herod the Great. 
He was brought up at Rome with Claudius and 
Drusus, and, after a life of various vicissitudes, was 
thrown into prison by Tiberius, where he remained 
till the accession of Caius (Caligula) a. d. 37. The 
new emperor gave him the governments former 
ly held by the tetrarchs Philip and Lysanias, 
and bestowed on him the ensigns of royalty and 
other marks of favor (Acts xii. 1). On the banish- 
ment of Antipas, his dominions were added to those 
already held by Agrippa. Afterward Agrippa ren- 
dered important services to Claudius, and received 
from him in return (a. n. 41) the government of 
Judea and Samaria. Unlike his predecessors, 
Agrippa was a strict observer of the Law, and he 
sought with success the favor of the Jews. Prob- 
ably with this view he put to death James the son 
of Zebedee, and further imprisoned Peter (xii. 1 ff.). 
But his sudden death interrupted his ambitious 
projects. In the fourth year of his reign over the 
whole of Judea (a. d. 44) Agrippa attended some 
games at Cesarea, held in honor of the emperor. 
When he appeared in the theatre (xii. 21) his flat- 
terers saluted him as a god ; and suddenly he was 
seized with terrible pains, and, being carried from 
the theatre to the palace, died after five days' agony. 
— VII. Her'od A-grip'pa II. was the son of Herod 
Agrippa I. and Cypros, a grand-niece of Herod the 
Great. At the time of his father's death (a. d. 
44) he was at Rome. Not long afterward, however, 
the emperor gave him (about a. d. 50) the kingdom 
of Chalcis, which had belonged to his uncle ; and 
then transferred him (a. d. 52) to the tetrarchies 
formerly held by Philip and Lysanias with the title 
of king (xxv. 13). The relation in which he stood 
to his sister Berenice (xxv. 13) was the cause of 
grave suspicion. In the last Roman war Agrippa 
took part with the Romans, and after the fall of 
Jerusalem retired with Berenice to Rome, where he 
died in the third year of Trajan (a. d. 100). The 
appearance of St. Paul before Agrippa (a. d. 60) 
offers several characteristic traits. The " pomp " 
with which the king came into the audience-cham- 
ber (xxv. 23) was accordant with his general bear- 
ing ; and the cold irony with which he met the im- 
passioned words of the apostle (xxvi. 27, 28) suits 
the temper of one who was contented to take part 
in the destruction of his nation. — VIII. Ber-e-ni'ce 
or Ber-ni'ce. — IX. Dru-sil'la. — X. He-ro'di-as. 

He-rodi-ans(fr. Gr. = those for Herod). In the 
account (Mat. xxii. 15 ff. ; Mk. xii. 13 ff.) of the last 
efforts made by different sections of the Jews to 
obtain from our Lord Himself the materials for His 
accusation, a party under the name of Herodiam is 
represented as acting in concert with the Pharisees 
(Mat. xxii. 16; Mk. xii. 13; compare also iii. 6, viii. ■ 
15). There were probably many who saw in the : 
power of the Herodian family the pledge of the ! 



preservation of their national existence in the face 
of Roman ambition. Two distinct classes might 
thus unite in supporting what was a domestic tyran- 
ny as contrasted with absolute dependence on 
Rome : those who saw in the Herods a protection 
against direct heathen rule, and those who were in- 
clined to look with satisfaction upon such a com- 
promise between the ancient faith and heathen civil- 
ization, as Herod the Great and his successors had 
endeavored to realize, as the true and highest con- 
summation of Jewish hopes. 

He-ro'di-as (Gr. a female Herod), daughter of 
Aristobulus, one of the sons of Mariamne and Her- 
od the Great, and consequently sister of Agrippa 
I. She first married Herod Philip I. ; then she 
eloped from him to marry Herod Antipas, her step- 
uncle, who had been long married to, and was still 
living with, the daughter of jEneas or Aretas, king 
of Arabia. The consequences both of the crime, 
and of the reproof from John the Baptist which it 
incurred, are well known. Aretas made war upon 
Herod for the injury done to his daughter, and 
routed him with the loss of his whole army. The 
head of John the Baptist was granted to the re- 
quest of Herodias (Mat. xiv. 8-11 ; Mk. vi. 24-28). 
According to Josephus, the execution took place in 
a fortress called Maehserus, looking down upon the 
Dead Sea from the S. She accompanied Antipas 
into exile to Lugdunum, probably (so Mr. Ffoulkes) 
Lugdunum Convenarum, a town of Gaul, on the 
right bank of the Garonne, at the foot of the Pyre- 
nees, now St. Eerlrand de Commingcs, on the frontier 
of Spain. 

He-ro'di-on (Gr.), a relative of St. Paul, to whom 
he sends his salutation among the Christians at 
Rome (Rom. xvi. 11). 

He r'on, the A.V. translation of the Heb. an&phah, 
the name of an unclean bird in Lev. xi. 19, Deut. 
xiv. 18. It was probably (so Mr. Bevan) a generic 
name for a well-known class of birds. The only 
point on which any two commentators seem to 
agree is that it is not the heron. On etymological 
grounds, Gesenius considers the name applicable to 
some irritable bird, perhaps the goose. But Mr. 
P. H. Gosse (in Fbn.) supports the A. V., and says: 
The herons are wading-birds, peculiarly irritable, 
remarkable for their vivacity, frequenting marshes 
and oozy rivers, and spread over the East. One of 
the commonest species in Asia is Ardea rnssata, the 
little golden egret, or cow-heron. 

He'scd (Heb. kindness, mercy, Ges.). The "son 
of Hesed " (" Ben-hesed," margin) was commissary 
for Solomon in "Aruboth, Sochoh, and all the land 
of Hepher" (1 K. iv. 10). 

Heshbon (Heb. reason, intelligence, Ges. ; strong- 
hold, Fii.), the capital city of Sihon, king of the 
Amorites (Num. xxi. 26). It stood on the western 
border of the high plain (Plain 4 ; Josh. xiii. 17), 
and on the boundary-line between the tribes of 
Reuben and Gad. The ruins of Hesban, twenty 
miles E. of the Jordan, on the parallel of the N. 
end of the Dead Sea, mark the site, as they bear 
the name, of the ancient Heshbon. Heshbon was 
rebuilt by the tribe of Reuben (Num. xxxii. 37), but 
was assigned to the Levite3 from Gad (Josh. xxi. 
39). After the Captivity it fell into the hands of 
the Moabites, to whom it had originally belonged 
(Num. xxi. 26), and hence is mentioned in the de- 
nunciations against Moab (Is. xv. 4 , Jer xlviii. 2, 
34, 45). It has been for many centuries wholly 
desolate. The ruins of Heshbon stand on a low 
hill rising out of the great undulating plateau. 



HES 



HEZ 



379 



They are more than a mile in circuit, but not 
a building remains entire. There are many cisterns 
among the ruins (compare Cant. vii. 4). 

llesh'moii (Heb. fatness, fat soil, Ges.), a place 
named between Moladah and Beer-sheba in the ex- 
treme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 27) ; = Azmon ? (Mr. 
Grove) ; supposed by Wilton = Hashmonah, and 
identified with Hasb, about fifteen miles S. of 
the Dead Sea; supposed by Rowlands (in Fbn., 
under " S. country ") at Hashum-Senneh, an ancient 
site about seven miles S. E. of Beer-sheba. 

lies rou (L.) = Hezron, son of Keuben (Num. 
xxvi. 6 in some copies). 

Hes'ron-itcs, the = the descendants of Hezron, 
the son of Reuben (Num. xxvi. 6 in some copies). 

Hcth(Heb. terror, dread, Ges.), the forefather of 
the nation of the Hittites, called " sons " and 
" children of Heth " (Gen. xxiii. 3 ff., xxv. 10, xlix. 
32). Once we hear of " daughters of Heth " (xxvii. 
46). In the genealogical tables of Gen. x. and 1 
Chr. i., Heth is a son of Canaan. The Hittites were 
therefore a Hamite race. 

Heth Ion (Heb. wrapped up, hiding-place, Ges.), a 
place on the northern border of Palestine (Ez. xlvii. 
15, xlviii. 1). Probably the " way of Hethlon " is 
the pass at the N. end of Lebanon, and thus = 
" the entrance of Hamath " in Num. xxxiv. 8, &c. 

Hez'e-ki (fr. Heb. = Hezekiah), a Benjamite, 
one of the sons of Elpaal, a descendant of Shaa- 
raim (1 Chr. viii. 17). 

Hez-e-ki'ah (fr. Heb. HizMy&h — Jehovah strength- 
ens, Ges.), twelfth king of Judah, son of the apos- 
tate Ahaz and Abi (or Abijah), ascended the throne 
at the age of twenty-five, b. c. 726. (Israel, King- 
dom of; Jddah, Kingdom op.) Since, however, Ahaz 
died at the age of thirty-six, some prefer to make 
Hezekiah only twenty years old at his accession, as 
otherwise he must have been born when Ahaz was 
eleven years old ; but, if any change be desirable, it 
is better (so Mr. Farrar) to suppose that Ahaz was 
twenty-five and not twenty years old at his accession. 
Hezekiah was one of the three best kings of Judah 
(2 K. xviii. 5 ; Ecclus. xlix. 4). His first act was to 
purge, and repair, and reopen with splendid sacri- 
fices and perfect ceremonial, the Temple which had 
been despoiled and neglected during his father's 
careless and idolatrous reign. This consecration 
was accompanied by a revival of the theocratic 
spirit, so strict as not even to spare " the high 
places," which, although tolerated by many well- 
intentioned kings, had naturally been profaned by 
the worship of images and Asherahs (A. V. 
" groves ; " see Asherah ; 2 K. xviii. 4). A still 
more decisive act was the destruction of a brazen 
serpent, said to have been the one used by Moses 
in the miraculous healing of the Israelites (Num. 
xxi. 9), which had become an object of adoration. 
When the kingdom of Israel had'fallen (more prob- 
ably before this, in the first year of his reign), Hez- 
ekiah extended his pious endeavors to Ephraim 
and Manasseh ; and, by inviting the scattered in- 
habitants to a peculiar Passover, kindled their in- 
dignation also against the idolatrous practices which 
still continued among them. This Passover was, 
from the necessities of the case, celebrated at an 
unusual, though not illegal (Num. ix. 10, 11) time ; 
and by an excess of Levitical zeal it was continued 
for the unprecedented period of fourteen days (2 
Chr. xxix., xxx., xxxi.). At the head of a repentant 
and united people, Hezekiah ventured to assume 
the aggressive against the Philistines: and in a 
series of victories not only rewon the cities which 



his father had lost(xxviii. 18), but even dispossessed 
them of their own cities, except Gaza (2 K. xviii. 
8) and Gath. It was perhaps to the purpose of this 
war that he applied the money which would other- 
wise have been used to pay the tribute exacted by 
Shalmanczer, according to' the agreement of Ahaz 
with his predecessor, Tiglath-pileser. When, after 
the capture of Samaria, the king of Assyria applied 
for this impost, Hezekiah refused it, and in open 
rebellion omitted to send even the usual presents 
(xviii. 7). Instant war was averted by the heroic 
and long-continued resistance of the Tyrians under 
their king Elulieus. This must have been a critical 
and intensely anxious period for Jerusalem ; and 
Hezekiah used every available means to strengthen 
his position, and render his capital impregnable (2 
K. xx. 20; 2 Chr. xxxii. 3-5, 30; Is. xxii. 8-11, 
xxxiii. 18). According to a scheme of chronology 
proposed by Dr. Hincks, Hezekiah's dangerous ill- 
ness (2 K. xx. ; Is. xxxviii. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 24) nearly 
synchronized with Sargon's futile invasion in the 
fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, eleven years 
before Sennacherib' s invasion. That it must have 
preceded the attack of Sennacherib is nearly obvious 
from the promise in 2 K. xx. 6, as well as from 
modern discoveries. Hezekiah, whose kingdom was 
in a dangerous crisis, who perhaps had at that time 
no heir (for Manasseh was not born till long after- 
ward, 2 K. xxi. 1), "turned his face to the wall and 
wept sore " at the threatened approach of dissolu- 
tion. God had compassion on his anguish, and 
heard his prayer. Isaiah had hardly left the palace 
when he was ordered to promise the king's imme- 
diate recovery, and a fresh lease of life, ratifying 
the promise by a sign, and curing the boil by a 
plaster of figs, which were often used medicinally 
in similar cases (Is. xxxviii.). What was the exact 
nature of the disease we cannot say : according to 
Mead it was fever terminating in abscess. (Medi- 
cine.) Various ambassadors came with letters and 
gifts to congratulate Hezekiah on his recovery (2 
Chr. xxxii. 23), and among them an embassy from 
Merodach-baladan (or Berodach, 2 K. xx. 12), the 
viceroy of Babylon, the Mardokempados of Ptol- 
emy's canon. The ostensible object of this mis- 
sion was to compliment Hezekiah on his convales- 
cence (2 K. xx. 12; Is. xxxix. 1), and " to inquire 
of the wonder that was done in the land" (2 Chr. 
xxxii. 31), a rumor of which could not fail to in- 
terest a people devoted to astrology ; but its real 
purpose was perhaps to discover how far an alliance 
between the two powers was possible or desirable, 
for Mardokempados, no less than Hezekiah, was in 
apprehension of the Assyrians. Community of in- 
terest made Hezekiah receive the overtures of Bab- 
ylon with unconcealed gratification ; and, perhaps, 
to enhance the opinion of his own importance as 
an ally, he displayed to the messengers the princely 
treasures which he and his predecessors had accu- 
mulated. If ostentation were his motive it received 
a terrible rebuke, and he was informed by Isaiah 
that from the then tottering and subordinate prov- 
ince of Babylon, and not from the mighty Assyria, 
would come the ruin and captivity of Judah (Is. 
xxxix. 5). Sargon was succeeded (b. c. 702) by his 
son Sennacherib, whose two invasions occupy the 
greater part of the Scripture records concerning 
the reign of Hezekiah. The first of these took 
place in the third year of Sennacherib (b. c. 702), 
and occupies only three verses (2 K. xviii. 13-16), 
though the route of the advancing Assyrians may 
be traced in Is. x. 5 xi. The rumor of the inva- 



380 



HEZ 



HIG 



sion redoubled Hezekiah's exertions, and he pre- 
pared for a siege by providing offensive and defen- 
sive armor, stopping up the wells, and diverting the 
watercourses, conducting the water of Gihon into 
the city by a subterranean canal (Ecclus. xlviii. 17). 
But the main hope of the political faction was the 
alliance with Egypt, and they seem to have sought 
it by presents and private entreaties (Is. xxx. 6). 
The account given of this first invasion in the An- 
nals of Sennacherib is that he attacked Hezekiah 
because the Ekronites had sent their king Padiya 
(or Haddiya) as a prisoner to Jerusalem (compare 
2 K. xviii. 8) ; that he took forty-six cities ("all the 
fenced cities " in 2 K. xviii. 13 is apparently a gen- 
eral expression, compare xix. 8) and 200,000 pris- 
oners; that he besieged Jerusalem with mounds 
(compare xix. 32) ; and although Hezekiah promised 
to pay 800 talents of silver (of which perhaps 300 
only were ever paid) and 30 of gold (xviii. 14), yet, 
not content with this, he mulcted him of a part of 
his dominions, and gave them to the kings of Ek- 
ron, Ashdod, and Gaza. In almost every particu- 
lar this account agrees with the notice in Scripture. 
Hezekiah's bribe (or fine) brought a temporary re- 
lease, for the Assyrians marched into Egypt, where, 
if Herodotus and Josephus are to be trusted, they 
advanced without resistance to Pelusium. In spite 
of this advantage, Sennacherib was forced to raise 
the siege of Pelusium, by the advance of Tirhakah. 
Returning from his futile expedition, Sennacherib 
"dealt treacherously " with Hezekiah (Is. xxxiii. 1) 
by attacking the stronghold of Lachish. This was 
the commencement of that second invasion, respect- 
ing which we have such full details in 2 K. xviii. 17 
ff. ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 9 ff. ; Is. xxxvi. Although the 
annals of Sennacherib on the great cylinder in the 
British Museum reach to the end of his eighth year, 
and this second invasion belongs to his fifth year 
(b. c. 698, the twenty-eighth year of Hezekiah), yet 
no allusion to it has been found. So shameful a 
disaster was naturally concealed by national vanity. 
From Lachish he sent against Jerusalem an army 
under two officers and his cup-bearer the orator 
Rabshakeh, with a blasphemous and insulting sum- 
mons to surrender. Hezekiah's ministers were I 
thrown into anguish and dismay, but the undaunted 
Isaiah hurled back threatening for threatening with 
unrivalled eloquence and force. Meanwhile Sen- ! 
nacherib, having taken Lachish, was besieging Lib- 
nah, when, alarmed by a "rumor" of Tirhakah's 
advance, he was forced to relinquish once more his 
immediate designs, and content himself with a de- 
fiant letter to Hezekiah. The next event of the 
campaign, about which we are informed, is that the 
Jewish king with simple piety prayed to God with 
Sennacherib's letter outspread before him, and re- 
ceived a prophecy of immediate deliverance. Ac- 
cordingly " that night the Angel of the Lord went 
out and smote in the camp of the Assyrians 
185,000 men." It is very probable that some sec- 
ondary cause was employed in the accomplishment 
of this event. Josephus, followed by an immense 
majority of ancient and modern commentators, at- 
tributes it to the pestilence. Hezekiah only lived 
to enjoy for about one year more his well-earned 
peace and glory. He slept with his fathers after a 
reign of twenty-nine years, in the fifty fourth year 
of his age (b. c. 697). — 2. Son of Neariah, descend- 
ant of the royal family of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 23). — 
3. The same name, though in the A. V. Hizkiah, is 
found in Zeph. i. 1.— 4. A'ter of Hez-e-ki'ali. Ater. 
Iie'zi-on (L. fr. Heb. = vision, Ges.), a king of 



Aram (" Syria "), father of Tabrimon, and grand- 
father of Ben-hadad I. He and his father are men- 
tioned only in 1 K. xv. 18. In the absence of nil 
information, the natural suggestion is that he =z 
Rezon, the contemporary of Solomon, in xi. 23 ; the 
two names being very similar in Hebrew, and still 
more so in the versions. 

He'zir (Heb. swine, Ges.). 1. A priest in David's 
time, leader of the seventeenth monthly course in 
the service (1 Chr. xxiv. 15). — 2. One of the heads 
of the people (laymen) who sealed the solemn 
covenant with Nehemiah (Keh. x. 20). 

Hez'rai or Hcz'ra-i (fr. Heb. = enclosed, walled 
in, Ges.), one of David's "thirty" valiant men (2 
Sam. xxiii. 35) ; = Hezro. 

Hez'ro (fr. Heb.) = Hezrai (1 Chr. xi. 37). 

Hez'ron (fr. Heb. — Hezrai, Ges.). 1. A son of 
Reuben, ancestor of the Hezronites 1 (Gen. xlvi. 
9; Ex. vi. 14). — 2. A son of Pharez, ancestor of 
the Hezronites 2 (Gen. xlvi. 12; Ru. iv. 18). — 3. 
Hazor 4 (Josh. xv. 25) 

Hez'rou-ites (fr. Heb.), the. 1. Descendants of 
Hezron the son of Eeuben (Num. xxvi. 6). — 2. A 
branch of the tribe of Judah, descendants of Hez- 
ron, the son of Pharez (xxvi. 31). 

Hid dai or Itid'da-i (Heb. mighty, chief, Fii.), one 
of David's " thirty " valiant men (2 Sam. xxiii. 
30); = Hurai. 

Hid'df-kel (Heb. the rapid Tigris, Ges. ; the rojrid 
rivtr, the river swift as an arrow, Fii. ; see below), 
one of the rivers of Eden 1, the river which "goeth 
eastward toAssyiia" (Gen. ii. 14), and which Daniel 
calls "the Great river" (Dan. x. 4), seems to have 
been rightly identified by the LXX. with the Tigris. 
Dekcl (so Rawlinson) clearly = I)igla or Jjiglaih, a 
name borne by the Tigris in all ages. The name 
now in use among the inhabitants of Mesopotamia 
is Dij/ch. It has generally been supposed that Digla 
is a mere Shemitic corruption of Tigra, and that 
this latter is the true name of the stream ; but it 
must be observed that the two forms are found side 
by side in the Babylonian transcript of the Behistun 
inscription, and that the ordinary name of the 
stream in the inscriptions of Assyria is Tiggar. 

Hi'el (Heb. = Jehiel ? Ges. ; God is animation, 
Fu.), a native of Bethel, who rebuilt Jericho in the 
reign of Ahab (1 K. xvi. 34); and in whom was 
fulfilled the curse pronounced by Joshua (Josh. vi. 

2«). , 

IEi-e-rap'o-lis (Gr. sacred city, said to have been 
so called from the number of its temples), a city of 
Piirygia, celebrated for its hot calcareous springs, 
which have deposited vast and singular incrusta- 
tions. It is mentioned (Col. iv. 13 only) with Co- 
losse and Laopicea, the three towns being all in 
the basin of the Meander, and within a few miles of 
one another. The situation of Hierapolis is ex- 
tremely beautiful ; and its ruins are considerable, 
the theatre and gymnasium being the most con- 
spicuous. Its modern name is Pambouk-Kalessi. 

Hi-er'e-el (Gr.) = Jehiel (1 Esd. ix. 21). 

Hi-er'e-motb (Gr.). 1. Jeremoth (1 Esd. ix. 27). 
— 2. Ramoth (ix. 30). 

Hi-er-i-e'lns (1 Esd. ix. 27) = Jehiel in Ezr. x. 

Ki-er'mss (Gr.) Eamiah (1 Esd. ix. 26). 

Hi-C-rou'y-mns (L. fr. Gr. = of hallowed name, 
L. & S.), a Syrian general in the time of Antiochus 
V. Eupator (2 Mc. xii. 2). 

Hig-gai'on [-ga'yon] (Heb., see below), a word 
which occurs in the Hebrew in Ps. ix. 17 (A. V. 1Q, 
"Higgaion," margin "meditation"), xix. 15 (A. V. 
14, "meditation" [so Gesenius, Fiirst]), xcii. 4 (A. 



HIG 

V. 3, " a solemn sound," margin " Higgaion ") ; 
Lam. iii. 62, " device," A. V., Ges., Fii.). In Ps. 
xcii. Gesenius and Fiirst translate with the murmur 
(or gentle sound) of the harp, A.V. " upon the harp 
with a solemn sound." In Ps. ix. Fiirst makes it 
an air, perhaps muffled music as a pause or a pecu- 
liar kind ; Gesenius explains it as a musical sign 
(compare Selah). It seems that Higgaion has two 
meanings, one of a general character implying 
thought, refection, and another in Ps. ix. IV, xcii. 
4, of a technical nature, the precise meaning of 
which cannot now be determined. 

High Pla'ces (Heb. pi. bdmdih ; see Bamoth). 
From the earliest times it was the custom among 
all nations to erect altars and places of worship 
on lofty and conspicuous spots. To this general 
custom we find constant allusion in the Bible (Is. 
lxv. 7; Jer. iii. 6; Ez. vi. 13, xviii. 6; Hos. iv. 13), 
and it is especially attributed to the Moabites (Is. 
xv. 2, xvi. 12; Jer. xlviii. 35). Even Abraham 
built an altar to the Lord on a mountain near Bethel 
(Gen. xii. 7, 8; compare xxii. 2-4, xxxi. 54), which 
shows that the practice was then as innocent as 
it was natural ; and although it afterward became 
mingled with idolatrous observances (Num. xxiii. 
3), it was in itself far less likely to be abused than 
the consecration of groves (Hos. iv. 13). (Grove.) 
It is, however, quite obvious that if every grove 
and eminence had been suffered to become a 
place for legitimate worship, especially in a coun- 
try where they had already been defiled with the 
sins of polytheism, the utmost danger would have 
resulted to the pure worship of the one true 
God. It was therefore forbidden by the law of 
Moses (Deut. xii. 11-14), which also gave the 
strictest injunction to destroy these monuments of I 
Canaanitish idolatry (Lev. xxvi. 30 ; Num. xxxiii. 
52; Deut. xxxiii. 29), without stating any general j 
reason for this command, beyond the fact that they 
had been connected with such associations. The 
command was a prospective one, and was not to 
come into force until such time as the tribes were 
settled in the promised land. Both Gideon and 
Manoah built altars on high places by Divine com- 
mand (Judg. vi. 25, 26, xiii. 16-23), and it is clear 
from the tone of the book of Judges that the law 
on the subject was forgotten or practically obsolete 
(so Mr. Farrar). This worship at other piaces than 
the Tabernacle seems to have been occasioned by 
the disturbed state of the country and the difficulty 
of uniting in journeys to Shiloh for the great feasts, 
and may have been permitted as a recurrence to the 
patriarchal system (R. S. Poole in Kitto). It is 
more surprising to find this law apparently ignored I 
at a much later period — as by Samuel at Mizpeh (1 
Sam. vii. 10) and at Bethlehem (xvi. 5) ; by Saul at 
Gilgal (xiii. 9) and at Ajalon (? xiv. 35) ; by David 
(1 Chr. xxi. 26); by Elijah on Mount Carmel (1 K. 
xviii. 30) ; and by other prophets (1 Sam. x. 5). In 
some of these cases the rule was evidently super- 
seded by a Divine intimation ; the Tabernacle and 
Zadok the priest were for a time at Gibeon, where 
Solomon sacrificed, while the ark was at Jerusalem 
(1 K. iii. 4; 2 Chr. i. 3 If. ; compare 1 Chr. XV., XVI. 
37 ff., xxi. 29, 30) ; and reasons of which we are 
ignorant may have justified the irregularity in other 
cases ; but it is certain that the worship in high 
places was common in Judea, not only during (1 K. 
iii. 2-4), but even after, the time of Solomon. The 
convenience of them was obvious, because, as local 
centres of religious worship, they obviated the un- 
pleasant and dangerous necessity of visiting Jerusa- 



HIG 381 

lem for the celebration of the yearly feasts (2 K. 
xxiii. 9). In fact, the high places seem to have sup- 
plied the need of synagogues (Ps. lxxiv. 8). (Syna- 
gogue.) Many of the pious kings of Judah were 
either too weak or too ill-informed to repress the 
worship of Jehovah at these local sanctuaries, while 
they of course endeavored to prevent it from being 
contaminated with polytheism. Asa and Jehosha- 
phat seem to have removed the high places so far as 
they had been employed in the service of false gods ; 
but allowed them to continue as convenient meeting- 
places where the people had been wont to assemble 
for the worship of Jehovah (1 K. xv. 14; 2 Chr. xiv. 
3, xv. 17, xvii. 6, xx. 33) (Michaelis, Schulz, Ber- 
theau, Fairbairn). At last Hezekiah set himself in 
good earnest to the suppression of this prevalent 
corruption (2 K. xviii. 4, 22), both in Judah and 
Israel (2 Cbr. xxxi. 1), although, so rapid was the 
growth of the evil, that even his sweeping reforma- 
tion required to be finally consummated by Josiah 
(2 K. xxiii.), and that too in Jerusalem and its imme- 
diate neighborhood (2 Chr. xxxiv. 3). After the 
time of Josiah we find no further mention of these 
Jehovistic high places. Idolatry. 

Higll'-pricst. The office of high-priest among the 
Israelites may be considered — I Legally. II. Theo- 
logically. III. Historically. — I. The legal view of 
the high-priest's office comprises all that the law of 
Moses ordained respecting it. The first distinct 
separation of Aaron to the office of the priesthood, 
which previously belonged to the first-born, was 
that recorded Ex. xxviii. We find from the very 
first the following characteristic attributes of Aaron 
and the high-priests his successors, as distinguished 
from the other priests: — (1.) Aaron alone was 
anointed (Lev. viii. 12), whence one of the distinctive 
epithets of the high-priest was " the anointed 
priest" (Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16, xxi. 10; see Num. xxxv. 
25). This appears also from Ex. xxix. 29, 30. The 




Dres8 of Jewish High-priest. — (Kitto.) 

anointing of the sons of Aaron, i. e. the common 
priests, seems to have been confined to sprinkling 
their garments with the anointing oil (Ex. xxix. 21, 
xxviii. 41, &c). The anointing of the high-priest 



382 



HIG 



HIG 



is alluded to in Ps. cxxxiii. 2. The anointing oil I 
is described in Ex. xxx. 22-25. The manufacture 
of it was intrusted to certain priests, called apoth- 
ecaries (Neh. iii. 8). (Ointment.) — (2.) The high- 
priest had a peculiar dress, which passed to his suc- 
cessor at his death. This dress consisted of eight 
parts, as the Rabbins constantly note, the breast- 
plate, the epliod with its curious girdle, the robe of 
the ephod, the mitre, the broidered coat or diaper 
tunic, and the girdle, the materials being gold, blue, 
red, crimson, and fine (white) linen (Ex. xxviii.). 
(Colors.) To the above are added, in verse 42, the 
breeches or drawers (Lev. xvi. 4) of linen; and to 
make up the number 8, some reckon the high-priest's 
mitre, or the plate separately from the bonnet ; 
while others reckon the curious girdle of the ephod 
separately from the ephod. Of these eight articles 
of attire, four — viz. the coat or tunic, the girdle, the 
breeches, and the bonnet or turban (Heb. migbd'dh) 
instead of the mitre (Heb. milsnephelh) — belonged 
to the common priests. Taking the articles of the 
high-priest's dress in order, we have (a.) the breast- 
plate (Heb. hoshen or choshen), or, as it is further 
named (Ex. xxviii. 4, 15, 29, 30), the breastplate of 
judgment. It was, like the inner curtains of the 
Tabernacle, the vail, and the ephod, of "conning 
work." (Embroiderer.) The breastplate was origin- 
ally two spans long, and one span broad, but when 
doubled it was square, the shape in which it was 
worn. It was fastened at the top by rings and 
chains of vvreathen gold to the two onyx-stones on 
the shoulders, and beneath with two other rings 
and a lace of blue to two corresponding rings in the 
ephod, to keep it fixed in its place, above the curious 
girdle. But the most remarkable and most impor- 
tant part of this breastplate were the twelve pre- 
cious stones, set in four rows, three in a row, thus 
corresponding to the twelve tribes, and divided in 
the same manner as their camps were ; each stone 
having the name of one of the children of Israel en- 
graved upon it. According to the LXX. and Jose- 
phus, and in accordance with the language of Scrip- 
ture, it was these stones which constituted theURiM 
and Thummim. The addition of precious stones and 
costly ornaments expresses glory beyond simple 
justification (compare Is. lxii. 3; Rev. xxi. 11, 12- 
21). But, moreover, the high-priest being a represent- 
ative personage, the fortunes of the whole people 
would most properly be indicated in his person. A 
striking instance of this, in connection too with 
symbolical dress, is to be found in Zech. iii. It 
seems to be sufficiently obvious that the breastplate 
of righteousness or judgment, resplendent with the 
same precious stones which symbolize the glory of 
the New Jerusalem, and on which were engraved the 
names of the twelve tribes, worn by the high-priest, 
who was then said to bear the judgment of the chil- 
dren of Israel upon his heart, was intended to ex- 
press by symbols the acceptance of Israel grounded 
upon the sacrificial functions of the high-priest. — 
(b.) The Ephod. This consisted of two parts, of 
which one covered the back, and the other the front, 
i. e. the breast and upper part of the body. These 
were clasped together on the shoulder with two large 
onyx-stones, each having engraved on it six of the 
names of the tribes of Israel. It was further united 
by a " curious girdle " of gold, blue, purple, scarlet, 
and fine twined linen round the waist. — (<•.) The 
Robe of the ephod (Heb. me'il ; see Dress III. 3). 
This was of inferior material to the ephod itself, 
being all of blue (Ex. xxviii. 31), which implied its 
being only of " woven work " (xxxix. 22). It was 



worn immediately under the ephod, and was longer 
than it. The blue robe had no sleeves, but only 
slits in the sides for the arms to come through. It 
had a hole for the head to pass through, with a bor- 
der round it of woven work, to prevent its beiii" 
rent. (Arms, II. 2.) The skirt of this robe had a 
remarkable trimming of pomegranates in blue, red, 
and crimson, with a bell of gold between each 
pomegranate alternately. The bells were to give a 
sound when the high-priest went in and came out of 
the Holy Place. — (d.) The mitre or upper turban 
(Head-dress), with its gold plate, engraved with 
" HOLINESS TO THE LORD," fastened to it by a 
ribbon of blue(xxviii. 36 ff.). Josephus applies the He- 
brew term milsnephelh to the turbans of the common 
priests as well, but says that in addition to this, and 
sewn on to the top of it, the high-priest had another 
turban of blue; that besides this he had outside the 
turban a triple crown of gold, i. e. consisting of 
three rims one above the other, and terminating at 
top in a kind of conical calyx, like the inverted calyx 
of the herb hyoscyamus (henbane). Josephus doubt- 
less gives a true account of the high-priest's turban 
as worn in his day. He also describes the lamina 
or gold plate, which he says covered the forehead 
of the high-priest. — (e.) The broidered coat (Heb. 
cithoncth tasbbets ; Dress, III. 1 ; Embroiderer) 
was a tunic or long skirt of linen with a tessellated 
or diaper pattern, like the setting of a stone. The 
girdle, also of linen, was wound round the body 
several times from the breast downward, and the 
ends hung down to the ankles. The breeches or 
drawers, of linen, covered the loins and thighs ; and 
the bonnet (Heb. miffbd'dh; Crown; Head-dress) 
was a turban of linen partially covering the head, 
but not in the form of a cone like that of the high- 
priest when the mitre was added to it. These four 
last were common to all priests. (Priest.) — (3.) 
Aaron had peculiar functions. To him alone it ap- 
pertained, and he alone was permitted, to enter the 
Holy of Holies, which he did once a year, on the 
great day of atonement (Atonement, Day of), when 
he sprinkled the blood of the sin-offering on the 
mercy-seat, and burnt incense within the vail (Lev. 
xvi.). He is said by the Talmudists not to have 
worn his full pontifical robes on this occasion, hut to 
have been clad entirely in white linen (Lev. xvi. 4, 
32). It is singular, however, that on the other hand, 
Josephus says that the great fast-day was the chief, 
if not the only day in the year, when the high-priest 
wore all his robes. — (4.) The high-priest had a pecu- 
liar place in the law of the manslayer, and his taking 
sanctuary in the cities of refuge. The manslayer 
might not leave the city of refuge during the life- 
time of the existing high-priest who was anointed 
with the holy oil (Num. xxxv. 25, 28). It was also 
forbidden to the high-priest to follow a funeral, or 
rend his clothes for the dead, according to the pre- 
cedent in Lev. x. 6. The other respects in which 
the high-priest exercised superior functions to the 

I other priests arose rather from his position and op- 
portunities, than were distinctly attached to his 
office, and they consequently varied with the per- 
sonal character and abilities of the high-priest. 
Even that portion of power which most naturally 

I and usually belonged to him, the rule of the Temple, 

[ and the government of the priests and Levites who 
ministered there, did not invariably fall to the share 

; of the high-priest. The Rabbins speak very fre- 
quently of one second in dignity to the high-priest, 
whom they call the Sagan, and who often acted in 
the high-priest's room. He is the same who fh the 



0. T. is called " the second priest " (2 K. xxiii. 4, 
xxv. 18). Thus too it is explained of Annas and 
Caiaphas (Lk. iii. 2), that Annas was Sagan. Ananias 
is also thought by some to have been Sagan, acting 
for the high-priest (Acts xxiii. 2). It does not ap- 
pear by whose authority the high-priests were ap- 
pointed to their office before there were kings of 
Israel. But as we find it invariably done by the 
civil power in later times, it is probable that, in the 
times preceding the monarchy, it was by the elders, 
or Sanhedrim. The usual age for entering upon the 
functions of the priesthood, according to 2 Chr. xxxi. 
17, is considered to have been twenty years, thougli 
a priest or high-priest was not actually incapacitated 
if he had attained to puberty. Again, according to 
Lev. xxi., no one that had a blemish could officiate 
at the altar. — II. The theological view of the high- 
priesthood does not fall within the scope of this 
Dictionary. Such a view would embrace the con- 
sideration of the office, dress, functions, and minis- 
trations of the high-priest, considered as typical of 
the priesthood of our Lord Jesus Christ, and as set- 
ting forth under shadows the truths which are openly 
taught under the Gospel. (Atonement ; Messiah ; 
Sacrifice ; Saviour. ) This has been done to a great 
extent in the Epistle to the Hebrews. It would also 
embrace all the moral and spiritual teaching sup- 
posed to be intended by such symbols. — III. His- 
torical view of the subject. The history of the j 
high-priests embraces a period of about 1,370 years, 
and a succession of about eighty high-priests, begin- 
ning with Aaron, and ending with Phannias. They 
naturally arrange themselves into three groups — 
(a.) those before David ; (6.) those from David to 
the Captivity; (c.) those from the return of the 
Babylonish Captivity till the cessation of the office 
at the destruction of Jerusalem, (a.) The high- 
priests of the first group who are distinctly made 
known to us as such are — 1. Aaron ; 2. Eleazar ; 3. 
Phinehas; 4. Eli; 5. Ahitub (1 Chr. ix. 11; Neh. 
xi. 11; 1 Sam. xiv. 3) ; 6. Ahiah ; 7. Ahimeleeh. 
Phinehas, the son of Eli, and father of Ahitub, died 
before his father, and so was not high- priest. Of 
the above, the three first succeeded in regular order, 
Nadab and Abihu, Aaron's eldest sons having died 
in the wilderness (Lev. x.). But Eli, the fourth, was 
of the line of Ithamar. What was the exact inter- 
val between the death of Phinehas and the accession 
of Eli, what led to the transference of the chief 
priesthood from the line of Eleazar to that of Itha- 
mar, we have no means of determining from Scrip- 
ture. Josephus asserts that the father of Bukki — 
whom he calls Joseph, and Abiezer, i. e. Abishua — 
was the last high-priest of Phinehas's line, before 
Zadok. If Abishua died, leaving a son or grandson 
under age, Eli, as head of the line of Ithamar, might 
have become high-priest as a matter of course, or 
he might have been appointed by the elders. If 
Ahiah and Ahimeleeh are not variations of the name 
of the same person, they must have been brothers, 
since both were sons of Ahitub. The high-priests, 
then, before David's reign may be set down as eight 
in number, of whom seven are said in Scripture to 
have been high-priests, and one by Josephus alone. 
— (6.) Passing to the second group, we begin with 
the unexplained circumstance of there being two 
priests in the reign of David, apparently of nearly 
equal authority, viz. Zadok and Abiathar (1 Chr. 
xv. 11 ; 2 Sam. vii. 17). It is not unlikely (so Lord 
A. C. Hervey, the original author of this article), 
that after the death of Ahimeleeh and the secession 
of Abiathar to David, Saul may have made Zadok ! 



HIG 383 

priest, and that David may have avoided the diffi- 
culty of deciding between the claims of his faithful 
friend Abiathar and his new and important ally 
Zadok by appointing them to a joint priesthood : 
the first place, with the Ephod, and Urim and 
Thummim, remaining with Abiathar, who was in 
actual possession of them. The first considerable 
difficulty that meets us in the historical survey of 
the high-priests of the second group is to ascertain 
who was high-priest at the dedication of Solomon's 
Temple. Josephus says that Zadok was, and the 
Seder Olarn makes him the high-priest in the reign 
of Solomon ; but 1 K. iv. 2 distinctly asserts that 
Azariah the son of Zadok was priest under Solomon, 
and 1 Chr. vi. 10 tells us of Azariah, " he it is that 
executeth the priest's office in the temple that Solo- 
mon built in Jerusalem," obviously meaning at its 
first completion. We can hardly therefore be wrong 
in saying that Azariah the son of Ahimaaz was the 
first high-priest of Solomon's Temple. In con- 
structing the list of the succession of priests of this 
group, we must compare the genealogical list in 1 
Chr. vi. 8-15 (A. V.) with the notices of high-priests 
in the Scriptures, and with the list given by Jose- 
phus. Now, as regards the genealogy, it is seen at 
once that there is something defective ; for whereas 
from David to Jeconiah there are twenty kings, from 
Zadok to Jehozadak there are but thirteen priests. 
Then again, while the pedigree in its six first gener- 
ations from Zadok, inclusive, exactly suits the his- 
tory, yet is there a great gap in the middle ; for be- 
tween Amariah, the high-priest in Jehoshaphat's 
reign, and Shallum the father of Hilkiah, the high- 
priest in Josiah's reign — an interval of about 240 
years — there are but two names, Ahitub and Zadok, 
and those liable to the utmost suspicion from their 
reproducing the same sequence which occurs in the 
earlier part of the same genealogy — Amariah, Ahi- 
tub, Zadok. But the historical books supply us 
with four or five names for this interval, viz. Jehoiada 
in the reigns of Athaliah and Joash, and probably 
still earlier ; Zechariah his son ; Azariah in the 
reign of Uzziah ; Urijah in the reign of Ahaz ; and 
Azariah in the reign of Hezekiah. If, however, in 
the genealogy of 1 Chr. vi., Azariah and Hilkiah 
have been accidentally transposed, as is not unlikely, 
then the Azariah who was high-priest in Hezekiah's 
reign will be the Azariah of 1 Chr. vi. 13, 14. Put- 
ting the additional historical names at four, and de- 
ducting the two suspicious names from the geneal- 
ogy, we have fifteen high-priests indicated in Scrip- 
ture as contemporary with the twenty kings, with 
room, however, for one or two more in the history. 
In addition to these, the Sudeas of Josephus, who 
corresponds to Zedekiah in the reign of Amaziah in 
the Seder Olarn, and Odeas, who corresponds to 
Hoshaiah in the reign of Manasseh, according to 
the same Jewish chronicle, may really represent 
high-priests whose names have not been preserved 
in Scripture. This would bring up the number to 
seventeen, or, if we retain Azariah as the father of 
Seraiah, to eighteen, which agrees nearly with the 
twenty kings. Reviewing the high-priests of this 
second group, the following are some of the most 
remarkable incidents : — (1.) The transfer of the 
seat of worship from Shiloh in the tribe of Ephraim 
to Jerusalem in the tribe of Judah, effected by Da- 
vid and consolidated by the building of the magnifi- 
cent Temple of Solomon. (2.) The organization of 
the Temple-service under the high-priest. (3.) The 
revolt of the ten tribes. (4.) The overthrow of the 
usurpation of Athaliah by Jehoiada the high-priest. 



384 



HIG 



HIG 



(5.) The boldness and success with which the high- 
priest Azariah withstood the encroachments of the 
king Uzziah upon the office and functions of the 
priesthood. (6.) The repair of the Temple by Je- 
hoiada, the restoration of the Temple services by 
Azariah in the reign of Hezekiah, and the discovery 
of the book of the law and the religious reforma- 
tion by Hilkiah in the reign of Josiah. (7.) In all 
these great religious movements, however, except- 
ing the one headed by Jehoiada, it is remarkable 
how the civil power took the lead. The preponder- 
ance of the civil over the ecclesiastical power, as 
an historical fact, in the kingdom of Judah, although 
kept within bounds by the hereditary succession of 
the high-priests, seems to be proved from these cir- 
cumstances. The priests of this series ended with 
Seraiah, who was taken prisoner by Nebuzar-adan, 
and slain at Riblah by Nebuchadnezzar, together 
with Zephaniah the second priest or Sagan, after 
the burning of the Temple and the plunder of all 
the sacred vessels (2 K. xx. 18). His son Jehoza- 
dak or Josedech was at the same time carried away 
captive (1 Chr. vi. 15). The time occupied by these 
high-priests was about 454 years, which gives an 
average of something more than twenty-five years 
to each high-priest. It is remarkable that not a 
single instance is recorded after the time of David 
of an inquiry by Urim and Thummim. The minis- 
try of the prophets seems to have superseded that 
of the high-priests (see e. g. 2 Chr. xv., xviii., xx. 
14, 15; 2 K. xix. 1, 2, xxii. 12-14; Jer. xxi. 1, 2). 
— (c.) An interval of about fifty-two years elapsed 
between the high-priests of the second and third 
group, during which there was neither Temple, nor 
altar, nor ark, nor priest. Jehozadak, or Josedech, 
as it is written in Hag. i. 1, 14, &c, who should 
have succeeded Seraiah, lived and died a captive at 
Babylon. The pontifical office revived in his son 
Jeshua, of whom such frequent mention is made in 
Ezra and Nehemiah, Haggai and Zechariah, 1 Es- 
dras and Ecclesiasticus ; and he therefore stands at 
the head of the third and last series, honorably dis- 
tinguished for his zealous cooperation with Zerub- 
babel in rebuilding the Temple, and restoring the 
dilapidated commonwealth of Israel. His succes- 
sors, as far as the 0. T. guides us, were Joiakim, 
Eliashib, Joiada, Johanan (or Jonathan), and Jad- 
dua, Jaddua was high-priest in the time of Alex- 
ander the Great. Jaddua was succeeded by Onias I., 
his son, and he again by Simon the Just, the last of 
the men of the great synagogue. (Jerusalem ; 
Synagogue, the Great.) Upon Simon's death, his 
son Onias being under nge, Eleazar, Simon's broth- 
er, succeeded him. The high-priesthood of Eleazar 
is memorable as being that under which the LXX. 
version of the Scriptures (Septuagint) was made 
at Alexandria for Ptolemy Philadelphus, according 
to the account of Josephus taken from Aristeas. 
Viewed in its relation to Judaism and the high- 
priesthood, this translation was a sign, and perhaps 
a helping cause, of their decay. It marked a grow- 
ing tendency to Hellenize, utterly inconsistent with 
the spirit of the Mosaic economy. What, however, 
for a time saved the Jewish institutions, was the 
cruel and impolitic persecution of Antiochus Epiph- 
anes. The result was that after the high-priesthood 
had been brought to the lowest degradation by the 
apostasy and crimes of the last Onias or Menelaus, 
the son of Eleazar, and after a vacancy of seven 
years had followed the brief pontificate of Alcimus, 
his no less infamous successor, a new and glorious 
succession of high-priests arose in the Asmonean 



family (Maccabees), who united the dignity of civil 
rulers, and for a time of independent sovereigns, to 
that of the high-priesthood. The Asmonean family 
were priests of the course of Joiarib, the first of 
the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), whose re- 
turn from captivity is recorded 1 Chr. ix. 10 • Neh. 
xi. 10. They were probably of the house of Elea- 
zar, though this cannot be affirmed with certainty. 
This Asmonean dynasty lasted from b. c. 153 till 
the family was damaged by intestine divisions/and 
then destroyed by Herod the Great. Aristobulus, 
the last high-priest of his line, brother of Mariamne| 
was murdered by order of Herod, his brother-in-law j 
b. c. 35. There were no fewer than twenty-eight 
high-priests from the reign of Herod to the destruc- 
tion of the Temple by Titus, a period of 107 years. 
The N. T. introduces us to Some of these later and 
oft-changing high-priests, viz. Annas, Caiaphas, and 
Ananias. Theophilus, the son of Ananus, was the 
high-priest from whom Saul received letters to the 
synagogue at Damascus (Acts ix. 1, 14). Phannias, 
the last high-priest, was appointed by lot by the 
Zealots from the course of priests called by Jose- 
phus Eniachim (probably a corrupt reading for Ja- 
chim). The subjoined table shows the succession 
of high-priests, as far as it can be ascertained, and 
of the contemporary civil rulers : 

CIVIL EUXER. HIGH-PRIEST. 

Moses Aaron. 

Joshua Eleazar. 

Othniel PhiDehas. 

Abishua Abisb.ua. 

Eli Eli. 

Samuel Abitub. 

Saul Ahiah. • 

David Zadok and Abiathar. 

Solomon Azariah. 

Abijah Johanan. 

Asa Azariah. 

Jehoshaphat Amariah. 

Jehoram Jehoiada. 

Ahaziah " 

Jehoash Do. and Zechariah. 

Amaziah ? 

Uzziah Azariah. 

Jotham ? 

Ahaz TJri.jah. 

Hezekiah Azariah. 

Manasseh Sballum. 

Anion " 

Josiah Hilkiah. 

Jehoiakim Azariah? 

Zedekiah Seraiah. 

Evil-merodach Jehozadak. 

Zenibbabel (Cyrus and Da- 
rius) Jeshua. \ 

Mordecai? (Xerxes) Joiakim. 

Ezra and Nebemiah (Artaxer- 
xes) Eliashib. 

Darius Nothns Joiada. 

Artaxerxes Mnemon Johanan. 

Alexander the Great Jaddua. 

Onias I. (Ptolemy iotcr, An- 
tigonus) Onias I. 

Ptolemy Soter Simon the Just. 

Ptolemy Philadelphus Eleazar. 

« " Manasseh. 

Ptolemy Euergetes Onias II. 

Ptolemy Philopator .Simon II. 

Ptolemy Epiphanes and Anti- 
ochus Onias III. 

Antiochus Epiphanes (Joshua, or) Jason. 

" " Onias, or Menelaus. 

Demetrius Jacimus, or Alcimus. 

Alexander Balas Jonathan, brother of Judas 

Maccabeus (Asmonean). 

Simon (Asmonean) Simon (Asmonean). 

John Hyrcanus (Asm.) John Hyrcanus (Asm.) 

King Aristobulus (Asm.) Aristobulus (Asm.) 

King Alexander Jannajus i As- 
monean) Alexander Jannfeus (Asm.) 

Queen Alexandra (Asm.J HyrcaDus II. (Asm.) 

King Aristobulus II. (Asmo- 
nean) Aristobulus II. (Asm.) 



HIG 



HIN 385 



CIVIL RULER. HIGH-PRIEST. 
Pompey the Great and Hyrca- 
nus, or rather, toward the 
end of his pontificate, Anti- 

patcr Hyrcanus II. (Asm.) 

Pac'orus the Parthian Antigonus (Asm.) 

Herod the. Great, king of Ju- 

d ea A nan ems. 

..' 'i Aristobulus (last of Asmo- 

neans), murdered by Herod. 

11 " Ananelus restored. 

11 Jesus, son of Faneus. 

u " Simon, son of Koelhus, father- 

in-law to Herod 

.1 " Matthias, son of Theophilus. 

u u Jozarus, son of Simon. 

Archelaus, king (or ethnarcli) 

of judea " Eleazar, brother ot Jozarus. 

" " Jesus, sou of Sie. 

" " Jozarus (.second time). 

Cyrenius, governor of Syria, 

second time Ananus or Annas. 

Valerius Gratus. procurator of 

Judea Isbmael, son of Phabi. 

•' Eleazar, son of Ananus. 
" " Simon, sou of Kamith. 

Vitellius. governor of Syria. . .Caiaphas, called also Joseph. 
" .. .Jonathan, son of Ananus. 

" " ...Theophilus, brother of Jona- 

than. 

Herod Agrippa Simon Cantheras. 

" Matthias, brother of Jonathan, 

son of Ananus. 

" : .Elioneus, son of Cantheras. 

Herod Agrippa II Joseph, son of Camei. 

" » Ananias, son of Nebedeus. 

'• " Jonathan. 

" " Ismael, son of Fabi. 

" " Joseph Cabi, son of Simon. 

" " Ananus, son of Ananus, or 

Ananias. 

Appointed by the people Jesus, son of Damneus. 

» Jesus, son of Gamaliel. 

Do. (Whiston on J03. B. J. iv. 

3, § 6) Matthias, son of Theophilus. 

Chosen by lot Pbannias, sou of Samuel. 

* High way (Lev. xxvi. 22 ; Judg. v. 6 ; 2 K. xviii. 
17; Mat. xxii. 9, &c). Roads of some kind appar- 
ently existed in Palestine at a very early period ; 
but probably most of them were, as now, only nar- 
row tracks, by which beasts of burden or travellers 
on foot pass from city to city. The law in regard 
to cities of refuge (City of Refuge) required ways 
to be kept open by which the manslayer might flee 
thither (Deut. xix. 3 : see Talmud). The " king's 
highway " is mentioned (Num. xxi. 22) ; language 
derived from road-making is used (Is. xl. 3, 4, xlix. 
11, lxii. 10, &c.) ; in some parts of the land, at 
least, carriages and chariots were used (Carriage; 
Cart; Chariot; Wagon); but for its best roads 
Palestine was indebted to the Romans. Traces of 
the Roman roads still remain ; but for centuries lit- 
tle or no attention has been paid to road-making in 
Palestine. Instead of wheeled vehicles, we find 
horses, camels, and asses principally used for trans- 
portation. Jerusalem. 

Hi'lcn (Heb. fortress? Fii.), a city of Judah al- 
lotted to the priests (1 Chr. vi. 58); == Holon 1. 

Hil-ki'all (fr. Heb. = portion of Jehovah, Ges.). 
1. Father of Eliakim 1 (2 K. xviii. 18, 26, 37, 
xix. 2; Is. xxii. 20, xxxvi. 3, 11, 22, xxxvii. 2). — 2. 
High-priest in the reign of Josiah (2 K. xxii. 4 ff. ; 
2 Chr. xxxiv. 9 ff . ; 1 Esd. i. 8). According to the 
genealogy in 1 Chr. vi. 13 (A. V.) he was son of 
Shallum, and from Ezr. vii. 1, apparently the an- 
cestor of Ezra the scribe. His high-priesthood was 
rendered particularly illustrious by the great refor- 
mation effected under it by King Josiah, by the sol- 
emn Passover kept at Jerusalem in the eighteenth 
year of that king's reign, and above all by the dis- 
covery which he made of the book of the law of 
25 



Moses in the Temple. With regard to the latter, 
Kennicott is of opinion that it was the original au- 
tograph copy of the Pentateuch written by Moses 
which Hilkiah found, but his argument is far from 
conclusive. A difficult and interesting question 
arises, What was the book found by Hilkiah ? Our 
means of answering this question seem to be lim- 
ited, (1.) to an examination of the terms in which 
the depositing the book of the law by the ark was 
originally enjoined ; (2.) to an examination of the 
contents of the book discovered by Hilkiah, as far 
as they transpire ; (3.) to any indications which 
may be gathered from the contemporary writings 
of Jeremiah, or from any other portions of Scrip- 
ture. A consideration of all these points raises a 
strong probability that the book in question was the 
book of Deuteronomy (so Lord A. C. Hervey, 
De Wette, Gesenius, Rosenmiiller, &c. Jose- 
phus, Le Clerc, Keil, Ewald, Lengerke, Haver- 
nick, &c, suppose it was the whole Penta- 
teuch). — 3. A Merarite Levite, son of Amzi (1 
Chr. vi. 45, Heb. 30). — 4. Another Merarite Le- 
vite, second son of Hosah (xxvi. 11). — 5. One of 
those who stood on the right hand of Ezra when he 
read the law to the people ; probably a priest (Neh. 
viii. 4). He may = the Hilkiah who came up in 
the expedition with Jeshua and Zerubbabel (xii. 7). 
— 6. A priest of Anathoth, father of the prophet 
Jeremiah (Jer. i. 1). — 7. Father of Gemariah, who 
was one of Zedekiah's envoys to Babylon (Jer. 
xxix. 3). 

Hill. The structure and characteristics of the 
hills of Palestine will be most conveniently no- 
ticed in the general description of the features of 
the country. The word " hill " has been employed 
in the A. V. as the translation of — 1. Heb. yibe'dh, 
from a root which seems to have the force of curva- 
ture or humpishness. A word involving this idea 
is peculiarly applicable to the rounded hills of Pal- 
estine. — 2. Heb. har, which has a much more ex- 
tended sense than gibe'dh, meaning a whole district 
rather than an individual eminence, and to which 
our word " mountain " answers with tolerable ac- 
curacy. This translation of har by " hill " some- 
times obscures the meaning of a passage where it 
is desirable that the topography should be unmis- 
takable. For instance, in Ex. xxiv. 4, the " hill " is 
the same which is elsewhere, in the same chapter 
(12, 13, 18, &c.) and book, consistently and ac- 
curately rendered "mount "and "mountain." (Ml- 
zar.) The country of the "hills" in Deut. i. 7; 
Josh. ix. 1, x. 40, xi. 16, is the elevated district of 
Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim, which is correctly 
called " the mountain " in Num. xiii. 29, &c. In 2 
K. i. 9 and iv. 27, the use of the word " hill " ob- 
scures the allusion to Carmel, which in other pas- 
sages (e. g. 1 K. xviii. 19 ; 2 K. iv. 25) has the term 
"mount " correctly attached to it. — 3. Heb. m,cCCdeh, 
better "ascent," once (1 Sam. ix. 11). (Maaleh- 
acrabbim.) — 4. Gr. bounos (Lk. iii. 5, xxiii. 30). — 
5. Gr. oros (Mat. v. 14; Lk. iv. 29), elsewhere 
" mountain" (Mat. iv. 8, v. 1, &c.) or " mount" (xxi. 
1, &c). The "hill" (Lk. ix. 37) = the "mountain" 
(ver. 28). In Lk. i. 39, 65, the " hill country" (Gr. 
he oreine) is the " mountain of Judah " frequently 
referred to in the O. T. Judah 1 (IV.). 

Hil'lel (Heb. praise, Ges.), a native of Pirathon in 
Mount Ephraim ; father of Abdon, judge of Israel 
(Judg. xii. 13, 15). 

Hill (Heb.). Weights and Measures. 

Hiud (Heb. ayydldh, ayyehlh), the female of the 
common stag or Cervus Elaphus. (Hart.) It is 



386 



BIN 



HIT 



frequently noticed in the poetical parts of Scripture 
as emblematic of activity (Gen. xlix. 21 ; 2 Sam. 
xxii. 34 ; Ps. xviii. 33 ; Hab. iii. 19), gentleness 
(Prov. v. 19), feminine modesty (Cant. ii. 7, iii. 5), 
earnest longing (Ps. xlii. 1, "hart"), and maternal 
affection (Jer. xiv. 5). Its shyness and remoteness 
from the haunts of men are also alluded to (Job 
xxxix. 1), and its timidity, causing it to cast its 
young at the sound of thunder (Ps. xxix. 9). Aije- 

LETH SllAHAR. 

Hiuge (Heb. poth, tiir). Both ancient Egyptian 
and modern Oriental doors were and are hung by 
means of pivots turning in sockets both on the up- 
per and lower sides (1 K. vii. 50). In Syria, and 
especially the Haurin, there are many ancient doors 
consisting of stone slabs with pivots carved out of 
the same piece, inserted in sockets above and be- 
low, and fixed during the building of the house. 
(Gate.) The allusion in Prov. xxvi. 14 is thus 
clearly explained. 

Hin'DODl (Heb. lamentation ? Kimchi ; full of good- 
ness or favor, or endowed with goods, rich, Fii.), 
Val'ley of, otherwise called " the valley of the son " 
or " children of Hinnom ; " a deep and narrow ra- 
vine, with steep, rocky sides to the S. and W. of 
Jerusalem, about one mile and a half in length, 
separating Mount Zion to the N. from the "Hill of 
Evil Counsel," and the sloping rocky plateau of the 
" plain of Rephaim " to the S. (Aceldama ; Gi- 
hon.) The earliest mention of the Valley of Hin- 
nom in the sacred writings is in Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 
16, where the boundary-line between Judah and 
Benjamin is described as passing along the bed of 
the ravine. On the southern brow, overlooking the 
valley at its eastern extremity, Solomon erected 
high places for Molech (1 K. xi. 7), whose horrid 
rites were revived from time to time in the same 
vicinity by the later idolatrous kings. Ahaz and 
Manasseh made their children "pass through the 
fire " in this valley (2 K. xvi. 3 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 3, 
xxxiii. 6), and the fiendish custom of infant sacri- 
fice to the fire-gods seems to have been kept up in 
Tophet, at its S. E. extremity, for a considerable pe- 
riod (Jer. vii. 31 ; 2 K. xxx. 10). To put an end to 
these abominations, the place was polluted by Jo- 
siah, who rendered it ceremonially unclean by 
spreading over it human bones, and other corrup- 
tions (2 K. xxiii. 10, 13, 14< 2 Chr. xxxiv. 4, 5), 
from which time it appears to have become the 
common cesspool of the city, into which its sewage 
was conducted, to be carried off by the waters of 
the Kidron, as well as a laystall, where all its solid 
filth was collected. From its ceremonial defile- 
ment, and from the detested and abominable fire 
of Molech, if not from the supposed ever-burning 
funeral-piles, the later Jews applied the name of 
this valley (Heb. Gey Hinnom), Gehenna, to denote 
the place of eternal torment. (Hell.) The name 
by which it is now known is Wddy Jehennam, or 
Wddy er-Rubeb. 

Hip-po-pot'a-mus (I>. fr. Gr. = river-horse). Be- 
hemoth. 

Hi'rah (Heb. noble birth, Ges.), an Adullamite, 
the friend of Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 1, 12 ; and see 
20). 

Hi ram, or Bn'raci (both Heb. = noble, high- 
born, Ges.). 1. The king of Tyre who sent work- 
men and materials to Jerusalem, first (2 Sam. v. 11 ; 
1 Chr. xiv. 1) to build a palace for David, whom he 
ever loved (1 K. v. 1), and again (v. 10 ; 2 Chr. ii. 14, | 
16) to build the Temple for Solomon, with whom i 
he had a treaty of peace and commerce (1 K. v. 11, I 



12). The contempt with which he received Solo- 
mon's present of Oabul (ix. 12) does not appear to 
have caused any breach between the two kings. He 
admitted Solomon's ships, issuing from Joppa, to a 
share in the profitable trade of the Mediterranean 
(x. 22) ; and Jewish sailors, under the guidance of 
Tyrians, were taught to bring the gold of Ophir (ix. 
26) to Solomon's two harbors on the Red Sea. fjius 
the Phenician historian, and Menander of Ephcsus 
assign to Hiram a prosperous reign of thirty-four 
years ; and relate that his father was Abibal, his 
son and successor Baleazar. Others relate that 
Hiram, besides supplying timber for the Temple, 
gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon. — 2. A 
man of mixed race (vii. 13, 40, 45), the principal 
artificer sent by King Hiram to Solomon. Handi- 
craft ; Huram ; Temple. 

Hir-ca'iins (L. fr. Gr.), " a son of Tobias," who 
had a large treasure placed for security in the treas- 
ury of the Temple at the time of the visit of Helio- 
dorus (about 187 b. c. ; 2 Mc. iii. 11). 

* Hire ling = one who serves for hire. Ser- 
vant. 

* Hi'rom (1 K. vii. 40 margin) = Hiram 2. 

* Hit titc (fr. Heb.) = descendant of Heth. Hit- 

TITES. 

Hittites (fr. Heb.) Hitli or Chitti, pi. Hitlim or 
Chittim), the = the nation descended from Heth, 
the second son of Canaan. Our first introduction 
to the Hitlites is in the time of Abraham, when he 
bought, from the " sons " or " children of Heth," 
the field and the cave of Machpelah, belonging to 
Ephron the Hittite. They were then settled at the 
town which was afterward, under its new name of 
Hebron, to become one of the most famous cities 
of Palestine, then bearing the name of Kirjath- 
arba, and perhaps also of Mamre (Gen. xxiii. 19, 
xxv. 9). The propensities of the tribe appear at 
that time to have been rather commercial than 
military. As Ewald well says, Abraham chose his 
allies in warfare from the Amorites, but he goes to 
the Hittites for his grave. But the tribe was evi- 
dently as yet but email, not important enough to 
be noticed beside "the Canaanite and the Periz- 
zite " who shared the bulk of the land between 
them (Gen. xii. 6, xiii. V). Throughout the book 
of Exodus, the name of the Hittites occurs only in 
the usual formula for the occupants of the Prom- 
ised Land. From this time their quiet habits van- 
ish, and they take their part against the invader, in 
equal alliance with the other Canaanite tribes (Josh, 
ix. 1, xi. 3, &c). Henceforward the notices of the 
Hittites are very few and faint. The individual 
Hittites mentioned in the Bible are — Adah (Gen. 
xxxvi. 2), Ahimelech (1 Sam. xxvi. 6), Bashemath 
(Gen. xxvi. 34), Beeri, Elon, Ephron (xxiii. 10, &c), 
Jooith (xxvi. 34), Uriah (2 Sam. xi. 3 ff., xxiii. 39, 
&c), Zohar (Gen. xxiii. 8). The Egyptian annals 
tell us of a very powerful confederacy of Hittites in 
the valley of the Orontes, with whom Sether I., or 
Sethos, waged war about b. c. 1340, and whose cap- 
ital, Ketesh, situate near Emesa, he conquered. In 
the Assyrian inscriptions, as lately deciphered, 
there are frequent references to a nation of Khatti, 
whose territory also lay in the valley of the Oron- 
tes, and who were sometimes assisted by the people 
of the sea-coast, probably the Phenicians. If the 
identification of these people with the Hittites should 
prove to be correct, it affords a clew to the meaning 
of some passages which are otherwise puzzling 
(Josh. i. 4 ; Judg. i. 26 ; 1 K. x. 29 ; 2 K. vii. 6 ; 2 
Chr. i. IV). Hair. 



HIV 



HOL 



387 



Hi'vitc, pi. Hi'vites (fr. Heb. Hivvi or CMvvi = 
dweller in an encampment or nomadic village, Fii., 
Ges. doubtfully ; inhabitant of the interior or mid- 
land, Ewald), the. The name is, in the original, 
uniformly found in the singular number. In the 
genealogical tables of Genesis, " the hivite " is 
named as one of the descendants — the sixth in or- 
der — of Canaan, the son of Ham (Gen. x. 17 ; 1 
Ohr. i. 15). In the first enumeration of the nations 
who, at the time of the call of Abraham, occupied 
the Promised Land (Gen. xv. 19-21), the Hivites arc 
omitted from the Hebrew text. The name is also 
absent in the report of the spies (Num. xiii. 29). 
Perhaps this is owing to the then insignificance of 
the Hivites. The name constantly occurs in the 
formula by which the country is designated in the 
earlier books (Ex. iii. 8, 17, &c), and also in the 
later ones (1 K. ix. 20; 2 Chr. viii. 7). We first 
encounter the actual people of the Hivites at Ja- 
cob's return to Canaan. Shechem was then in their 
possession, Hamor the Hivite being the " prince of 
the land " (Gen. xxxiv. 2). They were at this time, 
to judge of them by their rulers, a warm and im- 
petuous people, credulous and easily deceived by 
the crafty and cruel sons of Jacob. The narrative 
further exhibits them as peaceful and commercial, 
given to " trade " (10, 21), and to the acquiring of 
" possessions " of cattle and other " wealth " (10, 
23, 28, 29). We next meet with the Hivites during 
the conquest of Canaan (Josh. ix. 7, xi. 19). (Gibe- 
on.) Their character is now in some respects ma- 
terially altered. They are still evidently averse to 
fighting, but they have acquired — possibly by long 
experience in traffic — an amount of craft which 
they did not before possess, and which enables 
them to turn the tables on the Israelites in a highly 
successful manner (Josh. ix. 3-27). The main body 
of the Hivites, however, were at this time living on 
the northern confines of Western Palestine — " un- 
der Hermon, in the land of Mizpeh " (Josh. xi. 3) — 
" in Mount Lebanon, from Mount Raal-Hermon to 
the entering in of Hamath " (Judg. iii. 3, comp. 2 
Sam. xxiv. 7). Avim. 

Uiz-ki'ah (fr. Heb. = Hezekiah), an ancestor of 
Zephaniah the prophet (Zeph. i. 1). 

Hiz-ki'jah (Heb. = Hezekiah), according to the 
A. V. a man who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 17). But there is no doubt that the 
name should be taken with that preceding it, as 
" Ater-Hizkijah " — " Ater of Hezekiah." Ater 2. 

Uo'bab (Heb. beloved, Ges.). This name is found 
in two places only (Num. x. 29 ; Judg. iv. 11), and 
it seems doubtful whether it denotes the father-in- 
law of Moses, or his son, i. e. Moses' brother-in- 
law. (1.) In favor of the latter are (a.) the express 
statement that Hobab was " the son of Raguel " 
(Num. x. 29) ; Raguel or Reuel being identified with 
Jethro, not only in Ex. ii. 18 (comp. iii. 1, &c), but 
also by Josephus. (b.) The fact that Jethro had 
some time previously left the Israelite camp to re- 
turn to his own country (Ex. xviii. 27). (2). In 
favor of Hobab's identity with Jethro are (a.) the 
words of Judg. iv. 1 1 ; but this is of later date than 
the other, and altogether a more casual statement. 
(b.) Josephus, in speaking of Raguel, remarks that 
he " had Iothor (i. e. Jethro) for a surname." The 
Mohammedan traditions favor the identity of Hobab 
with Jethro. But whether Hobab was the father- 
in-law of Moses or not, the notice of him in Num. 
x. 29-32, though brief, is full of point and interest. 
While Jethro is preserved to us as the wise and 
practised administrator, Hobab appears as the ex- 



perienced Bedouin sheikh, to whom Moses looked 
for the material safety of his cumbrous caravan in 
the new and difficult ground before them. 

Ho'bah (Heb. hidden, hiding-place, Ges.), the place 
to which Abraham pursued the kings who had pil- 
laged Sodom (Gen. xiv. 15). It was situated " to 
the N. of Damascus." Arab tradition makes the 
village of Burzeh, three miles N. of Damascus, ti.e 
place where Abraham offered thanks to God after 
the discomfiture of the kings. The Jews of Damas- 
cus affirm that the village of Jobar, about three 
miles N. E. of Damascus = Kobah. 

Hod (Heb. splendor, majesty, Ges.), a son of Zo- 
phah, and chieftain of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Ho-dai all, or Hod-a-i all (fr. Heb. = praue ye Jeho- 
vah? Ges.), son of Elioenai, of the royal line of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. iii. 24). Genealogy of Jesus Christ. 

Hod-a-vi'ah (fr. Heb. = Hodaiah, Ges.). 1. A 
man of Manasseh, one of the heads of the half-tribe 
E. of Jordan (1 Chr. v. 24).— 2. A man of Ben- 
jamin, son of Has-senuah (1 Chr. ix. 7).— 3. A Le- 
vite, who seems to have given his name to an im- 
portant family in the tribe (Ezr. ii. 40) ; = Hodevah 
and Judah 3 ? 

Ho'desh (Heb. the new moon, a month, Ges.), a 
woman named in the genealogies of Benjamin (1 
Chr. viii. 9) as the wife of Shaharaim. 

Ho-de'vah (Heb. = Hodijah, Ges.) = Hodatiah 
3 (Neh. vii. 43). 

Ho-di'ah (fr. Heb. = Hodijah), one of the two 
wives of Ezra, a man of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 19); 
doubtless = Jehudijah in verse 18. 

Ho-di'jah (Heb. splendor of Jehovah, Ges.). 1. A 
Levite in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 
7 ; probably also ix. 5, x. 10). — 2. Another Levite 
at the same time (x. 13).— 3. A layman, one of the 
" heads " of the people at the same time (x. 18). 

Hog'Iah (Heb. partridge, Ges.), the third of the 
five daughters of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, xxvii. 
1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3). Heir. 

Ho' ham (Heb. probably = whom Jehovah impeh, 
Ges.), king of Hebron at the conquest of Canaan 
(Josh. x. 3). 

* Hold = a fortress or place held by a garrison 
(Judg. ix. 46, 49, &c. ; 1 Sam. xxii. 4, 5, &c). Tower; 
War. 

* Hole. Cave. 

Holm'-tree [home-] (Gr. prinos; L. ilex), a species 
of oak, named only in Sus. 58. (Daniel, Apocry- 
phal Additions to.) The Gr. prinos of Theophras- 
tus and Dioscorides no doubt = the Quercns coccif- 
era. The L. ilex was applied both to the holm- 
oak ( Q. Ilex) and to the Kermes-oak ( Q. coccif era). 

HoI-0-fer'nes [-neez] (Gr. Olophernes, probably 
fr. Pers., but the meaning uncertain), according to 
Jd. ii. 4, &c., a general of Nebuchadnezzar, king 
of the Assyrians, who was slain by Judith during 
the siege of Bethulia. 

Ho Ion (Heb. sandy, Ges.). 1. A town in the 
mountains of Judah, allotted to the priests ; named 
between Goshen and Giloh, in the group with Debir 
(Josh. xv. 51, xxi. 15) ; = Hilen. — 2. A city of 
Moab (Jer. xlviii. 21 only). No identification of it 
has yet taken place. 

* Ho ly Chil dren, The Song of the Three. Dan- 
iel, Apocryphal Additions to. 

* Ho ly Cit y. Jerusalem. 

* Ho'ly Day. Festivals. 

* Ho'ly Ghost. Spirit, the Holy. 

* Ho'ly Land. Canaan ; Palestine. 

* Ho'ly of Holies. Tabernacle ; Temple. 

* Ho'ly Spir'it. Spirit, the Holt. 



388 



HOM 



HOR 



Ho mam (Heb. destruction, Ges.), an Edomite (1 
dir. i. 39), = Hemam. 

Ho mer (Heb. homer or chomer = a heap, Ges.). 
Weights and Measures. 

Hon ey [hun'nyj usually=Heb. dcbash, or Gr. tneli. 
The Heb. nbpheth tsuphim is translated in Ps. xix. 
10 (Heb. 11) "the honey-comb," margin (and so 
Geseuius) "the dropping of honey-combs," i. e. 
honey dropping from the combs: teuph dcbash is 
also translated "honey-comb" (Prov. xvi. 24); no- 
phcth (= a sprinkling, dropping, sc. of honey, Ges.) 
is translated "honey-comb" (v. 3, xxiv. 13, xxvii. 
7 ; Cant. iv. 11); ya'ar (Cant. v. 1) or ya'arath had- 
debash (1 Sam. xiv. 27) (= the redundance, or over- 
flowing, or dropping of honey, Ges. ; see above) is 
translated " honey-comb." The Gr. melission kerion 
= " honey-comb " in Lk. xxiv. 42. — The Heb. dcbash, 
in the first place, = the product of the bee, to which 
we exclusively give the name of honey. All travel- 
lers agree in describing Palestine as a land " flowing 
with milk and honey' (Ex. iii. 8); bees being abun- 
dant even in the remote parts of the wilderness, 
where they deposit their honey in the crevices of 
the rocks or in hollow trees. In some parts of 
Northern Arabia the hills are so well stocked with 
bees, that no sooner are hives placed than they arc 
occupied. In the second place dcbash = a decoc- 
tion of the juice of the grape, which is still called 
dibs, and which forms an article of commerce in the 
East; it was this, and not ordinary bee-honey, which 
Jacob sent to Joseph (Gen. xliii. 11), and which the 
Tyrians purchased from Palestine (Ez. xxvii. 17) (so 
Mr. Bevan, Gesenius, &c). A third kind has been 
described by some writers as " vegetable " honey, 
by which is meant the exudations of certain trees 
and shrubs, such as the Tamarix rnannifcra, found 
iii the peninsula of Sinai, or the stunted oaks of 
Luristan and Mesopotamia. The hone)', which 
Jonathan ate in the wood (1 Sam. xiv. 25), and the 
"wild honey" (Gr. meli agrion), which supported 
John the Baptist (Mat. iii. 4), have been referred to 
this species. But it was probably the honey of the 
wild bees. A fourth kind is described by Joscphus, 
as being manufactured from the juice of the date. 
Food. 

* Hood. Dress; Head-dress. 

Hook, Hooks. Various kinds of hooks are no- 
ticed in the Bible, of which the following are the 
most important: — 1. Fishing-hooks (Fish) (Heb. 
tsinnah, sir, haccdh or chace&h) (Am. iv. 2 ; Job xli. 
1; Is. xix. 8; Hab. i. 15 [A. V. "angle" in the 
two last]); Gr. angkislron (Mat. xvii. 27). — 2. Heb. 
hoah or choach, properly = a ring (A. V. "thorn") 
placed through the mouth of a large fish and at- 
tached by a cord to a stake for the purpose of keep- 
ing it alive in the water (Job xli. 2); the Heb. ag- 
mon meaning the cord is rendered "hook" in the 
A. V. — 3. Heb. hah or chach and hoah or choach, 
A. V. " hook " (2 K. xix. 28 ; Is. xxxvii. 29 ; Ez. 
xxix. 4, xxxviii. 4), properly = a ring, such as in 
our country is placed through the nose of a bull, 
and similarly used in the East for leading about 
lions (Ez. xix. 4, 9, where the A. V. has " with 
or 'in' chains"), camels and other animals. A 
similar method was adopted for leading prisoners, 
as in the case of Manasseh, who was led with rings 
(2 Chr. xxxiii. 11; A. V. "in the thorns"). Il- 
lustrations of this practice are found in Assyrian 
sculptures, which represent the king holding a bri- 
dle or cords attached to rings in the lips of captives. 
(War, cut.) — 4. The hooks of the pillars of the 
Tabernacle (Heb. pi. vdvim ; Ex. xxvi. 32, 37, xxvii. 



10ff., xxxvi. 36, 38, xxxviii. 10 ff.).— 5. Heb. mazme- 
rah = a vinedresser's " pruning-hook " (Is. ii. 4, xviii. 
5 ; Mic. iv. 3 ; Joel iii. 10). — 6. Heb. mazleg, mizldgah 
— a " flesh-hook " for getting up the joints of meat 
out of the boiling-pot (Ex. xxvii. 3 ; 1 Sam. ii. 13, 14 
&c. ; see Altar). — 7. Heb. shiphattayim, probabl\ = 
" hooks " used for hanging up animals to flay them 
(Ez. xl. 43). 

Hoph Hi (Heb. a fighter) and Phin'e-as, the two 
sons of Eli, who fulfilled their hereditary sacer- 
dotal duties at Shiloh. Their brutal lapacity and lust, 
which seemed to acquire fresh viok nee with their 
father's increasing years (1 Sam. ii. 22, 12-17), filled 
the people with disgust and indignation, and pro- 
voked the curse pronounced against their father's 
house first by an unknown prophet (27-36), and 
then by Samuel (iii. 11-14). They were both cut 
off in one day in the flower of their age, and the 
ark which they had accompanied to battle against 
the Philistines was lost on the same occasion (iv. 
10, 11). 

Hor (Heb., an archaic form of liar — mountain, 
Ges., Fii., &c), Mount. 1. The mountain on which 
Aaron died (Num. xx. 25, 27; Dent, xxxii. 50). 
The few facts given in the Bible regarding Mount 
Hor are soon told. It was " on the boundary-line " 
(Num. xx. 23) or " at the edge" (xxxiii. 37) of the 
land of Edom. It was the halting-place of the 
people next after Kadesh (xx. 22, xxxiii. 37), and 
they quitted it for Zalmonah (xxxiii. 41) in the 
road to the Bed Sea (xxi. 4). During the encamp- 
ment at Kadesh, Aaron, at Jehovah's command, 
ascended the mount with his brother and his 
son ; the garments and office of high-priest were 
taken from Aaron and put upon Eleazar ; and 
Aaron died there in the top of the mount. Mount 
Hor is situated on the E. side of the great valley 
of the Arabah, the highest and most conspicuous 
of the whole range of the sandstone mountains of 
Edom, having close beneath it on its E. side the 
mysterious city of Petra. The tradition has existed 
fiom the earliest date. It is now the Jebcl Nebi Ha- 
run, " the mountain of the Prophet Aaron." Mr. 
Wilton (Hie Negeb, 126 ff.) rejects this tradition, and 
makes Mount Her = Jebel Modera, on the other 
side of the Arabah ; but most travellers and scholars 
accept the traditional site. Of the geological for- 
mation of the traditional Mount Hor we have no 
very trustworthy accounts. The general structure 
of the range of Edom, of which it forms the most 
prominent feature, is now red sandstone, display- 
ing itself to an enormous thickness. Mount Hor 
itself is : aid to be, entirely sandstone, in very hori- 
zontal strata. Its height, according to the latest 
measurements, is 4,800 feet (Eng.) above the Medi- 
terranean, i. e. about 1,700 feet above the town 
of Petra, 4,000 above the level of the Arabah, and 
more than 6,000 above the Dead Sea. The moun- 
tain is marked far and near by its double top, which 
rises like a huge castellated building from a lower 
base, and is surmounted by a circular deme of the 
tomb of Aaron, a distinct white spot on the dark- 
red surface of the mountain. The impression re- 
ceived on the spot is that Aaron's death took place 
in the small basin between the two peaks, aDd that ^ 
the people were stationed either on the plain at the 
base of the peaks, or at that part of the Wady Abu- 
Kusheybeh from which the top is commanded. The 
chief interest of Mount Hor will always consist in 
the widely-extended prospect from its summit — the 
last view of Aaron — that view which was to him 
what Pisgah was to his brother. — 2. A mountain, 



HOR 



HOR 



389 



entirely distinct from the preceding, named in 
Num. xxxiv. 7, 8 only, as one of the marks of the 
northern boundary of the land which the children of 
Israel were about to conquer. The identification of 
this mountain has always been one of the puzzles of 





View of the summit of Mount Hor (No. J). — (From Laborde.) 

Sacred Geography. The Mediterranean was the 
western boundary. The northern boundary started 
from the sea ; the first point in it was Mount Hov, 
and the second the entrance of Hamath. The en- 
trance of Hamath seems to have been determined 
by Mr. Porter as the pass at Kalat el-Husn, close to 
Hums, the ancient Hamath — at the other end of 
the range of Lebanon. Surely " Mount Hor " then 
= the great chain of Lebanon itself, the natural 
northern boundary of the country (so Mr. Grove). 

Ho ram (Heb. height, Ges.), king of Gezer at the 
conquest of the southwestern part of Palestine 
(Josh. x. 33). 

Ho rob (Heb. dry, desert, Ges.) (Ex. iii. 1, xvii. 6, 
xxxiii. 6; Deut. i". 2, 6, 19, iv. 10, 15, v. 2, ix. 8, 
xviii. 16, xxix. 1 ; 1 K. viii. 9, xix. 8 ; 2 Chr. v. 10 ; 
Ps. cvL 19; Mai. iv. 4; Ecclus. xlviii. 7). Sinai. 

Ho'rcni (Heb. devoted, Ges.), one of the fortified 
places in Naphtali ; named with Iron and Migdal- 
el (Josh. xix. 38). Van de Velde suggests Hurah, 
near Ydron (Iron ?), as the site of Horem. 

Hor-lia-gid g id (Heb. Mount Gidgad, LXX., 
Vulg. ; hole of thunder? Ges.), a desert station 
where the Israelites encamped (Num. xxxiii. 32), 
probably = Gudgodah (Deut. x. 7). (Deuteron- 
omy, B. I. 5.) On the W. side of the Arabah, 
about forty-five miles N. W. of 'Akabah, Robinson 
(i. 181) has a broad sandy Wady Ghudh&ghidh (Ar. 
= diminutions), the junction of which with the 
Arabah would not be unsuitable. Mr. Wilton sug- 
gests that Hor-hagidgad may be a conspicuous 
conical mountain, Jebel , Ar&if en-Ndkah, about 
twenty miles further N., and Gudgodah a valley 
near it. 

Ho'ri (Heb. a dweller in caverns, troglodyte, Ges. ; 
noble, free, Fii.). 1. A Horite, son of Lotan, the 
son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 22 ; 1 Chr. i. 39).— 2. In 
Gen. xxxvi. 30, " Hori " has in the original the 
article prefixed = the Horite; and is the same 
word with that which in verses 21, 29, is rendered 
in the A. V. " the Horites." — 3. A man of Simeon ; 
father of Shaphat (Num. xiii. 5). 



Ho'rite, pi. Ho rites, Ho rim, Ho rims (Heb. 
Hori or Chori, pi. Horim or Chorim = dwellers 
in caverns, troglodytes, Ges., Fit.), terms applied to 
the aboriginal inhabitants of Mount Seir (Gen. xiv. 
6;, and probably allied to the Emims and Rephaims. 

They were smitten by the kings 
of the East. Their genealogy 
is given in Gen. xxxvi. 20-30 
and 1 Cbr. i. 38-42. They 
were exterminated by the Edom- 
ites (Deut. ii. 12, 22). Their 
excavated dwellings are still 
found in hundreds in the sand- 
stone cliffs and mountains of 
Edom, and especially in Petra. 

Hor'maii (Heb. place deso- 
lated, Ges.), or Ze'phath (Judg. 
i. 17), was the chief town of 
a king of a Canaanitish tribe 
on the S. of Palestine, which 
was reduced by Joshua (Josh, 
xii. 14), and became a city of 
the territory of Judah (xv. 30 ; 
1 Sam. xxx. 30), but apparently 
belonged to Simeon (Josh. xix. 
4 ; 1 Chr. iv. 30). The seem- 
ing inconsistence between Num. 
xxi. 3 and Judg. i. 17 may be 
relieved by supposing that the 
vow made at the former period 
was fulfilled at the latter, and the name given by 
anticipation. The Amalekitts, &c, pursued the 
defeated Israelites to Hormah (Num. xiv. 45 ; Deut. 
i. 44). 

Horn (Heb. keren ; Gr. keras), primarily, the 
hard, projecting, pointed organ growing, commonly 
in pairs, on the heads of certain animals, as oxen, 
goats, rams, deer, &c, and often used as a weapon 
of defence or offence. I. Literal (Gen. xxii. 13; 
Ex. xxi. 29 ; Deut. xxxiii. 17; Dan. vii. 7 ff., viii. 3 
ff. ; Josh. vi. 4, 5 ; compare Ex. xix. 13 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 

1, 13 ; 1 K. i. 39 ; Job xlii. 14, &c). Two purposes 
are mentioned in the Scriptures to which the horn 
seems to have been applied. Trumpets were prob- 
ably at first merely horns perforated at the tip, such 
as are still used in many places for calling home 
farm-laborers, &c, at meal-time. (Cornet.) The word 
horn also = a flask, or vessel made of horn, con- 
taining oil (1 Sam. xvi. 1,13; 1 K. i. 39), or used 
as a kind of toilet-bottle, filled with the preparation 
of antimony with which women tinged their eye- 
lashes. (Paint.) — II. Metaphorical. 1. From simi- 
larity of form. To this use belongs the applica- 
tion of the word horn to a trumpet of metal. 
" norns of ivory " (Ez. xxvii. 15) = elephants' 
teeth. The horns of the altar (Altar; Ex. xxvii. 
2) are not supposed to have been made of horn, 
but to have been metallic projections from the 
four corners. The peak or summit of a hill was 
called a horn (Is. v. 1, margin). In Hab. iii. 4 
" horns coming out of his hand " = rays of light. 

2. From similarity of position and use. Two pr in- 
cipal applications of this metaphor will be found — 
strength and honor. Of strength the horn of the 
unicorn was the most frequent representative (Deut. 
xxxiii. 17, &c), but not always; compare 1 K. xxii. 
11, where probably horns of iron, worn defiantly 
and symbolically on the head, are intended. Among 
the Druses upon Mount Lebanon the married 
women wear silver horns on their heads. In the 
sense of honor, the word horn stands for the ab- 
stract (my horn, Job xvi. 15; all the horns [A. V. 



390 HOR 

horn] of Israel, Lam. ii. 3), and so for the supreme [ 
authority. It also stands for the concrete, whence 
it = king, kingdom (Dan. viii. 2, &c. ; Zech. i. 18). | 
Out of either or both of these last two metaphors 
sprang the idea of representing gods with horns. 




may be taken for granted on the almost unanimous 
authority of the ancient versions. Not only were 
bees exceedingly numerous in Palestine, but from 
the name Zoreaii (Josh. xv. 33) we may infer that 
hornets in particular infested some parts of the 
country. In Scripture the hornet is referred to 
only as the means which Jehovah employed for the 
extirpation of the Canaanites (Ex. xxiii. 28; Deut. 
vii. 20; Josh. xxiv. 12; Wis. xii. 8). Some com- 
mentators (Bochart, Rosenmiiller, Bush, &c.) re- 
gard the word as used in its literal sense, but it 
more probably (so Mr. Bevan, Michaelis, Gesenius, 
&c.) expresses under a vivid image the consterna- 
tion with which Jehovah would inspire the enemies 
of the Israelites, as declared in Deut. ii. 25 and Josh, 
ii. 11. 

Ilor-O-na'im (Heb. iwo caverns), a town of Moab, 
possibly a sanctuary, named with Zoar and Luhith 
(Is. xv. 5 ; Jer. xlviii. 3, 5, 34). No clew is afforded 
to its position, either by the notices of the Bible 
or by mention in other works. It seems to have 
been on an eminence, and approached by a road 
which is styled the " way " (Is. xv. 5), or the " de- 
scent " (Jer. xlviii. 5). 

Hor'o-nite, or Ho'ron-itc (fr. Heb. = one from 
Horovaim, Ges. ; one from Bkth-horon, Fii.), the, 
the designation of Sanballat (Neb., ii. 10, 19, xiii. 
28). 

IJorse (see below). The most striking feature in 
the Biblical notices of the horse (Eqmis caballns of 
naturalists) is the exclusive application of it to 
warlike operations ; in no instance is that useful 
animal employed for ordinary locomotion or agri- 
culture, if we except Is. xxviii. 28, where we learn 
that horses (A. V. " horsemen ") were employed in 
threshing, not, however, in that case put in the 
gears, but simply driven about wildly over the 
strewed grain. This remark will be found to be 
borne out by the historical passages hereafter 
quoted ; but it is equally striking in the poetical 
parts of Scripture. The animated description of 
the horse in Job xxxix. 19-25 applies solely to the 
war-horse. The terms under which the horse is 
described in Hebrew are usually sus and pardsh. 
There is a marked distinction between the sus and 
the pardsh ; the former were horses for driving 
in the war-chariot, of a heavy build, the latter 
were for riding, and particularly for cavalry. This 



HOR 

[ distinction is not observed in the A. V., from the 
j circumstance that pardsh also signifies horseman ; 
I the correct sense is essential in the following pas- 
sages — 1 K. iv. 26, " forty thousand cAaWoZ-horses 
and twelve thousand cav airy-horses ; " Ez. xxvii. 14 
" driving-horses and riding-horses ; " Joel ii. 4 " as 
riding-horses, so shall they run ; " and Is. xxi. 7, 
" a train of horses in couples." In addition to these 
terms, the Heb. rccesh = a swift horse, used for the 
royal post (Esth. viii. 10, 14) and similar purposes 
(1 K. iv. 28 ; A. V. " dromedary " as also in Esth.), 
or for a rapid journey (Mic. i. 13); rammdc once = 
a mare (Esth. viii. 10) ; susdh, in Cant. i. 9, is regarded 
in the A. V. as a collective term, " company of 
horses ; " it rather means, according to the received 
punctuation, my mare, but still better, by a slight 
alteration in the punctuation, marts. In the N. T., 
the Gr. hippos = " horse " and the derivatives hip- 
pens and hippikon are applied to " horsemen." The 
Hebrews in the patriarchal age, as a pastoral race, 
did not stand in need of the services of the horse, 
and for a long period after their settlement in Ca- 
naan they dispensed with it, partly in consequence 
of the hilly nalure of the country, which only ad- 
mitted of the use of chariots in certain localities 
(Judg. i. 19), and partly in consequence of the pro- 
hibition in Deut. xvii. 16. (Army; Chariot; Ma- 
cog.) David first established a force of cavalry 
and chariots after the defeat of Hadadezer (2 Sam. 
viii. 4). But the great supply of horses was sub- 
sequently effected by Solomon through his connec- 
tion with Egypt (1 K. iv. 26). Solomon also estab- 
lished a very active trade in horses, which were 




Head-dress of a Riding-Horse. — (From Layard's Nineveh, ii. 2T5.) 

brought by dealers out of Egypt and resold at a 
profit to tlie Hittites, who lived between Palestine 
and the Euphrates (1 K. x. 28, 29). In the coun- 
tries adjacent to Palestine, the use of the horse was 
much more frequent. It was introduced into Egypt 
probably by the Hykscs (Shepherd kings), as it is 
not represented on the monuments before the eigh- 
teenth dynasty. The Jewish kings sought the as- 
sistance of the Egyptians against the Assyrians in 
this respect (Is. xxxi. 1, xxxvi. 8 ; Ez. xvii. 15). 
But the cavalry of the Assyrians and other Eastern 
nations was regarded as most formidable ; the 
horses themselves were highly bred, as the Assyrian 
sculptures still testify, and fully merited the praise 
bestowed on them in Hab. i. 8. With regard to 
the trappings and management of the horse we 
have little information ; the bridle (Heb. resen) was 
placed over the horse's nose (Is. xxx. 28), and a bit 



HOR 



HOS 



391 



(Heb. metheg ; Gr. ckalinos) or curb is also men- 
tioned (2 K. xix. 28 ; Ps. xxxii. 9 ; Prov. xxvi. 3 ; 
Is. xxxvii. 29 ; in the A. V. incorrectly given 
" bridle," except in Ps. xxxii. and Jas. iii. 3). The 
harness of the Assyrian horses was profusely dec- 
orated, the bits being gilt (1 Bsd. iii. 6), and the 
bridles adorned with tassels ; on the neck was a 
collar terminating in a bell, as described in Zeeh. 
xiv. 20. Saddles were not used until a late period. 
The horses were not shod, and therefore hoofs as 
hard " as flint " (Is. v. 28) were regarded as a great 
merit. The chariot-horses were covered with em- 
broidered trappings (Ez. xxvii. 20). Horses and 
chariots were used also in idolatrous processions, 
as noticed in regard to the sun (2 K. xxiii. 11). 

* Horse'-gate, a gate of Jerusalem (2 dir. xxiii. 
15; Neh. iii. 28; Jer. xxxi. 40); probably belong- 
ing to the wall which enclosed the Temple (Ges.). 

Horsc'lcceli ( Heb. 'tilukdh) occurs once only, viz. 
Prov. xxx. 15. There is little, if any, doubt that 
, alukdh denotes some species of leech, or rather is 
the generic term for any bloodsucking annelid, such 
as Hirudo (the medicinal leech), Hcemopis (the 
horseleech), Limnatis, Trochetia, and Aulastoma, if 
all these genera are found in the marshes and pools 
of the Bible-lands. The bloodsucking leeches, such 
as Hirudo and Hemopis, were without a doubt 
known to the ancient Hebrews, and as the leech 
has been for ages the emblem of rapacity and 
cruelty, there is no reason to question that this an- 
nelid is denoted by 'alukdh. The Arabs to this day 
denominate the Limnatis Nilotica, 'alak. The ex- 
pression " two daughters " figuratively denotes its 
bloodthirsty propensity. 

* Horsemen. Army ; Horse. 

Ho'sah (Heb. taking refuge, or a refuge, Ges.), a 
city of Asher(Josh. xix. 29), the next landmark on 
the boundary to Tyre. 

Ho'sah (Heb., see above), a Merarite Levite, one 
of the first door-keepers to the ark after its arrival 
in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xxvi. 10, 38). 

* Ho'sai (Heb. Hozai or Chozai = seer, Ges.), in 
the margin of 2 Chr. xxxiii. 19, " the seers" in the 
text. Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, make it the proper 
name of a person. 

Ho-sau na [-zan-] (Gr. fr. Heb. = save now ; save, 
we pray), the cry of the multitudes as they thronge 1 
in our Lord's triumphal procession into Jerusale n 
(Mat. xxi. 9, 15; Mk. xi. 9, 10; Jn. xii. 13).. Tae 
Psalm from which it was taken, the 118th, was one 
with which they were familiar, from being accus- 
tomed to recite the 25th and 26th verses at the 
Feast of Tabernacles. On that occasion the Mallei, 
consisting of Psalms cxiii.-cxviii., was chanted by 
one of the priests, and at certain intervals the mul- 
titudes joined in the responses, waving their 
branches of willow and palm, and shouting, as 
they waved them, Hallelujah, or Hosanna, or 
" O Lord, I beseech thee, send now prosperity " 
(Ps. cxviii. 25). On each of the seven days of 
the feast the people thronged in the court of the 
Temple, and went in procession about the altar, 
setting their boughs bending toward it; the trum- 
pets sounding as they shouted Hosanna. It was 
not uncommon for the Jews in later times to em- 
ploy the observances of this feast, which was pre- 
eminently a feast of gladness, to express their 
feelings on other occasions of rejoicing (1 Me. 
xiii. 51 ; 2 Mc. x. 6, 7). 

Ho-se'a [-zee'ah] (Heb. — Hoshea), son of Beeri, 
and first of the Minor Prophets, as they appear in 
the A. V. (Bible; Canon.) — Time. This question 



must be settled, as far as it can be settled, partly 
by reference to the title, partly by an inquiry into 
the contents of the book. For the beginning of 
Hosea's ministry the title gives us the reign of Uz- 
ziah, king of Judah, but limits this vague definition 
by reference to Jeroboam II., king of Israel ; it 
therefore yields a date not later than b. c. 783. 
The pictures of social and political life which Hosea 
draws so forcibly are rather applicable to the inter- 
regnum after the death of Jeroboam (b. c. 782- 
772), and to the reign of the succeeding kings. 
(Israel, Kingdom op.) It seems almost certain that 
very few of his prophecies were written until after 
Jeroboam's death (u. c. 783), and probably the life, or 
rather the prophetic career, of Hosea extended from 
b. c. 784 to b. c. 725, a period of fifty-nine years. — 
Mace. There seems to be a general consent among 
commentators that the prophecies of Hosea were de- 
livered in the kingdom of Israel. — Tribe and Parent- 
age. Tribe quite unknown. The Pseudo-Epiphanius, 
it is uncertain upon what ground, assigns Hosea to 
the tribe of Issachar. Of his father Beeri we know 
absolutely nothing. — Order in the Prophetic series. 
Most ancient and mediaival interpreters make Hosea 
the first of the prophets. But by moderns he is 
generally assigned the third place. It is perhaps 
more important to know that Hosea must have been 
more or less contemporary with Isaiah, Amos, Jo- 
nah, Joel, and Nahum. — Division of the Book. It is 
easy to recognize two great divisions, which, ac- 
cordingly, have been generally adopted : (1.) chap. 

i. to iii.; (2.) iv. to end. The subdivision of these 
several parts is a work of greater difficulty : that 
of Eichhorn will be found to be based upon a highly 
subtle, though by no means precarious, criticism. 
(1.) According to him, the first division should be 
subdivided into three separate poems, each origi- 
nating in a distinct aim, and each after its own 
fashion attempting to express the idolatry of Israel 
by imagery borrowed from the matrimonial relation. 
The first, and therefore the least elaborate of these, 
is contained in chap, iii., the second in i. 2-11, the 
third in i. 2-9, and ii. 1-23. These three are pro- 
gressively elaborate developments of the same re- 
iterated idea. Chap. i. 2-9 is common to the second 
and third poems, but not repeated with each sever- 
ally. (2.) Attempts have been made by Wells, 
Eichhorn, &c, to subdivide the second part of the 
book. These divisions are made either according 
to reigns of contemporary kings, or according to 
the subject-matter of the poem. The former 
course has been adopted by Wells, who gets five, 
the latter by Eichhorn, who gets sixteen poems out 
of this part of the book. These prophecies were 
probably collected by Hosea himself toward the end 
of his career.— Hosea's marriage with Gomer has its 
literal and its allegorical interpreters. For the lit- 
eral view we have the majority of the Fathers, and 
of the ancient and mediaival interpreters, Horsley, 
Lowth, Henderson, Pusey, Kurtz, &c. For the al- 
legorical are the Chaldee Paraphrase, some Rab- 
bins, Origen's school, Junius, and the bulk of mod- 
ern commentators. Eichhorn shows that marrying 
a harlot is not necessarily implied by " a wife of 
whoredoms," which may very well = a wife who, 
after marriage, becomes an adulteress, though 
chaste before. He also observes the unfitness of a 
wife unchaste before marriage to be a type of Israel. 
— References in N. T. Mat. ix. 13, xii. 7 to Hos. vi. 
6 ; Lk. xxiii. 30, Rev. vi. 16, Hos. x. 8 ; Mat. ii. 15, 
Hos. xi. 1 ; Rom. ix. 25, 26, 1 Pet. ii. 10, Hos. i. 10, 

ii. 23 ; 1 Cor. xv. 4, Hos. vi. 2 ; Heb. xiii. 15 Hos. 



392 



HOS 



HOU 



xiv. 2. — Style. Commentators agree that, of all the 
prophets, he is, in point of language, the most ob- 
scure and hard to be understood. His heart seems 
to have been so full and fiery, that it might well 
burst through all restraints of diction. 

Ho-siiai all, or Hosli-a-i'ah (fr Heb. = whom Je- 
hovah helps, Ges.). 1. A man who led the princes 
of Judah in the dedication of the wall of Jerusa- 
lem, rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 32). — 2. Father 
of Jezaniah, or Azariah, who was a man of note 
after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- 
nezzar (Jer. xlii. 1, xliii. 2). 

Hosli a-uia (Heb. whom Jehovah hears, Ges.), a 
son of king Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

Ho-Slie'a (Heb. deliverance, sajcly, Ges. ; = Ho- 
sea). 1. The son of Kun, i. e. Joshua 1 (Deut. 
xxxii. 44). (Oshea.) — 2. The nineteenth, last, and 
best king of Israel. (Israel, Kingdom of.) He 
succeeded Pekah, whom he slew in a successlul 
conspiracy, thereby fulfilling Is. vii. 16. Although 
Josephus calls Hoshea a friend of Pekah, we have 
no ground for calling this a treacherous murder. 
It took place b. c. 737, in the twentieth year of 
Jotham (2 K. xv. 30), i. e. " in the twentieth year 
after Jotham became sole king," for he only reigned 
sixteen years (xv. 33). But there must have been 
an interregnum of at least eight years before 
Hoshea came to the throne, b. c. 729, in the twelfth 
year of Ahaz (xvii. 1). It is expressly stated (xvii. 
2) that Hoshea was not so sinful as his predeces- 
sors. In the third year of his reign (b. c. 726) 
Shalmaneser cruelly stormed the strong caves of 
Beth-arbel (Hos. viii. 14), and made Israel tributary 
(2 K. xvii. 3) for three years. At the end of this 
period, encouraged perhaps by the revolt of Ileze- 
kiah, Hoshea entered into a secret alliance with 
So, king of Egypt, to throw off the Assyrian yoke. 
The alliance did him no good ; it was revealed to 
the court of Nineveh by the Assyrian party in 
Ephraim, and Hoshea was immediately seized as a 
rebellious vassal, shut up in prison, and apparently 
treated with the utmost indignity (Mic. v. 1). Of 
the subsequent fortunes of Hoshea we know noth- 
ing. — 3. Son of Azaziah (1 Chr. xxvii. 20); ruler 
of Ephraim in the time of King David. — 4. One of 
the heads of the people, who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 23). 

Hos-pi-tal'i-ty was regarded by most nations of 
the ancient world as one of the chief virtues, and 
especially by peoples of the Shemitic stock ; but 
that it was not characteristic of these alone is amply 
shown by the usages of the Greeks and even the 
Romans. Among the Arabs we find the best illus- 
trations of the old Bible narratives, and among them 
see traits that might beseem their ancestor Abra- 
ham. The laws respecting strangers (Lev. xix. 33, 
34) and the poor (xxv. 14 ff. ; Deut. xv. 7), and con- 
cerning redemption (Lev. xxv. 23 ff.), &c., are framed 
in accordance with the spirit of hospitality ; and the 
strength of the national feeling regarding it is shown 
in the incidental mentions of its practice. In the 
Law, compassion to strangers is constantly enforced 
by the words, "for ye were strangers in the land of 
Egypt" (xix. 34). And, before the Law, Abraham's 
entertainment of the angels (Gen. xviii. 1 ff.) and 
Lot's (xix. 1) are in exact agreement with its pre- 
cepts, and with modern usage (compare Ex. ii. 20 ; 
Judg. xiii. 15, xix. 17, 20, 21). In the N. T. hos- 
pitality is yet more markedly enjoined ; and in the 
more civilized state of society which then prevailed, 
its exercise became more a social virtue than a 
necessity of patriarchal life. The good Samaritan 



stands for all ages as an example of hospitality, em- 
bodying the command to love one's neighbor as him- 
self (Lk. x. 30 ff.). The neglect of Christ is symbol- 
ized by inhospitality to our neighbors (Mat. xxv. 43). 
The apostles urged the church to " follow after hos- 
pitality " (Rom. xii. 13; compare 1 Tim. v. 10); 
to remember Abraham's example (Heb. xiii. 2) ; to 
"use hospitality one to another without grudging" 
(1 Pet. iv. 9); while a bishop must be a "lover of 
hospitality " (Tit. i. 8 ; compare 1 Tim. iii. 2). The 
practice of the early Christians was in accord with 
these precepts. Their hospitality was a character- 
istic of their belief. Such having been the usage of 
Biblical times, it is important to remark how hos- 
pitality was shown. In the patriarchal ages we may 
take Abraham's example as the most fitting, as we 
have of it the fullest account (Gen. xviii.). "Hos- 
] itality," says Mr. Lane, "is a virtue for which the 
natives of the East in general are highly and de- 
servedly admired ; and the people of Egypt are well 
entitled to commendation on this account . . . 
Very few persons here would think of sitting down 
to a meal, if there was a stranger in the house, with- 
out inviting him to partake of it, unless the latter 
were a menial, in which case he would be invited to 
cat with the servants. . . . By a Sunneh law a 
traveller may claim entertainment of any person 
able to afford it to him for three days. The account 
of Abraham's entertaining the three angels, related 
in the Bible, presents a perfect picture of the man- 
ner in which a modern Bedawee sheikh receives 
travellers arriving at his encampment. He imme- 
diately orders his wife or women to make bread, 
slaughters a sheep or some other animal, and 
dresses it in haste, and bringing milk or any other 
provisions that he may have ready at hand, with 
the bread and the meat which he has dressed, 
sets them before his guests. If these be per- 
sons of high rank, he stands by them while they 
eat, as Abraham did in the case above alluded to. 
Most Bedawees will suffer almost any injury to 
themselves or their families rather than allow their 
guests to be ill-treated while under their protection. 
There are Arabs who even regard the chastity of 
their wives as not too precious to be sacrificed for 
the gratification of their guests." The Oriental re- 
spect for the covenant of bread and salt, or salt 
alone, certainly sprang from the high regard in 
which hospitality was held. Alms ; Food ; Inn ; 
Loan ; Meals ; Poor ; Washing the Hands and 
Feet. 

* Ilfls'ta-ges (i. e. persons taken as security for 
the faithful performance of a treaty, &c.) are men- 
tioned (2 K. xiv. 14; 2 Chr. xxv. 24) as taken by 
Joash, king of Israel, after his victory over Amaziah 
of Judah. Hostages are often mentioned in the 
Apocrypha (1 Mc. i. 10, viii. 7, ix. 53, x. 6, 9, xi. 
62, xiii. 16). Loan; War. 

Ilo'tham (Heb. a seal, signet-ring, Ges.), a man of 
Asher; son of Heber, of the family of Beriah (1 
Chr. vii. 32), = Helem 1 ? 

Ho than (fr. Heb., properly Hotham), a man of 
Aroer, father of Shama and Jehiel, among David's 
"valiant men " (1 Chr. xi. 44). 

Ko'tllir (Heb. to make higher or superior, Fii.), 
thirteenth son of Heman, "the king's seer" (1 Chr. 
xxv. 4, 28), a Kobathite Levite. He had charge of 
the twenty-first course of musicians. 

Hcnr (Chal. sha'ah, sha'athd ; Gr. hora). The 
ancient Hebrews were probably unacquainted with 
the division of the natural day into twenty-four 
parts. (Chronology I. ; Dial.) The general dis- 



HOU 



HOU 



393 



tinctions of " morning, evening, and noonday " (Ps. 
lv. 17) were sufficient tor them at first, as they were 
for the early Greeks ; afterward the Hebrews par- 
celled out the period between sunrise and sunset 
into a series of minute divisions distinguished by the 
sun's course. The early Jews appear to have di- 
vided the day into four parts (Neh. ix. 3), and the 
night into three watches (Judg. vii. 19), and even in 
the N. T. we find a trace of this division in Mat. xx. 
1-5. The Greeks adopted the division of the day 
into twelve hours from the Babylonians. At what 
period the Jews became first acquainted with this 
way of reckoning time is unknown, but it is gen- 
erally supposed that they too learned it from the 
Babylonians during the Captivity. In whatever way 
originated, it was known to the Egyptians at a very 
early period. They had twelve hours of the day and 
of the night. There are two kinds of hours, viz. 
(1.) the astronomical or equinoctial hour, i. e. the 
twenty-fourth part of a civil day, and (2.) the nat- 
ural hour, i. e. the twelfth part of the natural day, 
or of the time between sunrise and sunset. These 
are the hours meant in the N. T., Josephus, and the 
Rabbis (Jn. xi. 9, &c), and it must be remembered 
that they perpetually vary in length, so as to be 
very different at different times of the year. What 
horologic contrivances the Jews possessed in the 
time of our Lord is uncertain ; but we may safely 
suppose that they had gnomons, dials, and clepsydrae, 
all of which had long been known to the Persims 
and other nations with whom they had come in con- 
tact. For the purposes of prayer the old division 
of the day into four portions was continued in the 
Temple-service, as we see from Acts ii. 15, iii. 1, x. 9. 

HDDiC (Heb. bayilh ; Gr. oikos) = a dwelling in 
general, whether literally, as house, tent, palace, 
cottage, cave, citadel, tomb; derivatively, as tab- 
ernacle, temple, heaven ; or metaphorically, as 
family. Although, in Oriental language, every tent 
may be regarded as a house, yet the distinction be- 
tween the permanent dwelling-house and the tent 
must have taken rise from the moment of the divis- 
ion of mankind into dwellers in tents and builders 
of cities, i. e. of permanent habitations (Gen. iv. 17, 
20; Is. xxxviii. 12). The Hebrews did not become 
dwellers in the cities till the sojourn in Egypt, 
and after the conquest of Canaan (Gen: xlvii. 3 ; 
Ex. xii. 7 ; Heb. xi. 9), while the Canaanites as well 
as the Assyrians were from an earlier period build- 



ers and inhabitants of cities, and it was into the 
houses and cities built by the former that the He- 
brews entered to take possession after the conquest 
(Gen. x. 11, 19, xix. 1, xxiii. 10, xxxiv. 20; Num. 
xi. 27; Deut. vi. 10, 11). The houses of the rural 
poor in Egypt, as well as in most parts of Syria, 
Arabia, and Persia, are for the most part mere huts 
of mud, or sunburnt bricks. In some parts of 
Palestine and Arabia stone is used, and in certain 
districts caves in the rock are used as dwelling s 
(Am. v. 11). The houses are usually of one story 
only, viz. the ground floor, and sometimes contain 
only one apartment. Sometimes a small court for 
the cattle is attached ; and in some cases the cattle 
are housed in the same building, or the people live 
on a raised platform, and the cattle round them ou 





A Nestorian House, with Stages upon the Roof for sleeping.— (Layard, Ninmeh, i. 155.) 



Entrance to House in Cairo. — (Lane, Modern Egyptians.) 

the ground (1 Sam. xxviii. 24). (Barn.) The win- 
dows are small apertures high up in the walls, some- 
times grated with wood. (Lattice; Window.) 
The roofs are commonly, but not always, flat, and are 
usually formed of a plaster of mud and straw laid 
upon boughs or rafters ; and, upon the flat roofs, 
tents, or " booths " of boughs and rushes, are often 
raised to be used as sleeping-places in summer. The 
difference between the poor- 
est houses and those of the 
class next above them is 
greater than between these 
and the houses of the first 
rank. The prevailing plan 
of Eastern houses of this 
class presents, as was the 
case in ancient Egypt, a 
front of wall, whose blank and 
mean appearance is usually 
relieved only by the door and 
a few latticed and projecting 
windows. Within this is a 
court or courts with apart- 
ments opening into them. 
In some nouses at Damascus 
are seven such courts. When 
there are only two, the in- 
nermost is the harem, in 
which the women and chil- 
dren live. Over the door 
is a projecting window with a 



394: 



HOU 



HOT! 



lattice more or less elaborately wrought, which, ex- I 
cept in times of public celebrations, is usually closed | 
(2K.ix. 30). An awning is sometimes drawn over the 
court, and the floor strewed with carpets on festive 




Inner Court of House in Cairo, with ifaA-W.— 
(Lane, Modern Egyptians.) 



occasions. On the ground floor is generally an apart- 
ment for male visitors, called mandarah, having a por- 
tion of the floor sunk below the rest, called dur/cd'ah. 
The rest of the floor is a raised platform, called leewtin, 
with a mattress and cushions at the back on each 
of the three sides. This seat or sofa is called deewdn 
or divan. The stairs to the upper apartments are in 
Syria usually in a corner of the court. Around 
part, if not the whole, of the court is a veranda, 
often nine or ten feet deep, over which, when there 
is more than one floor, runs a second gallery of like 




Court of HonBe at Antioch. 



depth with a balustrade. Bearing in mind that the 
reception-room is raised above the level of the 
court, we may, in explaining the circumstances of the 
miracle of the paralytic (Mk. ii. 3; Lk. v. 18), sup- 
pose 1. either that our Lord was standing under the 
veranda, and the people in front in the court. The 
bearers of the sick man ascended the stairs to the 
roof of the house, and taking off a portion of the 
boarded covering of the veranda, or removing the 
awning, in the former case let down the bed through 
the veranda roof, or in the latter, down by way of 
the roof, and deposited it before the Saviour. 2. 
Another explanation presents itself in considering 
the room where the company were assembled as the 



" upper chamber," and the roof opened for the bed 
to be the true roof of the house. 3. And one still 
more simple is found in regarding the house as one 
of the rude dwellings now to be seen near the Sea 
of Galilee, a mere room ten or twelve feet high and 
as many or more square, with no opening except the 
door. The roof, used as a sleeping-place, is reached 
by a ladder from the outside, and the bearers of tl e 
paralytic, unable to approach the door, would tl.us 
have ascended the roof, and, having uncovered it, 
let him down into the room where our Lord was. 
When there is no second floor, but more than one 
court, the women's apartments, harecm, harem, or 
haram, are usually in the second court ; otherwise 
they form a separate building within ihegeneial en- 
closure, or are above on the first floor. When there 
is an upper story, the Kd'ah (a second room fitted 
with deewam) forms the most important apartment, 
and thus probably answers to the " upper chamber," 
which was often the "guest-chamber" (Lk. xxii. 
12 ; Acts i. 13, ix. 37, xx. 8). The windows of the 
upper rooms often project one or two feet, and form 
a kiosk or latticed chamber. Such mav have been 
the "chamber in the wall" (2 K. iv. 10, 11). The 
" lattice " through which Ahaziah fell, perhaps be- 
longed to an upper chamber of this kind (i. 2), as 
also the " third loft," from which Eutychus fell 
(xlcts xx. 9 ; compare Jer. xxii. 13). There are 
usually no special bedrooms in Eastern houses. 
(Bed.) The outer doors are closed with a wooden 
lock, but in some cases the apartments are divided 
from each other by curtains only. There are no 
chimneys, but fire is made when required with 
charcoal in a chafing-dish ; or a fire of woo*d might 
be kindled in the open court of the house (Lk. xxii. 
55). Some houses in Cairo have an apartment called 
malc'ad, open in front to the court, with two or 
more arches, and a railing ; and a pillar to support 
the wall above. It was in a chamber of this kind, 
probably one of the largest size to be found in a 
palace, that our Lord was being arraigned before 
the high-priest, when the denial of Him by St. Peter 
took place. He " turned and looked " on Teter as 




Interior of House (Harem) in Damascus. 



he stood by the fire in the court (Lk. xxii. 56, 61 ; 
Jn. xviii. 24), whilst He Himself was in the "Hall 
of Judgment." The roofs of Eastern houses are 
mostly flat, though there are sometimes domes over 
some of the rooms. The flat portions are plastered 
with a composition of mortar, tar, ashes, and sand. 
In many cases the terrace roof is little better than 
earth rolled hard. Sometimes the roof is of boards, 
stone slabs, palm-leaf, or even cornstalks or brush- 
wood spread over with gravel, &c. In no point do 
Oriental domestic habits differ more from European 



HUE 



HUR 



395 



than in the use of the roof. Its flat surface is made 
useful for various household purposes, as drying 
corn, hanging up linen, and preparing figs and 
raisins. The roofs are used as places of recrea- 
tion in the evening, and often as sleeping-places at 
night (2 Sam. xi. 2, xvi. 22 ; Dan. iv. 29 ; 1 Sam. ix. 
25, 26 ; Job xxvii. 18 ; Prov. xxi. 9). They were 
also used as places for devotion, and even idolatrous 
worship (Jer. xxxii. 29, xix. 13; 2 K. xxiii. 12; 
Zeph. i. 5 ; Acts x. 9). At the time of the Feast of 
Tabernacles, booths were erected by the Jews on the 
tops of their houses. Protection of the roof by 
parapets (A. V. " a battlement ") was enjoined by 
the law (Deut. xxii. 8). In ancient Assyrian and 
also in Egyptian houses, a sort of raised story was 
sometimes built above the roof, and in the former 
an open chamber, roofed or covered with awning, 
was sometimes erected on the house-top. Special 
apartments were devoted in larger houses to winter 
and summer uses (Jer. xxxvi. 22 ; Am. iii. 15). 
The " ivory house " of Ahab was probably a palace 
largely ornamented with inlaid ivory. The cir- 
cumstance of Samson's pulling down the house by 
means of the pillars may be explained by the fact 
of the company being assembled on tiers of bal- 
conies above each other, supported by central pil- 
lars on the basement ; when these were pulled down, 
the whole of the upper floors would fall also (Judg. 
xvi. 26). Architecture ; Ceiling ; City ; Furni- 
ture ; Gate ; Handicraft ; Inn ; Leprosy ; Par- 
lor ; Village ; Wall. 

Hnk'kok (Heb. what is cut in = a ditch, Fii. ; or 
decree, law, Ges. ?), a place on the boundary of Naph- 
tali (Josh. xix. 31) named next to Aznoth-tabor ; 
probably at Ydkuk, a village in the mountains of 
Naphtali, W. of the upper end of the Sea of Galilee, 
about seven miles S. S. W. of Safed. 

Hu'kok (Heb. = Hukkok) = Helkath in Josh, 
xxi. (1 Chr. vi. ^S). 

Hal (Heb. circle, Ges.), second son of Aram, and 
grandson of Shem (Gen. x. 23). The geographical 
position of the people whom he represents is not 
well decided. The strongest evidence is in favor of 
the district about the roots of Lebanon, where Ard 
el-Hu'eh now = a district N. of Lake Merom. 

Ilul'dab (Heb. weasel, Ges., Fii.), a prophetess, 
whose husband Shallum was keeper of the wardrobe 
in King Josiah's time. To her Josiah had recourse 
when Hilkiah found a book of the Law, to procure 
an authoritative opinion on it (2 K. xxii. 14 ; 2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 22). College. 

Hnm'tall (Heb. place of lizards, or bulwark, Ges.), 
a city of Judah in the mountain-district, the next 
to Hebron (Josh. xv. 54). 

Hunt ing. The objects for which hunting is prac- 
tised indicate the various conditions of society and 
the progress of civilization. Hunting, as a matter 
of necessity, whether for the extermination of dan- 
gerous beasts, or for procuring sustenance, betokens 
a rude and semi-civilized state ; as an amusement, 
it betokens an advanced state. The Hebrews, as a 
pastoral and agricultural people, were not given to 
the sports of the field ; the density of the popula- 
tion, the earnestness of their character, and the 
tendency of their ritual regulations, particularly 
those affecting food, all combined to discourage the 
practice of hunting. There was no lack of game 
in Palestine ; on their entrance into the land, the 
wild beasts were so numerous as to be dangerous 
(Ex. xxiii. 29). Some of the fiercer animals sur- | 
vived to a late period, as lions. The manner of j 
catching these animals was either by digging a pit- j 



fall, which was the usual manner with the larger 
animals, as the lion (2 Sum. xxiii. 20 ; Ez. xix. 4, 
8) ; or by a trap, which was set under ground (Job 
xviii. 10), in the run of the animal (Prov. xxii. 5), 
and caught it by the leg (Job xviii. 9j ; or lastly by 
the use of the net, of which there were various 
kinds, as for the gazelle (Is. li. 20, A. V. " wild 
bull ") and other animals of that class. Birds 
formed an article of food among the Hebrews (Lev. 
xvii. 13), and much skill was exercised in catching 
them. The following were the most approved 
methods: — (1.) The trap, which consisted of two 
parts, a net, strained over a frame, and a stick to 
support it, but so placed that it should give way at 
the slightest touch (Am. iii. 5, "gin ;" Ps. lxix. 22, 
" trap "). (2.) The snare (Job xviii. 9, A. V. " rob- 
ber "), consisting of a cord (xviii. 10 ; compare 
Ps. xviii. 5, cxvi. 3, cxl. 5), so set as to catch the 
bird by the leg. (3.) The net. (4.) The decoy, 
to which reference is made in Jer. v. 26, 27. 
Arms ; Cage ; Fish ; Food ; Sparrow. 

Hn pliain (Heb. coast-man ? Ges. ; protected, Fii.), 
a son of Benjamin ; founder of the family of the 
Huphamites (Num. xxvi. 39) ; = Huppim. 

!Iq piiam-ites (f'r. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Hupham (Num. xxvi. 39). 

Hup pall (Heb. covering, protection, Ges., Fii.), a 
priest in David's time, having charge of the thir- 
teenth course (1 Chr. xxiv. 13). 

II up 'pi in (Heb. pi. = coverings, Ges. ; protection, 
Fii.), head of a Benjamite family. According to 
the text of the LXX. in Gen. xlvi. 21, a son of Bela ; 
but 1 Chr. vii. 12 tells us that he was son of Ir, or 
Iri. Hupham. 

Hur (Heb. a hole, Ges. ; immaculateness, nobility, 
Fii.). 1. A man mentioned with Moses and Aaron 
on the occasion of the battle with Amalek at Rephi- 
dim (Ex. xvii. 10), when with Aaron he stayed up 
the hands of Moses (12). He is mentioned again in 
xxiv. 14, as being, with Aaron, left in charge of the 
people by Moses during his ascent of Sinai. The 
Jewish tradition is that he was the husband of 
Miriam, and that he was identical with— 2. The 
grandfather of Bezaleel, the chief artificer of the 
Tabernacle — " son of Uri, son of Hur — of the tribe 
of Judah " (Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv. 30, xxxviii. 22 ; 2 
Chr. i. 5). In the lists of the descendants of Judah 
in 1 Chronicles the pedigree is more fully preserved. 
Hur there appears as one of the great family of 
Pharez. He was son of Caleb the son of Hezron, by 
a second wife, Ephrath (1 Chr. ii. 19, 20; compare 
5, also iv. 1), the first fruit of the marriage (ii. 50, 
iv. 4), and the father, besides Uri (ver. 20), of three 
sons, who founded the towns of Kirjath-jearim, 
Bethlehem, and Beth-gader (51). Hur's connection 
with Bethlehem would seem to have been of a 
closer nature than with the others (iv. 4). — 3. The 
fourth of the five kings of Midian slain with Balaam 
after the " matter of Peor " (Num. xxxi. 8). In a 
later mention of them (Josh. xiii. 21) they are called 
" princes " of Midian and " dukes."— 4. Father of 
Rephaiah, who was ruler of half of the environs of 
Jerusalem, and assisted Nehemiah in the repair of 
the wall (Xeh. iii. 9).— 5. The "son of Hur";— 
margin "Ben-hur" — was commissariat officer for 
Solomon in Mount Ephraim (1 K. iv. 8). 

Hn'rai (Chal. worker in linen? Ges.; free, noble, 
Fii..), one of David's " valiant men " — " Hurai of 
the brooks of Gaash " (1 Chr. xi. 32). Hiddai. 

Hn rani (Heb. noble, high-born, Ges.). 1. A Ben- 
jamite; son of Bela, the first-born of the patriarch 
(1 Chr. viii. 5).— 2. The king of Tyre in alliance 



396 



II UK. 



HYM 



with David and Solomon — elsewhere Hiram (1 Chr. 

xiv. 1 ; 2 Chr. ii. 3, 11, 12, viii. 2, 18, he. 10, 21).— 
3. Hiram the artificer (ii. 13, iv. 11, 16). 

Hn'ri (Heb. worker in linen, Ges.), a Gadite ; father 
of Abihail (1 Chr. v. 14). 

]>l us band. Man; Marriage. 

list shall (Heb. haste, Ges., Fii.), a name in the 
genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 4) — " Ezer, father 
of Hushah ; " perhaps the name of a place. 

Hn'shai (Heb. hasting, Ges.), an Auchite (2 Sam. 

xv. 32 ff., xvi. 16 ff.). He is called the " friend " of 
David (xv. 37); in 1 Chr. xxvii. 33, the word is ren- 
dered " companion." To him David confided the 
delicate and dangerous part of a pretended adher- 
ence to the cause of Absalom. His advice was 
preferred to Ahithophel's, and speedily brought 
to pass the ruin which it meditated. He was prob- 
ably the father of Baanah 3 (1 K. iv. 16). 

Un'sham (Heb. haste, Ges.), early king of Edom 
(Gen. xxxvi. 34, 35 ; 1 Chr. i. 45, 46). 

Hn'sbntll-ite (fr. Heb. = one from Hushah, Ges., 
Fii.), tile, the designation of two of David's " valiant 
men." 1. Sibbechai or Sibbecai (2 Sam. xxi. 18; 
1 Chr. xi. 29, xx. 4, xxvii. 11). Joscphus calls 
him a Hittite. — 2. Mebunnai (2 Sam. xxiii. 27), 
probably a corruption of Sibbechai. 

Hn'shim (Heb. pi. = the hasting, Ges., Fii.). 1. 
In Gen. xlvi. 23, "the children of Dan" are said 
to have been Hushim. The name is plural, as if 
of a tribe rather than an individual. In Num. 
xxvi. the name is changed to Shuham. — 2^ A Ben- 
jamite (1 Chr. vii. 12); and here again apparently 
the plural nature of the name is recognized, and 
Hushim is stated to be " the sons of Aher." — 3. 
One of the two wives of Shaharaim (viii. S). 

Husks. The Gr. pi. keratia, rendered in the A. V. 
"husks " (Lk. xv. 16), describes really the fruit of 




Branch and Fruit of the Carob-tree (Ceralonia Siliqua). — (Fbn.) 



a particular kind of tree, viz. the carob or Cera- 
lonia Siliqua of botanists. This tree is very com- 



mon in Syria and Egypt ; it is evergreen, and grows 
to the height of twenty or thirty feet ; it produces 
pods, shaped like a horn, varying in length from 
six to ten inches, and about a finger's breadth, or 
rather more. These pods, containing a thick pithy 
substance, very sweet to the taste, were eaten by 
cattle, and particularly by pigs, and by the poorer 
classes of the population. 

Hnz (fr. Heb. = Uz), eldest son of Nahor and 
Milcah (Gen. xxii. 21). 

tluz'zab (fr. Heb. = it is fixed, or determined, 
Ges. ; fr. Pers. - beautifully beaming, Fii.), accord- 
ing to the general opinion of the Jews, was the 
queen of Nineveh when Nahuni delivered his proph 
ecy (Nah. ii. 7). The moderns follow the rendering 
in the margin of our English Bible — " that which 
was established." Still (so Rawlinson) Huzzab may 
really be a proper name = " the Zab country," or 
the fertile tract E. of the Tigris, watered by the 
upper and lower Zab rivers {Zab Ala and Zab 
Asfal), the A-diab-dne of the geographers. This 
province — the most valuable part of Assyria — might 
well stand for Assyria itself. 

Ily-das'itCS (L. fr. Gr.), a river noticed in Jd. i. 
6, in connection with the Euphrates and Tigris. 
It is uncertain what river is referred to; the well- 
known Hydaspes of India (the Jelum of the J'avjd) 
is too remote. We may perhaps identify it with 
the Choaspes of Susiana. 

Hy-o'na (L. hyana, fr. Gr.). Authorities are at 
variance as to whether the Hib. tsdbua' in Jer. xii. 
9 means a " hyena " as the LXX. has it, or a 
"speckled bird," as in the A. V. The etymological 
force of the word is equally adapted to either, the 
hyena being streaked. The only other instance in 
which it occurs is as a proper name, Zeboim (1 
Sam. xiii. 18, "the valley of hyenas," Aquila ; Neh. 
xi. 34). The hyena was a fierce, strong beast, com- 
mon in ancient as in modern Egypt, and is con- 
stantly depicted on monuments : it must therefore 
have been well known to the Jews, if indeed not 
equally common in Palestine (Ecclus. xiii. 18). 
Hym-e-i-aj'ns (L.) = Hymeneus. 
Hyni-e-ne'ns (L. Bymenaius, fr. Gr. = a wedding- 
song', marriage, L. & S.), a person named twice in 
St. Paul's Epistles to Timothy ; the first time clas sed 
with Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20); and the second lime 
classed with Philetus (2 Tim. ii. 17, 18). In the 
error with which he was .charged — " saying, that 
the resurrection is past already " — he stands as one 
of the earliest of the Gnostics. As regards the 
sentence passed upon him — it has been asserted by 
some writers of eminence, that the " delivering to 
Satan " is a mere synonym for ecclesiastical excom- 
munication. Such can hardly be the case (so Mr. 
Ffoulkes). As the apostles healed all manner of 
bodily infirmities, so they seem to have possessed 
and exercised the same power in inflicting them 

a power far too peiilous to be continued when 

the manifold exigencies of the apostolical age had 
passed awav (Acts v. 5, 10, ix.. 17, 40, xm. 11). 
Even apart "from actual intervention by the apos- 
tles, bodily visitations are spoken of in the case of 
those who" approached the Lord's Supper unworthily 
(1 Cor. xi. 30). On the other hand, Satan was held 
to be the instrument or executioner of all these vis- 
itations. Thus, while the "delivering to Satan 
may resemble ecclesiastical excommunication in 
some respects, it has its own characteristics like- 
wise, which show plainly that one is not to be con- 
j founded or placed on the same level with the other. 
I Demoniacs; Miracles. 



HYM 



ICE 



397 



Hymn (fr. Gr. = a song) (Eph. v. 19; Col. iii. 
16). Among the later Jews the word psalm had a 
definite meaning (Psalms), while hymn was more 
or less vague in its application, and capable of 
bein<* used as occasion should arise. To Chris- 
tians'the Hymn has always been something different 
from the Psalm ; a different conception in thought, 
a different type in composition. There is some 
dispute about the hymn sung by our Lord and 
His apostles on the occasion of the Last Supper ; 
but even supposing it to have been the Hallel, or 
Paschal Hymn, consisting of Ps. cxiii.-cxviii. (Hal- 
lelujah ; Passover), it is obvious that the word 
hymn is in this case applied not to an individual 
Psalm, but to a number of psalms chanted suc- 
cessively, and altogether forming a kind of devo- 
tional exercise not unaptly called a hymn. In the 
jail at Philippi, Paul and Silas " sang hymns " (A. 
V. "praises") unto God, and so loud was their 
song that their fellow-prisoners heard them. This 
must have been what we mean by singing, and not 
merely recitation. It was in fact a veritable sing- 
ing of hymns. And it is remarkable that the noun 
hymn is only used in reference to the services of the 
Greeks, and in the same passages is clearly distin- 
guished from the Psalm (Eph. v. 19; Col. iii. 16) — 
" psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs." It is 
worth while inquiring what profane models the 
Greek hymnographers chose to work after. In the 
old religion of Greece the word hymn had already 
acquired a sacred and liturgical meaning. The 
special forms of the Greek hymn were various. The 
Homeric and Orphic hymns were written in the epic 
style, and in hexameter verse. Their metre was not 
adapted for singing. In the Pindaric hymns we 
find a sufficient variety of metre, and a definite re- 
lation to music. These were sung to tiie accom- 
paniment of the lyre ; and it is very likely that they 
engaged the attention of the early hymn-writers. 
The first impulse of Christian devotion was to run 
into the moulds ordinarily used by the worshippers 
of the old religion. In 1 Cor. xiv. 26, allusion is 
made to improvised hymns, which, being the out- 
burst of a passionate emotion, would probably as- 
sume the dithyrambic form. It was in the Latin 
church that the trochaic and iambic metres became 
most deeply rootel, and acquired the greatest depth 
of tone and grace of finish. The introJuction of 
hymns into the Latin church is commonly referred 
to Ambrose. But it is impossible to conceive that 
the West should have been so far behind the East : 
and it is more likely (so Mr. Brown) that the tradi- 
tion is due to the very marked prominence of Am- 
brose as the greatest of all the Latin hymnogra- 
phers. The trochaic and iambic metres, thus im- 
pressed into the service of the church, have contin- 
ued to hold their ground, and are in fact the V's, 
Short Metre, Common Metre, and Long Metre of 
our modern hymns ; many of which are translations 
or imitations of Latin originals. Music. 

Hyssop (Heb. ezob ; Gr. hussopos ; L. hyssopus), a 
plant much used in the Hebrew purifications and 
sprinklings. Perhaps no plant mentioned in the Scrip- 
tures has given rise to greater differences of opinion j 
than this. The difficulty arises from the fact that 
in the LXX. the Greek hussopos is the uniform ren- 
dering of the Hebrew ezob, and that this rendering 
is indorsed by the apostle in Hebrews ix. 19, 21, 
when speaking of the ceremonial observances of the 
Levitical law. Whether, therefore, the LXX. made 
use of the Greek hussopos as the word most nearly 
resembling the Hebrew in sound, as Stanley sug- 



gests, or as the true representative of the plant in- 
dicated by the latter, is a point which probably will 
never be decided. Botanists differ widely even 
with regard to the identification of the hussopos of 
Dioscorides. Kiihn gives it as his opinion that the 
Hebrews used the Origanum ^Egypliacum in Egypt, 
the 0. Syriacum in Palestine, and that the hyssop of 
Dioscorides was the (). Smyrnwum. The ezub, A. 
V. " hyssop," was used to sprinkle the doorposts 
of the Israelites in Egypt with the blood of the 
paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 22) ; it was employed in the 
purification of lepers and leprous houses (Lev. xiv. 
4, 51), and in the sacrifice of the red heifer (Num.. 
xix. 6). In consequence of its detergent qualities, 
or from its being associated with the purificatory 
services, the Psalmist makes use of the expression, 
" purge me with hyssop " (Ps. li. 7). It is described 
in 1 K. iv. 33 as growing on or near walls. In Jn. 
xix. 29, " put it upon hyssop " corresponds to "put 
it on a reed " in Mat. xxvii. 48 and Mk. xv. 36. 
Bochart decides in favor of marjoram, or some 
plant like it, and to this conclusion, it must be 
admitted, all ancient tradition points. The monks 
on Jebel Musa (Mt. Sinai ?) give the name of hyssop 
to a fragrant plant called ja\leh, which grows in 
great quantities on that mountain. Celsius, after 
enumerating eighteen different plants (thyme, rose- 
mary, French lavender, &c), which have been sever- 
ally identified with the hyssop of Scripture, concludes 
that we have no alternative but to accept the com- 
mon hyssop, the Hyssopus officinalis, a perennial 
aromatic plant, about two feet high, growing in 
tufts. The late Dr. J. F. Royle, after a careful investi- 
gation of the subject, arrived at the conclusion that 
the "hyssop " is the caper-plant, or Capparis spinosa 
of Linnreus, sometimes called in Arabic asuf, which 
grows in dry and rocky places and on walls in 
Lower Egypt, Sinai, and Palestine. Robinson (_A r . 
T. Lex.), Gesenius, &c, make the " hyssop " of the 
Scriptures = the common hyssop, and other simi- 
lar aromatic plants, as lavender, and especially or- 
ganum or wild marjoram, &c. Palestine, Botany. 
* Hys-tas'pcs. Darius 2. 



I 

* I am, and I am that I am. Jehovah. 

Ib'lmr (fr. Heb. = whom God chooses, Gcs.), a 
son of David (2 Sam. v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 6, xiv. 5), 
born in Jerusalem. 

Ib'le-am (fr. Heb. = he consumes the people, Gcs.), 
a city of Manasseh, with villages or towns depend- 
ent on it (Judg. i. 27), in the territory of Issaehar 
or Asher (Josh. xvii. 11). The ascent of Gur was 
"at Ibleam" (2 K. ix. 2*7), somewhere near the 
present Jenin, probably to the N. of it. Bileam. 

Ib-nci'ali [nec'yah] (fr. Heb. Jehovah will build, 
Ges.), son of Jehoram, a Benjamite (1 Chr. ix. 8). 

Ib-nijali (Heb. = Ibxeiah, Ges.), a Benjamite (1 
Chr. ix. 8). 

Ib'ri (Heb. = Hebrew), a Merarito Levite of the 
family of Jaaziah in David's time (1 Chr. xxiv. 27). 

Ib'zan (fr. Heb. = of tin? Ges. ; splendid, beauti- 
ful, Fii.), a native of Bethlehem (in Zebulun ?), 
who judged Israel for seven years after Jephthah 
(Judg. xii. 8, 10). He had thirty sons and thirty 
daughters, and took home thirty wives for his sons, 
and sent out his daughters to as many husbands 
abroad. He was buried at Bethlehem. Boaz. 

* Ice. Frost 2. 



398 



ICH 



IDO 



Icha-bod (Heb. inglorious, Ges.), son of Phine- 
has, and grandson of Eli (1 Sam. iv. 21, xiv. 3). 

I-iO ui-um (L. fr. Gr., popularly derived from a 
little image [Gr. eikonion] ot Medusa placed here by 
Perseus), the modern Konieh, is situated in the 
western part of an extensive plain, on the central 
table-land of Asia Minor, and not far to the N: of 
the chain of Taurus. This level district was an- 
ciently called Lycaonia. Xenophon reckons Ieo- 
nium as the most easterly town of Phrygia ; but 
all other writers speak of it as being in Lycaonia, 
of which it was practically the capital. It was on 
the great line of communication between Ephesus 



and the western coast of the peninsula on one 
side, and Tarsus, Antioch, and the Euphrates on 
the other. Iconium was a well-chosen place for 
missionary operations (Acts xiv. 1, 3, 21, 22, xvi. 1 
2; 2 Tim. iii. 11). The Apostle Paul's first visit 
was on his first circuit, in company with Barnabas ; 
and on this occasion he approached it from Anti- 
och in Pisidia, which lay to the W. (Acts xiii. 50, 51). 
(Timothy.) From its position it could not fail to 
be an important centre of Christian influence in the 
early ages of the Church. In the declining period 
of the Roman empire, Iconium was made a colony. 
In the middle ages it became a place of great con- 




Kunieh ™ ancieat Iconium. — From Laborde, Voyage en Orient. — (Fbn.j 



sequence, as the capital of the Scljakian sultans. 
Konieh is still a town of considerable size, the resi 
dence of a pasha, and head of a province. 

Id a-lah (fr. Heb. = vshal God exalts, Sim. ; fr a 
Heb. verb = to go softly and secretly ? Ges. ; memo- 
rial-stone of God, Fii.), a city of Zebulun, named 
between Shimron and Bethlehem (Josh. xix. 15). 

Id'bash (fr. Heb. = honeyed ? Ges. ; a stout, fat one, 
Fii.), one of the three sons of " the father of Etam," 
among the families of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). 

Iddo (Heb. [except Nos. 3 and 6] = timely, Ges. ; 
one born on a feast-day, Fii.). I. Father of Ahina- 
dab (1 K. iv. 14). — 2, A descendant of Gershom, 
son of Levi (1 Chr. vi. 21) ; = Adaiah.— 3. (fr. Heb. 
= loving, Ges. ; favorite, Fii.). Son of Zechariah, 
ruler of Manasseh, E. of Jordan in David's time 
(xxvii. 21). — 4. A seer whose "visions" against 
Jeroboam incidentally contained some of the acts 
of Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 29). He appears to have 
written a chronicle or story relating to the life and 
reign of Abijah (xiii. 22), and also a book " con- 
cerning genealogies," in which the acts of Reho- 
boam were recorded (xii. 15). These books are 
lost, but they may have formed part of the founda- 
tion of the existing books of Chronicles. Ancient 
Jewish traditions identified Iddo with the " man of 
God " out of Judah who denounced Jeroboam's 
altar (1 K. xii. 1). — 5. Grandfather of the prophet 
Zechariah (Zech. i. 1, 7), although in other places 
Zechariah is called " the son of Iddo " (Ezr. v. 1, 
vi. 14). Iddo returned from Babylon with Zerub- 
babel and Jeshua (Neb., xii. 4, 16). — 6o (Heb. mis- 
fortune, Ges. ; powerful, Fii.). The chief of those 
who assembled at Casiphia, at the time of the sec- 
ond caravan from Babylon. He was one of the 
Nethinim (Ezr. viii. \1 ; compare 20). 



I dol (fr Gr.), Im'agc (fr. L.). As no less than 
twenty-one different Hebrew words have been ren- 
dered in the A. V. either by " idol " or " image," 
and that by no means uniformly, it will be of some 
advantage to attempt to discriminate between them, 
and assign, as nearly as the two languages will 
allow, the English equivalents for each. But, be- 
fore proceeding to the discussion of those words 
which in themselves indicate the objects of false 
worship, it will be necessary to notice a class of 
abstract terms, which, with a deep moral signifi- 
cance, express the degradation associated with it, 
and stand out as a protest of the language against 
the enormities of idolatry. Such are — 1. Heb. 
dven (Aven), rendered elsewhere " nought," " vani- 
ty," " iniquity," " wickedness," " sorrow," &c, and 
once only " idol " (Is. lxvi. 3). The primary idea 
of the root seems to be emptiness, nothingness, as 
of breath or vapor ; and, by a natural transition, in 
a moral sense, wickedness in its active form of mis- 
chief, and then, as the result, sorrow and trouble. 
Hence aven = a vain, false, wicked thing, and ex- 
presses at once the essential nature of idols, and 
the consequences of their worship. — 2. Heb. elU is 
thought by some to have a sense akin to that of 
falsehood, and would therefore much resemble dven, 
as applied to an idol (Lev. xix. 4, xxvi. 1, &c). Itis 
used of the " images " of Noph or Memphis (Ez. xxx. 
13). In strong contrast with Jehovah it appears in 
Ps. xcvi. 5, xcvii. 1. — 3. Heb. eymdh, " horror," or 
" terror," and hence an object of horror or terror 
(Jer. 1. 38), in reference either to the hideousness 
of the idols or to the gross character of their wor- 
ship. In this respect it is closely connected with — 
4. Heb. miUletseth (= ajright, horror), applied to 
the idol oi Maachah, probably of wood, which Asa 



IDO 



IDO 



399 



cut down and burned (1 K. xv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xv. 16), 
and which was unquestionably the phallus, the 
symbol of the productive power of nature and the 
nature-goddess. (Asherah.) With this must be 
noticed, though not actually rendered " image " or 
" idol," — 5. Heb. boshelh, " shame," or " shameful 
thing" (A. V. Jer. xi. 13 ; Hos. ix. 10), applied to 
Baal or Baal-peor, as characterizing the obscenity 
of his worship. With Slil is found in close connec- 
tion — 6. Heb. gilltilim, also a term of contempt, but 
of uncertain origin (A. V. uniformly " idols," Ez. 

xxx. 13, &c). The Rabbinical authorities favor the 
interpretation of the A. V. margin in Deut. xxix. 

IV, " dungy gods." The expression is applied, 
principally in Ezekiel, to false gods and their sym- 
bols (Deut. xxix. 17; Ez. viii. 10, &c). It stands 
side by side with other contemptuous terms, e. g. with 
Heb. shekels, " abomination " (Ez. viii. 10, A. V. 
" abominable "), and (xx. 8) with — 7. The cognate 
Heb. shikkuts, " abomination," " abominable tilth," 
&c, especially applied, like shekel", to that which 
produced ceremonial uncleanness (Ez. xxxvii. 23, 
A. V. " detestable things ; " Nah. iii. 6, A. V. 
" abominable filth ; " Zech. ix. 7, A. V. " abomi- 
nations," i. e. food offered in sacrifice to idols). 
As referring to the idols themselves, it primarily 
denotes the obscene rites with which their worship 
was associated, and hence, by metonymy, is applied 
both to the objects of worship and also to their 
worshippers (IK. xi. 5, 7, &c, A. V. " abomina- 
tions"). — We now come to the consideration of those 
words which more directly apply to the images or 
idols, as the outward symbols of the deity who was 
worshipped through them. — 8. Heb. semel or semel 

- a likeness, semblance (L. simulacrum). It occurs 
in 2 Ohr. xxxiii. 7, 15 (A. V. "idol"); Deut. iv. 16 
("figure"), and Ez. viii. 3, 5 (" image"). — 9. Heb. 
and Chal. tselem (dial, also tselem) is by all lexicog- 
raphers, ancient and modern, connected with Heb. 
tsel, " a shadow." It is the " image " of God in 
which man was created (Gen. i. 26, 27, v. 3, ix. 6, 
&c.). (Adam.) It is unquestionably used to de- 
note the visible forms of external objects, and is 
applied to figures of gold and silver (1 Sam. vi. 5 ; 
Num. xxxiii. 52 ; Dan. iii. 1 ff., &c), such as the 
golden " image " of Nebuchadnezzar, as well as to 
those painted upon walls (Ez. xxiii. 14). " Image " 
perhaps most nearly represents it in all passages. 
Applied to the human countenance (Dan. iii. 19, A. 

V. " form "), it signifies the expression. — 10. Heb. 
tcmundh, rendered "image" in Job iv. 16; else- 
where " similitude " (Deut. iv. 12, 15, 16, &c), 
"likeness " (23, 25, v. 8, &c): form or shape would 
be better (so Mr. Wright).— 11. Heb. 'dlsdb (1 Sam. 

xxxi. 9, &c), 12. ^etscb (Jer. xxii 28), or 13. 'otseb 
(Is. xlviii. 5), " a figure," all derived from a root 
'<Jfea6(= to work or fashion), are terms applied to 
idols as expressing that their origin was due to the 
labor of man. — 14. Heb. tsir, once only applied to 
an idol (Is. xlv. 16), = a form or mould, and hence 
an "idol."— 15. Heb. matstsebdh, any thing srf up, a 
statue, a memorial stone (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 45, 
xxxv. 14, 15, &c, A. V. "pillar"). (Anointing.) 
The word is applied to denote the obelisks which 
stood at the entrance to the temple of the Sun at 
Heliopolis (Jer. xliii. 13). It is also used of the 
statues of Baal (2 K. iii. 2), whether of stone (x. 
27) or of wood (x. 26), which stood in the inner- 
most recess of the temple at Samaria. The Pheni- 
cians consecrated and anointed stones like that at 
Bethel, which were called, as some think, from this i 
circumstance Bwtylia. Many such are said to have f 



been seen on the Lebanon, near Heliopolis, dedi- 
cated to various gods. The Palladium of Troy, the 
black stone in the Kaaba at Mecca, said to have been 
brought from heaven by the angel Gabriel, and the 
stone at Ephesus "which fell down from Jupiter" 
(Acts xix. 35), are examples of the belief, anciently 
so common, that the gods sent down their images 
(meteoric stones) upon earth. Closely connected 
with these " statues " of Baal, whether in the form 
of obelisks or otherwise, were — 16. Heb. pi. hammd- 
rdm or chammdnim, rendered in the margin of most 
passages and by Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, " sun-images." 
The word has given rise to much discussion. Ge- 
senius mentions the occurrence of hammdn ovcham- 
mdn with Baal in the Phenician and Palmyrene in- 
scriptions on consecrated statues or columns, and 
translates Baal the solar, Baal the sun. The Pal- 
myrene inscription at Oxford has been thus ren- 
dered : "This column (Chammdnd), and this altar, 
the sons of Malchu, &c, have erected and dedicated 
to the Sun." From the expressions in Ez. vi. 4, 6, 
and Lev. xxvi. 30, it may be inferred that these 
columns, which perhaps represented a rising flame 
of fire, and stood upon the altar of Baal (2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 4), were of wood or stone. — 17. Heb. mascith 
occurs in Lev. xxvi. 1 (A.V. " image," margin " pic- 
ture," "figured"); Num. xxiii. 52 (A. V. "pic- 
tures"); Ez. viii. 12 (A.V. "imagery"): deoice 
most nearly suits all passages (so Mr. Wright ; 
compare Ps. lxxiii. 7 [A.V. " could wish "] ; Prov. 
xviii. 11 [A. V. "conceit"], xxv. 11 [A. V. "pic- 
tures "]). The general opinion appears to be that 
Heb. eben mascith, A. V. " image of stone " (Lev. 
xxvi. 1), = a stone with figures graven upon it. 
Gesenius explains it as a stone with the image of an 
idol, Baal or Astarte ; Fiirst says, a stone formed 
into an idol. — 18. Heb. terdphim. (Teraphim.) — 
The terms which follow have regard to the material 
and workmanship of the idol rather than to its 
character as an object of worship. — 19. Heb. pesel, 
and 20. Heb. pi. pesilim, usually translated in the 
A. V. "graven " or " carved images." In two pas- 
sages the latter is ambiguously rendered " quar- 
ries " (Judg. iii. 19 [margin "graven images"], 
26), following the Targum. Prof. Cassel under- 
stands here landmarks, i. e. pillars or heaps of stone 
on the boundary between the territory held by the 
Moabites as conquerors W. of Jordan and that of 
the Hebrews ; but there seems no reason for depart- 
ing from the ordinary signification. These sculptured 
images were apparently of wood, iron, or stone, 
covered with gold or silver (Deut. vii. 25 ; Is. xxx. 
22; Hab. ii. 18), the more costly being of solid 
metal (Is. xl. 19). They could be burnt (Deut. vii. 
5 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 4 ; Is. xlv. 20), or cut down (Deut. 
xii. 3) and pounded (2 Chr. xxxiv. 7), or broken in 
pieces (Is. xxi. 9). In making them, the skill of 
the wise iron-smith (Deut. xxvii. 15 ; Is. xl. 20) or 
carpenter, and of the goldsmith, was employed 
(Judg. xvii. 3, 4 ; Is. xli. 7), the former supplying 
the rough mass beaten into shape on his anvil (Is. 
xliv. 12), while the latter overlaid it with plates of 
gold and silver, probably from Tarshish (Jer. x. 9), 
and decorated it with silver chains. The image 
thus formed was adorned with embroidered robes 
(Ez. xvi. 18). Brass and clay were among the ma- 
terials employed for the same purpose (Dan. ii. 33, 
v. 23). The several stages of the process by which 
the metal or wood became the " graven image " are 
so vividly described in Is. xliv. 10-20, that it is only 
necessary to refer to that passage, and we are at 
once introduced to the mysteries of idol manufac- 



400 



IDO 



IDO 



ture, which, as at Ephesus, " brought no small gain 
unto the craftsmen." — 21. Heb. nesech, or nesech 
(Is. xli. 29, xlviii. 5 ; Jer. x. 14), &c, and 22. mas- 
sechah (Ex. xxxii. 4, 8; Deut. ix. 12, &c.) are evi- 
dently synonymous, = a " molten " image. Mas- 
seehah is frequently used in distinction from ptsel 
or pCsUim above (Deut. xxvii. 15 ; Judg. xvii. 3, 
&c). The golden calf which Aaron made was 
" fashioned with a graving tool " (Ex. xxxii. 4). — 
23. Gr. eikon ( = liketiess), uniformly "image" in 
A. V., is the " image " or head of the emperor on 
the coinage (Mat. xxii. 20, &c), an idol-" image " or 
statue (Rev. xiii. 14, 15, &c.), &c. ; in LXX. = No. 
8, 9, 19. — 24. Gr. eidolon, uniformly translated 
" idol " in A. V., denotes either the " image " (Acts 
vii. 41, &lc.) or by metonymy the idol-god or deity 
himself (Acts xv. 20 ; 1 Cor. viii. 4, &c.) ; in LXX. 
= No. 6, 20. — Among the earliest objects of wor- 
ship, regarded as symbols of deity, were, as has 
been said above, the meteoric stones which the 
ancients believed to have been the images of the 
gods sent down from heaven. From these they 
transferred their regard to rough unhewn blocks, 
to stone columns or pillars of wood, in which the 
divinity worshipped was supposed to dwell, and 
which were consecrated, like the sacred stone at 
Delphi, by being anointed with oil, and crowned 
with wool on solemn days. Such customs are re- 
markable illustrations of the solemn consecration 
by Jacob of the stone at Bethel, as showing the re- 
ligious reverence with which these memorials were 
regarded. Of the forms assumed by the idolatrous 
images we have not many traces in the Bible. Da- 
cox, the fish-god of the Philistines, was a human 
figure terminating in a fish; and that the Syrian 
deities were represented in later times in a symbol- 
ical human shape we know for certainty. The He- 
brews imitated their neighbors in this respect as in 
others (Is. xliv. 13 ; Wis. xiii. 13). When the pro- 
cess of adorning the image was completed, it was 
placed in a temple or shrine appointed for it (Bar. 
12, 19 ; Wis. xiii. 15 ; 1 Cor. viii. 10). From these 
temples the idols were sometimes carried in proces 
sion (Bar. 4, 2G) on festival days. Their priests 
were maintained from the idol treasury, and feasted 
upon the meats which were appointed for the idols' 
use (B. & D. 3, 13). Gentiles; God; Heathen*; 
Idolatry; Temple. 

I-dol'a-try (ft. Gr. eidolatrcia ; Heb. teraphim 
once only, 1 Sam. xv. 23 ; Teraphim), strictly 
speaking, denotes the worship of deity in a visible 
form, whether the images to which homage is paid 
are symbolical representations of the true God, or 
of the false divinities which have been made the 
objects of worship in His stead. (Adoration ; 
Prayer ; Sacrifice.) — I. The first undoubted al- 
lusion to idolatry or idolatrous customs in the Bible 
is in the account of Rachel's stealing her father's tera- 
phim (Gen. xxxi. 19), a relic of the worship of other 
gods, whom the ancestors of the Israelites served 
"on the other side of the river, in old time" (Josh, 
xxiv. 2). These Laban consulted as oracles (Gen. 
xxx. 27, A. V. " learned by experience ; " Divina- 
tion 8), though without entirely losing sight of the 
God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, to whom 
he appealed when occasion offered (xxxi. 53), while 
he was ready, in the presence of Jacob, to acknowl- 
edge the benefits conferred upon him by Jehovah 
(xxx. 27). Such, indeed, was the character of most 
of the idolatrous worship of the Israelites. Like 
the Cuthean colonists in Samaria, who " feared Je- 
hovah, and served their own gods" (2 K. xvii. S3), 



they blended in a strange manner a theoretical be- 
lief in the true God with the external reverence 
which, in different stages of their history, they were 
led to pay to the idols of the nations by whom they 
were surrounded. And this marked feature of the 
Hebrew character is traceable through the entire 
history of the people. During their long residence 
in Egypt, the country of symbolism, they defiled 
themselves with the idols of the land, and it was 
long before the taint was removed (Josh. xxiv. 14; 
Ez. xx. 7). To these gods, Moses, as the herald of 
Jehovah, flung down the gauntlet of defiance, and 
the plagues of Egypt smote their symbols (Num. 
xxxiii. 4). Yet, with the memory of their deliver- 
ance fresh in their minds, their leader absent, the 
Israelites clamored for some visible shape in which 
they might worship the God who had brought them 
up out of Egypt (Ex. xxxii.). Aaron lent himself 
to the popular cry, and chose as the symbol of deity 
one with which they had long been familiar — the 
calf — embodiment of Apis, and emblem of the pro- 
ductive power of nature. For a while the erection 
of the Tabernacle, and the establishment of the 
worship which accompanied it, satisfied that craving 
for an outward sign which the Israelites constantly 
exhibited ; and for the remainder of their march 
through the desert, with the dwelling-place of Je- 
hovah in their midst, they did not again degenerate 
into open apostasy. But it was only so long as 
their contact with the nations was of a hostile char- 
acter that this seeming orthodoxy was maintained. 
During the lives of Joshua and the elders who out- 
lived him, they kept true to their allegiance, but 
the generation following, who knew not Jehovah, 
nor the works He had done for Israel, swerved from 
the plain path of their fathers, and were caughtin the 
toils of the foreigner (Judg. ii.). From this time 
forth their history becomes little more than a chron- 
icle of the inevitable sequence of offence and pun- 
ishment (ii. 12, 14). By turns each conquering na- 
tion strove to establish the worship of its national 
god. Thus far idolatry is a national sin. The episode 
of Micah, in Judg. xvii., xviii., sheds a lurid li{;ht 
on the secret practices of individuals, who, withorrt 
formally renouncing Jehovah, though ceasing to 
recognize Him as the theocratic King (xvii. 6), 
lirrked with His worship the symbols of ancient 
idolatry. The house of God, or sanctuary, which 
Micah made in imitation of that at Shiloh, was 
decorated with an ephod and teraphim dedicated to 
God, and with a graven and molten image (Idol) 
consecrated to some inferior deities. It is a signifi- 
cant fact, showing how deeply rooted in the people 
was the tendency to idolatry, that a Levite, who 
should have been most sedulous to maintain Je- 
hovah's worship in its purity, was found to assume 
the office of priest to the images of Micah ; and 
that this Levite, priest afterward to the idols of 
Dan, was no other than Jonathan, the son of Ger- 
shom, the son of Moses. In later times the prac- 
tice of secret idolatry was carried to greater 
lengths. Images were set up on the corn-floors, in 
the wine-vats, and behind the doors of private 
houses (Is. lvii. 8 ; Hos. ix. 1, 2) ; and to cheek 
this tendency, the statute in Deut. xxvii. 15 was 
originally promulgated. Under Samuel's adminis- 
i tration a fast was held, and purificatory rites per- 
. formed, to mark the public renunciation of idolatry 
■ (1 Sam. vii. 3-6). But in the reign of Solomon all 
j this was forgotten. Each of his many foreign 
wives brought with her the gods of her own nation ; 
; and the gods of Artrmon, Moab, and Zidou, were 



IDO 



IDO 



401 



openly worshipped. Rehoboam, the son of an Am- 
monite mother, perpetuated the worst features of 
Solomon's idolatry (1 K. xiv. 22-24), and in his 
reign was made the great schism in the national re- 
ligion : when Jeroboam, fresh from his recollections 
of the Apis worship of Egypt, erected golden calves 
at Bethel and at Dan, and by this crafty state-policy 
severed forever the kingdoms of Judah and Israel 
(xii. 26-33). The successors of Jeroboam followed 
in his steps, till Ahab, who married a Zidonian 
princess, at her instigation (xxi. 25) built a temple 
and altar to Baal, and revived all the abominations 
of the Amorites (xxi. 26). Compared with the 
worship of Baal, the worship of the calves was a 
venial offence, probably because it was morally less 
detestable and also less anti-national (xii. 28 ; 2 K. 
x. 28-31). Henceforth Baal-worship became so 
completely identified with the northern kingdom, 
that it is described as walking in the way or stat- 
utes of the kings of Israel (xvi. 3, xyii. 8), as dis- 
tinguished from the sin of Jeroboam. The con- 
quest of the ten tribes by Shalmaneser was for 
them the last scene of the drama of abominations 
which had been enacted uninterruptedly for upward 
of 250 years. In the northern kingdom no reform- 
er arose to vary the long line of royal apostates : 
whatever was effected in the way of reformation, 
was done by the hands of the people (2 Chr. xxxi. 
1). The first act of Hezekiah on ascending the 
throne was the restoration and purification of the 
Temple, which had been dismantled and closed 
during the latter part of his father's life (xxviii. 24, 
xxix. 3). The iconoclastic spirit was not confined 
to Judah and Benjamin, but spread throughout 
Ephraim and Manasseh (xxxi. 1), and to all exter- 
nal appearance idolatry was extirpated. But the 
reform extended little below the surface (Is. xxix. 
13). With the death of Josiah ended the last effort 
to revive among the people a purer ritual, if not a 
purer faith. The lamp of David, which had long 
shed but a struggling ray, flickered for a while, and 
then went out in the darkness of Babylonian cap- 
tivity. But foreign exile was powerless to eradi- 
cate the deep inbred tendency to idolatry. One of 
the first difficulties with which Ezra had to contend, 
and which brought him well-nigh to despair, was 
the haste with which his countrymen took them 
foreign wives of the people of the land, and fol- 
lowed them in all their abominations (Ezr. ix.). 
The conquests of Alexander III. the Great in 
Asia caused Greek influence to be extensively felt 
and Greek idolatry to be first tolerated, and then 
practised by the Jews (1 Mc. i. 43-50, 54). The 
attempt of Antiociius IV. Epiphanes to establish 
this form of worship was vigorously resisted by 
Mattathias (ii. 23-26). (Maccabees.) The erection 
of synagogues has been assigned as a reason for 
the comparative purity of the Jewish worship after 
the Captivity, while another cause has been dis- 
covered in the hatred for images acquired by the 
Jews in their intercourse with the Persians. It 
has been a question much debated whether the 
Israelites were ever so far given up to idolatry 
as to lose all knowledge of the true God. It 
would be hard to assert this of any nation, and 
still more difficult to prove. But there is still 
room for grave suspicion that among the masses 
of the people, though the idea of a Supreme 
Being — of whom the images they worshipped were 
but the distorted representatives — was not en- 
tirely lost, it was so obscured as to be but dimly 
apprehended (2 Chr. xv. 3).— II. The old religion 
26 



of the Shemitic races consisted, in the opinion of 
Movers, in the deification of the powers and laws 
of nature ; these powers being considered either 
as distinct and independent, or as manifestations 
of one supreme and all-ruling being. In most in- 
stances the two ideas were coexistent. The deity, 
following human analogy, was conceived of as male 
and female : the one representing the active, the 
other the passive principle of nature ; the former 
the source of spiritual, the latter of physical life. 
The sun and moon were early selected as outward 
symbols of this all-pervading power, and the wor- 
ship of the heavenly bodies was not only the most 
ancient but the most prevalent system of idolatry. 
Taking its rise probably in the plains of Chaldea, it 
spread through Egypt, Greece, Scythia, and even 
Mexico and Ceylon (compare Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3 ; 
Job xxxi. 26-28). Probably the Israelites learned 
their first lessons in sun-worship (Sun) from the 
Egyptians, in whose religious system that luminary, 
as Osiris, held a prominent place. The Phenicians 
worshipped him under the title of " Lord of 
Heaven." (Baal ; Tammuz.) As Molech or Mil- 
com, the sun was worshipped by the Ammonites, 
and as Chemosh by the Moabites. The Hadad 
of the Syrians is the same deity. The Assyrian 
Bel or Belus is another form of Baal. (Mero- 
dach ; Rimmon ; Succoth-benoth.) By the later 
kings of Judah, sacred horses and chariots were 
dedicated to the sun-god, as by the Persians (2 K. 
xxiii. 11). The moon, worshipped by the Phe- 
nicians under the name of Astarte or Baaltis, the 
passive power of nature, as Baal was the ac- 
tive, and known to the Hebrews as Ashtaroth 
or Ashtoreth, the tutelary goddess of the Zidoni- 
ans, appears early among the objects of Israelitish 
idolatry. (Diana ; Meni.) But, though we have 
no positive historical account of star-worship be- 
fore the Assyrian period, we may infer that it was 
early practised in a concrete form among the 
Israelites from the allusions in Am. v. 26, and 
Acts vii. 42, 43. However this may be, Movers 
contends that the later star-worship, introduced 
by Ahaz and followed by Manasseh, was purer 
and more spiritual in its nature than the Israelito- 
Phenician worship of the heavenly bodies under 
symbolical forms as Baal and Asherah ; and that 
it was not idolatry in the same sense that the lat- 
ter was, but of a simply contemplative character. 
But there is no reason to believe that the divine 
honors paid to the " Queen of Heaven " (or, as others 
render, " the frame " or " structure of the heavens ") 
were equally dissociated from image worship. The 
allusions in Job xxxviii. 31, 32, are too obscure to 
allow any inference to be drawn as to the mysterious 
influences held by the old astrologers to be exer- 
cised by the stars over human destiny, nor is there 
sufficient evidence to connect them with any thing 
more recondite than the astronomical knowledge of 
the period. The same may be said of the poetical 
figure in Deborah's chant of triumph, "the stars 
from their highways (A. V. 'in their courses') 
warred with Sisera" (Judg. v. 20). In the later 
times of the monarchy, Mazzaloth, the planets, or 
the zodiacal signs (Mazzaroth) received, next to the 
sun and moon, their share of popular adoration (2 
K. xxiii. 5). (Adrammelech : Anammelech; Fire; 
Jupiter ; Mercury ; Nebo ; Remphan ; Tartar.) 
Beast-worship was exemplified in the calves of Jero- 
boam (Calf), and the hints which seem to point to 
the goat. (Devil 3.) There is no actual proof that 
the Israelites ever joined in the service of Dagon, 



402 



IDO 



IDO 



the fish-god of the Philistines, though Ahaziah sent 
stealthily to Baal-zebub, the fly-god of Ekron (2 K. 
i.) (Baal 2), and in later times the brazen serpent 
(Serpent, Brazen) became the object of idolatrous 
homage (xviii. 4). (Ashima ; Nergal ; Nibhaz.) 
Of pure hero-worship among the Shemitic races we 
find no trace. The reference in Wis. xiv. 15 (wor- 
ship of a deceased child) is to a later practice intro- 
duced by the Greeks. The singular reverence with 
which trees have been honored is not without ex- 
ample in the history of the Hebrews. The terebinth 
(Oak) at Itamre, beneath which Abraham built an 
altar (Gen. xii. 7, xiii. 18), and the memorial grove 
planted by him at Beer-sheba (xxi. 33), were inti- 
mately connected with patriarchal worship. Moun- 
tains and niGH places were chosen spots for offering 
sacrifice and incense to idols (IK. xi. 7, xiv. 23); 
and the retirement of gardens and the thick shade 
of woods offered great attractions to their worship- 
pers (2 K. xvi. 4; Is. i. 29; Hos. iv. 13). The host 
of heaven was worshipped on the house-top (2 K. 
xxiii. 12 ; Jer. xix. 3, xxxii. 29 ; Zeph. i. 5). The 
priests of the false worship are sometimes designated 
Che.marim, a word of Syriac origin applied to the 
non-Levitical priests who burnt incense on the high 
places (2 K. xxiii. 5) as well as to the priests of the 
calves (Hos. x. 5). In addition to the priests there 
were other persons intimately connected with idola- 
trous rites, and the impurities from which they were 
inseparable. Both men and women consecrated 
themselves to the service of idols : the former as 
kSdeshim (Heb. plural masculine, A. V. " Sodom- 
ites," Deut. xxiii. 17, &c. ; Sodomite) ; the latter 
as kideshoth (Heb. plural feminine), who wove 
shrines for Astarte (2 K. xxiii. 7). The same class 
of women existed among the Phenicians, Armenians, 
Lydians, and Babylonians (Bar. vi. 43). They are 
distinguished from the public prostitutes (Hos. iv. 
14) and associated with the performances of sacred 
rites. (Harlot.) Besides these accessories, there 
were the ordinary rites of worship which idolatrous 
systems had in common with the religion of the 
Hebrews. Offering burnt sacrifices to the idol gods 
(2 K. v. 17), burning incense in their honor (1 K. xi. 
S), and bowing down in worship before their images 
(xix. IS), were the chief parts of their ritual; and 
from their very analogy with the ceremonies of true 
worship were more seductive than the grosser forms. 
Nothing can be stronger or more positive than 
the language in which these ceremonies were de- 
nounced by Hebrew law. Every detail of idol-wor- 
ship was made the subject of a separate enactment, 
and many of the laws, which in themselves seem 
trivial and almost absurd, receive from this point of 
view their true significance. We are told by Mai- 
monides that the prohibitions against sowing a 
field with mingled seed, and wearing garments of 
mixed material, were directed against the practices 
of idolaters, who attributed a kind of magical influ- 
ence to the mixture (Lev. xix. 19). Such too were 
the precepts which forbade that the garments of the 
sexes should be interchanged (Deut. xxiii. 5). There 
are supposed to be allusions to the practice of nec- 
romancy in Is. lxv. 4, or at any rate to super- 
stitious rites in connection with the dead. (Divi- 
nation; Magic.) Cutting the flesh for the dead 
(Lev. xix. 28 ; IK. xviii. 28), and making a bald- 
ness between the eyes (Deut. xiv. 1), were associated 
with idolatrous rites : the latter being a custom 
among the Syrians. (Hair; Mourning.) The law 
which regulated clean, and unclean meats (Lev. 
xx. 23-26) may be considered both as a sanitary 



regulation and also as tending to separate the Israel- 
ites from the surrounding idolatrous nations. The 
mouse, one of the unclean animals of Leviticus (xi. 
29), was sacrificed by the ancient Magi (Is. lxvi. 17). 
Eating of the things offered was a necessary append- 
age to the sacrifice (compare Ex. xviii. 12, xxxii. 6, 
xxxiv. 15; Num. xxv. 2, &c). The Israelites were 
forbidden " to print any mark upon them " (Lev. 
xix. 28), because it was a custom of idolaters to 
brand upon their flesh some symbol of the deity 
they worshipped, as the ivy-leaf of Bacchus (3 Mc. 
ii. 29). Many other practices of false worship are 
alluded to, and made the subjects of rigorous pro- 
hibition, but none are more frequently or more 
severely denounced than those which peculiarly dis- 
tinguished the worship of Molech. It has been at- 
tempted to deny that the worship of this idol was 
polluted by the foul stain of human sacrifice, but the 
allusions are too plain and too pointed to admit of 
reasonable doubt (Deut. xii. 31 ; 2 K. iii. 27 ; Jer. 
vii. 31; Ps. cvi. 37; Ez. xxiii. 29). Nor was this 
practice confined to the rites of Molech ; it extended 
to those of Baal (Jer. xix. 5), and the king of Moab 
(2 K. iii. 27) offered his son as a burnt-offering to 
his god Chemosh. Kissing the images of the gods 
(IK. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2), hanging votive offerings 
in their temples (1 Sam. xxxi. 10), and carrying 
them to battle (2 Sam. v. 21), as the Jews of Mac- 
cabeus' army did with the things consecrated to the 
idols of the Jamnites (2 Mc. xii. 40), are usages 
connected with idolatry which are casually men- 
tioned, though not made the objects of express 
legislation. But soothsaying, interpretation of 
dreams, necromancy, witchcraft, magic, and other 
forms of divination, are alike forbidden (Deut. xviii. 
9; 2 K. i. 2; Is. lxv. 4; Ez. xxi. 21).— III. It re- 
mains now briefly to consider the light in which 
idolatry was regarded in the Mosaic code, and the 
penalties with which it was visited. If one main 
object of the Hebrew polity was to teach the unity 
of God, the extermination of idolatry was but a sub- 
ordinate end. Jehovah, the God of the Israelites, 
was the civil head of the State. He was the theo- 
cratic king of the people, who had delivered them 
from bondage, and to whom they had taken a will- 
ing oath of allegiance. Idolatry, therefore, to an 
Israelite was a state offence (1 Sam. xv. 23), apolit- 
ical crime of the gravest character, high-treason 
against the majesty of his king. But it was much 
more than all this. While the idolatry of foreign 
nations is stigmatized merely as an abomination in 
the sight of God, which called for His vengeance, 
the sin of the Israelites is regarded as of more 
glaring enormity and greater moral guilt. In the 
figurative language of the prophets, the relation be- 
tween Jehovah and His people is represented as a 
marriage bond (Is liv. 5 ; Jer. iii. 14), and the worship 
of false gods with all its accompaniments (Lev. xx. 56) 
becomes then the greatest of social wrongs (Hos. ii. ; 
Jer. iii., &c). (Adultery.) Regarded in a moral as- 
pect, false gods are called "stumbling-blocks" (Ez. 
xiv. 3), "lies" (Am. ii. 4; Rom. i. 25), "horrors" 
or frights (Jer. 1. 38; Idol 3, 4), "abominations" 
(Deut. xxix. 17, xxxii. 16 ; 1 K. xi. 5 ; 2 K. xxiii. 
13), " sin " (Am. viii. 14), and with a profound sense 
of the degradation consequent upon their worship, 
they are characterized by the prophets, whose mis- 
sion it was to warn the people against them (Jer. 
xliv. 4), as "shameful thing," "shame" (xi. 13; 
Hos. ix. 10). As considered with reference to Je- 
hovah, they are "other gods" (Josh. xxiv. 2, 16), 
"strange gods" (Deut. xxxii. 16), "new gods" 



IDU 



IMM 



403 



(Judg. v. 8), "devils — not God'' (Deut. xxxii. 17; 
1 Cor. x. 20, 21). Idolatry, therefore, being from 
one point of view a political offence, could be pun- 
ished without infringement of civil rights. No civil 
penalties were attached to mere opinions, but overt 
acts of idolatry were made the subjects of legislation. 
The first and second commandments are directed 
against idolatry of every form. Individuals and 
communities were equally amenable to the rigorous 
code. The individual offender was devoted to de- 
struction (Ex. xxii. 20) ; his nearest relatives were 
not only bound to denounce him and deliver him up 
to punishment (Deut. xiii. 2-10), but their hands were 
to strike the first blow when, on the evidence of two 
witnesses at least, he was stoned (xvii. 2-5). To 
attempt to seduce others to false worship was a 
crime of equal enormity (xiii. 6-10). An idolatrous 
nation shared a similar fate. — IV. Much indirect 
evidence on this subject might be supplied by an 
investigation of proper names. Traces of the sun- 
worship of the ancient Canaanites remain in the 
nomenclature of their country, e. g. Beth-shemesh, 
house of the sun, Bn-shemesh, spring of the sun, 
and Ir-shemesh, city of the sun. Samson, the 
Hebrew national hero, took his name from the 
same luminary, and was born in a mountain-village 
above the modern 'Ain Shems (En-shemesh). The 
name of Baal, the sun-god, is one of the most com- 
mon occurrence in compound words, and is often 
associated with places consecrated to his worship. 
The Moon, Astarte or AsnTAROm, gave her name to 
a city of Bashan (Josh. xiii. 12, 31). Nebo enters 
into many compounds : Nebuzaradan, Samgar- 
nebo, &c. Bel is found in Belshazzar, Belte- 
shazzar, &c. Chemosh, the fire-god of Moab, ap- 
pears in Carchemish, and Peor in Beth-peor. 
Malcom, a name which occurs but once, and then 
of a Moabite by birth, may have been connected with 
Molech and Milcom. A glimpse of star-worship 
may be seen in the name of the city Chesil. It is 
impossible to pursue this investigation to any length : 
the hints that have been thrown out may prove 
suggestive. 

Id'u-el (fr. Gr.) = Ariel 1 (1 Esd. viii. 43). 

Id-U-me'a (L. Idumcea, fr. Edom) = the land of 
Edom (Is. xxxiv. 5, 6 ; Ez. xxxv. 15, xxxvi. 5 ; 1 Mc. 
iv. 15, 29, 61, v. 3,-vi. 31; 2 Mc. xii. 32; Mk. hi. 

8). 

Id-n-mc'ans = Edomites, inhabitants of Idumea, 
or descendants of Edom (2 Mc. x. 15, 16). 

I'gal (fr. Heb. = God will avenge, Ges.). 1. One 
of the spies, son of Joseph, of the tribe of Issachar 
(Num. xiii. 7). — 2. One of David's " valiant men," son 
of Nathan of Zobah (2 Sam. xxiii. 36) ; = Joel 8. 

Ig-da-Ii'ah (fr. Heb. = Jehovah will make great, 
Ges.), a prophet or holy man — " the man of God " — 
named once only (Jer. xxxv. 4), as the father of 
Hanan. 

I'ge-al (fr. Heb. = Igal), son of Shemaiah; a 
descendant of the royal house of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 
22). 

l'im (fr. Heb.= ruins, Ges.). 1. The partial or 
contracted form of Ije-abarim (Num. xxxiii. 45). — 
2. A town in the extreme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 
29). Azem. 

* l'im (fr. Heb.) (Is. xiii. 22 margin). Feast 6. 

I'je-aVa-rim (fr. Heb. = the heaps, or ruins, of 
ihe further regions, Mr. Grove ; ruins at or on Abarim, 
Ges.), one of the later halting-places of the children 
of Israel (Num. xxi. 11, xxxiii. 44), on the S. E. 
boundary of Moab; not on the pasture-downs of 
the modern BelJca, but in the waste uncultivated 



"wilderness" on its skirts (xxi. 11); = Iim 1; 
not identified. Abarim ; Desert 2. 

* I'jiui (fr. Heb.) (Is. xxxiv. 14, margin). Beast 6. 

I'jon (fr. Heb. = a ruin, Ges.), a town in the N. 
of Palestine, belonging to Naphtali. It was taken 
and plundered by the captains of Ben-hadad (1 K. 
xv. 20 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 4), and a second time by Tiglath- 
pileser (2 K. xv. 29). At the base of the mountains 
of Naphtali, a few miles N. W. of the site of Dan, 
is a fertile and beautiful little plain called Merj 
y Ayun, and near its N. end is a large mound, Tell 
Dibbin, on which are traces of a strong and ancient 
city, probably the site of Ijon (so Robinson, Porter, 
Van de Velde, Thomson, &c). 

Ik'kesh (Heb. perverse, Ges.), father of Ira the 
Tekoite (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9). 

I'lai (Heb. supreme, Ges.), an Ahohite, one of 
David's "valiant men" (1 Chr. xi. 29). Zalmon. 

Il-lyr'i-cam (L. fr. Gr. ; according to Appian 
named from Illyrius, son of the Cyclops Polyphe- 
mus, and progenitor of the people), an extensive 
district lying along the eastern coast of the Adriatic 
from the boundary of Italy on the N. to Epirus on 
the S., and contiguous to Mcesia and Macedonia on 
the E. (Rom. xv. 19). Within these limits was 
Dalmatia. 

Im'agc. Idol. 

Im'la (fr. Heb. = whom God makes full, Ges.), 
father or progenitor of Micaiah the prophet (2 Chr. 
xviii. 7, 8) ; = Imlah. 

Im'lah (fr. Heb.) = Imla (1 K. xxii. 8, 9). 

Im-maii u-cl (Heb. God with us ; L. form Emman- 
uel), the symbolical name given by the prophet 
Isaiah to the child who was announced to Ahaz and 
the people of Judah, as the sign which God would 
give of their deliverance from their enemies (Is. vii. 
14). It is applied by the Apostle Matthew to the 
Messiah, born of the Virgin (A. V. "Emmanuel," 
Mat. i. 23). In the early part of the reign of Ahaz 
the kingdom of Judah was threatened with anni- 
hilation by the combined armies of Syria and Israel. 
Jerusalem was menaced with a siege. The king had 
gone to " the conduit of the upper pool," when the 
prophet met him with the message of consolation. 
Not only were the designs of the hostile armies to 
fail, but within sixty-five years the kingdom of Israel 
would be overthrown. In confirmation of his words, 
the prophet bids Ahaz ask a sign of Jehovah, which 
the king, with pretended humility, refused to do. 
After administering a severe rebuke to Ahaz for his 
obstinacy, Isaiah announces the sign which Jehovah 
Himself would give unasked : " Behold ! the virgin 
is with child and beareth a son, and she shall call 
his name Immanuel." The interpreters of this pas- 
sage are naturally divided into three classes. The 
first class consists of those who refer the fulfilment 
of the prophecy to an historical event, which followed 
immediately upon its delivery. The majority of 
Christian writers, till within the last fifty years, form 
a second class, and apply the prophecy exclusively 
to the Messiah ; while a third class, almost equally 
numerous, consider both these explanations true, 
and hold that the prophecy had an immediate and 
literal fulfilment, but was completely accomplished 
in the miraculous conception and birth of Jesus 
Christ. Among the first are the Jewish writers 
of all ages, without exception. Some, as Rashi and 
Aben Ezra, refer the prophecy to a son of Isaiah 
himself, others to Hezekiah, and others, as Kimchi 
and Abarbanel, to a son of Ahaz by another wife. 
Interpreters of the second class, who refer the proph- 
ecy solely to the Messiah, of course understand by 



404 



DIM 



INC 



the " virgin " the Virgin Mary. Against this hypoth- 
esis of a solely Messianic reference, it is objected 
that the birth of the Messiah could not be a sign of 
deliverance to the people of Judah in the time of 
Ahaz. Vitringa explains it thus : as surely as Mes- 
siah would be born of the virgin, so surely would 
God deliver the Jews from the threatened evil. But 
this explanation involves another difficulty. Before 
the child shall arrive at years of discretion, the 
prophet announces the desolation of the land whose 
kings threatened Ahaz. In view of the difficulties 
which attend these explanations of the prophecy, 
the third class of interpreters above alluded to have 
recourse to a theory which combines the two pre- 
ceding, viz. the hypothesis of the double sense. 
They suppose that the immediate reference of the 
prophet was to some contemporary occurrence, but 
that his words received their true and full accom- 
plishment in the birth of the Messiah. From the 
manner in which the quotation occurs in Mat. i. 23, 
there can be no doubt that the Evangelist did not 
use it by way of accommodation, but as having in 
view its actual accomplishment. Whatever may 
have been his opinion as to any contemporary or 
immediate reference it might contain, this was com- 
pletely obscured by the full conviction that burst 
upon him when he realized its completion in the 
Messiah. The hypothesis of the double sense satis- 
fies most of the requirements of the problem, and as 
it is at the same time supported by the analogy of 
the apostle's quotations from the 0. T. (Mat. ii. 15, 

18, 23, iv. 15), we accept it as approximating most 
nearly to the true solution (so Mr. Wright, author 
of this article). Old Testament, B, 2. 

Im'mrr (Heb. talkative, Ges.). 1. The founder 
of an important family of priests (1 Chr. ix. 12; 
Ezr. ii. 37, x. 20 ; Neh. iii. 29, vii. 40, xi. 13 ; Jer. 
xx. 1). This family had charge of, and gave its 
name to, the sixteenth course of the service (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 14). — 2^ Apparently a place in Babylonia, 
from which some returned to Jerusalem who could 
not prove their genealogy (Ezr. ii. 59 ; Neh. vii. 
61). 

* Im-mor-tari-ty (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of 
— 1. Gr. athanasia = deathlessness, exemption, from 
death (1 Cor. xv. 53, 54 ; 1 Tim. vi. 16).— 2. Gr. 
aphlharsia = incorruption, exemption from decay, 
Robinson, N. T. Lex. (Bom. ii. 1 ; 2 Tim. i. 10), 
elsewhere translated "incorruption" (1 Cor. xv. 
42, 50, 53, 54) and " sincerity," i. e. moral incor- 
ruptness (Eph. vi. 24 ; Tit. ii. 7). Death ; Eter- 
nal ; Life ; Resurrection. 

Im'na (fr. Heb. = whom God keeps back, Ges.), a 
prince of Asher ; son of Helem (1 Chr. vii. 35 ; com- 
pare 40). 

Ini'nall (fr. Heb. = good fortune, Ges. ; = Jim- 
na, Jimnah). 1. The first-born of Asher (1 Chr. 
vii. 30); = Jimnah. — 2. A Levite, father of Kore, 
who assisted in the reforms of Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
xxxi. 14). 

* Im-pnte' (fr. L. irnputo — to bring into the reck- 
oning, to reckon, charge or ascribe, Andrews' Freund's 
L. Lex.), to, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
hdshab or chashab (Lev. vii. 18, xvii. 4 ; Ps. xxxii. 
2), elsewhere translated " to think " (Gen. 1. 20 ; 
Job xxxv. 2, &c), "to count" (Lev. xxv. 27, 31, 
52, &c), " to reckon " (Num. xxiii. 9, &c), " to es- 
teem " (Is. liii. 3, 4 ; Lam. iv. 2, &c), " to devise " 
(2 Sam. xiv. 14; Esth. viii. 3, &c), "to imagine" 
(Ps. x. 2, &c), " to purpose " (Lam. ii. 8, &c), &c. 
— 2. Heb. sum or sim (1 Sam. xxii. 15 ; 2 Sam. xix. 

19, Heb. 20), usually translated " to put." (Gen. ii. 



8, xxiv. 2, 9, 47, &c), " to set " (iv. 15, vi. 16, &c), or 
" to make " (xxi. 13, 18, &c). In Hab. i. 11, there 
is no Hebrew equivalent. — 3. Gr. dlogco (Rom. v. 
13 only), elsewhere translated "put on account" 
(Phn. 18 only). — 4. Gr. logizomai (Rom. iv. 6, 8, 11, 
22-24 ; Gal. iii. 6, margin ; 2 Cor. v. 19 ; Jas. 
ii. 23), elsewhere translated " to reason " (Mk. xi. 
31), " to reckon " (Lk. xxii. 37 ; Rom. iv. 4, 9, 10, 
&c), " to number " (Mk. xv. 28), " to count " (Bom. 
ii. 26, iv. 3, 5, &c), " to account " (viii. 36 ; 1 Cor. 
iv. 1, &c), "to think" (Rom. ii. 3 ; 1 Cor. xiii. 5, 11, 
&c), "to suppose" (2 Cor. xi. 5; 1 Pet. v. 12), 
" to conclude " (Bom. iii. 28), &c. ; in LXX. = 
No. 1). 

1 in rail (fr. Heb. = refi-actori/, Ges.), a chief of 
Asher, of the family of Zophah (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Im'ri (Heb. eloquent, Ges.). 1. A man of Judah 
of the family of Pharez (1 Chr. ix. 4). — 2. Father 

or progenitor of Zaccur 4 (Neh. iii. 2). 

Incense (Heb. kttdr&h, kitoreth, lcbo7idh [Frank- 
incense] ; Gr. thumiama). The incense employed 
in the service of the tabernacle was compounded 
of the perfumes stacte, onycha, galbanum, and pure 
frankincense. All incense not made of these in- 
gredients was forbidden to be offered (Ex. xxx. 9). 
According to Rashi on Ex. xxx. 34, the above-men- 
tioned perfumes were mixed in equal proportions, 
seventy manehs being taken of each. In addition 
to the four ingredients already mentioned, Rashi 
enumerates seven others. Josephus mentions thir- 
teen. The proportions of the additional spices are 
given by Maimonides as follows : Of myrrh, cassia, 
spikenard, and saffron, sixteen manehs each. Of 
costus twelve manehs, cinnamon nine manehs, sweet 
bark three manehs. The weight of the whole con- 
fection was 368 manehs. To these was added the 
fourth part of a cab of salt of Sodom, with amber 
of Jordan, and an herb called " the smoke-raiser," 
known only to the cunning in such matters, to 
whom the secret descended by tradition. In the 
ordinary daily service, one maneh was used, half in 
the morning and half in the evening. Allowing 
then one maneh of incense for each day of the solar 
year, the three manehs which remained were again 
pounded, and used by the high-priest on the day of 
atonement (Lev. xvi. 12). A store of it was con- 
stantly kept in the Temple. The incense possessed 
the threefold characteristic of being salted (not 
" tempered.^ as in A. V.), pure and holy. Salt was 
the symbol of in corruptness, and nothing, says 
Maimonides, was offered without it, except the wine 
of the drink-offerings, the blood, and the wood 
(compare Lev. ii. 13). Aaron, as high-priest, was 
originally appointed to offer incense, but in the 
daily service of the second Temple the office de- 
volved upon the inferior priests, from among whom 
one was chosen by lot (Lk. i. 9), each morning and 
evening. The officiating priest appointed another, 
whose office it was to take the fire from the brazen 
altar. The times of offering incense were specified 
in the instructions first given to Moses (Ex. xxx. 7, 
8). The morning incense was offered when the 
lamps were trimmed in the Holy place, and before 
the sacrifice, when the watchman set for the pur- 
pose announced the break of day. When the lamps 
were lighted " between the evenings," after the 
evening sacrifice and before the drink-offerings were 
offered, incense was again burnt on the golden al- 
tar, which belonged to the oracle (A. V. "that was 
by the oracle," 1 K. vi. 22), and stood before the 
veil which separated the Holy place from the Holy 
of Holies, the throne of God (Rev. viii. 4). When 



INC 



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405 



the priest entered the Holy place with the incense, 
all the people were removed from the Temple, and 
from between the porch and the altar (compare Lk. 
i. 10). Profound silence was observed among the 
congregation who were praying without (compare 
Rev. viii. 1), and at a signal from the prefect the 
priest cast the incense on the fire, and, bowing 
reverently toward the Holy of Holies, retired slowly 
backward, not prolonging his prayer, that he might 
not alarm the congregation, or cause them to fear 
that he had been struck dead for offering unwor- 
thily (Lev. xvi. 13; Lk. i. 21). On the day of 
atonement (Atonement, Day of) the service was 
different. The offering of incense has formed a 
part of the religious ceremonies of most ancient 
nations. It was an element in the idolatrous wor- 
ship of the Israelites (Jer. xi. 12, IT, xlviii. 35 ; 2 
Chr. xxxiv. 25). With regard to the symbolical 
. meaning of incense, opinions have been many and 
widely differing. Fairbairn, with many others, 
looks upon prayer as the reality of which incense is 
the symbol (Ps. cxli. 2 ; Rev. v. 8, viii. 3, 4). Look- 
ing upon incense in connection with the other cere- 
monial observances of the Mosaic ritual, it would 
rather seem to be symbolical, not of prayer itself, 
but of that which makes prayer acceptable, the in- 
tercession of Christ (so Mr. Wright). In Rev. viii. 
3, 4, the incense is spoken of as something distinct 
from, though offered with, the prayers of all the 
saints (compare Lk. i. 10) ; and in Rev. v. 8 it is 
the golden vials, and not the odors or incense, 
which are said to be the prayers of saints. 

* In-eor-rup'tion (fr. L.), = freedom from cor- 
ruption or decay. Immortality. 

In dia [ind'ya, or in'de-a] (L. fr. the river Indus ; 
Heb. Hoddu). The name of India does not occur 
in the Bible before Esther, where it is noticed as 
the limit of the territories of Ahasuerus in the E., as 
Ethiopia was in the W. (Esth. i. 1, 
viii. 9). The India of Esther is 
not the peninsula of Hindostan, 
but the country surrounding the 
Indus, the Punjdb and perhaps 
Scinde. In 1 Mc. viii. 8, India is 
reckoned among the countries 
which Eumenes, king of Perga- 
mus, received out of the former 
possessions of Antiochus the 
Great. (Ionia.) A more authen- 
tic notice of the country occurs 
in 1 Mc. xi. 37. But though the 
name of India occurs so seldom, 
the people and productions of 
that country must have been 
tolerably well known to the 
Jews. There is undoubted evi- 
dence that an active trade was 
carried on between India and 
Western Asia. (Arabia.) The trade opened by 
Solomon with Ophir through the Red Sea chiefly 
consisted of Indian articles. The connection thus 
established with India led to the opinion that the 
Indians were included under the ethnological title 
of Cush (Gen. x. 6). 

* In'gath-er-ing, Feast of (Ex. xxiii. 16). Taber- 
nacles, Feast of. 

Ia-lier'it-ance. Heir. 
Ink, Ink'horn. Writing. 

Innt The Heb. mdlon thus rendered literally = 
a lodging-place for the night. Inns, in our sense of 
the term, were, as they still are, unknown in the 
East, where hospitality is religiously practised. 



The khans, or caravanserais, are the representa- 
tives of European inns, and these were established 
but gradually. It is doubtful whether there is any 
allusion to them in the 0. T. The halting-place of 
a caravan was selected originally on account of its 
proximity to water or pasture, by which the travel- 
lers pitched their tents and passed the night. Such 
was undoubtedly the "inn " at which occurred the 
incident in the life of Moses, narrated in Ex. iv. 24 
(compare Gen. xlii. 27, xliii. 21). On the more fre- 
quented routes, remote from towns (Jer. ix. 2, A. 
V. "lodging-place"), caravanserais were in course 
of time erected, often at the expense of the wealthy. 
The following description of one of those on the 
road from Bagdad to Babylon will suffice for all : — 
" It is a large and substantial square building, in 
the distance resembling a fortress, being surround- 
ed with a lofty wall, and flanked by round towers 
to defend the inmates in case of attack. Passing 
through a strong gateway, the guest enters a large 
court, the sides of which are divided into numerous 
arched compartments, open in front, for the accom- 
modation of separate parties and for the reception 
of goods. In the centre is a spacious raised plat- 
form, used for sleeping upon at night, or for the 
devotions of the faithful during the day. Between 
the outer wall and the compartments are wide 
vaulted arcades, extending round the entire build- 
ing, where the beasts of burden are placed. Upon 
the roof of the arcades is an excellent terrace, and 
over the gateway an elevated tower containing two 
rooms — one of which is open at the sides, permit- 
ting the occupants to enjoy every breath of air that 
passes across the heated plain. The terrace is tol- 
erably clean ; but the court and stabling below are 
ankle-deep in chopped straw and filth " (Loftus, 
Chaldea, p. 13). The " inn " (Gr. pandoekeion, lit. 
a place where all are received, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) of 




Eastern Inn or Caravanserai.— From an original sketch. — (Ayre.) 



Luke x. 34 probably differed from the " inn " (Gr. 
kataluma = lodging-place, translated " guest-cham- 
ber " in Mk. xiv. 14 and Lk. xxii. 11) of Luke ii. 7, in 
having a " host " or " innkeeper " (x. 35), who sup- 
plied some few of the necessary provisions, and at- 
tended to the wants of travellers left to his charge. 
Barn ; Hospitality ; House ; Manger. 

* In-spi-ra'tioil (fr. L., lit. an in-breathing). — I. 
This word occurs twice in the A. V. — 1. In Job 
xxxii. 8, as the translation of the Heb. neshdmdh, 
usually and literally translated " breath " (Gen. ii. 
7, vii. 22; Job xxxiii. 4, &c), sometimes "spirit" 
(xxvi. 4; Prov. xx. 27), or "soul " (Is. lvii. 16), &c. 
In the A. V. Job xxxii. 8 reads thus : " But there 



406 INS 

is a spirit in man ; and the inspiration of the Al- 
mighty giveth them understanding." Gesenius here 
and in xxxiii. 4 makes the Hebrew = the Spirit of 
God, imparting wisdom and life ; Fiirst makes it = 
tlie spiritual inspiration of God in man, giving spir- 
itual power and physical life. Wis. xv. 11 speaks 
of God as having " inspired into (Gr. empneusanta, 
lit. having breathed in) him (man) an active soul, 
and breathed in a living spirit." — 2. In 2 Tim. iii. 
16 in the translation of the Gr. theopneustos, lit. God- 
breathed or God-inspired, in A. V. " given by inspi- 
ration of God." Ver. 16, 17 read: "All Scripture 
is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for 
doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction 
in righteousness, that the man of God may be per- 
fect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works." 
The " is " in both clauses is supplied by the trans- 
lators ; but many would supply " is " only once, 
thus : " All Scripture given by inspiration of God, 
is also profitable," &c. This construction is allow- 
able, but less natural than that of the A. V. Some 
of those who adopt the latter construction under- 
stand it, " All " (or every) " Scripture " that is 
" given by inspiration," &c, implying that some 
Scripture may not be given by inspiration, and 
hence that both profitableness for doctrine, &c, 
and inspiration are strictly affirmed here of only a 
part of what is known as Scripture. But both the 
being " given by inspiration " and the being " profit- 
able for doctrine," &c, properly belong, according 
to the apostle's argument, to " all Scripture." In 
ver. 15 he gives a characteristic of " the holy Scrip- 
tures " — not of some of them merely, but of the 
whole collection of the 0. T. writings thus desig- 
nated among the Jews (Bible ; Canon) — " which are 
able to make thee wise unto salvation through faith 
which is in Christ Jesus ; " and then he uses like 
comprehensive language in ver. 16, 17. It makes 
little difference in the general sense whether the 
phrase " given by inspiration " is considered with 
the A. V. as a part of the predicate, or simply as 
an epithet of the subject " all Scripture." Thus 
Origen, Bishop Ellicott, Dean Alford, &c, who adopt 
the latter view, regard the epithet as applying to the 
entire 0. T. Certainly no distinction between inspired 
and uninspired Scripture is either made or hinted 
at by the apostle ; and the attempts (by Semler, &c.) 
to introduce such a distinction into the passage are 
inconsistent with the apostle's argument, with the 
proper construction of language, and with the known 
reverence of the Jews and primitive Christians for 
the whole 0. T. — II. Theories and Definitions of the 
Inspiration of the Scriptures. Setting aside for the 
present the views of those who deny the divine ori- 
gin and authority of the Scriptures, there are three 
theories more or less prevalent among those who 
claim to be evangelical Christians, which may be 
styled — 1. The mechanical theory, or the theory of 
verbal inspiration, which holds that not only the 
thoughts, but also the very words of Scripture, are 
the direct product of the divine mind, the human 
writers of the various books being thus only the 
amanuenses who wrote down the language which 
the Spirit of God dictated. So (according to Knapp) 
Justin and other fathers, Schubert, Ernesti, &c. ; 
so (apparently) Gaussen. — 2. The common Evangel- 
ical theory, sometimes called the dynamical theory, 
which holds that inspiration, without impairing the 
free use of each writer's own natural powers, so 
moulded his views in regard to the subject-matter 
to be communicated to men, and, when necessary, 
in regard to the very language to be used by him, 



INS 

as to secure the communication in the Scriptures 
of that, and of that only, which, properly inter- 
preted, is truth — the truth which in its substance 
and form is in perfect accordance with the divine 
mind and will. So Henderson, Lee, Torrey, Fitch 
(see below), Fairbairn, Ayre, the editor of this vol- 
ume, &c, &c. This theory holds that the inspira- 
tion of the Scriptures is perfectly consistent with 
their recording falsehoods uttered (e. g. by the ser- 
pent to Eve), unsound arguments and perverted 
truths set forth (e. g. by Job's friends), mistakes, 
faults, and unholy contentions even of apostles and 
others whom God inspired to communicate truth, 
uninspired opinions or judgments (e. g. of Paul in 
1 Cor. vii.), &c. In such cases the inspiration has 
nothing to do with originally uttering the language 
or exhibiting the conduct recorded, but is concerned 
in making an infallible record of the fact that such 
language was uttered, such conduct took place in 
the given circumstances, &c. This theory admits 
the occurrence in copies of the Scriptures of mis- 
takes in transcribing, translating, and printing, 
which it is the business of Biblical criticism to in- 
vestigate and determine. Those who thus agree in 
maintaining the inspiration of the Scriptures may 
differ among themselves as to the authorship and 
dates of composition of particular books, the scope 
of particular prophecies, the explanation of particu- 
lar precepts or doctrines, the meaning of particular 
passages, and even the general principles of inter- 
pretation. — 3. The broad church or liberal the- 
ory, which holds that inspiration secures the infal- 
lible correctness of the Scriptures in regard only to 
moral and religious truth. This theory admits the 
occurrence in the Scriptures of positive errors or 
untruths in natural science, chronology, archaeolo- 
gy, geography, &c. So Dr. Samuel Davidson, the 
late Dr. Thomas Arnold, some of the prominent 
contributors to Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, 
Coleridge, Tholuck, Olshausen, &c. — Various and 
somewhat discrepant definitions have been given 
of inspiration and revelation. Knapp ( Christian The- 
ology) defines inspiration " an extraordinary divine 
influence by which the teachers of religion were in- 
structed what and how they should write or speak, 
while discharging the duties of their office." Rev. 
William Lee ( The Inspiration of Holy Scripture, Dub- 
lin, 1857) makes inspiration = the assistance af- 
forded in the utterance of God's truth, or in the 
recording of what God meant to have written in the 
Scriptures ; and revelation = the direct imparta- 
tion, to the mind of the prophet or seer, of truth 
which must otherwise be unknown to him (see 
B. S. xv. 33, 34). Professor Torrey (B. S. xv. 323 
ff.) makes revelation — "all God's direct manifesta- 
tions of Himself, with their necessary connections 
and dependencies," embracing " the whole circle of 
truths and of facts, whether knowable or not know- 
able by unaided human reason, which are necessary 
to make what God communicates clearly intelli- 
gible to, and practically operative on, beings consti- 
tuted as we are, and with all our passions and in- 
firmities ; " and constituting " one simple and con- 
nected system of supernatural divine teaching, by 
word and fact, of which the Scriptures of the 0. 
and N. T. are the faithful record." He defines 
inspiration " as that guidance from above, whereby 
the sacred penmen, in committing this divine reve- 
lation to writing, were preserved from all such error 
as would interfere with the end which God, in giv- 
ing this revelation to man, proposed." Mr. West- 
cott {Introduction to the Gospels) conceives that " by 



INS 



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407 



inspiration " man's " natural powers are quickened, 
so that he contemplates with a divine intuition the 
truth as it exists still among the ruins of the moral 
and physical worlds ; " while " by revelation we see, 
as it were, the dark veil removed from the face of 
things, so that the -true springs and issues of life 
stand disclosed in their eternal nature." " If you 
inquire," says Professor E. T. Fitch (B. S. xii. 253), 
" in what sense the Bible is breathed forth from 
God, the true answer is, the whole book was pre- 
pared by His direction, in subservience to a scheme 
of redemption through Christ, which had been 
planned in His eternal wisdom ; by men, to whom 
He gave direct revelations or imparted necessary 
wisdom and knowledge to guide them in their 
writings ; and that, consequently, the whole book 
has indorsed upon it His name and authority. While 
all other books are the books of men, this is the 
book of God. While others are liable to err re- 
specting truth and duty, this is infallible." — III. 
Proofs of the Inspiration of all the Scriptures. In 
opposition to those who admit the truth of the Bib- 
lical narrative as a whole and the general credibil- 
ity of the Scriptures, but deny their inspiration ; to 
those, also, who admit the divine authority of the 
revelation or system of truth contained in the Scrip- 
tures, but deny that the Scriptures, as a whole, 
constitute this revelation, and would modify or ex- 
plain away a large portion of their contents as 
marred by human imperfection, and inconsistent 
with the real or absolute truth which alone, in their 
view, the Holy Spirit did or could dictate ; we may 
allege — 1. The claim of the Scriptures themselves. 
A large part of the 0. and N. T. consists of what 
are positively declared to be messages or instructions 
from God ; e. g. the Ten Commandments, and many 
other parts of the Pentateuch (Moses), and the 
communications of the prophets generally (Proph- 
et) (Ex. xx. 1 ; Lev. i. 1 ; Num. i. 1 ; Is. viii. 1, lxvi. 
1, &c). The Apostle Paul gives to the whole 0. T. 
the significant title, " the oracles of God " (Rom. iii. 
2). In 2 Tim. iii. 15— 17 (see I. above), he claims 
inspiration for the whole 0. T., then familiarly 
known as " the Holy Scriptures," " the Scriptures " 
(Mat. xxi. 42, &c), "the Scripture" (Jn. vii. 38, 
42, &c), &c. A similar claim for the writings of 
the 0. T. prophets is set up in 2 Pet. i. 20, 21 : 
" No prophecy of the Scripture is of any private 
interpretation " (i. e. the prophecy is not from the 
prophet himself as interpreting or unfolding by his 
own unassisted powers the will or purposes of God, 
as is further explained in the next verse). " For 
the prophecy came not in old time" (margin, "at 
any time," Gr. pote) " by the will of man ; but holy 
men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy 
Ghost." In the N. T. the words of Jesus Himself 
come with the claim of full divine authority : " For 
He whom God hath sent, speaketh the words of 
God : for God giveth not the Spirit by measure 
unto Him " (Jn. iii. 34). Not merely as He uttered 
them at first, but as afterward repeated by the 
apostles, guided according to His promise, into all 
truth by the Spirit of truth (xvi. 13), and having all 
things brought to their remembrance (xiv. 26), do 
these words claim for themselves the credit of being 
inspired of God. Paul claimed inspiration (1 Cor. ii. 
13) : " Which things also we speak, not in the words 
which man's wisdom teachetb, but which the Holy 
Ghost teacheth ; comparing spiritual things with 
spiritual" (i. e. comparing the teachings of the Gos- 
pel with those of the 0. T. ; but Robinson [N. T. 
Lex.] translates combining spiritual things with spirit- 



ual, i. e. expressing thoughts taught by the Spirit 
in words taught by the Spirit ; Conybeare and How- 
son translate explaining spiritual things to spiritual 
men). Both Paul and Peter wrote as " apostles " 
(Rom. i. 1, &c. ; 1 Pet. i. 1, &c), i. e. as divinely 
commissioned to communicate the word of God. 
Peter ranks the epistles of Paul with " the other 
Scriptures," cites them as agreeing in doctrine with 
what he taught, and ascribes them to " the wisdom 
given" unto Paul (2 Pet. iii. 15, 16). The Apostle 
John, in Revelation, repeatedly exhibits his divine 
commission, and, in closing the words of his prophe- 
cy, solemnly threatens with the wrath of God any 
man who should add to or take away from them 
(Rev. i. 1, 19, ii. 1, xiv. 13, xxii. 18, 19, &c). (See 
also Mark ; Luke ; Jude, &c.) Thus scattered up 
and down, from the beginning to the end of the 
Scriptures of truth, are express claims that they are 
the inspired word of God. — 2. The need of it in or- 
der to make the Scriptures truly authoritative as 
the word of God. If the writers were not divinely 
inspired, we know neither what nor where the word 
of God is. If man by his unaided reason must 
pick out the fragments of absolute or spiritual 
truth here and there, as he may be able to discover 
them in the mass of rubbish and valuables, to which 
those would reduce the Scriptures who regard them 
as but partially or not at all divinely inspired, he is 
little better off now than the heathen who for 4,000 
years b. c. searched for divine truth by the light of 
nature, without finding God or arriving at a saving 
knowledge of His truth even then (Rom. i. 20 fif.). 
The need of the word of God is not met by any 
such " inspiration " as is common to mankind gen- 
erally, or possessed by eminent poets, artists, men 
of genius, &c. ; for this does not exempt their pro- 
ductions from dangerous mistakes and imperfec- 
tions. The inspiration of the Scriptures is no more 
impossible than any other miracle (Miracles) ; and 
the character of God makes it certain that He will 
give this inspiration, or work any other miracle, 
whenever it is necessary to promote the ends of 
wisdom and love for which His government exists. 
— 3. The impossibility of otherwise satisfactorily 
accounting for the marvellous perfection of the 
Scriptures as the word of God. They give a ra- 
tional view of God and of His relations to the uni- 
verse, and especially to man. They have been — 
they are — the power of God unto salvation. Where 
the Scriptures have been known — read — loved, the 
Christian religion and church have flourished, 
though multitudes of enemies have risen up and 
threatened to overwhelm them. Nothing else has 
been found to fill the place for living power which 
the Scriptures occupy and have occupied from age 
to age. They are perfect in their adaptation to the 
moral and spiritual wants of mankind. It is also a 
fact that after centuries of investigation by acute 
and subtle foes, as well as by able and candid 
friends, the Scriptures can still claim to be con- 
sistent with themselves from the beginning of Gen- 
esis to the end of Revelation. Countless discrep- 
ancies have been discovered, but they are discrep- 
ancies in appearance only, not in reality ; or if 
real, their existence may be readily accounted for : 
e. g. all alleged discrepancies between different 
parts of Scripture in regard to chronology may be 
satisfactorily explained, or so far explained, by the 
supposition of mistakes in copying numbers (Abi- 
jah 1 ; Ahaziah 2 ; Israel, Kingdom op, &c), by 
reference to the Hebrew custom of reckoning in- 
complete days or years at the beginning or end of a 



408 



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IRH 



period as if they were complete (compare 1 K. xv. 
33, xvi. 6, 8, 10 ; also Mat. xii. 40, xxvii., xxviii. ; 
and see 1 Sam. xxx. 12, 13 ; 2 Chr. x. 5, 12, &c. ; 
the ancient Romans, Hebrews, &c, counted that 
the third da)' which we should call the second, so 
that Sunday is the third day after Friday, the fourth 
after Thursday, &c), or by the help of some other 
known or properly supposable fact, as to remove 
all necessity of regarding them as absolutely irrec- 
oncilable. Thus Keil and others suppose an inter- 
regnum of eleven and a half years between King 
Jeroboam II. and his son Zachariah, who succeeded 
him (compare 2 K. xiv. 17, 23, xv. 8), and one of 
eight and a half years between Pekah and Hoshea 
his successor (compare xv. 30, xvii. 1). Verbal 
contradictions and other apparent discrepancies, as 
in the narratives of events (Aceldama ; Ahaziah 2 ; 
Gospels ; Jesus Christ, &c), in the relations of 
persons to one another (Gen. xii. 5, xiii. 8 ; see 
Brother, &c), in commands and precepts (compare 
Prov. xxvi. 4 with 5 ; also Gen. ix. 6 with xxii. 2, 
&c), in the representations of God (compare Is. vi. 
1 with Jn. i. 18 ; also Gen. vi. 6 with 1 Sam. xv. 
29, &c), in the quotations of the N. T. from the 0. 
T. (Old Testament), in the application of prophecies 
(e. g. Immanuel), &c. ; these are not real contradic- 
tions or discrepancies when properly explained. 
Still further, the Scriptures harmonize with all dis- 
covered truth. The Bible has no geographical, 
zoological, geological, or astronomical untruths 
(Ant ; Coney ; Creation ; Earth ; Hare ; Heaven, 
&c), though it makes abundant use of popular lan- 
guage, or the language of appearances in distinc- 
tion from that which is scientifically accurate. As 
to the discrepancies in chronology and history al- 
leged to exist between the Scriptures, particularly 
the books of Moses, as we have them, and the rec- 
ords and monuments of Egypt, Assyria, and other 
ancient nations, or the discoveries of modern sci- 
ence, we may safely say, that, while many remark- 
able confirmations of Biblical history, chronology, 
&c, have been obtained from these, no conclusions 
derived from any of them which are irreconcilable 
with the Hebrew Scriptures can be properly said to 
be so firmly established as to be beyond the possi- 
bility of being overthrown by future discoveries in 
the same direction. The consistency of the Scrip- 
tures with themselves and with other known truth 
is wonderful when we remember that nearly 1,600 
years intervened between the beginning and the 
end of committing them to writing — that they were 
written in countries hundreds of miles apart, by 
men of different attainments and habits, occupying 
different stations in life, and using different lan- 
guages. Moses in the wilderness of Sinai, David 
on the throne of Israel, Daniel in the palaces of 
Babylon and Shushan, Ezekiel among the exiles by 
the river Chebar, Amos among the herdmen of 
Tekoa, and Paul in prison at Rome, all inculcate 
the same great truths. The ideas of many of them 
in respect to subjects incidentally treated of in the 
Scriptures were doubtless very inaccurate, yet they 
uniformly contributed their share to make the Bi- 
ble the book of truth and perfect excellence. All 
this can be rationally accounted for only because 
" all Scripture is given by inspiration of God." — 4. 
The general consent of both Jews and Christians 
in all ages that the O. T. was given by inspiration, 
and the general reception by Christians for 1,800 
years of the canonical books of the N. T. as in- 
spired. The claims of all the books of the Scrip- 
tures were scrutinized by those who were ready to 



sacrifice their lives for the truth, and were exceed- 
ingly scrupulous about receiving as canonical or 
inspired (and these were, in their minds, closely 
connected) any book which did not bring with it 
the proper credentials. The known differences of 
opinion in regard to some books of the N. T. (Can- 
on), show that evidence of worthiness to be ac- 
credited came before any general or even partial 
reception among Christians of a book as divinely 
inspired. Both the divine Author of the Gospel and 
His followers belong to the kingdom of truth (Jn. 
xviii. 37) ; and no rational account can be given of 
the origin of the Scriptures and their general recep- 
tion among Christians as the word of God, except 
that they were, as they claim to be, "given by in- 
spiration of God." 

Instant (fr. L.), In'stant-ly, the A. V. translation 
of five distinct Greek words — pressing, urgent, ur- 
gently, or fervently, as will be seen from the follow- 
ing passages (Lk. vii. 4, xxiii. 23 ; Acts xxvi. 7 ; 
Rom. xii. 12). In 2 Tim. iv. 2 we find " be instant 
in season and out of season," literally, stand ready — 
be alert for whatever may happen. In Luke ii. 38, 
" that instant " literally = in that hour. 

* In-ter-tes'sion (fr. L.) := prayer for another or 
for others (Jer. vii. 16, &c.) ; rarely, prayer against 
others (Rom. xi. 2). 

* In-tei-])l'e-ta'tion (fr. L. = a making known the 
meaning, explanation). Inspiration ; Old Testa- 
ment. 

I-o'ni-a (Gr., said to be named fr. Ion, an early 
king of the country). The substitution of this word 
for " India " in 1 Mc. viii. 8 is a conjecture of Gro- 
tius without any authority of MSS. The name was 
given in early times to that part of the western 
coast of Asia Minor which lay between jEolis on 
the N. and Doris on the S. In Roman times Ionia 
ceased to have any political significance, being ab- 
sorbed in the province of Asia. 

Iph-e-dei'ali [if-fe-dee'yah] (fr. Heb. = whom 
Jehovah seh free, Ges.), a Benjamite chief, son of 
Shashak (1 Chr. viii. 25). 

Ir (Heb. eity, Ges.) = Iri 1 (1 Chr. vii. 12). 

I'ra (Ileb. wakeful, Ges.) 1. " The Jairite," 
named in the catalogue of David's great officers (2 
Sam. xx. 26). — 2. " The Ithrite," one of David's 
" valiant men " (xxiii. 38 ; 1 Chr. xi. 40). — 3. An- 
other of David's " valiant men," a Tekoite, son of 
Ikkesh, and captain of the sixth monthly course (2 
Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 9). 

I'rad (Heb. = Arad?; = Jared, Fii.), son of 
Enoch ; grandson of Cain, and father of Mehujael 
(Gen. iv. 18). 

Train (Heb. belonging to a eity, Ges.), a "duke" 
of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 43 ; 1 Chr. i. 54), i. e. 
the chief of a family or tribe. No identification of 
him or of his posterity has been found. 

Ir-ha-he'res (Heb., see below), in A. V. " the city 
of destruction " (margin " Heres," or "the sun"), 
the name or an appellation of a city in Egypt, men- 
tioned only in Is. xix. 18. There are various ex- 
planations. 1. The city of the sun, a translation of 
the Egyptian sacred name of Heliopolis. (On.) 2. 
TJie city Heres, a transcription in the second word 
of the Egyptian sacred name of Heliopolis, Ha-ra, 
the abode (literally house) of the sun. 3. A city de- 
stroyed, literally a city of destruction, meaning that 
one of the five cities mentioned should be destroyed, 
according to Isaiah's idiom. 4. A city preserved, 
meaning that one of the five cities mentioned should 
be preserved. The first of these explanations is 
highly improbable, for we find elsewhere both the 



IRI 



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409 



sacred and civil names of Heliopolis, so that a 
third name merely a variety of the Hebrew render- 
ing of the sacred name is very unlikely. The sec- 
ond explanation, which we believe has not been 
hitherto put forth, is liable to the same objection as 
the preceding one, besides that it necessitates the 
exclusion of the article. The fourth explanation 
would not have been noticed, had it not been sup- 
ported by the name of Gesenius. The common 
reading and old rendering remain, which certainly 
present no critical difficulties. A very careful ex- 
amination of the nineteenth chapter of Isaiah, and 
of the eighteenth and twentieth, which are con- 
nected with it, has inclined us to prefer it (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, original author of this article). Cal- 
vin supposes the passage to mean that five cities of 
Egypt would profess the true religion = " speak 
the language of Canaan," while one rejecting it 
would be called " city of destruction," not as its 
proper name, but as descriptive of its doom. 

I'ri (Heb. --- Iram). 1. A Benjamite, son of Bela 
(1 Chr. vii. 7); = Ir.— 2. Uriah 3 (1 Esd. viii. 62). 

I-ri'jall (Heb. founded [i. e. constituted] of Jehovah, 
Ges.), son of Shelemiah ; a "captain of the ward," 
who met Jeremiah in the gate of Jerusalem called 
the " gate of Benjamin," accused him of being about 
to desert to the Chaldeans, and led him back to the 
princes (Jer. xxxvii. 13, 14). 

Ir'-na-hash, or Ir-na'liasli (Heb. serpent-city), a 
name which, like many other names of places, oc- 
curs in the genealogical lists of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 
12, margin "the city of Nahash"). No trace of it 
attached to any site has been discovered. Ir-nahash 
= Bethlehem 1 (so Jerome). Nahash 2. 

I'ron (fr. Heb. = piety? Ges.), a city of Naphtali 
(Josh. xix. 38); identified by Van de Velde (i. 175), 
&c, with Yarun, a village about ten miles W. of 
Lake Merom. 

I'ron [i'urn] (Heb. barzel ; Chal. parz'ld ; Gr. 
sideros), mentioned with brass as the earliest of 
known metals (Gen. iv. 22). As it is rarely found 
in its native state, but generally in combination with 
oxygen, the knowledge of the art of forging iron, 
which is attributed to Tubal Cain, argues an ac- 
quaintance with the difficulties which attend the 
smelting of this metal. Iron melts at about 3,000° 
Fahrenheit, and to produce this heat large furnaces 
supplied by a strong blast of air are necessary. A 
method is employed by the natives of India, ex- 
tremely simple and of great antiquity, which though 
rude is very effective, and suggests the possibility 
of similar knowledge in an early stage of civiliza- 
tion. Malleable iron was in common use, but it is 
doubtful whether the ancients were acquainted with 
cast-iron. The natural wealth of the soil of Canaan 
is indicated by describing it as " a land whose stones 
are iron" (Deut. viii. 9). The book of Job con- 
tains passages which indicate that iron was well 
known. It declares that "iron is taken out of 
the earth" (Job xxviii. 2, margin "dust"). The 
"furnace of iron " (Deut. iv. 28 ; IK. viii. 51) is 
a figure which vividly expresses hard bondage, as 
represented by the severe labor which attended 
the operation of smelting. Sheet-iron was used for 
cooking-utensils (Ez. iv. 3 ; compare Lev. vii. 9). 
That it was plentiful in the time of David appears 
from 1 Chr. xxii. 3. The market of Tyre was sup- 
plied with bright or polished iron by the merchants 
of Dan and Javan (Ez. xxvii. 19). The Chalybes of 
the Pontus were celebrated as workers in iron in 
very ancient times. The produce of their labor is 
supposed to be alluded to in Jer. xv. 12, as being 



of superior quality. It was long supposed that the 
Egyptians were ignorant of the use of iron, and 
that the allusions in the Pentateuch were anachron- 
isms, as no traces of it have been found in their 
monuments; but in the sepulchres at Thebes 
butchers are represented as sharpening their knives 
on a round bar of metal attached to their aprons, 
which from its blue color is presumed to be steel. 
One iron mine only has been discovered in Egypt, 
which was worked by the ancients. It is at Ham- 
mami, between the Nile and the Red Sea ; the iron 
found by Mr. Burton was in the form of specular 
and red ore. That no articles of iron should have 
been found is easily accounted for by the fact that 
it is easily destroyed by moisture and exposure to 
the air. The Egyptians obtained their iron almost 
exclusively from Assyria Proper in the form of 
bricks or pigs. Specimens of Assyrian iron-work 
overlaid with bronze were discovered by Mr. Layard, 
and are now in the British Museum. Iron weapons 
of various kinds were found at Nimroud, but fell 
to pieces on exposure to the air. The rendering 
given by the LXX. of Job xl. 18 — verse 13, in the 
LXX. " his backbone (is) iron poured," i. e. made 
liquid, melted, cast ; A. V. " his bones (are) like bars 
of iron " — seems to imply that some method nearly 
like that of casting was known, and is supported by 
a passage in Diodorus (v. 13). In Ecclus. xxxviii. 
28, we have a picture of the interior of an iron- 
smith's (Is. xliv. 12) workshop. Arms ; Axe ; 
Chariot; Furnace ; Handicraft ; Knife; Metals ; 
Mines ; Tool, &c. 

Ir'pc-el (fr. Heb. = restored by God), one of the 
cities of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 27); site unknown. 

Ir-shc'niesli (Heb. city of the sun), a city of the 
Danites (Josh. xix. 41), probably = Beth-siiemesh, 
and, if not identical, at least connected with Mount 
Heres (Judg. i. 35). 

I'm (Heb. =. Iram ?), eldest son of the great 
Caleb son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 

I'saac [-zak] (fr. Heb. = laughter), the son whom 
Sarah, in accordance with the Divine promise, bore 
to Abraham, probably at Gerar, when Abraham 
was one hundred and Sarah ninety years old (Gen. 
xvii. 17). In his infancy he became the object of 
IshmaePs jealousy ; and in his youth (when twen- 
ty-five years old, according to Jos. i. 13, § 2) the 
victim, in intention, of Abraham's great sacrificial 
act of faith. When forty years old he married 
Rebekaii his cousin, by whom, when he was sixty, 
he had two sons, Esau and Jacob. In his seventy- 
fifth year he and his brother Ishmael buried their 
father Abraham in the cave of Machpelah. From 
his abode by the well Lahai-roi, in the South Country 
— a barren tract, comprising a few pastures and 
wells, between the hills of Judea and the Arabian 
desert, touching at its W. end Philistia, and on the 
N. Hebron — Isaac was driven by a famine to Gerar. 
Here Jehovah appeared to him and bade him dwell 
there and not go over into Egypt, and renewed to 
him the promises made to Abraham. Here he sub- 
jected himself, like Abraham in the same place and 
under like circumstances (Gen. xx. 2), to a rebuke 
from Abimelech, the Philistine king, for an equivoca- 
tion. Here he acquired great wealth by his flocks ; 
but was repeatedly dispossessed by the Philistines 
of the wells which he sunk at convenient stations. 
At Beer-sheba Jehovah appeared to him by night 
and blessed him, and he built an altar there : there, 
too, like Abraham, he received a visit from the 
Philistine king Abimelech, with whom he made a 
covenant of peace. After the deceit by which 



410 



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ISA 



Jacob acquired his father's blessing, Isaac sent his 
son to seek a wife in Padan-aram ; and all that we 
know of him during the last forty-three years of his 
life is that he saw that son, with a large and pros- 
perous family, return to him at Hebron (xxxv. 27) 
before he died there at the age of 180 years. • He 
was buried by his two sons in the cave of Mach- 
pelah. In the N. T. reference is made to the offer- 
ing of Isaac (Heb. xi. 17; Jas. ii. 21), and to his 
blessing his sons (Heb. xi. 20). As the child of the 
promise, and as the progenitor of the children of 
the promise, he is contrasted with Ishmael (Rom. 
ix. 7, 10 ; Gal. iv. 28 ; Heb. xi. 18). In our Lord's 
remarkable argument with the Sadducees, his his- 
tory is carried beyond the point at which it is left 
in the 0. T., and beyond the grave. Isaac, of 
whom it was said (Gen. xxxv. 29) that he was 
gathered to his people, is represented as still living 
to God (Lk. xx. 38, &c.) ; and by the same Divine 
authority he is proclaimed as an acknowledged heir 
of future glory (Mat. viii. 11, &c). It has been 
asked, What are the persecutions sustained by Isaac 
from Ishmael to which St. Paul refers (Gal. iv. 29) ? 
Rashi relates a Jewish tradition of Isaac suffering 
personal violence from Ishmael, a tradition which, 
as Mr. Ellicott thinks, was adopted by St. Paul. 
But Origen and Augustine seem to doubt whether 
the passage in Gen. xxi. 9 bears the construction 
apparently put upon it. The offering up of Isaac 
by Abraham has been viewed in various lights. By 
Bishop Warburton (Div. Leg. vi. § 5) the whole 
transaction was regarded as " merely an informa- 
tion by action, instead of words, of the great sacri- 
fice of Christ for the redemption of mankind, given 
at the earnest request of Abraham, who longed im- 
patiently to see Christ's day." Mr. Maurice {Patri- 
archs and Lawgivers, iv.) draws attention to the 
offering of Isaac as the last and culminating point 
in the divine education of Abraham, that which 
taught him the meaning and ground of self-sacrifice. 
Isaac, the gentle and dutiful son, the faithful and 
constant husband, became the father of a house in 
which order did not reign. His life, judged by a 
worldly standard, might seem inactive, ignoble, and 
unfruitful ; but the guileless years, prayers, gra- 
cious acts, and daily thank-offerings of pastoral life 
are not to be so esteemed, though they make no 
show in history. The typical view of Isaac is barely 
referred to in the N. T. ; but it is drawn out with 
minute particularity by Philo and those interpreters 
of Scripture who were influenced by Alexandrian 
philosophy. Jewish legends represent Isaac as an 
angel made before the world, and descending to 
earth in human form ; as one of the three men in 
whom human sinfulness has no place, as one of the 
six over whom the angel of death has no power ; 
as instructed in Divine knowledge by Shem ; as 
the originator of evening prayer. 

*I'sai (L. fr. Heb.) = Jesse (1 Chr. x. 14, 
margin). 

I-sai ah [-za'yah] (fr. Heb. = salvation of Jeho- 
vah; Jah is helper, Fii. ; = Jesaiah, Jeshaiah), 
the prophet, son of Amoz. (Bible ; Canon ; In- 
spiration ; Old Testament ; Prophet.) Kimchi 
(a. d. 1230) says in his commentary on Is. i. 1, 
" We know not his race, nor of what tribe he was." 
I. The first verse of his book runs thus : " The 
vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz, which he saw 
concerning Judah and Jerusalem in the days of 
Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Ju- 
dah." A few remarks on this verse (so Mr. Huxtable, 
original author of this article) will open the way 



to the solution of several inquiries relative to the 
prophet and his writings. 1. This verse plainly 
prefaces at least the first part of the book (chs. i.- 
xxxix.), which leaves off in Hezekiah's reign; and 
the obvious construction would take it as applying 
to the whole book. 2. We are authorized to infer, 
that no part of the vision, the fruits of which are 
recorded in this book, belongs to the reign of Ma- 
nasseh. A rabbinical tradition, indeed, apparently 
confirmed by Heb. xi. 37, reports that Isaiah was 
sawn asunder in the trunk of a tree by order of 
Manasseh ; and a very old mulberry-tree, near the 
pool of Siloam, on the slopes of Ophel, is now 
pointed out as the spot of the martyrdom. 3. 
Isaiah must have been an old man at the close 
of Hezekiah's reign. The ordinary chronology 
gives 758 b. c. for the date of Jotham's acces- 
sion, and 698 for that of Hezekiah's death. This 
gives us a period of 60 years. And since his min- 
istry commenced before Uzziah's death (how long 
we know not), supposing him to have been no more 
than 20 years old when he began to prophesy, he 
would have been 80 or 90 at Manasseh's accession. 
4. The circle of hearers upon whom his ministry 
was immediately designed to operate is determined 
to be "Judah and Jerusalem." 5. It is the most 
natural and obvious supposition that the " visions " 
are in the main placed in the collection according 
to their chronological order. 6. If we compare the 
contents of the book with the description here 
given of it, we recognize prophesyings which are 
certainly to be assigned to the reigns of Uzziah, 
Ahaz, and Hezekiah ; but we cannot so certainly 
find any belonging to the reign of Jotham. 7. We 
naturally ask, Who was the compiler of the book ? 
The obvious answer is, that it was Isaiah himself 
aided by a scribe (compare Jer. xxxvi. 1-5). Isaiah 
we know was otherwise an author (2 Chr. xxvi. 22, 
xxxii. 32). (Prophet.) — II. In order to realize the 
relation of Isaiah's prophetic ministry to his own con- 
temporaries, we need to take account both of the for- 
eign relations of Judah at the time, and internally 
of its social and religious aspects. Our materials are 
scanty, and are to be collected partly out of 2 Kings 
and 2 Chronicles, and partly out of the remain- 
ing writings of contemporary prophets, Joel (prob- 
ably), Obadiah, and Micah, in Judah ; and Hosea, 
Amos, and Jonah, in Israel. Of these the most as- 
sistance is obtained from Micah. 1. Under Uzziah 
the political position of Judah had greatly re- 
covered from the blows suffered under Amaziah ; 
the fortifications of Jerusalem itself were restored ; 
castles were built in the country ; new arrange- 
ments in the army and equipments of defensive 
artillery were established ; and considerable suc- 
cesses in war gained against the Philistines, the 
Arabians, and the Ammonites. This prosperity 
continued during the reign of Jotham, except that 
toward the close of this latter reign, troubles threat- 
ened from the alliance of Israel and Syria. The 
consequence of this prosperity was an influx of 
wealth, and this with the increased means of mili- 
tary strength withdrew men's confidence from Je- 
hovah, and led them to trust in worldly resources. 
Moreover, great disorders existed in the internal 
administration, all of which, whether moral or relig- 
ious, were, by the very nature of the commonwealth, 
as theocratic, alike amenable to prophetic rebuke. 
— 2. Now, what is the tenor of Isaiah's message in 
the time of Uzziah and Jotham ? This we read in 
chapters i.-v. Chapter i. is very general in its eon- 
tents. The seer stands (perhaps) in the Court of 



ISA 



ISA 



411 



the Israelites denouncing to nobles and people, then 
assembling for divine worship, the whole estimate 
of their character formed by Jehovah, and His ap- 
proaching chastisements. This discourse suitably 
heads the book ; it sounds the keynote of the whole ; 
fires of judgment destroying, but purifying a rem- 
nant — such was the burden all along of Isaiah's 
prophesyings. Of the other public utterances be- 
longing to this period, chapters ii.-iv. are by almost 
all critics considered to be one prophesying — the 
leading thought of which is that the present pros- 
perity of Judah should be destroyed for her sins, 
to make room for the real glory of piety and virtue; 
while chapter v. forms a distinct discourse, whose 
main purport is that Israel, God's vineyard, shall 
be brought to desolation. At first he invites atten- 
tion by reciting a parable (of the vineyard) in calm 
and composed accents (ch. v.). But as he inter- 
prets the parable his note changes, and a sixfold 
" woe " is poured forth with terrible invective. It 
is levelled against the covetous amassers of land ; 
against luxurious revellers ; against bold sinners, 
who defied God's works of judgment; against those 
who confounded moral distinctions ; against self- 
conceited sceptics ; and against profligate perverters 
of judicial justice. In fury of wrath Jehovah 
stretches forth His hand. Here there is an aw 
ful vagueness in the images of terror which the 
prophet accumulates, till at length out of the cloud 
and mist of wrath we hear Jehovah hiss for the 
stern and irresistible warriors (the Assyrians), who 
from the end of the earth should crowd forward to 
spoil — after which all distinctness of description 
again fades away in vague images of sorrow and 
despair. — 3. In the year of Uzziah's death an ec- 
static vision fell upon the prophet. In this vision 
he saw Jehovah, in the Second Person of the God- 
head (Jn. xii. 41 : compare Mai. iii. 1), enthroned 
aloft in His own earthly tabernacle, attended by 
seraphim, whose praise filled the sanctuary as it 
were with the smoke of incense. As John at 
Patmos, ao Isaiah was overwhelmed with awe ; 
he felt his own sinfulness and that of all with 
whom he was connected, and cried " woe " upon 
himself as if brought before Jehovah to receive 
the reward of his deeds. But, as at Patmos 
the Son of Man laid His hand upon John, say- 
ing, " Fear not ! " so, in obedience evidently to the 
will of Jehovah, a seraph with a hot stone (Coal 3) 
taken from the altar touched his lips, the principal 
organ of good and evil in man, and, thereby remov- 
ing his sinfulness, qualified him to join the seraphim 
in whatever service he might be called to. This 
vision in the main was another mode of representing 
what, both in previous and in subsequent prophesy- 
ings, is so continually denounced — the almost utter 
destruction of the Hebrew people, with yet a purified 
remnant. It is a touching trait, illustrating the 
prophet's own feelings, that when he next appears 
before us, some years later, he has a son named 
Shear-jashub = " Remnant shall return." The name 
was evidently given with significance ; and the fact 
discovers alike the sorrow which ate his heart, and 
the hope in which he found solace. — 4. Some years 
elapse between chapters vi. and vii., and the politi- 
cal scenery has greatly altered. The Assyrian power 
of Nineveh now threatens the Hebrew nation ; Tig- 
lath-pileser has already spoiled Pekah of some of the 
fairest parts of his dominions. After the Assyrian 
army was withdrawn, the Syrian kingdom of Damas- 
cus rises into notice ; its monarch, Rezin, combines 
with the now weakened king of Israel, and probably 



with other small states around, to consolidate (it 
has been conjectured) a power which shall confront 
Asshur. Ahaz keeps aloof, and becomes the object 
of attack to the allies ; he has been already twice 
defeated (2 Chr. xxviii. 5, 6) ; and now the allies are 
threatening him with a combined invasion (b. c. 741). 
The news that " Aram is encamped in Ephraim " 
(Is. vii. 2, A. V. " Syria is confederate with " [mar- 
gin "resteth on"] "Ephraim") fills both king and 
people with consternation, and the king is gone forth 
from the city to take measures, as it would seem, to 
prevent the upper reservoir of water from falling 
into the hands of the enemy, Under Jehovah's di- 
rection Isaiah goes forth to meet the king, sur- 
rounded no doubt by a considerable company of his 
officers and of spectators. The prophet is directed 
to take with him the child whose name, Shear-jashub, 
was so full of mystical promise, to add greater em- 
phasis to his message. As a sign that Judah was 
not yet to perish, he announces the birth of the 
child Lmmanuel, who should not " know to refuse 
the evil and choose the good," before the land of 
the two hostile kings should be left desolate. But 
here the threat which mingles with the promise in 
Shear-jashub appears, and again Isaiah predicts the 
Assyrian invasion. — 5. As the Assyrian empire be- 
gan more and more to threaten the Hebrew com- 
monwealth with utter overthrow, the prediction of 
the Messiah, the Restorer of Israel, becomes more 
positive and clear. The king was bent upon an alli- 
ance with Assyria. This Isaiah steadfastly opposes 
(compare x. 20). " Neither fear Aram and Israel, 
for they will soon perish ; nor trust in Asshur, for 
she will be thy direst oppressor." Such is Isaiah's 
strain. And by divine direction he employs various 
expedients to make his testimony the more impres- 
sive. He procured a large tablet (viii. 1), and with 
witnesses he wrote thereon, in large characters suited 
for a public notice, the words " Maher-shalal-hash- 
baz " = Hasten-booty Speed-spoil ; which tablet was 
no doubt to be hung up for public view, in the en- 
trance (we may suppose) to the Temple. And fur- 
ther • his wife — who appears to have been herself 
possessed of prophetic gifts (" the prophetess ") — 
just at this time gave birth to a son. Jehovah bids 
the prophet give him the name Haslen-booty Speed- 
spoil as above, adding, that, before the child should 
be able to talk, the wealth of Damascus and the 
booty of Samaria should be carried away before the 
king of Assyria. The people of Judah were split 
into political factions. The court was for Assyria, 
and indeed formed an alliance with Tiglath-pileser ; 
but a popular party was for the Syro Ephraimitic 
connection formed to resist Assyria. "Fear none 
but Jehovah only ! fear Him, trust Him ; He will 
be your safety." Such is the purport of the dis- 
course viii. 5-ix. 7. — 6. A prophecy was delivered 
at this time against the kingdom of Israel (ix. 8-x. 
4). As Isaiah's message was only to Judah, we 
may infer that the object of this utterance was to 
check the disposition shown by many to connect 
Judah with the policy of the sister kingdom. — 7. 
The utterances recorded in x. 5-xii. 6, one of the 
most highly-wrought passages in the whole book, 
was probably one single outpouring of inspiration. 
It stands wholly disconnected with the preceding in 
the circumstances which it presupposes; and to 
what period to assign it, is not easy to determine. — 8. 
The next eleven chapters, xiii.-xxiii., contain chiefly 
a collection of utterances, each of which is styled a 
" burden." (a.) The first (xiii. 1-xiv. 2V) is against 
Babylon ; placed first, either because it was first in 



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point of utterance, or because Babylon in prophetic 
vision, particularly when Isaiah compiled his book, 
headed in importance all the earthly powers op- 
posed to God's people, and therefore was to be 
first struck down by the shaft of prophecy. The 
ode of triumph (xiv. 3-23) in this burden is among 
the most poetical passages in all literature. (6.) 
The short and pregnant " burden " against Philistia 
(xiv. 29-32), in the year that Ahaz died, was occa- 
sioned by the revolt of the Philistines from Judah, 
and their successful inroad recorded 2 dir. xxviii. 
18. (c.) The "burden of Moab" (xv., xvi.) is re- 
markable for the elegiac strain in which the prophet 
bewails the disasters of Moab, and for the dramatic 
character of xvi. 1-6. (d.) Chapters xvii., xviii. 
This prophecy is headed " the burden of Damas- 
cus ; " and yet after verse 3 the attention is with- 
drawn from Damascus and turned to Israel, and 
then to Ethiopia. Israel appears as closely asso- 
ciated with Damascus. This brings us to the time 
of the Syro-Ephraimitic alliance ; at all events 
Ephraim has not yet ceased to exist. Chapter xvii. 
12-14, as well as xviii. 1-7, points again to the event 
of xxxvii. But why this here ? The solution seems 
to be that, though Assyria would be the ruin both of 
Aram and Israel, and though it would even threaten 
Judah ("us," verse 14), it should not then conquer 
Judah (compare turn of xiv. 31, 32). (e.) In the 
"burden of Egypt" (xix.) the prophet seems to be 
pursuing the same object. Both Israel (2 K. xvii. 
4) and Judah (Is. xxxi.) were naturally disposed to 
look toward Egypt for succor against Assyria. 
Probably to counteract this tendency the prophet is 
here directed to prophesy the utter helplessness of 
Egypt under God's judgments. But the result 
should be that numerous cities of Egypt should own 
Jehovah for their God. (Ir-ha-heres.) (/.) In 
the midst of these " burdens," chapter xx. presents 
Isaiah in a new aspect, an aspect in which he ap- 
pears in this instance only. The more emphatically 
to enforce the warning already conveyed in the 
"burden of Egypt," Isaiah was commanded to ap- 
pear for three years (from time to time, we may sup- 
pose) in the streets and Temple of Jerusalem stripped 
of his sackcloth mantle, and wearing his vest only, 
with his feet also bare. (Dress, III. 1.) (g.) In "the 
burden of the desert of the sea," a poetical designa- 
tion of Babylonia (xxi. 1-10), the images in which 
the fall of Babylon is indicated are sketched with 
the rapidity of iEschylus and certainly not less than 
the awfulness and grandeur of that great tragic poet 
of Greece, (h.) " The burden of Dumah " and " of 
Arabia" (xxi. 11-17) relate apparently to some 
Assyrian invasion, (i.) In" the burden of the valley 
of vision " (xxii. 1-14) it is doubtless Jerusalem that 
is thus designated. The scene presented is that of 
Jerusalem during an invasion ; in the hostile army 
are named Elam and Kir, nations which no doubt con- 
tributed troops both to the Ninevite and to the Baby- 
lonian armies. The latter is probably here contem- 
plated, (k.) The passage xxii. 15-25 is singular in 
Isaiah as a prophesying against an individual. 
Shebsa was one of the king's highest functionaries, 
and seems to have been leader of a party opposed 
to Jehovah (verse 25). Perhaps he was disgraced 
and exiled by Hezekiah after the event ■ of xxxvii. 
If his fall was the consequence of the Assyrian over- 
throw, we can better understand both the denuncia- 
tion against the individual and the position it occu- 
pies in the record. (I.) The last "burden" is 
against Tyre (xxiii.). Her utter destruction is not 
predicted by Isaiah as it afterward was by Ezekiel. 



— 9. The next four chapters, xxiv.-xxvii., form one 
prophecy essentially connected with the preceding 
ten "burdens" (xiii.-xxiii.), of which it is in effect 
a general summary. The elegy of xxiv. is inter- 
rupted at verse 13 by a glimpse at the happy rem- 
nant, but is resumed at verse 16 till at verse 21 the 
dark night passes away altogether to usher in an 
inexpressibly glorious day. In xxv., after com- 
memorating the destruction of all oppressors, the 
prophet gives us in verses 6-9 a most glowing de- 
scription of Messianic blessings, which connects it- 
self with the N. T. by numberless links, indicating 
the oneness of the prophetic Spirit (" the Spirit of 
Christ," 1 Pet. i. 11) with that which dwells in the 
later revelation. In xxvi., verses 12-18 describe the 
new, happy state of God's people as God's work 
wholly. In xxvii. 1, " Leviathan the fleeing (A. V. 
'piercing,' margin 'crossing like a bar') serpent, 
and Leviathan, the twisting (A. V. ' crooked') ser- 
pent and the dragon in the sea," are perhaps Nine- 
veh and Babylon — two phases of the same Asshur — 
and Egypt (compare verse 13); all, however, sym- 
bolizing adverse powers of evil. — 10. Chapters 
xxviii.-xxxv. The former part of this section seems 
to be of a fragmentary character, being probably 
the substance of discourses not fully communicated, 
and spoken at different times, xxviii. 1-6 is clearly 
predictive ; it therefore preceded Shalmaneser's in- 
vasion, when Samaria ("the crown of pride") was 
destroyed. And her ewe have a picture given us of 
the way in which Jehovah's word was received 
by Isaiah's contemporaries. Priest and prophet 
were drunk with a spirit of infatuation — " they erred 
in vision, they stumbled in judgment," and there- 
fore only scoffed at his ministrations. — Chapter xxix. 
Jerusalem was to be visited with extreme danger 
and terror, and then sudden deliverance (verses 1- 
8). But the threatening and promise seemed very 
enigmatical; prophets, and rulers, and scholars, 
could make nothing of the riddle (9-12). Alas! 
the people themselves will only hearken to the 
prophets and priests speaking out of their own 
heart ; even their so-called piety to Jehovah is reg- 
ulated, not by His true organs, but by pretended 
ones (verse 13); but all their vaunted policy shall 
be confounded; the wild wood shall become a fruit- 
ful field, and the fruitful field a wild wood — the 
humble pupils of Jehovah and these self-wise lead- 
ers shall interchange their places of dishonor and 
prosperity (verses 13-24). One instance of the false 
leading of these prophets and priests (xxx. 1) in op- 
position to the true prophets (verses 10, 11) was the 
policy of courting the help of Egypt against Assyria. 
Against this, Isaiah is commanded to protest, which 
he does both in xxx. 1-17, and in xxxi. 1-3, point- 
ing out at the same time the fruitlessness of all 
measures of human policy and the necessity of trust- 
ing in Jehovah alone for deliverance. In xxx. 18- 
33, and xxxi. 4-9, there is added to each address 
the prediction of the Assyrian's overthrow and its 
consequences, xxx. 19-24. As the time approaches, 
the spirit of prophecy becomes more and more glow- 
ing ; that marvellous deliverance from Asshur, 
wherein God's " Name " (xxx. 27) so gloriously came 
near, opens even clearer glimpses into the time when 
God should indeed come and reign, in the Anointed 
One, and when virtue and righteousness should 
everywhere prevail (xxxii. 1-8, 15-20); then the 
mighty Jehovah should be a king dwelling amongst 
His people (xxxiii. 17, 22). The sinners in Zion 
should be filled with dismay, dreading lest His ter- 
rible judgment should alight upon themselves also 



ISA 



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413 



(xxxiii. 14). With these glorious predictions are 
blended also descriptions of the grief and despair 
which should precede that hour, xxxii. 9-14 and 

xxxiii. '7-9, and the earnest prayer then to be offered 
by the pious (xxxiii. 2). In chapter xxxiv. the pre- 
diction must certainly be taken with a particular 
reference to Idumea; we are, however, led, both 
by the placing of the prophecy and by lxiii. 2, to 
take it in a general as well as typical sense. As 

xxxiv. has a general sense, so xxxv. indicates in 
general terms the deliverance of Israel as if out of 
captivity, rejoicing in their secure and happy march 
through the wilderness. — 11. xxxvii.-xxxix. At 
length the season so often, though no doubt ob- 
scurely foretold, arrived. The Assyrian was near 
with forces apparently irresistible. In the universal 
consternation which ensued, all the hope of the 
state centred upon Isaiah ; the highest functionaries 
of the state — Shebna, too — wait upon him in the 
name of their sovereign. The short answer which 
Jehovah gave through him was, that the Assyrian 
king should hear intelligence which should send him 
back to his own land, there to perish. How the 
deliverance was to be effected, Isaiah was not com- 
missioned to tell ; but the very next night (2 K. xix. 
35) brought the appalling fulfilment. A divine in- 
terposition so marvellous, so evidently miraculous, 
was in its magnificence worthy of being the kernel 
of Isaiah's whole book. — Chapters xxxviii., xxxix. 
chronologically precede the two previous ones. — 12. 
The last twenty-seven chapters form a prophecy, 
whose coherence of structure and unity of author- 
ship are generally admitted even by those who deny 
that it was written by Isaiah. The point of time 
and situation from which the prophet here speaks, 
is for the most part that of the Captivity in Babylon 
(compare e. g. lxiv. 10, 11). But this is adopted on 
a principle which appears to characterize " vision," 
viz., that the prophet sees the future as if present. 
This second part falls into three sections, each, as 
it happens, consisting of nine chapters ; the two 
first end with the refrain, " There is no peace, saith 
Jehovah (or ' my God '), to the wicked ; " and the 
third with the same thought amplified. (1.) The 
first section (xl.-xlviii.) has for its main topic the 
comforting assurance of the deliverance from Baby- 
lon by Cyrus, who is even named twice (xli. 2, 3, 
25, xliv. 28, xlv. 1-4, 13, xlvi. 11, xlviii. 14, 15). It 
is characteristic of sacred prophecy in general that 
the " vision " of a great deliverance leads the seer 
to glance at the great deliverance to come through 
Jesus Christ. This principle of association prevails 
in the second part taken as a whole ; but in the 
first section, taken apart, it appears as yet imper- 
fectly. (2.) The second section (xlix.-lvii.; is dis- 
tinguished from the first by several features. The 
person of Cyrus as well as his name, and the speci- 
fication of Babylon, disappear altogether. Return 
from exile is indeed repeatedly spoken of and at 
length (xlix. 9-26, li. 9-lii. 12, Iv. 12, 13, lvii. 14); 
but in such general terms as admit of being applied 
to the spiritual and Messianic, as well as to the 
literal restoration. (3.) In the third section (lviii- 
lxvi.) as Cyrus nowhere appears, so neither does 
"Jehovah's servant" occur so frequently to view as 
in the second. The only delineation of the latter is 
in lxi. 1-3 and in lxiii. 1-6, 9. He no longer ap- 
pears as suffering, but only as saving and avenging 
Zion. The section is mainly occupied with various 
practical exhortations founded upon the views of 
the future already set forth. — III. Numberless at- 
tacks have been made by German critics (Koppe, 



Eichhorn, Justi, De Wette, Gesenius, Hitzig, Knobel, 
Ewald, &c.) upon the integrity of the whole book, 
different critics pronouncing different portions of 
the first part spurious, and many concurring to re- 
ject the second part altogether (the last twenty- 
seven chapters). Defenders of the integrity of the 
book have not, however, been wanting, e. g. : Jahn, 
Hengstenberg, Moller, Kleinert, Havernick, Stier, 
Keil, Delitzsch (in Ebn.'), &c. The circumstance 
mainly urged by those who gainsay Isaiah's author- 
ship of this second part is the unquestionable fact 
that the author takes his stand-point at the close of 
the Babylonish Captivity, as if that were his present, 
and from thence looks forward into his subsequent 
future. Other grounds which are alleged are con- 
fessedly secondary and external, and are really of no 
great weight. The most important of these is founded 
upon the difference of style. On the other hand, 
for the authenticity of the second part the following 
reasons may be advanced, (as.) Externally. The 
unanimous testimony of Jewish and Christian tra- 
dition (compare Ecclus. xlviii. 24) ; the use appar- 
ently made of the second part in Jer. x. 1-16, v. 
25, xxv. 31, 1., li., in Ez. xxiii. 40, 41, and Zeph. ii. 15, 
iii. 10 ; the decree of Cyrus in Ezr. i. 2-4, which 
plainly is founded on Is. xliv. 28, xlv. 1, 13 ; and 
the evidence of the N. T. quotations (Mat. iii. 3 ; 
Lk. iv. 17; Acts viii. 28; Rom. x. 16, 20). (b.) 
Internally. The unity of design which connects 
these last twenty-seven chapters with the preceding ; 
the oneness of diction which pervades the whole 
book ; the peculiar elevation and .grandeur of style 
which characterize the second part as well as the 
first ; the absence of any other name than Isaiah's 
claiming the authorship ; the claims which tlfe 
writer makes to the /oreknowledge of the deliver- 
ance by Cyrus, which claims, on the opposing view, 
must be fraudulent; lastly, the Messianic predic- 
tions which mark its inspiration, and remove the 
chief ground of objection against its having been 
written by Isaiah. Ewald thus characterizes Isaiah : 
" Just as the subject requires, he has readily at com- 
mand every several kind of style and every several 
change of delineation ; and it is precisely this that, 
in point of language, establishes his greatness, as 
well as in general forms one of his most towering 
points of excellence. His only fundamental pecu- 
liarity is the lofty, majestic calmness of his style. 
His discourse varies into every complexion ; it is 
tender and stern, dictating and threatening, mourn- 
ing and again exulting in divine joy, mocking and 
ear-nest ; but ever at the right time it returns 
to its original elevation and repose, and never 
loses the clear ground-color of its divine serious- 
ness." In point of style we can find no difficulty in 
recognizing in the second part the presence of the 
same plastic genius as we discover in the first. 
And, altogether, the aesthetic criticism of all the 
different parts of the book brings us to the conclu- 
sion that the whole of the book originated in one 
mind, and that mind one of the most sublime and 
variously-gifted instruments which the Spirit of God 
has ever employed to pour forth Its Voice upon the 
world. 

Is' call (fr. Heb. = she looks abroad, Ges. ; Jah is 
a looking one, Fii.), daughter of Haran, the brother 
of A.bram, and sister of Milcah and of Lot (Gen. 
xi. 29). In the Jewish traditions she is identified 
with Sarai. 

Is-car'i-ot. Judas Iscariot. 

Is'da-el (Gr.) = Giddel 2 (1 Esd. v. 33). 

Ish'bali (fr. Heb. = praising, Ges.), a man in the 



414 ISH 

line of Judah, the "father of Eshtemoa" (1 Chr. 
iv. 17). 

Isk'bak (fr. Heb. = leaving, Ges.), a son of Abra- 
ham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), and 
the progenitor of a tribe of northern Arabia, pos- 
sibly (so Mr. E. S. Poole) in the valley called Sa- 
bak, or, it is said, Sibak, in the Dahna, a fertile and 
extensive track, belonging to the Benee-Temeem, 
in Nejd, or the highland of Arabia, on the N. E. of 
it. There is, however, another Dahna, nearer to 
the Euphrates, and some confusion may exist re- 
garding the true position of Sabak ; but either 
Dahna is suitable for the settlements of Ishbak. 
The first-mentioned Dahna lies in a favorable por- 
tion of the widely-stretching country known to have 
been peopled by the JKeturahites. Porter (in Kitto) 
supposes the name and first possession of Ishbak 
preserved in the great castle of Shobek, about 
twelve miles N. of Petra. This castle was a chief 
stronghold of the Crusaders, who called it Moris Rc- 
galis. 

Ish'M-be'nob (fr. Heb. = my scat is at Nob, Ges.), 
eon of Rapha ; one of the race of Philistine giants, 
who attacked David in battle, but was slain by Abi- 
shai (2 Sam. xxi. 16, 11). 

Ish'-bo-slietli, or Ish-bo sheth (Heb. man of 
shame), the youngest of Saul's four sons, and his 
legitimate successor. His name appears (1 Chr. 
viii. 33, ix. 39) to have been originally Esh-baal, 
the man of Baal. He was thirty-five years of age 
at the time of the battle of Gilboa, but for five 
years Abner was engaged in restoring the dominion 
of the house of Saul over all Israel. Ish-bosheth 
was then " forty years old when he began to reign 
over Israel, and reigned two years " (2 Sam. ii. 10). 
During these two years he reigned at Mahanaim, 
though only in name. The wars and negotiations 
with David were entirely carried on by Abner (ii. 
12, iii. 6, 12). When Ish-bosheth heard of Abner's 
death, "his hands were feeble, and all the Israelites 
were troubled " (iv. 1). In this extremity of weak- 
ness he fell a victim, probably, to revenge for a 
crime of his father. Two Beerothites (Baanah 1 
and Rechab 2), in remembrance, it has been con- 
jectured, of Saul's slaughter of their kinsmen the 
Gibeonites, determined to take advantage of the 
helplessness of the royal house to destroy the only 
prominent representative that was left, excepting 
the child Mephibosheth (iv. 4). After assassinating 
Ish-bosheth, they took his head to David as a wel- 
come present. They met with a stern reception. 
David rebuked them for the cold-blooded murder of 
an innocent man, and ordered them to be executed. 
The head of Ish-bosheth was carefully buried in the 
sepulchre of his great kinsman Abner, at the same 
place (iv. 9-12). 

Isb'i (fr. Heb. = saving, salutary, Ges.). 1. A 
descendant of Judah ; son of Appaim (1 Chr. ii. 
31); one of the great house of Hezron. — 2. An- 
other descendant of Judah, with a son Zoheth (iv. 
20).— 3. Head of a family of Simeon (iv. 42).— 4. 
A chief of Manasseh E. of Jordan (v. 24). 

Islil (Heb. my man, my husband), in Hos. ii. 16, 
is the Israelite term, in opposition to Baaxi the 
Canaanite term with the same meaning, though the 
latter, customarily applied to heathen gods, conveys 
the idea of possession and rule rather than of affection. 

I-Shi'all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah lends, Ges. ; 
= Ishijah, Isshiah, Jesiah), the fifth of Izrahiah's 
five sons ; a chief of Issachar in David's time(l Chr. 
vii. 3). 

I-shi'jah (fr. Heb. = Ishiah), a lay Israelite of 



ISH 

the sons of Harim, who had married a foreign wif 
(Ezr. x. 31). 

Isli'ma (fr. Heb. = waste, desolation, Ges.), a son 
" of the father of Etam" in the genealogy of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. iv. 3). 

Isli'ma-el (fr. Heb. = whom God hears). I, The 
son of Abraham by Hagar the Egyptian, his con- 
cubine ; born when Abraham was eighty-six years 
old (Gen. xvi. 15, 16). Ishmael was the first-born 
of his father, born in Abraham's house, when he 
dwelt in the plain of Mamre ; and on the institution 
of the covenant of circumcision, was circumcised, 
he being then thirteen years old (xvii. 25). With 
the institution of the covenant, God renewed his 
promise respecting Ishmael. He does not again 
appear in the narrative until the weaning of Isaac. 
The latter was born when Abraham was one hun- 
dred years old (xxi. 5), and as the weaning, accord- 
ing to Eastern usage, probably took place when the 
child was between two and three years old, Ishmael 
himself must have been then between fifteen and 
sixteen years old. At the great feast made in cele- 
bration of the weaning, " Sarah saw the son of 
Hagar the Egyptian, which she had borne unto 
Abraham, mocking," and urged Abraham to cast 
out him and his mother. The patriarch, comforted 
by God's renewed promise that of Ishmael He 
would make a nation, sent them both away, and 
they departed and wandered in the wilderness of 
Beer-sheba. Here the water being spent in the 
bottle, Hagar cast her son under one of the desert 
shrubs, and went away a little distance, for she 
said, Let me not see the death of the child," and 
wept. " And God heard the voice of the lad, and 
the angel of the Lord called to Hagar out of 
heaven," renewed the promise already thrice given, 
" I will make him a great nation," and " opened 
her eyes, and she saw a well of water." Thus 
miraculously saved from perishing by thirst, " God 
was with the lad ; and he grew, and dwelt in the 
wilderness ; and became an archer." It is doubtful 
whether the wanderers halted by the well, or at 
once continued their way to the " wilderness of 
Paran," where we are told he dwelt, and where 
" his mother took him a wife out of the land of 
Egypt" (9-21). This wife of Ishmael is not else- 
where mentioned ; she was, we must infer, an Egyp- 
tian. No record is made of any other wife of Ish- 
mael, though the repeated mention of his daughter 
as "sister of Nebajoth" seems to point to a differ- 
ent mother for Ishmael's other sons. According to 
Rabbinical tradition, Ishmael put away his wife and 
took a second. The Arabs assert that he married 
(1.) an Amalekite, by whom he had no issue; and 
(2.) a Joktanite of the tribe of Jurhum. He had 
twelve sons and one daughter. Of the later life 
of Ishmael we know little. He was present with 
Isaac at the burial of Abraham (xxv. 9). Esau 
contracted an alliance with him when he " took 
unto the wives which he had Mahalath (or Bashe 
math, xxxvi. 3) the daughter of Ishmael Abra- 
ham's son, the sister of Nebajoth, to be his wife" 
(xxviii. 9). The death of Ishmael is recorded in 
a previous chapter, after the enumeration of his 
sons, as having taken place at the age of one hun- 
dred and thirty-seven years (xxv. 17, 18). It re- 
mains for us to consider — 1, the place of Ishmael's 
dwelling ; and 2, the names of his children, with 
their settlements, and the nation sprung from them. 
— 1. From the narrative of his expulsion, we learn 
that Ishmael first went into the wilderness of Beer- 
sheba, and thence, but at what interval of time is 



ISH 



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415 



uncertain, removed to that of Paran. His contin- 
uance in these or the neighboring places seems to 
be proved by his having been present at the burial 
of Abraham ; for in the East sepulture follows 
death after a few hours ; and by Esau's marrying 
his daughter at a time when he (Esau) dwelt at 
Beer-sheba. There are, however, other passages 
which must be taken into account. He was the 
first Abrahamic settler in the E. country (xxv. 6). 
The " East country " perhaps was restricted in early 
times to the wildernesses of Beer-sheba and Paran ; 
or Ishmael removed to that E. country, northward, 
without being distant from his father and his 
brethren ; each case being agreeable with Gen. xxv. 
6. — 2. The sons of Ishmael were, Nebajoth (ex- 
pressly stated to be his first-born), Kedar, Adbeel, 
Mibsam, Mishma, Dumah, Massa, Hadar, Tema, Je- 
tur, Naphish, Kedemah (xxv. 13-15): and he had 
a daughter named Mahalath (xxviii. 9), elsewhere 
written Bashemath (xxxvi. 3). They peopled the 
N. and W. of the Arabian peninsula (Arabia), and 
eventually formed the chief element of the Arab 
nation. Their language, generally acknowledged 
to have been the Arabic commonly so called, has 
been adopted with insignificant exceptions through 
out Arabia. The term Ishmaelite occurs on three 
occasions (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1 ; Judg. 
viii. 24 ; Ps. Ixxxiii. 6). From the context of the 
first two instances, it seems to have been a general 
name for the Abrahamic peoples of the East coun- 
try, the " men " or " children of the East ; " but 
the second admits also of a closer meaning. In 
the third instance the name is applied in its strict 
sense to the Ishmaelites. (Ithra.) The notions 
of the Arabs respecting Ishmael are partly derived 
from the Bible, partly from the Jewish Rabbins, 
and partly from native traditions. They believe 
that Ishmael was the first-born of Abraham, and 
the majority of their doctors assert that this son, 
and not Isaac, was offered by Abraham in sacrifice. 
Ishmael, say the Arabs, dwelt with his mother at 
Mecca, and both are buried in the place called the 
" Hejr," on the N. W. (termed by the Arabs the N.) 
side of the Kaabeh, and enclosed by a curved wall 
called the " Hateem." Ishmael was visited at 
Mecca by Abraham, and they together rebuilt 
the temple which had been destroyed by a flood. 
At Mecca Ishmael married a daughter of Mudad or 
El-mudad (Almodad), chief of the Joktanite tribe 
Jurhum, and had thirteen children. (Ismael 1.) — 

2. Son of Azel, a descendant of Saul through Mer- 
ib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 38, ix. 44). — 

3. A man of Judah, father of Zebadiah (2 Chr. 
xix. 11). — 4, Another man of Judah; son of Jeho- 
hanan ; one of the captains of hundreds who as- 
sisted Jehoiada in restoring Joash to the throne 
(xxiii. 1). — 5i A priest, of the sons of Pashur, 
forced by Ezra to relinquish his foreign wife (Ezr. 
x. 22). — 6. The son of Nethaniah ; a perfect marvel 
of craft and villany, whose treachery forms one of 
the chief episodes of the history of the period im- 
mediately succeeding the first fall of Jerusalem. 
His exploits are related in Jer. xl. 7-xli. 15, with a 
short summary in 2 K. xxv. 23-25. His full de- 
scription is " Ishmael, the son of Nethaniah, the 
son of Elishama, of the seed royal " of Judah (Jer. 
xli. 1 ; 2 K. xxv. 25). During the siege of the city 
he had, like many others of his countrymen (Jer. 
xl. 11), fled across the Jordan, where he found a ref- 
uge at the court of Baalis, then king of the Ammon- 
ites. After the departure of the Chaldeans, Ish- 
mael made no secret of his intention to kill the 



superintendent left by the king of Babylon, and 
usurp his position. Of this Gedaliah was warned 
in express terms by Johanan and his companions. 
Thirty days after, in the seventh month (xli. 1), on 
the third day of the month, Ishmael again appeared 
at Mizpah, this time accompanied by ten men. Ged- 
aliah entertained them at a feast (xli. 1). Before 
its close Ishmael and his followers had murdered 
Gedaliah and all his attendants with such secrecy 
that no alarm was given outside the room. The 
same night he killed all Gedaliah's establishment, 
including some Chaldean soldiers who were there. 
For two days the massacre remained perfectly un- 
known to the people of the town. On the second 
day Ishmael perceived from his elevated position a 
large party coming southward along the main road 
from Shechem and Samaria. He went out to meet 
them. They proved to be eighty devotees, who, 
with rent clothes, and with shaven beards, mutila- 
ted bodies, and with other marks of heathen devo- 
tion, and weeping as they went, were bringing in- 
cense and offerings to the ruins of the Temple. At 
his invitation they turned aside to the residence of 
the superintendent. As the unsuspecting pilgrims 
passed into the court-yard he closed the entrances 
behind them, and there he and his band butchered 
the whole number : ten only escaped by the offer 
of heavy ransom for their lives. The seventy 
corpses were then thrown into the well which was 
within the precincts of the house, and was com- 
pletely filled with the bodies. This done, he de- 
scended to the town, surprised and carried off the 
daughters of King Zedekiah, who had been sent 
there by Nebuchadnezzar for safety, with their eu- 
nuchs and their Chaldean guard (xli. 10, 1 6), and 
all the people of the town, and made off with his 
prisoners to the country of the Ammonites. The 
news of the massacre had by this time got abroad, 
and Ishmael was quickly pursued by Johanan and 
his companions. He was attacked, two of his bra- 
voes slain, the whole of the prey recovered ; and 
Ishmael himself, with the remaining eight of his 
people, escaped to the Ammonites, and thencefor- 
ward passes into obscurity. 

Ish'ma-cl-itc (fr. Heb.) = descendant of Ishmael. 

Isu-niai'ah [-ma'yah], or Ish-ma-i'aii. fr. Heb. 
w. hi:': Jehovah hears, Ges.), son of Obadiah; ruler 
of Zebulun in David's time (1 Chr. xxvii. 19). 

Isli'mie-el-itc (fr. Heb.) (1 Chr. ii. 17) and Isli'me- 
cl-ites (Gen. xxxvii. 25, 27, 28, xxxix. 1) = de- 
scendant or descendants of Ishmael. 

Ish'me-rai (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah keeps, Ges.),, 
a Benjamite, of the family of Elpaal(l Chr. viii. 18). 

I'sliod (fr. Heb. = man of glory, Ges.), one of the 
tribe of Manasseh E. of Jordan ; son of Hammole- 
keth (1 Chr. vii. 18). 

Isll pan (fr. Heb. = bald? Ges. ; a firm, strong one, 
Fii.), a Benjamite, of the family of Shashak (1 Chr. 
viii. 22). 

IsU'-tob (Heb., probably = men o/Tob), apparent- 
ly one of the small kingdoms or states which formed 
part of the general country of Aram (Stria), 
named with Zobah, Rehob, and Maacah (2 Sam. x. 
6, 8). (Tob.) 

Isu'n-ah (fr. Heb. = even, level, Ges. ; self-satis- 
fying, Fii.), second son of Asher (Gen. xlvi. 17). 

Ish'n-ai (fr. Heb. = Ishuah, Ges. ; Jah is self 
satisfying, Fii.), third son of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 30) ; 
founder of a family bearing his name (Num. xxvi. 
44, A. "V. " Jesuites "). 

Ish'n-i (fr. Heb. Ishuai), second son of Saul by 
his wife Ahinoam (1 Sam. xiv. 49, comp. 50). 



416 



ISL 



ISR 



*Is'land [i ] (Heb. i; Gr. nesion, nesos) = Isle. 
For " wild beasts of the island," see Beast 6. 

Isle (Heb. i ; Gr. nesos). The radical sense of the 
Hebrew word seems to be habitable place, dry land 
as opposed to water, and in this sense it occurs in 
Is. xlii. 15, A. V. " islands." Hence it means sec- 
ondarily any maritime district, whether belonging 
to a continent or to an island : thus it is used of 
the shore of the Mediterranean (Is. xx. 6, xxiii. 2, 
6), and of the coasts of Elishah (Ez. xxvii. 7), i. e. 
of Greece and Asia Minor. In this sense it is more 
particularly restricted to the shores of the Mediter- 
ranean, sometimes in the fuller expression " islands 
of the sea" (Is. xi. 11). Occasionally the word is 
specifically used of an island, as of Caphtor or 
Crete ( Jer. xlvii. 4, A. V. " country," margin " isle "). 
But more generally it is applied to any region sepa- 
rated from Palestine by water, as fully described in 
Jer. xxv. 22. The Gr. nesos (in LXX. = Heb. i) 
properly in N. T. = " island " (Acts xxvii. 26, 
xxviii. 1, 7, 9, &c.) or "isle" (xiii. 6, xxviii. 11; 
Rev. i. 9). The Gr. nesion, translated " island " 
(Acts xxvii. 16 only), = small island, islet. 

Is-ma-clif ah [-ki-J (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah up- 
holds, Ges.), a Levite, an overseer of offerings dur- 
ing the revival under King Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 
13). 

Is'ma-el (Gr. and L.). 1. Ishmael, son of Abra- 
ham (Jd. ii. 23).— 2. Ishmael 5 (1 Esd. ix. 29). 

Is-niai'ah [-ma'yah], or Ig-ma-fab (fr. Heb.= Ish- 
maiah, Ges.), a Gibeonite chief who joined David 
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). 

Is pah (fr. Heb. =: Ishpan, Ges., Fii.), a Bonja- 
mite chief, of the family of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 16). 

Is'ra-el [iz- or is-] (fr. Heb. =: warrior or soldier of 
God, Ges. ; God is ruler, Fii.). 1. The name given 
(Gen. xxxii. 28) to Jacob after his wrestling with 
the Angel (Hos. xii. 4) at Peniel. The A. V. trans- 
lates the Hebrew sartih&'m Gen. xxxii. 29 (A. V. 28) 
" as a prince hast thou power ; " but Rosenmiiller 
and Gesenius give it the meaning, " thou hast 
contended." — 2. It became the national name of 
the twelve tribes collectively. They are so called 
in Ex. iii. 16 and afterward. — 3. It is used in a nar- 
rower sense, excluding Judah, in 1 Sam. xi. 8 ; 
2 Sam. xx. 1; 1 K. xii. 16. Thenceforth it was as- 
sumed and accepted as the name of the Northern 
kingdom. (Israel, Kingdom of.) — i. After the 
Babylonian Captivity, the returned exiles resumed 
the name Israel as the designation of their nation. 
The name Israel is also used to denote laymen, as 
distinguished from Priests, Levites, and other min- 
isters (Ezr. vi. 16, ix. 1, x. 25, Neh. xi. 3, &c). 
"Israel" figuratively — God's faithful people (Ps. 
lxxiii. 1; Rom. ix. 6, xi. 26; Gal. vi. 16, compare 
iii. 29, &c). Abraham ; David ; Dispersion ; He- 
brew ; Isaac ; Jerusalem ; Jew ; Joshua ; Judah, 
Kingdom of ; Judge ; Moses ; Samuel ; Saul ; 
Solomon, &c. 

Is'ra-el (see Israel), King dom of. 1. The prophet 
Ahijah of Shiloh, who was commissioned in the 
ratter days of Solomon to announce the division of 
the kingdom, left one tribe (Judah) to the house of 
David, and assigned ten to Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 35, 
31). These were probably Joseph (= Ephraim and 
Manasseh), Issachar, Zebulun, Asher, Naphtali, 
Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, Gad, and Reuben ; Levi 
being intentionally omitted. Eventually the greater 
part of Benjamin, and probably the whole of Sim- 
eon and that part of Dan in the neighborhood of 
Judah, were included, as if by common consent, in 
the kingdom of Judah. With respect to the con- 



quests of David, Moab appears to have been at- 
tached to the kingdom of Israel (2 K. iii. 4) ; so 
much of Syria as remained subject to Solomon (see 
1 K. xi. 24) would probably be claimed by his suc- 
cessor in the Northern kingdom ; and Amnion, 
though connected with Rehoboam as his mother's 
native land (2 Chr. xii. 13), and .afterward tribu- 
tary to Judah (xxvii. 5), was at one time allied (xx. 
1), we know not how closely or how early, with 
Moab. The sea-coast between Accho and Japho 
remained in the possession of Israel. (Palestine.) 
— 2. The population of the kingdom is not express- 
ly stated. (Army ; Census.) Jeroboam brought 
into the field an army of 800,000 men (2 Chr. xiii. 
3). If in b. c. 957 there were actually under arms 
800,000 men of that age in Israel, the whole popu- 
lation may perhaps have amounted to at least three 
and a half millions. — 3. Shechem was the first capi- 
tal of the new kingdom (1 K. xii. 25), venerable 
for its traditions, and beautiful in its situation. 
Subsequently Tirzah became the royal residence, 
if not the capital, of Jeroboam (xiv. 17) and of his 
successors (xv. 33, xvi. 8, 17, 23). Samaria, uniting 
in itself the qualities of beauty and fertility, and a 
commanding position, was chosen by Omri (xvi. 24), 
and remained the capital of the kingdom, until it 
had given the last proof of its strength by sustain- 
ing for three years the onset of the hosts of Assyria. 
Jezreel was probably only a royal residence of 
some of the Israelitish kings. — 4. The disaffection 
of Ephraim and the Northern tribes having grown 
in secret under the prosperous but burdensome 
reign of Solomon, broke out at the critical moment 
of that monarch's death. Then Ephraim, the cen- 
tre of the movement, found in Jeroboam 1 an in- 
strument prepared to give expression to the rivalry 
of centuries. — 5. The kingdom of Israel developed 
no new power. It was but a portion of David's 
kingdom, deprived of many elements of strength. 
Its frontier was as open and as widely extended as 
before ; but it wanted a capital for the seat of or- 
ganized power. Its territory was as fertile and as 
tempting to the spoiler, but its people were less 
united and patriotic. A corrupt religion poisoned 
the source of national life. These causes tended to 
increase the misfortunes and to accelerate the early 
end of the kingdom of Israel. It lasted 254 years, 
from b. c. 975 to b. c. 721, about two-thirds of the 
duration of its more compact neighbor, Judah. 
(Judah, Kingdom of.) But it may be doubted 
whether the division into two kingdoms greatly 
shortened the independent existence of the Hebrew 
race, or interfered with the purposes which, it is 
thought, may be traced in the establishment of Da- 
vid's monarchy. — 6. The detailed history of the 
kingdom of Israel will be found under the names 
of its nineteen kings. A summary view may be 
taken in four periods : — (a.) b. c. 975-929. Jero- 
boam had not sufficient force of character in him- 
self to make a lasting impression on his people. A 
king, but not a founder of a dynasty, he aimed at 
nothing beyond securing his present elevation. 
(Calf; Idolatry.) The army soon learned its 
power to dictate to the isolated monarch and disu- 
nited people. Baasha, in the midst of the army at 
Gibbethon, slew the son and successor of Jero- 
boam ; Zimri, a captain of chariots, slew the son 
and successor of Baasha ; Omri, the captain of the 
host, was chosen to punish Zimri ; and after a civil 
war of four years he prevailed over Tibni, the 
choice of half the people.— (6.) b. c. 929-884. For 
forty-five years Israel was governed by the house 



ISR 



ISR 



417 



of Omri. That sagacious king pitched on the 
strong hill of Samaria as the site of his capital. 
The princes of his house cultivated an alliance with 
the kings of Judah, which was cemented by the 
marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah. The adoption 
of Baal-worship led to a reaction in the nation, to 
the moral triumph of the prophets in the person of 
Elijah, and to the extinction of the house of Ahab 
in obedience to the bidding of Elisha. — (c.) b. c. 
884-772. Unparalleled triumphs, but deeper hu- 
miliation, awaited the kingdom of Israel under the 
dynasty of Jehu. Hazael, the ablest king of Da- 
mascus, reduced Jehoahaz to the condition of a vas- 
sal, and triumphed for a time over both the disu- 
nited Hebrew kingdoms. Almost the first sign of 
the restoration of their strength was a war between 
them ; and Jehoash, the grandson of Jehu, entered 
Jerusalem as the conqueror of Amaziah. Jehoash 
also turned the tide of war against the Syrians ; 
and Jeroboam II., the most powerful of all the 
kings of Israel, captured Damascus, and recovered 
the whole ancient frontier from Hamath to the Dead 
Sea. This short-lived greatness expired with the 
last king of Jehu's line. — (d.) b. c. 772-721. Mili- 
tary violence, it would seem, broke off the heredi- 
tary succession after the obscure and probably con- 
vulsed reign of Zachariah. An unsuccessful usurp- 
er, Shallum, is followed by the cruel Menahem, 



who, being unable to make head against the first 
attack of Assyria under Pul, became the agent of 
that monarch for the oppressive taxation of his sub- 
jects. Yet his power at home was sufficient to in- 
sure for himself a ten years' reign, his son and suc- 
cessor, Pekahiah, being cut olF after two years by a 
bold usurper, Pekah. Abandoning the northern 
and transjordanic regions to the encroaching power 
of Assyria under Tiglath-pileser, he was very near 
subjugating Judah, with the help of Damascus, now 
the coequal ally of Israel. But Assyria interposing 
summarily put an end to the independence of Da- 
mascus, and perhaps was the indirect cause of the 
assassination of the baffled Pekah. The irresolute 
Hoshea, the next and last usurper, became tributary 
to his invader, Shalmaneser, betrayed the Assyrian 
to the rival monarchy of Egypt, and was punished 
by the loss of his liberty, and by the capture, after 
a three years' siege, of his strong capital, Samaria. 
Some gleanings of the ten tribes yet remained in 
the land after so many years of religious decline, 
moral debasement, national degradation, anarchy, 
bloodshed, and deportation. Even these were gath- 
ered up by the conqueror and carried to Assyria, 
never again, as a distinct people, to occupy their 
portion of that goodly and pleasant land which 
their forefathers won under Joshua from the hea- 
then. 



7. The following Table, by Mr. Bullock, original author of this article, shows at one view the chronology of the Kings 
of Israel and Judah. Columns 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, are taken from the Bible. Column 4 is the scheme of Chro- 
nology adopted in the margin of the A. V., which is founded on the calculations of Archbishop Usher; column 
5 the computation of Clinton (Fasti Hettenici) ; column 6 the computation of Winer. 



Year of 
preceding 
King of 
Judah. 



Dura- 
tion 
of 
reign 



Kings 

op 
Israel. 

Jeroboam 

Nadab 

Baasha 

Elah 

Zimri 

Omri 

Ahab 

Ahaziah 

Jehoram 

Jehu 

Jehoahaz 

Jehoash 

Jeroboam II. . . 

Interregnum. 

Zachariah 

Shallum 

Menahem 

Pekahiah 

Pekah 

2d Interregnum. 
Hoshea 

Samaria taken . . 



Commencement of 



reign. 


a. v. 


Clinton. 


Winer. 


975 


976 


975 


958 


959 


957 


955 


956 


955 


954 


955 


954 


953 


954 


953 


930 


930 


930 


929 


930 


928 


'929 


930 


928 


918 


919 


918 


914 


915 


914 


898 


896 


897 


896 


895 


896 


892 


891 


889 


885 


884 


885 


884 


883 


884 


878 


877 


878 


856 


855 


856 


841 


839 


840 


839 


837 


838 


825 


823 


825 


810 


808 


809 


773 


771 


772 


772 


770 


771 


772 


770 


771 


761 


759 


760 


759 


757 


758 


758 


756 


758 


742 


741 


741 


730 


730 


729 


726 


726 


725 


721 


721 


721 


698 


697 


696 


643 


642 


641 


641 


640 


639 


610 


609 


609 


610 


609 


609 


599 


598 


598 


599 


598 


598 


588 


587 


586 



Kings 

op 
Judah. 

Rehoboam . . . 

Abijah 

Asa 



Jehoshaphat 

Jehoram 

Ahaziah 

Athaliah 

Jehoash 

Amaziah 

Uzziah or Aza- I 
riah j 



Jotham 

Ahaz 

Hezekiah 

Manasseh 

Amon 

Josiah 

Jehoahaz 

Jehoiakim 

Jehoiachin or Co- 

niah 

Zedekiah 

Jerusalem de- 

stroyed. 



Dura- 
tion 
of 
reign 



Year of 
preceding 
King of 
Israel. 



Queen Mother 
in Judah. 



22 



2d 


2 


3d 


24 


26th 


2 


27th 







12 


38th 


22 


17th 


2 


18th 


12 




28 


23d 


17 


37th 


16 


15th 


41 




11 


38th 










39th 


10 


50th 


2 


52d 


20 




9 


12th 


9 


6th 





17 
3 
41 



29 

55 
2 

31 


11 


11 



18th.... 
20th.... 



4th.... 



5th. 
12th.. 



7th. 



id. 



27th ) 
(15th?) f 



2d.. 
17th. 



3d. 



Naamah. 
Michaiah (?). 
Maachah (?). 



Azubah. 

Athaliah. 
Zibiah. 

Jehoaddan. 
Jecholiah. 



Jerusha. 



Abi. 

Hephzibah. 

Meshullemeth. 

Jedidah. 

Hamutal. 

Zebudah. 

Nehushta. 
Hamutal. 



27 



418 



ISR 



ISS 



The numerous dates given in the Bible as the 
limits of the duration of the kings' reigns act as 
a continued check on each other. The apparent 
discrepancies between them have been unduly exag- 
gerated by some writers. To meet such difficulties 
various hypotheses have been put forward ; — that 
an interregnum occurred ; that two kings (father 
and son) reigned conjointly; that certain reigns 
were dated not from their real commencement, but 
from some arbitrary period in that Jewish year in 
which they commenced ; that the Hebrew copyists 
have transcribed the numbers incorrectly, either by 
accident or design ; that the original writers have 
made mistakes in their reckoning. All these are 
mere suppositions, and even the most probable of 
them must not be insisted on as if it were an histori- 
cal fact. But in truth most of the discrepancies 
may be accounted for by the simple fact that the 
Hebrew annalists reckon in round numbers, never 
specifying the months in addition to the years of the 
duration of a king's reign. Consequently some of 
these writers seem to set down a fragment of a year 
as an entire year, and others omit such fragments 
altogether. Hence, in computing the date of the 
commencement of each reign, without attributing 
any error to the writer or transcribers, it is neces- 
sary to allow for a possible mistake amounting to 
something less than two years in our interpretation 
of the indefinite phraseology of the Hebrew writers. 
But there are a few statements in the Hebrew text 
which cannot thus be reconciled, (a.) There are in 
the Second Book of Kings three statements as to 
the beginning of the reign of Jehoram, king of Is- 
rael, which in the view of some writers involve a 
great error, and not a mere numerical one. His 
accession is dated (1.) in the second year of Jehoram, 
king of Judah (2 K. i. 17); (2.) in the fifth year be- 
fore Jehoram, king of Judah (viii. 16); (3.) in the 
eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat (iii. 1). But these 
statements may be reconciled by the fact that Je- 
horam, king of Judah, had two accessions which are 
recorded in Scripture, and by the probable suppo- 
sition of Archbishop Usher that he had a third and 
earlier accession which is not recorded. These 
three accessions are, (1.) when Jehoshaphat lett his 
kingdom to go to the battle of Ramoth-gilead, in 
his seventeenth year; (2.) when Jehoshaphat (viii. 
16) either retired from the administration of affairs, 
or made his son joint-king, in his twenty-third year ; 
(3.) when Jehoshaphat died, in his twenty-fifth year. 
So that, if the supposition of Usher be allowed, the 
accession of Jehoram, king of Israel, in Jehosha- 
phat's eighteenth year synchronized with (1.) the 
second year of the first accession, and (2.) the fifth 
year before the second accession of Jehoram, king 
of Judah. (b.) The date of the beginning of Uz- 
ziah's reign (2 K. xv. 1) in the twenty-seventh year 
of Jeroboam II. cannot be reconciled with the state- 
ment that Uzziah's father, Amaziah, whose whole 
reign was twenty-nine years only, came to the 
throne in the second year of Joash (xiv. 1), and so 
reigned fourteen years contemporaneously with 
Joash and twenty-seven with Jeroboam. Usher and 
others suggest a reconciliation of these statements 
by the supposition that Jeroboam's reign had two 
commencements, the first not mentioned in Scrip- 
ture, on his association with his father Joash, b. c. 
837. But Keil, after Capellus and Grotius, sup- 
poses that, by an error of the Hebrew, instead of 
twenty-seventh of Jeroboam we ought to read fif- 
teenth, (c.) The statements that Jeroboam II. 
reigned forty-one years (2 K. xiv. 23) after the fif- 



teenth year of Amaziah, who reigned twenty-nine 
years, and that Jeroboam's son Zachariah came to 
the throne in the thirty-eighth year of Uzziah (xv. 
8), cannot be reconciled without supposing that 
there was an interregnum of eleven years between 
Jeroboam and his son Zachariah. And almost all 
chronologists accept this as a fact, although it is 
not mentioned in the Bible. Some chronologists, 
who regard an interregnum as intrinsically improb- 
able after the prosperous reign of Jeroboam, prefer 
the supposition that the number forty-one in xiv. 23 
ought to be changed to fifty-one, and that the num- 
ber twenty-seven in xv. 1 should be changed to 
fourteen, and that a few other corresponding altera- 
tions should be made. (Chronology.) (d.) In or- 
der to bring down the date of Pekah's murder to 
the date of Hoshea's accession, some chronologists 
propose to read twenty-nine years for twenty, in 
2 K. xv. 27. Others prefer to let the dates stand 
as at present in the text, and suppose that an inter- 
regnum, not expressly mentioned in the Bible, oc- 
curred between those two usurpers. The words 
of Isaiah (ix. 20, 21) seem to indicate a time of 
anarchy in Israel. 

Is'ra-cl-itc = descendant of Israel. (Hebrew ; 
Jew.) In 2 Sam. xvii. 25, Ithra, the father of 
Amasa, is called "an Israelite," or more correctly 
" the Israelite," while in 1 Chr. ii. 17 he appears as 
" Jether the Ishmaelite " (A. V. " Ishmeelite "). 
The latter is undoubtedly the true reading. 

Is sa-elmr [-kar] (fr. Heb. = there is reward, or 
he brings reward, Ges.). 1. The ninth son of Jacob 
and fifth of Leah ; born to Leah after the interval 
which occurred in the births of her children (Gen. 
xxx. 17 ; comp. xxix. 35). Of Issachar the indi- 
vidual we know nothing. At the descent into 
Egypt four sons are ascribed to him, who founded 
the four chief families of the tribe (xlvi. 13; Num. 
xxvi. 23-25 ; 1 Chr. vii. 1). Issachar's place dur- 
ing the journey to Canaan was on the E. of the 
Tabernacle, with his brothers Judah and Zebulun 
(Num. ii. 5), the group moving foremost in the 
march (x. 15). Issachar was one of the six tribes 
who were to stand on Mount Gerizim during the 
ceremony of blessing and cursing (Deut. xxvii. 12). 
He was still in company with Judah, Zebulun being 
opposite on Ebal. The number of the fighting men 
of Issachar, when taken in the census at Sinai, was 
54,400 ; in the next census by Jordan, 64,300 ; in 
one taken afterward, probably by Joab, 145,600 
(Num. i. 28, 29, xxvi. 23-25 ; 1 Chr. vii. 1-5). The 
allotment of Issachar lay above that of Manasseh 
(Josh. xix. 17-23). In the words of Josephus, "it 
extended in length from Carmel to the Jordan, in 
breadth to Mount Tabor." This territory was, as 
it still is, among the richest land in Palestine. 
Westward was the famous plain (Esdr^elon ; Jez- 
reel) which derived its name from its fertility. On 
the N. is Tabor, which even under the burning sun 
of that climate is said to retain the glades and dells 
of an English wood. On the E., behind Jezreel, is 
the opening which conducts to the plain of the Jor- 
dan — to that Beth-shean which was proverbially 
among the Rabbis the gate of Paradise for its fruit- 
fulness. It is this aspect of the territory of Issa- 
char which appears to be alluded to in the Blessing 
of Jacob (Gen. xlix. 15). The image of the strong- 
boned he-ass chewing the cud of stolid ease and 
quiet is very applicable to a rural agrarian people. 
(Ass.) The Blessing of Moses completes the pic- 
ture. He is not only in " tents " — a nomad or semi- 
nomad life — but " rejoicing " in them (Deut. xxxiii. 



ISS 



ITT 



419 



18, 19). — One among the Judges of Israel was from 
Issachar — Tola (Judg. x. 1) — but beyond the length 
of his sway we have only the fact recorded that he 
resided out of the limits of his own tribe, at Sha- 
mir in Mount Ephraim. The 200 head men of the 
tribe who went to Hebron to assist in making Da- 
vid king over the entire realm " had understanding 
of the times to know what Israel ought to do . . . 
and all their brethren were at their commandment " 
(1 Chr. xii. 32). The census of the tribe in the 
reign of David is contained in 1 Chr. vii. 1-5, and 
an expression occurs in it which testifies (so Mr. 
Grove) to the nomadic tendencies above noticed. 
Out of the whole number of the tribe, no less than 
36,000 were marauding mercenary troops — " bands," 
— a term applied to no other tribe in this enumera- 
tion, though elsewhere to Gad, and uniformly to 
the irregular bodies of the nomadic nations around 
Israel. — Baasha, the son of Ahijah, of the house 
of Issachar, a member of the army with which Na- 
dab and all Israel were besieging Gibbethon, appar- 
ently not of any standing in the tribe (compare 1 K. 
xvi. 2), slew the king, and himself mounted the 
throne (xv. 27, &c). (Israel, Kingdom of.) He was 
evidently a fierce and warlike man (xvi. 29 ; 2 Chr. 
xvi. 1), and an idolater like Jeroboam. The Issa- 
charite dynasty lasted during the twenty-four years 
of his reign and the two of his son Elah. — Distant 
as Jezreel was from Jerusalem, many from Issa- 
char took part in the passover with which Heze- 
kiah sanctified the opening of his reign (2 Chr. 
xxxi. 1). A few years afterward the king of Assyria 
carried Issachar away with the rest of Israel to 
his distant dominions. — 2, A Korhite Levite, one 
of the doorkeepers of the house of Jehovah, sev- 
enth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5). 

Is-shi'all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah lends, Ges. ; 
= Ishiah, Jesiah). 1. A descendant of Moses by 
his younger son Eliezer (1 Chr. xxiv. 21 ; compare 
xxiii. 17, xxvi. 25) ; = Jeshaiah 2. — 2. A Levite 
of the house of Kohath and family of Uzziel (xxiv. 
25) ; = Jesiah 2. 

Issue, Running. Lev. xv. 2, 3, xxii. 4, with Num. 
v. 2, and 2 Sam. iii. 29, are probably to be interpreted 
of gonorrhoea. In Lev. xv. 3 a distinction is intro- 
duced, which merely means that the cessation of the 
actual flux does not constitute ceremonial cleanness, 
but that the patient must bide the legal time, seven 
days (ver. 13), and perform the prescribed purifica- 
tions and sacrifice (ver. 14). Blood, Issue op; 
Medicine ; Uncleanness. 

Is-tal-cu'rns (fr. Gr.). In 1 Esd. viii. 40, the " son 
of Istalcurus " is substituted for " and Zabbud " of 
the corresponding list in Ezr. viii. 14. 

Is'n-ali (fr. Heb.) = Ishuah, second son of Asher 
(1 Chr. vii. 30). 

Is'n-i (fr. Heb.) = Ishuai, third son of Asher 
(Gen. xlvi. 17); founder of a family called in the 
A. V. Jesuites (Num. xxvi. 44). 

*I-tal'ian (= of [or from] Italy) Band (Acts x. 
1). Army 2. 

It'a-ly(L. and dr. Italia; according to some, from 
Italus, an early chief in the country ; according to 
others, from Gr. italos, a bull, on account of its 
many excellent horned cattle) is used in the N. T. 
in the usual sense of the period, i. e. in its true 
geographical sense, as = the whole natural pen- 
insula between the Alps and the Straits of Messina 
(Acts xviii. 2, xxvii. 1 ; Heb. xiii. 24). The word 
first denoted the extreme S. of the peninsula, then 
the whole of the peninsula S. of the Rubicon (about 
44° N. lat.), but from the close of the Roman 



Republic (Augustus Cesar) was employed as now. 
Paul ; Roman Empire ; Rome. 

* Itcll (Heb. here,? or cheres), one of the diseases 
to be inflicted on the disobedient Israelites (Deut. 
xxviii. 27). Medicine. 

I'tuai, or Ith'a-i (Heb. = Ittai, Fii.), a Benja- 
mite, son of Ribai of Gibeah, one of David's " val- 
iant men " (1 Chr. xi. 31) ; = Ittai 2. 

Itll'a-mar (Heb. palm-coast, Ges.), youngest son 
of Aaron (Ex. vi. 23). After the deaths of Nadab 
and Abihu (Lev. x. 1), Eleazar and Ithamar were 
appointed to succeed to their places in the priestly 
office (Ex. xxviii. 1, 40, 43 ; Num. iii. 3, 4 ; 1 Chr. 
xxiv. 2). In the distribution of services belonging 
to the Tabernacle, and its transport on the march 
of the Israelites, the Gershonites and the Merarites 
were placed under the superintendence of Ithamar 
(Ex. xxxviii. 21 ; Num. iv. 21-33). The high-priest- 
hood passed into the family of Ithamar in the per- 
son of Eli. Abiathar; High-priest; Priest. 

Itb'i-el (Heb. God with me, Ges.). 1. A Benja- 
mite, son of Jesaiah (Neh. xi. 7). — 2. One of two 
persons — Ithiel and Ucal — to whom Agur the son 
of Jakeh delivered his discourse (Prov. xxx. 1). 

1th mall (fr. Heb. — orphanage, Ges.), a Moabite, 
one of David's " valiant men " (1 Chr. xi. 46). 

Ith'nan (fr. Heb. = bestowed, Ges.), one of the 
towns in the extreme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 23). 
Wilton (The Negeb) would connect Ithnan with the 
Hazor preceding it (so the LXX.), and then identify 
Hazor-Ithnan with el-Hhora, E. of Beer-sheba. Row- 
lands (in Fairbairn, under " S. Country ") would 
place the compound name at or near the pass of el- 
Haudeh, perhaps at Aboo Tareibeh, or Aboo Tarei- 
feh, about twenty miles S. E. from Beer-sheba. 

Ith'ra (fr. Heb. = Jether, Ges., Fii.), an Israel- 
ite (2 Sam. xvii. 25) or rather Ishmaelite (1 Chr. ii. 
17 [A. V. " Ishmeelite "]), the father of Amasa by 
Abigail, David's sister. 

Itii'ran (fr. Heb. = Jether, Ges., Fii.). 1. A son 
of Dishon, a Horite (Gen. xxxi. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 41): 
and probably a phylarch of a tribe of the Horim 
(Gen. xxxvi. 30). — 2. A descendant of Asher (1 Chr. 
vii. 37). Jether 6. 

Ith're-am (fr. Heb. = residue of the people, Ges.), 
sixth son of David, born to him in Hebron ; the 
child of Eglah, David's wife (2 Sam. iii. 5 ; 1 Chr. 
iii. 3). 

Itli'i'ile, the (fr. Heb. = descendant of Jether, 
Ges. ; native of Jattir, Fii.), the designation of two 
of David's " valiant men." Ira and Gareb (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 38 ; 1 Chr. xi. 40). The " Ithrites " were 
among "the families of Kirjath-jearim " (ii. 53). 

It'taU-ka'ziu (fr. Heb. = time of the judge, Ges.), 
a border-town of Zebulun, named next to Gath- 
hepher (Josh. xix. 13) ; not identified. 

Ittai, or It'ta-i (Heb. near? Ges.; being, living, 
Fii.). 1. " Ittai the Gittite," i. e. the native of 
Gath, a Philistine in the army of King David. He 
appears only during the revolution of Absalom. 
We first discern him on the morning of David's 
flight. Last in the procession came the six hundred 
heroes who had formed David's band during his 
wanderings in Judah, and had been with him at 
Gath (2 Sam. xv. 18 ; compare 1 Sam. xxiii. 13, 
xxvii. 2, xxx. 9, 10). Among these, apparently 
commanding them, was Ittai the Gittite (2 Sam. xv. 
19). He caught the eye of the king, who at once 
addressed him and besought him not to attach him- 
self to a doubtful cause, but to return " with his 
brethren" and abide with the king (ver. 19, 20). 
But Ittai is firm, and wherever his master goes, he 



420 



ITU 



JAA 



will go. Accordingly he is allowed by David to 
proceed. When the army was numbered and or- 
ganized by David at Mahanaim, Ittai again appears, 
now in command of one-third of the force (xviii. 
2, 5, 12).— 2. Son of Ribai, from Gibeah of Benja- 
min ; one of David's thirty " valiant men " (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 29) ; = Ithai. 

It-u-rea (L. Iiurcea ; see below), a small province 
on the N. W. border of Palestine, lying along the 
base of Mount Hermon(Lk. iii. 1 only). Jetur the 
son of Ishmael gave his name, like the rest of his 
brethren, to the little province he colonized (Gen. 
xxv. 15, 16), afterward occupied by the children of 
Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 19-23). In the second century 
b. c, Aristobulus, king of the Jews, reconquered the 
province. Iturea, with the adjoining provinces, fell 
into the hands of a chief called Zenodorus ; but 
about b. c. 20 they were taken from him by the 
Roman emperor, and given to Herod the Great, who 
bequeathed them to his son Philip (Lk. iii. 1). Pliny 
rightly places Iturea N. of Bashan and near Da- 
mascus ; and J. de Vitry describes it as adjoining 
Trachonitis, and lying along the base of Libanus 
between Tiberias and Damascus. At the place in- 
dicated is situated the modern province of Jedur 
(Ar. = Heb. Jetur). It is bounded on the E. by 
Trachonitis, on the S. by Gaulanitis, on the W. by 
Hermon, and on the N. by the plain of Damascus. 
It is table-land with an undulating surface, and has 
little conical and cup-shaped hills at intervals. The 
surface of the ground is covered with jagged rocks. 
The rock is all basalt, and the formation similar to 
that of the Lejah. (Argob.) Jedur contains thirty- 
eight towns and villages, ten of which are now en- 
tirely desolate, and all the rest contain only a few 
families of poor peasants, living in wretched hovels 
amid heaps of ruins. 

I'vah (fr. Heb. = overturning, ruin, Ges. ; from 
a Babylonian god, Iva, who represents the sky or 
ether? Sir H. Rawlinson), or i'va, mentioned in 
Scripture twice (2 K. xviii. 34, xix. 13 ; compare 
Is. xxxvii. 13) in connection with Hena and Sephar- 
vaim, and once (2 K. xvii. 24) in connection with 
Babylon and Cuthah, must be sought in Babylonia, 
and probably (so Rawlinson) the modern Hit. This 
town, famous for its bitumen springs, lay on the 
Euphrates, between Sippara (Sepharvaim) and Anah 
(Hena), with which it seems to have been politically 
united shortly before the time of Sennacherib (xLx. 
13). It is probably the Ahava of Ezr. viii. 15. 

I'YO-ry (Heb. -then, in all passages, except 1 K. x. 
22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21, where shenhabbim is so ren- 
dered). The word shen, literally = the tooth of any 
animal, and hence more especially denotes the sub- 
stance of the projecting tusks of elephants. (Horn.) 
It is remarkable that no word in Biblical Hebrew 
denotes an elephant, unless the latter portion of 
the compound shenhabbim be supposed to have this 
meaning. Gesenius derives it from the Sanscrit 
ibhas, an elephant. The Assyrians appear to have 
carried on a great traffic in ivory. Their early con- 
quests in India had made them familiar with it, and 
(according to one rendering of the passage) their 
artists supplied the luxurious Tyrians with carv- 
ings in ivory from the isles of Chittim (Ez. xxvii. 
6). (Box-tree.) On the obelisk in the British 
Museum the captives or tribute-bearers are repre- 
sented as carrying tusks. Among the merchan- 
dise of Babylon, enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12, are 
included "all manner vessels of ivory." The 
skilled workmen of Hiram, king of Tyre, fash- 
ioned the great ivory throne of Solomon, and over- 



laid it with pure gold (1 K. x. 18; 2 Chr. ix. 17). 
The ivory thus employed was supplied by the car- 
avans of Dedan (Is. xxi. 13; Ez. xxvii. 15), or was 
brought with apes and peacocks by the navy of 
Tharshish (1 K. x. 22). The Egyptians, at a very 
early period, made use of this material in decora- 
tion. The ivory used by the Egyptians was prin- 
cipally brought from Ethiopia (Herodotus, iii. 114), 
though their elephants were originally from Asia. 
The Ethiopians, according to Diodorus Siculus, 
brought to Sesostris "ebony and gold, and the 
teeth of elephants." According to Pliny, ivory 
was so plentiful on the borders of Ethiopia, that 
the natives made door-posts of it, and even fences 
and stalls for their cattle. The Egyptian mer- 
chants traded for ivory and onyx-stones to Bary- 
gaza, the port to which was carried down the com- 
merce of Western India from Ozene. In the early 
ages of Greece, ivory was frequently employed for 
purposes of ornament. The " ivory house " of 
Ahab (1 K. xxii. 39) was probably a palace, the 
walls of which were panelled with ivory, like the 
palace of Menelaus described by Homer (Odys. 
iv. 73). Beds inlaid or veneered with ivory were 
in use among the Hebrews (Am. vi. 4), as also 
among the Egyptians. The great ivory throne of 
Solomon, the work of the Tyrian craftsmen, has 
been already mentioned (compare Rev. xx. 11); 
but it is difficult to determine whether the "tower 
of ivory " of Cant. vii. 4 is merely a figure of 
speech, or whether it had its original among the 
things that were. By the luxurious Phenicians, 
ivory was employed to ornament the boxwood 
rowing benches (or " hatches," according to some) 
of their galleys (Ez. xxvii. 6). 

I'vy (Gr. kissos), a well-known creeping plant, 
the common Hedera Helix, of which the ancient 
Greeks and Romans describe two or three kinds, 
which appear to be only varieties. Ivy was sacred 
to Bacchus (2 Mc. vi. 7). 

Iz'e-bar (fr. Heb.) = Izhar (Num. iii. 19 only). 

Iz'e-har-ites, the = the Izharites (Num. iii. 27). 

Iz'liar (fr. Heb. = oil, Ges.), son of Kohath, 
grandson of Levi, uncle of Aaron and Moses, and 
father of Korah (Ex. vi. 18, 21 ; Num. iii. 19, xvi. 
1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18) ; head of the Izharites or Ize- 
harites. 

Iz'har-ites (fr. Heb. = descendants of Izhar), 
the, a family of Kohathite Levites, descendants from 
Izhar (1 Chr. xxiv. 22, xxvi. 23, 29). 

Iz-ra-hi'ah (fr. Heb. — whom Jehovah brings 
forth, Ges.), a chief of Issachar; son of Uzzi (1 
Chr. vii. 3). 

Iz'ra-llite (fr. Heb., probably = descendant of Ze- 
rah 1, Ges.), the, the designation of Shamhuth (1 
Chr. xxvii. 8). 

Iz'ri (fr. Heb. = descendant of Jezer, Ges. ; crea- 
tion [i. e. a creator] is Jah, Fii.), a Levite leader of 
the fourth course or ward in the service of the 
house of God (1 Chr. xxv. 11); in verse 3 called 
Zeri. 

J 

Ja'a-kan (fr. Heb. = Akan, Ges. ; a sagacious, in. 
tclligent one, Fii.), Jakan, the forefather of the 
Bene-jaakan (Deut. x. 6). 

Ja-a-ko'hah (fr. Heb. = Jacob, Ges.), a prince 
of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 36). 

Ja'a-la (fr. Heb.) = Jaalah, ancestor of certain 
" children of Solomon's servants " who returned 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 58). 



JAA 



JAB 



421 



Ja a-lall (fr. Heb. — wild she-goal, Ges. ; elevation, 
Fii.) = Jaala (Ezr. ii. 56). 

Ja a-lam (fr. Heb. = hidden, Ges. ; ascender of the 
mountains, Fii.), a son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 
18 ; compare 1 Chr. i. 35), and a phylarch (A. V. 
" duke ") or head of a tribe of Edom. 

Ja'a-nai (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah answers, Ges.), 
a chief of Gad (1 Chr. v. 12). 

Ja'a-re-or'c-gim (fr. Heb. = forests of the wea- 
vers, Ges.), according to the present text of 2 Sam. 
xxi. 19, a Bethlehemite, and the father of Elhanan 
1 who slew Goliath. Jair 4. 

Ja'a-sau(fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah has made, Ges.), 
one of the " sons " of Bani who had married a 
foreign wife, and had to put her away (Ezr. x. 37). 

Ja-a'si-el (fr. Heb. = whom God has made, Ges.), 
ruler of Benjamin under David ; son of Abner (1 
Chr. xxvii. 21). 

Ja-az-a-ni'all (fr. Heb. r= whom Jehovah hears, 
Ges.). 1, One of the captains who accompanied 
Johanan 3 to pay his respects to Gedaliah at Miz- 
pah (2 K. xxv. 23), and who appears afterward to 
have assisted in recovering Ishmael's prey from his 
clutches fcomp. Jer. xli. 11). Afterwardhe probably 
went to Egypt with the rest (Jer. xliii. 4, 5). ( Jeza- 
niah.) — 2. Son of Shaphan (Ez. viii. 11) ; possibly = 
3i Son of Azur ; one of the princes of the people 
against whom Ezekiel was directed to prophesy (xi. 
I).—!, A Rechabite, son of Jeremiah ; apparently 
chief of the tribe (Jer. xxxv. 3). 

Ja'a-zer, or Ja'zer (fr. Heb. = whom God helps, 
Ges.; a place hedged about, Fii.), a town E. of Jor- 
dan, in or near Gilead (Num. xxxii. 1, 3 ; 1 Chr. 
xxvi. 31). We first hear of it in possession of the 
Amorites, and as taken by Israel after Heshbon, 
and on their way from thence to Bashan (Num. xxi. 
32). It was rebuilt by the children of Gad and al- 
lotted from their territory to the Merarite Levites 
(xxxii. 35 ; Josh. xiii. 25, xxi. 39 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5 ; 
1 Chr. vi. 81), but in David's time appears to have 
been occupied by Hebronites, i. e. descendants of 
Kohath(xxvi. 31). In the "burdens" against Moab, 
Jaazer is mentioned so as to imply that vine- 
yards were there (Is. xvi. 8, 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 32). It 
seems to have given its name to a district of depen- 
dent towns (Num. xxi. 32, A. V. " villages ; " 1 He. 
v. 8), the " land of Jazer " (Num. xxxii. 1). Eusebius 
and Jerome laid down its position as ten (or eight) 
Roman miles W. of Philadelphia (Rabbah 1 ; now 
Amman), and fifteen from Heshbon, and as the source 
of a river which falls into the Jordan. Szir, or 
Seir, is shown on the map of Van de Velde as nine 
Roman miles W. of Amm&n, and about twelve from 
Heshbon. And here, until further investigation, we 
must place Jazer. 

Ja-a-zi'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah consoles, 
Ges.), apparently third son, or a descendant, of Me- 
rari the Levite (1 Chr. xxiv. 26, 27). 

Ja-a'zi-el (fr. Heb. = whom God consoles, Ges.), 
one of the Levites appointed by David to perform 
the musical service before the ark (1 Chr. xv. 18). 

AZIEL. 

Ja'bal (fr. Heb. = a stream, river, Ges. ; m,over, 
wanderer, nomad, Fii.), son of Lamech and Adah 
(Gen. iv. 20) and brother of Jubal ; described as 
the " father " of such as dwell in tents' and have 
cattle. 

Jab bok (fr. Heb. = a pouring out, emptying, 
Sim., Ges.), a stream which intersects the mountain- 
range of Gilead (compare Josh. xii. 2, and 5), and 
falls into the Jordan about midway between the 
Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea. It was anciently 



I the border of the children of Ammon (Num. xxi. 
24; Deut. ii. 37, iii. 16). When the Ammonites 
were driven out by Sihon from their ancient terri- 
tory, they took possession of the eastern plain, and 
of a considerable section of the eastern defiles of 
Gilead, around the sources and upper branches of 
the Jabbok. It was on the S. bank of the Jabbok 
the interview took place between Jacob and Esau 
(Gen. xxxii. 22) ; and this river afterward became, 
toward its western part, the boundary between the 
kingdoms of Sihon and Og (Josh. xii. 2, 5). Its 
modern name is Wady Zurka (so Porter, with Rob- 
inson, Stanley, Winer, Gesenius, Fiirst, Fairbairn, 
&c). But Mr. Wilton (in Fairbairn, s. v. Jogbehah) 
maintains that the Jabbok = the Hieromax, the 
modern Nahr Yarmuk, which falls into the Jordan 
about five miles S. of the Lake of Gennesaret. 

Jabesh (fr. Heb. — dry, Ges.). 1. Father of 
Shallum, the fifteenth king of Israel (2 K. xv. 10, 
13, 14). — 2. The short form of Jabesh-Gilead (1 
Sam. xi. 9, 10 ; 1 Chr. x. 12). 

Ja'besli-gil'e-ad (fr. Heb., see Jabesh and Gile- 
ad), or Jabesh in the territory of Gilead. In its 
widest sense Gilead included the half-tribe of Ma- 
nasseh (1 Chr. xxvii. 21) as well as the tribes of Gad 
and Reuben (Num. xxxii. 1-42) E. of the Jordan — 
and of the cities of Gilead, Jabesh was the chief. 
It is first mentioned in Judg. xxi. 8-14. For not 
coming up to Mizpeh in the war against Benjamin, 
every male was put to the sword, and all virgins 
(400) seized to be given in marriage to the 600 men 
of Benjamin that remained. Being attacked sub- 
sequently by Nahash the Ammonite, Saul displayed 
his prowess in its defence (1 Sam. xi. 1-15). When 
Saul and his three sons were slain, the men of Ja- 
besh came by night and took down their corpses 
from the walls of Beth-shan, and paid them funeral 
honors (1 Sam. xxxi. 8-13). David blessed them 
for this (2 Sam. ii. 4 ff.). The site of the city is not 
defined in the O. T., but Eusebius places it beyond 
Jordan, six miles from Pella on the mountain-road 
to Gerasa ; where its name is probably preserved in 
the Wady Yabes, which, flowing from the E., enters 
the Jordan below Beth-shan or Scythopolis. Ac- 
cording to Robinson, the ruin ed-Deir, on the S. side 
of the Wady, still marks its site. 

Ja'bez (fr. Heb. = he causes pain, Ges.). 1. Ap- 
parently a place at which the families of the scribes 
resided, who belonged to the families of the Kenites 
(1 Chr. ii. 55). — 2t The name occurs again in the 
genealogies of Judah (iv. 9, 10), in a passage of re- 
markable detail inserted in a genealogy again con- 
nected with Bethlehem (ver. 4). Jabez was "more 
honorable than his brethren," though who they 
were is not ascertainable. 

.1 a' bill (fr. Heb. = whom God observes, Ges.). 1, 
King of Hazor 1, who organized a confederacy of 
the northern princes against the Israelites (Josh, 
xi. 1-3). He assembled an army, which the Scrip- 
ture narrative compares to the sands for multitude 
(ver. 4). Joshua surprised this vast host of allied 
forces by the waters of Merom (ver. 7) and utterly 
routed them. During the ensuing wars, Joshua 
again attacked Jabin and burnt his city (xi. 1-14). 
— 2. A king of Hazor, who had 900 chariots of iron, 
and for twenty years oppressed the children of 
Israel. His great army under Sisera was defeated 
by Barak near the river Kishon (Judg. iv. 3, 13, v. 
21). Some have supposed this Jabin = No. 1, but 
in opposition to the plain narrative of the Scrip- 
tures. The common chronology makes the victory 
of Joshua over Jabin 1 about 150 years previous to 



422 



JAB 



JAC 



that of Deborah and Barak over Jabin 2, who was 
probably a descendant of No. 1. During the inter- 
val the Canaanites evidently recovered their strength 
in northern Palestine, &c, and may have rebuilt the 
city of Hazor. Harosheth. 

Jabneel (fr. Heb. = God lets build, Ges.). 1. One 
of the points on the N. boundary of Judah, not 
quite at the sea, though near it (Josh. xv. 11). 
There is no sign, however, of its ever having been 
occupied by Judah. Josephus attributes it to the 
Danites. There was a constant struggle going on 
between that tribe (Dan) and the Philistines for the 
possession of all the places in the lowland plains, 
and we next meet with Jabneel in the hands of the 
latter (2 Chr. xxvi. 6). Uzziah dispossessed them 
of it, and demolished its fortifications. Here it is 
in the shorter form of Jabneii. Under the name 
of Jamnia it is mentioned in 1 Mc. iv. 15, v. 58, x. 
69, xv. 40, and was again a strong place. At this 
time there was a harbor on the coast, to which, and 
the vessels lying there, Judas set fire (2 Mc. xii. 9). 
At the time of the fall of Jerusalem, Jabneh was 
one of the most populous places of Judea, and con- 
tained a Jewish school of great fame. The modern 
village of Ycbna, more accurately Ibna, stands about 
two miles from the sea on a slight eminence just S. 
of the Nahr Rubin. It is about eleven miles S. 
of Jaffa, seven from Ramleh, and four from 'Akir 
(Ekron). It probably occupies its ancient site. — 2. 
One of the landmarks on the boundary of Naphtali 
(Josh. xix. 33 only). Little or no clew can be got 
to its situation. Doubtless it is the same place 
which, as Iamnia and Iamnith, is mentioned by 
Josephus among the villages in Upper Galilee. 

Jab lie li (fr. Heb. = God lets build) = Jabneel 
(2 Chr. xxvi. 6). 

Ja'chan [-kan] (L. fr. Heb. = afflicted, Ges.), one 
of seven chief men of Gad (1 Chr. v. 13). 

Ja chin (L. fr. Heb. = whom God makes firm, 
Ges.), one of the two pillars set up "in the porch" 
(1 K. vii. 21) or before the Temple (2 Chr. iii. IV) of. 
Solomon. Boaz 2. 

Ja cli in (see above). 1. Fourth son of Simeon 
(Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15); founder of the family 
of the Jachinites (Num. xxvi. 12). (Jarib 1.) — 2i 
Head of the twenty-first course of priests in the 
time of David. Some of the course returned from 
Babylon (1 Chr. ix. 10, xxiv. 17; Neh. xi. 10). 

Ja'chin-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the family founded 
by Jachin, son of Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12). 

Jacinth [-sinth] (fr. Gr. huakinthos = hyacinth), 
a precious stone, forming one of the foundations of 
the walls of the new Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20). The 
ancient Gr. huakinthos (hyacinth or jacinth) = the 
modern Sapphire (King). The modern jacinth or 
hyacinth is a red variety of zircon, found in square 
prisms, white, gray, red, reddish-brown, yellow, or 
pale-green. The expression in Rev. ix. 17, "of 
jacinth," applied to the breast-plate, is descriptive 
simply of a hyacinihine, i. e. dark-purple color. 
Colors, II. 2. 

Ja'cob (L. fr. Heb. ycHakob — heel-catcher, sup- 
planter, lier-in-wait, Ges.). I. Second son of Isaac 
and Rebekah, born with Esau, when Isaac was 
59 and Abraham 159 years old, probably at the 
well Lahai-roi. His history is related in the latter 
half of Genesis. He bought the birth-right (First- 
born) from his brother Esau ; and afterward, at his 
mother's instigation, acquired the blessing intended 
for Esau, by practising a well-known deceit on 
Isaac. Hitherto the two sons shared the wander- 
ings of Isaac in the S. Country ; but now Jacob, 



in his seventy-eighth year, was sent from the family 
home, to avoid his brother, and to seek a wife 
among his kindred in Padan-aram. As he passed 
through Bethel, God appeared to him. After the 
lapse of twenty-one years he returned from Padan- 
aram with two wives (Leah ; Rachel), two concu- 
bines (Biliiah; Zilpah ; see Concubine ; Mar- 
riage), eleven sons (Reuben ; Simeon ; Levi ; JuDAn ; 
Dan ; Naphtali ; Gad ; Asher ; Issachar ; Zebu- 
lun ; Joseph), and a daughter (Dinah), and large 
property. He escaped from the angry pursuit of 
Laban (Galeed), from a meeting with Esau, and 
from the vengeance of the Canaanites provoked by 
the murder of Shechem ; and in each of those three 
emergencies he was aided and strengthened by the 
interposition of God, and in sign of the grace won 
by a night of wrestling with God (Peniel), his name 
was changed at Jabbok into Israel. Deborah and 
Rachel died before he reached Hebron ; Benjamin 
was born to him on the way ; and at Hebron, in the 
122d year of his age, he and Esau buried their 
father Isaac. Joseph, the favorite son of Jacob, 
was sold into Egypt eleven years before the death 
of Isaac ; and Jacob had probably exceeded his 
130th year when he went thither, being encouraged 
in a divine vision as he passed for the last time 
through Beer-sheba. He was presented to Pharaoh, 
and dwelt for seventeen years at Rameses and 
Goshen. After giving his solemn blessing to 
Ephraim and Manasseh, and his own sons one by 
one, and charging the ten to complete their rec- 
onciliation with Joseph, he died in his 147th year. 
His body was embalmed, carried with great care 
and pomp into the land of Canaan, and deposited 
with his fathers, and his wife Leah, in the cave of 
Machpelah. — The example of Jacob is quoted by 
the first and the last of the minor prophets. Hosea, 
in the latter days of the kingdom, seeks (xii. 3, 
4, 12) to convert the descendants of Jacob from 
their state of alienation from God, by recalling to 
their memory the repeated acts of God's favor shown 
to their ancestor. And Malachi (i. 2) strengthens 
the desponding hearts of the returned exiles by as-, 
suring them that the love which God bestowed upon 
Jacob was not withheld from them. Besides the 
frequent mention of his name in conjunction with 
those of the other two patriarchs, there are distinct 
references to events in the life of Jacob in four 
books of the N. T. In Rom. ix. 11-13, St. Paul ad- 
duces the history of Jacob's birth to prove that the 
favor of God is indeptndent of the order of natural 
descent. In Heb. xii. 16, and xi. 21, the transfer of 
the birthright and Jacob's dying benediction are 
referred to. His vision at Bethel and his posses- 
sion of land at Shechem are cited in Jn. i. 51, and 
iv. 5, 12. And Stephen, in his speech (Acts vii. 12, 
16), mentions the famine which was the means of 
restoring Jacob to his lost son in Egypt, and the 
burial of his sons in Shechem. We should also 
suppose, had we only this concise statement, that 
Jacob himself was buried at Shechem (see above). 
Such are the events of Jacob's life recorded in 
Scripture. In Jacob may be traced a combination 
of the quiet patience of his father with the acquisi- 
tiveness which seems to have marked his mother's 
family ; and in Esau, as in Ishmael, the migratory 
and independent character of Abraham was devel- 
oped into the enterprising habits of a warlike 
hunter-chief. Jacob, whose history occupies a 
larger space, leaves on the reader's mind a less 
favorable impression than either of the other patri- 
archs with whom he is joined in equal honor in the 



JAC 



JAH 



423 



N. T. (Mat. viii. 11). But in considering his char- 
acter we must bear in mind that we know not what 
limits were set in those days to the knowledge of 
God and the sanctifying influence of the Holy Spirit. 
A timid, thoughtful boy would acquire no self-reli- 
ance in a secluded home. There was little scope 
for the exercise of intelligence, wide sympathy, gen- 
erosity, frankness. Growing up a stranger to the 
great joys and great sorrows of natural life — 
deaths, and wedlock, and births ; inured to caution 
and restraint in the presence of a more vigorous 
brother ; secretly stimulated by a belief that God 
designed for him some superior blessing, Jacob was 
perhaps in a fair way to become a narrow, selfish, 
deceitful, disappointed man. But, after dwelling 
for more than half a lifetime in solitude, he is driven 
from home by the provoked hostility of his more 
powerful brother. Then in deep and bitter sorrow 
the outcast begins life afresh long after youth has 
passed, and finds himself brought first of all unex- 
pectedly into that close personal communion with 
God which elevates the soul, and then into that en- 
larged intercourse with men which is capable of 
drawing out all the better feelings of human nature. 
An unseen world was opened. God revived and 
renewed to him that slumbering promise over which 
he had brooded for threescore years since he learned 
it in childhood from his mother. Angels conversed 
with him. Gradually he felt more and more the 
watchful care of an ever-present spiritual Father. 
Face to face he wrestled with the Representative of 
the Almighty. And so, even though the moral con- 
sequences of his early transgressions hung about 
him, and saddened him with a deep knowledge of 
all the evil of treachery and domestic envy, and 
partial judgment, and filial disobedience, yet the in- 
creasing revelations of God enlightened the old age 
of the patriarch ; and at last the timid " sup- 
planter," the man of subtle devices, waiting for the 
salvation of Jehovah, dies the "soldier of God" 
uttering the messages of God to his remote pos- 
terity. (Patriarch.) — 2. Father of Joseph, the 
husband of Mary the mother of Jesus (Mat. i. 15, 
16). Genealogy of Jesus Christ. 

* Jacob's Well ( Jn. iv. 6 ff.). Shechem. 

Ja-eu bus (fr. Gr.) = Akkub 4 (1 Esd. ix. 48). 

Ja da (fr. Heb. = knowing, wise, Ges.), son of 
Onam, and brother of Shammai, in the genealogy of 
the sons of Jerahmeel by his wife Atarah (1 Chr. ii. 
28, 32). 

Ja'dan (fr. Heb. = Iddo, Ges.), one of the sons 
of Nebo who had taken a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). 

Jad'dn-a (fr. Heb. = known, Ges.). 1. One of 
the chief laymen who sealed the covenant with Ne- 
hemiah (Neh. x. 21). — 2. Son, and successor in the 
high-priesthood, of Jonathan or Johanan ; the last 
high-priest mentioned in the 0. T., and probably 
(so Lord A. C. Hervey) the latest name in the canon 
(xii. 11, 22). Probably also he was priest in the 
reign of the last Persian king Darius, and still high- 
priest after the Persian dynasty was overthrown, 
i. e. in the reign of Alexander the Great. 

Ja'don (fr. Heb. = judge, Ges.), " the Meronoth- 
ite," who assisted to repair the wall of Jerusalem 
(Neh. iii. V). 

Ja'el (fr. Heb. = wild [or mountain] goat, Ges.), 
the wife of Heber the Kenite. In the headlong rout 
which followed the defeat of the Canaanites by 
Barak, Sisera, abandoning his chariot the more 
easily to avoid notice, fled unattended, and in an 
opposite direction from that taken by his army, to 
the tent of the Kenite chieftainess. He accepted 



Jael's invitation to enter, and she flung a mantle 
over him as he lay wearily on the floor. When 
thirst prevented sleep, and he asked for water, she 
brought him buttermilk in her choicest vessel, thus 
ratifying with the semblance of officious zeal the 
sacred bond of Eastern hospitality. At last, with a 
feeling of perfect security, the weary general re- 
signed himself to the deep sleep of misery and 
fatigue. Then it was that Jael took in her left 
hand one of the great wooden pins which fastened 
down the cords of the tent, and in her right hand 
the mallet used to drive it into the ground, and with 
one terrible blow dashed it through Sisera's temples 
deep into the earth. With one spasm of fruitless 
agony, " at her feet he bowed, he fell dead " ( Judg. 
v. 21). She then waited to meet the pursuing 
Barak, and led him into her tent that she might in 
his presence claim the glory of the deed ! Many 
have supposed that by this act she fulfilled the 
saying of Deborah, that God would sell Sisera into 
the hand of a woman (iv. 9; Jos. v. 5, § 4); and 
hence they have supposed that Jael was actuated 
by some divine and hidden influence. But the Bible 
gives no hint of such an inspiration. If, therefore, 
we eliminate the still more monstrous supposition 
of the Rabbis that Sisera was slain by Jael because 
he attempted to offer her violence, the murder will 
appear in all its atrocity. We may question whether 
any moral commendation is directly intended in 
Judg. v. 24, " Blessed above women shall Jael . . . 
be," &c. What Deborah stated was a. fact, viz. that 
the wives of the nomad Arabs would undoubtedly 
regard Jael as a public benefactress, and praise her 
as a popular heroine. " It is in reality the work 
of God's judgment through her instrumentality that 
is celebrated, not her mode of carrying it into exe- 
cution " (so Fairbairn). The suggestion of Gese- 
nius, Hollmann, Winer, &c, that the Jael in Judg. 
v. 6 is not the wife of Heber, but some unknown 
Israelitish judge, appears extremely unlikely (so 
Mr. Farrar). 

Ja'gnr (fr. Heb. = lodging-place, Ges.), a town of 
Judah, one of those furthest to the S., on the fron- 
tier of Edom (Josh. xv. 21). Kinah. 

Jah (Heb. Yah), the abbreviated form of " Jeho- 
vah," used only in poetry. It occurs frequently in 
the Hebrew, but with a single exception (Ps. lxviii. 
4) is rendered " Lord " in the A. V. The identity 
of Jah and Jehovah is strongly marked in Is. xii. 
2, xxvi. 4. The former of these should be trans- 
lated " for my strength and song is Jah Jehovah " 
(compare Ex. xv. 2); and the latter, "trust ye in 
Jehovah for ever, for in Jah Jehovah is the rock 
of ages." " Praise ye the Lord," or Hallelujah, 
in all cases = " praise ye Jah." In Ps. lxxxix. 8 
[Heb. 9] Jah stands in a parallelism with " Jehovah 
the God of hosts " in a passage which Mr. Wright 
would translate " Oh Jehovah, God of hosts, who 
like Thee is strong, Jah ! " 

Ja'hatb (fr. Heb. = union? Ges.; revival, com- 
fort, Fii.). 1. Son of Libni, the son of Gershom 
and grandson of Levi (1 Chr. xi. 20). — 2. Head of 
a later house in the family of Gershom ; eldest son 
of Shimei, the son of Laadan (xxiii. 10, 11). — 3. A 
man in the genealogy of Judah (iv. 2); son of 
Reaiah the son of Shobal. — 4. A Kohathite Levite, 
son of Shelomoth (xxiv. 22). — 5. A Merarite Levite 
in the reign of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). 

Jahaz, also Ja'ha-za, Jaha-zah, and Jah'zah (all 
fr. Heb. Yahats, Yahctsdh [ = place trodden down, 
Ges.]). At Jahaz the decisive battle was fought 
between the children of Israel and Sihon, king of 



A24 



J AH 



JAM 



the Amorites, which ended in the overthrow of the 
latter, and in the occupation by Israel of the whole 
pastoral country included between the Arnon and 
the Jabbok, the Belka of the modern Arabs (Num. 
xxi. 23 ; Deut. ii. 32 ; Judg. xi. 20). It was in the 
allotment of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 18), and was given 
to the Merarite Levites (1 Chr. vi. 78). It was in 
the hands of Moab in later times (Is. xv. 4 ; Jer. 
xlviii. 21, 34). Probably Jahaz was just N. of the 
Arnon, but this question must await further re- 
search. 

Ja'ha-za (see Jahaz) = Jahaz (Josh. xiii. 18). 

Ja'ha-zab (see Jahaz) = Jahaz (Josh. xxi. 36 ; 
Jer. xlviii. 21). 

Ja-lia-zi'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah beholds, 
Ges.), son of Tikvah, apparently a priest with Ezra 
(Ezr. x. 15). 

Ja-ha'zi-el (fr. Heb. = whom God beholds, Ges.). 
I . One of the heroes of Benjamin who joined David 
at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 4). — 2. A priest whom David 
appointed to blow the trumpet before the ark (xvi. 
6). — 3. A Kohathite Levite, third son of Hebron 
(xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23). — 4. Son of Zechariah ; a Le- 
vite of the sons of Asaph, inspired to animate Je- 
hoshaphat and Judah in the march against the 
Moabites, Ammonites, &c. (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 5. The 
" son of Jahaziel " was the chief of the sons of 
Shecaniah who returned from Babylon with Ezra 
(Ezr. viii. 5). 

Jali'diii, or Jah'da-i (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah 
directs, Ges.), a man who appears to be thrust 
abruptly into the genealogy of Caleb, as the father 
of six sons (1 Chr. ii. 47). 

Jah'di-cl (fr. Heb. = whom God makes joyful, 
Ges.), a chieftain of Manasseh, E. of Jordan (1 Chr. 
v. 24). 

Jah do (fr. Heb. = his union, Ges.), a Gadite, son 
of Buz and father of Jeshishai(l Chr. v. 14). 

Jah'Ie-el (fr. Heb. = hoping in God, Ges.), the 
third of the three sons of Zebulun (Gen. xlvi. 14; 
Num. xxvi. 26); founder of the Jahi.eelites. 

Jah le-el-itcs (fr. Heb.), the = a branch of the 
tribe of Zebulun, descendants of Jahleel (Num. 
xxvi. 26). 

Jah'mai, or Jah'ma-i (fr. Heb. — whom Jehovah 
guards, Ges.), a man of Issachar ; one of the heads 
of the house of Tolah (1 Chr. vii. 2). 

Jah'zah (see Jahaz) = Jahaz (1 Chr. vi. 78). 

Jah'ze-el (fr. Heb. = whom God allots, Ges.), the 
first of the four sons of Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24) ; 
founder of the family of the Jahzeelites (Num. 
xxvi. 48) ; = Jahziel. 

Jall'ze-Cl-ites (fr. Heb.), the = a branch of the 
Naphtalites, descended from Jahzeel (Num. xxvi. 
48). 

Jah'ze-rah (fr. Heb. = whom God leads back), 
a priest of the house of Immer(l Chr. ix. 12); = 
Ahasai. 

Jah zi-el (fr. Heb.) = Jahzeel (1 Chr. vii. 13). 

Ja'ir (fr. Heb. = whom God enlightens, Ges. ; see 
!No. 4). 1. A man who on his father's side was 
descended from Judah, and on his mother's from 
Manasseh. (Becher 1.) During the conquest he 
performed one of the chief feats recorded. He took 
the whole of Argob (Deut. iii. 14), and some vil- 
lages in Gilead, which he called after his own name, 
Havoth-jair (Num. xxxii. 41 ; 1 Chr. ii. 23). — 2. 
" Jair the Gileadite," who judged Israel for two- 
and-twenty years (Judg. x. 3-5). He had thirty 
sons who rode thirty asses, and possessed thirty 
cities in the land of Gilead, which were called 
Havoth-jair. — 3. A Benjamite, son of Kish and j 



father of Mordecai (Esth. ii. 5). — 4. (fr. Heb. = 
whom God awakes, Ges.), father of Elhanan 1, one 
of the heroes of David's army (1 Chr. xx. 5). 

Ja'ir-ite (fr. Heb. = descendant of Jair, Ges.), the. 
Ira the Jairite was a priest (?) (A.V. " chief ruler") 
to David (2 Sam. xx. 26). 

Ja-i'rns (L. probably = Jair). 1. A ruler of a 
synagogue, probably in some town near the western 
shore of the Sea of Galilee. Our Lord restored his 
daughter to life (Mat. ix. 18 ; Mk. v. 22 ; Lk. viii. 
41). — 2. [pron. Ja'i-rus] Jair 3 (Esth. xi. 2). 

Ja'kan (fr. Heb. = Jaakan), son of Ezer the 
Horite (1 Chr. i. 42); = Jaakan = Akan. 

Jakeh (fr. Heb. = pious, Ges.). The A. V. of 
Prov. xxx. 1, following the Targum and Syriac, has 
represented this as the proper name of the father of 
Agur, whose sayings are collected in Prov. xxx., 
and such is the natural interpretation. But beyond 
this we have no clew to the existence of either Agur 
or Jakeh. Of course if Agur be Solomon, it follows 
that Jakeh was a name of David of some mystical 
significance ; but for this there is not a shadow of 
support. If Jakeh be the name of a person, as 
there is every reason to believe, we know nothing 
more about him ; if not, there is no limit to the 
symbolical meanings which may be extracted from 
the clause in which it occurs. Hitzig makes Agur 
and Lemuel brothers, both sons of a queen of Massa, 
the latter being the reigning monarch (Prov. xxxi. 
1). The Heb. massd ("prophecy" or burden) is 
considered as a proper name = the region named 
Massa in Arabia. Ucal. 

Ja'kim (fr. Heb. = whom God sets up, Ges.). 1, 
Head of the twelfth course of priests in the reign 
of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 12). — 2. A Benjamite, son of 
Shimhi (viii. 19). — 3. Jehoiakim (Mat. i. 1 1, margin). 

Ja'lon (fr. Heb. = passing the night, abiding, Ges.), 
a descendant of Judah ; son of Ezra (1 Chr. iv. 17). 

Jam'bres [-breez] (L. probably from Egyptian). 
Jannes. 

Jam'bri (L. probably fr. Heb. dmri = Omri, so 
Mr. Westcott). Shortly after the death of Judas 
Maccabeus (b. c. 161), "the children of Jambri" 
are said to have made a predatory attack on a de- 
tachment of the Maccabean forces (1 Mc. ix. 36- 
41). The name does not occur elsewhere. It has 
been conjectured that the original text was " the 
sons of the Amorites." 

James (fr. Gr. Jakobos ; L. Jacobus ; all fr. Heb. 
= Jacob). 1. " James the son of Zebedee." This 
is the only Apostle of whose life and death we 
can write with certainty. Of his early life we know 
nothing. We first hear of him (so Mr. Meyrick, 
original author of this article) a. r>. 27, when he 
was called to be our Lord's disciple ; and he dis- 
appears from view a. d. 44, when he suffered mar- 
tyrdom at the hands of Herod Agrippa I. — I. His 
History. In the spring or summer of the year 27, 
Zebedee, a fisherman (Mk. i. 20), was out on the 
Sea of Galilee with his two sons, James and John 
(John the Apostle), and some boatmen. He was 
engaged in his customary occupation of fishing, and 
near him was another boat belonging to Simon and 
Andrew, with whom he and his sons were in part- 
nership. Finding themselves unsuccessful, the oc- 
cupants of both boats came ashore, and began to 
wash their nets. At this time the new Teacher 
(Jesus Christ) appeared upon the beach. At His 
call they left all, and became, once and forever, 
His disciples, hereafter to catch men. For a full 
year we lose sight of James. He is then, in the 
spring of 28, called to the apostleship with his 



JAM 



JAM 



425 



eleven brethren (Mat. x. 2; Mk. iii. 14 ; Lk. vi. 13 ; 
Acts i. 13). In the list of the apostles given us by 
Mark, and in the Acts, his name occurs next to that 
of Simon Peter : in Matthew and Luke it comes 
third. It is worthy of notice that with one excep- 
tion (Lk. ix. 28), James is put before John, and that 
John is twice described as " the brother of James " 
(Mk. v. 37 ; Mat. xvii. 1). This would appear to 
imply that at this time James, either from age or 
character, took a higher position than his brother. 
It would seem to have been at the time of the ap- 
pointment of the twelve apostles that the name of 
" Boanerges " was given to the sons of Zebedee. 
The " Sons of Thunder " had a burning and impet- 
uous spirit, which twice exhibits itself in its un- 
chastened form (Lk. ix. 54 ; Mk. x. 37). The first 
occasion on which this natural character manifests 
itself in James and his brother is at the commence- 
ment of our Lord's last journey to Jerusalem in the 
year 30. He was passing through Samaria, and 
" sent messengers before His face " into a certain 
village, " to make ready for Him " (Lk. ix. 52), i. e. 
probably to announce Him as the Messiah. The 
Samaritans, with their old jealousy strong upon 
them, refused to receive Him ; and in their exas- 
peration James and John entreated their Master to 
follow the example of Elijah, and call down fire to 
consume them. At the end of the same journey a 
similar spirit appears again (Mk. x. 35). From the 
time of the Agony in the Garden, a. d. 30, to the 
time of his martyrdom, a. d. 44, we know nothing 
of James, except that after the Ascension he per- 
severed in prayer with the other apostles, and the 
women, and the Lord's brethren (Acts i. 13). In 
the year 44, Herod Agrippa I. was ruler of all the 
dominions which at the death of his grandfather, 
Herod the Great, had been divided between Arche- 
laus, Antipas, Philip, and Lysanias. Policy and in- 
clination would alike lead such a monarch " to lay 
hands "(xii. l)"on certain of the church;" and 
accordingly, when the Passover of the year 44 had 
brought James and Peter to Jerusalem, he seized 
them both. — II. Chronological Recapitulation. In 
the spring or summer of the year 27 James was 
called to be a disciple of Christ. In the spring of 
28 he was appointed one of the twelve apostles. In 
the autumn of the same year he was admitted to 
the miraculous raising of Jairus's daughter. In the 
spring of 29 he witnessed the Transfiguration. 
Very early in the year 30 he urged his Lord to call 
down fire from heaven to consume the Samaritan 
village. About three months later in the same year, 
just before the final arrival in Jerusalem, he and 
his brother made their ambitious request through 
their mother Salome. On the night before the Cru- 
cifixion he was present at the Agony in the Garden. 
On the day of the Ascension he is mentioned as 
persevering with the rest of the apostles and dis- 
ciples in prayer. Shortly before the Passover, in 
44, he was put to death. Thus during fourteen out 
of the seventeen years that elapsed between his call 
and his death we do not even catch a glimpse of 
him. — III. Tradition respecting him.. Clement of 
Alexandria, who flourished as early as a. d. 195, re- 
lates, concerning James's martyrdom, that the 
prosecutor was so moved by witnessing his bold con- 
fession that he declared himself a Christian on the 
spot : accused and accuser were therefore hurried 
off together, and on the road the latter begged 
James to grant him forgiveness ; after a moment's 
hesitation, the apostle kissed him, saying, " Peace 
be to thee ! " and they were beheaded together. 



This tradition is preserved by Eusebius (H. E. ii. 6). 
— 2. " James the son of Alpheus " (Mat. x. 3 ; Mk. 
iii. 18; Lk. vi. 15; Acts i. 13). — 3. "James the 
brother of the Lord " (Mat. xiii. 55 ; Mk. vi. 3 ; Gal. 
i. 19). — 4. "James the son of Mary" (Mat. xxvii. 
56; Lk. xxiv. 10); also called "the Little" (A. V. 
" the Less," Mk. xv. 40). — 5. " James the brother 
of Jude" (Jude 1). — 0. "James the brother (?) of 
Jude" (Lk. vi. 16; Acts i. 13).— 7. "James" (Acts 
xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18; 1 Cor. xv. 7; Gal. ii. 9, 12). 
— 8. " James the Servant of God and of the Lord 
Jesus Christ " (Jas. i. 1). St. Paul identifies for us 
Nos. 3 and 7 (see Gal. ii. 9 and 12 compared with i. 
19). If we may translate, in Lk. vi. 16 and Acts i. 
13, "Judas the brother" rather than the son "of 
James," we may conclude that 5 = 6. We may 
identify 5 and 6 with 3, because we know that James 
the Lord's brother had a brother named Jude. We 
may identify 4 with 3, because we know James the 
son of Mary had a brother named Joses, and so 
also had James the Lord's brother. Thus there 
remain two only, James the son of Alpheus (2.), 
and James the brother of the Lord (3.). Can we, 
or can we not, identify them? This requires a 
longer consideration. By comparing Mat. xxvii. 56 
and Mk. xv. 40 with Jn. xix. 25, we find that the 
Virgin Mary (Mary, the Virgin) had a sister named 
like herself, Mary, who was the wife of Clopas (A. 
V. " Cleophas "), and who had two sons, James the 
Little and Joses. By referring to Mat. xiii. 55 and 
Mk. vi. 3, we find that a James and a Joses, with 
two other brethren called Jude and Simon, and at 
least three sisters, were living with the Virgin Mary 
at Nazareth. By referring to Lk. vi. 16 and Acts 
i. 13, we find that there were two brethren named 
James and Jude among the apostles. It would cer- 
tainly be natural to think that we had here but one 
family of four brothers and three or more sisters, 
the children of Clopas and Mary, nephews and 
nieces of the Virgin Mary. There are difficulties, 
however, in the way of this conclusion. For, 1. the 
four brethren in Mat. xiii. 55 are described as the 
brothers of Jesus, not as His cousins ; 2. they are 
found living as at their home with the Virgin Mary, 
which seems unnatural if she were their aunt, their 
mother being, as we know, still alive ; 3. the James 
of Lk. vi. 15 is described as the son not of Clopas, 
but of Alpheus ; 4. the " brethren of the Lord " 
appear to be excluded from the apostolic band by 
their declared unbelief in His Messiahship (Jn. vii. 
3-5), and by being formally distinguished from the 
disciples by the gospel-writers (Mat. xii. 48 ; Mk. iii. 
33; Jn. ii. 12; Acts i. 14); 5. James and Jude are 
not designated as the Lord's brethren in the list of 
the apostles ; 6. Mary is designated as the mother 
of James and Joses, whereas she would have been 
called mother of James and Jude, had James and 
Jude been apostles, and Joses not an apostle (Mat. 
xxvii. 46). The following answers may be given : — 
Objection 1 : " They are called brethren." Now it 
is clearly not necessary to understand the Greek 
plural adelphoi as = brothers in the nearest sense 
of brotherhood. It need not mean more than rela- 
tive. (Brother.) But perhaps the circumstances 
of the case would lead us to translate it " brethren" ? 
On the contrary, such a translation appears to pro- 
duce very grave difficulties (see note 1 below). For 
(1.) it introduces two sets of four first-cousins, bear- 
ing the same names of James, Joses, Jude, and 
Simon ; and (2.) it drives us to take our choice be- 
tween three doubtful and improbable hypotheses as 
to the parentage of this second set of James, Joses, 



426 



JAM 



JAM 



Jude, and Simon. There are three such hypothe- 
ses : (a.) The Eastern hypothesis, that they were the 
children of Joseph by a former wife (Epiphanius, 
Hilary, Ambrose, the later Greek Church, &c). 
(b.) The Helvidian hypothesis, that James, Joses, 
Jude, Simon, and the three sisters, were children of 
Joseph and Mary (Bonosus, Helvidius, Jovinian, 
Strauss, Herder, Davidson, Alford, &c). (c.) The 
Levirate hypothesis, that Joseph and Clopas were 
brothers, and that Joseph raised up seed to his 
dead brother (an attempt in the eleventh century to 
reconcile the Greek and Latin traditions). — Objec- 
tion 2 : " The four brothers and their sisters are 
always found living and moving about with the Vir- 
gin Mary." If they were the children of Clopas, the 
Virgin Mary was their aunt. Her own husband 
would appear without doubt to have died between 
a. d. 8 and a. d. 26. Nor have we any reason for 
believing Clopas to have been alive during our 
Lord's ministry. What difficulty is there in sup- 
posing that the two widowed sisters lived together, 
the more so as one of them had but one son, and 
He was often taken from her by His ministerial 
duties? — Objection 3 : "James the apostle is said 
to be the son of Alpheus, not of Clopas." But Al- 
pheus and Clopas are the same name. — Objection 4 : 
Dean Alford considers Jn. vii. 5, compared with vi. 
67-70, to decide that none of the brothers of the Lord 
were of the number of the twelve. If this verse, as 
he states, makes " the crowning difficulty " to the hy- 
pothesis of the identity of James the son of Alpheus, 
the apostle, with James the brother of the Lord, the 
difficulties are not so formidable to be overcome. 
It is not at all necessary to suppose that John is 
here speaking of all the brethren. If Joses, Si- 
mon, and the three sisters disbelieved, it would be 
quite sufficient ground for the statement of the 
Evangelist. Nor does it necessarily follow that the 
disbelief of the brethren was of such a nature that 
James and Jude could have had no share in it. 
— Objection 5 : The omission of a title is so slight a 
ground for an argument, that we may pass this by. 
— Objection 6: There is no such improbability as is 
alleged in this objection, if Joses was, as would 
seem likely, an elder brother of Jude, and next in 
order to James. 1 Had we not (so Mr. Meyrick, with 



1 The preceding argument is from the article in Smith's 
Dictionary by Mr. Meyrick. Dr. Lanse ( Comm. on. Mat. 
xiii. 55-57, &c.) has recently advocated the same theory, 
that James and the other " brethren " of Jesus were really 
his cousins, maintaining, not with Mr. Meyrick and most, j 
that the two Marys (their mothers) were sisters, but that 
Joseph and Alpheus were brothers, and, the latter dying I 
early, the former adopted his brother's six or more chil- 
dren, and thus made them lezally the brothers and sisters 
of Jesus. (Adoption.) But Rev. P. Schaff. D. D. (in B. S. 
xxi. 855 ff., Amer. Ed. of Lange on Mat.. &c). advocates 
the view that these " brethren " and " sisters " of Jesus 
were younger children of Joseph and Mary, or else older 
children of~Joseph by a former marriage, on the following 
grounds : — (1.) The " brethren " of Jesus (Jacob or James, 
Joseph or Joses, Simon, Jude or Judas) are mentioned j 
with or without their names fourteen or fifteen times in 
the N. T. (Mat. xii. 4fi, 47 : Mk. iii. 31, 32 ; Lk. viii. 19, [ 
20; Jn. vii. 3, 5, 10: Acts i. 14; 1 Cor. ix. 5; Gal. i. 19), | 
twice with their " sisters " (Mat. xiii. 55, 56 ; Mk. vi._3). 
(2.) The exegetical or grammatical a. priori presumption i 
favors the literal meaning of " brethren " and "sisters," 
especially as no parallel case of a wider meaning (except ■ 
as "brethren."' &c. = Christians) can be quoted from the j 
N. T. (Brother.) (3.) There is no mention in the N. T. 
of covsins or kinsmen of Jesus according to the flesh, 
though terms were not wanting to express this relation- 
ship (Mk. vi. 4; Lk. i. 36, 58, li. 44, xiv. 12, xxi. 16 ; Jn. 
xviii. 26 : Acts x. 24, xxiii. 26 ; Horn. ix. 3, xvi. 7, 11, 21 ; 
Col. iv. 10). (4.) The "brethren" and "sisters" of Jesus 
always (except in Jn. vii. and 1 Cor. ix.) appear in close j 
connection with him and his mother Mary, as being under / 



Papias, Clemens Alexandrinus, Chrysostom, Je- 
rome, Augustine, and the Western or Latin Church) 
identified James the son of Alpheus with the broth 
er of the Lord, we should have but little to write 
of him. Of his father, Alpheus or Clopas, we know 
nothing, except that he married Mary, the sister of 
the Virgin Mary, and had by her four sons and 
three or more daughters. Probably these cousins, 
or, as they were usually called, brothers and sisters 
of the Lord, were older than Himself. Of James 
individually we know nothing till the spring of the 
year 28, when we find him, together with his 
younger brother Jude, called to the Apostolate. It 
is not likely (though far from impossible) that 
James and Jude took part with their brothers and 
sisters, and the Virgin Mary, in trying " to lay hold 
on " Jesus in the autumn of the same year (Mk. iii. 
21); and it is likely, though not certain, that it is 
of the other brothers and sisters, without these 
two, that John says, " Neither did His brethren be- 
lieve on Him " (Jn. vii. 5), in the autumn of a. d. 
29. We hear no more of James till after the Cru- 
cifixion and the Resurrection. At some time in the 
forty days that intervened between the Resurrec- 
tion and the Ascension the Lord appeared to him. 
This is not related by the Evangelists, but by St. 
Paul (1 Cor. xv. 7). We cannot fix the date of this 
appearance. It was probably only a few days be- 
fore the Ascension. Again we lose sight of James 
for ten years, and when he appears once more it is 
in a far higher position than any that he has yet 
held. In the year 37 occurred the conversion of 
Saul. Three years after his conversion he paid his 
first visit to Jerusalem, but the Christians recol- 
lected what they had suffered at his hands, and 
feared to have any thing to do with him. Barna- 
bas, at this time of far higher reputation than him- 
self, took him by the hand, and introduced him to 
Peter and James (Acts ix. 27; Gal. i. 18, 19), and 
by their authority he was admitted into the society 
of the Christians, and allowed to associate freely 
with them during the fifteen days of his stay. Here 
we find James on a level with Peter, and with him 
deciding on the admission of St. Paul into fellow- 
ship with the Church at Jerusalem ; and from 
henceforth we always find him equal, or in his own 



her care and direction, and forming one family ; why never 
with their own supposed mother, Mary the wife of Cleophas 
or Alpheus, who was living all the time and one of Christ's 
most faithful followers (Mat. xxvii. 56 ff. ; Jn. xix. 25) ? 
(5.) There is no intimation in the N. T., unless in Gal. i. 
19 (see below 8), that Christ's " brethren " or any of them 
were of the twelve apostles. (6.) The "brethren " of Je- 
sus are mentioned after the apostles and thus distinguished 
from them (Acts i. 13, 14; 1 Cor. ix. 5 ; compare Mat. xii. 
46-50,69). (7.) His "brethren " are represented in Jn. vii. 
3-10, long after the call of the apostles, as ■unbelievers. 
(8.) There are no insurmountable objections ; for (a) The 
objection from identity in name of three of these brothers 
with three of the apostles (James, Simon, Judas) is more 
than counterbalanced by the opposite difficulty of two sis- 
ters with the same name. (Mart, the Wife or Cleo- 
phas.) Josephus mentions twenty-one Simons, seventeen 
Joses, and sixteen Judes. There were among the twelve 
apostles two Simons, two Jameses, and two Judases. 
These were among the most common Jewish names. 
(6) The objection from Gal. i. 19— "But other of the apos- 
tles saw I none, save James the Lord's brother"— is de- 
stroyed, if, with Winer and other high authorities, we sup- 
ply I saw before " James " (compare Lk. iv. 26, 27). Dr. 
Schaff thinks, with Meyer, that James is here distinguished 
from the Twelve to which Peter belonged, but numbered 
with the "apostles'" in a wider sense, i. e. a man who 
from his close natural relationship to Christ, his weight of 
character, and his piety, enjoyed an apostolic dignity and 
authority among the strict Jewish Christians, being the 
acknowledged head and leader of this branch, and the first 
bishop of Jerusalem, where he permanently resided and 



JAM 



JAM 



427 



department superior, to the very chiefest apostles, 
Peter, John, and Paul. For by this time, according 
to ecclesiastical tradition, he had been appointed to 
preside over the infant Church in its most important 
centre, in a position equivalent to that of bishop. 
This preeminence is evident throughout the after- 
history of the apostles, whether we read it in the 
Acts, in the Epistles, or in Ecclesiastical writers 
(Acts xii. 17, xv. 13, 19, xxi. 18; Gal. ii. 9). Ac- 
cording to the tradition of his martyrdom, recorded 
by Hegesippus, James " called Just" was thrown 
down from the Temple (shortly before Vespasian 
commenced the siege of Jerusalem) by the Scribes 
and Pharisees ; he was then stoned, and his brains 
dashed out by a fuller's club. 

James (see above), the Gen'cr-al E-pis'tlc of. I. 
Its Genuineness and Canonicity. In the third book 
of his Ecclesiastical History, Eusebius places James, 
2d and 3d John, and Jude, among the disputed books 
of the N. T. Elsewhere he refers this epistle to the 
class of " spurious." It is found in the Syriac ver- 
sion, and appears to be referred to by Clement of 
Rome, Hermas, and Irenseus, and is quoted by al- 
most all the Fathers of the 4th century, e. g. Atha- 
nasius, Cyril, Gregory Nazianzen, Epiphanius, and 
Chrysostom. In 397 the Council of Carthage ac- 
cepted it as canonical, and from that time there has 
been no further question of its genuineness on the 
score of external testimony. (Canon ; Inspira- 
tion.) But at the time of the Reformation the 
question of its authenticity was again raised, and 
now upon the ground of internal evidence ; the 
chief objection being a supposed opposition be- 
tween St. Paul and St. James, on the doctrine of 
Justification. — II. lis Author. The author of the 
Epistle must be either James the son *of Zebedee, 
according to the subscription of the Syriac version ; 
or James the son of Alpheus; or James the brother 
of the Lord, which is the general opinion ; or an 
unknown James. Internal evidence points unmis- 
takably to James the Just as the writer, and we 
have, in the preceding article, identified James the 
Just with the son of Alpheus (so Mr. Meyrick, orig- 
inal author of this article). It was written from 
Jerusalem, which St. James does not seem to have 
ever left. The time at which he wrote it has been fixed 



died, while the "apostles" proper were not fixed in any 
particular diocese, (c) The objection that Christ on the 
cross could not have commended his mother to the care of 
John (Jn. xix. 28, 27), if she had other sons, applies also 
if James and Judas were apostles, cousins, auci long in- 
mates of the family, and must be solved on the ground of 
a deeper spiritual sympathy on the part of John. (See also 
9, a, below.) (d) The objection from a belief in the per- 
petual virginity of Mary is a matter of religious doctrine 
or feeling to be treated with proper regard ; but it applies 
only to the view that these "brethren" were younger 
children of Mary, not to their being older children of Jo- 
seph by a former marriage. Further, while Mary's virgin- 
ity before Christ's birth is an article of faith, neither 
Christ's honor nor Mary's requires her perpetual virginity 
after his birth, unless there be something unholv or im- 
pure in the marriage relation itself (Heb. xiii. 4) ; the apos- 
tles and evangelists seem to have had no such feeling of 
repugnance to a real marriage between Joseph and Mary 
(compare Mat. i. 25 ; Lk. ii. 7. &c.) ; and Christ's sharing 
the common trials of family life m all its forms, moving 
as a brother among brothers and sisters, may be another 
proof of His true and full humanity and condescending 
love (compare Heb. iv. 15). (9.) Nor is the cousin- 
theory free from difficulties, It assumes (a) that Mary 
the mother of James and Joses (Mat. xxvii. 56; Mk. 
xv. 40) was sister of the Virgin Mary, two sisters bear- 
ing the same name. (Mart, the Wife op Cleo- 
phas.) But the " mother's sister " in Jn. xix. 25 may = 
Salome. (6) That Cleophas = Alpheus. This, though 
not improbable, is not certain. Besides, Matthew (or 
Levi) was also a son of Alpheus (Mk. ii. 14), and if James's 



as late as a. d. 62, and as early as 45. Those who 
see in its writer a desire to counteract the effects of 
a misconstruction of St. Paul's doctrine of Justifi- 
cation by faith, in ii. 14-26, and those who see a 
reference to the immediate destruction of Jerusa- 
lem in v. 1, and an allusion to the name Christians 
in ii. 7, argue in favor of the later date. The ear- 
lier date is advocated chiefly on the ground that the 
Epistle could not have been written by St. James 
after the Council in Jerusalem, without some allu- 
sion to what was there decided, and because the 
Gentile Christian does not yet appear to be recog- 
nized. — III. Its Object. The main object of the 
Epistle is not to teach doctrine, but to improve 
morality. St. James is the moral teacher of the 
N. T. There are two ways of explaining this char- 
acteristic of the Epistle. Some commentators and 
writers see in St. James a man who had not real- 
ized the essential principles and peculiarities of 
Christianity, but was in a transition state, half-Jew 
and half-Christian. But there is another and much 
more natural way of accounting for the fact. St. 
James was writing for a special class of persons, 
and knew what that class especially needed. Those 
for whom he wrote were the Jewish Christians 
whether in Jerusalem or abroad. The two objects 
of the Epistle are — 1. to warn against the sins 
(formalism, fanaticism, fatalism, meanness, false- 
hood, partisanship, evil speaking, boasting, oppres- 
sion) to which as Jews they were most liable; 2. to 
console and exhort them under the sufferings to 
which as Christians they were most exposed. — IV. 
Two points in the Epistle demand a somewhat more 
lengthened notice. These are (a.) ii. 14-26, which 
has been represented as a formal opposition to St. 
Paul's doctrine of Justification by Faith, and (6.) 
v. 14, 15, which is quoted as the authority for the 
Sacrament of Extreme Unction, (a.) If we con- 
sider the meaning of the two apostles, we see at 
once that there is no contradiction either intended 
or possible. St. Paul was opposing the Judaizing 
party, which claimed to earn acceptance by good 
works, whether the works of the Mosaic law, or 
works of piety done by themselves. In opposition 
to these, St. Paul lays down the great truth that 
acceptance cannot be earned by man at all, but is 



Judas (Judas, the Brother of James) and Simon 5, two 
of the twelve, were likewise among Christ's brothers, we 
should have four apostles of whom it is said in Jn. vii. 
that they did not believe (compare Jn. ii. 11). Mary, too, 
is called the mother of James and Joses (correctly Jo- 
seph) only, never of Simon and Jude, the other two 
" brethren " of Jesus, and supposed apostles. Lange 
avoids some of these difficulties by giving up the sister- 
hood of the two Marys, but he assumes without any exe- 
getical proof the brotherhood of Cleophas (or Alpheus) 
and Joseph, the early death of Alpheus, and the adoption 
; of his children into the holy family. (10.) The grammati- 
cal explanation of the terms " brethren " and sisters " 
of Jesus is therefore far more easy and natural than the 
cousin-theory. But these may be (a) younger children of 
Joseph, and Mary, and hence uterine brothers of Jesus, 
who was the son of Mary but had no human father. This 
view may be supported by Mat. i. 25 and Lk. ii. 7, and has 
been adopted by Tertulli'an, Helvidius, Herder, Neander, 
Winer, Meyer, Wieselcr, Rothe. Stier, Alford, Farrar (in 
Smith's Dictionary, art. Brother), &c. (i) Older children 
of Joseph by a former marriage, and hence, in law and be- 
fore the world, though not by blood, brothers and sisters 
of Christ. This view leaves the perpetual virginity of 
Mary untouched. It seems, moreover, to have been the 
oldest, and was held by Origen, Eusebius (who calls James 
of Jerusalem a "son of Joseph," but nowhere of Mary), 
Gregory of Nyssa, Cyril of Alexandria, Epiphanius 
(who even mentions the supposed order of births of 
the four sons and two daughters), Hilary, Ambrose, 
among the Ebionites, in the pseudo-apostolical constitu- 
tions, &c. 



428 



JAM 



JAR 



the free gift of God to the Christian man, for the 
sake of the merits of Jesus Christ, appropriated by 
each individual, and made his own by the instru- 
mentality of faith. — St. James, on the other hand, 
was opposing the old Jewish tenet that to be a 
child of Abraham was all in all ; that godliness was 
not necessary, so that the belief was correct. St. 
Paul's " faith " " worked by love ;" but the " faith " 
which St. James is attacking, did not work by love, 
but was a bare assent of the head, not influencing 
the heart, a faith such as devils can have, and 
tremble, (b.) With respect to v. 14, 15, it is 
enough to say that the subject of Extreme Unction 
is a sick man about to die, and its object is not his 
cure : the subject of the ceremony described by St. 
James is a sick man not about to die, and the ob- 
ject is his cure and spiritual benefit. 

.I.i mill (L. fr. Heb. — right hand, prosperity, 
Ges.). 1. Second son of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10; 
Ex. vi. 15 ; 1 Chr. iv. 24) ; founder of the family 
of the Jaminites (Num. xxvi. 12). — 2. A man of 
Judah ; second son of Earn the Jerahmeelite ( 1 Chr. 

ii. 27). — 3 a One of the Levites who under Ezra and 
Nehemiah read and expounded the law to the people 
(Neh. viii. 7). 

Ja'min-itcs (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Jamin the son of Simeon (Num. xxvi. 12). 

Jam'Icch [-lek] (fr. Heb. = whom God makes 
king, Ges.), a chief of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 34). 

Jam'ni-a (L.) = Jabneel (1 Mc. iv. 15, v. 58, x. 
69, xv. 40). 

Jam'nitcs (fr. L. Jamnitce), the = the natives or 
inhabitants of Jamnia, i. e. of Jabneel (2 Mc. xii. 8, 

9,40). 

Jan'na (fr. Gr. = John ? ), son of Joseph, and 
father of Melchi, in the genealogy of Christ (Lk. 

iii. 24). 

Jan'nes [-neez] and Jam'bres [-breez] (both L., 
probably from Egyptian ; see below), the names of 
two Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses. St. 
Paul alone of the sacred writers mentions them by 
name, and says no more than that they " withstood 
Moses," and that their folly in doing so became 
manifest (2 Tim. iii. 8, 9). It appears from the 
Jewish commentators that these names were held to 
be those of the magicians who opposed Moses . and 
Aaron, spoken of in Exodus. We have been un- 
able (so Mr. R. S. Poole) to discover an Egyptian 
name resembling Jambres or Mambres, which is an- 
other form. Jannes appears to be a transcription 
of the Egyptian name Aan, probably pronounced 
Ian. The signification of Aan is doubtful : the 
cognate word Acini = a valley or plain. Whether 
Jannes and Jambres were mentioned in some long- 
lost book relating to the early history of the Israel- 
ites, or whether there was a veritable oral tradition 
respecting them cannot now be determined. 

Ja-no'ah (fr. Heb. = rest, quiet, Ges.), a place ap- 
parently in the N. of Galilee, of the "land of Naph- 
tali ; " taken by Tiglath-pileser in his first incursion 
into Palestine (2 K. xv. 29). Thomson (i. 463) finds 
its site at Yanoah, about ten miles E. N. E. from 
"Akka. 

Ja-no'hab. (fr. Heb. = Janoah, Ges.), a place on 
the boundary of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 6, 7). Euse- 
bius gives it as twelve miles E. of Neapolis (Shechem). 
A little less than that distance S. E. from Nablus is 
the village of Ydnun, with extensive and interest- 
ing ruins, doubtless = ancient Janohah. 

Ja'nnm (L. fr. Heb. = slumber, Ges.), a town of 
Judah in the mountain district, apparently not far 
from Hebron (Josh. xv. 53). 



* Ja'tros = Janum (Josh. xv. 53, marg.). 

Ja'pheth [-feth] (L. fr. Heb. = widely spreading, 
Ges.), one of the three sons of Noah. From the 
order in which their names invariably occur (Gen. 
v. 32, vi. 10) we should naturally infer' that Japheth 
was the youngest, but we learn from ix. 24 that Ham 
held that position. It has been generally supposed 
from x. 21 that Japheth was the eldest; but the 
word " elder " in that passage is better connected 
with " brother." (Shem.) We infer therefore that 
Japheth was the second son of Noah (so Mr. Bevan, 
with Gesenius, Ayre, &c. ; the A. V., LXX., Bush, 
&c, make Japheth the oldest son ; Mr. Farrar [in 
Kitto] makes him the youngest). Japheth's sons 
were seven: Gomer, Magog, Madai, Javan, Tubal, 
Meshech, and Tiras. The descendants of Japheth 
occupied the " isles of the Gentiles " (x. 5.), i. e, 
the coast-lands of the Mediterranean Sea in Europe 
and Asia Minor, whence they spread N. over the 
whole continent of Europe and a considerable por- 
tion of Asia. (Tongues, Confusion of.) 

Ja-plii'a (L. fr. Heb. = splendid, Ges.). The 
boundary of Zebulun ascended from Daberath to 
Japhia, and thence passed to Gath-hepher (Josh, 
xix. 12). Yd/a, two miles S. W. of Nazareth, not 
unlikely = Japhia. A tradition makes Yd/a the 
birth-place of Zebedee and of the Apostles James 
and John, his sons. 

Ja-plii a (see above). 1. King of Lachish, de- 
feated and slain by the Israelites under Joshua 
(Josh. x. 3). — 2t A son of David, born in Jerusalem 
(2 Sam. v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 

Japh'lct (fr. Heb. = whom God delivers, Ges.), 
a descendant of Asher through Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 
32, 33). 

Japll'le-ti (fr. Heb. Yaphleti - one from Japhlet, 
Japihlelite). The boundary of Japhleti is one of the 
landmarks on the S. boundary-line of Ephraim (Josh, 
xvi. 3). Possibly the name preserves the memory 
of some ancient tribe who at a remote age dwelt 
on these hills. 

Ja'pho (fr. Heb. Ydphd) = Joppa, the modern 
Yd/a (Josh. xix. 46). 

Ja'rah (fr. Heb. = honey, probably corrupted from 
Jehoadah, Ges.; unveiler, Fii.), a descendant of 
Saul ; son of Micah, and great-grandson of Mephib- 
osheth (1 Chr. ix. 42, compare 40) ; = Jehoadah. 

Ja'reb (from Heb. ; see below) is either to be ex- 
plained as the proper name of a country or person, 
as a noun in apposition, or as a verb from a root 
rub, to contend, plead. All these senses are repre- 
sented in the A. V. and the marginal readings (flos. 
v. 13, x. 6), and the least preferable (so Mr. Wright) 
has been inserted in the text. Kimchi explained 
Jareb as the name of "some city of Assyria, or as 
another name of the country itself. The clause in 
which it occurs is supposed by many to refer to 
Judah, in order to make the parallelism complete; 
and with this in view Rashi interprets it of Ahaz, 
who sent to Tiglath-pileser (2 K. xvi. 8) to aid him 
against the combined forces of Syria and Israel. 
But Mr. Wright supposes that both the clauses 
refer to Ephraim, and the allusion would then be, 
as explained by Jerome, to Pul, who was subsidized 
by Menahem (xv. 19), and Judah would be indirectly 
included. If a Hebrew word, it is most probably a 
noun formed from the above-mentioned root, and 
applied to the land of Assyria, or to its king, as in- 
dicating their determined hostility to Israel, and 
their generally aggressive character. That it is 
rather to be applied to the country than to the king 
may be inferred from its standing in parallelism 



JAR 



JAS 



429 



with Asshur. Gesenius makes it = an adversary, 
hence an adverse or hostile king, i. e. the king of 
Assyria. Furst interprets one fighting, an adver- 
sary ; but makes it a symbolic proper name of the 
warlike Asshur or Assyria, and says it may be an 
old Assyrian word. 

Ja'red (L. fr. Heb. — descent, Ges.), one of the 
antediluvian patriarchs, the fifth from Adam ; son 
of Mahalaleel, and father of Enoch (Gen. v. 15, 16, 
18-20; Lk. iii. 37); = Jered 1. 

Jar-e-si'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah makes fat, 
Ges.), a Benjamite chief, son of Jehoram (1 Chr. 
viii. 27). 

Jar'ha (fr. Heb., probably of Egyptian origin, 
meaning unknown), the Egyptian servant of Sheshan, 
about the time of Eli, to whom his master gave his 
daughter and heir in marriage (1 Chr. ii. 31). In 
verse 31 we read "the children of Sheshan, Ahlai," 
and in verse 34, " Sheshan had no sons, but daugh- 
ters." Hence some have imagined that Jarha on his 
marriage with Sheshan's daughter had the name of 
Ahlai given him by Sheshan, to signify his adoption 
into Israel. But the view which the A. V. adopts 
is undoubtedly right, viz. that Ahlai = Sheshan's 
daughter. 

Ja'rib (L. fr. Heb. = an adversary, Ges.). 1. A 
son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 24 only) ; perhaps = Ja- 
chin (Gen. xlvi., Ex. vi., and Num. xxvi.). — 2. One 
of the " chief men " who accompanied Ezra on his 
journey from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16). 
—3. A priest of the house of, Jeshua, the son of 
Jozadak ; husband of a foreign wife, whom he was 
compelled by Ezra to put away (Ezr. x. 18) ; = 
No. 2 ? — 4. A contraction or corruption of Joarib 
(1 Sic. xiv. 29). 

Jar i-uiotli (fr. Gr.) = Jeremoth (1 Esd. ix. 28). 

Jar'mntlt (fr. Heb. = height, Ges.). 1. A town 
in the low country of Judah, named with Adullam, 
Socoh, and others (Josh. xv. 35). Its king, Piram, 
was one of the five who conspired to punish Gibeon 
for having made alliance with Israel (x. 3, 5), and 
were routed at Beth-horon and put to death by 
Joshua at Makkedah (23). It was reinhabited after 
the Captivity (Neh. xi. 29). A site named Yarmuk, 
which may represent Jarmuth, with a contiguous 
eminence called Tell Ermud, was visited by Robin- 
son and Van de Velde. It is about one and a half 
miles from Beit Nettif, \s\i\ch again is some eight miles 
from Beit Jibrin, or Eleutheropolis, on the left of 
the road to Jerusalem. — 2. A city of Issachar, al- 
lotted to the Gershonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 29). 
Remeth ; Ramoth. 

Ja-ro'ah (fr. Heb. = moon, Ges.), a chief of Gad 
(1 Chr. v. 14). 

Ja'sa-el(fr. Gr.) = Sheal (1 Esd. ix. 30). 

Ja'shen (fr. Heb. = sleeping, Ges.). " Sons of 
Jashen " are named in the catalogue of David's 
warriors in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32 ; " sons of Hashem the 
Gizonite " in 1 Chr. xi. 34. Kennicott would read 
" of the sons of Hashem, Gouni ; Jonathan son of 
Shamha." Bertheau would omit " sons of," and 
read simply " Hashem the Gizonite." 

Ja'slier (fr. Heb., see below), Book of, or, as the 
margin of the A. V. and Gesenius translate, " the 
book of the upright," a record alluded to in two 
passages only of the 0. T. (Josh. x. 13 and 2 Sam. 
i. 18), and consequently the subject of much dis- 
pute. The Targum interprets it " the book of the 
law," and this is followed by Rashi. The same 
Rabbi, in his commentary on Samuel, refers to 
Genesis " the book of the upright, Abraham, Isaac, 
and Jacob," to explain the allusion to the book of 



Jasher. Rabbi Eliezer thought that the book of 
Jasher = Deuteronomy. Rabbi Samuel ben Nach- 
man makes it = Judges. Jerome, or rather the 
author of the Qua?stiones Hebraica>, understood by 
it the books of Samuel themselves, inasmuch as 
they contained the history of the just prophets, 
Samuel, Gad, Nathan. Rabbi Levi ben Gershom 
held that the book of Jasher perished in the Cap- 
tivity. Sanctius conjectured that it was a collection 
of pious hymns written by different authors and 
sung on various occasions. That it was written in 
verse may reasonably be inferred from the only 
specimens extant, which exhibit unmistakable signs 
of metrical rhythm. Gesenius conjectured that it 
was an anthology of ancient songs, which acquired 
its name, " the book of the just or upright," from 
being written in praise of upright men, or from 
some other cause. Abicht, taking the lament of 
David as a sample of the whole, maintained that 
the fragment quoted in Joshua was part of a funeral 
ode composed upon the death of that hero, and 
narrating his achievements. Dr. Donaldson, more 
recently, attempts not only to decide what the book 
of Jasher was in itself, but to reconstruct it from 
the fragments which, according to his theory, he 
traces throughout the several books of the 0. T. 
He supposes the compiler of the book to have been 
probably Nathan the prophet, assisted perhaps by 
Gad the seer. But his scheme is purely conjectural, 
and is recommended by no internal probability. — 
There are also extant, under the title of " the Book 
of Jasher," two Rabbinical works, one a moral 
treatise, written in a. d. 1394, by Rabbi Shabbatai, 
Carmuz Levita ; the other, by Rabbi Tham, treats 
of the laws of the Jews in eighteen chapters, and 
was printed in Italy in 1544, and at Cracow in 1586. 
An anonymous work, printed at Venice and Prague 
in 1625, and said to have made its first appearance 
at Naples, was believed by some Jews to be the 
record alluded to in Joshua. It contains the his- 
torical narratives of the Pentateuch, Joshua, and 
Judges, with many fabulous additions. A clumsy 
forgery in English, which first appeared in 1751, 
under the title of " the Book of Jasher," deserves 
notice solely for the unmerited success with which 
it was palmed off upon the public. 

Ja-sho'be-am (fr. Heb. = to whom the people tarns, 
Ges.). Possibly one and the same follower of Da- 
vid, bearing this name, is described as a Hachmo- 
nite (1 Chr. xi. 11), a Korhite (xii. 6), and son of 
Zabdiel (xxvii. 2). He came to David at Ziklag. 
His distinguishing exploit was that he slew 300 (or 
800, 2 Sam. xxiii. 8) men at one time. He is named 
first among the chief of the mighty men of David 
(1 Chr. xi. 11), and was set over the first of the 
twelve monthly courses of 24,000 men who served 
the king (xxvii. 2). Eznite ; Tachmonitb. 

Ja'shub, or Jash'nb (fr. Heb. = he turns, Ges.). 
1. The third son of Issachar, and founder of the 
family of the Jashubites (Num. xxvi. 24 ; 1 Chr. 
vii. 1). — 2. One of the sons of Bani in Ezra's time, 
who had to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 29). 

Jash'n-bi-le'hem (fr. Heb. = turner back to Beth- 
lehem, Fii.), a person or a place named among the 
descendants of Shelah, the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 
22) ; probably a place (so Mr. Grove) on the W. 
side of the tribe, in or near the low country. Plain 
6 ; Sephela 

Ja'shnb-ites, or Jash'nb-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the 
family founded by Jashub, the son of Issachar 
(Num. xxvi. 24). 

Ja'si-el (L. fr. Heb. = whom God has made, Ges.), 



430 



JEB 



" the Mesobaite," the last named on the list of 
David's heroes in 1 Chr. xi. 47). 

Ja'son (L. fr. Gr. = the healer I ; frequently adopted 
by Hellenizing Greeks as = Jesus, Joshua). 1. 
" Jason the son of Eleazar " was one of the commis- 
sioners sent by Judas Maccabeus to conclude a trea- 
ty with the Romans b. c. 161 (1 Mc. viii. 17). — 2. 
Jason the father of Antipater, who was an envoy 
to Rome at a later period (xii. 16, xiv. 22) ; prob- 
ably = No. 1. — 3. Jason of Cyrene, a Jewish his- 
torian who wrote " in five books " a history of the 
Jewish war of liberation which supplied the chief 
materials for 2 Mc. (Maccabees, Books of.) His 
name and the place of his residence seem to mark 
Jason as a Hellenistic Jew, but nothing more is 
known of him that can be gathered from 2 Mc. ii. 
19-23. — 4. Jason the high-priest, second son of 
Simon II., and brother of Onias III., succeeded in 
obtaining the high-priesthood from Antiociius 
Epiphanes (about b. c. 175) to the exclusion of his 
elder brother (2 Mc. iv. 7-26). He labored in every 
way to introduce Greek customs among the people, 
and that with great success (iv.). (Games.) After 
three years (about b. c. 172) he was in turn sup- 
planted in the king's favor by his own emissary 
Menelaus, and was forced to take refuge among the 
Ammonites (iv. 26). On a report of the death of 
Antiochus (about b. c. 170) he made a violent at 
tempt to recover his power (v. 5-7), but was re- 
pulsed, and again fled to the Ammonites. After- 
ward he was compelled to retire to Egypt, and 
thence to Sparta (v. 9), and there " perished in a 
strange land " (1. c. ; compare Dan. xii. 30 if. ; 1 Mc. 
i. 12 if). — 5. Jason the Thessalonian, entertained 
Paul and Silas, and was in consequence attacked 
by the Jewish mob (Acts xvii. 5, 6, 7, 9) ; probably 
= Jason mentioned in Rom. xvi. 21, as a companion 
of the apostle, and one of his kinsmen or fellow- 
tribesmen. Lightfoot conjectured that Jason — 
Secundus (Acts xx. 4). 

Jas'pcr (Heb. ydxhcpheh ; Gr. iaspis), a precious 
stone frequently noticed in Scripture. It was the 
last of the twelve inserted in the high-priest's breast- 
plate (Ex. xxviii. 20, xxxix. 13), and the first of the 
twelve used in the foundations of the new Jerusalem 
(Rev. xxi. 19). It was employed in the superstruc- 
ture of the walls of the new Jerusalem (xxi. 18). 
It adorned the king of Tyre (Ez. xxviii. 13). It is 
the emblematical image of the glory of the Divine 
Being (Rev. iv. 3). The characteristics of the stone, 
as far as specified in Scripture (xxi. 11), are " most 
precious," and " like crystal ; " we may also infer 
from iv. 3, that it was a stone of brilliant and trans- 
parent light. Mr. Bevan thinks the diamond, not 
"jasper," is the stone meant. The ancient Greek 
iaspis = our chalcedony, primarily a green variety 
(King). The modern "jasper" is an opaque variety 
of quartz, of a red, yellow, green, or mixed brown- 
ish-yellow hue, sometimes striped and sometimes 
spotted. 

Ja-sn'bns (fr. Gr.) = Jashub 2 (1 Esd. ix. 30). 

Ja'tal = Ater 1 (1 Esd. v. 28). 

Jath'ni-el (fr. Heb. = whom God bestows, Ges.), a 
Korhite Levite, of the family of Meshelemiah (1 
Chr. xxvi. 2). 

Jat'tir (fr. Heb. = preeminent, Ges.), a town of 
Judah in the mountain district (Josh. xv. 48), one 
of the group containing Socho, Eshtemoa, &c. It 
was allotted to the priests, and was one of the 
places which David used to haunt and to which he 
sent gifts (xxi. 14 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 27 ; 1 Chr. vi. 57). 
By Robinson it is identified with ^Atlir, six miles 



N. of Molada, and ten miles S. of Hebron. Ith- 

RITE. 

Ja van (fr. Heb. = the young, Pott, Fu.). 1. A 
son of Japheth, and father of Elishah andTarshish, 
Kittim and Dodanim (Gen. x. 2, 4). The name ap- 
pears in Is. lxvi. 19, where it is coupled with Tar- 
shish, Pul, and Lud, and more particularly with 
Tubal and the " isles afar off," as representatives 
of the Gentile world : again in Ez. xxvii. 13, where 
it is coupled with Tubal and Meshech, as carrying 
on considerable commerce with the Tyrians, who 
imported from these countries slaves and brazen 
vessels : in Dan. viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, in reference to 
the Macedonian empire ; and lastly in Zech. ix. 13, 
in reference to the Greco-Syrian empire. From a 
comparison of these various passages there can be 
no doubt that Javan was regarded as the represent- 
ative of the Greek race. (Greece.) The name was 
probably introduced into Asia by the Phenicians, 
to whom the Ionians were naturally better known 
than any other of the Hellenic races, on account of 
their commercial activity and the high prosperity 
of their towns on the W. coast of Asia Minor. — 2. 
A town in the southern part of Arabia ( Yemen), 
whither the Phenicians traded (Ez. xxvii. 19). 

Jave lin [jav-]. Arms. 

Ja'zar = Jaazer (1 Mc. v. 8). 

Ja'zer (fr. Heb.) = Jaazer (Num. xxxii. 1,3; 
Josh. xxi. 39 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 5 ; 1 Chr. vi. 81, xxvi. 
31 ; Is. xvi. 8, 9 ; Jer. xlviii. 32). 

J a Viz (L. fr. Heb. = whom God moves, to whom 
He gives life and motion, Ges.), a Hagarite who had 
charge of David's flocks (1 Chr. xxvii. 31). 

Jc'a-riin (fr. Heb. = forests), fflouut, a place 
named in specifying the northern boundary of Judah 
(Josh. xv. 10). The boundary ran from Mount Seir 
to " the shoulder (A. V. ' side ') of Mount Jearim, 
which is Chesalon," i. e. Chesalon was the land- 
mark on the mountain. Kesla stands seven miles 
due W. of Jerusalem on a high point on the N. 
slope of the lofty ridge between Wady Ghurab and 
Wady Ismail. This ridge is probably Mount Jearim. 

Je-at'c-rai (fr. Heb. = following the track of one, 
Fu.), a Gershonite Levite, son of Zerah (1 Chr. vi. 
21) ; = Ethni. 

Jeb-cr-C-chi'all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah blesses, 
Ges.), father of a certain Zechariah, in the reign of 
Ahaz, mentioned Is. viii. 2. As this form occurs 
nowhere else, and both the LXX. and Vulgate have 
Berechiah, it is probably (so Lord A. C. Hervey) only 
an accidental corruption. 

Je'bns (fr. Heb. = place trodden down, threshing- \ 
floor, Ges.), one of the names of Jerusalem, the 
city of the Jebusites, also called Jebusi. It occurs 
oniy twice (Judg. xix. 10, 11 ; 1 Chr. xi. 4, 5). 

Jeb'n-si (fr. Heb.) — Jebus (Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 
16, 28). 

Jeb'u-site, Job'n-sitcs (both fr. Heb. sing. = 
people of Jebus, Ges.), the. 1. According to the 
table in Gen. x. " the Jebusite " is the third son of 
Canaan. His place in the list is between Heth and 
the Amorites (x. 16 ; 1 Chr. i. 14). But in the for- 
mula by which the Promised Land is so often des- 
ignated, the Jebusites are uniformly placed last 
(Gen. xv. 21 ; Ex. iii. 8, &c). 2. Our first glimpse 
of the actual people is in the report of the spies 
(Num. xiii. 29). When Jabin organized his rising 
against Joshua, he sent among others " to the Amor- 
ite, the Hittite, the Perizzite, and the Jebusite in 
the mountains " (Josh. xi. 3). A mountain-tribe 
they were, and a mountain-tribe they remained. 
" Jebus, which is Jerusalem," lost its king in the 



! 



JEC 



JEH 



431 



slaughter of Beth-horon (x. 1, 5, 26 ; compare xii. 
10) — was sacked and burned by the men of Judah 
(Judg. i. 21), and its citadel finally scaled and oc- 
cupied by David (2 Sam. v. 6 ff. ; 1 Chr. xi. 4 ff.). 
Araunah the Jebusite appears before us in true 
kingly dignity in his well-known transaction with 
David (2 Sam. xxiv. 23 ; 1 Chr. xix. 23). Solomon 
made the remnant tributary (1 K. ix. 20). They 
are named among " the people of the lands " in 
Ezr. ix. 1. 

Jec-a-mi'ali (fr. Heb.) = Jekamiah, one of seven, 
including Salathiel and Pedaiah, who were intro- 
duced into the royal line (so Lord A. C. Hervey) on 
the failure of it in the person of Jehoiachin (1 Chr. 
iii. 18). Genealogy of Jesus Christ. 

Jerli-O-li'ali [jek ] (fr. Heb. — able through Jeho- 
vah, Ges.), wife of Amaziah, king of Judah, and 
mother of Azariah or Uzziah his successor (2 K. 
xv. 2) ; = Jecoliah. 

Jech-O-ui'as (L. fr. Gr. ; see below). 1. The form 
of Jeconiah or Jehoiachin used in the A.V. in the 
books rendered from the Greek, viz. Esth. xi. 4 ; 
Bar. i. 3, 9; Mat. i. 11, 12. — 2. Shechaniah (1 Esd. 
viii. 92) 

Jec-o-li'aU = Jecholiah (2 Chr. xxvi. 3). 

Jec-o-ni'ah (fr. Heb.), an altered form of Jehoia- 
chin (1 Chr. iii. 16, 17; Jer. xxiv. 1, xxyii. 20, 
xxviii. 4, xxix. 1 ; Esth. ii. 6) ; = Coniah ; see also 
Jechonias and Joacim 2. 

Jec-O-ni as (fr. Gr.) = Conaniah (1 Esd. i. 9). 

Je-dai'ah [-da'yah] (fr. Heb. = Jehovah cares for 
him, Ges.). 1. Head of the second course of priests 
in the time of David ( 1 Chr. xxiv. 7). Some of them 
survived to return to Jerusalem after the Babylonish 
Captivity, as appears from Ezr. ii. 36 and Neh. v4i. 39. 
There were (so Lord A. C. Hervey) two priestly 
families of the name (Neh. xii. 6, 7, 19, 21). A cor- 
rupt reading in Neh. xi. 10 makes Jedaiah son of 
Joiarib (compare 1 Chr. ix. 10). — 2. An associate 
of Tobijah 2 in Joshua's time (Zech. vi. 10, 14). 

Je-dai'ai (fr. Heb. = praise God [Jah], Ges ). 1. 
A Simeonite, forefather of Ziza (1 Chr. iv. 3*7). — 2. 
Son of Harumaph ; a man who did his part in the 
rebuilding of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 10). 

Jed'du (fr. Gr.)= Jedaiah 1 (1 Esd. v. 24). 

Je-dc'us (fr. Gr.) = Adaiah 5 (1 Esd. ix. 30). 

Je-di'a-el (fr. Heb. = known, of God, Ges.). 1. 
A chief patriarch of the tribe of Benjamin ( 1 Chr. 
vii. 6, 11). It is usually assumed that Jediael = 
Ashbel (Gen. xlvi. 21 ; Num. xxvi. 38; 1 Chr. viii. 
1). But this is not certain. — 2. Second son of 
Meshelemiah, a Levite (xxvi. 1, 2). — 3. Son of 
Shimri ; one of David's heroes (xi. 45) ; — No. 4 ? — 4, 
One of the chiefs of the thousands of Manasseh who 
joined David on his march to Ziklag (xii. 20 ; com- 
pare 1 Sam. xxix., xxx.). 

Je-di'dall (fr. Heb. = darling ; one beloved, Ges.), 
queen of Amon, and mother of the good king Josiah 
(2 K. xxii. 1). 

Jed-i-di'ah (fr. Heb. = darling of Jehovah ; be- 
loved of Jehovah, Ges.), the name bestowed, through 
Nathan the prophet, on David's son Solomon (2 
Sam. xii. 25). Bath-sheba's first child had died— 
"Jehovah struck it" (verse 15). A second son was 
born, David called his name Solomon = Peaceful ; 
and Jehovah loved the child, i. e. allowed him to 
live._ And David sent by the hand of Nathan, to 
obtain through him some oracle or token of the 
Divine favor on the babe, and the babe's name was 
called Jedidiah = Jedid-JAB. " Jedid " and " David " 
are both derived from the same root, or from two 
closely related (Gesenius). To David himself, the 



" darling " of his family and his people, no more 
precious seal of his restoration to the Divine favor 
after his late fall could have been afforded than this 
announcement by the prophet, that the name of his 
child was to combine his own name with that of 
Jehovah — Jedid-JAW, " darling of Jehovah." 

Jc-du'tliWl (fr. Heb. = praising, celebrating, Ges.), 
a Levite associated with Heman the Kohathite, and 
Asaph the Gershonite, in the conduct of the musi- 
cal service of the Tabernacle, in the time of David ; 
according to what is said 1 Chr. xxiii. 6. He is 
probably = Ethan, and therefore a Merarite (com- 
pare 1 Chr. xv. 17, 19, with xvi. 41, 42, xxv. 1, 3, 
6 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 15). His office was generally to 
preside over the music of the Temple-service, con- 
sisting of the nebel (A. V. " psaltery "), the harp, 
and the cymbals, together with the human voice. 
But his peculiar part, as well as that of his two 
colleagues, Heman and Asaph, was " to sound with 
cymbals of brass," while the others played on the 
" psaltery " and the harp. After the ark was taken 
to Jerusalem, Jeduthun and Heman were left with 
Zadok the priest, to give thanks " before the taber- 
nacle of the Lord in the high place that was at 
Gibeon." Descendants of Jeduthun in Hezekiah's 
reign took part in purifying the Temple, and in 
Nehemiah's time were still employed about the sing- 
ing (1 Chr. ix. 16; 2 Chr. xxix. 13, 14; Neh. xi. 17). 
Jeduthun's name stands at the head of the thirty- 
ninth, sixty-second, and seventy-seventh Psalms, 
indicating probably that they were to be sung by 
his choir (so Lord A. C. Hervey). Music. 
Je-e'li (fr. Gr.) = Jaalah (1 Esd. v. 33). 
Je-c'lns (fr. Gr.) = Jehiel (1 Esd. viii. 92). 
Je-e'zci'(fr. Heb. Pezer, contracted from Abi-ezer, 
Ges.), a descendant of Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 30) ; 
elsewhere called Abi ezer, founder of the Jeezerites. 

Je-e'zer-ites, tlie = the family of Jeezer or Abi- 
ezer (Num. xxvi. 30). 

Je'gar-sa-lia-du'tha {heap of testimony), the Ara- 
mean name given by Laban the Syrian to the heap 
of stones which he erected as a memorial of the 
compact between Jacob and himself, while Jacob 
commemorated the same by setting up a pillar (Gen. 
xxxi. 47), as was his custom on several other occa^ 
sions. Galeed. 

Je-Iial'c-lecl (fr. Heb. = who praises God, Ges.). 
Four " sons of Jehaleleel " are introduced abruptly 
into the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

Jc-lial'e-ld (fr. Heb. = Jehaleleel), a Merarite 
Levite, father of Azariah (2 Chr. xxix.. 12). 

Jell-dci'ah [-dee'yah] (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah 
makes joyful, Ges.). 1. The representative of the 
sons of Shubael, in the time of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 
20). — 2. A Meronothite who had charge of David's 
she-asses (xxvii. 30). 

Je-hcz't'-kd (fr. Heb. = whtfm God makes strong, 
Ges. ; = Ezekiel), a priest to whom was given by 
David the charge of the twentieth course in the ser- 
vice of the house of Jehovah (1 Chr. xxiv. 16). 

Je-lli'ah (fr. Heb. = Jehovah lives) and Obed- 
edom were " doorkeepers for the ark " at its estab- 
lishment in Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 24). 

Je-hi'el (L. fr. Heb. = God lives, Ges. ; see No. 12 
and 13 below). 1. One of the Levites appointed by 
David to assist in the service of the house of God 
(1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 5).— 2. Son of Jehoshaphat, 
king of Judah, put to death by his brother Jehoram 
(2 Chr. xxi. 2). — 3. One of the rulers of the house 
of God at the time of Josiah's reforms (xxxv. 8).— 
4. A Gershonite Levite, head of the sons of Laadan 
in David's time (1 Chr. xxiii. 8), who had charge of 



432 



JEH 



JEH 



the treasures (xxix. 8).— 5. Son of Hachmoni, or of 
a Hachmonite, named in the list of David's officers 
(xxvii. 32) as " with the king's sons," probably as 
tutor. — 6. A Levite of the sons of Heman, who took 
part in the restorations of King Hezekiah (2 Chr. 
xxix. 14). — 7. Another Levite at the same period 
(xxxi. 13). — 8. Father of Obadiah, of the sons of 
Joab (Ezr. viii. 9). — 9. One of the children of 
Elam ; father of Shechaniah (x. 2). — 10. A mem- 
ber of the same family, who had to part with 
his wife (x. 26). — 11. A priest, one of the sons of 
Harim, who also had to put away his foreign wife 
(x. 21).— 12. (fr. Heb. = treasured of God? Ges. ; 
God is snatching away, Fii.). A man described as 
father of Gibeon ; a forefather of King Saul (1 Chr. 
ix. 35); = Abiel 1 ? (Ner).— 13. (= No. 12 in 
meaning). Son of Hothan the Aroerite ; one of 
David's " valiant men " (xi. 44). 

Je-lli'e-Ii (L. fr. Heb. = Jehielite ; descendant of 
Jehiel 1, Ges.), according to the A. V., a Gershon- 
ite Levite of the family of Laadan (1 Chr. xxvi. 21, 
22). 

Je-hiz-ki uh (fr. Heb. = Hezekiah), son of Shal- 
lum ; one of the Ephraimite princes in Pekah's time, 
who succored and sent back the captives from 
Judah (2 Chr. xxviii. 12; compare 8, 13, 15). 

Je-llO'a-dah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah adorns, 
Ges.), one of the descendants of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 
36) ; great-grandson to Mephibosheth ; = Jarah. 

Je-ho-ad dun (fr. Heb. fem. = whom Jehovah 
adorns, Ges.), queen to King Joash, and mother of 
Amaziah of Judah (2 K. xiv. 2 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 1). 

Je-ho'a-haz (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah holds or 
sustains, Ges.). 1. Son and successor of Jehu, 
reigned seventeen years over Israel in Samaria. 
(Israel, Kingdom of.) His inglorious history is 
given in 2 K. xiii. 1-9. Throughout his reign 
(verse 22) he was kept in subjection by Hazael, 
king of Damascus. Jehoahaz maintained the idola- 
try of Jeroboam ; but in the extremity of his humilia- 
tion he besought Jehovah ; and Jehovah gave Israel 
a deliverer — probably either Jehoash (verses 23, 25), 
or Jeroboam II. (xiv. 24, 25). — 2. Jehoahaz, other- 
wise called Shallum, the fourth (1 Chr. iii. 15), or 
third, if Zedekiah's age be correctly stated (2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 11), son of Josiah, whom he succeeded as 
king of Judah. He was chosen by the people in 
preference to his elder (compare 2 K. xxiii. 31 and 
36) brother, and he reigned three months in Jeru- 
salem. Pharaoh-necho on his return from Car- 
chemish, perhaps resenting the election of Jehoahaz, 
sent to Jerusalem to depose him, and to fetch him to 
Eiblah. There he was cast into chains, and from 
thence he was taken into Egypt, where he died. — 3. 
The name given (2 Chr. xxi. IV) to Ahaziah, king 
of Judah. 

Je-ho'ash (fr. Heb. — whom Jehovah bestowed, 
Ges.; contracted to Joash). 1. Eighth king of 
Judah ; son of Ahaziah (2 K. xi. 21, xii. 1, 2, 4, 6, 
7, 18, xiv. 13); = Joash 1.— 2. Twelfth king of 
Israel ; son of Jehoahaz (2 K. xiii. 10, 25, xiv. 8, 9, 
11, 13, l^-lV); = Joash 2. 

Je-ho-ha'nan (fr. Heb. = JehovaJCs gift , con- 
tracted to Johanan). 1. A Korhite Levite, one of the 
doorkeepers to the house of Jehovah, i. e. the Tab- 
ernacle, according to the appointment of David (1 
Chr. xxvi. 3; compare xxv. 1); the sixth of the 
seven sons of Meshelemiah. — 2. One of the principal 
men of Judah, under King Jehoshaphat(2 Chr. xvii. 
15; compare 13 and 19); probably = No. 3. — 3. 
Father of Ishmael, one of the " captains of hun- 
dreds " whom Jehoiada the priest took into his con- 



fidence about the restoration of the line of Judah 
(xxiii. 1). — 4. One of the sons of Bebai, forced by 

Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 28). 5, 

A priest (Neh. xii. 13) ; the representative of the 
house of Amariah (compare 2) during the high- 
priesthood of Joiakim (verse 12). — 6. A priest who 
took part in the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem 
(xii. 42). 

Je-lioi'a-cbin (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah has ap- 
pointed, Ges. ; = Jeconiah), son of Jehoiakim and 
Nehushta, and for three months and ten days king 
of Judah. (Israel, Kingdom .op; Judah, Kingdom 
of.) According to 2 K. xxiv. 8, Jehoiachin was 
eighteen years old at his accession ; but 2 Chr. xxxvi. 
9 has eight years. Lord A. C. Hervey, Fairbairn, 
&c, prefer the latter reading ; others prefer the for- 
mer. One of them is doubtless a copyist's error. 
Jehoiachin came to the throne at a time when 
Egypt was still prostrate in consequence of the 
victory at Carchemish. Jerusalem was at this time 
defenceless, and unable to offer any resistance to 
the regular army which Nebuchadnezzar sent to 
besiege it, and which he seems to have joined in 
person after the siege was commenced (2 K. xxiv. 
10, 11). In a very short time, apparently, Jehoia- 
chin surrendered at discretion ; and he, and the 
queen-mother, and all his servants, captains, and 
officers came out and gave themselves up to Nebu- 
chadnezzar, who carried them, with the harem and 
the eunuchs, to Babylon (Jer. xxix. 2 ; Ez. xvii. 12, 
xix. 9). There he remained a prisoner, actually in 
prison, and wearing prison garments, for thirty-six 
years, viz. till the death of Nebuchadnezzar, when 
Evil-merodach, succeeding to the throne of Babylon, 
treated him with much kindness, brought him out 
of prison, changed his garments, raised him above 
the other subject or captive kings, and made him 
sit at his own table. Whether Jehoiachin outlived 
the two years of Evil-merodach's reign or not does 
not appear, nor have we any particulars of his life 
at Babylon. The history of Susanna and the Elders 
apparently makes Jehoiachin an important person- 
age ; for, according to the author, the husband of 
Susanna was Joacim, a man of great wealth, and the 
chief person among the captives, to whose house all 
the people resorted for judgment, a description 
which suits Jehoiachin. Africanus expressly calls 
Susanna's husband king, and says that the king of 
Babylon had made him his royal companion. It 
does not appear certainly from Scripture, whether 
Jehoiachin was married or had any children. That 
Zedekiah, who in 1 Chr. iii. 16 is called "his son," 
is the same as Zedekiah his uncle (called " his brotb • 
er," 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10), who was his successor on 
the throne, seems certain. Genealogy of Jesus 
Christ. 

Je-hoi'a-da (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah knows or 
favors, Ges. ; contracted to Joiada). 1. Father of 
Benaiah, David's well-known warrior (2 Sam. viii. 
18; IK. i., ii. ; 1 Chr. xviii. 11, &c). From 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 5, we learn that Benaiah's father was the chief 
priest, and he is therefore doubtless identical with 
— 2. Leader of the Aaronites, i. e. the priests ; who 
joined David at Hebron (xii. 3. According to 

1 Chr. xxvii. 34, son of Benaiah 1. — 4. High-priest 
at the time of Athaliah's usurpation of the throne 
of Judah, and during the greater portion of the forty 
years' reign of Joash 1. He probably succeeded 
Amariah. He married Jehosheba, or Jehoshabeatb, 
daughter of King Jehoram, and sister of King 
Ahaziah (2 Chr. xxii. 11); and when Athaliah slew 
all the seed royal of Judah after Ahaziah had been 



JEH 



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433 



put to death by Jehu, he and his wife stole Joash l 
from among the king's sons, and hid him for six 
years in the Temple, and eventually replaced him on j 
the throne of his ancestors. Having divided the j 
priests and Levites into three bands, which were ( 
posted at the principal entrances, and filled the 
courts with people favorable to the cause, he pro- 
duced the young king before the whole assembly, 
and crowned and anointed him, and presented to 
him a copy of the Law according to Deut. xvii. 18- 
20). The excitement of the moment did not make 
him forget the sanctity of God's house. None but 
the priests and ministering Levites were permitted 
by him to enter the Temple ; and he gave strict 
orders that Athaliah should be carried without 
its precincts before she was put to death. The 
destruction of Baal worship and the restoration of 
the Temple were among the great works effected by 
Jehoiada. He died b. c. 843 ? and though far ad- 
vanced in years, too soon for the welfare of his 
country, and the weak, unstable character of Joash. 
The text of 2 dir. xxiv. 15, supported by the LXX. 
and Josephus, makes him 130 years old at his 
death ; but Lord A. C. Hervey, &c., regard this 
number as erroneous. — 5. Second priest, or sagan, 
to Seraiah the high-priest (Jer. xxix. 25-29 ; 2 K. 
xxv. 18). — 6i Son of Paseah, who assisted to repair 
the old gate of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 6). 

Je-hoi'a-kim (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah has set 
up, Ges. ; contracted to Joiakim), eighteenth (or, 
counting Jehoahaz, nineteenth) king of Judah from i 
David inclusive — twenty-five years old at his acces- 
sion, and originally called Eliakim. (Israel, 
Kingdom of; Judah, Kingdom of.) He was the 
son of Josiah and Zebudah, daughter of Pedaiah 
of Rumah. After deposing Jehoahaz, Pharaoh- 
neeho set Eliakim, his elder brother, upon the 
throne, and changed his name to Jehoiakim. Egypt 
played no part in Jewish politics during the seven 
or eight years of Jehoiakim's reign. After the 
battle of Carchemish, Nebuchadnezzar came into 
Palestine as one of the Egyptian tributary king- 
doms, the capture of which was the natural fruit 
of his victory over Necho. He found Jehoiakim 
quite defenceless. After a short siege he entered 
Jerusalem, took the king prisoner, bound him in 
fetters to carry him to Babylon, and took also some 
of the precious vessels of the Temple, and carried 
them to the land of Shinar. (Daniel 1.) But he 
seems to have changed his purpose as regarded Je- 
hoiakim, and to have accepted his submission, and 
reinstated him on the throne, perhaps in remem- 
brance of the fidelity of his father Josiah. What 
is certain is, that Jehoiakim became tributary to 
Nebuchadnezzar after his invasion of Judah, and 
continued so for three years, but at the end of that 
time broke his oath of allegiance and rebelled 
against him (2 K. xxiv. 1). What moved or en- 
couraged Jehoiakim to this rebellion it is difficult 
to say, for there is nothing to bear out Josephus's 
assertion, that there was any thing in the attitude of 
Egypt at this time to account for such a step. 
Though Nebuchadnezzar was not able at that time 
to come in person to chastise his rebellious vassal, 
he sent against him numerous bands of Chaldeans, 
with Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites, who were 
all now subject to Babylon (xxiv. 7), and who cruelly 
harassed the whole country. We are not acquainted i 
with the details of the close of the reign. Probably 
as the time approached for Nebuchadnezzar himself I 
to come against Judea, the desultory attacks and 
invasions of his troops became more concentrated. | 
28 



Either in an engagement with some of these forces, 
or else by the hand of his own oppressed subjects, 
who thought to conciliate the Babylonians by the 
murder of their king, Jehoiakim came to a violent 
end in the eleventh year of his reign. His body 
was cast out ignominiously on the ground ; and 
then, after being left exposed for some time, was 
dragged away and buried " with the burial of an 
ass," without pomp or lamentation, "beyond the 
gates of Jerusalem" (Jer. xxii. 18, 19, xxxvi. 30). 
All the accounts we have of Jehoiakim concur in 
ascribing to him a vicious and irreligious character. 
2 K. xxiii. 37 tells us that "he did that which was 
evil in the sight of Jehovah," a statement which is 
repeated xxiv. 9, and 2 Chr. xxxvi. 5. But it is in 
Jeremiah that we have the fullest portraiture of 
him. If, as is probable, the nineteenth chapter of 
Jeremiah belongs to this reign, we have a detail of 
the abominations of idolatry practised at Jerusalem 
under the king's sanction, with which Ezekiel's 
vision of what was going on six years later, within 
the very precincts of the Temple, exactly agrees ; in- 
cense offered up to " abominable beasts ; " " women 
weeping for Tammuz," and men in the inner court of 
the Temple " with their backs toward the Temple of 
the Lord" worshipping " the sun toward the east" 
(Ez. viii.). The vindictive pursuit and murder of 
Urijah the son of Shemaiah, and the indignities 
offered to his corpse by the king's command, in re- 
venge for his faithful prophesying of evil against 
Jerusalem and Judah, are samples of his irreligion 
and tyranny combined. Jeremiah only narrowly 
escaped the same fate (Jer. xxvi. 20-24). His daring 
impiety in cutting up and burning the roll contain- 
ing Jeremiah's prophecy, at the very moment when 
the national fast was being celebrated, is another 
specimen of his character, and drew down upon 
him the sentence, " He shall have none to sit upon 
the throne of David " (Jer. xxxvi.). His oppression, 
injustice, covetousness, luxury, and tyranny, 'are 
most severely rebuked (xxii. 13-17), and it has 
been frequently observed, as indicating his thorough 
selfishness and indifference to the sufferings of his 
people, that at a time when the land was so impov- 
erished by the heavy tributes laid upon it by Egypt 
and Babylon in turn, he should have squandered 
large sums in building luxurious palaces for himself 
(xxii. 14, 15). " Jehoiakim " in Jer. xxvii. 1 is 
probably a copyist's mistake for " Zedekiah " (com- 
pare ver. 3). The reign of Jehoiakim extends from 
b. c. 609 to 598, or 599. 

Jc-hoi'a-rib (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah defends, 
Ges. ; contracted to Joiarib), head of the first of 
the twenty-four courses of priests, according to the 
arrangement of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 7). Some of 
his descendants returned from the Babylonish Cap- 
tivity (ix. 10 ; Neh. xi. 10). Their chief in the days 
of Joiakim the son of Jeshua was Mattenai (xii. 6, 
19). They were probably of the house of Eleazar. 
To the course of Jehoiarib belonged the Asmonean 
family (1 Me. ii. 1), and Josephus, as he informs us. 
Joiarib ; Priest. 

Jc-hon'a-dab (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah impels, 
Ges. ; usually contracted to Jonadab), the son of Re- 
chab, founder of the Reciiabites. It appears from 1 
Chr. ii. 55, that his father or ancestor Rechab be- 
longed to a branch of the Kenites, the Arabian tribe 
which entered Palestine with the Israelites. One 
settlement of them was established, under a four- 
fold division, at or near the town of Jabez in Judah 
(ii. 55). To these belonged Rechab and his son 
Jehonadab. The Bedouin habits, which were kept 



434 



JEH 



JEH 



up by the other branches of the Kenite tribe, were 
inculcated by Jchonadab with the utmost minute- 
ness on his descendants (Jer. xxxv. 6). Bearing in 
mind this general character of Jehonadab as an 
Arab chief, and the founder of a half-religious sect, 
we are the better able to understand the single oc- 
casion on which he appears before us in the his- 
torical narrative. Jehu was advancing, after the 
slaughter of Beth-eked, on the city of Samaria, 
when he suddenly met the austere Bedouin coming 
toward him (2 K. x. 15). The king was in his char- 
iot ; the Arab was on foot. The king blessed 
(A. V. " saluted ") Jehonadab. The hand was of- 
fered and grasped. The king lifted him up to the 
edge of the chariot, apparently that he might 
whisper his secret into his ear, and said, " Come 
with me, and see my zeal for Jehovah." Having 
intrusted him with the secret, he (LXX.) or his at- 
tendants (Heb. and A. V.) caused Jehonadab to 
proceed with him to Samaria in the royal chariot. 
No doubt he acted in concert with Jehu throughout ; 
the only occasion on which he is expressly men- 
tioned is when he went with Jehu through the 
temple of Baal to turn out any servants of Jehovah 
that might be in the mass of Pagan worshippers (2 
K. x. 23). This is the last we hear of him. 

Je-Iion a-tlian (fr. Eeb. = whom Jehovah gave, 
Ges. ; contracted to Jonathan). 1. Son of Uzziah ; su- 
perintendent of certain of King David's storehouses 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 25). — 2. One of the Levites sent by 
jehoshaphat through the cities of Judah, with a 
book of the Law, to teach the people (2 Chr. xvii. 
8). — 3. A priest (Neh. xii. 18) ; the representative 
of the family of Shemaiah (ver. 6), when Joiakim 
was high-priest. 

Je-lio'ram (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah has exalted, 
Ges. ; contracted to Joram). 1. Son of Ahab, king 
of Israel, who succeeded his brother Ahaziah, b. c. 
896, and died b. c. 884. (Israel, Kingdom op; 
Joram 1.) The alliance between the kingdoms of 
Israel and Judah, commenced by his father and 
Jehoshaphat, was very close throughout his reign. 
We first find him associated with Jehoshaphat and 
the king of Edom, at that time a tributary of Ju- 
dah in a war against the Moabites. Mesha, their 
king, on the death of Ahab, had revolted from Is- 
rael, and refused to pay the customary tribute of 
100,000 lambs and 100,000 rams. Joram asked 
and obtained Jehoshaphat's help to reduce him to 
his obedience, and accordingly the three kings, of 
Israel, Judah, and Edom, marched through the 
wilderness of Edom to attack him. The three ar- 
mies were in the utmost danger of perishing for 
want of water. The piety of Jehoshaphat sug- 
gested an inquiry of some prophet of Jehovah, and 
Elisha the son of Shaphat (2 K. iii. 11) was found 
with the host. From him Jehoram received a se- 
vere rebuke, and was bid to inquire of the prophets 
of his father and mother, the prophets of Baal. 
Nevertheless, for Jehoshaphat's sake, Elisha in- 
quired of Jehovah, and received the promise of an 
abundant supply of water, and of a great victory 
over the Moabites : a promise which was imme- 
diately fulfilled. The Moabites were put to the 
rout. The allies pursued them with great slaughter 
into their own land, which they utterly ravaged 
and destroyed with all its cities. Kir-haraseth alone 
remained, and there the king of Moab made his last 
stand. An attempt to break through the besieging 
army having failed, he resorted to the desperate 
expedient of offering up his eldest son, the heir to 
.his throne, as a burnt-offering, upon the wall of the 



city, in the sight of the enemy. Upon this the 
Israelites retired and returned to their own land (2 
K. iii.). A little later, when war broke out between 
Syria and Israel, we find Elisha befriending Jeho- 
ram. What happened after this to change the re- 
lations between the king and the prophet we can 
only conjecture. But probably when the Syrian 
inroads ceased, and he felt less dependent upon 
the aid of the prophet, he relapsed into idolatry, 
and was rebuked by Elisha, and threatened with 
a return of the calamities from which he had es- 
caped. Refusing to repent, a fresh invasion by 
the Syrians, and a close siege of Samaria, actually 
came to pass, according probably to the word of 
the prophet. Hence, when the terrible incident 
arose, in consequence of the famine, of a woman 
boiling and eating her own child, the king im- 
mediately attributed the evil to Elisha the son of 
Shaphat, and determined to take away his life. 
The providential interposition by which both Eli- 
sha's life was saved and the city delivered, is nar- 
rated 2 K. vii., and Jehoram appears to have re- 
turned to friendly feeling toward Elisha (viii. 4). 
Very soon after the above events Elisha went to 
Damascus, and predicted the revolt of Hazael, and 
his accession to the throne of Syria, in the room of 
Ben-hadad. Jehoram seems to have thought the 
revolution in Syria, which immediately followed 
Elisha's prediction, a good opportunity to pursue 
his father's favorite project of recovering Ramoth- 
gilead from the Syrians. He accordingly made an 
alliance with his nephew Ahaziah 2, who had just 
succeeded Jehoram 2 on the throne of Judah, and 
the two kings proceeded to occupy Ramoth-gilead 
by force. The expedition was an unfortunate one, 
Jehoram was wounded in battle, and obliged to re- 
turn to Jezreel to be healed of his wounds (viii. 29, 
ix. 14, 15), leaving his 'army under Jehu to hold 
Ramoth-gilead against Hazael. Jehu, however, and 
the army under his command, revolted from their 
allegiance to Jehoram (ix.), and, hastily marching 
to Jezreel, surprised Jehoram wounded and defence- 
less as he was. Jehoram, going out to meet him, 
fell pierced by an arrow from Jehu's bow on the 
very plat of ground which Ahab had wrested from 
Naboth the Jezreelite ; thus fulfilling to the letter 
the prophecy of Elijah (1 K. xxi. 21-29). With 
the life of Jehoram ended the dynasty of Omri. — 
2. Eldest son of Jehoshaphat, succeeded his father 
on the throne of Judah at the age of thirty-two, 
and reigned eight years, from b. c. 893-2 to 885-4. 
(J oram 2 ; Israel, Kingdom of ; Judah, Kingdom 
of.) Jehosheba his daughter was wife to the high- 
priest Jehoiada. As soon as he was fixed on the 
throne, he put his six brothers to death, with many 
of the chief nobles of the land. He then, probably 
at the instance of his wife Athaliah the daughter 
of Ahab, proceeded to establish the worship of 
Baal. A prophetic writing from the aged prophet 
Elijah (2 Chr. xxi. 12) failed to produce any good 
effect upon him. This was in the first or second 
year of his reign (so Lord A. C. Hervey). The re- 
mainder of it was a series of calamities. First the 
Edomites, who had been tributary to Jehosha- 
phat, revolted from his dominion, and established 
their permanent independence. Next Libnah, one 
of the strongest fortified cities in Judah (2 K. xix. 
8), rebelled against him. Then followed invasions 
of armed bands of Philistines and of Arabians, 
who stormed the king's palace, put his wives and 
all his children, except his youngest son AnAZiAii 
2, to death (2 Chr. xxii. 1), or carried them into 



JEH 



JEH 



435 



captivity, and plundered all his treasures. He died 
of a terrible disease (xxi. 19, 20) early in the twelfth 
vear of his brother-in-law Jehoram's (No. 1) reign 
over Israel. — 3. A priest sent by Jehoshaphat to 
teach the Law in the cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 

Je-ho-slia'be-ath (fr. Heb.) = Jehosheba (2 Chr. 
xxii. 11). 

Jc-llOSIl a-phat (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah judges, 
i. e. whose cause He sustains, Ges. ; contracted to 
Joshaphat and Josaphat). 1. Son of Asa and 
Azubah, succeeded to the throne b. c. 914, when he 
was thirty-five years old, and reigned twenty-five 
years. (Israel, Kingdom of; Judah, Kingdom of.) 
His history is among the events recorded in 1 K. 
xv. 24-2 K. viii. 16, or in a continuous narrative in 
2 Chr. xvii. 1-xxi. 3. He was contemporary with 
Ahab, Ahaziah 1, and Jehoram 1. At first he 
strengthened himself against Israel by fortifying 
and garrisoning the cities of Judah and the Ephraim- 
ite conquests of Asa. But soon afterward the two 
Hebrew kings, perhaps appreciating their common 
danger from Damascus and the tribes on their 
eastern frontier, formed an alliance. Jehoshaphat's 
eldest son, Jehoram 2, married Athaliah, the 
daughter of Ahab and Jezebel. In his own king- 
dom Jehoshaphat ever showed himself a zealous 
follower of the commandments of God : he tried, 
it would seem not quite successfully, to put down 
the high places and groves in which the people 
of Judah burnt incense. In his third year he 
sent out certain princes, priests, and Levites, to 
go through the cities of Judah, teaching the people 
out of the Book of the Law. Riches and honors 
increased around him. He received tributes from 
the Philistines and Arabians ; and kept up a large 
standing army in Jerusalem. Probably about the 
sixteenth year of his reign (b. C. 898) he went to 
Samaria to visit Ahab and to become his ally in 
the great battle of Ramoth-gilead. From thence 
Jehoshaphat returned to Jerusalem in peace ; and 
went himself through the people " from Beer-sheba 
to Mount Ephraim," reclaiming them to the Law 
of God. Turning his attention to 
foreign commerce, he built at 
Ezion-geber, with the help of Aha- 
ziah, a navy designed to go to 
Tarshish ; but it was wrecked at 
Ezion-geber. Before the close of 
his reign he was engaged in two 
additional wars. He was mira- 
culously delivered from a threaten- 
ed attack of the people of A mmon, 
Moab, and Seir. After this, per- 
haps, must be dated the war which 
Jehoshaphat, in conjunction with 
Jehoram 1, king of Israel, and the 
king of Edom, carried on against 
the rebellious king of Moab (2 K. 
iii.). In his declining years the ad- 
ministration of affairs was placed 
(probably b. c. 891) in the hands 
of his son Jehoram 2 — 2. Son 
of Ahilud ; recorder or annalist 
in the courts of David (2 Sam. viii. 
16, &c), and Solomon (1 K. iv. 
3). — 3. One of the priests ap- 
pointed to blow trumpets before 
the ark when it was carried from the house of Obed- 
edom to Jerusalem (1 Chr. xv. 24). — 4. Son of Pa- 
ruah; one of the twelve purveyors of King Solo- 
mon (1 K. iv. 11).—"). Son of Nirashi, and father 
of King Jehu (2 K. ix. 2, 14). 



Je-hosh'a-phat (see above), Valley of (Heb. 'Smek, 
see Valley 1), a valley mentioned by Joel only, 
as the spot in which, after the return of Judah 
and Jerusalem from Captivity, Jehovah would 
gather all the heathen (Joel iii. 2 [iv. 2 Heb.]), and 
there sit to judge them for their misdeeds to Is- 
rael (iii. 12 [v. 4 Heb.]). The prophet seems to 
have glanced back to that triumphant day when 
King Jehoshaphat, the greatest king the nation 
had seen since Solomon, led out his people to a 
valley (Bekachah) in the wilderness of Tekoa, and 
was there blessed with such a victory over the 
hordes of his enemies as was without a parallel in 
the national records (2 Chr. xx.). But though 
such a reference to Jehoshaphat is both natural 
and characteristic, it is not certain that it is in- 
tended. The name may only be an imaginary one 
conferred on a spot which existed nowhere but 
in the vision of the prophet. Such was the view 
of some of the ancient translators (Theodotion, 
Targum of Jonathan). By others, however, the 
prophet has been supposed to have had the end 
of the world in view. And not only this, but the 
scene of " Jehovah's judgment " has been local- 
ized, and the name has come down to us attached 
to the deep ravine (Heb. nahal, or naehal ; see 
Valley 3) which separates Jerusalem from the 
Mount of Olives. At what period the name was 
first applied to this spot is not known. There is 
no trace of it in the Bible or in Josephus. In 
both the only name used for this gorge is Kidron 
(N. T. Cedron). We first encounter its new title 
in the middle of the fourth century in the Ono- 
mastieon of Eusebius and Jerome, and in the Com- 
mentary of Jerome on Joel. Since that time the 
name has been recognized and adopted by travel- 
lers of all ages and all faiths. Both Moslems and 
Jews believe that the last judgment is to take 
place there. The steep sides of the ravine, wherev- 
er a level strip affords the opportunity, are crowded 
— in places almost paved — by the sepulchres of 
the Moslems, or the simpler slabs of the Jewish 



tombs, alike awaiting the assembly of the last 
Judgment. The name would seem to be gener- 
ally confined by travellers to the upper 1 part of 
the glen, from about the " Tomb of the Virgin " 
to the S. E. corner of the wall of Jerusalem. 




Valley of Jehoshaphat. Traditional TombB of Absalom, Jehoshaphat, and Zecharlah, and Jewish 
Burying-ground. — From a photograph. — (Fairbairn). 



436 



JEH 



JEH 



Je-hosh'e-ba (fr. Heb. = Jehovah is her oath, i. e. 
worshipper of Jehovah, Ges. ; = Jehoshabeath), 
daughter of Joram (Jehoram 2), king of Jcdah, and 
wife of Jehoiada the high-priest (2 K. xi. 2). Her 
name in the Chronicles is given Jehoshabeath. 
As she is called, 2 K. xi. 2, " the daughter of Joram, 
sister of Ahaziah," it has been conjectured that she 
was the daughter, not of Athaliah, but of Joram 
by another wife. This may be ; but it is also pos- 
sible that the omission of Athaliah's name may have 
been occasioned by the detestation in which it was 
held. She is the only recorded instance of the mar- 
riage of a princess of the royal house with a high- 
priest. On this occasion it was a providential cir- 
cumstance (2 Chr. xxii. 11), as inducing and prob- 
ably enabling her to rescue the infant Joash from 
the massacre of his brothers. 

Je-liosh'n-a (fr. Heb. = Jehovah his help, Ges.) = 
Joshua 1 (Num. xiii. 16). 

Je-hosh u-ab (fr. Heb.) = Jehoshua and Joshua 1 
(1 Chr. vii. 27). 

Jc-ho'vab (Heb. usually Ychovdh, i. e. with the 
vowel-points of Xddn&i. [= Lord]; but when these 
two come together, the former is pointed Ychovih, i. e. 
with the vowels of Elohim — Gon). The true pro- 
nunciation of this name, by which God was known 
to the Hebrews, has been entirely lost, the Jews 
themselves scrupulously avoiding every mention of 
it, and substituting in its stead one or other of the 
words with whose proper vowel-points it may hap- 
pen to be written. This custom, which had its ori- 
gin in reverence, and has almost degenerated into a 
superstition, was founded upon an erroneous ren- 
dering of Lev. xxiv. 16, from which it was inferred 
that the mere utterance of the name constituted a 
capital offence. According to Jewish tradition, it 
was pronounced but once a year by the high-priest 
on the day of Atonement when he entered the Holy 
of Holies ; but on this point there is some doubt. 
From Maimonides we learn that it ceased with 
Simeon the Just (third century b. a). But even after 
the destruction of the second Temple instances are 
met with of individuals who were in possession of the 
mysterious secret. Von Bohlen asserts that beyond 
all doubt the word Jehovah is not Shemitic in its 
origin. He connects it with the Sanscrit devax, dcvo, 
the Greek Bios, and Latin Jovii or Diovis. That 
the Hebrews learned the word from the Egyptians 
is a theory which has found some advocates. There 
can be but little doubt that the process in reality 
was reversed, and that in this case the Hebrews 
were, not the borrowers, but the lenders. We have 
indisputable evidence that it existed among them, 
whatever may have been its origin, many centuries 
before it is found in other records ; of the contrary 
we have no evidence whatever. One argument for 
the Egyptian origin of Jehovah is found in the cir- 
cumstance that Pharaoh changed the name of Elia- 
kim to Jeho\ak\m (2 K. xxiii. 34), which it is asserted 
is not in accordance with the practice of conquerors 
toward the conquered, unless the Egyptian king im- 
posed upon the king of Judah the name of one of 
his own gods. But the same reasoning would prove 
that the origin of the word was Babylonian, for the 
king of Babylon changed the name of Mattaniah to 
ZedekiaA (xxiv. IV). But many, abandoning as un- 
tenable the theory of an Egyptian origin, have 
sought to trace the name among the Phenicians and 
Canaanitish tribes. From the occurrence of Jeho- 
vah as a compound in the proper names of many 
who were not Hebrews, Hamaker contends that it 
must have been known among heathen people. But 



such knowledge, if it existed, was no more than 
might have been obtained by their necessary con- 
tact with the Hebrews. The names of Uriah the 
Hittite, of Araunah or Aran/a/i the Jebusite, of 
Tobiah the Ammonite, and of the Canaanitish town 
Bizjoth/aA, may be all explained without having re- 
course to Hamaker's hypothesis. Most of the au- 
thorities on the opposite side have taken for the basis 
of their explanations, and the different methods of 
punctuation which they propose, the passage in Ex. 
iii. 14, to which we must naturally look for a solu- 
tion of the question. When Moses received his 
commission to be the deliverer of Israel, the Al- 
mighty, who appeared in the burning bush, commu- 
nicated to him the name which he should give as 
the credentials of his mission : " And God said unto 
Moses, I am that I am (Heb. ehych Ssher ehyeh) ; and 
He said, Thus shalt thou say unto the children of 
Israel, I am hath sent me unto you." That this 
passage is intended to indicate the etymology of 
Jehovah, as understood by the Hebrews, no one has 
ventured to doubt : it is in fact the key to the whole 
mystery. But, though it certainly supplies the 
etymology, the interpretation must be determined 
from other considerations. According to this view, 
then, it must be the third person singular masculine 
future of the substantive verb Myuh, the older 
form of which was h&vdh. Of the many punc- 
tuations proposed, the most correct appears to be 
Yahuveh or Yahdv&h, and we accept the former (so 
Mr. Wright, original author of this article), as the 
more probable, continuing at the same time for the 
sake of convenience to adopt the form " Jehovah " in 
what follows, on account of its familiarity to Eng- 
lish readers. — The next point for consideration is 
of vastly more importance : what is the meaning of 
" Jehovah," and what does it express of the being 
and nature of God, more than or in distinction from 
the other names applied to the Deity in the 0. T. ? 
Elohim in many cases = the gods of the heathen, 
who included in the same title the Gon of the He- 
brews, and generally = the Deity when spoken of a 
supernatural being, and when no national feeling 
influenced the speaker. But, although the distinc- 
tion between Elohim, as a general appellation of 
Deity, and Jehovah, the national God of the Israel- 
ites, contains some superficial truth, the real nature 
of their difference must be sought for far deeper, 
and as a foundation for the arguments which will 
be adduced recourse must again be had to etymol- 
ogy. — With regard to the derivation of Elohim, ety- 
mologists are divided in their opinions ; some con- 
necting it with Heb. el (God 1), and the unused 
Heb. root ul, to be strong. From whatever root, 
however, the word may be derived, most are of 
opinion that the primary idea contained in it is that 
of strength, power ; so that Elohim is the proper ap- 
pellation of the Deity, as manifested in His creative 
and universally sustaining agency, and in the gen- 
eral divine guidance and government of the world. 
The question now arises, What is the meaning to be 
attached to the plural form of the word ? Some 
have discovered therein the mystery of the Trinity, 
while others maintain that it points to polytheism. 
Probably the plural form Elohim, instead of point- 
ing to polytheism, is applied to God as comprehend- 
ing in Himself the fulness of all power, and uniting 
in a perfect degree all that which the name signifies, ■ 
and all the attributes which the heathen ascribe to 
the several divinities of their pantheon. The singu- ' 
lar eloah (God 2), with few exceptions (Neh. ix. 11; 
2 Chr. xxxii. 15), occurs only in poetry. It will be 



JEH 



JEH 



437 



found, upon examination of the passages in which 
Elohim occurs, that it is chiefly in places where God 
is exhibited only in the plenitude of His power, and 
where no especial reference is made to His unity, 
personality, or holiness, or to His relation to Israel 
and the theocracy. — But while Elohim exhibits God 
displayed in His power as the creator and governor 
of the physical universe, the name Jehovah desig- 
nates His nature as He stands in relation to man, as 
the only almighty, true, personal, holy Being, a 
spirit, and " the father of spirits " (Num. xvi. 22 ; 
compare Jn. iv. 24), who revealed Himself to His 
people, made a covenant with them, and became 
their lawgiver, and to whom all honor and worship 
are due. If the etymology above given be accepted, j 
and the name be derived from the future tense of 
the substantive verb, it would denote, in accordance 
with the general analogy of proper names of a 
similar form, He that is, the Being, whose chief attri- 
bute is eternal existence. As the Israelites were in 
a remarkable manner distinguished as the people 
of Jehovah, who became their lawgiver and supreme 
ruler, it is not strange that He should be put in 
strong contrast with Chemosh (Judg. xi. 24), Ash- 
taroth (Judg. x. 6), and the Baalim (Judg. iii. 7), 
the national deities of the surrounding nations, and 
thus be preeminently distinguished in one aspect of 
His character as the tutelary deity of the Hebrews. 
(Law of Moses.) Such and no more was He to the 
heathen (1 K. xx. 23); but all this and much more 
to the Israelites, to whom Jehovah was a distinct 
personal subsistence — the living God, who reveals 
Himself to man by word and deed, helps, guides, 
saves, and delivers, and is to the 0. T. what Christ 
is to the N. T. Jehovah was no abstract name, but 
thoroughly practical, and stood in intimate connec- 
tion with the religious life of the people. While 
Elohim represents God only in His most outward 
relation to man, and distinguishes Him as recognized 
in His omnipotence, Jehovah describes Him accord- 
ing to His innermost being. In Jehovah the moral 
attributes are presented as constituting the essence 
of His nature ; whereas in Elohim there is no refer- 
ence to personality or moral character. That Jeho- 
vah is identical with Elohim, and not a separate 
being, is indicated by the joint use of the names 
Jehovah-E'ohim (A. V. " the Lord God ; " Penta- 
teuch). Mr. Tyler (Jehovah, the Redeemer God, &c), 
Mr. MacWhorter ( Yahveh Christ, or the Memorial 
Name ; B. S. xiv. 98 ff. ), and Mr. Maedonald (Intro- 
duction to the Pentateuch), make Jehovah = He viho 
will be, and maintain that the name was used with 
reference to the future manifestation of God in 
Christ (compare Mat. xi. 3 ; Rev. i. 8, &c). — The 
antiquity of the name Jehovah among the Hebrews 
has formed the subject of much discussion. That 
it was not known before the age of Moses has been 
inferred from Ex. vi. 3 ; while Von Bohlen assigns 
to it a much more recent date. But, on the other 
hand, it would seem from the etymology of the word 
that it originated in an age long prior to that of 
Moses, in whose time the Heb. root hdvdh (= haydh) 
was already antiquated. At the same time it is dis- 
tinctly stated in Ex. vi. 3, that to the patriarchs God 
was not known by the name Jehovah. If, therefore, 
this passage has reference to the first revelation of 
Jehovah simply as a name and title of God, there is 
clearly a discrepancy which requires to be explained. ] 
In renewing His promise of deliverance from Egypt, 
" God spake unto Moses and said unto him, I am 
Jehovah (A. V. 'the Lord'); and I appeared unto 
Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob (by the name 



of) God Almighty (Heb. El Shaddai), but by my 
name JEHOVAH was I not known to them." It fol- 
lows then that, if the reference were merely to the 
name as a name, this passage would prove equally that 
before this time Elohim was unknown as an appel- 
lation of the Deity, and God would appear uniformly 
as El Shaddai in the patriarchal history. Calvin 
saw at once that the knowledge there spoken of 
could not refer to the syllables and letters, but to 
the recognition of God's glory and majesty. It was 
not the name, but the true depth of its significance 
which was unknown to and uncomprehended by the 
patriarchs. They had known God as the omnipo- 
tent, El Shaddai (Gen. xvii. 1, xxviii. 3), the ruler 
of the physical universe, and of man as one of His 
creatures ; as a God eternal, immutable, and true to 
His promises He was yet to be revealed. In the 
character expressed by the name Jehovah He had not 
hitherto been fully known ; His true attributes had 
not been recognized in His working and acts for Israel. 
Referring to other passages in which the phrase " the 
name of God " occurs, it is clear that something 
more is intended by it than a mere appellation, and 
that the proclamation of the name of God is a reve- 
lation of His moral attributes, and of His true char- 
acter as Jehovah (Ex. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 6, 1) the 
God of the covenant. Great stress has been laid, 
by those who deny the antiquity of the name Jeho- 
vah, upon the fact that proper names compounded 
with it occur but seldom before the age of Samuel 
and David. It is undoubtedly true that, after the 
revival of the true faith among the Israelites, proper 
names so compounded did become more frequent, 
but if it can be shown that prior to the time of 
Moses any such names existed, it will be sufficient to 
prove that the name Jehovah was not entirely un- 
known. Among those which have been quoted for 
this purpose are Jochebed the mother of Moses, and 
daughter of Levi, and Moriah, the mountain on 
which Abraham was commanded to offer up Isaac. 
Against the former it is urged that Moses might 
have changed her name to Jochebed after the name 
Jehovah had been communicated by God ; but this 
is very improbable, as he was at this time eighty 
years old, and his mother in all probability dead. 
If this only be admitted as a genuine instance of a 
name compounded with Jehovah, it takes us at once 
back into the patriarchal age, and proves that a 
word which was employed in forming the proper 
name of Jacob's grand-daughter could not have been 
unknown to that patriarch himself. The name Mo- 
riah is of more importance, for in one passage in 
which it occurs it is accompanied by an etymology 
intended to indicate what was then understood by 
it (2 Chr. iii. 1). 

Je-ho'vah-ji'rcli (fr. Heb. = Jehovah will see, or 
provide), the name given by Abraham to the place 
on which he had been commanded to offer Isaac, to 
commemorate the interposition of the angel of Je- 
hovah, who appeared to prevent the sacrifice (Gen. 
xxii. 14) and provided another victim. Moriah 1. 

Je-ho'vall-nis'si (fr. Heb. = Jehovah my banner), 
the name given by Moses to the altar which he built 
in commemoration of the discomfiture of the Ama- 
lekites by Joshua and his chosen warriors at Fephi- 
dim (Ex. xvii. 15). The significance of the name 
is probably contained in the allusion to the staff 
which Moses held in his hand as a banner during 
the engagement. 

Je-Uo'vall-shil'loni (fr. Heb. = Jehovah is peace, 
or Jehovah, the God of peace), the altar erected by 
Gideon in Ophrah in memory of the salutation ad- 



438 



JEH 



JEH 



dressed to him by the angel of Jehovah, " Peace be 
unto thee " ( Judg. vi. 24). 

* Je-ho'vah-sliam'maii (fr. Eeb. = Jehovah is 
there), a prophetic name of Jerusalem, the holy 
city (Ez. xlviii. 35, margin). 

* Jc-ho'vall-tsid'ke-uu (fr. Heb. = Jehovah our 
righteousness), a prophetic name of the King to be 
raised up unto David, Messiah (Jer. xxiii. 6, mar- 
gin); also of the holy city Jerusalem (xxxiii. 16, 
margin). Henderson ascribes the name to the Mes- 
siah in both passages. 

Je-hoz'a-bad (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah bestows, 
Ges. ; contracted to Jozabad). 1. A Korahite Levitc, 
second son of Obed-edom, and one of the porters of 
the S. gate of the Temple, and of the storehouse 
there in the time of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 4, 15, com- 
pared with Neh. xii. 25). — 2. A Benjamite, captain 
of 180,000 armed men, in the days of King Je- 
hoshaphat (2 Chr. xvii. 18). — 3. Son of Shonier or 
Shimrith, a Moabitish woman, conspired with the 
son of an Ammonitess against King Joash and slew 
him in his bed (2 K. xii. 21 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 26). 

Jc-huz a-dak (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah makes 
just, Ges.; contracted to Jozadak), son of the high- 
priest Seraiah (1 Clir. vi. 14, 15) in the reign of 
Zedekiah. When his father was slain at Riblah by 
order of Nebuchadnezzar, in the eleventh of Zede- 
kiah (2 K. xxv. 18, 21), Jehozadak was led away 
captive to Babylon (1 Chr. vi. 15), where he doubt- 
less spent the remainder of his days. He himself 
never attained the high-priesthood, but he was the 
father of Jeshua the high-priest — who with Zerub- 
babel headed the Return from Captivity — and of all 
his successors till the pontificate of Alcimus (Ezr. 
iii. 2 ; Neh. xii. 26, &c). Nothing more is known 
about him. Josedecii ; Jozadak. 

Je'hn (L. fr. Heb. = Jehovah is He). 1, Founder 
of the fifth dynasty of the kingdom of Israel. (Is- 
rael, Kingdom of.) His history was told in the 
lost "Chronicles of the Kings of Israel " (2 K. x. 
34). His father's name was Jehoshaphat (ix. 2); 
his grandfather's was Nimshi. In his youth he had 
been one of the guards of Ahab. His first appear- 
ance in history is when, with a comrade in arms, 
Bidkar, he rode behind Ahab on the fatal journey 
from Samaria to Jezreel, and heard, and laid up in 
his heart, the warning of Elijah against the mur- 
derer of Naboth (ix. 25). But he had already, as it 
would seem, been known to Elijah as a youth of 
promise, and, accordingly, in the vision at floreb he 
is mentioned as the future king of Israel, whom 
Elijah is to anoint as the minister of vengeance 
on Israel (1 K. xix. 16, IV). This injunction, for 
reasons unknown to us, Elijah never fulfilled. It 
was reserved long afterward for his successor Elisha. 
Jehu meantime, in the reigns of Ahaziah and Jeho- 
ram, had risen to importance. He was, under the 
last-named king, captain of the host in the siege of 
Ramoth-gilead. Whilst in the midst of the officers 
of the besieging army, a youth suddenly entered, of 
wild appearance (2 K. ix. 11), and insisted on a 
private interview with Jehu. They retired into a 
secret chamber. The youth uncovered a vial of the 
sacred oil which he had brought with him, poured 
it over Jehu's head, and, after announcing to him 
the message from Elisha, that he was appointed to 
be king of Israel and destroyer of the house of 
Ahab, rushed out of the house and disappeared. 
Jehu's countenance, as he reentered the assembly 
of officers, showed that some strange tidings had 
reached him. He tried at first to evade their ques- 
tions, but then revealed the situation in which he 



found himself placed by the prophetic call. In a 
moment the enthusiasm of the army took fire. They 
threw their garments under his feet, so as to form a 
rough carpet of state, placed him on the top of the 
stairs, as on an extempore throne, blew the royal 
salute on their trumpets, and thus ordained him 
king. He then cut off all communication between 
Eamoth-gilead and Jezreel, and set off, full speed, 
with his ancient comrade, Bidkar, whom he had 
made captain of the host in his place, and a band 
of horsemen. From the tower of Jezreel a watch- 
man saw the cloud of dust (A. V. " company ") and 
announced his coming (ix. 17). The messengers 
that were sent out to him he detained, on the same 
principle of secrecy which had guided all his move- 
ments. It was not till he had almost reached the 
city, and was identified by the watchman, that alarm 
was taken. But it was not till, in answer to Jeho- 
ram's question, " Is it peace, Jehu ? " that Jehu's 
fierce denunciation of Jezebel at once revealed the 
danger. Jehu seized his opportunity, and shot him 
through the heart (ix. 24). The body was thrown 
out on the fatal field, and whilst his soldiers pur- 
sued and killed the king of Judah (Ahaziah 2) at 
Beth-gan (A. V. " the garden-house "), probably 
En-gannim, Jehu himself advanced to the gates of 
Jezreel and fulfilled the divine warning on Jezebel 
as already on Jehoram. He then entered on a work 
of extermination hitherto unparalleled in the his- 
tory of the Jewish monarchy. All the descendants 
of Ahab that remained in Jezreel, together with the 
officers of the court, and hierarchy of Astarte (Ash- 
toreth), were swept away. His next step was to 
secure Samaria. Every stage of his progress was 
marked with blood. At the gates of Jezreel he 
found the heads of seventy princes of the house of 
Ahab, ranged in two heaps. Next, at " the shear- 
ing-house " (or Beth-eked) between Jezreel and 
Samaria he encountered forty-two sons or nephews 
(2 Chr. xx. 8) of the late king of Judah. These 
also were put to the sw ord at the fatal well. As he 
drove on he encountered a strange figure, such as 
might have reminded him of the great Elijah. It 
was Jehonadab, the austere Arabian sectary, the 
son of Rechab. In him his keen eye discovered a 
ready ally. He took him into his chariot, and they 
concocted their schemes as they entered Samaria 
(2 K. x. 15, 16). Up to this moment there was 
nothing which showed any thing beyond a determi- 
nation to exterminate in all its branches the per- 
sonal adherents of Ahab. There was to be a new 
inauguration of the worship of Baal. A solemn 
assembly, sacred vestments, innumerable victims, 
were ready. The vast temple at Samaria raised by 
Ahab (1 K. xvi. 32) was crowded from end to end. 
The chief sacrifice was offered, as if in the excess of 
his zeal, by Jehu himself. Jehonadab joined in the 
deception. There was some apprehension lest wor- 
shippers of Jehovah might be found in the temple; 
such, it seems, had been the intermixture of the two 
religions. As soon, however, as it was ascertained 
that all, and none but, the idolaters were there, the 
signal was given to eighty trusted guards, and a 
sweeping massacre removed at one blow the whole 
heathen population of the kingdom of Israel. This is 
the last public act recorded of Jehu. The remaining 
twenty-seven years of his long reign are passed over 
in a few words, in which two points only are mate- 
rial : — He did not destroy the calf-worship of Jero- 
boam : — The Trans-jordanic tribes suffered much 
from the ravages of Hazael (2 K. x. 29-33). He 
was buried in state in Samaria, and was succeeded 



JEH 



JEP 



439 



by his son Jehoahaz (x. 35). His name is the first 
of the Israelite kings which appears in the Assyrian 
monuments, having been read Yahua (Jehu), the 
son of Khumri (Omri), on the black obelisk from 
Nimroud now in the British Museum, among the 
kings bringing tribute (so Stanley, with Dr. Hincks, 
Rawlinson, &e.). — '2. Son of Hanani; a prophet of Ju- 
dah, but whose ministrations were chiefly directed 
to Israel. His father was probably the seer who 
attacked Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 7). He must have begun 
his career as a prophet when very young. He first 
denounced Baasha (1 K. xvi. 1, 1), and then, after 
an interval of thirty years, reappears to denounce 
Jehoshaphat for his alliance with Ahab (2 Chr. xix. 
2, 3). He survived Jehoshaphat and wrote his life 
(xx. 34). — 3. A man of Judah of the house of Hez- 
ron (1 Chr. ii. 38). — i. A Simeonite chief, son of 
Josibiah (iv. 35). — 5i "Jehu the Antothite " was 
one of the chief of the heroes of Benjamin, who 
joined David atZiklag (xii. 3). 

Jc-hub'bah (fr. Heb. = he will be hidden, Ayre), 
a man of Asher ; son of Shamer or Shomer, of the 
house of Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 34). 

Je-hu'cal (fr. Heb. = potent, Ges. ; contracted to 
Jucal), son of Shelemiah ; one of two persons sent 
by King Zedekiah to Jeremiah, to entreat his 
prayers and advice (Jer. xxxvii. 3). Jucal. 

Je'hnd (fr. Heb. = Judah, i. e. Judea, Ges. ; place 
of renown, Fii.), a city of Dan (Josh. xix. 45), named 
between Baalath and Bene-berak ; probably at the 
modern village el -Yehudhjeh, seven miles E. of Jaffa 
and five N. of Lydd. 

Je-hu'di (fr. Heb. = Jew), son of Nethaniah ; a 
man employed by the princes of Jehoiakim's court 
to fetch Baruch to read Jeremiah's denunciation 
(Jer. xxxvL 14), and then by the king to fetch the 
volume itself and read it to him (21, 23). 

Je-iiu-di'jah (fr. Heb., see below) (1 Chr. iv. 18). 
If this is a proper name at all, it is (with the He- 
brew article hd) Ha-jehudijah, like Ham-meleeh, 
Hak-koz, &c. ; and it seems to be rather an appel- 
lative = the Jewess. As far as an opinion can be 
formed of so obscure and apparently corrupt a 
passage (so Lord A. C. Hervey), Mered married two 
wives — one a Jewess, the other an Egyptian, a 
daughter of Pharaoh. The Jewess was sister of 
Naham, the father of the cities of Keilah and Esh- 
temoa. Hodiah. 

Je'hnsh (fr. Heb. — to whom God hastens, Ges. ; 
a collector, Fii.), son of Eshek, a remote descendant 
of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 39). 

Je-i'el (fr. Heb. = treasured of God? Ges.; God 
is snatching away, Fii. ; = Jeuel and Jehiel 12). 
1. A Reubenite chief of the house of Joel (1 Chr. 
v. 7).— 2. A Merarite Levite, one of the gate-keepers 
to the sacred tent (xv. 18). His duty was also to 
play the harp (ver. 21), or the psaltery and harp 
(xvi. 5), in the service before the Ark. — 3. A Ger- 
shonite Levite, one of the sons of Asaph, forefather 
of Jahaziel in the time of King Jehoshaphat (2 
Chr. xx. 14). — 1. The scribe who kept the account 
of the numbers of King Uzziah's irregular predatory 
warriors (xxvi. 11). — 5, A Gershonite Levite, one 
of the sons of Elizaphan (xxix. 13). — 6. One of the 
chiefs of the Levites in the time of Josiah (xxxv. 9). 
—7. One of the sons of Adonikam in the caravan 
of Ezra from Babylon to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 13). 
— 8. A layman, of the sons of Nebo, who had taken 
a foreign wife and had to relinquish her (x. 43). 

Je-kab'zc-el (fr. Heb. = which God gathers, Ges.) 
= Kabzeel, the most remote city of Judah on the 
S. frontier (Neb. xi. 25). 



Jek-a-me'am (fr. Heb. = who gathers the people, 
Ges.), a Levite in David's time; fourth of the sons 
of Hebron, the son of Kohath (1 Chr. xxiii. 19, 
xxiv. 23). 

Jek-a-Uli ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah gathers, 
Ges.), son of Shallum, in the line of Ahlai (1 Chr. 
ii. 41). 

Jc-kn'thi-el (fr. Heb. = piety toward God? Ges.; 
God is almightiness, Fii.), a man recorded in the 
genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 18) as the son of 
Ezra or Mered, by his Jewish wife (A. V. Jehudi- 
jah), and in his turn the father, or founder, of the 
town of Zanoah. 

Je-IDi'ma (fr. Heb. = dove, Ges. ; the pure, as 
day-MghX, Fii.), the eldest of the three daughters 
born to Job after the restoration of his prosperity 
(Job xlii. 14). 

* Jeni'i-ni (fr. Heb. = my right hand). The margin 
of 1 Sam. ix. 1 has (literally from the Hebrew) 
" the son of a man of Jemini," for which the text 
has (probably correctly) " a Benjamite." 

Jem'na-aii (fr. Gr.) (Jd. ii. 28), no doubt — Jab- 
neel = Jamnia. 

Jem'u-cl (L. fr. Heb. = day of God, Ges.), eldest 
son of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15); — Nem- 

UEL. 

Jepll'tliae [jef'the] (Gr. lephtha'e, fr. Heb.) = 
Jephthah (Heb. xi. 32). 

Jcph'tbah (fr. Heb. = whom God sets free? Ges. ; a 
breaker through, i. e. causing to bear, Fii.), a judge, 
about b. c. 11 43-1 13V. His history is contained in 
Judg. xi. 1— xii. 1. He was a Gileadite, the son of 
Gilead and a concubine. Driven by the legitimate 
sons from his father's inheritance, he went to 
Tob, and became the head of a company of free- 
booters in a debatable land probably belonging to 
Amnion (2 Sam. x. 6). His fame as a bold and suc- 
cessful captain was carried back to his native 
Gilead ; and when the time was ripe for throwing 
off the yoke of Amnion, Jephthah consented to be- 
come their captain, on the condition (solemnly rati- 
fied before the Lord in Mizpeh) that in the event of 
his success against Amnion he should still remain as 
their acknowledged head. He collected warriors 
throughout Gilead and Manasseh, the provinces 
which acknowledged his authority ; and then he 
vowed his vow unto the Lord. The Ammonites 
were routed with great slaughter. Twenty cities, 
from Aroer on the Arnon to Minnith and to Abel 
Ceramim, were tnken from them. But as the 
conqueror returned to Mizpeh, there came out to 
meet him a procession of damsels with dances and 
timbrels, and among them — the first person from 
his own house — his daughter and only child. " Alas ! 
my daughter, thou hast brought me very low," was 
the greeting of the heart-stricken father. But the 
high-minded maiden is ready for any personal suf- 
fering in the hour of her father's triumph. Only 
she asks for a respite of two months to withdraw to 
her native mountains, and in their recesses to weep 

i with her virgin-friends over the early disappoint- 
ment of her life. When that time was ended she 
returned to her father, and "he did unto her his 
vow." But Jephthah had not long leisure, even if 
he were disposed, for the indulgence of domestic 
grief. The proud tribe of Ephraim challenged his 
right to go to war, as he had done without their 

i concurrence, against Ammon. He first defeated 

j them, then intercepted the fugitives at the fords of 
Jordan, and there put 42,000 men to the sword. 
(Shibboleth.) He judged Israel six years and died. 

| It is generally conjectured that his jurisdiction was 



440 



JEP 



JER 



limited to the Trans-jordanic region. That the 
daughter of Jephthah was really offered up to God 
in sacrifice — slain by the hand of her father and 
then burnt — is a horrible conclusion, but one which 
it seems impossible to avoid (so Mr. Bullock, with 
Jonathan the paraphrast, Rashi, Josephus, Origen, 
and perhaps all the early Christian Fathers, Light- 
foot, Kitto, &c). Joseph Kimchi supposed that, 
instead of being sacrificed, she was shut up in a 
house which her father built for the purpose, and 
that she was there visited by the daughters of Israel 
four days in each year so long as she lived. This 
interpretation has been adopted by many eminent 
men (Drusius, Grotius, Estius, De Dieu, Bishop Hall, 
Waterland, Hales, Hengstenberg, &c). 

Jo-p linn ne = Jephunneh (Ecclus. xlvi. 7). 

Je-plinn liell (fr. Heb. = for whom is prejjared? 
Ges. ; who becomes visible, Fu.). 1. Father of Caleb 
the spy. He appears (so Lord A. C. Hervey) to 
have belonged to an Edomitish tribe called Kenez- 
ites, from Kenaz their founder (Num. xiii. 6, &c. ; 
xxxii. 12, &c. ; Josh. xiv. 14, &c. ; 1 Chr. iv. 15). — 
2. A descendant of Asher ; eldest of the three sons 
of Jether (1 Chr. vii. 38). 

.!<• rail (fr. Heb., see below), fourth in order of 
the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 20), and 
progenitor of a tribe of southern Arabia. He has 
not been satisfactorily identified with the name of 
any Arabian place or tribe, though a fortress named 
Yerdkh is mentioned as belonging to the district of 
the Nijjdd, which is in Mahreh, at the extremity of 
the Yemen. Bochart translates Jerah = the moon 
into Arabic, and finds the descendants of Jerah in 
the Alilaei, a people dwelling near the Red Sea, on 
the strength of a passage in Herodotus (iii. 8), in 
which he says of the Arabs, " Bacchus they call in 
their language Orotal ; and Urania, Alilat." 

Je-rah'me-el (fr. Heb. = on whom God has mercy, 
Ges.). 1. First-born son of Hezron, the son of 
Pharez, the son of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 9, 25-27, 33, 
42). His descendants are given at length in the 
same chapter. (Jerahmeelites.) — 2. A Merarite 
Levite, of the family of Kish, the son of Mahli (1 
Chr. xxiv. 29; compare xxiii. 21).— 3. Son of Ham- 
melech (compare Joash 4 ; Maaseiah 17 ; Malchiah 
8) ; employed by Jehoiakim to make Jeremiah and 
Baruch prisoners, after he had burnt the roll of 
Jeremiah's prophecy (Jer. xxxvi. 26). 

Je-rali me-el-ites(fr. Heb.), the = the descendants 
of Jerahmeel 1 (1 Sam. xxvii. 10, xxx. 29). They 
dwelt in the S. of Judah. 

Jer'c-chus (fr. Gr.) = Jericho (1 Esd. v. 22). 

Je'red (fr. Heb. = descent, Ges. ; = Jared). 1. 
.Son of Mahalaleel and father of Enoch (1 Chr. i. 2) ; 
= Jared.— 2. A descendant of Judah ; the " father 
— i. e. founder — of Gedor " (iv. 18). 

Jer'e-mai (fr. Heb. = dwelling in heighU, Ges.), 
a layman ; one of the sons of Hashum, compelled 
by Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33). 

Jer-e-mi'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah sets up, 
Ges. ; Jali is the exalted one, Fii.). I. A celebrated 
Hebrew prophet. (I.) Life and Work. (1.) Under 
Josiah b. c. 638-608 (see for chronology Israel, 
Kingdom of). In the thirteenth year of the reign 
of Josiah, the prophet speaks of himself as still " a 
child " (Jer. i. 6). We cannot rely, indeed, on this I 
word as a chronological datum. We may at least j 
infer, however, as we can trace his life in full activity j 
for upward of forty years from this period, that at j 
the commencement of that reign he could not have ! 
passed out of actual childhood. He is described as I 
" the son of Hilkiah of the priests that were in j 



Anathoth " (i. 1). Some have identified this Hil- 
kiah with the high-priest who bore so large a share 
in Josiah's work of reformation, but of this there 
is no evidence. The boy would hear among the 
priests of his native town, not three miles distant 
from Jerusalem, of the idolatries and cruelties of 
Manasseh and his son Amon. He would be trained 
in the traditional precepts and ordinances of the 
Law. He would become acquainted with the names 
and writings of older prophets. As he grew up 
toward manhood, he would hear also of the work 
which the king and his counsellors were carrying 
on, and of the teaching of the woman (Huldah), who 
alone, or nearly so, in the midst of that religious 
revival, was looked upon as speaking from direct 
prophetic inspiration. In all likelihood he came 
into actual contact with them. Possibly, too, to 
this period of his life we may trace the commence- 
ment of that friendship with the family of Neriali 
which was afterward so fruitful in results. (Ba- 
ruch.) As the issue of all these influences we find 
in him all the conspicuous features of the devout 
ascetic character : intense consciousness of his own 
weakness, great susceptibility to varying emotions, 
a spirit easily bowed down. Left to himself, he 
might have borne his part among the reforming 
priests of Josiah's reign, free from their formalism 
and hypocrisy. But "the word of Jehovah came 
to him " (i. 2) ; and by that divine voice the secret 
of his future life was revealed to him, at the very 
time when the work of reformation was going on 
with fresh vigor (2 Chr. xxxiv. 3), when he himself 
was beginning to have the thoughts and feelings of 
a man. A life-long martyrdom was set before him, 
a struggle against kings, and priests, and people 
(Jer. i. 18). For a time, it would seem he held 
aloof from the work which was going on throughout 
the nation. His name is nowhere mentioned in the 
history of the memorable eighteenth year of Josiah. 
Though five years had passed since he entered on 
the work of a prophet, it is from Huldah, not 
from him, that the king and his princes seek for 
counsel. The discovery of the Book of the Law, 
however, could not fail to exercise an influence on a 
mind like Jeremiah's : his later writings show abun- 
dant traces of it; and the result apparently was, 
that he could not share the hopes which others cher- 
ished. He saw that the reformation was but a sur- 
face one. Israel had gone into captivity, and Ju- 
dah was worse than Israel (iii. 11). It was as hard 
for him, as it had been for Isaiah, to find, among 
the princes and people who worshipped in the 
Temple, one just, truth-seeking man (v. 1, 28). 
His own work, as a priest and prophet, led him to 
discern the falsehood and lust of rule which were 
at work under the form of zeal (v. 31). The strange 
visions which had followed upon his call (i. 11-16) 
taught him that Jehovah would "hasten" the per- 
formance of His word. Hence, though we have 
hardly any mention of special incidents in the life 
of Jeremiah during the eighteen years between his 
call and Josiah's death, the main features of his 
life come distinctly enough before us. He had even 
then his experience of the bitterness of the lot to 
which God had called him. The duties of the 
priest, even if he continued to discharge them, 
were merged in those of the new and special office. 
Toward the close of the reign, however, he appears 
to have taken some part in the great national ques- 
tions then at issue. Josiah, probably (?o Professor 
Plumptre, the original author of this article) follow- 
ing the advice of Jeremiah, chose to attach himself 



JER 



JER 



441 



to the new Chaldean kingdom, and lost his life in 
the vain attempt to stop the progress of the Egyp- 
tian king. We may think of this as one of the first 
great sorrows of Jeremiah's life. — (2.) Under Je- 
hoahaz (= Shallum), b. c. 608. The short reign of 
this prince (chosen by the people on hearing of 
Josiah's death, and after three months deposed by 
Pharaoh-necho) gave little scope for direct pro- 
phetic action. The fact of his deposition, however, 
shows that he had been set up against Egypt, and 
therefore as representing the policy of which Jere- 
miah had been the advocate ; and this may account 
for the tenderness and pity with which he speaks 
of him in his Egyptian exile (xxii. 11, 12). — (3.) 
Under Jehoiakln, b. c. 607-597. In the weakness 
and disorder which characterized this reign, the 
work of Jeremiah became daily more prominent. 
The king had come to the throne as the vassal of 
Egypt, and for a time the Egyptian party was dom- 
inant in Jerusalem. Others, however, held that 
the only way of safety lay in accepting the suprem- 
acy of the Chaldeans. Jeremiah appeared as the 
chief representative of this part) 7 . He had learned 
to discern the signs of the times ; the evils of the 
nation were not to be cured by any half-measures 
of reform, or by foreign alliances. The king of 
Babylon was God's servant (xxv. 9, xxvii. 6), doing 
His work, and was for a time to prevail over all re- 
sistance. Hard as it was for one who sympathized 
so deeply with all the sufferings of his country, 
this was the conviction to which he had to bring 
himself. He had to expose himself to the suspicion 
of treachery by declaring it. Men claiming to be 
prophets had their " word of Jehovah " to set 
against his (xiv. 13, xxiii. 7), and all that he could 
do was to commit his cause to God, and wait for 
the result. Some of the most striking scenes in 
this conflict are brought before us with great vivid- 
ness (xxvi.). If Jeremiah was not at once hunted 
to death, like Urijah (xxvi. 23), it was because his 
friend Ahikam was powerful enough to protect him. 
The fourth year of Jehoiakim was yet more memo- 
rable. The battle of Carchemish overthrew the hopes 
of the Egyptian party (xlvi. 2), and the armies of 
Nebuchadnezzar drove those who had no defenced 
cities to take refuge in Jerusalem (xxxv. 11). As 
one of the consequences of this, we have the inter- 
esting episode of the Rechabites. In this year, 
too, came another solemn message to the king : 
prophecies, which had been uttered here and there 
at intervals, were now to be gathered together, 
written in a book, and read as a whole in the hear- 
ing of the people. Baruch, already known as the 
prophet's disciple, acted as scribe ; and in the fol- 
lowing year, when a solemn fast-day called the 
whole people together in the Temple (xxxvi. 1-9), 
Jeremiah — hindered himself, we know not how — 
sent him to proclaim them. The result was as it 
had been before : the princes of Judah connived at 
the escape of the prophet and his scribe (xxxvi. 19). 
The king vented his impotent rage upon the scroll 
which Jeremiah had written. Jeremiah and Baruch, 
in their retirement, rewrote it with many added 
prophecies ; among them, probabl}', the special pre- 
diction that the king should die by the sword, and 
be cast out unburied and dishonored (xxii. 30). In 
chapter xlv., which belongs to this period, we have 
a glimpse into the relations between the master and 
the scholar, and into the thoughts of each of them. 
In the absence of special dates for other events in 
the reign of Jehoiakim, we may bring together into 
one picture some of the most striking features of 



this period of Jeremiah's life. As the dangers from 
the Chaldeans became more threatening, the perse- 
cution against him grew hotter, his own thoughts 
were more bitter and desponding (xviii.). The 
people sought his life : his voice rose up in the 
prayer that God would deliver and avenge him. 
That thought he soon reproduced in act as well as 
word. Standing in the valley of the son of Hin- 
nom, he broke the earthen vessel he carried in his 
hands, and prophesied to the people that the whole 
city should be defiled with the dead, as that valley 
had been, within their memory, by Josiah (xix. 10- 
13). The boldness of the speech and act drew 
upon him immediate punishment. The years that 
followed brought no change for the better. Famine 
and drought were added to the miseries of the 
people (xiv. 1), but false prophets still deceived 
them with assurances of plenty ; and Jeremiah was 
looked on with dislike, as " a prophet of evil," and 
"everyone cursed" him (xv. 10). He was set, 
however, " as a fenced brazen wall " (xv. 20), and 
went on with his work, reproving king, and nobles, 
and people. — (4.) Under Jehoiachin (= Jeconiah), 
B. c. 597. The danger which Jeremiah had so long 
foretold at last came near. First Jehoiakim, and 
afterward his successor, were carried into exile (2 
K. xxiv.). Of the work of the prophet in this 
short reign we have but the fragmentary record of 
xxii. 24-30.— (5.) Under Zedekiah, b. c. 597-586. 
In this prince (probably as having been appointed 
by Nebuchadnezzar), we do not find the same ob- 
stinate resistance to the prophet's counsels as in 
Jehoiakim. He respects him, fears him, seeks his 
counsel ; but he is a mere shadow of a king, power- 
less even against his own counsellors, and in his 
reign, accordingly, the sufferings of Jeremiah were 
sharper than they had been before. His counsel to 
the exiles was that they should submit to their lot, 
prepare for a long captivity, and wait quietly for 
the ultimate restoration. The king at first seemed 
willing to be guided by him, and sent to ask for his 
intercession (Jer. xxxvii. 3). He appears in the 
streets of the city with bonds and yokes upon his 
neck (xxvii. 2), announcing that they were meant 
for Judah and its allies. The approach of an Egyp- 
tian army, however, and the consequent departure 
of the Chaldeans, made the position of Jeremiah full 
of danger ; and he sought to effect his escape from 
a city, in which, it seemed, he could no longer do 
good,and to take refuge in his own town of Anathoth 
or its neighborhood (xxxvii. 12). The discovery 
of this plan led, not unnaturally perhaps, to the 
charge of desertion : it was thought that he, too, 
was " falling away to the Chaldeans," as others 
were doing (xxxviii. 19), and, in spite of his denial, 
he was thrown into a dungeon (xxxvii. 16). The 
interposition of the king, who still respected and 
consulted him, led to some mitigation of the rigor 
of his confinement (xxxvii. 21); but, as this did not 
hinder him from speaking to the people, the princes 
of Judah, bent on an alliance with Egypt, and cal- 
culating on the king's being unable to resist them 
(xxxviii. 5), threw him into the prison-pit, to 
die there. From this horrible fate he was again 
delivered, by the friendship of the Ethiopian eu- 
nuch, Ebed-melech, and the king's regard for him ; 
and was restored to the milder custody in which he 
had been kept previously, where we find (xxxii. 16) 
he had the companionship of Baruch. The return 
of the Chaldean army filled both king and people 
with dismay (xxxii. l); and the risk now was that 
they would pass from their presumptuous confi- 



U2 



JER 



JER 



dence to the opposite extreme and sink down in 
despair, with no faith in God and no hope for the 
future. The prophet was taught how to meet that 
danger also. In his prison, while the Chaldeans 
were ravaging the country, he bought, with all 
requisite formalities, the field at Anathoth which 
his kinsman Hanameel wished to get rid of (xxxii. 
6-9). His faith in the promises of God did not fail 
him. At last the blow came. The city was taken, 
the Temple burnt. The king and his princes 
shared the fate of Jehoiachin. The prophet gave 
utterance to his sorrow in the Lamentations. — (6.) 
A fter the capture of Jerusalem, b. c. 586-?. The 
Chaldean party in Judah had now the prospect of 
better things. We find a special charge given to 
Nebuzaradan (xxxix. 11) to protect the person of 
Jeremiah ; and, after being carried as far as Ramah 
with the crowd of captives (xl. 1), he was set free, 
and Gedaliah, the son of his steadfast friend Ahi- 
kam, made governor over the cities of Judah. The 
feeling of the Chaldeans toward him was shown yet 
more strongly in the offer made him by Nebuzara- 
dan (xl. 4, 5). For a short time there was an inter- 
val of peace (xl. 9-12), soon broken, however, by 
the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael and his asso- 
ciates. We are left to conjecture in what way the 
prophet escaped from a massacre apparently in- 
tended to include all the adherents of Gedaliah. 
The fulness with which the history of the massacre 
is narrated in chapter xli. makes it, however, proba- 
ble that he was among the prisoners whom Ishmael 
was carrying off to the Ammonites, and who were 
released by the arrival of Johanan. One of Jere- 
miah's friends was thus cut off, but Baruch still re- 
mained with him ; and the people, under Johanan, 
who had taken the command on the death of Geda- 
liah, turned to him for counsel. His warnings and 
assurances were in vain, and did but draw on him 
and Baruch the old charge of treachery (xliii. 3). 
The people followed their own counsel, and — lest 
the two whom they suspected should betray or 
counteract it — took them also by force to Egypt. 
There, in the city of Tahpanhes, we have the last 
clear glimpses of the prophet's life. His words are 
sharper and stronger than ever. He does not 
shrink, even there, from speaking of the Chaldean 
king once more as the " servant of Jehovah " (xliii. 
10). He declares that they should see the throne 
of the conqueror set up in the very place which 
they had chosen as the securest refuge. He utters 
a final protest (xliv.) against the idolatries of which 
they and their fathers had been guilty, and which 
they were even then renewing. After this all is 
uncertain. If we could assume that Hi. 31 was 
written by Jeremiah himself, it would show that he 
reached an extreme old age, but this is so doubtful 
that we are left to other sources. On the one hand 
there is the Christian tradition, resting doubtless on 
some earlier belief, that the Jews at Tahpanhes, irri- 
tated by his rebukes, at last stoned him to death. 
An Alexandrian tradition reported that his bones 
had been brought to that city by Alexander the 
Great. On the other siue there is the Jewish 
statement that on the conquest of Egypt by Nebu- 
chadnezzar, he, with Baruch, made his escape to 
Babylon or Judea, and died in peace. As it is, the 
darkness and doubt that brood over the last days 
of the prophet's life are more significant than either 
of the issues which presented themselves to men's 
imaginations as the winding-up of his career. He 
did not need a death by violence to make him a 
true martyr. — (II.) Character and style. It will 



have been seen from this narrative that there fell 
to the lot of Jeremiah sharper suffering than any 
previous prophet had experienced. In every page 
of his prophecies we recognize the temperament 
which, while it does not lead the man who has it to 
shrink from doing God's work, however painful, 
makes the pain of doing it infinitely more acute, 
and gives to the whole character the impress of a 
deeper and more lasting melancholy. He has to 
appear as a prophet of evil, dashing to the ground 
the false hopes with which the people are buoying 
themselves up. Other prophets — Samuel, Elisha, 
Isaiah — had been sent to rouse the people to resist- 
ance. He has been brought to the conclusion, bit- 
ter as it is, that the only safety for his countrymen 
lies in their accepting that against which they are 
contending as the worst of evils ; and this brings 
on him the charge of treachery and desertion. If 
it were not for his trust in the God of Israel, for his 
hope of a better f uture to be brought out of all this 
chaos and darkness, his heart would fail within 
him. But that vision is clear and bright, and it 
gives to him, almost as fully as to Isaiah, the char- 
acter of a prophet of the Gospel. The prophet's 
hopes are not merely vague visions of a better fu- 
ture : they gather round the person of a Christ, 
and are essentially Messianic. In a deeper sense 
than that of the patristic divines, the life of the 
prophet was a type of that of Christ. The charac- 
ter of the man impressed itself with more or less 
force upon the language of the writer. As might 
be expected in one who lived in the last days of the 
kingdom, and had therefore the works of the ear- 
lier prophets to look back upon, we find in him rem- 
iniscences and reproductions of what they had 
written, which indicate the way in which his own 
spirit had been educated. Traces of the influence 
of the newly-discovered Book of the Law, and in 
particular of Deuteronomy, appear repeatedly in 
his, as in other writings of the same period. 
Throughout, too, there are the tokens of his indi- 
vidual temperament : a greater prominence of the 
subjective, elegiac element, than in other prophets, 
a less sustained energy, a less orderly and com- 
pleted rhythm. — (III.) Arrangement. The absence 
of any chronological order in the present structure 
of the collection of Jeremiah's prophecies is ob- 
vious at the first glance. Confining ourselves, for 
the present, to the Hebrew order (reproduced in 
the A. V.), we have two great divisions : — (1.) Chs. 
i.-xlv. Prophecies delivered at various times, di- 
rected mainly to Judah, or connected with Jere- 
miah's personal history. (2.) Chs. xlvi.-li. Prophe- 
cies connected with other nations. Ch. lii., taken 
largely, though not entirely, from 2 K. xxv., may 
be taken either as a supplement to the prophecy, or 
as an introduction to the Lamentations. Looking 
more closely into each of these divisions, we have 
the following sections : — § 1. Chs. i.-xxi. Containing 
probably the substance of the book of xxxvi. 32, 
and including prophecies from the thirteenth year 
of Josiah to the fourth of Jehoiakim: i. 3, how- 
ever, indicates a later revision, and the whole of 
ch. i. may possibly have been added on the proph- 
et's retrospect of his whole work from this its first 
beginning. Ch. xxi. belongs to a later period, but 
has probably found its place here as connected, by 
the recurrence of the name Pashur, with ch. xx. — 
§ 2. Chs. xxii.-xxv. Shorter prophecies, delivered 
at different times against the kings of Judah and 
the false prophets, xxv. 13, 14, evidently marks 
the conclusion of a series of prophecies ; and that 



JER 



JER 



443 



which follows, xxv. 15-38, the germ of the fuller 
predictions in xlvi.-xlix., has been placed here as a 
kind of completion to the prophecy of the Seventy 
Years and the subsequent fall of Babylon. — § 3. 
Chs. xxvi.-xxviii. The two great prophecies of the 
fall of Jerusalem, and the history connected with 
them. Ch. xxvi. belongs to the earlier, chs. xxvii. 
and xxviii. to the later period of the prophet's 
work. Jehoiakim, in xxvii. 1, is evidently (compare 
ver. 3) a mistake for Zedekiah. — § 4. Chs. xxix.- 
xxxi. The message of comfort for the exiles in 
Babylon. — § 5. Chs. xxxii.-xliv. The history of the 
last two years before the capture of Jerusalem, and 
of Jeremiah's work in them and in tie period that 
followed. The position of ch. xlv., unconnected 
with any thing before or after it, may be accounted 
for on the hypothesis that Baruch desired to place 
on record so memorable a passage in his own life, 
and 'inserted it where the direct narrative of his 
master's life ended. The same explanation applies 
in part to ch. xxxvi. — § 6. Chs. xlvi.-li. The proph- 
ecies against foreign nations, ending with the great 
prediction against Babylon. — § 7. The supplemen- 
tary narrative of ch. lii. — (IV.) Text. The transla- 
tion of the LXX. presents many remarkable varia- 
tions in the order of the several parts. The two 
agree as far as xxv. 13. From that point all is dif- 
ferent, and the following table indicates the extent 
of the divergency : 



LXX. 




Hebrew. 


xxv. 14-18 




xlix. 34-39 


xxvi. 




xlvi. 


xxvii., xxviii. 




1 11. 


xxix. 1-7 




xlvii. 1-7. 


7-22 




xlix. 7-22. 


xxx. 1-5 




xlix. 1-6. 


6-11 




28-33. 


12-16 




23-27. 


xxxi. 




xlviii. 


xxxii. 




xxv. 15-39. 


xxxiii.-li. 




xxvi. -xlv. 


lii. 




lii. 



The genuineness of some portions of this book has 
been called in question by De Wette, Movers, Hitzig, 
Ewald, Knobel, &c, partly on the hypothesis that 
the version of the LXX. presents a purer text, 
partly on internal and more conjectural grounds. 
Hiivernick, Hengstenberg, Kiiper, Keil, Umbreit, 
Henderson, are among its chief defenders. (Canon; 
Inspiration; Old Testament; Septuagint.) — Jere- 
miah's reputation after his death became very 
great. In 2 Mc. ii. 1-9, Jeremiah is represented as 
having at the Captivity miraculously hid the Taber- 
nacle and Ark and Altar of incense in a cave, and in 
xv. 13-16 Judas Maccabeus relates a dream in 
which Jeremiah appeared to him as " a man with 
gray hairs, and exceeding glorious, who was of a 
wonderful and excellent majesty," and gave him a 
sword of gold. Some in Christ's time expected his 
reappearance (Jn. i. 21), and even regarded Jesus 
as Jeremiah (Mat. xvi. 14). For the quotation in 
Mat. xxvii. 9, see Old Testament C, and Zechariah 
1. For the Epistle of Jeremiah, see Baruch, the 
Book of.— 2. "Jeremiah of Libnah," father of 
Hamutal, wife of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 31). — 3, 4, 5. 
Three warriors — two of the tribe of Gad — in Da- 
vid's army (1 Chr. xii. 4, 10, 13).— 6. One of the 
" mighty men of valor " of the Trans-jordanie half- 
tribe of Manasseh (1 Chr. v. 24). — 7. A priest of 
high rank, head of the second or third of the 
twenty-one courses which are apparently enumerated 
in Neh. x. 2-8, xii. 1, 12. This course, or its chief, 
took part in the dedication of the wall of Jerusa- 



lem (Neh. xii. 34). — 8. Father of Jaazaniah the Re- 
chabite (Jer. xxxv. 3). 

Jcr-e-mi'as (L. ; Gr. Hieremias ; both from Heb.). 
1. Jeremiah the prophet (Ecclus. xlix. 6 ; 2 Mc. xv. 
14; Mat. xvi. 14).— 2. Jeremai (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Jer'e-moth (fr. Heb. = heights, Ges.). 1. A 
Benjamite chief, a son of the house of Beriah of 
Elpaal (1 Chr. viii. 14; compare 12 and 18). His 
family dwelt at Jerusalem. — 2. A Merarite Levite, 
son of Mushi (xxiii. 23) ; = Jerimoth 4. — 3. Son of 
Heman ; head of the fifteenth course of musicians 
in the Divine service (xxv. 22) ; = Jerimoth 5. — 4. 
One cf the sons of Elam, and — 5. One of the sons 
of Zattu, who had taken strange wives (Ezr. x. 26, 
27). — 6. The Hebrew name which appears in the 
same list as "and Ramoth " (ver. 29). 

Jer'e-my, an abbreviated English form of Jere- 
miah 1 (1 Esd. i. 28, 32, 47, 57, ii. 1 ; 2 Esd. ii. 18 ; 
2 Mc. ii. 1, 5, 7; Mat. ii. 17, xxvii. 9). 

Jer'i-bai (fr. Heb. = for whom Jehovah pleads, 
Ges.), one of the sons of Elnaam, named among 
David's heroes (1 Chr. xi. 46). 

Jer i-cho (L. fr. Heb. = place of fragrance), a city 
of high antiquity, and of considerable importance, 
situated in a plain traversed by the Jordan, and ex- 
actly over against where that river was crossed by 
the Israelites under Joshua (Josh. iii. 16). Gilgal, 
which formed their primary encampment, stood in 
its E. border (iv. 19). It had a king. Its walls 
were so considerable that houses were built upon 
them (ii. 15), and its gates were shut, as throughout 
the East still, "when it was dark" (v. 5). The spoil 
found in it (vi. 20-24) betokened its affluence. 
Jericho is first mentioned as the city to which the 
two spies were sent by Joshua from Shittim : they 
were lodged in the house of Rahab the harlot upon 
the wall, and departed, having first promised to 
save her and all that were found in her house from 
destruction (ii. 1-21). In the annihilation of the 
city that ensued, this promise was religiously ob- 
served. Jericho was the first city taken by the Is- 
raelites on the W. of the Jordan, its walls having 
supernaturally fallen down before them after being 
compassed about seven days ; it was then burnt 
with fire (vi.). As it had been left by Joshua, it 
was bestowed by him upon the tribe of Benjamin 
(xviii. 21), and from this time a long interval 
elapses before Jericho appears again upon the 
scene. It is only incidentally mentioned in the life 
of David in connection with his embassy to the Am- 
monite king (2 Sam. x. 5). And the solemn man- 
ner in which its second foundation under Hiel the 
Bethelite is recorded (1 K. xvi. 34) would certainly 
seem to imply that up to that time its site had been 
uninhabited. It is true that mention is made of "a 
city of palm-trees " (Judg. i. 16, and iii. 13) in exist- 
ence apparently at the time when spoken of. How- 
ever, once actually rebuilt, Jericho rose again slowly 
into consequence. In its immediate vicinity the 
sons of the prophets sought retirement from the 
world : Elisha " healed the spring of the waters ; " 
and over against it, beyond Jordan, Elijah " went 
up by a whirlwind into heaven " (2 K. ii. 1-22). In 
its plains Zedekiah fell into the hands of the Chal- 
deans (xxv. 5 ; Jer. xxxix. 5). In the return under 
Zerubbabel the " children of Jericho," 345 in num- 
ber, are comprised (Ez. iii. 34; Neh. vii. 36); and 
it is even implied that they removed thither again, 
for the " men of Jericho " assisted Nehemiah in 
rebuilding that part of the wall of Jerusalem that 
was next to the sheep-gate (iii. 2). Jericho was 
fortified by Bacchides (1 Mc. ix. 50). It was adorned 



444 JE R 

with palaces, castles, and theatres by Herod the 
Great. He even founded, higher up the plain, a 
new town called Phasaelis, and died at Jericho. 
Soon after the palace was burnt, and the town plun- 
dered, by one Simon ; but Archelaus rebuilt the for- 



JER 

mer sumptuously, and founded a new town in the 
plain that bore his own name. The Jericho of the 
days of Josephus was distant 150 stadia (about 
seventeen English miles) from Jerusalem, and 60 
from the Jordan. It lay in a plain, overhung by a 




Jericho. 



barren mountain whose roots ran northward to- 
ward Scythopolis, and southward in the direction 
of Sodom and the Dead Sea. These formed the 
western boundaries of the plain. Eastward its 
barriers were the mountains of Moab, which 
ran parallel to the former. In the midst of 
the plain — the great plain as it was called — flowed 
the Jordan, and at the top and bottom of it were 
two lakes : Tiberias (or Gennesaret), proverbial lor 
its sweetness, and Asphaltites (or the Dead Sea) for 
its bitterness. Away from the Jordan it was 
parched and unhealthy during summer; but during 
winter, even when it snowed at Jerusalem, the in- 
habitants here wore linen garments. Hard by Jeri- 
cho, bursting forth close to the site of the old city, 
which Joshua took on his entrance into Canaan, 
was a most exuberant fountain, whose waters, be- 
fore noted for their contrary properties, had re- 
ceived, proceeds Josephus, through Elisha's prayers, 
their then wonderfully salutary and prolific efficacy. 
Jericho was once more "a city of palms" when our 
Lord visited it ; such as Herod the Great and Arche- 
laus had left it, such He saw it. Here He restored 
sight to the blind. (Bartimeus.) Here the de- 
scendant of Rahab did not disdain the hospitality 
of Zaccheus the publican — whose office was likely 
to be lucrative enough in so rich a city. Finally, 
between Jerusalem and Jericho was laid the scene 
of His parable of the good Samaritan (Lk. x. 30 £f. ). 
Posterior to the Gospels the chronicle of Jericho 
may be briefly told. Vespasian found it one of the 
toparchies of Judea, but deserted by its inhabitants 
in a great measure when he encamped there. He 
left a garrison on his departure — not necessarily 



the 10th legion, which is only stated to have marched 
through Jericho — which was still there when Titus 
advanced upon Jerusalem. Is it asked how Jericho 
was destroyed ? Evidently by Vespasian. The city 
pillaged and burnt in Josephus B. J. iv. 9, § 1, was 
clearly Jericho with its adjacent villages (so Mr. 
Ffoulkes). The site of ancient (the first) Jericho 
is with reason placed by Robinson in the imme- 
diate neighborhood of the fountain of Elisha 
es-Sultdn), and that of the second (the city of 
the N. T. and of Josephus) at the opening of the 
Wady Kelt (Cherith), half an hour from the foun- 
tain. These are precisely the sites that one would 
infer from Josephus. Riha or EAha, the only 
modern representative of the ancient royal city of 
Jericho, is a small, poor, filthy hamlet, about one 
and a half miles from both the Jericho of the 
prophets and that of the evangelists (Porterin Kitto). 
(Gilgal 1.) A tradition represents the Saviour as 
having been baptized in the Jordan near Jericho, 
and hence thousands of pilgrims annually visit this 
place to bathe in the Jordan. The Quarantania 
mountain, one and a half miles W. of the fountain 
of Elisha, is the traditional scene of our Lord's 
I temptation. Arabah ; Jesus Christ ; Palestine, &c. 

Je-rl'all (fr. Heb. = founded [i. e. coiistitvted] of 
Jehovah, Ges.), a Kohathite Levite, chief of the great 
house of Hebron when David organized the service 
(1 Chr. xxiii. 19, xxiv. 23); = Jerijah. 

Je'ri-el (L. fr. Heb. = founded of God, Ges.), a 
man of Issachar ; one of the six heads of the house 
of Tola at the census in David's time(l Chr. vii. 2). 

Je-ri jah (fr. Heb.) = Jeriah (1 Chr. xxvi. 31). 

Jer'i-moth (L. fr. Heb. = heiglds, Ges.). 1. A 



JEU 



JER 



445 



Benjamite chief, son or descendant of Bela (1 Chr. i 
vii. 1) ; perhaps the same as — 2. who joined David ! 
at Ziklag (xii. 5). — 3. Son of Becher (vii. 8), and 
head of another Benjamite house. — i. Son of Mushi, 
the son of Merari (xxiv. 30) ; = Jeremoth 2. — 5. A 
Levite and musician, son of Heman (xxv. 4, 22) ; = I 
Jeremoth 3. — 6. Son of Azriel ; ruler of the tribe i 
of Naphtali in the reign of David (xxvii. 19). — ?. 
Son of King David, whose daughter Mahalath was 
one of the wives of Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 18). — 8. 
A Levite in Hezekiah's reign ; an overseer of offer- 
ings and dedicated things (xxxi. 13). 

Je'ri-oth (L. fr. Heb. = curtains, Ges.), one of the 
elder Caleb's wives (1 Chr. ii. 18); but according to 
the Vulgate she was his daughter by his tirst wife 
Azubah. 

Jer-O-bo'am (L. fr. Heb. = whose people is many). 
1. The first king of the divided kingdom of Israel. 
(Israel, Kingdom op.) He was the son of an Ephra- 
imite, of the name of Nebat ; his father had died 
whilst he was young ; his mother was Zeruah 
(Sarira, LXX.); their abode Zereda (Sarira, LXX.). 
When Solomon was constructing the fortifications 
of Millo, his sagacious eye discovered the strength 
and activity of a young Ephraimite who was em- 
ployed on the works, and he raised him to the rank 
of superintendent over the taxes and labors exact- 
ed from the tribe of Ephraim (1 K. xi. 28). This 
was Jeroboam. He made the most of his position. 
He completed the fortifications, and was long after- 
ward known as the man who had " enclosed the 
city of David " (1 K. xi. 24, LXX.). He then as- 
pired to royal state, and at last was perceived by 
Solomon to be aiming at the monarchy. These 
ambitious designs were probably fostered by the 
sight of the growing disaffection of the great tribe 
over which he presided, as well as by the alienation 
of the prophetic order from the house of Solomon. 
He was leaving Jerusalem, and he encountered, on 
one of the black-paved roads which ran out of the 
city, Ahijah, " the prophet " of the ancient sanctuary 
of Shiloh. Ahijah drew him aside from the road 
into the field (LXX.), and, when they found them- 
selves alone, the prophet, who was dressed in a new 
outer garment (so Dean Stanley, original author of 
this article, after the LXX.), stripped it off, and tore 
it into twelve shreds, ten of which he gave to Jero- 
boam, with the assurance that, on condition of his 
obedience to His laws, God would establish for him 
a kingdom and dynasty equal to David's (1 K. xi. 
29-40). The attempts of Solomon to cut short 
Jeroboam's designs occasioned his flight into Egypt. 
There he remained during the rest of Solomon's 
reign. On Solomon's death, he demanded Shishak's 
permission to return. The Egyptian king seems, 
in his reluctance, to have offered any gift which 
Jeroboam chose, as a reason for his remaining, and 
the consequence was the marriage with Ano, the 
elder sister of the Egyptian queen, Tahpenes, and 
of another princess who had married the Edomite 
chief, Hadad (LXX.). A year elapsed, and a son, 
Abijah, was born. Then Jeroboam again requested 
permission to depart, which was granted ; and he 
returned with his wife and child to his native place, j 
Sarira, or Zereda, which he fortified, and which in ! 
consequence became a centre for his fellow-tribes- ; 
men (1 K. xi. 41, xii. 24, LXX.). Still there was no 
open act of insurrection, and it was in this period j 
of suspense (according to the LXX.) that a pathetic ! 
incident darkened his domestic history. His infant 
son fell sick. The anxious father sent his wife to j 
inquire of Ahijah concerning him. She brought I 



such gifts as were thought likely to be acceptable, 
and had disguised herself to avoid recognition. But 
the blind prophet knew who was coming ; and bade 
his boy go out to meet her, and invite her to his 
house without delay. There he warned her of the 
uselessness of her gifts. There was a doom on the 
house of Jeroboam, not to be averted. This child 
alone would die before the calamities of the house 
arrived. The mother returned. As she reentered 
the town of Sarira (Heb. Tirzah, 1 K. xiv. 17), the 
child died. This incident, if it really occurred at 
this time (the A. V., Keil, Kitto, Fairbairn, and 
most commentators, with the Hebrew, place it long 
afterward during Jeroboam's reign over Israel, and 
after his setting up the golden calves ; see xiv. 1- 
18), seems to have been the turning-point in Jero- 
boam's career.^. It drove him from his ancestral 
home, and it gathered the sympathies of the tribe 
of Ephraim round him. He left Sarira and came to 
Shechem. Then, for the second time, and in a like 
manner, the Divine intimation of his future great 
ness is conveyed to him. The prophet Shemaiah, 
the Enlamite (? ; LXX.), addressed to him the same 
acted parable, in the ten shreds of a new unwashed 
garment. Then took place the conference with Re- 
hoboam, and the final revolt ; which ended in the 
elevation of Jeroboam to the throne of the northern 
kingdom. From this moment one fatal error crept, 
not unnaturally, into his policy, which undermined 
his dynasty and tarnished his name as the first king 
of Israel. The political disruption of the kingdom 
was complete ; but its religious unity was as yet un- 
impaired. He feared that the yearly pilgrimages to 
Jerusalem would undo all the work which he effected, 
and he took the bold step of rending it asunder. 
Two sanctuaries of venerable antiquity existed al- 
ready, one (Bethel 1) at the southern, the other 
(Dan 2) at the northern extremity of his dominions. 
These he elevated into seats of the national worship, 
which should rival the newly-established Temple at 
Jerusalem. But he was not satisfied without an- 
other deviation from the Mosaic idea of the national 
unity. His long stay in Egypt had familiarized him 
with the outward forms under which the Divinity 
was there represented. A golden figure of Mnevis, 
the sacred calf of Heliopolis, was set up at each 
sanctuary, with the address, " Behold thy God which 
brought thee up out of the land of Egypt." The 
sanctuary at Dan, as the most remote from Jeru- 
salem, was established first (1 K. xii. 30). The 
more important one, as nearer the capital and in the 
heart of the kingdom, was Bethel. The worship 
and the sanctuary continued till the end of the 
northern kingdom. It was while dedicating the 
altar at Bethel that a prophet from Judah (see Iddo 
4) suddenly appeared, who denounced the altar, and 
foretold its desecration by Josiah, and violent over- 
throw. The king stretching out his hand to arrest 
the prophet, felt it withered and paralyzed, and only 
at the prophet's prayer saw it restored, and ac- 
knowledged his divine mission. Jeroboam was at 
constant war with the house of Judah, but the only 
act distinctly recorded is a battle with Abijah, son 
of Rehoboam ; in which he was defeated. The 
calamity was severely felt; he never recovered the 
blow, and soon after died, in the twenty-second year 
of his reign (2 Chr. xiii. 20), and was buried in his 
ancestral sepulchre (IK. xiv. 20). The name of 
Jeroboam long remained under a cloud as the king 
who had " caused Israel to sin." On the credibility 
of the LXX. in distinction from the Hebrew text, see 
Alexandria ; Canon ; Septuagint. — 2. Jeroboam 



446 



JER 



JER 



II., son of Joash, and fourth of the dynasty of Jehu, 
was the most prosperous of the kings of Israel. He 
repelled the Syrian invaders, took their capital city 
Damascus (2 K. xiv. 28 ; Am. i. 3-5), and recovered 
the whole of the ancient dominion from Hamath to 
the Dead Sea (2 K. xiv. 25; Am. vi. 14). Amnion 
and Moab were reconquered (i. 13, ii. 1-3); the 
Trans-jordanic tribes were restored to their territory 
(2 K. xiii. 5; 1 Chr. v. 17-22). But it was merely 
an outward restoration. Amos prophesied the de- 
struction of Jeroboam's house by the sword, and 
Amaziah, the high-priest of Bethel, complained to 
the king (Am. vii. 9-17). 

Jf-ro'ham (L. fr. Heb. = who finds mercy, Ges.). 

1. Father of Elkanah, the father of Samuel, of the 
house of Kohath (1 Chr. vi. 27, 34 ; 1 Sam. i. 1).— 

2. A Benjamite, and the founder of a family (1 Chr. 
viii. 27) ; probably = 3. — 3. Father (or progenitor) 
of Ibneiah (ix. 8 ; compare 3 and 9). — 4. A descendant 
of Aaron, of the house of Immer, the leader of the 
sixteenth course of priests ; son of Pashur and 
father of Adaiah (ix. 12). He appears to be men- 
tioned again in Neh. xi. 12 (so Mr. Grove, &c). — 5. 
"Jeroham of Gedor," some of whose sons joined 
David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 7). — <>. A Danite, whose 
son or descendant Azareel was head of his tribe in 
David's time (xxvii. 22). — 7. Father of Azariah, one 
of the " captains of hundreds " in the time of 
Athaliah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 

Je-rub ba-al or Jor-ub-ba al (fr. Heb. = with 
whom Baal contends, Ges.), the surname of Gideon 
which he acquired in consequence of destroying 
the altar of Baal, when his father defended him 
from the vengeance of the Abi-ezrites (Judg. vi. 
32). 

Je-rnVbc-slieth (fr. Heb. = with whom the idol 
contends, Ges.), a name of Gideon (2 Sam. xi. 21); 
changed from Jerubbaal (compare Esh-baal = Ish- 
bosheth, Merib-baal = Mephibosheth). 

Jer'u-cl (L. fr. Heb. = founded of God, Ges.), 
the IVil'der-ness of, the place in which Jehoshaphat 
was informed by Jahaziel the Levite that he should 
encounter the hordes of Ammon, Moab, and the 
Mehunims (2 Chr. xx. 16) ; identified by Mr. H. C. 
Groves (in Kitto) with el-Husdsah, a large tract of 
table-land on the road between En-gedi and Jerusa- 
lem, adjacent to the wilderness of Tekoa. 

Je-rn'sa-lem (L. fr. Heb. Ycrushdla'im, or Yiur- 
shalayim — Inheritance [or possession] of peace, Re- 
land, Sim., Ewald ; foundation of peace, Ges., Fii. ; 
Chal. forms Yerushelem, Yerushelem ; Gr. Hierousa- 
lim, Hierosoluma; L. Hierusalem, Hierosolyrna, Jeru- 
salem, Jeroaolyma). The subject of Jerusalem nat- 
urally divides itself into three heads : — I. The place 
itself: its origin, position, and physical characteris- 
tics. II. Annals of the city. III. Topography; 
relative localities of its various parts ; sites of the 
" Holy Places " ancient and modern, &c. — I. The 
Place itself. The arguments — if arguments they 
can be called — for and against the identity of the 
"Salem" of Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 18) with Je- 
rusalem — the " Salem " of Ps. lxxvi. 2 — are almost ! 
equally balanced. This question will be discussed 
under Salem; Jerusalem is called " the holy 
city" (Neh. xi. 1, 18, &c), "th city of God" (Ps. 
xlvi. 4, xlviii. 1, 8, &c), "the city of the great 
King" (xlviii. 2), "Ariel" (Is. xxix. 1, 2). The 
name is used figurativelv or symbolically (Gal. iv. 
25, 26 ; Heb. xii. 22 ; Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 2, &c. ; com- 
pare Ez. xiv. -xlviii. ; see III. § 7 below ; Ezekiel). J 
It is during the conquest of the country that Jeru- 
salem first appears in definite form on the scene in 



which it was destined to occupy so prominent a 
position. The earliest notice (so Mr. Grove, the 
original author of part I. of this article, and of part 
II. down to a. d. 70) is probably that in Josh. xv. 8 
and xviii. 16, 28, describing the landmarks of the 
boundaries of Judah and Benjamin. Here it is 
styled (literally) theJebusite(A.Y. " Jebusi"), after 
the name of its occupiers, just as is the case with 
other places in these lists. Next, we find the form 
Jebus (Judg. xix. 10, 11) — " Jebus, which is Jeru- 
salem .... the city of the Jebusites; " and lastly 
we have Jerusalem (Josh. x. 1, &c., xii. 10; Judg. 
i. 7, &c.). Jerusalem stands in latitude 31° 46' 35" 
N., and longitude 35° 18' 30" E. of Greenwich. It 
is thirty-two miles distant from the Mediterranean 
Sea, and eighteen from the Jordan ; twenty from 
Hebron, and thirty-six from Samaria. The western 
ridge of the city, which forms its highest point, is 
about 2,600 feet above the level of the sea. The 
Mount of Olives rises slightly above this — 2,724 
feet. The situation of the city, in reference to the 
rest of Palestine, has been described by Dr. Robin- 
son in a well-known passage, which is so complete 
and graphic a statement, that we take the liberty of 
giving it here : " Jerusalem, now called by the Arabs 
el-7{uds (the Holy), and also by Arabian writers Beit 
el-Mv.kd.is or Btit cl-Mukaddas (the Sanctuary), lies 
near the summit of a broad mountain-ridge. This 
ridge or mountainous tract extends, without inter- 
ruption, from the plain of Esdrselon to a line 
drawn between the S. end of the Dead Sea and the 
S. E. corner of the Mediterranean : or more prop- 
erly, perhaps, it may be regarded as extending as 
far S. as to Jebel 'Araif in the desert, where it sinks 
down at once to the level of the great western 
plateau. This tract, which is everywhere not less 
than from twenty to twenty-five geographical miles 
in breadth, is in fact high uneven table-land. It 
everywhere forms the precipitous western wall of 
the great valley of the Jordan and the Dead Sea ; 
while toward the W. it sinks down by an offset into 
a range of lower hills, which lie between it and the 
great plain along the coast of the Mediterranean. 
The surface of this upper region is everywhere 
rocky, uneven, and mountainous ; and is moreover 
cut up by deep valleys which run E. orW. on either 
side toward the Jordan or the Mediterranean. The 
line of division, or water-shed, between the waters 
of these valleys — a term which here applies almost 
exclusively to the waters of the rainy season — fol- 
lows for the most part the height of land along the 
ridge ; yet not so but that the heads of the valleys, 
which run off in different directions, often interlap 
for a considerable distance. Thus, e. g. a valley 
which descends to the Jordan often has its head a 
mile or two westward of the commencement of other 
valleys which run to the western sea. From the great 
plain of Esdraelon onward toward the S., the moun- 
tainous country rises gradually, forming the tract 
anciently known as the mountains of Ephraim and 
Judah ; until in the vicinity of Hebron it attains an 
elevation of nearly 3,000 Paris feet above the level 
of the Mediterranean Sea. Further N., on a line 
drawn from the N. end of the Dead Sea toward the 
true W., the ridge has an elevation of only about 
2,500 Paris feet ; and here, close upon the water- 
shed between the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean, 
lies the city of Jerusalem. . . . Six or seven miles N. 
and N. W. of the city is spread out the open plain 
or basin round about el-Jib (Gibeon), extending 
also toward el-Bireh (Beeroth) ; the waters of which 
flow off at its S. E. part through the deep valley 



JER 



JER 



U7 



here called by the Arabs Wady Beit Hanina ; but 
to which the monks and travellers have usually 
given the name of the Valley of the Terebinth, 
on the mistaken supposition that it is the an- 
cient Valley of Elah. This great valley passes 
along in a S. W. direction an hour or more W. of 
Jerusalem ; and finally opens out from the moun- 
tains into the western plain, at the distance of six 
or eight hours S. W. from the city, under the name 
of Wady es-SUrdr. The traveller, on his way from 
Ramleh to Jerusalem, descends into and crosses 
this deep valley at the village of Kalonieh on its W. 
side, an hour and a half from the latter city. On 
again reaching the high ground on its E. side, he 
enters upon an open tract sloping gradually down- 
ward toward the S. and E. ; and sees before him, at 
the distance of a mile and a half, the walls and 
domes of the Holy City, and beyond them the 
higher ridge or summit of the Mount of Olives. 
The traveller now descends gradually toward the 
city along a broad swell of ground, having at some 
distance on his left the shallow northern part of 
the Valley of Jehoshaphat ; and close at hand on 
his right the basin which forms the beginning of the 
Valley of Hinnom. Further down, both these val- 
leys become deep, narrow, and precipitous ; that of 
Hinnom bends S. and again E. nearly at right 
angles, and unites with the other ; which then con- 
tinues its course to the Dead Sea. Upon the broad 
and elevated promontory within the fork of these two 



hours" (Rbn. Bib. Researches, i. 258-260). The 
heights of the principal points in and round the 
city, above the Mediterranean Sea, as given by Van 
de Velde, in the Memoir accompanying his Map, 
1858, are as follows : — 

Feet. 

N. W. corner of the city {Kasr Jdlud) 2,610 

Mount Zion (Ccenaculian) 2,537 

Mount Moriah (Haram exh-Sherif) 2,429 

Bridge over the Kedron, near Gethsemane 2.281 

Pool of Siloam 2,114 

Mr Eyub, at the confluence of Hinnom and Kidron. 1,996 
Mount of Olives, Church of Ascension on summit 2,724 

— Roads. There appear to have been but two main 
approaches to the city. 1. From the Jordan valley 
by Jericho and the Mount of Olives. This was the 
route commonly taken from the N. and E. of the 
country — as from Galilee by our Lord (Lk. xvii. 11, 
xviii. 35, xix. 1, 29, 45, &c), from Damascus by 
Pompey, to Mahanaim by David (2 Sam. xv., xvi.). 
It was also the route from places in the central dis- 
tricts of the country, as Samaria (2 Chr. xxviii. 15). 
The latter part of the approach, over the Mount of 
Olives, as generally followed at the present day, is 
identical with what it was, at least in one memo- 
rable instance, in the time of Christ. 2. From the 
great maritime plain of Philistia and Sharon. This 
road led by the two Beth-horons up to the high 
ground at Gibeon, whence it turned S., and came to 
Jerusalem by Ramah and Gibeah, and over the ridge 
N. of the city. 3. The communication with the 
mountainous districts of the south is less 
distinct. The roads out of Jerusalem 
were paved by Solomon with black stone 
— probably the basalt of the Trans-jor- 
danic districts (Jos. viii. 7, § 4). — Gales. 
The situation of the various gates of the 
city is very uncertain. It may, however, 
be desirable to supply here a complete 
list of those named in the Bible and Jo- 
sephus, with references : — 1. Gate of 
Ephraim (2 K. xiv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 23 ; 
Ken. viii. 16, xii. 39 ; Ephraim, Gate op) ; 
probably the same as the — 2. Gate of 
Benjamin (Jer. xx. 2, xxxvii. 13; Zech. 
xiv. 10). (Benjamin, Gate of.) If so, 
it was 400 cubits distant from the — 3. 
Corner Gate (2 Chr. xxv. 23, xxvi. 9; 
Jer. xxxi. 38 ; Zech. xiv. 10). 4. Gate 
of Joshua, governor of the city (2 K. 
xxiii. 8). 6. Gate between the two 
walls (2 K. xxv. 4 ; Jer. xxxix. 4). 6. 
Horse Gate (2 Chr. xxiii. 15; Keh. iii. 
38 ; Jer. xxxi. 40). 7. Ravine Gate 
(A. V. "Valley Gate"), i. e. opening 



Jerusalem, from BbByto, the Well of Joab or of Job.-From a Photograph by Frith._(Fbn.) ^ the ravine Qr valley Of Hinnom (2 

Chr. xxvi. 9 ; Neh. ii. 13, 15, iii. 13). 8. Fish Gate 
(2 Chr. xxxiii. 14; Neh. iii. 3, xii. 39; Zeph. 
i. 10). 9. Dung Gate (Keh. ii. 13, iii. 13, 14, 
xii. 31). 10. Sheep Gate (iii. 1, 32, xii. 39). 11. 
East Gate (iii. 29). 12. Miphkad (iii. 31). 13. 
Fountain Gate (Siloam?) (xii. 37). 14. Water 
Gate (xii. 37). 15. Old Gate (xii. 39). 16. Prison 
Gate (xii. 39). 17. Gate Harsith (perhaps the Sun ; 

A. V. " East Gate") (Jer. xix. 2). 18. First Gate 
(Zech. xiv. 10). 19. Gate Gennath (gardens) (Jos. 

B. J. v. 4, § 2). 20. Essenes' Gate (i'b.).—To these 
should be added the following gates of the Temple : 
— Gate Sur (2 K. xi. 6) ; called also Gate of the foun- 
dation (2 Chr. xxiii. 5). Gate of the guard, or be- 
hind the guard (2 K. xi. 6, 19) ; called the High 
Gate (2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvii. 3 ; 2 K. xv. 35). Gate 
Shalleciieth (1 Chr. xxvi. 16). — Burial-grounds. 




valleys, lies the Holy City. All around are higher 
hills; on the E., the Mount of Olives ; on the S., the 
Hill of Evil Counsel, so called, rising directly from the 
Vale of Hinnom ; on the W., the ground rises gently, 
as above described, to the borders of the great 
Wady ; while on the NT., a bend of the ridge con- 
nected with the Mount of Olives bounds the pros- 
pect at the distance of more than a mile. Toward 
the S. W. the view is somewhat more open ; for here 
lies the plain of Rephaim, commencing just at 
the southern brink of the Valley of Hinnom, and 
stretching off S. W. where it is drained to the 
western plain. In the N. W., too, the eye reaches 
up along the upper part of the Valley of Jehosha- 
phat; and from many points can discern the 
mosque of Neby Samwif, situated on a lofty ridge 
beyond the great Wady, at the distance of two 



448 



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The main cemetery of the city seems from an early 
date to have been where it is still — on the steep 
slopes of the valley of the Kidron. (See the cuts 
under Jehoshaphat, Valley of, and Tomb.) The 
tombs of the kings were in the city of David, i. e. 
Mount Zion. The royal sepulchres were probably 
chambers containing separate recesses for the suc- 
cessive kings. Other spots also were used for 
burial. — Wood ; Gardens, The king's gardens of 
David and Solomon seem to have been in the bottom 
formed by the confluence of the Kidron and Hin- 
nom (Neh. iii. 15). The Mount of Olives, as its 
name and those of various places upon it seem to 
imply, was a fruitful spot. At its foot was situated 
the Garden of Gethsemane. At the time of the 
final siege the space N. of the wall of Agrippa was 
covered with gardens, groves, and plantations of 
fruit-trees, enclosed by hedges and walls ; and to 
level these was one of Titus's first operations. We 
know that the gate Gennath (i. e. of gardens) opened 
on this side of the city. — Water. How the gardens 
just mentioned on the N. of the city were watered 
it is difficult to understand, since at present no 
water exists in that direction. At the time of the 
siege there was a reservoir in that neighborhood 
called the Serpent's Pool ; but it has not been dis- 
covered in modern times. (See part III. of this 
article; also Bethesda ; Conduit; Dragon Well; 
En-rogel; Gihon ; Kidron; Pool; Siloam, &c.) — 
Streets, HovJtes, &c. Of the nature of these in the 
ancient city we have only the most scattered notices. 
The "East street" (2 Chr. xxix. 4) ; the "street of 
the city" — i. e. the city of David (xxxii. 6); the 
" street facing the water gate " (Neh. viii. 1, 3) — or, 
according to the parallel account in 1 Esd. ix. 38, 




Street in Jerusalem. — From Miss Cubley's Hills and Plains -/ Palestine. — 
(Fbn.; 



the " broad place of the Temple toward the E. ; " 
the street of the house of God (Ezr. x. 9) ; the 
"street of the gate of Ephraim " (Neh. viii. 16); 
and the " open place of the first gate toward the 
E." must have been not " streets " in our sense of 



; the word, so much as the open spaces found in 
Eastern towns round the inside of the gates. 
Streets, properly so called, there were (Jer. v. 1, 
xi. 13, &c); but the name of only one, "the 
bakers' street " (xxxvii. 21), is preserved to us. To 

! the houses we have even less clew ; but there is no 
reason to suppose that in either houses or streets 
the ancient Jerusalem differed very materially from 
the modern. No doubt the ancient city did not ex- 
hibit that air of mouldering dilapidation which is 
now so prominent there. The whole of the slopes 
S. of the Haram area (the ancient Ophel), and the 
modern Zion, and the W. side of the valley of Je- 
hoshaphat, present the appearance of gigantic 
mounds of rubbish. In this point at least the an- 
cient city stood in favorable contrast with the mod- 
ern, but in many others the resemblance must have 
been strong. — Subterranean Quarries. Dr. Barclay 
discovered near the Damascus gate the entrance to 
vast excavations under the ridge which extends 
from the N. W. corner of the Temple area to the 
N. wall of the city. One of these is more than 
3,000 feet in circumference, with a roof about 
thirty feet high, supported by rude pillars of the 
original rock, apparently left by the quarriers for 
this purpose. Thomson (ii. 492) says "the whole 
city might be stowed away in them," and supposes 

i that " a great part of the very white stone of the 
Temple must have been taken from these quarries." 

> — Environs of the City. The various spots in the 

! neighborhood of the city are described at length 

I under their own names. (Aceldama; En-rogel; 

J Gethsemane ; Hinnom, Valley of ; Kidron ; Olives, 
Mount of; Siloam, &c.) — II. The Annals of the City. 
In considering the annals of Jerusalem, nothing 
strikes one so forcibly as the number and severity 
of the sieges which it underwent. We catch our 
earliest glimpse of it in the brief notice of Judg. i., 
which describes how the "children of Judah smote 
it with the edge of the sword, and set the city on 
fire;" and almost the latest mention of it in the 
N. T. is contained in the solemn warnings in which 
Christ foretold how Jerusalem should be " com- 
passed with armies" (Lk. xxi. 20), and the abom- 
ination of desolation be seen standing in the Holy 
Place (Mat. xxiv. 15). In the fifteen centuries 
which elapsed between those two points the city 
was besieged no fewer than seventeen times ; twice 
it was razed to the ground ; and on two other occa- 
sions its walls were levelled. In this respect it 
stands without a parallel in any city ancient or 
modern. The fact is one of great significance. The 
first siege appears to have taken place almost imme- 
diately after the death of Joshua (about 1400 b. a). 
Judah and Simeon " fought against it and took it, 
and smote it with the edge of the sword, and set 
the city on fire" (Judg. i. 8). To this brief notice 

I Josephus makes a material addition. He tells us 
that the part which was taken at last, and in which 
the slaughter was made, was the lower city ; but 
that the upper city was so strong, that they relin- 
quished the attempt and moved off to Hebron. As 
long as the upper city remained in the hands of the 

j Jebusites they practically had possession of the 
whole, and a Jebusite city in fact it remained for a 

: long period after this. The Benjamites followed 

I the men of Judah to Jerusalem, but with no better 
result (i. 21). And this lasted during the whole 
period of the Judges, the reign of Saul, and the 

l reign of David at Hebron. David advanced to the 
siege at the head of the men-of-war of all the tribes 
who had come to Hebron " to turn the kingdom of 



JER 



JER 



449 




Thifl Mjip is from Ayre'9 Treasury of Bible Know 



Saul to him." They are stated as 280,000 men, 
choice warriors of the flower of Israel (1 Chr. xii. 
23-39). No doubt they approached the city from 
the S. As before, the lower city was immediately 
taken, and as before, the citadel held out. The un- 
daunted Jebusites, believing in the impregnability 
of their fortress, manned the battlements " with 
lame and blind." David's anger was roused by the 
insult, and he proclaimed to his host that the first 
who would scale the rocky side of the fortress and 
kill a Jebusite should be made chief captain of the 
host. A crowd of warriors (Josephus) rushed for- 
ward to the attempt, but Joab's superior agility 
gained him the dav, and the citadel, the fastness of 
Zion, was taken (about 1046 n. a). David at once 
proceeded to secure himself in his new acquisition. 
29 



| He enclosed the whole of the city with a wall, and 
connected it with the citadel. The sensation caused 
by the fall of this impregnable fortress must have 
been enormous. It reached even to the distant 
Tyre, and before long an embassy arrived from 

| Hiram, the king of Phenicia, with the character- 
istic offerings of artificers and materials to erect a 
palace for David in his new abode. The palace was 
built, and occupied by the fresh establishment of. 
wives and concubines which David had acquired. 
The arrival of the Ark was an event of great im- 
portance. It was deposited with the most impres- 
sive ceremonies, and Zion became at once the great 
sanctuary of the nation. In the fortress of Zion, 
too, was the sepulchre of David. The only works 
of ornament which we can ascribe to him are the 



450 



JER 



JER 



" royal gardens," which appear to have been formed 
by him in the level space S. E. of the city, formed 
by the confluence of the valleys of Kidron and Hin- 
nom. Until the time of Solomon we hear of no ad- 
ditions to the city. His three great works were the 
Temple, with its E. wall and cloister, his own Pal- 
ace, and the Wall of Jerusalem. One of the first 
acts of the new king was to make the walls larger. 
But on the completion of the Temple he again 
turned his attention to the walls, and both increased 
their height and constructed very large towers 
along them. Another work of his in Jerusalem 
was the repair or fortification of Millo (1 K. ix. 15, 
24). His care of the roads leading to the city is 
the subject of a special panegyric from Josephus. 
Rehoboam (Israel, Kingdom of; Judah, King- 
dom of) had only been on the throne four years 
(about 9V0 b. c.) when Shishak, king of Egypt, 
invaded Judah with an enormous host, took the 
fortified places and advanced to the capital. Re- 
hoboam did not attempt resistance (2 Chr. xii. 
9). Jerusalem was again threatened in the reign 
of Asa, when Zerah the Cushite (A. V. " Ethiopi- 
an") invaded the country with an enormous horde 
of followers (xiv. 9). He came by the road through 
the low country of Philistia, where his chariots 
could find level ground. But Asa was more faith- 
ful and more valiant than Rehoboam had been. He 
did not remain to be blockaded in Jerusalem, but 
went forth and met the enemy at Mareshah, and 
repulsed him with great slaughter. The reign of 
his son Jehosiiaphat, though of great prosperity 
and splendor, is not remarkable as regards the city 
of Jerusalem. We hear of a "new court" to the 
Temple, but have no clew to its situation or its 
builder (2 Chr. xx. 5). Jehoshaphat's son Jeho- 
ram 2 was a prince of a different temper. He be- 
gan his reign by a massacre of his brethren and of 
the chief men of the kingdom. The Philistines and 
Arabians attacked Jerusalem, broke into the palace, 
spoiled it of all its treasures, sacked the royal 
harem, killed or carried off the king's wives, and 
nil his sons but one. This was the fourth siege. 
The next events in Jerusalem were the massacre of 
the royal children by Joram's widow Athaliah, 
and the six years' reign of that queen. But with 
the increasing years of Joash 1, the spirit of the ad- 
herents of Jehovah returned. The king was crowned 
and proclaimed in the Temple by Jehoiada. Atha- 
liah herself was hurried out to execution from the 
sacred precincts into the valley of the Kidron. But 
this zeal for Jehovah soon expired. The burial of 
the good priest in the royal tombs can hardly have I 
been forgotten before a general relapse into idol- 1 
atry took place, and his son Zechariah was stoned 
with his family in the very court of the Temple for I 
protesting. The retribution invoked by the dying 
martyr quickly followed. Before the end of the 
year, Hazael, king of Syria, after possessing himself 
of Gath, marched against the much richer prize of i 
Jerusalem. The visit was averted by a timely of- \ 
fering of treasure from the Temple and the royal 
palace (2 K. xii. 18; 2 Chr. xxiv. 23). The pre- 
dicted danger to the city was, however, only post- 
poned. After the defeat of Amaziah by Joash 2, 
the gates were thrown open, the treasures of the \ 
Temple and the king's private treasures were pil- 
laged, and for the first time the walls of the city i 
were injured. A clear breach was made in them of 
400 cubits in length " from the gate of Ephraim to 
the corner gate," and through this Joash drove in 
triumph, with his captive in the chariot, into the 



city. This must have been on the N. side, and 
probably at the present N. W. corner of the walls. 
Tae long reign of Uzziah (2 K. xv. 1-7 ; 2 Chr. 
xxvi.) brought about a material improvement in the 
fortunes of Jerusalem. The walls were thoroughly 
repaired and furnished for the first time with ma- 
chines, then expressly invented for shooting stones 
and arrows against besiegers. Later in this reicn 
happened the great earthquake described by jo- 
sephus (ix. 10, g 4), and alluded to by the prophets 
as a kind of era (see Stl. S. & P. 164, 125). A 
serious breach was made in the Temple itself, and 
below the city a large fragment was detached from 
the hill at En-rogel, and rolling down the slope, 
overwhelmed the king's gardens at the junction of 
the valleys of Hinncm and Kidron, and rested 
against the bottom of the slope of Olivet. Jotham 
inherited his father's sagacity, as well as his tastes 
for architecture and warfare. His works in Jeru- 
salem were building the upper gateway to the 
Temple — apparently a gate communicating with the 
palace (2 Chr. xxiii. 20) — and porticoes leading to 
the same. He also built much on Ophel (2 K. xv. 
35 ; 2 Chr. xxvii. 3), repaired the walls wherever 
they were dilapidated, and strengthened them by 
very large and strong towers. Before the death of 
Jotham the clouds of the Syrian invasion began to 
gather. They broke on the head of Ahaz his suc- 
cessor ; Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah, king of 
Israel, joined their armies and invested Jerusalem 
(2 K. xvi. 5). The fortifications of the two pre- 
vious kings enabled the city to hold out during a 
siege of great length. In the fight which followed 
the men of Judah lost severely, but there is no 
mention of the city having been plundered. To 
oppose the confederacy which had so injured him, 
Ahaz had recourse to Assyria. To collect presents 
he went so far as to lay hands on part of the per- 
manent works of the Temple (xvi. 17, 18). Whether 
the application to Assyria relieved Ahaz from one 
or both of his enemies, is not clear. From one 
passage it would seem that Tiglath-pileser actually 
came to Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxviii. 20). At any rate 
the intercourse resulted in fresh idolatries, and fresh 
insults in the Temple. The very first act of Heze- 
kiah was to restore what his father had desecrated 
(2 Chr. xxix. 3; and see 36, "suddenly"). High- 
places, altars, the mysterious and obscene symbols 
of Baal and Asherah, the venerable brazen serpent 
of Moses itself, were torn down, broken to pieces, 
and the fragments cast into the valley of the Ki- 
dron (xxx. 14 ; 2 K. xviii. 4). It was probably at 
this time that the decorations of the Temple were 
renewed. And now approached the greatest crisis 
which had yet occurred in the history of the city : 
the dreaded Assyrian army was to appear under its 
walls. Hezekiah prepared for the siege. The 
springs round Jerusalem were stopped — i. e. their 
outflow was prevented, and the water diverted un- 
derground to the interior of the city (xx. 20; 2 
Chr. xxxii. 4). This done, he carefully repaired the 
walls of the city, furnished them with additional 
towers, and built a second wall (xxxii. 5 ; Is. xxii. 
10). He strengthened the fortifications of the cita- 
del (2 Chr. xxxii. 5, "Millo ;" Is. xxii. 9), and pre- 
pared abundance of ammunition. (Sennacherib.) 
At the time of Titus's siege the name of " the As- 
syrian Camp " was still attached to a spot N. of the 
city in remembrance either of this or the subse- 
quent visit of Nebuchadnezzar. The reign of Ma- 
nasseh must have been an eventful one in the an- 
nals of Jerusalem, though only meagre indications 



JER 



JER 



451 



of its events are to be found in the documents. He 
built a fresh wall to the citadel, " from the W. side 
of Gihon in the valley to the fish-gate," i. e. appar- 
ently along the E. side of the central valley, which 
parts the upper and lower cities from S. to N. He 
also continued the works which had been begun by 
Jotham at Ophel, and raised that fortress or struc- 
ture to a great height. The reign of Josiah was 
marked by a more strenuous zeal for Jehovah than 
even that of Hezekiah had been. He began his 
reign at eight years of age, and by his twentieth 
year (twelfth of his reign — 2 Chr. xxxiv. 3) com- 
menced a thorough removal of the idolatrous 
abuses of Manasseh and Amon, and even some of 
Ahaz, which must have escaped the purgations of 
Hezekiah (2 K. xxiii. 12). His rash opposition to 
Pharaoh-necho cost him his life, his son his throne, 
and Jerusalem much suffering. Before Jehoahaz 
had been reigning three months, the Egyptian king 
found opportunity to send to Jerusalem, from Rib- 
lah, where he was then encamped, a force sufficient 
to depose and take him prisoner, to put his brother 
Eliakim (Jehoiakim) on the throne, and to exact a 
heavy fine from the city and country, which was 
paid in advance by the new king, and afterward 
extorted by taxation (xxiii. 33, 35). The fall of the 
city was now rapidly approaching. During the 
reign of Jehoiakim Jerusalem was visited by Nebu- 
chadnezzar with the Babylonian army lately vic- 
torious over the Egyptians at Carchemish. The 
visit was possibly repeated once, or even twice. A 
siege there must have been ; but of this we have 
no account. Jehoiakim was succeeded by his son 
Jehoiachin. Hardly had his short reign begun be- 
fore the terrible army of Babylon reappeared before 
the city, again commanded by Nebuchadnezzar 
(xxiv. 10, 11). Jehoiachin surrendered in the third 
month of his reign. The treasures of the palace 
and Temple were pillaged, certain golden articles 
of Solomon's original establishment, which had es- 
caped the plunder and desecrations of the previous 
reigns, were cut up (xxiv. 13), and the more de- 
sirable objects out of the Temple carried off (Jer. 
xxvii. 19). The uncle of Jehoiachin was made 
king in his stead, by the name of Zedekiah (2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 13 ; Ez. xvii. 13, 14, 18). He applied to 
Pharaoh-hophra for assistance (xvii. 15). Upon 
this Nebuchadnezzar marched in person to Jerusa- 
lem, and at once began a regular siege, at the same 
time wasting the country far and near (Jer. xxxiv. 
7). The siege was conducted by erecting forts on 
lofty mounds round the city, from which, on the 
usual Assyrian plan, missiles were discharged into 
the town, and the walls and houses in them battered 
by rams (xxxii. 24, xxxiii. 4, Hi. 4 ; Ez. xxi. 22). 
The city was also surrounded with troops (Jer. Iii. 
7). The siege was once abandoned, owing to the 
approach of the Egyptian army (xxxvii. 5, 11). 
But the relief was only temporary, and in the 
eleventh of Zedekiah (b. c. 586 ; so Mr. Wright and 
Winer ; but see Chronology ; Israel, Kingdom op), 
on the ninth day of the fourth month (Hi. 6), being 
just a year and a half from the first investment, the 
city was taken. It was at midnight. The whole city 
was wrapped in the pitchy darkness characteristic 
of an Eastern town, and nothing was known by the 
Jews of what had happened till the generals of the 
army entered the Temple ( Josephus) and took their 
seats in the middle court (Jer. xxxix. 3 ; Jos. x. 8, 
§ 2). Then the alarm was given to Zedekiah, and 
collecting his remaining warriors, he stole out of 
the city by a gate at the S. side, " betwixt the two 



walls," somewhere near the present Bab el-Mughari- 
beh (Dung-Gate), crossed the Kidron above the royal 
gardens, and made his way over the Mount of Olives 
to the Jordan valley. At break of day information 
of the flight was brought to the Chaldeans by 
some deserters. A rapid pursuit was made : 
Zedekiah was overtaken near Jericho, his people 
were dispersed, and he himself captured and re- 
served for a miserable fate at Riblah. Meantime 
the wretched inhabitants suffered all the horrors of 
assault and sack ; the men were slaughtered, old and 
young, prince and peasant ; the women violated in 
Mount Zion itself (Lam. ii. 4, v. 11, 12). (War.) On 
the seventh day of the following month (2 K. xxv. 
8), Nebuzaradan, commander of the king's body- 
guard, who seems to have been charged with Neb- 
uchadnezzar's instructions as to what should be 
done with the city, arrived. Two days were passed, 
probably in collecting the captives and booty ; and 
on the tenth (Jer. Iii. 12) the Temple, the royal 
palace, and all the more important buildings of the 
city, were set on fire, and the walls thrown down 
and left as heaps of disordered rubbish on the 
ground (Neh. iv. 2). The previous deportations, 
and the sufferings endured in the siege, must to a 
great extent have drained the place of its able-bodied 
people, and thus the captives, on this occasion, were 
but few and unimportant. The land was practically 
deserted of all but the very poorest class. Five 
years afterward — the twenty-third of Nebuchadnez- 
zar's reign — the insatiable Nebuzaradan, on his way 
to Egypt, again visited the ruins, and swept off 745 
more .of the wretched peasants (Jer. Iii. 30). Thus 
Jerusalem at last had fallen, and the Temple, set 
up under such fair auspices, was a heap of black- 
ened ruins. The spot, however, was none the less 
sacred because the edifice was destroyed. It was 
still the centre of hope to the people in Captivity, 
and the time soon arrived for their return to it. 
The decree of Cyrus authorizing the rebuilding of 
the " house of Jehovah, God of Israel, which is in 
Jerusalem," was issued b. c. 536. In consequence 
thereof, a very large caravan of Jews arrived in the 
country. (Zerubbabf.l.) A short time was occu- 
pied in settling in their former cities, but on the 
first day of the seventh month (Ezr. iii. 6) a general 
assembly was called together at Jerusalem in " the 
open place of the first gate toward the East " (1 
Esd. v. 47) ; the altar was set up, and the daily 
morning and evening sacrifices commenced. Ar- 
rangements were made for stone and timber for the 
fabric, and in the second year after their return 
(b. c. 534), on the first day of the second month 
(Ezr. iii. 8 ; 1 Esd. v. 57), the foundation of the 
Temple was laid. But the work was destined to 
suffer material interruptions. The chiefs of the 
people by whom Samaria had been colonized, an- 
noyed and hindered them in every possible way ; 
but ultimately the Temple was finished and dedi- 
cated in the sixth year of Darius (b. c. 516), 
on the third (or twenty-third, 1 Esd. vii. 5) of 
Adar — the last month, and on the fourteenth day 
of the new year the first Passover was celebrated. 
All this time the walls of the city remained as the 
Assyrians had left them (Neh. ii. 12, &c). A period 
of fifty-eight years now passed, of which no ac- 
counts are preserved to us ; but at the end of that 
time, in b. c. 457, Ezra arrived from Babylon 
j with a caravan of priests, Levites, Nethinims, and 
| lay people. He left Babylon on the first day of the 
j year, and reached Jerusalem on the first of the 
I fifth month (Ezr. vii. 9, viii. 32). We now pass an- 



452 



JER 



JER 



other period of eleven yofirs until the arrival of 
Nehemiah, about b. c. 445. Alter three days he 
collected the chief people and proposed the im- 
mediate rebuilding of the walls. One spirit seized 
them, and notw ithstanding the taunts and threats 
of Sanballat, the ruler of the Samaritans, and To- 
biah the Ammonite, in consequence of which one- 
half of the people had to remain armed while the 
other half built, the work was completed in fifty- 
two days, on the twenty-fifth of Elul. Nehemiah 
remained in the city for twelve years (Neh. v. 14, 
xiii. 6), during which time he held the office and 
maintained the state of governor of the province 
(v. 14) from his own private resources (v. 15). The 
foreign tendencies of the high-priest Eliashib and 
his family had already given Nehemiah some con- 
cern (xiii. 4, 28). Eliashib's son Joiada, who suc- 
ceeded him in the high-priesthood, had two sons, 
the one Jonathan (xii. 11) or Johanan (xii. 22), the 
other Joshua (Jos.). The two quarrelled, and Joshua 
was killed by Johanan in the Temple (b. c. about 
366). Johanan in his turn had two sons, Jaddua 
(Neh. xii. 11, 22), and Manasseh (Jos. xi. 7, § 2). 
Manasseh (so Josephus ; but compare Neh. xiii. 28) 
married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite, and 
eventually became the first priest of the Samaritan 
temple of Gerizim. During the high-priesthood of 
Jaddua occurred the famous visit of Alexander 
the Great to Jerusalem. The result to the Jews 
of the visit was an exemption from tribute in the 
Sabbatical year : a privilege which they long re- 
tained. We hear nothing more of Jerusalem until 
it was taken by Ptolemy Soter, about b. c. 320, 
during his incursion into Syria. A stormy period 
succeeded — that of the struggles between Antigonus 
and Ptolemy for the possession of Syria, which lasted 
until the defeat of the former at Ipsus (b. c. 301), 
after which the country came into the possession of 
Ptolemy. Simon the Just, who followed his father 
Onias in the high-priesthood (about b. c. 300), is one 
of the favorite heroes of the Jews. (Synagogue, 
the Great.) Under his care the sanctuary was le- 
paired, and some foundations of great depth added 
round the Temple, possibly to gain a larger sur- 
face on the top of the hill (Ecclus. 1. 1, 2). The 
large cistern or " sea " of the principal court of 
the Temple, which hitherto would seem to have 
been but temporarily or roughly constructed, was 
sheathed in brass (ver. 3) ; the walls of the city were 
more strongly fortified to guard against such attacks 
as those of Ptolemy (ver. 4) ; and the Temple-service 
was maintained with great pomp and ceremonial 
(ver. 11-21). His death was marked by evil omens 
of various kinds presaging disasters. The inter- 
course with Greeks was fast eradicating the national 
character, but it was at any rate a peaceful inter- 
course during the reigns of the Ptolemies who suc- 
ceeded Soter, viz. Philadelphus (b. c. 285), and 
Euergetes (b. c. 247). A description of Jerusalem 
at this period under the name of Aristeas still sur- 
vives, which supplies a lively picture of both Temple 
and city. The Temple was " enclosed with three 
walls seventy cubits high, and of proportionate 
thickness .... The spacious courts were paved 
with marble, and beneath them lay immense reser- 
voirs of water, which by mechanical contrivance 
was made to rush forth, and thus wash away the 
blood of the sacrifices." The city occupied the 
summit and the eastern slopes of the opposite hill — 
the modern Zion. The main streets appear to have 
run N. and S. ; some " along the brow . . . others 
lower down but parallel, following the course of 



the valley, with cross streets connecting them." 
They were " furnished with raised pavements," 
either due to the slope of the ground, or possibly 
adopted for the reason given by Aristeas, viz. to 
enable the passengers to avoid contact with persons 
or things ceremonially unclean. The bazaars were 
then, as now, a prominent feature of the city. 
During the struggle between Ptolemy Philopator 
and Antiochus the Great, Jerusalem became alter- 
nately a prey to each of the contending parties, b. c. 
203 it was taken by Antiochus. b. c. 199 it was re- 
taken by Scopas the Alexandrian general, who left 
a garrison in the citadel. In the following year An- 
tiochus again beat the Egyptians, and then the 
Jews, who had suffered most from the latter, gladly 
opened their gates to his army, and assisted tlicm 
in reducing the Egyptian garrison. In the reign of 
Seleucus Soter Jerusalem was in much apparent 
prosperity. But the city soon began to be much 
disturbed by the disputes between Hyrcanus, the 
illegitimate son of Joseph the collector, and his 
elder and legitimate brothers, b. c. 175 Seleucus 
Soter died, and the kingdom of Syria came to his 
brother, the infamous Antiochus Epiphanes. His 
first act toward Jerusalem was to sell the office of 
higii-priest — still filled by the good Onias III. — to 
Onias's brother Joshua, who changed his name to 
Jason (2 Mc. iv. 7). b. c. 172 Jerusalem was visited 
by Antiochus. He entered the city at night by 
torch-light and amid the acclamations of Jason and 
his party, and after a short stay returned (iv. 22). 
During the absence of Antiochus in Egypt, Jason, 
who had been driven out by Menelaus, suddenly ap- 
peared before Jerusalem with a thousand men, 
drove Menelaus into the citadel, and slaughtered 
the citizens without mercy. The news of these 
tumults reaching Antiochus on his way from Egypt 
brought him again to Jerusalem (b. c. 170). He 
appears to have entered the city without much diffi- 
culty. An indiscriminate massacre of the adherents 
of Ptolemy followed, and then a general pillage of 
the contents of the Temple. The total extermina- 
tion of the Jews was resolved on, and in two years 
(b. c. 168) an army was sent under Apollonius to 
carry the resolve into effect. Another great slaugh- 
ter took place on the Sabbath, the city was now in 
its turn pillaged and burnt, and the walls destroyed. 
Antiochus next issued an edict to compel heathen 
worship in all his dominions. The Temple was re- 
consecrated to Zeus (A. V. "Jupiter") Olympius 
(vi. 2). And while the Jews were compelled not 
only to tolerate but to take an active part in these 
foreign abominations, the observance of their own 
rites and ceremonies — sacrifice, the Sabbath, cir- 
cumcision — was absolutely forbidden. The battles 
of the Maccabees were fought on the outskirts of 
the country, and it was not till the defeat of Lysias 
at Beth-zur that they thought it safe to venture into 
the recesses of the central hills. Then they imme- 
diately turned their steps to Jerusalem. The pre- 
cincts of the Temple were at once cleansed, the pol- 
luted altar put aside, a new one constructed, and 
the holy vessels of the sanctuary replaced, and on 
the third anniversary of the desecration — the twenty- 
fifth of the month Chisleu, b. c. 165, the Temple 
was dedicated with a feast which lasted for eight 
days. After this the outer wall of the Temple was 
very much strengthened (1 Mc. iv. 60), and it was 
in fact converted into a fortress (compare vi. 26, 
61, 62), and occupied by a garrison (iv. 61). The 
Acra was still held by the soldiers of Antiochi:s. 
Two years later (b. c. 163) Judas collected his 



JER 



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453 



people to take it, and began a siege with banks and 
engines. In the mean time Antiochus had died 
(b. c. 164), and was succeeded by his son Antiochus 
Eupator, a youth. The garrison in the Acra, find- 
ing themselves pressed by Judas, managed to com- 
municate with the king, who brought an army from 
Antioch and attacked Beth-zur, one of the key- 
positions of the Maccabees. This obliged Judas to 
give up the siege of the Acra, and to march south- 
ward against the intruder (vi. 32). Antiochus's 
army proved too much for his little force, his 
brother Eleazar was killed, and he was compelled 
to fall back on Jerusalem and shut himself up in 
the Temple. Thither Lysias, Antiochus's general 
— and later, Antiochus himself— followed him (vi. 
48, 51, 57, 62), and commenced an active siege. 
The death of Judas took place b. c. 161. After it 
Bacchides and Alcimus again established them- 
selves at Jerusalem in the Acra (Jos. xiii. 1, § 3), and 
in the intervals of their contests with Jonathan and 
Simon, added much to its fortifications. In the 
second month (May) B.C. 160, the high-priest Alcimus 
began to make some alterations in the Temple, ap- 
parently doing away with the enclosure between 
one>court and another, and in particular demolish- 
ing some wall or building to which peculiar sanctity 
was attached as " the work of the prophets" (1 Mc. ix. 
54). Baechides returned to Antioch, and Jerusalem 
remained without molestation for seven years. All 
this time the Acra was held by the Macedonian gar- 
rison (Jos. xiii. 4, § 9) and the malcontent Jews, 
who still held the hostages taken from the other 
part of the community (1 Mc. x. 6). b. c. 153 Jon- 
athan was made high-priest, b. c. 145 he began to 
invest the Acra (xi. 20 ; Jos. xiii. 4, §9), but, owing 
partly to the strength of the place, and partly to 
the constant dissensions abroad, the siege made 
little progress during fully two years. In the mean j 
time Jonathan was killed at Ptolemais, and Simon : 
succeeded him both as chief and as high-priest (1 
Mc. xiii. 8, 42). The investment of the Acra proved 
successful, but three years still elapsed before this 
enormously strong place could be reduced, and at 
last the garrison capitulated only from famine (xiii. 
49; compare 21). Simon entered it on the twenty- 
third of the second month b. c. 142. The fortress 
was then entirely demolished, and the eminence on 
which it. had stood lowered, until it was reduced 
below the height of the Temple hill beside it. The 
valley N. of Moriah was probably filled up at this 
time. A fort was then built on the N., side of the 
Temple hill, apparently against the wall, so as di- 
rectly to command the site of the Acra, and here 
Simon and his immediate followers resided (xiii. 52). 
One of the first steps of his sou John Hyrcanus 
was to secure both the city and the Temple. Short- 
ly after this, Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, at- 
tacked Jerusalem. To invest the city, and cut off 
all chance of escape, it was encircled by a girdle of 
seven camps. The active operations of the siege 
were carried on as usual at the N., where the level 
ground comes up to the walls. The siege was ulti- 
mately relinquished. Antiochus wished to place a 
garrison in the city, but this the late experience of 
the Jews forbade, and hostages and a payment were 
substituted. After Antiochus's departure, Hyrca- 
nus carefully repaired the damage done to the walls 
(5 Mc. xxi. 18). During the rest of his long and 
successful reign John Hyrcanus resided at Jerusa- 
lem, ably administering the government from thence, 
and regularly fulfilling the duties of the high-priest 
(xxiii. 3). He was succeeded (b. c. 107) by his son 



Aristobulus. Like his predecessors he was High- 
priest ; but unlike them he assumed the title as 
well as the power of a king (xxvii. 1). His brother 
Alexander Jannajus (b. c. 105), who succeeded 
him, was mainly engaged in wars at a distance 
from Jerusalem. About b. c. 95 the animosities 
j of the Pharisees and Sadducees came to an alarm- 
ing explosion. Alexander's severities made him 
extremely unpopular with both parties, and led 
to their inviting the aid of Demetrius Euchajrus, 
king of Syria, against him. The actions between 
them were fought at a distance from Jerusalem ; 
but the city did not escape a share in the horrors 
of war ; for when, after some fluctuations, Alexander 
returned successful, he crucified publicly 800 of his 
opponents, and had their wives and children butch- 
ered before their eyes, while he and his concubines 
feasted in sight of the whole scene (Jos. xiii. 14, § 
2). Such an iron sway as this was enough to crush 
all opposition, and Alexander reigned till b. c. 79 
without further disturbances. The "monument 
of King Alexander" was doubtless his tomb. In 
spite of opposition, the Pharisees were now by far 
the most powerful party in Jerusalem, and Alexan- 
der had therefore before his death instructed his 
queen, Alexandra — whom he left to succeed him 
with two sons — to commit herself to them. The 
elder of the two sons, Hyrcanus, was made high- 
priest, and Aristobulus had the command of the 
army. The queen lived till b. c. 70. On her 
death, Hyrcanus attempted to take the crown, but 
was opposed by his brother, to whom in three 
months he yielded its possession, Aristobulus be- 
coming king b. c. 69. The brothers soon quarrelled 
again, when Hyrcanus called to his assistance 
Aretas, king of Damascus. Before this new enemy 
Aristobulus fled to Jerusalem, and took refuge within 
the fortifications of the Temple. The siege is in- 
terrupted and eventually raised by the interference 
of Scaurus, one of Pompey's lieutenants, to whom 
Aristobulus paid 400 talents for the relief. This 
was b. c. 65. Pompey advanced from Damascus by 
way of Jericho. As he approached Jerusalem, Aris- 
tobulus, who found the city too much divided for 
effectual resistance, met him and offered a large sum 
of money and surrender. Pompey sent forward Ga- 
binius to take possession of the place ; but the bolder 
party among the adherents of Aristobulus had mean- 
time gained the ascendancy, and he found the gates 
closed. Pompey on this threw the king into chains, 
and advanced on Jerusalem. Hyrcanus was in pos- 
session of the city, and received the invader with 
open arms. The Temple, on the other hand, was 
held by the party of Aristobulus, which included the 
priests. Pompey appears to have stationed some 
part of his force on the high ground W. of the city, 
but he himself commanded in person at the N. 
The first efforts of his soldiers were devoted to fill- 
ing up the ditch and the valley, and to constructing 
the banks on which to place the military engines, 
for which purpose they cut down all the timber in 
the environs. Pompey remarked that on the seventh 
day the Jews regularly desisted from fighting, and 
this afforded the Romans a great advantage, for it 
gave them the opportunity of moving the engines and 
towers nearer the walls. At the end of three months 
the besiegers had approached so close to the wall 
that the battering-rams could be worked, and a 
breach was effected in the largest of the towers, 
through which the Romans entered, and, after an 
obstinate resistance and loss of life, remained mas- 
ters of the Temple. Hyrcanus was continued in his 



454 



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JER 



liigh-priesthood, but without the title of king ; a 
tribute was laid upon the city, and the walls were 
entirely demolished. The Temple was taken in 
B. c. 63, in the third month (Sivan), on the day of a 
great feast ; probably that for Jeroboam, which was 
held on the twenty-third of that month. During the 
next few years nothing occurred to affect Jerusalem. 
b. c. 66 it was made the seat of one of the five senates 
or Sanhedrim, is. c. 54 the rapacious Crassus plun- 
dered the city not only of the money which Ponipey 
had spared, but of a considerable treasure accumu- 
lated from the contributions of Jews throughout 
the world, in all a sum of 10,000 talents, or about 
2,000,000/. sterling. (Weights and Measures.) Dur- 
ing this time Hyrcanus remained at Jerusalem, act- 
ing under the advice of Antipater the Idumean, his 
chief minister. b. c. 47 is memorable for the 
first appearance of Antipater's son Herod in Jeru- 
salem. Antigonus, the younger and only surviving 
son of Aristobulus, suddenly appeared in the coun- 
try supported by a Parthian army. So sudden was 
his approach, that he got into the city and reached 
the palace in the upper market-place — the modern 
Zion — without resistance. Here, however, he was 
met by Hyrcanus and Phasaelus with a strong 
party of soldiers, and driven into the Temple. Pac- 
orus, the Parthian general, was lying outside the 
walls, and at the earnest request of Antigonus, he 
and 500 horse were admitted, ostensibly to mediate. 
The result was, that Phasaelus and Hyrcanus were 
outwitted, and Herod overpowered; the Parthians 
got possession of the place, and Antigonus was made 
king. Thus did Jerusalem (b. c. 40) find itself in 
the hands of the Parthians. In three months Herod 
returned from Rome king of Judea, and in the be- 
ginning of 39 appeared before Jerusalem with a 
force of Romans, commanded by Silo, and pitched 
his camp on the W. side of the city. Other occur- 
rences, however, called him away from the siege at 
this time. B. C. 37 Herod appealed again. He came, 
as Pompey had done, from Jericho, and, like Pom- 
pcy, he pitched his camp and made his attack on the 
N. side of the Temple. For a short time after the 
commencement of the operations Herod absented 
himself for his marriage at Samaria with Mariamne. 
On his return he was joined by Sosius, the Roman 
governor of Syria, with a force of from 50,000 to 
60,000 men, and the siege was then resumed in 
earnest. The first of the two walls was taken in 
forty days, and the second in fifteen more. The 
siege is said to have occupied in all five months. 
Herod's first care was to put down the Asmonean 
party. The appointment of the high-priest was the 
next consideration. Herod therefore bestowed the 
office (b. c. 36) on one Ananel, a former adherent 
of his, and a Eabylonian Jew. Ananel was soon 
displaced through the machinations of Alexandra, 
mother of Herod's wife Mariamne, who prevailed on 
him to appoint her son Aristobulus, a youth of six- 
teen. But he was soon afterward murdered at Jer- 
icho, and then Ananel resumed the office. The in- 
trigues and tragedies of the next thirty years are too 
complicated and too long to be treated of here. In 
34 b. c. the city was visited by Cleopatra. In the 
spring of 31, the year of the battle of Actium (Augus- 
tus), Judea was visited by an earthquake, the effects 
of which appear to have been tremendous. The 
panic at Jerusalem was very severe. The following 
year was distinguished by the death of Hyrcanus, 
who, though more than eighty years old, was killed by 
Herod, to remove the last remnant of the Asmonean 
race. Herod now began to encourage foreign prac- 



tices and usages. Amongst his acts of this descrip- 
tion was the building of a theatre at Jerusalem. Of 
its situation no information is given, nor have any 
traces yet been discovered. The zealous Jews took 
fire at these innovations, and Herod only narrowly 
escaped assassination. At this time he occupied the 
old palace of the Asmoneans. He had now also 
completed the improvements of the Antonia, the 
fortress built by John Hyrcanus on the foundations 
of Simon Maccabeus. A description of this cele- 
brated fortress will be given in treating of the 
Temple. The year 25 — the next after the attempt 
on Herod's life in the theatre — was one of great mis- 
fortunes. In this year or the next Herod took an- 
other wife, the daughter of an obscure priest of Jeru- 
salem named Simon. It was probably on the occa- 
sion of this marriage that he built a new and exten- 
sive palace immediately adjoining the old wall, at 
the N. W. corner of the upper city, about the spot 
now occupied by the Latin convent. But all Herod's 
works in Jerusalem were eclipsed by the rebuilding 
of the Temple in more than its former extent and 
magnificence. He announced his intention b. c. 
19, probably when the people were collected in 
Jerusalem at the Passover. The completion of 
the sanctuary itself on the anniversary of Herod's 
inauguration, b. c. 16, was celebrated by lavish 
sacrifices and a great feast. About b. c. 9 — eight 
years from the commencement — the court and clois- 
ters of the Temple were finished. At this time 
equally magnificent works were being carried on in 
another part of the city, viz. in the old wall at 
the N. W. corner. In or about B. c. 7 Herod had 
fixed a large golden eagle, the symbol of the Roman 
empire (Judea was now a province), over the en- 
trance to the sanctuary. This had excited the in- 
dignation of the Jews, and especially of two of the 
chief rabbis, who instigated their disciples to tear 
it down. Being taken before Herod, the rabbis de- 
fended their conduct and were burnt alive. The 
high-priest Matthias was deposed, and Joazar took 
his place. This was the state of things in Jerusa- 
lem when Herod died. The government of Judea, 
and therefore of Jerusalem, had by the will of Herod 
been bequeathed to Archelaus. During Archelaus' 
absence at Rome, Jerusalem was in charge of Sa- 
binus, the Roman procurator of the province, and 
tumults were renewed with worse results. In the 
year 3 b. c. Archelaus returned from Rome ethnarch 
of the southern province. He immediately displaced 
Joazar, whom his father had made high-priest after 
the affair of the eagle, and put Joazar's brother 
Eleazar in his stead. Judea was now reduced to an 
ordinary Roman province ; the procurator of which 
resided, not at Jerusalem, but at Cesarea on the 
coast. The first appointed was Coponius, who ac- 
companied Quirinus (Cyrenius) to the country im- 
mediately on the disgrace of Archelaus. Two inci- 
dents at once most opposite in their character, and 
in their significance to that age and to ourselves, 
occurred during the procuratorship of Coponius : 
First, in a. d. 8, the finding of Christ in the Tem- 
ple ; the second, the pollution of the Temple by 
some Samaritans, who secretly brought human bones 
and strewed them about the cloisters during the 
night of the Passover. In or about a. d. 10, Copo- 
nius was succeeded by Marcus Ambivius, and he by 
Annius Rufus. a. d. 14 Augustus died, and with 
Tiberius came a new procurator — Valerius Gratus, 
who held office till a. d. 26, when he was replaced by 
Pontius Pilate. — a. d. 29. At the Passover of this 
year our Lord Jesus Christ made His first recorded 



JER 



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455 



visit to the city since His boyhood (Jn. ii. 13). — 
A. d. 33. At the Passover of this year occurred His 
crucifixion and resurrection. In a. d. 37, Pilate 
having been recalled to Rome, Jerusalem was visited 
by Vitellius, the prefect of Syria, at the time of the 
Passover. In the following year Stephen was stoned. 
The Christians were greatly persecuted, and all, ex- 
cept the apostles, driven out of Jerusalem (Acts 
viii. 1, xi. 19). In A. d. 40, Vitellius was superseded 
by Publius Petronius, who arrived in Palestine with 
an order to place in the Temple a statue of Caligula. 
This order was ultimately countermanded. With 
the accession of Claudius a. n. 41 came an edict of 
toleration to the Jews. Agrippa resided very much 
at Jerusalem, and added materially to its prosperity 
and convenience. The city had for some time been 
extending itself toward the N., and a large suburb 
had come into existence on the high ground N. of 
the Temple, and outside of the " second wall " which 
enclosed the northern part of the great central valley 
of the city. Hitherto the outer portion of this sub- 
urb — which was called Bezetha, or "New Town," 
and had grown up very rapidly — was unprotected 
by any formal wall, and practically lay open to at- 
tack. This defenceless condition attracted the at- 
tention of Agrippa, who, like the first Herod, was a 
great builder, and he commenced enclosing it in so 
substantial and magnificent a manner as to excite 
the suspicions of the prefect, at whose instance it 
was stopped by Claudius. Subsequently the Jews 
seem to have purchased permission to complete the 
work. The year 43 is memorable as that of St. 
Paul's first visit to Jerusalem after his conversion. 
The year 44 began with the murder of St. James by 
Agrippa (Acts xii. 1), followed at the Passover by 
the imprisonment and escape of St. Peter. Shortly 
after Agrippa himself died. Cuspius Fadus arrived 
from Rome as procurator, and Longinu3 as prefect of 
Syria. In 45 commenced a severe famine, which 
lasted two years. At the end of this year St. Paul 
arrived in Jerusalem for the second time. In a. d. 
48, Fadus was succeeded by Ventidius Cumanus. 
A frightful tumult happened at the Passover of this 
year, caused, as on former occasions, by the presence 
of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia and in the 
courts and cloisters of the Temple during the festi- 
val. Cumanus was recalled, and Felix appointed 
in his room. A set of ferocious fanatics, whom 
Josephus calls Sicarii (L. plural =: slabbers, assas- 
sins), had lately begun to make their appearance in 
the city. In fact, not only Jerusalem, but the whole 
country far and wide, was in the most frightful con- 
fusion and insecurity. At length a riot at Cesarea 
of the most serious description caused the recall 
of Felix, and in the end of 60, or the beginning of 
61, Porcius Festus succeeded him as procurator. 
Festus was an able and upright officer (Jos. B. J. ii. 
14, § 1), and at the same time conciliatory toward 
the Jews (Acts xxv. 9). In the brief period of his 
administration he kept down the robbers with a 
strong hand, and gave the province a short breathing- 
time. His interview with St. Paul (Acts xxv., xxvi.) 
took place, not at Jerusalem, but at Cesarea. In 
62 (probably) Festus died, and was succeeded by 
Albinus. He began his rule by endeavoring to 
keep down the Sicarii and other disturbers of the 
peace ; and indeed he preserved throughout a show 
of justice and vigor, though in secret greedy and 
rapacious. Bad as Albinus had been, Gessius Flo- 
rus, who succeeded him in 65, was worse. At the 
Passover, probably in 66, when Cestius Gallus, the 
prefect of Syria, visited Jerusalem, the whole as- 



sembled people besought him for redress ; but 
j without effect. Florus' next attempt was to obtain 
| some of the treasure from the Temple. He de- 
manded seventeen talents in the name of the em- 
peror. The demand produced a frantic disturb- 
ance. That night Florus took up his quarters in 
the roynl palace — that of Herod, at the N. W. cor- 
ner of the city. On the following morning he de- 
manded that the leaders of the late riot should be 
given up. On their refusal he ordered his soldiers 
to plunder the upper city. This order was but too 
faithfully carried out. Foiled in his attempt to 
press through the old city up into the Antonia, he 
relinquished the attempt, and withdrew to Cesarea 
Cestius Gallus, the prefect, now found it necessary 
for him to visit the city in person. Agrippa had 
shortly before returned from Alexandria, and had 
done much to calm the people. The seditious party 
in the Temple, led by young Eleazar, son of Ana- 
nias, rejected the offerings of the Roman emperor, 
which since the time of Julius Cesar had been reg- 
ularly made. This, as a direct renunciation of al- 
legiance, was the true beginning of the war with 
Rome. Hostilities at once began. The peace party, 
headed by the high-priest, and fortified by Agrip- 
pa's soldiers, threw themselves into the upper city. 
The insurgents held the Temple and the lower city. 
In the Antonia was a small Roman garrison. Fierce 
contests lasted for seven days, each side endeavor 
ing to take possession of the part held by the other. 
At last the insurgents became masters of both city 
and Temple. But they were not to remain so long. 
Cestius Gallus advanced from Scopus on the city. 
He encamped opposite the palace at the foot of the 
second wall. The Jews retired to the upper city 
and to the Temple. For five days Cestius assaulted 
the wall without success ; on the sixth he resolved 
to make one more attempt. He could effect nothing, 
and when night came he drew off to his camp at 
Scopus. Thither the insurgents followed him, and 
in three days gave him one of the most complete 
defeats that a Roman army had ever undergone. 
War with Rome was now inevitable. The walls 
were repaired, arms and warlike instruments and 
machines of all kinds fabricated, and other prepa- 
rations made. In this attitude of expectation the 
city remained while Vespasian was reducing the N. 
of the country, and till the fall of Giscala (October 
or November, 67). Two years and a half elapsed 
before Titus appeared before the walls of Jerusa- 
lem. The whole of that time was occupied in con- 
tests between the moderate party and the Zealots 
or fanatics. At the beginning of 70, when Titus 
made his appearance, the Zealots themselves were 
divided into two parties — that of John of Giscala 
and Eleazar, who held the Temple and its courts, 
and the Antonia — 8,400 men ; that of Simon Bar- 
Giorits, whose headquarters were in the tower Phas- 
aelus, and who held the upper city, the lower city 
in the valley, and the district where the old Acra 
had formerly stood, N. of the Temple — 10,000 men, 
and 5,000 Idumeans, in all a force of between 
23,000 and 24,000 soldiers trained in the civil en- 
counters of the last two years to great skill and 
thorough recklessness. The numbers of the other 
inhabitants it is extremely difficult to decide. Ti- 
tus's force consisted of four legions and some auxil- 
iaries — at the outside 30,000 men. These were dis- 
posed on their first arrival in three camps — the 12th 
and 15th legions on the ridge of Scopus, about one 
mile N. of the city ; the 5th a little in the rear, 
and the 10th on the top of the Mount of Olives, to 



456 



JER 



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guard the road to the Jordan valley. The first 
operation was to clear the ground between Scopus 
and the N. wall of the city. This occupied four 
days. The next step was to get possession of the 
outer wall. The point of attack chosen was in Si- 
mon's portion of the city, at a low and comparatively 
weak place near the monument of John Hyrcanus. 
Round this spot the three legions erected banks, 
from which they opened batteries, pushing up the 
rams and other engines of attack to the foot of the 
wall. Meantime from their camp on the Mount of 
Olives the 10th legion battered the Temple and the 
E. side of the city. A breach was made on the 
7th Artemisius (about April 15) ; and here the 
Romans entered, driving the Jews before them to 
the second wall. Titus now lay with the second 
wall of the city close to him on his right. He pre- 
ferred, before advancing, to get possession of the 
second wall. In five days a breach was again ef- 
fected. The district into which the Romans had 
now penetrated was the great valley between the 
two main hills of the city. Before attacking the 
Antonia, Titus resolved to give his troops a few 
days' rest. He therefore called in the 10th legion 
from the Mount of Olives, and held an inspection 
of the whole army on the ground N. of the Temple. 
But the opportunity was thrown away upon the 
Jews, and after four days orders were given to re- 
commence the attack. Hitherto the assault had 
been almost entirely on the city ; it was now to be 
simultaneous on city and Temple. Accordingly two 
pairs of large batteries were constructed, the one 
pair in front of the Antonia, the other at the old 
point of attack — the monument of John Hyrcanus. 
They absorbed the incessant labor of seventeen 
days, and were completed on the 29th Artemisius 
(about May 7). But the Jews undermined the 
banks, and the labor of the Romans was totally de- 
stroyed. At the other point Simon had 
maintained a resistance with all his 
former intrepidity, and more than his 
former success. It now became plain 
to Titus that some other measure for 
the reduction of the place must be 
adopted. A council of war was there- 
fore held, and it was resolved to en- 
compass the whole place with a wall, 
and then recommence the assault. Its 
entire length was thirty-nine furlongs, 
— very near five miles ; and it con- 
tained thirteen stations or guard-houses. 
The whole strength of the army was 
employed on the work, and it was com- 
pleted in the short space of three 
days. The siege was then vigorously 
pressed. The N. attack was relin- 
quished, and the whole force concen- 
trated on the Antonia. On the 5th 
Panemus (June 11) the Antonia was in 
the hands of the Romans (Jos. B. J. vi. 1, § 7). An- 
other week was occupied in breaking down the outer 
walls of the fortress for the passage of the machines, 
and a further delay took place in erecting new banks, 
on the fresh level, for the bombardment and battery 
of the Temple. But the Romans gradually gained 
ground. At length, on the 10th day of Ab (July 
15), by the wanton act of a soldier, contrary to the 
intention of Titus, and in spite of every exertion 
he could make to stop it, the sanctuary itself was 
fired. It was by one of those rare coincidences 
that sometimes occur, the very same month and 
day of the month that the first Temple had been 



burnt by Nebuchadnezzar. The whole of the clois- 
ters that had hitherto escaped were now all burnt 
and demolished. Only the edifice of the sanctuary 
itself still remained. The Temple was at last 
gained ; but it seemed as if half the work remained 
to be done. The upper city was still to be taken. 
Titus first tried a parley. His terms, however, were 
rejected, and no alternative was left him but to 
force on the siege. The whole of the low part of 
the town was burnt. It took eighteen days to erect 
the necessary works for the siege : the four legions 
were once more stationed at the W. or N. W. cor- 
ner where Herod's palace abutted on the wall, and 
where the three magnificent and impregnable towers 
of Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne rose conspic- 
uous. This was the main attack. It was com- 
menced on the 7th of Gorpiaeus (about Septem- 
ber 11), and by the next day a breach was made in 
the wall, and the Romans at last entered the city. 
The city being taken, such parts as had escaped 
the former conflagrations were burnt, and the 
whole of both city and Temple was ordered to be 
demolished, excepting the W. wall of the upper 
city, and Herod's three great towers at the N. W. 
corner, which were left standing as memorials of 
the massive nature of the fortifications. — From its 
destruction by Titus to the present time (by Mr. Wright). 
For more than fifty years after its destruction by 
Titus, Jerusalem disappears from history. During 
the revolts of the Jews in Cyrenaica, Egypt, Cyprus, 
and Mesopotamia, which disturbed the latter years 
of Trajan, the recovery of their city was never at- 
tempted. But in the Teign of Hadrian it again 
emerged from its obscurity, and became the centre 
of an insurrection, which the best blood of Rome 
was shed to subdue. In despair of keeping the 
Jews in subjection by other means, the emperor 
had formed a design to restore Jerusalem, and thus 




Roman Medal, commemorating the Capture of Jerusalem. — (Ayre.) 
Obverse : Head of the Emperor, with the inscription — Imyerator Titus Cotsar Vespasiauus 
Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunus Populi, Pater Patriot, Consul VIII.; i. e. Empc.or 
Titus Cesar Vespasian Augustus, High-Priest, Tribune of the People, Father of his Countrr, 
Consul for the eighth time. Reverse: A Palm-tkee; under it a captive Jew standing, with 
hands tied behind hie back, and a female sitting on the ground and weeping, with the in- 
scription « Judaea capta, i. e. Judea captive ; Seuatut lonsullu, i. e. bij a decree of the Senate. 
In some Roman coins of the Emperors Vespasian and Titus the female representing captive 
Judea appears under the palm-tree weeping and guarded by a Roman soldier. 

prevent it from ever becoming a rallying-point for 
this turbulent race. In furtherance of this plan 
he had sent thither a colony of veterans, in numbers 
sufficient for the defence of a position so strong by 
nature against the then known modes of attack. 
The embers of revolt, long smouldering, burst into 
a flame soon after Hadrian's departure from the 
East in a. d. 132. Early in the revolt the Jews un- 
der Bar-Cocheba (= son of a star) became masters of 
Jerusalem, and attempted to rebuild the Temple. 
Hadrian, alarmed at the rapid spread of the insur- 
rection, and the ineffectual efforts of his troops to 
repress it, summoned from Britain Julius Severus, 



JER 



JER 



457 



the greatest general of his time, to take the com- 
mand of the army of Judea. Two years were spent 
in a fierce guerilla warfare before Jerusalem was 
taken, after a desperate defence in which Bar-Co- 
cheba perished. But the war did not end with the 
capture of the city. The Jews in great force had 
occupied the fortress of Bether, 1 and there main- 
tained a struggle with all the tenacity of despair 
against the repeated onsets of the Romans. At 
length, worn out by famine and disease, they yield- 
ed on the 9th of the month Ab, a. d. 135. Bar- 
Cocheba has left traces of his occupation of Jeru- 
salem in coins which were struck during the first 
two years of the war. Hadrian's first policy, after 
the suppression of the revolt, was to obliterate the 
existence of Jerusalem as a city. The ruins which 
Titus had left were razed to the ground, and the 
plough passed over the foundations of the Temple. 
A colony of Roman citizens occupied the new city, 
which rose from the ashes of Jerusalem, and their 
number was afterward augmented by the emperor's 
veteran legionaries. It was not, however, till the 
following year, a. d. 136, that Hadrian, on celebrat- 
ing his Vicennalia, bestowed upon the new city the 
name of JEWa. Capitolina, combining with his own 
family title the name of Jupiter of the Capitol, the 
guardian deity of the colony. Jews were forbidden i 
to enter on pain of death. About the middle of 
the fourth century the Jews were allowed to visit 
the neighborhood, and afterward, once a year, to 
enter the city itself, and weep over it on the anni- 
versary of its capture. So completely were all 
traces of the ancient city obliterated, that its very 
name was in process of time forgotten. It was not 
till after Constantine built the Marlyrion on the 
site of the crucifixion, that its ancient appellation 
was revived. — After the inauguration of the new 
colony of JElia, the annals of the city again relapse 
into obscurity. The aged Empress Helena, mother i 
of Constantine, visited Palestine in a. d. 326, and, 
according to tradition, erected magnificent churches 
at Bethlehem, and on the Mount of Olives. Her j 
son, fired with the same zeal, swept away the shrine i 
of Astarte (Ashtoreth), which occupied the site of ' 
the resurrection, and founded in its stead a chapel 
or oratory (see III. § 10, below). In the reign of 
Julian (a. d. 362) the Jews, with the permission and 
at the instigation of the emperor, made an abortive 
attempt to lay the foundations of a temple. Mate- 
rials of every kind were provided at the emperor's 
expense ; but the work was interrupted by fire, 
which all attributed to supernatural agency (see III. 
§ 11, below). — During the fourth and fifth centuries 
Jerusalem became the centre of attraction for pil- 
grims from all regions, and its bishops contended 
with those of Cesarea for the supremacy ; but it 
was not till after the Council of Chalcedon (451- 
453) that it was made an independent patriarchate. 
In 529 the Emperor Justinian founded at Jerusalem 
a splendid church in honor of the Virgin, which 
has been identified by most writers with the build- 
ing known as the Mosque el-Aksa, but of which 
probably no remains now exist (see III. § 12, below). 
For nearly five centuries the city had been free from 
the horrors of war. But this rest was roughly 
broken by the invading Persian army under Chos- 
roes II. The city was invested, and taken by as- 
sault in June, 614. After a struggle of fourteen 



1 The site of Bether is a disputed point, Cellarius and 
others placing it at the upper Beth-horon, Robinson (iii. 
270, &c.) suggesting its identity with Bethel 1, &c. 



years the imperial arms were again victorious, and 
in 628 Heraclius entered Jerusalem on foot. The 
dominion of the Christians in the Holy City was 
now rapidly drawing to a close. After an obstinate 
defence of four months, in the depth of winter, 
against the impetuous attacks of the Arabs, the 
patriarch Sophronius surrendered to the Khalif 
Omar in person, a. d. 637. With the fall of the 
Abassides the Holy City passed into the hands of 
the Fatimite conqueror Muez, who fixed the seat of 
his empire at Musr el-A'dhirah, the modern Cairo 
(a. d. 969). Under the Fatimite dynasty the suf- 
ferings of the Christians in Jerusalem reached their 
height, when El-Hakem, the third of his line, as- 
cended the th rone (a. d. 996). About 1084 it was 
bestowed by Tutush, the brother of Melek Shah, 
upon Ortok, chief of a Turkman horde under his 
command. From this time till 1091 Ortok was 
emir of the city, and on his death it was held as 
a kind of fief by his 6ons Ilghazy and Suk- 
man, whose severity to the Christians became 
the proximate cause of the Crusades. On the 
7th of June, 1099, the crusading army ap- 
peared before the walls. Their camp extended 
from the gate of St. Stephen to that beneath the 
tower of David. On the fifth day after their arri- 
val the crusaders attacked the city, and at three 
o'clock on Friday the 15th of July Jerusalem was 
in the hands of the crusaders. Churches were 
established, and for eighty-eight years Jerusalem 
remained in the hands of the Christians. In 1187 
it was retaken by Saladin after a siege of several 
weeks. In 1277 Jerusalem was nominally annexed 
to the kingdom of Sicily. In 1517 it passed under 
the sway of the Ottoman Sultan Selim I., whose 
successor Suliman built the present walls of the 
city in 1542. Mohammed Ali, the Pasha of Egypt, 
took possession of it in 1832. In 1834 it was 
seized and held for a time by the Fell&hin (Ar. = 
cultivators, tillers of the soil, Robinson), during 
the insurrection, and in 1840, after the bombard- 
ment of Acre, was again restored to the Sultan. — 
III. Topography of the City. (Originally by Mr. 
Fergusson, but essentially altered by the American 
editor.) There are at present before the public 
three distinct views of the topography of Jerusalem, 
so discrepant from one another in their most essen- 
tial features, that a disinterested person might 
fairly feel himself justified in assuming that there 
existed no real data for the determination of the 
points at issue, and that the disputed questions 
must forever remain in the same unsatisfactory 
state as at present. — 1. The first of these theories 
consists in the belief that all the sacred localities 
were correctly ascertained in the early ages of 
Christianity ; and, what is still more important, 
that none have been changed during the dark ages 
that followed, or in the numerous revolutions to 
which the city has been exposed. The first person 
who ventured publicly to express his dissent from 
this view was Korte, a German printer, who trav- 
elled in Palestine about 1728, and on his return 
home published a work denying the authenticity of 
the so-called sacred localities. The arguments in 
favor of the present localities being the correct ones 
are well summed up by the Rev. George Williams, 
in his work on the Holy City, and with the assist- 
ance of Professor Willis all has been said that can 
be urged in favor of their authenticity. — 2. Profes- 
sor Robinson, on the other hand, in his elaborate 
works on Palestine, has brought together all the 
arguments which, from the time of Korte, have 



458 



JER 



JER 




been accumulating against the authenticity of the 
mediaeval sites and traditions. Robinson (iii. 206) 
sets down as admitted bv himself and most writers 
(1.) that Zion was the S. W. hill of the city; (2.) 
that Moriah, the site of the Jewish Temple, was 
the present Haram area, E. and N. E. of Zion ; (3.) 



that the ancient tower just S. of the Jaffa gate is 
the Hippicus of Josephus; (4.) that the ancient re- 
mains connected with the present Damascus gate 
are those of an ancient gate on that spot, belonging 
to the second wall of Josephus. — 3. The third 
theory is that put forward by Mr. Fergusson in his 



JER 



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459 



" Essay on the Ancient Topography of Jerusalem." 
It agrees generally with the views urged by all 
those from Korte to Robinson, who doubt the au- 
thenticity of the present site of the sepulchre ; but 
goes on to assert that the Mount Zion of the Scrip- 
tures is the hill on which the Temple stood ( = 
Mount Moriah, or the E. hill of the city), and that 
the building now known to Christians as the Mosque 
of Omar, but by Moslems called the Dome of the 
Rock, is the identical church which Constantine 
erected over the rock which contained the Tomb 
of Christ. Josephus (B. J. v. 4) describes Jerusa- 



lem as fortified -with three walls, wherever it was 
not encompassed with impassable ravines (there it 
had but one wall), and as built face to face on two 
hills, separated by a ravine between, at which the 
houses, one upon another, ended. Of these hills 
that which had the upper city was much higher 
and straighter in its length. The other, called 
Akra, on which stood the lower city, was gibbous. 
Over against this was a third hill, naturally lower 
than Akra, and formerly separated from it by an- 
other broad ravine ; but afterward, when the As- 
moneans ruled, desiring to join the city to the Teru- 




Moaquea in the Haram (Ar. ■= Holy) area, l'rom the N. W. — From a photograph by J. Graham. — (Ayre.J 
The Dome of the Rock is the most prominent mosque ; eJ-Ahsa is that in the distance. 



pie, they filled up the ravine with earth, and then 
lowered the summit of Akra that the Temple might 
appear above it. The so-called ravine of the cheese- 
makers (Tyropcson), mentioned above as separating 
the hill of the upper city and the lower hill, ex- 
tends down to Siloam. Externally the two hills of 
the city were encompassed by deep ravines ; and it 
was nowhere approachable on account of the preci- 
pices on each side. (See also § 3 below.) In at- 
tempting to follow his description there are two 
points which it is necessary should be fixed, in or- 
der to understand what follows: (1.) the position 
and dimensions of the Temple; (2.) the position 
of the Tower Hippicus. — § 1. Site of the Temple. 
Without any exception, all topographers are now 
agreed that the Temple stood within the limits of 
the great area now known as the Haram (which is 
[so Robinson] 907£ feet broad at the south end, and 
about 1,066 at the north end, and 1,528 feet long), 
though at least one author places it in the centre, and 
not at the southern extremity of the enclosure. With 
this exception all topographers are agreed that the 
southwestern angle of the Haram area was one of 
the angles of the ancient Jewish Temple. Mr. 
Fergusson regards the evidence as conclusive, that 
Josephus was literally correct when he said that the 
Temple was an exact square of a stadium, or 600 



Greek feet, on each side. He therefore holds that 
the Temple extended from the southwestern angle 
of the Haram area about two-thirds of the whole 




Remains of Arch of Bridge (S. W. angle of Haram). 

distance to the southeastern angle, and about two- 
fifths of the distance to the northwestern angle, 
and thus places the Mosque of Omar just outside 



460 



JER 



JER 



of the ancient Temple. Mr. Fergusson claims, as 
supporting his conclusion, that the Haram area is 
filled up perfectly solid, with the exception of the 
great tunnel-like entrance under the mosque el-Aksa, 
until, 600 feet E. from the southwestern angle, we 
arrive at a wall running N., beyond which the area 
is filled up with a series of light arches, supported 
on square piers, and incapable of sustaining the 
weight of any large building. The Talmud asserts 
that the Temple was a square of 600 cubits each 
side. Robinson (i. 290-292) holds " that the area of 
the Jewish Temple was identical on its W., E., and 
S. sides, with the present enclosure of the Haram" 
which he supposes "has been enlarged toward the 
N." He says (iii. 220), " On beholding the im- 
mense stones and the elaborate masonry of some 
of the lower portions of the exterior wall around 
the present Haram enclosure, the traveller receives 
at once the conviction, that they are of earlier date 
than the rest of the wall, and that he has before 




Jews' WaiHng-place. See Moubmng. 

him the massive substructions of the ancient Jew- 
ish Temple. This is true especially of the Jewish 
wailing-place and the southwest corner ; of lar^e 
portions of the southern wall, as also the south- 



east corner on its two sides. Such has been the 
impression received by travellers for centuries ; and 
such it will probably continue to be so long as 
these remains endure." (See Moriah 2, and §§ 10 
11, below.) — § 2. Hippicus. Of all the towers that 
once adorned the city of Jerusalem only one now 
exists in any thing like a state of perfection, viz. 
that called the tower, or castle, of David, in the 
centre of the citadel, near the Jaffa gate, which 
from its prominence now, and the importance which 
Josephus ascribes to the tower, has been generally 
assumed to be the tower Hippicus. The reasons, 
however, against this assumption are too cogent to 
allow of the identity being admitted. But at the 
northwestern angle of the present city there are 
the remains of an ancient building of bevelled ma- 
sonry and large stones, the Kasr Jalud, which Mr. 
Fergusson identifies with the Hippicus of Josephus. 
Dr. J. P. Thompson (in Kitto), and Dr. H. Bonar (in 
Fairbairn), without acquiescing fully in Mr. Fergus- 
son's identification, are disposed to place Hippicus in 
this neighborhood. — §3. Walls. As described by Jo- 
sephus, the first or old wall began on the N. at the 
tower called Hippicus, and, extending to the Xystus 
(an open place, in the extreme part of the upper 
city, where the people sometimes assembled, and 
which was connected with the Temple by a bridge 
j [Robinson]), joined the council-house, and ended at 
| the west cloister of the Temple. Its southern di- 
I rection is described as passing the gate of the Es- 
senes (probably the modern Jaffa gate, so Mr. Fer- 
' gusson ; Kitto supposes it perhaps = the " dung- 
| gate " on the south side), and, bending above the 
fountain of Siloam, it reached Ophel, and was joined 
' to the eastern cloister of the Temple. The second 
| wall began at the gate Gennath, in the old wall, 
probably near the Hippicus, and passed round the 
northern quarter of the city, and joined the fortress 
Antonia. The third wall was built by King Herod 
Agrippa ; and was intended to enclose the suburbs 
which had grown out on the northern sides of the 
city, which before this had been left exposed. It 
began at the Hippicus, and reached as far as the 
tower Psephinus, till it came opposite the monu- 
ment cf Queen Helena of Adiabene ; it then passed 




The Castle of David and Jaffa Gate. — From a photograph by Rev. W. R. Bridges. — (Fbn.) 



by the sepulchral monuments of the kings, and, I After describing these walls, Josephus adds that the 
turning south at the monument of the Fuller, joined whole circumference of the city was thirty-three 
the old wall at the valley called the valley of Kidran. \ stadia, or nearly four English miles. He then adds 



JER 



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401 



§ 4. Antonia. The low- 
er or castle of Antonia 
(also called Baris, the 
"castle" of Acts xxi. 
24, 37, &c.) certainly was 
attached to the Temple 
buildings, and on the 
northern side of them ; 
but whether covering 
the whole space, or on- 
ly a portion, has been 
much disputed. After 
stating that the Temple 
was four square, and a 
stadium on each side, 
Josephus goes on to say 
that with Antonia it was 
six stadia in circumfer- 
ence. The most obvious 
conclusion from this 
would be (according to 
Mr. Fergusson) that the 
Antonia occupied prac- 
tically the platform on 
which the so-called 
Mosque of Omar now 
stands. But, from cer- 
tain facts connected with 
the siege, Mr. Fergus- 
son concludes that the 
Antonia was a tower or 
keep attached to the 
northwestern angle of 
the Temple. Robinson 
(iii. 231 if.) regards An- 
tonia as a fortress, with 
the extent and arrange- 
ments of a palace, occu- 
pying perhaps the whole 
north part of the pres- 
ent Haram area, having 
in its northwestern part 

East Corner of the South Wall and the Mount of Olive!, from S. W.-From a photograph by J Graham.— (Ayre.) an i nner citadel Or aCrO" 
The Mount of Olives appears on the right, crowned by the Church of the Ascension. polis of the Same name, 

and, where it joined upon 




fiat the number of towers in the old wall was sixty, 
the middle wall forty, and the new wall ninetv.-- 



the northern and western porticoes of the Temple, 
ilights of stairs descending to both. — § 5. Hills and 
Valleys. Topographers are still at issue as 
to the true direction of the upper part of the 
Tyropoeon (= cheese-makers') valley, and con- 
sequently, as to the position of Acra (Gr. 
■Akra). Rev. J. P. Thompson, D. D. (in 
Kitto) enumerates seven theories : — (1.) Akra 
is the ridge between the Jaffa and Damascus 
gates, the principal Christian quarter of the 
modern city (Reland, Von Raumer, Robinson, 
Stanley, &c.). The Tyropoeon then began at 
the Jaffa gate. (2.) Akra is N. of the Haram 
area, and contiguous to it, and E. of the 
valley that runs S. from the Damascus gate, 
which then becomes the Tyropoeon : Zion 
thus extended N. so as to embrace in whole 
or in part the ridge which is the Akra of No. 1, 
and includes the whole of the Chrstian, Ar- 
menian, aad Jewish quarters, while Akra lies 
wholly in the Mohammedan quarter of mod- 
ern Jerusalem (Putter, Schwartz). (3.) Akra, 
as in No. 2, = the hill of the Mohammedan 
quarter ; but Zion is not extended N. so as to 
stand face to face with it (Williams, Smith's 
Diet, of Geoff.). (4.) Akra was the portion 
(tor*. M. P "i^J ^l^^'-^; t •P^ h, " , of the Haram esh-Sherif not occupied by the 




462 



JER 



JER 



Temple (Schultz, Krafft). (5.) Akra was the ridge S. 
of the Temple area and E. of Zion, commonly known 
as Ophel (Prof. Justus Olshausen). (6.) Akra was 
the lower E. portion of the hill commonly known 
as Zion, i. e. Akra — the Jewish quarter, and Zion 
= the Armenian quarter (Dr. Titus Tobler). (7.) 
Akra is the entire ridge of the Haram (Thrupp). 
Thrupp and Fergusson agree that the Temple-hill 
was the ancient Zion, the city of David. The first 
and second of the above theories (so Dr. Thomp- 
son) appear the most tenable. — § 6. Population. 
Mr. Fergusson regards the assertions of Josephus 
that three millions were collected in Jerusalem at 
the Passover ; that a million of people perished in 
the siege ; that 100,000 escaped, &c, as greatly ex- 
aggerated. Mr. Fergusson estimates that the popu- 
lation of Jerusalem, in its days of greatest pros- 
perity, may have amounted to from 80,000 to 45,000 
souls, but could hardly ever have reached 50,000; 
and that there may have been 60,000 or 70,000 in 
the city when Titus came up against it. Thomson 
(ii. 589 fF.) considers that we are not required to 
find room for more than 200,000 regular inhabitants 
at Jerusalem in her highest prosperity and largest 
extent ; and that no impartial person who has op- 
portunity to examine modern Eastern cities, or to 
observe how densely the poor Jews can and do pack 
themselves away in the most wretched hovels, will 
deem it extravagant to suppose this number of res- 
idents in the ancient city, which had an area of about 
one square mile. The great numbers assembled in 
Jerusalem at the Passover, &c, were mostly stran- 
gers, not citizens. The great feasts occurred in the 
warm, non-rainy months when throughout southern 
Palestine the people do not hesitate to sleep in the 
open air, under trees, vines, and even in open gar- j 
dens ; and thus not only two, but six millions of 
people could find room to eat and sleep on the 
mountains " round about Jerusalem." The present 
population of Jerusalem has been variously esti- 
mated at from 10,000 to 26,000. Dr. Pierotti gives 
the number as 20,330, viz. 5,068 Christians of all 
sects, 7,556 Moslems (Arabs and Turks), 7,706 Jews 
(Dr. Bonar in Fairbairn). — § 7. Zion. It cannot be 
disputed that from the time of Constantine down- 
ward to the present day, this name has been applied 
to the western hill on which the city of Jerusalem 
now stands, and in fact always stood. Notwith- 
standing this, Mr. Fergusson, in opposition to the al- 
most unanimous opinion of scholars ana travellers, 
maintains that, up to the time of the destruction of 
the city by Titus, the name was applied exclusively 
to the eastern hill, or that on which the Temple 
stood. From 2 Sam. v. 7, and 1 Chr. xi. 5-8, it is 
clear that Zion = the city of David. Here JJie ark 
of God dwelt in curtains ; here was the abode of 
David and of Jehovah before the Temple was built; 
here was the seat of the theocracy. " The term 
Zion," says Rev. S. Wolcott, D. D. (B. S. xxiii. 691), 
"came, naturally, to be employed, both by sacred 
and profane writers, as the representation of the 
whole city, of which it formed so prominent a part. 
It was thus used by the later prophets ( Jer. xxxi. 
6 ; Joel iii. 17, 21, &c), as also in Maccabees (1 Mc. 
iv. 37, 60, vii. 33), where it evidently includes the 
Temple and adjacent mount." "To one who ap- 
proaches it from the S., the precipitous brow of 
Zion inverts the description — " the sides of the N." 
(Ps. xlviii. 2) — with a force and beauty which would 
be lost by a transfer to the other eminence." Dr. 
Bonar (in Fairbairn) considers "the sides of the 
N." (Ps. xlviii. 2 ; Is. xiv. 13) = the " city " proper, 



or lower market, on Akra, as contrasted with Zion, 
the upper city. " It is a mistaken impression," 
says Dr. Wolcott (1. c), " that greater sanctity is 
ascribed to Zion than to Jerusalem, or that the two 
names are, in this respect, carefully distinguished " 
(see Ps. cxxxv. 21, cxxxviii. ; Is. Iii. 1, 2 ; 2 Chr. 
vi. 6 ; Ezr. vii. 15 ; Zech. viii. 3, &c. ; compare 
Num. xxiii. 7, xxiv. 5, &c). " Our Saviour ex- 
pressly forbade the profanation of the name (Mat. 
v. 35) ; and through the force of the same sacred 
associations, the beloved disciple could find no more 
fitting type of heaven itself, as he beheld it in 
vision— the New Jerusalem of the saints in glory" 
(Rev. xxi. 2). — § 8. Topography of Nehcmiah. The 
only description of the ancient city of Jerusalem 
which exists in the Bible, so extensive in form as 
to enable us to follow it as a topographical descrip- 
tion, is that found in Nehemiah, and although it is 
hardly sufficiently distinct to enable us to settle all 
the moot points, it contains such valuable indica- 
tions that it is well worthy of the most attentive 
examination. The easiest way to arnve at any cor- 
rect conclusion regarding it, is to take first the 
description of the Dedication of the Walls in chap- 
ter xii. (31-40), and drawing such a diagram as thi=, 
we easily get at the main features of the old wall 



FI SHGATE 




Diagram of Places mentioned in Dedication of Walls (according to Mr. 
Fergusson). 



at least. If from this we turn to chapter Hi., which 
gives a description of the repairs of the wall, we 
have no difficulty (so Mr. Fergusson; but see above) 
in identifying all the places mentioned in the first 
sixteen verses, with those enumerated in chapter 

x ;i. §9. Waters of Jerusalem. " Jerusalem lies in 

the midst of a rocky limestone region, throughout 
which fountains and wells are comparatively rare " 
(Rbn. i. 323). Yet, according to Dr. Barclay (Cit;/ 
of the Great King), there are, within a radius of 
seven miles, some thirty or forty natural springs. 
"The artificial provision for supply of water in Je- 
rusalem in ancient times was perhaps the most 
complete and extensive ever undertaken for a city. 
The aqueduct of Solomon (winding along for twelve 
and a quarter miles) pours the waters of the three 
immense pools into the enormous temple-wells, cut 
out like caverns in the rock ; and the pools, which 
surround the city in all directions, supply to a great 
extent the want of a river or lake. The ancient 
pools were: (1.) The upper pool (2 K. xviii. 17). 
(2.) The king's pool (Neh. ii. 14). (Siloam?) (3.) 
The pool of Siloah (iii. 15). (Siloam?) (4.) The 
pool that was made (iii. 16). (5.) The lower pool 



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463 



(Is. xxii. 9). (6.) The old pool (xxii. 4). (7.) The 
pool of Bethesda (Jn. v. 2). (8.) The pool of Si- 
loam (ix. V). The chief modern pools are: (1.) 
Silwan (Siloam). (2.) Birket es-Sultdn, S. of the 
city, along the side of which the Bethlehem road 
runs ; perhaps = " the pool that was made " (No. 
4 above). (3.) Birket el-Mamilla, W. of the present 
Jaffa gate ; perhaps — the waters of the upper pool, 
from which Hezekiah made a conduit, and led the 
water into the heart of the city, down the Tyro- 
poeon. (4.) Birket Hammam el-Batrak, within the 
city walls, called traditionally the Pool of Hezekiah. 
(5.) Birket es-Serain, or Birket Israel, near the mod- 
ern St. Stephen's gate ; probably — Bethesda. 
There have been pools also in former ages, not 
small in size, which have disappeared. These pools 
and wells are not kept in very good repair, and sel- 
dom contain much or good water. The Um ed-Deraj, 
the traditional Fountain of the Virgin (see Siloam), 
is always filled and flowing, supplying water to the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem, but especially to those of 
the village Silwan. It is to tanks or pools that 
Jerusalem has to look for its water-supply ; and 
since its annual rain-fall is twice as much as that of 
England, there ought not to be any lack " (Dr. II. 
Bonar in Fairbairn). Of the above-mentioned mod- 
ern pools, Robinson, Thomson, Wilson, Van de 
Velde, &c, identify No. 3 with the ancient " upper 
pool," or " watercourse " of Gihon, and No. 2 with 
the " lower pool." Robinson (i. 346, &c.) supposes 
the fountain of Gihon, which supplied these pools, 
anciently existed on the W. side of Jerusalem in 
the basin or head of the valley of Hinnom, down 



which its waters naturally flowed till Hezekiah 
covered the fountain and brought down its waters 
by subterranean channels into the city. Mr. Wil- 
liams {Holy City) and others suppose Gihon = the 
Tyropoeon valley, that the upper pool of Gihon was 
on the N. side of Jerusalem, not far from the Tombs 
of the Kings, and that the lower Gihon was the 
pool of Siloam. Mr. Lewin, &c, consider Gihon = 
the valley of Jehoshaphat, the lower Gihon = the 
fountain of the Virgin, and the upper Gihon = 
some spring further N. (Cistern ; Dragon-well ; 
Pool, &c.)— § 10. Site of Holy Sepulchre. As the 
question now stands, the fixation of the site depends 
mainly on the answers that may be given to two 
questions: — (1.) Did Constantine and those who 
acted with him (a. d. 326) possess sufficient in- 
formation to enable them to ascertain exactly the 
precise localities of the crucifixion and burial of 
Christ ? (2.) Is the present church of the Holy 
Sepulchre that which he built, or does it stand on 
the same spot ? Mr. Fergusson answers the first 
question in the affirmative, and claims that the ac- 
count given by Eusebius of the uncovering of the 
rock expresses no doubt or uncertainty about the 
matter. Robinson (iii. 25V) maintains that "the 
whole tenor of the language both of Eusebius and 
Constantine shows that the discovery of the sep- 
ulchre was held to be the result, not of a previous 
knowledge derived from tradition, but of a super- 
natural intimation." Mr. Fergusson maintains that 
the language of Eusebius is minutely descriptive of 
the site of the building now known as the Mosque 
of Omar, but wholly inapplicable to the site of the 




The Church of the Holy Sepulchre. — From a photograph. — (Fbn.) 



present Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Of the 
buildings which Constantine or his mother, Helena, 
erected, Mr. Fergusson maintains that two now 
remain — the one the Anastasis (Gr. = Resurrec- 
tion, now [so Mr. Fergusson] known as the " Mosque 
of Omar "and the" Domeof theRock " [Ar. es-Snkh- 
rah]), a circular building erected over the tomb it- 
self; the other the " Golden Gateway " (Gate), which 
(so Mr. Fergusson) was thepropylea described by Eu- 
sebius as leading to the atrium (hall) of the basilica. 
The "Golden Gateway," which projects from the 
wall into the interior of the Haram, is now used as 
a Moslem place of prayer (Robinson). Mr. Fergus- 
son argues that the site of the Mosque of Omar 
was both outside of the ancient Temple (see § 1 
above) and outside of the ancient walls of the city. 
To this Rev. S. Wolcott, D. D., formerly an Amer- 



ican Protestant missionary in Palestine, replies : 
" The site of the so-called Mosque of Omar could 
not have been, in our Saviour's day, outside of the 
walls. The theory would break up the solid mason- 
ry of the ancient substructions of the Temple-area, 
still existing, making one portion modern, the other 
ancient in a way which is simply incredible " (B. S. 
xxiii. 695). — The Church of the Holy Sepulchre was 
erected by the Emperor Constantine a. d. 326-335. 
" Probably no one at the present day, except Mr. 
Fergusson and his followers, supposes there has been 
any transfer of the site, since it was originally fixed 
in the fourth century " (Robinson). The Church 
itself has been repeatedly destroyed (a. d. 614, 969, 
1010, 1808) and rebuilt (Bonar in Fairbairn). It is es- 
teemed by the Armenians, Greeks, Roman Catholics, 
&c, the holy place of Jerusalem. Chateaubriand, 



464 



JER 



JES 




Interior of the Golden Gate— From a view by Catherwood— (Fbn.) 

Von Raumer, Teschendorf, .Oliii, Williams, Picrotti, 
&c, defend its claims as marking the true site of 
our Lord's burial ; but Robinson, Thomson, Van de 
Velde, Wilson, Bonar, Tobler, Barclay, and many 
others, discredit them (compare Jn. xix. 20; Heb. 
xiii. 12). (Calvary ; Crucifixion ; Golgotha ; 
Pretorium ; Tomb.) — §11. Rebuilding of the Temple 
by Julian. Even if we have not historical evidence 
of the facts (see II. above), the appearance of the 
S. wall of the Haram would lead us to suspect that 
something of the sort had been attempted at this 
period. The great tunnel-like vault under the 
Mosque El-Aksa, with its four-domed vestibule, is 
almost certainly part of the temple of Herod, and 
coeval with his period ; but externally to this, cer- 
tain architectural decorations have been added, and 
that so slightly that daylight can be perceived be- 
tween the old walls and the subsequent decorations, 
except at the points of attachment. These adjuncts 
may with very tolerable certainty be ascribed to the 
age of Julian, while, from the historical accounts, 
they are just such as we should expect to find them. 
— § 12. Church of Justinian. Nearly two centuries 
after the attempt of Julian, Justinian erected a 
magnificent church at Jerusalem in honor of the 
Virgin Mary, " on the loftiest hill of the city, where 
there was not space enough to allow of the pre- 
scribed dimensions, so that they were obliged to lay 
the foundation at the S. E. side at the bottom of 
the hill, and build up a wall with arched vaults in 
order to support that part of the building " (Pro- 
copius in Robinson). Almost all topographers (so 
Mr. Fergusson) have jumped to the conclusion that 
the Mosque El-Aksa is the identical church referred 
to, but the architecture of that building (in Mr. 
Fergusson's view) is alone sufficient to refute any 
such idea. Notwithstanding this there is no diffi- 
culty in fixing on the site of this church, inasmuch 
as the vaults that fill up the southeastern angle of 
the Haram area are almost certainly of the age of 
Justinian, and are just such as Procopius describes ; 
so that if it were situated at the northern extremity 
of the vaults, all the arguments that apply to the 
Aksa equally apply to this situation. But this "is 
purely a conjectural site," " where not the slightest 
trace appears of a foundation ancient or modern " 
(so Dr. Wolcott in B. S. xxiv. 124). 

Je-ru'sha (fr. Heb. = posseted, sc. by a husband, 
Ges.), daughter of Zadok, and queen of Uzziah (2 
K. xv. 33). 



Jc-m'shEli (fr. Heb.) = Jertjsha (2 Chr. 
:.xvii. 1). 

Je-sai'ah [-sa'yah] (fr. Heb. = Isaiah, Fii.). 
1. Son of Hananiah; brother of Pelatiah, and 
grandson of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 21).— 2. 
A Benjamite (Neh. xi. 1). 

Je-shai'ah [-sha yah], or Jesh-a-i'alt (tr. 
Ileb. = Isaiah). 1. One of the six sons of 
Jeduthun (1 Chr. xxv. 3, 15). — 2. A Levite 
in David's reign ; eldest son of Behabiah, a 
descendant of Amram through Moses (xxvi. 
25) ; = Isshiah 1. — 3. Son of Athaliah, and 
chief of the children of Elam who returned 
with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 7). (Josias.) — i, A Mera- 
rite who returned with Ezra (viii. 19). Osaias. 

Jesh'a-nali (fr. Heb. = old, Ges.), one of the 
three " cities " taken from Jeroboam by Abi- 
| jah (2 Chr. xiii. 19). Mr. Wilton (in Fair- 
lirn) identifies it with the modern village of 
iin Sinia, about three miles N. of Bciiin 
1 (Bethel). 

Jesh-a-rc'lah (fr. Heb. — right toward God, 
Ges.), son of Asaph, and head of the seventh of the 
twenty-four wards into which the musicians of the 
Levites were divided (1 Chr. xxv. 14). Asarelah. 

Je-she'bc-ab (fr. Heb. = seat of one's father, Get.), 
head of the fourteenth course of priests (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 13). 

Je'shcr (fr. Heb. = uprightness, Ges.), a son of 
Caleb the son of Hezron by his wife Azubah (1 
Chr. ii. 18). 

Jesh'i-mon (fr. Heb. = the waste), a name which 
occurs in Num. xxi. 20 and xxiii. 28, in designating 
the position of Pisgah and Peor, as " facing the Jesh- 
imon ; " elsewhere used with reference to the hill 
of Ilachilah (1 Sam. xxiii. 19, xxvi. 1, 3), and the 
wilderness of Maon (xxiii. 24). Perhaps Jeshimon 
= the dreary, barren waste of hills lying imme- 
diately on the W. of the Dead Sea. Desert 4. 

Je-sfii'ihai (fr. Heb. = son of an old man, Ges.), 
an ancestor of the Gadites who dwelt in Gilead (1 
Chr. v. 14). 

Jcsh-O-hai'ah (-ha'yah] (fr. Heb. = whom Jeho- 
vah bows down, Ges.), a Simeonite chief, descended 
from Shimei (1 Chr. iv. 36). 

Jesb'n-a (a later Hebrew contraction for Joshua 
or rather Jehoshua). 1. Joshua, the son of Nun 
(Neh. viii. 17). — 2. A priest in David's reign, head 
of the ninth course (1 Chr. xxiv. 11, A. V. " Jeslm- 
nh ; " Ezr. ii. 36 ; Neh. vii. 39 ; see Jedaiah 1.— 3. 
A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 
— i. Son of Jehozadak ; first high-priest after the 
Babylonish Captivity, and ancestor of the fourteen 
high-priests his successors down to Joshua or Jason, 
and Onias or Menelaus, inclusive (Ezr. ii. 2, iii. 2, 
8, 9, iv. 3, v. 2, x. 18 ; Neh. vii. 1, xii. 1, 1, 10, 26) ; 
= Joshua 4. Jeshua, like his contemporary Zerub- 
babel, was probably born in Babylon, whither his 
father, Jehozadak, had been taken captive while 
young (1 Chr. vi. 15, A. V.). He came up from 
Babylon in the first year of Cyrus with Zerubbabel, 
and took a leading part with him in the rebuilding 
of the Temple, and the restoration of the Jewish 
commonwealth. Besides the great importance of 
Jeshua as an historical character, from the critical 
times in which he lived, and the great work which 
he accomplished, his name (= Jesus), his restoration 
of the Temple, his office as high-priest, and espe- 
cially the two prophecies concerning him in Zech. 
iii. and vi. 9-15, point him out as an eminent type 
of Christ. — 5. Head of a Levitical house, one of 
these which returned from the Babylonish captivity, 



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465 



and took an active part under Zerubbabel, Ezra, and 
Nehemiah. The name is used to designate either 
the whole family or the successive chiefs of it (Ezr. 
ii. 40, iiL 9 ; Neh. iii. 19, viii. 7, ix. 4, 5, x. 9, xii. 8, 
&c.). — 6. A branch of the family of Pahath-moab, 
one of the chief families, probably of Judah (Neh. x. 
14, vii. 11, &c. ; Ezr. x. 30). 

Jcsli'n-a (see above), one of the towns reinhabited 
by the people of Judah after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 
26 only); apparently in the extreme S. (so Mr. 
Grove). Mr. Wilton (in Fairbairn) suggests = the 
modern village Yeshu'a, about twelve miles W. of 
Jerusalem. 

Jesli'n-ah (fr. Heb. = Jeshua, or Joshua), a priest 
in the reign of David (1 Chr. xxiv. 11) ; = Jeshua 2. 

Jesh'u-run (fr. Heb., see below), and once in A. 
V. Jes'n-rnn (Is. xliv. 2), a symbolical name for 
Israel in Deut. xxxii. 15, xxxiii. 5, 26; Is. xliv. 2, 
for which various etymologies have been suggested. 
It is most probably derived from a root signifying 
to be blessed (so Mr. Wright). With the intensive 
termination Jeshurun would then denote Israel as 
supremely happy or prosperous, and to this signifi- 
cation the context in Deut. xxxii. 15 points. Gese- 
nius and Fiirst regard the termination as an affec- 
tionate diminutive from a Hebrew word signifying 
upright, and Jeshurun therefore as = the good little 
people. Michaelis, Grotius, Vitringa, and formerly 
Gesenius considered it as a diminutive of Israel, as 
if contracted from Heb. yisreelun. ; but for this there 
is not the slightest foundation. 

Je-si'ah (fr. Heb. = Ishiah, Ishijah, Isshiah). 

I. A Korhite, one of the mighty men who joined 
David's standard at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 6). — 2. 
Second son of Uzziel, the son of Kohath (1 Chr. 
xxiii. 20) ; =: Isshiah 2. 

Jc-sim'i-cl (fr. Heb. = whom God has set up, 
Ges.), a Simeonite chief, of the family of Shimei (1 
Chr. iv. 36). 

Jes'se (L. fr. Heb., perhaps = firm, strong, Ges. ; 
Jah is existing or living, Fii.), father of David. He 
was the son of Obed, who again was the fruit of the 
union of Boaz and the Moabitess Ruth. Nor was 
Ruth's the only foreign blood that ran in his veins ; 
for his great-grandmother was Rahab the Canaanite, 
of Jericho (Mat. i. 5). Jesse's genealogy is twice 
given in full in the 0. T. (Ru. iv. 18-22 ; 1 Chr. 
ii. 5-12), and twice in the N. T. (Mat. i. ; Lu. iii.). 
He is commonly designated as " Jesse the Bethle- 
hemite" (1 Sam. xvi. 1, 18). So he is called by his 
son David, then fresh from home (xvii. 58) ; but his 
full title is " the Ephrathite of Bethlehem-judah " 
(xvii. 12). He is an "old man " when we first meet 
with him (xvii. 12), with eight sons (xvi. 10, xvii. 
12), residing at Bethlehem (xvi. 4, 5). Jesse's 
wealth seems to have consisted of a flock of sheep 
and goats, which were under the care of David (xvi. 

II, xvii. 34, 35). When David's rupture with Saul 
had finally driven him from the court, and he was 
in the cave of Adullam, " his brethren and all his 
father's house " joined him (xxii. 1). Anxious for 
their safety, he took his father and mother into the 
country of Moab, and left them under the king's pro- 
tection, and there they disappear from our view in the 
records of Scripture. In his name Isaiah (xi. 1, 10) 
announces the most splendid of his promises. (Mes- 
siah.) Who the wife of Jesse was we are not told. 
Nahash 2. 

Jes'sn-e (fr. Gr. form of Jesus, Jeshua, &c), a 
Levite = Jeshua (1 Esd. v. 26; compare Ezr. ii. 
40). 

Jc'sn (L. form of Jesus, Jeshua, &c), Jeshua 
30 



the Levite, the father of Jozabad (1 Esd. viii. 63; 
see Ezr, viii. 33) ; also called Jessue and Jesus. 

Jes'n-i (fr. Heb. = Ishuai, Isui), son of Asher, 
whose descendants the Jesuites were numbered in 
the plains of Moab (Num. xxvi. 44) ; elsewhere called 
Isui (Gen. xlvi. 17) and Ishuai (1 Chr. vii. 30). 

Jes'u-ites, the = a family of Asher, descended 
from Jesui (Num. xxvi. 44). 

Jes'n-rnn = Jeshurun. 

Je'sns [-zus] (the Latinized Gr. form of Joshua 
or Jeshua, a contraction of Jehoshua = help of 
Jehovah or Saviour). I. Joshua the priest, the son 
of Jehozadak (1 Esd. v. 5, 8, 24, 48, 56, 68, 70, vi. 
2, ix. 19 ; Ecclus. xlix. 12) ; = Jeshua 4. — 2. Jeshua 
the Levite (1 Esd. v. 58, iv. 48). — 3. Joshua the 
son of Nun (2 Esd. vii. 37 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 1 ; 1 Mc. 
ii. 55 ; Acts vii. 45 ; Heb. iv. 8). 

Je'sns (see above) the Fa ther of Si'rach, and 
grandfather of the following (Ecclus. prologue). 
! Ecclesiasticus. 

Je'sns (see above) the son of Si'racli is described in 
Ecclesiasticus (1. 27) as the author of that book, 
which in the LXX., and generally, except in the 
Western Church, is called by his name the Wisdom 
of Jesus the son of Sirach, or simply the Wisdom of 
Sirach. The same passage speaks of him as a native 
of Jerusalem ; and the internal character of the book 
confirms its Palestinian origin. Among the later 
Jews the " Son of Sirach " was celebrated under the 
i name of Ben Sira as a writer of proverbs. 

Je'sns (see above), called Jns'tns (L. just), a 
Christian who was with St. Paul at Rome (Col. iv. 
11). 

Je'sns (L. fr. Heb. through Gr. =; Saviour; see 
above) Christ (fr. Gr. Christos [L. form Christus] = 
anointed — Messiah). Priests were anointed among 
the Jews, as their inauguration to their office (1 
Chr. xvi. 22 ; Ps. cv. 15), and kings also (2 Mc. i. 
24 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). (Anointing.) In the N. T. 
the name Christ = Messiah (Jn. i. 41, A. V. " Mes- 
sias "), the name given to the long-promised Prophet 
and King whom the Jews had been taught by their 
prophets to expect (Acts xix. 4 ; Mat. xi. 3). The 
use of this name, as applied to the Lord, has always 
a reference to the promises of the prophets. " Je- 
sus " is the proper name of our Lord, and " Christ " 
is added to identify Him with the promised Mes- 
siah. The Life, the Person, and the Work of our 
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ occupy the whole of 
the N. T. Of this threefold subject the present 
article includes the first part, viz., the Life and 
Teaching. (Saviour ; Son of God.) According to 
the received chronology, which is in fact that of 
Dionysius Exiguus in the sixth century, the Birth 
of Christ occurred in the year of Rome 754; but 
from other considerations it is probable (so Arch- 
bishop Thomson, original author of this article) 
that the Nativity took place some time before 
April u. c. 750, and if it happened only a few 
months before Herod's death (Herod 1), then its 
date would be four years earlier than the Dionysian 
reckoning. (See the end of this article.) The salu- 
tation addressed by the Angel to Mary His mother, 
" Hail ! Thou that art highly favored," was the pre- 
lude to a new act of divine creation. (Genealogy 
of Jesus Christ; James 3 ; Joseph 11 ; Mary, the 
Virgin.) Mary received the announcement of a 
miracle, the full import of which she could not have 
understood, with the submission of one who knew 
that the message came from God ; and the Angel 
departed from her. The prophet Micah had fore- 
told (Mic. v. 2) that the future king should be born in 



460 



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Bethlehem of Judea, the place where the house of 
David had its origin ; but Mary dwelt in Nazareth. 
Augustus, however, had ordered a general census 
of the Roman empire. From the well-known and 
much-canvassed passage (Lk. ii. 2) it appears that 
the taxing was not completed till the time of Qui- 
rinus (Cyrenius), some years later; and how far 
it was carried now, cannot be determined : all 
that we learn is that it brought Joseph, who was of 
the house of David, from his home to Bethlehem, 
where the Lord was born. As there was no room 
ia the inn, a manger was the cradle in which Christ 
the Lord was laid. But signs were not wanting of 
the greatness of the event that seemed so unimpor- 
tant. Lowly shepherds were the witnesses of the 
wonders that accompanied the lowly Saviour's birth ; 
an angel proclaimed to them " good tidings of great 
joy;" and then the exceeding joy that was in heaven 
among the angels about this mystery of love broke 
through the silence of night with the words, " Glory 
to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good- 
will toward men " (ii. 8-20). The child Jesus is 
circumcised in due time, is brought to the Temple, 
and the mother makes the offering for her purifica- 
tion. Simeon and Anna, taught from God that the 
object of their earnest longings was before them, 
prophesied of His divine work : the one rejoicing 
that his eyes had seen the salvation of God, and the 
other speaking of Him " to all that looked for re- 
demption in Jerusalem " (ii. 28-38). Thus recog- 
nized among His own people, the Saviour was not 
without witness among the heathen. " Wise men 
from the East " — i. e. Persian magi of the Zend re- 
ligion, in which the idea of a Zoziosh or Redeemer 
was clearly known — guided miraculously by a star 
or meteor (Star of the Wise Men) created for the 
purpose, came and sought out the Saviour to pay 
Him homage. A little child made the great Herod 
quake upon his throne. When he knew that the 
magi were come to hail their King and Lord, and 
did not stop at his palace, but passed on to a 
humbler roof, and when he found that they would 
not return to betray this child to him, he put to 
death all the children in Bethlehem that were under 
two years old. The crime was great ; but the num- 
ber of the victims, in a little place like Bethlehem, 
was small enough to escape special record among 
the wicked acts of Herod from Josephus and other 
historians, as it had no political interest. Joseph, 
warned by a dream, flees to Egypt with the young 
child, beyond the reach of Herod's arm. After 
the death of Herod, in less than a year, Jesus re- 
turned with his parents to their own land, and went 
to Nazareth, where they abode. (Nazarene.) Ex- 
cept as to one event, the Evangelists are silent 
upon the succeeding years of our Lord's life down 
to the commencement of His ministry. When He 
was twelve years old He was found in the Temple, 
hearing the doctors and asking them questions (ii. 
40-52). We are shown this one fact that we may 
know that at the time when the Jews considered 
childhood to be passing into youth, Jesus was al- 
ready aware of His mission, and consciously prepar- 
ing for it, although years passed before its actual 
commencement. Thirty years had elapsed from the 
birth of our Lord to the opening of His ministry. 
In that time great changes had come over the 
chosen people. Herod the Great had united under 
him almost all the original kingdom of David ; after 
the death of that prince it was dismembered for- j 
ever. It was in the fifteenth year of Tiberius the I 
emperor, reckoning from his joint rule with Au- I 



gustus (January u. c. 765), and not from his sole 
rule (August c. c. 76V), that John the Baptist be 
gan to teach. He was the last representative of 
the prophets of the old covenant ; and his work 
was twofold — to enforce repentance and the ter- 
rors of the old law, and to revive the almost for- 
gotten expectation of the Messiah (Mat. iii. 1-10 ; 
Mk. i. 1-8; Lk. iii. 1-18). The career of John 
seems to have been very short. Jesus came to Jor- 
dan with the rest to receive baptism at John's 
hands: (1.) that the sacrament by which all were 
hereafter to be admitted into His kingdom might 
not want His example to justify its use (Mat. iii. 
15); (2.) that John might have an assurance that 
his course as the herald of Christ was now com- 
pleted by His appearance (Jn. i. 33); (3.) that 
some public token might be given that He was 
indeed the Anointed of God (Heb. v. 5). Imme- 
diately after this inauguration of His ministry, 
Jesus was led up of the Spirit into the wilder- 
ness to be tempted of the devil (Mat. iv. 1-11; 
Mk. i. 12, 13 ; Lk. iv. 1-13). The three temptations 
are addressed to the three forms in which the dis- 
ease of sin makes its appearance on the soul — 
to the solace of sense, and the love of praise, 
and the desire of gain (l Jn. ii. 16). But there 
is one element common to them all — they are at- 
tempts to call up a wilful and wayward spirit 
in contrast to a patient, self-denying one. There 
are internal marks that Matthew assigns them their 
historical order ; Luke transposes the two last. — 
Deserting for a time the historical order, we shall 
find that the records of this first portion of His 
ministry, from the temptation to the transfigura- 
tion, consist mainly — (1.) of miracles, which prove 
His divine commission ; (2.) of discourses and par- 
ables on the doctrine of "the kingdom of heaven;" 
(3.) of incidents showing the behavior of various 
persons when brought into contact with our Lord. 
The two former may require some general remarks; 
the last will unfold themselves with the narrative. 
— 1. The Miracles. The expectation that Messiah 
would work miracles existed among the people, 
and was founded on the language of prophecy. 
Our Lord's miracles are described in the N. T. 
by several names : they are " signs," " wonders," 
" works " (most frequently in Jn.), and " mighty 
works," according to the point of view from which 
they are regarded. They are indeed astonishing 
works, wrought as signs of the might and presence 
of God ; and they are powers or mighty works, be- 
cause they are such as no power short of the divine 
could have effected. But if the object had been 
merely to work wonders, without any other aim 
than to astonish the minds of the witnesses, the 
miracles of our Lord would not have been the best 
means of producing the effect, since many of them 
were wrought for the good of obscure people, be- 
fore witnesses chiefly of the humble and uneducated 
class, and in the course of the ordinary life of our 
Lord, which lay not among those who made it their 
special business to inquire into the claims of a 
prophet. The miracles of our Lord were to be not 
wonders merely, but signs ; and not merely signs 
of preternatural power, but of the scope and char- 
acter of His ministry, and of the divine nature of 
His Person. This will be evident from an examina- 
tion of those which are more particularly described 
in the Gospels. Nearly forty cases of this kind ap- 
pear ; but they are only examples taken out of a 
very great number (Jn. ii. 23; Mat. viii. 16, iv. 23, 
xii. 15, &c). There are three instances of restora- 



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467 



(ion to life (Mat. ix. 18 ; Lk. vii. 11, 12 ; Jn. xi. 1, 
&c). There are about six cases of demoniac pos- 
session (Mk. i. 24, v. 2; Mat. ix. 32, xvii. 15; Lk. 
xi. 15 ; Mat. xv. 22). (Demoniacs.) There are 
about seventeen recorded cases of the cure of bodily 
sickness, including fever, leprosy, palsy, inveterate 
weakness, the maimed limb, the issue of blood of 
twelve years' standing, dropsy, blindness, deafness, 
and dumbness ( Jn. iv. 47 ; Mat. viii. 2, 14, ix. 2 ; 
Jn. v. 5; Mat. xii. 10, viii. 5, ix. 20, 27; Mk. viii. 
22; Jn. ix. 1 ; Lk. xiii. 10, xvii. 11, xviii. 35, xxii. 
51). These three groups of miracles pertain to 
one class : they brought help to the suffering 
or sorrowing, and proclaimed what love the Man 
that did them bore toward the children of men. 
There is another class, showing a complete con- 
trol over the powers of nature : first, by acts 
of creative power (Jn. ii. 7, vi. 10 ; Mat. xv. 
32) ; secondly, by setting aside natural laws and 
conditions (Lk. iv. 30, v. 4; Jn. xxi. 6; Mat. viii. 
26, xiv. 25, xvii. 1, 27). In a third class of these 
miracles we find our Lord overawing the wills of 
men ; as when He twice cleared the Temple of the 
traders (Jn. ii. 13 ; Mat. xxi. 12) ; and when His 
look staggered the officers that came to take Him 
(Jn. xviii. 6). And in a fourth subdivision will 
stand one miracle only, where His power was used 
for destruction — the case of the barren fig-tree 
(Mat. xxi. 18). On reviewing all the recorded mir- 
acles, we see at once that they are signs of the 
nature of Christ's Person and mission. They show 
how active and unwearied was His love : they also 
show the diversity of its operation. The miracles 
were intended to attract the witnesses of them to 
become followers of Jesus and members of the 
kingdom of heaven. They have then two purposes, 
the proximate and subordinate purpose of doing a 
work of love to them that need it, and the higher 
purpose of revealing Christ in His own Person and 
nature as the Son of God and Saviour of men. — 2. 
The Parables. Nearly fifty parables are preserved 
in the Gospels, and they are only selected from a 
larger number (Mk. iv. 33). In the parable some 
story of ordinary doings is made to convey a spirit- 
ual meaning, beyond what the narrative itself con- 
tains. In reference to this kind of teaching, some 
have hastily concluded from our Lord's words (Lk. 
viii. 10) that the parable was employed to conceal 
knowledge from those who were not susceptible of 
it, and that this was its chief purpose. But it was 
chosen not for this negative object, but for its posi- 
tive advantages in the instruction of the disciples. 
If there was any mode of teaching better suited 
than another to the purpose of preserving truths 
for the memory that were not accepted by the heart, 
that mode would be the best suited to their peculiar 
position. Eastern teachers have made this mode 
of instruction familiar : the originality of the para- 
bles lay not in the method of teaching by stories, 
but in the profound and new truths which the sto- 
ries taught so aptly. — Besides the parables, the 
more direct teaching of our Lord is conveyed in 
many discourses dispersed through the Gospels, of 
which three may be here selected as examples : the 
Sermon on the Mount (Mat. v.-vii.), the discourse 
after the feeding of the five thousand ( Jn. vi. 22-65), 
and the final discourse and prayer which preceded 
|h.e Passion (xiv.-xvii.). Notwithstanding the en- 
deavor to establish that the Sermon on the Mount of 
St. Matthew is different from the Sermon on the 
Plain of St. Luke, the evidence for their being one | 
and the same discourse greatly preponderates. If 



so, then its historical position must be fixed from 
Luke ; and its earlier place in Matthew must be 
owing to the Evangelist's wish to commence the 
account of the ministry of Jesus with a summary 
of His teaching. From Luke we learn that Jesus 
had gone up into a mountain to pray, that on the 
morning following He made up the nuniber of His 
twelve apostles, and solemnly appointed them ; and 
then descending He stood upon a level place (Lk. 
vi. 17), not necessarily at the bottom of the moun- 
tain, but where the multitude would stand round 
and hear ; and there He taught them in a solemn 
address the laws and constitution of His new king- 
dom, the kingdom of Heaven. The differences be- 
tween the reports of the two Evangelists are many. 
In the former Gospel the sermon occupies one hun- 
dred and seven verses ; in the latter, thirty. The 
longer report includes the exposition of the relation 
of the Gospel to the Law : it also draws together, 
as we have seen, some passages which Luke reports 
elsewhere and in another connection ; and where 
the two contain the same matter, that of Luke is 
somewhat more compressed. But in taking ac- 
count of this, the purpose of Matthew is to be 
borne in mind : the morality of the Gospel is to be 
fully set forth at the beginning of our Lord's min- 
istry, and especially in its bearing on the Law as 
usually received by the Jews, for whose use es- 
pecially this Gospel was designed. And when this 
discourse is compared with the later examples to 
which we shall presently refer, the fact comes out 
more distinctly, that we have here the Code of the 
Christian Lawgiver rather than the whole Gospel. 
— The next example of the teaching of Jesus must 
be taken from a later epoch in His ministry. Prob- 
ably the great discourse in Jn. vi. took place about 
the time of the Transfiguration. The effect of His 
personal work on the disciples now becomes the 
prominent subject. He had taught them that He 
was the Christ, and had given them His law, wider 
and deeper far than that of Moses. But the ob- 
jection to every law applies more strongly the 
purer and higher the law is ; and " how to perform 
that which I will " is a question that grows more 
difficult to answer as the standard of obedience is 
raised. It is that question which our Lord proceeds 
to answer here. The Redeemer alludes to His death, 
to the body which shall suffer on the Cross, and to 
the blood which shall be poured out. This great sac- 
rifice is not only to be looked on, but to be believed : 
and not only believed, but appropriated to the be- 
liever, to become part of his very heart and life. Faith, 
here as elsewhere, is the means of apprehending it : 
but when it is once laid hold of, it will be as much 
a part of the believer as the food that nourishes the 
body becomes incorporated with the body. Many 
of the disciples went back and walked no more with 
Jesus, because their conviction that He was the 
Messiah had no real foundation. The rest remained 
with Him for the reason so beautifully expressed by 
Peter : " Lord, to whom shall we go ? Thou hast 
the words of eternal life. And we believe and are 
sure that Thou art that Christ, the Son of the living 
God " (Jn. vi. 68, 69). — The third example of our 
Lord's discourses is that which closes His ministry. 
This great discourse, recorded only by St. John, ex- 
tends from the thirteenth to the end of the seven- 
teenth chapter. It hardly admits of analysis. It 
announces the Saviour's departure in the fulfilment 
of His mission ; it imposes the new commandment 
on the disciples of a special love toward each other 
which should be the outward token to the world of 



468 



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their Christian profession ; it consoles them with the 
promise of the Comforter who should be to them in- 
stead of the Saviour ; it tells them all that He should 
do for them, teaching them, reminding them, reprov- 
ing the world, and guiding the disciples into all 
truth. It offers them, instead of the bodily presence 
of their beloved Master, free access to the throne 
of His Father, and spiritual blessings such as they 
had not known before. Finally, it culminates in that 
sublime prayer (chapter xvii.) by which the High- 
priest as it were consecrates Himself the victim. 
These three discourses are examples of the Saviour's 
teaching — of its progressive character from the open- 
ing of His ministry to the close. — The Scene of the 
Lord's Ministry. As to the scene of the ministry 
of Christ, no less than as to its duration, the three 
evangelists seem at first sight to be at variance 
with the fourth. Matthew, Mark, and Luke record 
only our Lord's doings in Galilee ; if we put aside 
a few days before the Passion, we find that they 
never mention His visiting Jerusalem. John, on 
the other hand, whilst he records some acts in Gal- 
ilee, devotes the chief part of his gospel to the 
transactions in Judea. But when the supplemental 
character of John's gospel is borne in mind there is 
little difficulty in explaining this. The three evan- 
gelists do not profess to give a chronology of the 
ministry, but rather a picture of it: notes of time 
are not frequent in their narrative. And as they 
chiefly confined themselves to Galilee, where the 
Redeemer's chief acts were done, they might nat- 
urally omit to mention the feasts, which, being 
passed by our Lord at Jerusalem, added nothing to 
the materials for His Galilean ministry. (Gospels.) 
— Duration of the Ministry. It is impossible to de- 
termine exactly from the gospels the number of 
years during which the Redeemer exercised His 
ministry before the Passion ; but the doubt lies be- 
tween two and three ; for the opinion adopted from 
an interpretation of Is. lxi. 2 by more than one of 
the ancients, that it lasted only one year, cannot be 
borne out. The data are to be drawn from John. 
This evangelist mentions six feasts, at five of which 
Jesus was present ; the Passover that followed His 
baptism (Jn. ii. 13) ; "a feast of the Jews " (v. 1) ; a 
Passover during which Jesus remained in Galilee 
(vi. 4) ; the feast of Tabernacles to which the Lord 
went up privately (vii. 2) ; the feast of Dedication 
(x. 22) ; and lastly the feast of Passover, at which 
He suffered (xii., xiii.). There are certainly three 
Passovers, and it is possible that " a feast " (v. 1) 
may be a fourth. Upon this possibility the ques- 
tion turns. But if this feast is not a Passover, then 
no Passover is mentioned by John between the first 
(ii. 13) and that which is spoken of in the sixth 
chapter ; and the time between those two must be 
assumed to be a single year only. Now, although 
the record of John of this period contains but few 
facts, yet when all the evangelists are compared, the 
amount of labor compressed into this single year 
would be too much for its compass (see the Har- I 
mony under Gospels). It is, to say the least, easier I 
to suppose that the "feast" (v. 1) was a Pass- 
over, dividing the time into two, and throwing two ! 
of these circuits into the second year of the minis- 
try. Upon the whole, though there is no positive 
proof (Pubim), it is probable that there were four 
Passovers, and consequently that our Lord's min- 
istry lasted somewhat more than three years, the 
" beginning of miracles " ( Jn. ii.) having been 
wrought before the first Passover. The year of the 
first of these Passovers was u. c. 780, and the bap- 



tism of our Lord took place either in the beginning 
of that year or the end of the year preceding. — 
After this sketch of the means, the scene, and the 
duration of the Saviour's ministry, the historical or- 
der of the events may be followed without interrup- 
tion. Our Lord has now passed through the ordeal 
of temptation, and His ministry is begun. At Beth- 
abara, to which He returns, disciples begin to be 
drawn toward Him ; Andrew and another, probably 
John, the sole narrator of the fact, see Jesus, and 
hear the Baptist's testimony concerning Him. An- 
drew brings Simon Peter to see Him also ; and he 
receives from the Lord the name of Cephas. Then 
Philip and Nathanael are brought into contact with 
our Lord. The two disciples last named saw Him 
as He was about to set out for Galilee, on the third 
day of his sojourn at Bethabara. The third day 
after this interview Jesus is at Cana in Galilee, and 
works His first miracle, by making the water wine 
(Jn. i. 29, 35, 43, ii. 1). He now betakes Himself 
to Capernaum, and, after a sojourn thereof "not 
many days," sets out for Jerusalem to the Passover, 
which was to be the beginning of His ministry in 
Judea (ii. 12, 13). The cleansing of the Temple is 
associated by John with this first Passover (ii. 12- 
22), and a similar cleansing is assigned to the last 
Passover by the other evangelists. These two can- 
not be confounded without throwing discredit on 
the historical character of one narrative or the 
other ; the notes of time are too precise. But a 
host of interpreters have pointed out the probability 
that an action symbolical of the power and author- 
ity of the Messiah should be twice performed, at 
the opening of the ministry and at its close. The 
expulsion of the traders was not likely to produce a 
permanent effect, and at the end of three years 
Jesus found the tumult and the traffic defiling the 
court of the Temple as they had done when He 
visited it before. The visit of Nicodemus to Jesus 
took place about this first Passover. It implies that 
our Lord had done more at Jerusalem than is re- 
corded of Him even by John ; since we have here a 
Master of Israel (iii. 10), a member of the San- 
hedrim (vii. 50) expressing his belief in Him, al- 
though too timid at this time to make an open pro- 
fession. The object of the visit, though not directly 
stated, is still clear; he was one of the better Phar- 
isees, who were expecting the kingdom of Messiah, 
and having seen the miracles that Jesus did, he 
came to inquire more fully about these signs of its 
approach. It has been well said that this discourse 
contains the whole gospel in epitome. After a 
sojourn at Jerusalem of uncertain duration, Jesus 
went to the Jordan with His disciples ; and they 
were baptized in His name. The Baptist was now 
at Enon, near Salim ; and the jealousy of his disci- 
ples against Jesus drew from John an avowal of his 
position, which is remarkable for its humility (iii. 
27-30). How long this sojourn in Judea lasted 
is uncertain. But in order to reconcile Jn. iv. 1 
with Mat. iv. 12, we must suppose that it was much 
longer than the " twenty-six or twenty-seven " days 
to which Mr. Greswell would limit it. In the way 
to Galilee Jesus passed by the shortest route, 
through Samaria. In the time of our Lord the 
Samaritans were hated by the Jews even more than 
if they had been Gentiles. Yet even in Samaria 
were souls to be saved. Jesus came in His journey 
to Sychar. Wearied and athirst He sat on the side 
of Jacob's well. A woman from the neighboring 
town came to draw from the well, and was aston- 
ished that a Jew should address her as a neighbor, 



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469 



with a request for water. The conversation that 
ensued might be taken for an example of the mode 
in which Christ leads to Himself the souls of men. 
In this remarkable dialogue the living water which 
Christ would give, the announcement of a change in 
the worship of Jew and Samaritan, the confession 
that He who speaks is truly the Messiah, are all 
noteworthy. Jesus now returned to Galilee, and 
came to Nazareth, His own city. In the Synagogue 
He expounded to the people a passage from Isaiah 
(lxi. 1), telling them that its fulfilment was now at 
hand in His person. The same truth that had filled 
the Samaritans with gratitude, wrought up to fury 
the men of Nazareth, who would have destroyed 
Him if He had not escaped out of their hands (Lk. 
iv. 16-30). He came now to Capernaum. On His 
way hither, when He had reached Cana, He healed 
the son of one of the courtiers of Herod Antipas 
( Jn. iv. 46-54), who " himself believed, and his 
whole house." This was the second Galilean mir- 
acle. At Capernaum He wrought many miracles for 
them that needed. Here two disciples who had 
known Him before, namely, Simon Peter and An- 
drew, were called from their fishing to become 
"fishers of men" (Mat. iv. 19), and the two sons of 
Zebedee received the same summons. After healing 
on the Sabbath a demoniac in the Synagogue, a 
miracle which was witnessed by many, and was 
made known everywhere, He returned the same 
day to Simon's house, and healed the mother-in-law 
of Simon, who was sick of a fever. At sunset, the 
multitude, now fully aroused by what they had heard, 
brought their sick to Simon's door to get them 
healed. He did not refuse His succor, and healed 
them all (Mk. i. 29-34). He now, after showering 
down on Capernaum so many cures, turned His 
thoughts to the rest of Galilee, where other "lost 
Bheep " were scattered : — " Let us go into the next 
towns that I may preach there also, for therefore 
came I forth" (i. 38). The journey through Gali- 
lee, on which he now entered, must have been 
a general circuit of that country. — Second Year of 
the Ministry. Jesus went up to Jerusalem to " a 
feast of the Jews," which was probably the Pass- 
over. At the pool Bethesda ( = house of mercy), 
which was near the sheep-gate (Neh. iii. 1) on the 
N. E. side of the Temple, Jesus saw many infirm 
persons waiting their turn for the healing virtues of 
the water (Jn. v. 1-18). Among them was a man 
who had an infirmity thirty-eight years : Jesus made 
him whole by a word, bidding him take up his 
bed and walk. The miracle was done on the Sab- 
bath; and the Jews who acted against Jesus, re- 
buked the man for carrying his bed. It was a labor, 
and as such forbidden (Jer. xvii. 21). In our Lord's 
justification of Himself, " My Father worketh hither- 
to, and I work " ( Jn. v. 17), there is an unequivocal 
claim to the divine nature. Another discussion 
about the Sabbath arose from the disciples plucking 
the ears of corn as they went through the fields 
(Mat. xii. 1-8). The time of this is somewhat un- 
certain ; some would place it a year later, just after 
the third Passover: but its place is much more 
probably here. Our Lord quotes cases where the 
law is superseded or set aside, because He is One 
who has power to do the same. And the rise of a 
new law is implied in those words which Mark alone 
(ii. 27) has recorded : " The Sabbath was made for 
man, and not man for the Sabbath." The law upon 
the Sabbath was made in love to men, to preserve 
for them a due measure of rest, to keep room for 
the worship of God. The Son of Man has power to 



readjust this law, if its work is done, or if men are 
fit to receive a higher. This may have taken place 
on the way to Jerusalem after the Passover. On 
another Sabbath, probably at Capernaum, to which 
Jesus had returned, the Pharisees gave a far more 
striking proof of the way in which their hard and 
narrow and unloving interpretation would turn the 
beneficence of the Law into a blighting oppression. 
Our Lord entered into the Synagogue, and found 
there a man with a withered hand — some poor arti- 
san perhaps whose handiwork was his means of life. 
Jesus was about to heal him — which would give 
back life to the sufferer — which would give joy to 
every beholder who had one touch of pity in his 
heart. The Pharisees interfere : " Is it lawful to heal 
on the Sabbath-day '! " Their doctors would have 
allowed them to pull a sheep out of a pit ; but they 
will not have a man rescued from the depth of 
misery. Rarely is that loving Teacher wroth, but 
here His anger, mixed with grief, showed itself : He 
looked round about upon them " with anger, being 
grieved at the hardness of their hearts," and an- 
swered their cavils by healing the man (Mat. xii. 9- 
14; Mk. iii. 1-6; Lk. vi. 6-11). In placing the or- 
dination or calling of the twelve apostles just before 
the Sermon on the Mount, we are under the gui- 
dance of Luke (vi. 13, 17). But this more solemn 
separation for their work by no means marks the 
time of their first approach to Jesus. That which 
takes place here is the appointment of twelve dis- 
ciples to be a distinct body, under the name of 
apostles. (Apostle.) They are not sent forth to 
preach until later in the same year. The number 
must have reference to the number of the Jewish 
tribes ; it is a number selected on account of its 
symbolical meaning, for the work confided to them 
might have been wrought by more or fewer. In the 
four lists of the names of the apostles preserved to 
us (Mat. x. ; Mk. iii.; Lk. vi. ; Acts i.), there is a 
certain order preserved, amidst variations. The two 
pairs of brothers, Simon and Andrew, and the sons 
of Zebedee, are always named the first ; and of these 
Simon Peter ever holds the first place. Philip and 
Bartholomew, Thomas and Matthew, are always in 
the next rank ; and of them Philip is always the 
first. In the third rank James the son of Alpheus 
is the first, as Judas Iscariot is always the last, 
with Simon the Zealot and Thaddeus between. 
Some of the apostles were certainly poor, and 
unlearned men ; probably the rest were of the 
same kind. Four of them were fishermen, not 
indeed the poorest of their class ; and a fifth 
was a " publican," one of the tax-gatherers, who 
collected the taxes farmed by Romans of higher 
rank. From henceforth the education of the twelve 
apostles will be one of the principal features of the 
Lord's ministry. First He instructs them ; then 
He takes them with Him as companions of His 
wayfaring ; then He sends them forth to teach and 
heal for Him. The Sermon on the Mount, although 
it is meant for all the disciples, seems to have a 
special reference to the chosen Twelve (Mat. v. 11). 
About this time it was that John the Baptist, long 
a prisoner with little hope of release, sent his dis- 
ciples to Jesus with the question, " Art thou He 
that should come, or do we look for another ? " 
(Mat. xi. 1-6; Lk. vii. 18-23). In all the Gospels 
there is no more touching incident. The great 
privilege of John's life was that he was appointed 
to recognize and bear witness to the Messiah ( Jn. i. 
31). After languishing a year in a dungeon, after 
learning that even yet Jesus had made no steps 



470 



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toward the establishment of His kingdom of the 
Jews, and that His following consisted of only twelve 
poor Galileans, doubts began to cloud over his 
spirit. Was the kingdom cf Messiah as near as he 
had thought? Was Jesus not 'the Messiah, but 
some forerunner of that Deliverer, as he himself 
had been ? There is no unbelief ; he does not sup- 
pose that Jesus has deceived ; when the doubts 
arise, it is to Jesus that he submits them. But it 
was not without great depression and perplexity 
that he put the question, "Art thou He that should 
come ? " The scope of the answer given lies in its 
retailing John to the grounds of his former con- 
fidence. (John the Baptist.) Now commences 
the second circuit of Galilee (Lk. viii. 1-3), to which 
belong the parables in Mat. xiii. ; the visit of our 
Lord's mother and brethren (Lk. viii. 19-21), and 
the account of His reception at Nazareth (Mk. vi. 
1-6). During this time the twelve have journeyed 
witli Him. But now a third circuit in Galilee is re- 
corded, which probably occurred during the last 
three months of this year (Mat. ix. 35-38) ; and 
during this circuit, after reminding them how great 
is the harvest and how pressing the need of laborers, 
He carries the training of the disciples one step 
further by sending them forth by themselves to 
teach (x., xi.). They went forth two and two; and 
our Lord continued His own circuit (xi. 1), with 
what companions does not appear. After a journey 
of perhaps two months' duration the twelve return 
to Jesus, and give an account of their ministry. 
The third Fassover was now drawing near ; but the 
Lord did not go up to it. He wished to commune 
with His apostles privately upon their work, and, 
we may suppose, to add to the instruction they had 
already received from Him (Mk. vi. 30, 31). He 
therefore went with them from the neighborhood of 
Capernaum to a mountain on the eastern shore of 
the Sea of Tiberias, near Bethsaida Julias, not far 
from the head of the sea. Great multitudes pur- 
sued them ; and here the Lord, moved to compassion 
by the hunger and weariness of the people, wrought 
for them one of His most remarkable miracles. 
Out of five barley loaves and two small fishes, He 
produced food for 5,000 men besides women and 
children. After the miracle the disciples crossed 
the sea, and Jesus retired alone to. a mountain to 
commune with the Father. They were toiling at 
the oar, for the wind was contrary, when, as the 
night drew toward morning, they saw Jesus walk- 
ing to them on the sea, having passed the whole 
night on the mountain. They were amazed and 
terrified. He came into the ship and the wind 
ceased. When they reached the shore of Gennesa- 
ret the whole people showed their faith in Him as 
a Healer of disease (Mk. vi. 53-56) ; and He per- 
formed very many miracles on them. Yet on the 
next day the great discourse already examined ( Jn. 
vi.) was uttered, and " from that time many of His 
disciples went back and walked no more with Him " 
(vi. 66). — Third Year of the Ministry. Hearing 
perhaps that Jesus was not coming to the feast, 
Scribes and Pharisees from Jerusalem went down 
to see Him at Capernaum (Mat. xv. 1). They found 
fault with His disciples for breaking the tradition 
about purifying, and eating with unwashen hands. 
Our Lord in His answer tries to show them how far 
external rule, claiming to be religious, may lead 
men away from the true spirit of the Gospel. Leav- 
ing the neighborhood of Capernaum our Lord now 
travels to the N. W. of Galilee, to the region of 
Tyre and Sidon. The time is not strictly deter- ! 



mined, but it was probably the early summer of 
this year. It docs not appear that He retired into 
this heathen country for the purpose of ministering; 
more probably it was a retreat from the machina- 
tions of the Jews. Here, in answer to the admirable 
faith and humility of the Syrophenician woman, He 
healed her daughter who was tormented with an 
evil spirit (xv. 21-28; Mk. vii. 24-30). Returning 
thence He passed round by the N. of the Sea of 
Calilee to the region of Decapolis on its eastern side 
(vii. 31-37). In this district He performed many 
miracles, and especially the restoration of a deaf 
man who had an impediment in his speech, remark- 
able for the seeming effort with which He wi ought 
it. To these succeeded the feeding of the 4,000 
with the seven loaves (Mat. xv. 32). He now crossed 
the lake to Magdala, where the Pharisees and Sad- 
ducees asked and were refused a "sign." After 
they had departed Jesus crossed the lake with His 
diseiples. At Bethsaida Julias, He restored sight 
to a blind man ; and here, as in a former case, 
the form and preparation which He adopted are to 
be remarked (Mk. viii. 22-26). The ministry in 
Galilee is now drawing to its close. Through the 
length and breadth of that country Jesus has pro- 
claimed the kingdom of Christ, and has shown by 
mighty works that He is the Christ that was to 
come. The lengthened journeys through the land, 
the miracles, far more than are recorded in detail, 
had brought the Gospel home to all the people. 
Capernaum w as the focus of His ministry. Through 
Chorazin and Bethsaida He had no doubt passed 
with crowds behind Him, drawn together by won- 
ders that they had seen, and by the hope of others 
to follow them. Many thousands had actually been 
benefited by the miracles; but the great mass had 
heard without earnestness the preached word, and 
forgotten it without regret. With this rejection an 
epoch of the history is connected. He begins to 
unfe 'd now the doctrine of His passion more fully. 
The doctrine of a suffering Messiah, so plainly ex- 
hibited in the prophets, had receded from sight in 
the current religion of that time. The announce- 
ment of it to the disciples was at once new and 
shocking. Turning now to the whole body of those 
who followed Him, He published the Christian doc- 
trine of self-denial. The apostles had just shown 
that they took the natural view of suffering, that it 
was an evil to be shunned. They shrank from con- 
flict, and pain, and death, as it is natural men should. 
But Jesus teaches that, in comparison with the 
higher life, the life of the soul, the life of the body 
is valueless (Mat. xvi. 21-28 ; Mk. viii. 31-38 ; Lk. 
ix. 22-27). The Transfiguration, which took place 
just a week after this conversation, is to be under- 
stood in connection with it. The minds of the 
twelve were greatly disturbed at what they had 
heard. Now, if ever, they needed support for their 
perplexed spirits, and this their loving Master failed 
not to give them. He takes with Him three chosen 
disciples, Peter, John, and James, who foimed as it 
were a smaller circle nearer to Jesus than the rest, 
into a high mountain apart by themselves. (Hek- 
mon ; Tabor.) The three disciples were taken up 
with Him, who should afterward be the three wit- 
nesses of His agony in the garden of Gethsemane : 
those who saw His glory in the holy mount would 
be sustained by the remembrance of it when they 
beheld His lowest humiliation. The calmness and 
exactness of the narrative preclude all doubt as to 
its historical character. He was praying, and a 
great' change came over Him. " His face did shine 



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471 



as the sun" (Mat.); "and His raiment became 
shining, exceeding white as snow ; so as no fuller 
on earth can white them " (Mk.). Beside Him ap- 
peared Moses and Elijah; and they spake of His 
departure, as though it was something recognized 
both by Law and prophets. The three disciples 
were at first asleep with weariness ; and when they 
woke, they saw the glorious scene. As Moses and 
Elijah were departing (Lk.), Peter, wishing to arrest 
them, uttered those words, " Lord, it is good for us 
to be here, and let us make three tabernacles, one 
for Thee, and one for Moses, and one for Elijah." Just 
as he spoke, a cloud came over them, and the voice 
of the Heavenly Father attested once more His 
Son — " This is My beloved Son ; hear Him." There 
has been much discussion on the purport of this 
great wonder. But thus much seems highly prob- 
able : (1.) as it was connected with the prayer of 
Jesus, to which it was no doubt an answer, it is to 
be regarded as a kind of inauguration of Him in 
His new office as the High-priest who should make 
atonement for the sins of the people with His own 
blood: (2.) as the witnesses of this scene were the 
same three disciples who were with the Master in 
the garden of Gethsemane, it may be assumed that 
the one was intended to prepare them for the other. 
As they came down from the mountain He charged 
them to keep secret what they had seen till after 
the Resurrection ; which shows that this miracle 
took place for His use and for theirs, rather than 
for the rest of th ( e disciples (Mat. xvii. 1-13; Mk. 
ix. 2-13 ; Lk. ix. 28-36). Meantime amongst the 
multitude below a scene was taking place which 
formed the strongest contrast to the glory and the 
peace which they had witnessed, and which seemed 
to justify Peter's remark, "It is good for us to be 
nere." A poor youth, lunatic and possessed by a 
devil, was brought to the disciples who were not 
with Jesus, to be cured. They could not prevail ; 
and when Jesus appeared amongst them the ago- 
nized and disappointed father appealed to Him, 
with a kind of complaint of the impotence of the 
disciples. What the disciples had failed to do, 
Jesus did at a word. He then explained to them 
that their want of faith in their own power to heal, 
and in His promises to bestow the power upon 
them, was the cause of their inability (Mat. xvii. 
14-21 ; Mk. ix. 14-29 ; Lk. ix. 87-43). Once more 
did Jesus foretell His sufferings on their way back 
to Capernaum ; but " they understood not that say- 
ing, and were afraid to ask Him" (Mk. ix. 30-32). 
— From /he Feast of Tabernacles, Third Year. 
The Feast of Tabernacles was now approaching. 
His brothers set out for the feast without Him, and 
He abode in Galilee for a few days longer (Jn. vii. 
2-10). Afterward He set out, taking the more 
direct but less frequented route by Samaria. Luke 
alone (x. 1-16) records, in connection with this 
journey, the sending forth of the seventy disciples. 
This event is to be regarded in a different light 
from that of the twelve. The seventy had received 
no special education from our Lord, and their com- 
mission was of a temporary kind. The number has 
reference to the Gentiles, as twelve had to the 
Jews ; and the scene of the work, Samaria, reminds 
us that this is a movement, directed toward the 
stranger. After healing the ten lepers in Samaria, 
He came about the midst of the feast to Jerusalem. 
The Pharisees and rulers sought to take Him ; 
some of the people, however, believed in Him, but 
concealed their opinion for fear of the rulers. To 
this division of opinion we may attribute the failure 



of the repeated attempts on the part of the San- 
hedrim to take One who was openly teaching in the 
Temple (Jn. vii. 11-53: see especially ver. 30, 32, 
44, 45, 46). The officers were partly afraid to seize 
in the presence of the people the favorite Teacher ; 
and partly were themselves awed and attracted by 
Him. The history of the woman taken in adultery 
(viii. 1-11) belongs to this time. To this place be- 
longs the account, given by John alone, of the heal- 
ing of one who was born blind, and the conse- 
quences of it (ix. 1-41, x. 1—21). The well-known 
parable of the good shepherd is an answer to the 
calumny of the Pharisees, that He was an impostor 
and breaker of the law, " This man is not of God, 
because he keepeth not the Sabbath-day " (ix. 16). 
— We now approach a difficult portion of the sacred 
history. The note of time given us by John imme- 
diately afterward is the Feast of the Dedication, 
which was celebrated on the 25th of Chisleu, an- 
swering nearly to December. According to this 
Evangelist our Lord does not appear to have re- 
turned to Galilee between the Feast of Tabernacles 
and that of Dedication, but to have passed the time 
in and near Jerusalem. Matthew and Mark do not 
allude to the Feast of Tabernacles. Luke appears 
to do so in ix. 51 : but the words there used would 
imply that this was the last journey to Jerusalem. 
Now in Luke a large section (ix. 51-xviii. 14) seems 
to belong to the time preceding the departure from 
Galilee ; and the question is, how is this to be ar- 
ranged, so that it shall harmonize with the narra- 
tive of John ? In most Harmonies a return of our 
Lord to Galilee has been assumed, in order to find 
a place for this part of Luke. In the table of the 
Harmony of the Gospels, Lk. x. 17-xviii. 14 is in- 
serted entire between Jn. x. 21 and 22, because 
there are no points of contact with the other Gos- 
pels to assist us in breaking it up. Some of the 
most striking parables, preserved only by Luke, 
belong to this period. The parables of the good 
Samaritan, the prodigal son, the unjust steward, 
the rich man and Lazarus, and the Pharisee and 
publican, all peculiar to this Gospel, belong to the 
present section. The instructive account of Mary 
and Martha and the miracle of the ten lepers be- 
long to this portion of the narrative. Besides 
these, scattered sayings that occur in Matthew are 
here repeated in a new connection. The account 
of the bringing of young children to Jesus unites 
again the three Evangelists (Mat. xix. 13-15; Mk. 
x. 13-16; Lk. xviii. 15-17). The ruler to whom 
our Lord gave the special advice to sell all his pos- 
sessions, and to give to the poor, discovered then 
for the first time that his devotion to God and his 
yearning after eternal life were not so perfect as 
he had thought ; and he went away sorrowful, un- 
able to bear this sacrifice. Peter now contrasts 
the mode in which the disciples had left all for Him, 
with the conduct of this rich ruler. Our Lord tells 
them that those who have made any sacrifice shall 
have it richly repaid (Mat. xix. 16-30; Mk. x. 17- 
31 ; Lk. xviii. 18-30). Words of warning close 
the narrative, and in Matthew only the parable of 
the laborers in the vineyard is added to caution 
the apostles against thinking too much of their 
early calling and arduous labors. Not merit, not 
self-sacrifice, but the pure love of God and His 
mere bounty confer salvation (Mat. xx. 1-16). On 
the way to Jerusalem through Perea, to the Feast 
of Dedication, Jesus again puts before the minds 
of the twelve what they are never now to forget, 
the sufferings that await Him. They " understood 



472 



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none of these things," for they could not reconcile 
this foreboding of suffering with the signs and an- 
nouncements of the coming of His kingdom (Mat. 
xx. 17-19; Mk. x. 32-34; Lk. xviii. 31-34). In 
consequence of this new, though dark, intimation 
of the coming of the kingdom, Salome, with her 
two sons, James and John, came to bespeak the 
two places of highest honor in the kingdom. Jesus 
tells them that they know not what they ask ; that 
the places of honor in the kingdom shall be be- 
stowed, not by Jesus in answer to a chance re- 
quest, but upon those for whom they are prepared 
by the Father. As sin ever provokes sin, the 
ambition of the ten was now aroused, and they be- 
gan to be much displeased with James and John. 
Jesus once more recalls the principle that the 
childlike disposition is that which He approves 
(Mat. xx. 20-28 ; Mk. x. 35-45). The healing of 
the two blind men at Jericho is chiefly remarkable 
among the miracles from the difficulty which has 
arisen in harmonizing the accounts. Matthew 
epeaks of two blind men, and of the occasion as the 
departure from Jericho ; Mark, of one whom he 
names, and of their arrival at Jericho; and Luke 
agrees with him. This point has received much 
discussion ; but the view of Lightfoot finds favor 
with many eminent expositors, that there were two 
blind men, and both were healed under similar cir- 
cumstances, except that Bartimeus was on one side 
of the city, and was healed by Jesus as He entered, 
and the other was healed on the other side as they 
departed (Mat, xx. 29-34 ; Mk. x. 46-52 ; Lk. xviii. 
35-43). The calling of Zaccheus has more than a 
mere personal interest. He was a publican, one of 
a class hated and despised by the Jews. But he 
was one who sought to serve God. From such did 
Jesus wish to call His disciples, whether they were 
publicans or not (Lk. xix. 1-10). We have reached 
now the Feast of Dedication ; but, as has been said, 
the exact place of the events in Luke about this 
part of the ministry has not been conclusively de- 
termined. After being present at the feast, Jesus re- 
turned to Bethabara beyond Jordan, where John had 
formerly baptized, and abode there. How long He 
remained here does not appear. It was probably 
for some weeks. The sore need of a family in 
Bethany, who were what men call the intimate 
friends of our Lord, called Him thence. Lazarus 
was sick, and his sisters sent word of it to Jesus, 
whose power they well knew. It was not till Laz- 
arus had been four days in the grave that the 
Saviour appeared on the scene. But with the power 
of God He breaks the fetters of brass in which 
Lazarus was held by death, and at His word the 
man, on whom corruption had already begun to do 
its work, came forth alive and whole (Jn. xi. 1-45). 
A miracle so public, for Bethany was close to Je- 
rusalem, and the family of Lazarus well known to 
many people in the mother-city, could not escape 
the notice of the Sanhedrim. A meeting of this 
Council was called without loss of time, and the 
matter discussed. The members believed that a 
popular outbreak, with Jesus at its head, was im- 
pending, and that it would excite the jealousy of 
the Komans, and lead to the taking away of their 
" place and nation." Caiaphas the high-priest gave 
it as his opinion that it was expedient for them 
that one man should die for the people, and that I 
the whole nation should not perish. The Evangelist 
adds that these words bore a prophetic meaning, of 
which the speaker was unconscious. The connec- 
tion between his office and the prophecy was not a j 



necessary one ; but if a prophecy was to be uttered 
by unwilling lips, it was natural that the high-priest, 
who offered for the people, should be the person com- 
pelled to utter it. The death of Jesus was now re- 
solved on, and He fled to Ephraim for a few days, be- 
cause His hour was not yet come(xi. 45-47). We now 
approach the final stage of the history, and every 
word and act tend toward the great act of suffering. 
Each day is marked by its own events or instruc- 
tions. Our Lord entered into Bethany on Friday 
the 8th of Nisan, the eve of the Sabbath, and re- 
mained over the Sabbath. — Saturday the 9lh of 
Nisan (April 1st). As He was at supper in the 
house of one Simon, surnamed " the leper," a re- 
lation of Lazarus, who was at table with Him, Mary, 
full of gratitude for the wonderful raising of her 
brother from the dead, took a vessel containing a 
quantity of pure ointment of spikenard, and anoint- 
ed the feet of Jesus, and wiped His feet with her 
hair, and anointed his head likewise. — 1'aasion 
Week. Sunday the 10th day of Nisan (April 2d). 
When He arrives at the Mount of Olives He com- 
mands two of His disciples to go into the village 
near at hand, where they would find an ass, and a 
colt tied with her. With these beasts, impressed 
as for the service of a king, He was to enter into 
Jerusalem. The disciples spread upon the ass their 
ragged cloaks for Him to sit on. And the multi- 
tudes cried aloud before Him, in the words of the 
118th Psalm, " Hosanna, Save now ! blessed is He 
that cometh in the name of the Lord." All the 
city was moved. Blind and lame came to the 
Temple when He arrived there, and were healed. 
But Christ wept over the city that was hailing Him 
as its king, and prophesied its destruction, just as 
it afterward came to pass. After working miracles 
in the Temple He returned to Bethany. The 10th 
of Nisan was the day for the separation of the 
paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 3). Jesus, the Lamb of Goei, 
entered Jerusalem and the Temple on this day, and 
although none but He knew that He was the Paschal 
Lamb, the coincidence is not undesigned (Mat. xxi. 
1-11, 14-17; Mk. xi. 1-11; Lk. xix. 29-44; Jn. 
xii. 12-19). — Monday the 11th of Nisan (April 3d). 
The next day Jesus returned to Jerusalem, again 
to take advantage of the mood of the people to in- 
struct them. On the way he approached one of 
the many fig-trees which grew in that quarter, and 
found that it was full of foliage, but without fruit. 
(Fig.) He said, " No man eat fruit of thee here- 
after forever ! " and the fig-tree withered away 
(Mat. xxi. 18, 19 ; Mk. xi. 12-14). Proceeding now 
to the Temple, He cleared its court of the crowd of 
traders that gathered there (Mat. xxi. 12, 13 ; Mk. 
xi. 15-19; Lk. xix. 45-48). In the evening He re- 
turned again to Bethany. — Tuesday the 1 2th of Nisan 
(April ith). On this the third day of Passion week, 
Jesus went into Jerusalem as before, and visited 
the Temple. The Sanhedrim came to Him to call 
Him to account for the clearing of the Temple. 
" By what authority doest thou these things ? " 
The Lord answered their question by another — 
what was their opinion of the baptism of John ? 
They refused to answer, and Jesus refused in like 
manner to answer them. To this time belong the 
parables of the two sons (Mat. xxi. 23-32; Mk. xi. 
27-33 ; Lk. xx. 1-8), of the wicked husbandman, 
and of the wedding garment (Mat. xxi. 33-46, xxii. 
1-14 ; Mk. xii. 1-12 ; Lk. xx. 9-19). Not content 
with their plans for His death, the different parties, 
first the Pharisees and Herodians, next the Saddu- 
cees, unsuccessfully try to entangle Him in argu- 



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473 



ment, and to bring Him into contempt. Jesus now 
retorts the argument on the Sadducees (Mat. xxii. 
15-33; Mk. xii. 13-27; Lk. xx. 20-40). Fresh 
questions awaited Him ; but His wisdom never 
failed to give the appropriate answer. And then 
He uttered to all the people that terrible denuncia- 
tion of woe to the Pharisees with which we are 
familiar (Mat. xxiii. 1-39). After an indignant de- 
nunciation of the hypocrites, He apostrophizes 
Jerusalem in words full of compassion, yet carrying 
with them a sentence of death (xxiii. ). Another 
great discourse belongs to this day, which, more 
than any other, presents Jesus as the great Prophet 
of His people. On leaving the Temple, His dis- 
ciples drew attention to the beauty of its structure, 
" its goodly stones and gifts," their remarks prob- 
ably arising from the threats of destruction which 
had so lately been uttered by Jesus. Their Master 
answered that not one stone of the noble pile 
should be left upon another. When they reached 
the Mount of Olives, the disciples, or rather the 
first four (Mk.), speaking for the res-i, asked him 
when this destruction should be accomplished. To 
understand the answer, it must be borne in mind 
that Jesus warned them that He was not giving 
them an historical account such as would enable 
them to anticipate the events. " Of that day and 
hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels of heaven, 
but my Father only." Exact data of time are to 
be purposely withheld from them. Accordingly 
two events, analogous in character but widely sun- 
dered by time, are so treated in the prophecy that 
it is almost impossible to disentangle them. The de- 
struction of Jerusalem and the day of judgment — 
the national and the universal days of account — are 
spoken of together or alternately without hint of 
the great interval of time that separates them (Mat. | 
xxiv. ; Mk. xiii. ; Lk. xxi.). The conclusion which 
Jesus drew from His own awful warning was, that 
they were not to attempt to fix the date of His re- j 
turn. The lesson of the parable of the Ten Virgins I 
is the same (Mat. xxiv. 44, xxv. 13). And the 
parable of the Talents, here repeated in a modified ! 
form, teaches how precious to souls are the uses of 
time (xxv. 14-30). In concluding this momentous 
discourse, our Lord puts aside the destruction of 
Jerusalem, and displays to our eyes the picture of 
the final judgment (xxv. 31-46). With these weighty 
JSiords ends the third day. — Wednesday the IZth of \ 
Nisan (April 5th). This day was passed in retire- j 
ment with the apostles. Satan had put it into the ! 
mind of one of them to betray Him ; and Judas ! 
Iscabiot made a covenant to betray Him to the 
chief priests for thirty pieces of silver (Mat. xxvi. j 
14-16; Mk. xiv. 10, 11; Lk. xxii. 1-6).— Thursday 
the 14th of Msart (April 6th). On " the first day of ; 
unleavened bread," the disciples asked their Master 
where they were to eat the Passover. He directed 
Peter and John to go into Jerusalem, and to follow 
a man whom they should see bearing a pitcher of 
water, and to demand of him, in their Master's 
name, the use of the guestchamber in his house for 
this purpose. All happened as Jesus had told 
them, and in the evening they assembled to cele- 
brate, for the last time, the paschal meal. The se- 
quence of the events is not quite clear, but the 
order seems to be as follows. When they had I 
taken their places at table, and the supper had be- ! 
gun, Jesus gave them the first cup to divide among j 
themselves (Lk.). It was customary to drink at 
the paschal supper four cups of wine mixed with j 
water; and this answered to the first of them. ! 



(Passover.) There now arose a contention among 
the disciples which of them should be the greatest; 
perhaps in connection with the places which they 
had taken at this feast (Lk.). After a solemn warn- 
ing against pride and ambition, Jesus performed an 
act which, as one of the last of His life, must ever 
have been remembered by the witnesses as a great 
lesson of humility. He rose from the table, poured 
water into a basin, girded Himself with a towel, 
and proceeded to wash the disciples' feet (Jn.). 
After all had been washed, the Saviour explained to 
them the meaning of what He had done. " If I, 
your Lord and Master, have washed your feet, ye 
also ought to wash one another's feet. For I have 
given you an example, that ye should do as I have 
done to you" (Mat. xxvi. 17-20; Mk. xiv. 12-17; 
Lk. xxii. 7-30; Jn. xiii. 1-20). (Washing the 
Hands and Feet.) From this act of love it does 
not seem that even the traitor Judas was excluded. 
But his treason was thoroughly known ; and now 
Jesus denounces it. One of them should betray 
II im. The traitor having gone straight to his 
wicked object, the end of the Saviour's ministry 
seemed already at hand. He gave them the new 
commandment, to love one another, as though it 
were a last bequest to them (Mat. xxvi. 21-25 ; Mk. 
xiv. 18-21 ; Lk. xxii. 21-23 ; Jn. xiii. 21-35). 
Toward the close of the meal Jesus instituted the 
sacrament of the Lord's Supper (Mat. xxvi. 26-29 ; 
Mk. xiv. 22-25; Lk. xxii. 19, 20; 1 Cor. xi. 23- 
25). The denial of Peter is now foretold, and to 
no one would such an announcement be more in- 
credible than to Peter himself (Mat. xxvi. 31-35 ; 
Mk. xiv. 27-31; Lk. xxii. 31-38; Jn. xiii. 36-38). 
That great final discourse, which John alone has 
recorded, is now delivered (see above). Although 
in the middle of it there is a mention of departure 
(Jn. xiv. 31), this perhaps only implies that they 
prepared to go ; and then the whole discourse was 
delivered in the house before they proceeded to 
Gethsemane (xiv.-xvii.). — Friday the 15th of Nisan 
(April 7th), including part of the eve of it. "When 
they had sung a hymn," which perhaps means, 
when they had sung the second part of the Hallel 
(Hallelujah), or song of praise, which consisted 
of Ps. cxv.-cxviii., the former part (cxiii.-cxiv.) 
having been sung at an earlier part of the supper, 
they went out into the Mount of Olives Jesus 
takes only His three proved companions, Peter, 
James, and John, and passes with them farther 
into the garden, leaving the rest seated, probably 
near the entrance. No pen can attempt to de- 
scribe what passed that night in that secluded 
spot. He tells them " My soul is exceeding sorrow- 
ful, even unto death : tarry ye here and watch with 
me," and then leaving even the three He goes 
farther, and in solitude wrestles with an inconceiv- 
able trial. The words of Mark are still more ex- 
pressive — " He began to be sore amazed, and to be 
very heavy" (xiv. 33). The former word means 
that He was struck with a great dread ; not from 
the fear of physical suffering, however excruciating, 
we may well believe, but from the contact with the 
sins of the world, of which, in some inconceivable 
way, He felt the bitterness and the weight. He 
did not merely contemplate them, but bear and 
feel them. It is impossible to explain this scene 
in Gethsemane in any other way. The disciples 
have sunk to sleep. It was in search of consola- 
tion that He came back to them. The disciple 
who had been so ready to ask " Why cannot I fol- 
low thee now ? " must hear another question, that 



474 



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rebukes his former confidence — " Couldest not ! 
thou watch one hour?" A second time He departs 
and wrestles in prayer with the Father. A second 
time He returns and finds them sleeping. The 
same scene is repeated yet a third time ; and then 
all is concluded. Henceforth they may sleep and 
take their rest; never more shall they be asked to 
watch one hour with Jesus, for His ministry in the 
flesh is at an end. This scene is in complete con- 
trast to the Transfiguration (Mat. xxvi. 36-46; Mk. 
xiv. 32-42 ; Lk. xxii. 39-46 ; Jn. xviii. 1). (Agony ; 
Sweat, Bloody.) Judas now appeared to complete 
his work. In the doubtful light of torches, a kiss 
from him was the sign to the officers whom they 
should take. Peter, whose name is first given in 
John's Gospel, drew a sword and smote a servant 
of the high-priest and cut off his ear; but His 
Lord refused such succor, and healed the wounded 
man. All the disciples forsook Him and fled (Mat. 
xxvi. 47-56 ; Mk. xiv. 43-52 ; Lk. xxii. 47-53 ; Jn. 
xviii. 2-12). There is some difficulty in arranging 
the events that immediately follow, so as to em- 
brace all the four accounts. On the capture of 
Jesus He was first taken to the house of Annas, 
the father-in-law of Caiaphas the high-priest. It 
might appear from the course of John's narrative 
that the examination of our Lord, and the first de- 
nial of Peter, took place in the house of Annas 
(Jn. xviii. 13, 14). But the 24th verse is retrospec- 
tive ; and probably all that occurred after verse 14 
took place not at the house of Annas, but at that 
of Caiaphas. The house of the high-priest con- 
sisted probably, like other Eastern houses, of an 
open central court with chambers round it. Into 
this court a gate admitted them, at which a woman 
stood to open. As Peter passed in, the poi tress 
took note of him ; and afterward, at the fire which 
had been lighted, asked him, " Art not thou also 
one of this man's disciples '? " (Jn.). All the zeal 
and boldness of Peter seems to have deserted 
him. He had come as in secret ; he is deter- 
mined so to remain, and he denies his Master ! 
Feeling now the danger of his situation, he went 
out into the porch, and there some one, or, 
looking at all the accounts, probably several 
persons, asked him the question a second time, 
and he denied more strongly. About an hour 
after, when he had returned into the court, 
the same question was put to him a third time, with 
the same result. Then the cock crew; and Jesus, 
who was within sight, probably in some open room 
communicating with the court, " turned and looked 
upon Peter. And Peter remembered the word of 
our Lord, how He had said unto him, Before the 
cock crow thou shalt deny me thrice. And Peter 
went out and wept bitterly " (Mat. xxvi. 57, 58, 
69-75 ; Mk. xiv. 53, 54, 66-72 ; Lk. xxii. 54-62 ; 
Jn. xviii. 13-18, 24-27). The first interrogatory to 
which our Lord was subject (xviii. 19-24) was ad- 
dressed to Him by Caiaphas, probably before the 
Sanhedrim had time to assemble. It was the ques- 
tioning of an inquisitive person who had an impor- i 
tant criminal in his presence, rather than a formal 
examination. The Lord's refusal to answer is thus 
explained and justified. When the more regular 
proceedings begin He is ready to answer. A ser- 
vant of the high-priest, knowing that he should 
thereby please his master, smote the cheek of the 
Son of God with the palm of his hand. But this 
was only the beginning of horrors. At the dawn of 
day the Sanhedrim, summoned by the high-priest in 
the course of the night, assembled, and brought I 



their band of false witnesses, whom they must have 
had ready before. These gave their testimony, but 
even before this unjust tribunal it could not stand ; 
it was so full of contradictions. At last two false 
witnesses came, and their testimony was very like 
the truth (Mk. xiv. 58; see Jn. ii. 19). Even these 
two fell into contradictions. The high-priest now 
with a solemn adjuration asks Him whether He is 
the Christ the Son of God. He answers that He is, 
and foretells His return in glory and power at the 
last day. This is enough for their purpose. They 
pronounce Him 'guilty of a crime for which death 
should be the punishment (Jn. xviii. 19-24; Lk. 
xxii. 63-71; Mat. xxvi. 59-68; Mk. xiv. 55-65). 
Although they had pronounced Jesus to be guilty 
of death, the Sanhedrim possessed no power to carry 
out such a sentence. As soon as it was day they 
took Him to Pilate (Pontius Pii.ate), the Roman 
procurator. The hall of judgment, or pretoriuk, 
was probably a part of the tower of Antonia near 
the Temple, where the Roman garrison was. Pilate, 
hearing that Jesus was an offender under their law, 
was about to give them leave to treat Him accord- 
ingly ; and this would have made it quite safe to 
execute Him. But the council, wishing to shift the 
responsibility from themselves, said it was not law- 
ful for them to put any man to death ; and having 
condemned Jesus for blasphemy, they now strove 
to have Him condemned by Pilate for a political 
crime, for calling Himself the King of the Jews. 
The Jewish punishment was stoning ; whilst cruci- 
fixion was a Roman punishment; and thus it came 
about that the Lord's saying as to the mode of His 
death was fulfilled (Mat. xx. 19 with Jn. xii. 32, 33). 
From the first Jesus found favor in the eyes of 
Pilate, and he pronounced that he found no fault in 
Him. Not so easily were the Jews to be cheated 
of their prey. They heaped up accusations against 
Him as a disturber of the public peace (Lk. xxiii. 5). 
Pilate was no match for their vehemence. Finding 
that Jesus was a Galilean, he sent Him to Herod 
(Hkrod Antipas) to be dealt with ; but Herod, after 
cruel mockery and persecution, sent Him back to 
Pilate. Now commenced the fearful struggle be- 
tween the Roman procurator, a weak as well as 
cruel man, and the Jews. The well-known incidents 
of the second interview are soon recalled. After the 
examination by Herod, and the return of Jesus, 
Pilate proposed to release Him, as it was usual on 
the feast-day to release a prisoner to the Jews out 
of grace. Pilate knew well that the priests and 
rulers would object to this ; but it was a covert ap- 
peal to the people. The multitude, persuaded by 
the priests, preferred another prisoner, called Barab- 
bas. Pilate took water and washed his hands before 
them, and said, " I am innocent of the blood of this 
just person ; see ye to it." The people imprecated 
on their own heads and those of their children the 
blood of Him whose doom was thus sealed. Now 
came the scourging, and the blows and insults of 
the soldiers, who, uttering truth when they thought 
they were only reviling, crowned Him and addressed 
Him as King of the Jews. According to John, 
Pilate now made one more effort for His release. 
He thought that the scourging might appease their 
rage, and brought the Saviour forth again to them, 
and said, " Behold the Man ! " Not even so was 
their violence assuaged. He still sought to release 
Jesus : but the last argument, which had been in 
the minds of both sides all along, was now openly 
applied to him : " If thou let this man go, thou art 
not Cesar's friend." This decided the question. He 



JES 



JES 



4V5 



delivered Jesus to be crucified (Mat. xxvii. 15-30; 
Mk. xv. 6-19; Lk. xxiii. 13-25; Jn. xviii. 39, 40, 
Six. 1-16). John mentions that this occurred about 
the sixth hour, whereas the crucifixion, according 
to Mark, was accomplished at the third hour ; but 
there is every reason to think that John reckons 
from midnight, and that this took place at six in 
the morning, whilst in Mark the Jewish reckoning 
from six in the morning is followed, so that the 
crucifixion took place at nine o'clock, a. m., the in- 
tervening time having been spent in preparations. 
One Person alone has been calm amidst the excite- 
ments of that night of horrors. On Him is now laid 
the weight of His cross, or at least of the transverse 
beam of it ; and, with this pressing Him down, tney 
proceed out of the city to Golgotha or Calvary, a 
place the site of which is now uncertain. As He 
began to droop, His persecutors, unwilling to defile 
themselves with the accursed burden, lay hold of 
Simon of Cyrene and compel him to carry the cross 
after Jesus. After offering him wine and myrrh 
(Gall), they crucified Him between two thieves. 
Nothing was wanting to His humiliation ; a thief had 
been preferred before Him, and two thieves share His 
punishment. Pilate set over Him in three languages 
the inscription, " Jesus, the King of the Jews." 
The chief-priests took exception to this that it did 
not denounce Him as falsely calling Himself by that 
name, but Pilate refused to alter it. Robinson 
{Harmony) and others suppose the evangelists give 
this inscription and, in general, the expressions used 
by our Lord, &c, according to the sense, and not 
according to the letter ; but Mr. Coker Adams 
(quoted in Treasury of Bible Knowledge) believes 
that John records the very words written by Pilate, 
and that Matthew preserves the inscription as writ- 
ten in Hebrew, Mark in Latin, Luke in Greek. Mr. 
Adams supposes "Jesus of Nazareth" was placed 
in larger characters above the inscriptions given by 
Matthew, Mark, and Luke, thus: 

JESUS OF NAZARETH. 
This is Jesus the Kino of the Jews. 
This is the King of the Jews. 
The King of the Jews. 

According to Mr. Adams, then, John gives the title 
at the top, together with that given by Mark. One 
of the two thieves underwent a change of heart 
even on the cross; he reviled at first (Mat ); and 
then, at the sight of the constancy of Jesus, repented 
(Luke) (Mat. xxvii. ; Mk. xv. ; Lk. xxiii. ; Jn. xix.). 
In the depths of His bodily sufferings, Jesus calmly 
commended to John (?), who stood near, the care of 
Mary His mother. " Behold thy son ! behold thy 
mother ! " From the sixth hour to the ninth there 
was Uarkness over the whole land. At the ninth 
hour (three, p. m.) Jesus uttered with a loud voice 
the opening words of the twenty- second Psalm, all 
of which (so Abp. Thomson) referred to the suffering 
Messiah. "The use of these words by our Saviour 
on the cross, with a slight variation from the Pie- 
brew, shows how eminently true the whole descrip- 
tion is of Him, but does not make Him the exclusive 
subject " (so Prof. J. A. Alexanders Psalm xxii. 1). 
One of those present dipped a sponge in the com- 
mon sour wine (vinegar) of the soldiers and put it 
on a reed to moisten the sufferer's lips. Again Ho 
cried with a loud voice, "It is finished" (John), 
"Father, into Thy hands I commend My spirit" 
(Luke); and gave up the ghost (Mat. xxvii. 31-56 ; 
Mk. xv. 20-41; Lk. xxiii. 33-49 ; Jn. xix. 17-30). 
On the death of Jesus the veil which covered the 



most Holy Place of the Temple, the place of the 
more especial presence of Jehovah, was rent in 
twain. There was a great earthquake. Many who 
were dead rose from their graves, although they re- 
turned to the dust again after this great token of 
Christ's quickening power had been given to many 
(Matthew). The centurion who kept guard, witness- 
ing what had taken place, came to the same con- 
clusion as Pilate and his wife, " Certainly this was a 
righteous man;" he went beyond them, "Truly, 
this man was the Son of God " (Mark). Even the 
people who had joined in the mocking and reviling 
were overcome by the wonders of His death, and 
" smote their breasts and returned " (Lk. xxiii. 48). 
The Jews, very zealous for the Sabbath in the midst 
of their murderous work, begged Pilate that he 
would put an end to the punishment by breaking 
the legs of the criminals that they might be taken 
down and buried before the Sabbath for which they 
were preparing (Deut. xxi. 23 ; Jos. B. J. iv. 5, § 2). 
Those who were to execute this duty found that Jesus 
was dead and the thieves still living. The death 
of the Lord before the others was, no doubt, partly 
the consequence of the previous mental suffering 
which He had undergone, and partly because His 
will to die lessened the natural resistance of the 
frame to dissolution. Joseph of Arimathea, a mem- 
ber of the council, but a secret disciple of Jesus, 
came to Pilate to beg the body of Jesus, that he 
might bury it. Nicodemus assisted in this work of 
love, and they anointed the body and laid it in 
Joseph's new tomb (Mat. xxvii. 50-61 ; Mk. xv. 37- 
47 ; Lk. xxiii. 46-56 ; Jn. xix. 30-42). — Saturday 
the 1 %th of Nisan (April 8th). The chief priests and 
Pharisees, with Pilate's permission, set a watch over 
the tomb, " lest His disciples come by night and 
steal Him away, and say unto the people He is risen 
from the dead " (Mat. xxvii. 62-66). — Sunday the 
11th of Msan (April 9th). The Sabbath ended at 
six on the evening of Nisan 16th. Early the 
next morning the resurrection of Jesus took place. 
Although He had lain in the grave for about thirty- 
six or forty hours, yet these formed part of three 
days, and thus, by a mode of speaking not unusual 
to the Jews, were reckoned as three days (see In- 
spiration III., 3 ; Israel, Kingdom of). The order 
of the events that follow is somewhat difficult to 
harmonize ; for each evangelist selects the facts 
which belong to his purpose. The exact hour of 
the resurrection is not mentioned by any of the 
evangelists. Of the great mystery itself, the re- 
sumption of life by Him who was truly dead, we see 
but little (Mat. xxviii. 2-4). The women, who had 
stood by the cross of Jesus, had prepared spices on 
the evening before, perhaps to complete the embalm- 
ing of our Lord's bod)', already performed in haste 
by Joseph and Nicodemus. They came very early 
on the first day of the week to the sepulchre. 
When they arrive they find the stone rolled away, 
and Jesus no longer in the sepulchre. He had risen 
from the dead. Mary Magdalene at this point goes 
back in haste; and at once, believing that the body 
has been removed by men, tells Peter and John that 
the Lord has been taken away. The other women, 
however, go into the sepulchre, and they see an 
angel (Matthew, Mark). The two angels, mentioned 
by Luke, are probably two separate appearances to 
different members of the group ; for he alone men- 
tions an indefinite number of women. They now 
leave the sepulchre, and go in haste to make known 
the news to the apostles. As they were going, 
"Jesus met them, saying, All hail." The eleven do 



476 JES 

not believe the account when they receive it. In 
(he mean time Peter and John came to the sepul- 
chre. They ran, in their eagerness, and John ar- 
rived first and looked in ; Peter afterward came up, 
and the awe which had prevented the other disciple 
from going in appears to have been unfelt by Peter, 
who entered at once, and found the grave-clothes 
lying, but not Him who had worn them. This fact 
must have suggested that the removal was not the 
work of human hands. They then returned, won- 
dering at what they had seen. Mary Magdalene, 
however, remained weeping at the tomb, and she 
too saw the two angels in the tomb, though Peter 
and John did not. They address her, and she an- 
swers, still, however, without any suspicion that the 
Lord is risen. As she turns away she sees Jesus, 
but in the tumult of her feelings does not even rec- 
ognize Him at His first address. But He calls her 
by name, and then she joyfully recognizes her Mas- 
ter. The third appearance of our Lord was to 
Peter (Luke, Paul); the fourth to the two disciples 
going to Emmaus in the evening (Mark, Luke); the 
fifth in the same evening to the eleven as they sat at 
meat (Mark, Luke, John). All of these occurred on 
the first day of the week, the very day of the resur- 
rection. Exactly a week after, He appeared to the 
apostles, and gave Thomas a convincing proof of 
His resurrection (John); this was the sixth appear- 
ance. The seventh was in Galilee, where seven of 
the apostles were assembled, some of them probably 
about to return to their old trade of fishing (John). 
The eighth was to the eleven (Mat.), and probably to 
five hundred brethren assembled with them (Paul) 
on a mountain in Galilee. The ninth was to James 
(Paul); and the last to the apostles at Jerusalem 
just before the Ascension (Acts) (Mat. xxviii. ; Mk. 
xvi. ; Lk. xxiv. ; Jn. xx., xxi. ; Acts i. ; 1 Cor. xv. ; 
Rbn. B. S. ii. 162 fT.). — Chronology. Year of the 
Birth of Christ. It is certain that our Lord was 
born before the death of Herod the Great. Herod 
died in the first part of Nisan a. u. c. 750 (= b. c. 4, 
Wieseler). It follows, therefore, that the Dionysian 
era (the vulgar Christian era), which corresponds 
to a. u. c. 754, is at least four years too late. 
Many have thought that the star seen by the wise 
men gives grounds for an exact calculation of the 
time of our Lord's birth; but this is not the case. 
(Star of the Wise Men.) The census (Cyrenius; 
Taxing) taken by Augustus Cesar, which led to the 
journey of Mary from Nazareth just before the birth 
of the Lord, has also been looked on as an impor- 
tant note of time in reference to the chronology of 
the life of Jesus. The value of this census, as a 
fact in the chronology of the life of Christ, depends 
on the connection which is sought to be established 
between it and the insurrection which broke out 
under Matthias and Judas, the son of Saripheus, in 
the last illness of Herod (Jos. xvii. 6, § 2). If the 
insurrection arose out of the census, a point of con- 
nection between the sacred history and that of 
Josephus is made out. Such a connection, how- 
ever, has not been clearly made out. The age of 
Jesus at His baptism (Lk. iii. 23) affords an element 
of calculation. " And Jesus Himself began to be 
about thirty years of age." Born in the beginning 
of a. d. c. 750 (or the end of 749), Jesus would be 
thirty in the beginning of a. ii. c. 780 (a. d. 27). 
To the first Passover after the baptism attaches a 
note of time which will confirm the calculations al- 
ready made. " Then said the Jews, Forty and six 
years was this Temple in building, and wilt thou 
rear it up in three days ? " There can be no doubt 



JET 

that this refers to the rebuilding of the Temple by 
Herod. It is inferred from Josephus (xv. 11, §§ 5 

6 6) that it was begun in the month Chisleu, a. u. c. 
734. And if the Passover at which this remark was 
made was that of a. u. c. 780, then forty-five years 
and some months have elapsed, which, according to 
the Jewish mode of reckoning, would be spoken of 
as forty and six years. One datum remains : the 
commencement of the preaching of John the Baptist 
is connected with the fifteenth year of the reign of 
Tiberius Cesar (Lk. iii. 1). The rule of Tiberius 
may be calculated either from the beginning of his 
sole reign, after the death of Augustus, a. u. c. 767, 
or from his joint government with Augustus, i. e. 
from the beginning of a. u. c. 766. In the latter 
case the fifteenth year would correspond with a. u. c. 
779, which goes to confirm the rest of the calcula- 
tions relied on in this article. Differences will be 
found amongst eminent writers in every part of the 
chronology of the gospels. The birth of our Lord 
is placed in b. c. 1 by Pearson and Hug ; b. c. 2 by 
Sealiger ; b. c. 3 by Baronius, Calvisius, Siiskind, and 
Paulus ; b. c. 4 by Lamy, Bengel, Anger, Wieseler, 
and Greswell ; b. c. 5 by Usher and Petavius ; b. c. 

7 by Ideler and Sanclcmente. The calculations 
given above seem sufficient to determine us to the 
close of b. c. 5, or early part of b. c. 4. " In regard 
to the time of the year when Jesus was born, there 
is still less certainty. . . . There is, on this point, 
no valid tradition. According to the earliest ac- 
counts, the sixth of January, or Epiphany, was cele- 
brated by the Eastern churches in the third and 
fourth century as the festival of the birth and 
baptism of Jesus. In the Western churches, after 
the middle of the fourth century, the 25th of De- 
cember (Christmas) began to be kept as the fes- 
tival of Christ's nativity "(Robinson, Harmony, 1G9). 
Wieseler concludes " that the day must be left un- 
decided, and that of the months, the close of Decem- 
ber, together with January and February, should be 
taken into consideration, of which, however, Decem- 
ber has the least, January a greater, and February de- 
cidedly the greatest probability in its favor" (B. S. iii. 
673). The exact date of our Lord's death is like- 
wise much disputed. Wieseler, Bishop Ellicott, Dr. 
P. Holmes (in Kitto), &c, place it on the 7tli of 
April, a. d. 30, or a. u. c. 783 (see also above); 
Browne makes it March 18th, a. d. 29; Usher, 
April 3d, a. d. 33. Roger Bacon, Sealiger, Pear- 
son, Newton, and the A. V. agree with Usher as to 
the year. The date as given by critics varies from 
a. d. 29 to 35. But let it never be forgotten that 
there is a distinction between these researches, 
which the Holy Spirit has left obscure and doubtful, 
and "the weightier matters" of the gospel, the 
things which directly pertain to man's salvation. 

Jc'tlier (fr. II eb. = excellence, preeminence, Ges., 
Fii.). 1. Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses (Ex. iv. 
18, margin). — 2. First-born of Gideon's seventy sons 
(Judg. viii. 20). — 3. Father of Amasa, captain-gen- 
eral of Absalom's army; = Ithra (2 Sam. xvii. 25), 
the latter being probably a corruption. He is de- 
scribed in 1 Chr. ii. 17 as an Ishmaelite, which again 
is more likely to be correct than the "' Israelite " of 
the Heb. in 2 Sam. xvii., or the " Jezreelite" of the 
LXX. and Vulgate in the same passage. — 4. Son of 
Jada, a descendant of Hezron, of the tribe of Judah 
(1 Chr. ii. 32). — 5. Son of Ezra, in the genealogy of 
Judah (iv. 17). — 6t Chief of a family of warriors of 
the line of Asher (vii. 38) ; probably = Ithran 
in the preceding verse. 

Je'theth (L. fr. Heb. = pin, nail, Sim., Ges. ; sab- 



JET 

juration, subjection, Fii.), one of the phylarchs (A. 
V. " dukes ") who came of fsau (Gen. xxxvi. 40 ; 
1 Chr. i. 51). This record of the Edomite phy- 
larchs may point specially to the places and habita- 
tions, or towns, named after, or occupied by, them. 
El-Wetideh, supposed to be etymologically connect- 
el with Jetheth, is a place in Nejd ; there is also a 
place called El- Wetid ; and El-Wetidut, which is the 
name of mountains belonging to Benee 'Abd-Allali 
Ibn Ghatfan. Auabia. 

Jetb'lan (fr. Heb. = hanging, high, Ges. ; hill- 
place, Fii.), a city of Dan (Josh. xix. 42). 

Jc'tllro (L. fr. Heb. = excellence, preeminence, Ges., 
Fii.), also called Jether, priest or prince of Midian, 
both offices probably being combined in one per- 
son. Moses spent the forty years of his exile from 
Egypt with him, and married his daughter Zipporah. 
By the advice of Jethro, Moses appointed deputies 
to judge the congregation and share the burden of 
government with himself (Ex. xviii.). On account 
of his local knowledge he was entreated to remain 
with the Israelites throughout their journey to Ca- 
naan (K T um. x. 31, 33). It is said in Ex. ii. 18 that 
the priest of Midian whose daughter Moses married 
was Reuel (Raguel); afterward at ch. iii. 1, he is 
called Jethro, as also in ch. xviii. ; but in Num. x. 
29 " Hobab the son of Raguel the Midianite " is 
apparently called Moses' father-in-law (compare 
Judg. iv. 11). Some commentators take Jethro = 
Reuel, and call Hobab the brother-in-law of Moses. 
The present punctuation of our Hebrew Bibles does 
not warrant this (so Prof. Leathes). 

Jc'tur (fr. Heb., probably = an enclosure, no- 
madic camp, Ges.), a son of Ishmael. (Gen. xxv. 
15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31, v. 19). Iturea. 

Jeu'el (L. fr. Heb. = Jeiel, Ges., Fii.). 1. A 
chief man of Judah, one of the sons of Zerah (1 
Chr. ix. 6, compare 2). — 2. One of the sons of 
Adonikam who returned to Jerusalem with Esdras 
(1 Esd. viii. 39). Jeiel. 

Je'nsh (fr. Heb. = to whom God hastens, Ges.). 
1. Son of Esau, by Aholibiimah (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, 
18 ; 1 Chr. i. 35). — i, A Benjamite chief, son of 
Bilhan (vii. 10, 11). — 3. A Gershonite Levite, of the 
house of Shimei (xxiii. 10, 11). — i. Son of Reho- 
boam, king of Judah, by Abihail (2 Chr. xi. 18, 19). 

Je.'nz (fr. Heb. = counselling, Ges.), head of a 
Benjamite house (1 Chr. viii. 10); apparently son 
of Shaharaim and Hodesh his third wife, and born 
in Moab. 

Jew (fr. Heb. Yehudi = descendant of Judah, or 
man of Judah ; Gr. form Joudaios ; L. Judams). 
This name was properly applied to a member of the 
kingdom of Judah after the separation of the ten 
tribes (Israel, Kingdom op; Judah, Kingdom of). 
In this sense it occurs twice in 2 K. (xvi. 6, xxv. 25), 
and seven times in the later chapters of Jer. 
(xxxii. 12, xxxiv. 9 with "Hebrew," xxxviii. 19, xl. 
12, xli. 3, xliv. 1, Hi. 28). The term first makes its 
appearance just before the captivity of the ten 
tribes, and then is used to denote the men of Ju- 
dah who held Elath, and were driven out by Rezin, 
king of Syria (2 K. xvi. 6). The fugitives in Egypt 
(Jer. xliv. 1) belonged to the two tribes, and were 
distinguished by the name of the more important. 
After the Return the word received a larger applica- 
tion. Partly from the predominance of the mem- 
bers of the old kingdom of Judah among those 
who returned to Palestine, partly from the identifi- 
cation of Judah with the religious ideas and hopes 
of the people, all the members of the new state 
were called Jews (Judeans), and the name was ex- 



jez 477 

[ tended to the remnants of the race scattered 
throughout the nations (Dan. iii. 8, 12 ; Ezr. iv. 12, 
23, kc. ; Neh. i. 2, ii.' 16, v. 1, &c. ; Esth. iii. 4 ff., 
&c). Under the name of "Judeans," the people 
of Israel were known to classical writers (Tac. H. 

j v. 2, &c). The force of the title " Jew " is seen 
particularly in the Gospel of St. John, who very 

j rarely uses any other term to describe the oppo- 
nents of our Lord. The name, indeed, appeared 
at the close of the apostle's life to be the true an- 
tithesis to Christianity, as describing the limited and 
definite form of a national religion ; but at an ear- 
lier stage of the progress of the faith, it was con- 
trasted with Greek as implying an outward cove- 
nant with God (Rom. i. 16, ii. 9, 10; Col. iii. 11, 
&c). In this sense it was of wider application 
than " Hebrew," which was the correlative of Hel- 
lenist, and marked a division of language subsist- 
ing within the entire body, and at the same time 
less expressive than Israelite, which brought out 
with especial clearness the privileges and hopes of 
the children of Jacob (2 Cor. xi. 22 ; Jn. i. 47 ; 
1 Mc. i. 43, 53, and often). The history of Judaism 
is divided by Jost — the most profound writer who 
has investigated it — into two great eras, the first 
extending to the close of the collections of the oral 
laws, 536 b. c. — 600 a. d. : the second reaching to 
the present time. Alexander ; Alexandria ; An- 
tiochus ; Bible ; Canon ; Captiyity ; Cyrus ; Dis- 
persion ; Herod ; Idolatry ; Jerusalem ; Law or 
Moses ; Maccabees ; Messiah ; Mordecai ; Old 
Testament ; Septuagint ; Synagogue ; Versions, 
Ancient. 

Jews' Lan'guage, in the : literally Jewkhly (2 K. 
xviii. 26, 28; 2 Chr. xxxii. 18; Is. xxxvi. 11, 13; 
Neh. xiii. 24). The term denotes as well the pure 
Hebrew as the dialect acquired during the Captivity, 
which was characterized by Aramaic forma and 
idioms. Shemitic Languages ; Writing. 

Jew'el. Stones, Precious. 

Jew ess (fr. Jew), a woman of Hebrew birth, 
without distinction of tribe (Acts xvi. 1, xxiv. 24). 

Jew'isll (fr. Jew), of or belonging to Jews ; an 
epithet applied to their Rabbinical legends (Tit. i. 
14). 

Jew'ry, the A. V. translation of Heb. Yehud and 
I Gr. loudaia, elsewhere rendered Judah and Judea. 
I It occurs several times in the Apocrypha (1 Esd. i. 
32, &c.) and N. T. (Lk. xxiii. 5; Jn. vii. 1), once 
only in the O. T. (Dan. v. 13). Jewry comes to us 
through the Norman-French, and is of frequent 
occurrence in Old English. Jew. 

Jez-a-ni'ah (fr. Heb. = Jaazaniah, Ges.), son of 
Hoshaiah, the Maachathite ; = Jaazaniah ; perhaps 
also = Azariah 23 ; one of the captains of the 
forces, who had escaped from Jerusalem during the 
final attack of the Chaldeans. When the Babylo- 
nians had departed, Jezaniah with his men returned 
to Gedaliah at Mizpah. In the events which fol- 
lowed the assassination of that officer Jezaniah took 
a prominent part (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. xl. 8, xlii. 1, 
! xliii. 2). Ishmael 6 ; Johanan 3. 

Jez'c-DCl (fr. Heb. = not cohabited, chaste, Ges. ; 
! Father [= Baal] of the heavenly dwelling, Fii.), wife 
of Ahab, king of Israel, and mother of Athaliah, 
queen of Judah, and Ahaziah 1 and Joram (Jeiio- 
ram 1), kings of Israel. She was a Phenician 
[ princess, daughter of " Ethbaal, king of the Zido- 
; nians." Her marriage with Ahab was a turning- 
I point in the history of Israel. She was a woman in 
1 whom, with the reckless and licentious habits of an 
! Oriental queen, were united the sternest and fiercest 



478 



JEZ 



JEZ 



qualities inherent in the Phenician people. In her 
hands her husband became a mere puppet (1 K. 
xxi. 25). The first effect of her influence was the 
immediate establishment of the Phenician worship 
on a grand scale in the court of Ahab. At her ta- 
ble were supported no less than 450 prophets of 
Baal, and 400 of Astarte (xvi. 31, 32, xviii. 19). 
The prophets of Jehovah, who up to this time had 
found their chief refuge in the northern kingdom, 
were attacked by her orders and put to the sword 
(xviii. 13; 2 K. ix. 7). When at last the people, 
at the instigation of Elijah, rose against her minis- 
ters, and slaughtered them at the foot of Carmel, 
and when Ahab was terrified into submission, she 
alone retained her presence of mind ; and when she 
received in the palace of Jezreel the tidings that 
her religion was all but destroyed (1 K. xix. 1), her 
only answer was one of those fearful vows which 
have made the leaders of Shemitic nations so terri- 
ble whether for good or evil — expressed in a mes- 
sage to the very man who, as it might have seemed 
but an hour before, had her life in his power (xix. 
2). Elijah fled for his life. The next instance of 
her power is still more characteristic and complete. 
When she found her husband cast down by his dis- 
appointment at being thwarted by Naboth, she 
took the matter into her own hands (xxi. V). She 
wrote a warrant in Ahab's name, and sealed it with 
his seal. To her, and not to Ahab, was sent the 
announcement that the royal wishes were accom- 
plished (14), and she bade her husband go and take 
the vacant property ; and on her accordingly fell 
the prophet's curse, as well as on her husband (23). 
We hear no more of her for a long period. But she 
survived Ahab for fourteen years, and still, as 
queen-mother (after the Oriental custom), was a 
great personage in the court of her sons, and, as 
such, became the special mark for the vengeance 
of Jehu. But in that supreme hour of her house 
the spirit of the aged queen rose within her, equal 
to the dreadful emergency. She was in the palace, 
which stood by the gate of the city, overlooking 
the approach from the E. Beneath lay the open 
space under the city walls. She determined to face 
the destroyer of her family, whom she saw rapidly 
advancing in his chariot. She painted her eyelids 
in the Eastern fashion with antimony, so as to give 
a darker border to the eyes, and make them look 
larger and brighter (Paint), possibly to induce Jehu, 
after the manner of Eastern usurpers, to take her, 
the widow of his predecessor, for his wife, but more 
probably as the last act of regal splendor. She 
tired her head, and, looking down upon him from 
the high latticed window in the tower, she met him 
by an allusion to a former act of treason in the his- 
tory of her adopted country. Jehu looked up from 
his chariot. Two or three eunuchs of the royal ha- 
rem showed their faces at the windows, and, at his 
command, dashed the ancient princess down from 
the chamber. She fell immediately in front of the 
conqueror's chariot. The blood flew from her man- 
gled corpse over the palace-wall behind, and over 
the advancing horses in front. The merciless de- 
stroyer passed on ; and the last remains of life were 
trampled out by the horses' hoofs. The body was 
left in that open space called in modern Eastern 
language " the mounds," where offal is thrown from 
the city-walls. The dogs of Eastern cities, which 
prowl around these localities, and which the present 
writer (Stanley) met on this very spot by the mod- 
ern village which occupies the site of Jezreel, 
pounced upon this unexpected prey. .Nothing was 



left by them but the hard portions of the human 
skeleton, the skull, the hands, and the feet (2 K. ix.). 
Long afterward her'name lived as the byword for 
all that was execrable. It is given to a church or 
an individual in Asia Minor, combining in like man- 
ner fanaticism and profligacy (Rev. ii. 20). 

Jc-ze'los (fr. Gr.). 1. Jahaziel (1 Esd. viii. 32). 
— 2. Jehiel, father of Obadiah (viii. 35). 

Jc'zer (tr. Heb. = formation, imagination, Ges.), 
third son of Naphtali (Gen. xlvi. 24 ; Num. xxvi. 
49 ; 1 Chr. vii. 13), and father of the family of the 
Jezerites. 

Je'zer-ites, the = a family of Naphtali, descend- 
ants of Jezer (Num. xxvi. 49). 

Jc-zi'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah sprinkle*, Ges.), 
a descendant of Parosh ; husband of a foreign wile 
| (Ezr. x. 25). 

je zi-cl (fr. Heb. = assembly of God, Ges.), a 
Benjamite who joined David at Zikiag (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

.lez-li all (fr. Heb. = whom God draws out or pre- 
serves, Ges.), a Benjamite of the sons of Elpaal 
| (1 Chr. viii. 18). 

Jc-zo'ar (fr. Heb. = Zohar), son of Helah, one 
of the wives of Asher (1 Chr. iv. 7). 

.lez-ra-bi'ali (fr. Heb. = Izrahiah), a Levite, 
leader of the choristers at the dedication of the 
wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 42). 

Jcz're-cl (fr. Heb. = God has planted, Ges.), a 
descendant of the father or founder of Etam, of the 
line of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 3). But as the verse now 
stands, we must supply some such word as " fami- 
lies ; " " these (are the families of) the father of 
Etam." 

.Iez'rc-cl (see above). 1. The name "Jezreel" 
is used in 2 Sam. ii. 9 and (?) iv. 4, and Hos. i. 
5, for the valley or plain between Gilboa and Little 
Eermon; and to this plain, in its widest extent, 
the general form of the name Esdr^elon (first used 
in Jd. i. 8) has been applied in modern times. In 
its more limited sense, as applied to the city, it first 
appears in Josh. xix. 18. But its historical impor- 
tance dates from the reign of Ahab, who chose it 
for his chief residence. The situation of the modern 
village of Zer'in (= Jezreel) shows the fitness of his 
choice. It is on one of the gentle swells which 

i rise out of the fertile plain of Esdraelon ; but with 

[ two peculiarities which mark it out from the rest. 
One is its strength. On the N. E. the hill presents 
a steep rocky descent of at least 100 feet. The 
other is its central locality. It stands at the open- 
ing of the middle branch of the three eastern forks 
of the plain, and looks straight toward the wide 
western level ; thus commanding the view toward 
the Jordan on the E. (2 K. ix. 17), and visible from 
Carmel on the W. (1 K. xviii. 46). In the neigh- 
borhood, or within the town probably, was a tem- 
ple and grove of Astarte (Ashtobeth), with an es- 
tablishment of 400 priests supported by Jezebel 
(xvi. 33; 2 K. x. 11). The palace of Ahab (1 K. 
xxi. 1, xviii. 46), probably containing his "ivory 
house " (xxii. 39), was on the eastern side of the 
city, forming part of the city wall (compare xxi. 1 ; 

■ 2 K. ix. 25, 30, 33). The seraglio, in which Jezebel 
lived, was on the city wall, and had a high window 
facing eastward (2 K. ix. 30). Close by, if not form- 
ing part of this seraglio, was a watch-tower, on 
which a sentinel stood, to give notice of arrivals 
from the disturbed district beyond the Jordan (ix. 
17). An ancient square tower which stands among 
the hovels of the modern village may be ils repre- 
sentative. The gateway of the city on the E. was 

i also the gateway of the palace (ix. 31). A little 



JEZ 



JOA 



479 



further E., but adjoining the royal domain (1 K. j 
xxi. 1), was a smooth tract of land cleared out of 
the uneven valley, which belonged to Naboth (2 K. 
ix. 25). Whether the vineyard of Naboth was here 
or at Samaria is a doubtful question. Still in the 



same eastern direction are two springs, one twelve 
minutes from the town, the other twenty minutes. 
The latter, probably both from its size and situation, 
was known as " the spring of Jezreel " (mistrans- 
lated A. V. "a fountain," 1 Sam. xxix. 1). With 




the fall of the house of Ahab the glory of Jezreel 
departed. — 2. A town in Judah, ia the neigh- 
borhood of the southern Carmel (Josh. xv. 56). 
Here David in his wanderings took Ahinoam the 
Jezreelitess for his first wife (1 Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 
5). — 3. Eldest son of the prophet Hosea (Hos. i. 4). 

Jcz're-cl-ite = an inhabitant of Jezreel (IK. 
xxi. 1, 4, 6, 7, 15, 16 ; 2 K. ix. 21, 25). 

Jez're-el-i-te3S [i pronounced as in Jezree/ile] = a 
woman of Jezreel (l Sam. xxvii. 3, xxx. 5 ; 2 Sam. 

ii. 2, Hi. 2; 1 Chr. iii. 1). 

Jib'sam (fr. Heb. = pleasant, Ges.), a son of Tola, 
the son of Issachar (1 Chr. vii. 2). 

Jid'laph (fr. Heb. = tearful, Ges.), a son of Na- 
hor (Gen. xxii. 22). 

Jiin'na (fr. Heb. = Imnah = Jimnah), the first- 
born of Asher (Num. xxvi. 44) ; elsewhere called 
in the A. V. Jimnah and Imnah 1. 

Jim nah (fr. Heb.) = Jimna = Imnah 1 (Gen. xlvi. 
17). 

Jim'nites, the = the descendants of Jimna (Num. 
xxvi. 44). 

Jiph'tah (fr. Heb. = Jephthah), a city of Judah 
in the maritime lowland (Josh. xv. 43). Wilton (in 
Fbn., article Libnah) identifies Jiphtah with Bali- 
liah near Gaza. 

Jiph'thah-e! (fr. Heb. = which God opens, Ges.), 
the Val'lcy of, a valley (Valley 2) which served as 
one of the landmarks for the boundary both of 
Zebulun (Josh. xix. 14) and Asher (ver. 27). Rob- 
inson suggests that Jiphthah-el = Jotapata, the 
city which so long withstood Vespasian (Jos. B. J. 

iii. 7), and that they survive in the modern Jefdt, 
a village in the mountains of Galilee, half-way be- 
tween the Bay of Acre and the Lake of Gennesa- 
ret. In this case the valley is the great Wady 
'Abilin, which has its head in the hills near Jefdt, 
and runs thence W. to the maritime plain. 

Jo'ab (fr. Heb. — whose father is Jehovah, Ges.), 



th's Smaller Dictionary.) 



the most remarkable, though perhaps not the eldest 
(1 Ohr. ii. 16) of the three nephews of David, the 
children of Zeruiah, David's sister. Their father 
is unknown, but seems to have resided at Bethle- 
hem, and to have died before his sons, as we find 
mention of his sepulchre at that place (2 Sam. ii. 
32). Joab first appears after David's accession to 
the throne at Hebron. He with his two brothers 
(Abishai ; Asahel) went out from Hebron at the 
head of David's " servants," or guards, to keep a 
watch on the movements of Abner. The two par- 
ties sat opposite each other, on each side of the 
tank by Gibeon. Abner's challenge, to which Joab 
assented, led to a desperate struggle between twelve 
champions'from either side. This roused the blood 
of the rival tribes ; a general encounter ensued ; 
Abner and his company were defeated, and in his 
flight, being hard pressed by the swift-footed Asa- 
hel, he reluctantly killed the unfortunate youth. 
His two brothers, on seeing the corpse, only hurried 
on with greater fury in the pursuit. In answer to 
the appeal of Abner, Joab withdrew his men, but 
his revenge was only postponed. He had been on 
another of these predatory excursions from Hebron, 
when he was informed on his return that Abner 
had in his absence paid a visit to David, and been 
received into favor (2 Sam. iii. 23). He broke out 
into a violent remonstrance with the king, and 
then, without David's knowledge, immediately sent 
messengers after Abner, who was overtaken by 
them at the well of Sirah. Abner returned at once. 
Joab and Abishai met him in the gateway of the 
town; Joab took him aside (iii. 27), as if with a 
peaceful intention, and then struck him a deadly- 
blow " under the fifth rib." There was now no 
rival left in the way of Joab's advancement, and at 
the siege of Jebus he was appointed for his prow- 
ess commander-in-chief — " captain of the host " — 
the same office that Abner had held under Saul, the 



480 



JOA 



JOA 



highest in the state after the king (1 Chr. xi. 6; 2 
Sam. viii. 16). In this post he was content, and 
served the king with undeviating fidelity. In the 
wide range of wars which David undertook, Joab 
was the acting general. He had a chief armor- 
bearer of his own, Naharai, a Beerothite (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 37 ; 1 Chr. xi. 39), and ten attendants to carry 
his equipment and baggage (2 Sam. xviii. 15). He 
had the charge of giving the signal by trumpet for 
advance or retreat (xviii. 16). He was called by 
the almost regal title of "Lord" (xi. 11), "the 
prince of the king's army" (1 Chr. xxvii. 34). His 
usual residence was in Jerusalem — but he had a 
house and property, with barley-fields adjoining, in 
the country (2 Sam. xiii. 23), in the " wilderness" 
1 K. ii. 34), probably on the N. E. of Jerusalem 
compare 1 Sam. xiii. 18; Josh. viii. 15, 20), near 
Baal-hazor (2 Sam. xiii. 23, compare with xiv. 30), 
where there were extensive sheep-walks. — 1. His 
great war was that against Amnion, which he con- 
ducted in person. It was divided into three cam- 
paigns, (a) The first was against the allied forces 
of Syria and Amnion. (Haparezkr.) (6) The sec- 
ond was against Edom. The decisive victory was 
gained by David himself in the " valley of salt " 
(Salt, Valley of), and celebrated by a triumphal 
monument (2 Sam. viii. 13). But Joab had the 
charge of carrying out the victory, and remained 
for six months, extirpating the male population, 
whom he then buried in the tombs of Petra (1 K. 
xi. 15, 16). (c) The third was against the Ammon- 
ites. They were again left to Joab (2 Sam. x. 7- 
19). At the siege of Rabbah 1, the ark was sent 
with him, and the whole army was encamped in 
booths or huts round the beleaguered city (xi. 1, 
11). After a sortie of the inhabitants, which caused 
some loss to the Jewish army, Joab took the lower 
city on the river, and then sent to urge David to 
come and take the citadel (xii. 26-28). — 2. The ser- 
vices of Joab to the king were not confined to 
these military achievements. In the entangled re- 
lations which grew up in David's domestic life, he 
bore an important part, (a) The first occasion wa£ 
the unhappy correspondence which passed between 
him and the king during the Ammonite war re- 
specting Uriah the Hittite (xi. 1-25). (6) The next 
occasion on which it was displayed was in his suc- 
cessful endeavor to reinstate Absalom in David's 
favor, after the murder of Amnon (xiv. 1-20). (c) 
The same keen sense of his master's interests 
ruled the conduct of Joab no less, when the re- 
lations of the father and son were reversed by 
the successful revolt of Absalom. His former in- 
timacy with the prince did not impair his fidelity 
to the king. He followed him beyond the Jor- 
dan, and in the final battle of Ephraim assumed 
the responsibility of taking the rebel prince's dan- 
gerous life in spite of David's injunction to spare 
him, and when no one else had courage to act 
so decisive a part (xviii. 2, 11-15). The king 
transferred the command to Amasa. (d) Nothing 
brings out more strongly the good and bad quali- j 
ties of Joab than his conduct in this trying crisis 
of his history. With his own guard and the 
mighty men under Abishai he went out in pur- 
suit of the remnants of the rebellion. In the heat 
of pursuit he encountered his rival Amasa, more 
leisurely engaged in the same quest. At " the 
great stone " in Gibeon, the cousins met. Joab's 
sword was attached to his girdle ; by design or ac- 
cident it protruded from the sheath ; Amasa rushed 
into the treacherous embrace, to which Joab in- I 



vited him, holding fast his beard by his own right 
hand, whilst the unsheathed sword in his left hand 
plunged into Amasa's stomach ; a single blow from 
that practised arm, as in the case of Abner, sufficed 
to do its work, (e) At the moment, all were ab- 
sorbed in the pursuit of the rebels. Once more a 
proof was given of the wide-spread confidence in 
Joab's judgment (xx. 16-22). (Abel 1 ; Sheba.) 
(/) His last remonstrance with David was on the 
announcement of the king's desire to number the 
people (xxiv. 1-4 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 6). — 3. There is 
something mournful in the end of Joab. At the 
close of his long life, his loyalty, so long unshaken, 
at last wavered. " Though he had not turned after 
Absalom, he turned after Adonijah " (IK. ii. 28). 
This was in direct opposition to the divine des- 
ignation of Solomon (1 Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 5). 
The revival of the pretensions of Adonijah after 
David's death was sufficient to awaken the sus- 
picions of Solomon. Joab fled to the shelter of 
the altar at Gibeon, and was there slain by Benaiah. 
— 2. Son of Seraiah, and descendant of Kenaz(l 
Chr. iv. 14).— 3. The head of a family, not of 
priestly or Levitical rank, whose descendants, with 
those of Jeshua, were the most numerous of all 
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 6, viii. 9 ; 
Neh. vii. 11; 1 Esd. viii. 35). Paiiath-moab. 

Jo'a-chaz [-kaz] (Gr. fr. Heb.) = Jehoahaz (1 
Esd. i. 34), the son of Josiah. 

Jo'a-chim [-kim]. 1. Jehoiakim (Bar. i. 3) = 
Joacim 1;— 2. A "high-priest" at Jerusalem in 
the time of Baruch " the son of Chelcias," i. e. 
Hilkiah (Bar. i. 7). 

Jo'a-tim [-sim] (L. fr. Heb.). 1, Jehoiakim (1 
Esd. i. 37, 38, 39) = Joachim 1. — 2. Jehoiachin 
(i. 43). — 3. Joiakim, the son of Jeshua (v. 5). — i. 
" The high-priest which was in Jerusalem " (Jd. iv. 
6, 14) in the time of Judith (xv. 8 ff.). It is im- 
possible to identify him with any historical char- 
acter.— 5. The husband of Susanna (Sus 1 ff.). 

Ju-a-da nns (fr. Gr., probably corrupted from 
Gedaliah), a son of Jeshua, the son of Jozadak (1 
Esd. ix. 19); = Gedaliah 3 ? 

Jo'ah (fr. Heb. — whose brother (i. e. helper) is 
Jehovah, Ges.). 1. Son of Asaph, and chronicler, 
or keeper of the records, to Hezekiah (Is. xxxvi. 3, 
11, 22). — 2i Son or grandson of Zimmah, a Gershon- 
ite (1 Chr. vi. 21) ; apparently = Ethan (ver. 42). 
— 3. Third son of Obed-edom (xxvi. 4), a Korhite, 
and one of the doorkeepers appointed by David.— 
i. A Gershonite, son of Zimmah, and father of 
Eden ; active with his son in Hezekiah's reforma- 
tion (2 Chr. xxix. 12). — 5. Son of Joahaz, and 
keeper of the records, or annalist to Josiah (xxxiv. 

8 )- * i 

Jo'a-haz (fr. Heb. = Jehoahaz, Ges.), father of 
Joah 5 (2 Chr. xxxiv. 8). 

Jo-a'nan (Gr. fr. Heb.) = Johanan, son of Elia- 
shib (1 Esd. ix. 1). 

Jo-an'na (L. = Jehohanan), son of Rhesa, ac- 
cording to Lk. iii. 27, and one of the ancestors of 
Christ. But, according to Lord A. C. Hervey in the 
Genealogy of Jesus Christ, son of Zerubbabel, 
and the same as Hananiah in 1 Chr. iii. 19. 

Jft-an'na (see above), one of the women who 
ministered unto Jesus, and brought spices and oint- 
ments to embalm His body (Lk. viii. 3, xxiv. 10) ; 
" wife of Chusa, steward of Herod," i. e. Antipas, 
tetrarch of Galilee. 

Jo-an'nan (fr. Gr. = Jehohanan), surnamed Cad- 
dis, eldest brother of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. ii. 2). 

jo a-iih (L. = Jehoiarib), chief of the first of 



: 



JOA 



JOB 



481 



the twenty-four courses of priests in the reign of 
David, and ancestor of the Maccabees (1 Mc. ii. 1). 

Jo'ash (fr. Heb., contracted fr. Je"hoash, except 
No. 7, 8). 1. Son of Ahaziah 2, king of Judah, 
and the only one of his children who escaped the 
murderous hand of Athaliah. After his father's 
sister Jehoshabeath, the wife of Jehoiada, had 
stolen him from among the king's sons, he was hid 
for six years in the chambers of the Temple. In 
the seventh year of his age, and of his concealment, 
a successful revolution placed him on the throne of 
his ancestors, and freed the country from the tyr- 
anny and idolatries of Athaliah. For at least 
twenty-three years, while Jehoiada lived, this reign 
■was very prosperous. Excepting that the high- 
places were still resorted to for incense and sacri- 
fice, pure religion was restored, large contributions 
were made for the repair of the Temple, which was 
accordingly restored ; and the country seems to 
have been free from foreign invasion and domestic 
disturbance. But, after the death of Jehoiada, 
Joash fell into the hands of bad advisers, at whose 
suggestion he revived the worship of Baal and 
Ashtaroth. When he was rebuked for this by 
Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada, Joash caused him 
to be stoned to death in the very court of the 
Lord's house (Mat. xxiii. 35). The vengeance im- 
precated by the murdered high-priest was not long 
delayed. That very year, Hazael, king of Syria, 
came up against Jerusalem, and carried off a vast 
booty as the price of his departure. Joash had 
scarcely escaped this danger, when he fell into an- 
other and fatal one. Two of his servants, taking 
advantage of his severe illness, some think of a 
wound received in battle, conspired against him, 
and slew him in his bed in the fortress of Millo. 
Joash's reign lasted forty years. (Israel, Kingdom 
of; Judah, Kingdom of.) — 2. Son and successor 
of Jehoahaz 1, on the throne of Israel, and for 
two years a contemporary sovereign with the pre- 
ceding (2 K. xiv. 1 ; compare with xii. 1, xiii. 10). 
When he succeeded to the crown, the kingdom was 
in a deplorable state from the devastations of 
Hazael and Ben-hadad, kings of Syria. On occasion 
of a friendly visit paid by Joash to Elisha on his 
death-bed, the prophet promised him deliverance 
from the Syrian yoke in Aphek (1 K. xx. 26-30). 
He then bid him smite upon the ground, and the 
king smote thrice and then stayed. The prophet 
rebuked him for staying, and limited to three his 
victories over Syria. Accordingly Joash did beat 
Ben-hadad three times on the field of battle, and re- 
covered from him the cities which Hazael had taken 
from Jehoahaz. The other great military event of 
Joash's reign was his successful war with Amaziah, 
king of Judah. The grounds of this war are given 
fully in 2 dir. xxv. The two armies met at Beth- 
shemesh, that of Joash was victorious, put the 
army of Amaziah to the rout, took him prisoner, 
brought him to Jerusalem, broke down the wall of 
Jerusalem, and plundered the city. He died in the 
fifteenth year of Amaziah, king of Judah, and was 
succeeded by his son Jeroboam II. — 3. Father of 
Gideon, and a wealthy man among the Abiezrites 
(Judg. vi. 11, 29-31, vii. 14, viii. 13, 29, 32).— 
4. Apparently a younger son of Ahab, who held a 
subordinate jurisdiction in the lifetime of his father, 
or was appointed viceroy (2 Chr. xviii. 25) during 
his absence in the attack on Ramoth-gilead (1 K. 
xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xviii. 25). Or he may have been 
merely a prince of the blood-royal (compare Mal- 
chiah 8). — 5. A descendant of Shelah the son of 
31 



Judah, but whether his son or the son of Jokim, is 
not clear (1 Chr. iv. 22).— 6. A Benjamite hero, 
son of Shemaah of Gibeah (xii. 3). He joined 
David at Ziklag. — 7. (fr. Heb. = to whom Jehovah 
hastens, sc. with help, Ges.). One of the officers 
of David's household (xxvii. 28). — 8. Son of Becher, 
and head of a Benjamite house (vii. 8). 

Jo'a-tham (L.) = Jotham the son of Uzziah(Mat. 
i. 9). 

Jo-a-zab'dns (fr. Gr.) = Jozabad the Levite (1 
Esd. ix. 48 ; compare Neh. viii. V). 

Job [o as in note] (L. fr. Heb. yob — returner, re- 
turner home, — Jashub, Fii.), third son of Issachar 
(Gen. xlvi. 13), called in another genealogy Jashub 
(1 Chr. vii. 1). 

Job (L. fr. Heb. Tyob = one persecuted, Ges. ; con- 
verted, Fii.). 1. A patriarch of Uz, distinguished for 
his afflictions, uprightness, and patience (Ez. xiv. 
14 ff. ; Jas. v. 11) ; the chief character in — 2. The 
Book of Job. This book consists of five parts : the 
introduction, the discussion between Job and his 
three friends (Eliphaz ; Bildad ; Zophar), the 
speech of Elihu, the manifestation and address of 
Almighty God, and the concluding chapter. — I. 
Analysis, — 1. The introduction supplies all the 
facts on which the argument is based. Job, a 
chieftain in the land of Uz, of immense wealth and 
high rank, " the greatest of all the men of the 
East," is represented as a man of perfect integrity, 
blameless in all the relations of life, declared in- 
deed by the Lord Himself to be " without his like 
in all the earth," " a perfect, and an upright man, 
one that feareth God, and escheweth evil." One 
question could be raised by envy ; may not the 
goodness which secures such direct and tangible re- 
wards be a refined form of selfishness ? In the 
world of spirits, where all the mysteries of exist- 
ence are brought to light, Satan, the accusing 
angel, suggests the doubt, " doth Job fear God for 
nought ? " and asserts boldly that if those external 
blessings were withdrawn, Job would cast off his 
allegiance — " he will curse thee to thy face." The 
problem is thus distinctly propounded which this 
book is intended to discuss and solve. Can good- 
ness exist irrespective of reward, can the fear of 
God be retained by man when every inducement to 
selfishness is taken away ? The accuser receives 
permission to make the trial. He destroys Job's 
property, then his children ; and afterward, to leave 
no possible opening for a cavil, is allowed to inflict 
upon him the most terrible disease known in the 
East. (Medicine.) Job's wife breaks down entirely 
under the trial. Job remains steadfast. He repels 
his wife's suggestion with the simple words, " What, 
shall we receive good at the hand of the Lord, and 
shall we not receive evil ? " " In all this Job did 
not sin with his lips." The question raised by 
Satan was thus answered. — 2. Still it is clear that 
many points of deep interest would have been left 
in obscurity. Entire as was the submission of Job, 
he must have been inwardly perplexed by events 
to which he had no clew, which were quite unac- 
countable on any hypothesis hitherto entertained, 
and seemed repugnant to the ideas of justice en- 
graven on man's heart. An opportunity for the 
discussion of the providential government of the 
world is afforded in the most natural manner by 
the introduction of three men, representing the 
wisdom and experience of the age, who came to 
condole with Job on hearing of his misfortunes. 
The meeting is described with singular beauty. At 
a distance they greet him with the wild demonstra- 



482 



JOB 



JOB 



tions of sympathizing grief usual in the East ; com- 
ing near they are overpowered by the sight of his 
wretchedness, and sit seven days and seven nights 
without uttering a word. This awful silence drew 
out all his anguish. In an agony of desperation 
he curses the day of his birth. With the answer 
to this outburst begins a series of discussions, con- 
tinued probably with some intervals, during several 
successive days. The results of the first discussion 
(Job iii.-xiv.) may be thus summed up. We have 
on the part of Job's friends a theory of the divine 
government resting upon an exact and uniform cor- 
relation between sin and punishment (iv. 6, 11, and 
throughout). Afflictions are always penal, issuing 
in the destruction of those who are radically op- 
posed to God, or who do not submit to His chas- 
tisements. They lead of course to correction and 
amendment of life when the sufferer repents, con- 
fesses his sins, puts them away, and turns to God. 
In that case restoration to peace, and even in- 
creased prosperity may be expected (v. 17—2*7). 
Still the fact of the suffering always proves the 
commission of some special sin, while the demeanor 
of the sufferer indicates the true internal relation 
between him and God. These principles are ap- 
plied by them to the case of Job. In this part of 
the dialogue the character of the three friends is 
clearly developed. Eliphaz represents the true pa- 
triarchal chieftain, grave and dignified, and erring 
only from an exclusive adherence to tenets hither- 
to unquestioned, and influenced in the first place 
by genuine regard for Job and sympathy with his 
afflictions. Bildad, without much originality or in- 
dependence of character, reposes partly on the 
wise saws of antiquity, partly on the authority of 
his older friend. Zophar seems to be a young 
man ; his language is violent, and at times even 
coarse and offensive. He represents the prejudiced 
and narrow-minded bigots of his age. In order to 
do justice to the position and arguments of Job, it 
must be borne in mind, that the direct object of 
the trial was to ascertain whether he would deny 
or forsake God, and that his real integrity is as- 
serted by God Himself. He knows that he is not 
an offender in the sense of his opponents ; and this 
consciousness enables him to examine fearlessly 
their position. He denies the assertion that pun- 
ishment follows surely on guilt, or proves its com- 
mission. In the government of Providence he can 
see but one point clearly, viz. that all events and 
results are absolutely in God's hand (xii. 9-25), but 
as for the principles which underlie those events he 
knows nothing. In fact, he is sure that his friends 
are equally uninformed. Still he doubts not that 
God is just. There remains then but one course 
open to him, and that he takes. He turns to sup- 
plication, implores God to give him a fair and open 
trial (xiii. 18-28). Believing that with death all 
hope connected with this world ceases, he prays 
that he may be hidden in the grave (xiv. 13), and 
there reserved for the day when God will try his 
cause and manifest Himself in love (ver. 15). In 
the second discussion (xv.-xxi.) there is a more res- 
olute elaborate attempt on the part of Job's friends 
to vindicate their theory of retributive justice. 
This requires an entire overthrow of the position 
taken by Job. They cannot admit his innocence. 
Eliphaz (xv.), who, as usual, lays down the basis of 
the argument, does not now hesitate to impute to 
Job the worst crimes of w hich man could be guilty. 
Bildad (xviii.) takes up this suggestion of ungodli- 
ness, and concludes that the special evils which had 



come upon Job are peculiarly the penalties due to 
one who is without God. Zophar not only accounts 
for Job's present calamities, but menaces him with 
still greater evils (xx.). In answer Job recognizes 
the hand of God in his afflictions (xvi. 7-16, and 
xix. 6-20), but rejects the charge of ungodliness ; 
he has never forsaken his Maker, and never ceased 
to pray. He argues that since in this life the right- 
eous certainly are not saved from evil, it follows 
that their ways are watched and their sufferings re- 
corded, with a view to a future and perfect mani- 
festation of the divine justice. On the other hand, 
stung by the harsh and narrow-minded bigotry of 
his opponents, Job draws out (xxi.) with terrible 
force the undeniable fact, that from the beginning 
to the end of their lives ungodly men, avowed 
atheists (ver. 14, 15), persons, in fact, guilty of the 
very crimes imputed, out of mere conjecture, to 
himself, frequently enjoy great and unbroken pros- 
perity. In the third dialogue (xxii.-xxxi.) no real 
progress is made by Job's opponents. Eliphaz 
(xxii.) makes a last effort, and raises one new point. 
The station in which Job was formerly placed pre- 
sented temptations to certain crimes ; the punish- 
ments which he undergoes are precisely such as 
might be expected had those crimes been commit- 
ted ; hence he infers they actually were committed. 
Bildad has nothing to add but a few solemn words 
on the incomprehensible majesty of God and the 
nothingness of man. Zophar is put to silence. 
In his last two discourses Job does not alter his 
position, nor, properly speaking, adduce any new 
argument, but he states with incomparable force 
and eloquence the chief points which he regards 
as established (xxvi.). He then (xxvii.) describes, 
even more completely than his opponents had 
done, the destruction which, as a rule, ultimately 
falls upon the hypocrite. Then follows (xxviii.) 
the grand description of Wisdom. The remainder 
of this discourse (xxix.-xxxi.) contains a singularly 
beautiful description of his former life, contrasted 
with his actual misery, together with a full vin- 
dication of his character from all the charges 
made or insinuated by his opponents. — 3. Thus 
ends the discussion in which it is evident both 
parties had partially failed. Job has been be- 
trayed into very hazardous statements, while his 
friends had been on the one hand disingenuous, on 
the other bigoted, harsh, and pitiless. The points 
which had been omitted, or imperfectly developed, 
are now taken up by a new interlocutor (xxxii.- 
xxxvii.). Elihu, a young man, descended from a 
collateral branch of the family of Abraham, has 
listened in indignant silence to the arguments of 
his elders (xxxii. 7), and, impelled by an inward 
inspiration, he now addresses himself to both par- 
ties in the discussion, and specially to Job. He 
shows that they had accused Job upon false or 
insufficient grounds, and failed to convict him, or 
to vindicate God's justice. Job again had assumed 
his entire innocence, and had arraigned that jus- 
tice (xxxiii. 9-11). These errors he traces to their 
both overlooking one main object of all suffering. 
God speaks to man by chastisement. This state- 
ment does not involve any charge of special guilt, 
such as the friends had alleged and Job had re- 
pudiated. Again, Elihu argues (xxxiv. 10-17) that 
any charge of injustice, direct or implicit, against 
God involves a contradiction in terms. God is 
the only source of justice ; the very idea of jus- 
tice is derived from His governance of the uni- 
verse. Job is silent, and Elihu proceeds (xxxvi.) 



JOB 



JOB 



483 



to show that the Almightiness of God is not, as 
Job seems to assert, associated with any contempt 
or neglect of His creatures. The rest of the dis- 
course brings out forcibly the lessons taught by 
the manifestations of goodness, as well as great- 
ness, in creation. The last words are evidently 
spoken while a violent storm is coming on. — 4. It 
is obvious that many weighty truths have been 
developed in the course of the discussion — nearly 
every theory of the objects and uses of suffering 
has been reviewed — while a great advance has 
been made toward the apprehension of doctrines 
hereafter to be revealed, such as were known only 
to God. But the mystery is not as yet really 
cleared up. Hence the necessity for the Theophany 
— from the midst of the storm Jehovah speaks. 
In language of incomparable grandeur He reproves 
and silences the murmurs of Job. God does not 
condescend, strictly speaking, to argue with His 
creatures. The speculative questions discussed in 
the colloquy are unnoticed, but the declaration 
of God's absolute power is illustrated by a mar- 
vellously beautiful and comprehensive survey of 
the glory of creation, and His all-embracing 
Providence by reference to the phenomena of the 
animal kingdom. Job confesses his inability to 
comprehend and therefore to answer his Maker 
(xl. 3, 4). A second address completes the work. 
It proves that a charge of injustice against God 
involves the consequence that the accuser is more 
competent than He to rule the universe. — 5. Job's 
unreserved submission terminates the trial. In the 
rebuke then addressed to Job's opponents the in- 
tegrity of his character is distinctly recognized, 
while they are condemned for untruth, which is 
pardoned on the intercession of Job. The restora- 
tion of his external prosperity, which is an inevi- 
table result of God's personal manifestation, sym- 
bolizes the ultimate compensation of the righteous 
for all sufferings undergone upon earth. The great 
object of the book must surely be that which is 
distinctly intimated in the introduction, and con- 
firmed in the conclusion, to show the effects of 
calamity in its worst and most awful form upon a 
truly religious spirit (so Mr. Cook, original author 
of this article). — II. Integrity of the Book. Four 
parts of the book have been most generally at- 
tacked. 1. Objections have been made to the intro- 
ductory and concluding chapters — (a) on account of 
the style. Of course there is an obvious and nat- 
ural difference between the prose of the narrative 
and the highly poetical language of the colloquy. 
Yet the best critics now acknowledge that the style 
of these portions is quite as antique in its simple 
and severe grandeur, as that of the Pentateuch it- 
self. (6) It is said that the doctrinal views are 
not in harmony with those of Job. This is wholly 
unfounded. (Angels; Satan.) The form of wor- 
ship belongs essentially to the early patriarchal 
type, (c) It is alleged that there are discrep- 
ancies between the facts related in the introduc- 
tion, and statements or allusions in the dialogue. 
But these are only apparent, not real. Thus chil- 
dren of my womb ([" children of mine own body," 
A. V.] xix. 17, compare i. 18, 19) = my brethren, 
not my children (compare iii. 10, viii. 4, xxix. 5). 
(d) The omission in the last chapter of all refer- 
ence to the defeat of Satan is in accordance with 
the simplicity of the poem. — 2. Strong objections 
are made to the passage xxvii. 7-23. Here Job de- 
scribes the ultimate fate of the godless hypocrite 
in terms which some critics hold to be in direct 



contradiction to the whole tenor of his arguments 
in other discourses. The fact of the contradiction 
is denied by able writers, who have shown that it 
rests upon a misapprehension of the patriarch's 
character and fundamental principles. The whole 
chapter is thoroughly coherent: the first part is ad- 
mitted by all to belong to Job ; nor can the rest be 
disjoined from it without injury to the sense. As 
for the style, Renan, a most competent authority in 
a matter of taste, declares that it is one of the 
finest developments in the poem. — 3. The last two 
chapters of the address of the Almighty have been 
rejected as interpolations by many writers, partly 
because of an alleged inferiority of style, partly as 
not relevant to the argument. (See I. 4, above.) — 4. 
The speech of Elihu presents greater difficulties, 
and has been rejected by several, whose opinion, 
however, is controverted not only by orthodox 
writers, but by some of the most skeptical com- 
mentators. The former support their decision 
chiefly on the manifest, and to a certain extent the 
real, difference between this and other parts of the 
book in tone and thought, in doctrinal views, and 
more positively in language and general style. 
Much stress also is laid upon the facts that Elihu 
is not mentioned in the introduction nor at the end, 
and that his speech is unanswered by Job, and un- 
noticed in the final address of the Almighty. A 
candid and searching examination, however, proves 
that there is a close internal connection between 
this and other parts of the book ; there are refer- 
ences to numerous passages in the discourses of 
Job and his friends ; so covert as only to be dis- 
covered by close inquiry, yet, when pointed out, 
so striking and natural as to leave no room for 
doubt. Elihu supplies exactly what Job repeat- 
edly demands — a confutation of his opinions by 
rational and human arguments. There is no 
difficulty in accounting for the omission of Eli- 
hu's name in the introduction. No persons are 
named in the book until they appear as agents, or 
as otherwise concerned in the events. Again, the 
discourse being substantially true did not need cor- 
rection, and is therefore left unnoticed in the final 
decision of the Almighty. More weight is to be at- 
tached to the objection resting upon diversity of 
style, and dialectic peculiarities. It may be ac- 
counted for on the supposition that the author ad- 
hered strictly to the form in which tradition handed 
down the dialogue, or that the Ohaldaic forms and 
idioms are such as peculiarly suit the style of the 
young and fiery speaker. — III. Historical Character 
of the Work. Three distinct theories have been 
maintained at various times; some believing the 
book to be strictly historical; others a religious 
fiction ; others a composition based upon facts. 
Until a comparatively late time, the prevalent opin- 
ion was, not only that the persons and events which 
it describes are real, but that the very words of the 
speakers were accurately recorded. It was sup- 
posed either that Job himself employed the latter 
years of his life in writing it (A. Schultens), or that 
at a very early age some inspired Hebrew collected 
the facts and sayings, faithfully preserved by oral 
tradition, and presented them to his countrymen in 
their own tongue. By some the authorship of the 
work was attributed to Moses. The fact of Job'6 
existence, and the substantial truth of the narrative, 
were not likely to be denied by Hebrews or Chris- 
tians, considering the terms in which the patriarch 
is named in Ez. xiv. and Jas. v. 11. It is, to say the 
least, highly improbable that a Hebrew, had he in- 



484 



JOB 



JOS 



vented such a character as that of Job, should have I 
represented him as belonging to a race which, 
though descended from a common ancestor, was 
never on friendly, and generally on hostile, terms 
with his own people. To this it must be added that 
there is a singular air of reality in the whole narra- 
tive, such as must either proceed naturally from a 
faithful adherence to objective truth, or be the re- 
sult of the most consummate art. Forcible as these 
arguments may appear, many critics have adopted 
the opinion either that the whole work is a moral or 
religious apologue, or that, upon a substratum of a 
few rudimental facts preserved by tradition, the 
genius of an original thinker has raised this, the 
most remarkable monument of the Shemitic mind. 
While the Rabbins in general maintain its historical 
character, Samuel Bar Nachman declares his con- 
viction, "Job did not exist, and was not a created 
man, but the work is a parable." Luther first sug- 
gested the theory, which, in some form or other, 
is now most generally received. He says: "I look 
upon the book of Job as a true history, yet I do not 
believe that all took place just as it is written, but 
that an ingenious, pious, and learned man brought 
it into its present form." — IV. Probable age, coun- 
try, and position of the Author. The language alone 
does not, as some have asserted, supply any decisive 
test as to the date of the composition. The fact 
that the language of this work approaches far more 
nearly to the Arabic than any other Hebrew pro- 
duction was remarked by Jerome, and is recognized 
by the soundest critics. On the other hand, there 
arc undoubtedly many Aramaic words, and grammat- 
ical forms, which some critics have regarded as 
strong proof that the writers must have lived during, 
or even after the Captivity. At present this hy- 
pothesis is universally given up as untenable. It is 
proved that the Aramaisms of the book of Job are 
such as characterize the antique and highly poetic 
style. It may be regarded as a settled point that 
the book was written long before the exile ; while 
there is absolutely nothing to prove a later date 
than the Pentateuch, or even those parts of the 
Pentateuch which appear to belong to the patri- 
archal age. This impression is borne out by the 
style. All critics have recognized its grand archaic 
character. The extent to which the influence of 
this book is perceptible in the later literature of the 
Hebrews, is a subject of great interest and impor- 
tance ; but it has not yet been thoroughly investi- 
gated. Considerable weight must be attached to 
the fact that Job is far more remarkable for ob- 
scurity than any Hebrew writing. There is an ob- 
scurity which results from confusion of thought, 
from carelessness and inaccuracy, or from studied 
involutions and artificial combination of metaphors 
indicating a late age. But when it is owing to ob- 
solete words, intense concentration of thought and 
language, and incidental allusions to long-forgotten 
traditions, it is an all but infallible proof of prime- 
val antiquity. Such are precisely the difficulties in 
this book. We arrive at the same conclusion from 
considering the institutions, manners, and historical 
facts described or alluded to. Ewald, whose judg- 
ment in this case will not be questioned, asserts 
very positively that in all the descriptions of man- 
ners and customs, domestic, social, and political, 
and even in the indirect allusions and illustrations, 
the genuine coloring of the age of Job, i. e. of the 
period between Abraham and Moses, is very faith- 
fully observed ; that all historical examples and al- 
lusions are taken exclusively from patriarchal times, 



and that there is a complete and successful avoid- 
■ ance of direct reference to later occurrences, which 
in his opinion may have been known to the writer. 
All critics concur in extolling the fresh, antique 
simplicity of manners described in this book, the 
genuine air of the wild, free, vigorous life of the 
desert, the stamp of hoar antiquity, and the thorough 
consistency in the development of characters, equally 
remarkable for originality and force. Moreover, 
there is sufficient reason to believe that under 
favorable circumstances a descendant of Abraham, 
who was himself a warrior, and accustomed to meet 
princes on terms of equality, would at a very early 
age acquire the habits, position, and knowledge, 
which we admire in Job. No positive historical 
fact or allusion can be produced from the book to 
prove that it could not have been written before the 
time of Moses. The single objection which presents 
any difficulty is the mention of the Chaldeans in the 
introductory chapter. It is certain that they ap- 
pear first in Hebrew history about B. c. 770. But 
the name of Chesed, ancestor of the race, is found 
in the genealogical table in Genesis xxii. (verse 22), 
a fact quite sufficient to prove the early existence of 
the people as a separate tribe. The arguments 
which have induced the generality of modern critics 
to assign a later date to this book may be reduced 
to two heads : — 1. We are told that the doctrinal 
system is considerably in advance of the Mosaic; in 
fact that it is the result of a recoil from the stern, 
narrow dogmatism of the Pentateuch. Still even 
rationalistic criticism cannot show that there is a 
demonstrable difference in any essential point be- 
tween the principles recognized in Genesis and those 
of our author. Again it is said that the representa- 
tion of angels, and still more specially of Satan, 
belongs to a later epoch. It is also to be remarked 
that no charge of idolatry is brought against Job by 
his opponents when enumerating all the crimes 
which they can imagine to account for his calamities. 
The only allusion to the subject (Job xxxi. 26) refers 
to the earliest form of false religion known in the 
East. To an Israelite, living after the introduction 
of heathen rites, such a charge was the very first 
which would have suggested itself, nor can any 
satisfactory reason be assigned for the omission. — 2. 
Nearly all modern critics, even those who admit the 
inspiration of the author, agree in the opinion that 
the composition of the whole work, the highly sys- 
tematic development of the plot, and the philosophic 
tone of thought indicate a considerable progress in 
mental cultivation far beyond what can, with any 
show of probability, be supposed to have existed 
before the age of Solomon. It should, however, be 
remarked that the persons introduced in this book 
belong to a country celebrated for wisdom in the 
earliest times ; insomuch that the writer who speaks 
of those schools (Renan) considers that the peculiar- 
ities of the writings of Solomon were derived from 
intercourse with its inhabitants. The book of Job 
differs from those writings chiefly in its greater ear- 
nestness, vehemence of feeling, vivacity of imagina- 
tion, and free independent inquiry into the princi- 
ples of divine government ; characteristics as it 
would seem of a primitive race, acquainted only with 
the patriarchal form of religion, rather than of a 
scholastic age. There is indeed nothing in the com- 
position incompatible with the Mosaic age, admitting 
the authenticity and integrity of the Pentateuch. 
These considerations lead of course to the conclu- 
sion that the book must have been written before 
the promulgation of the Law, by one speaking the 



JOB 



JOE 



485 



Hebrew language, and thoroughly conversant with 
the traditions preserved in the family of Abraham. 
One hypothesis, lately brought forward by Stickel, 
followed by Schlottmann, and supported by very in- 
genious arguments, deserves a more special notice. 
That supposition is, that Job may have been written 
after the settlement of the Israelites by a dweller in 
the south of Judea, in a district immediately bor- 
dering upon the Idumean desert. The inhabitants 
of that district were to a considerable extent isolated 
from the rest of the nation. A resident there would 
have peculiar opportunities of collecting the varied 
and extensive information possessed by the author 
of Job. The local coloring, so strikingly character- 
istic of this book, and so evidently natural, is just 
what might be expected from such a writer. The 
people appear also to have been noted for freshness 
and originality of mind ; qualities seen in the woman 
of Tekoa, or still more remarkably in Amos, the 
poor and unlearned herdman, also of Tekoa. Some 
weight may also be attached to the observation that 
the dialectic peculiarities of southern Palestine, es- 
pecially the softening of the aspirants and exchanges 
of the sibilants, resemble the few divergencies from 
pure Hebrew which are noted in the book of Job. 
The controversy about the authorship cannot ever 
be finally settled. From the introduction it may 
certainly be inferred that the writer lived many years 
after the death of Job. From the strongest internal 
evidence it is also clear that he must either have 
composed the work before the Law was promul- 
gated, or under most peculiar circumstances which 
exempted him from its influence (so Mr. Cook). 
Bible ; Canaan ; Inspiration ; Old Testament. 

Jo'ball (fr. Heb. - desert, Ges.). 1. The last in 
order of the sons of Joktan (Gen. x. 29; 1 Chr. i. 
23). His name has not been discovered among the 
Arab names of places in southern Arabia, where he 
ought to be found with the other sons of Joktan. 
— 2. One of the " kings " of Enow (Gen. xxxvi. 33, 
34; 1 Chr. i. 44, 45), enumerated after the geneal- 
ogy of Esau, and Seir, and before the phylarchs 
descended from Esau. — 3. King of Madon ; one of 
the northern chieftains who attempted to oppose 
Joshua's conquest, and were routed by him at 
Merom (Josh. xi. 1, only). — 4. Head of a Benjamite 
house (1 Chr. viii. 10). 

Jocll'e-bed [jok-] (fr. Heb. = whose glory is Jeho- 
vah, Ges.), the wife and at the same time the aunt 
of Amram ; mother of Moses, Aaron, and Miriam 
(Ex. ii. 1, vi. 20; Num. xxvi. 59). 

* Jod (fr. Heb. yod = hand, Ges.), the tenth let- 
ter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

Jo'da (fr. Gr.) = J udah 2, the Levite (1 Esd. v. 
58 ; see Ezr. iii. 9). 

Jo'cd (fr. Heb. = his witness is Jehovah, Ges.), a 
Benjamite, son of Pedaiah (Neh. xi. 1). 

Jo'el (fr. Heb. = Jehovah is his God, i. e. wor- 
shipper of Jehovah, Ges.). 1. Eldest son of Samuel 
the prophet (1 Sam. viii. 2; 1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 11), 
and father of Heman the singer. (Abiah 3; Vashni.) 
—8. In 1 Chr. vi. 36, A. V., Joel seems = Shall in 
verse 24. — 3. One of the twelve minor prophets 
(Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; Prophet) ; son of 
Pethuel, or, according to the LXX., Bethuel. Be- 
yond this fact all is conjecture as to the personal 
history of Joel. Pseudo-Epiphanius records a tradi- 
tion that he was of the tribe of Reuben, born and 
buried at Beth-horon, between Jerusalem and Cesa- 
rea. It is most likely that he lived in Judea. Many 
different opinions have been expressed about the 
date of Joel's prophecy. Credner has placed it in 



the reign of Joash ; Bertholdt of Hezekiah ; Kimchi, 
Jahn, &c, of Manasseh ; and Calmet of Josiah. The 
majority of critics and commentators (Abarbanel, 
Vitringa, Hengstenberg, Winer, &c.) fix upon the 
reign of Uzziah. — The Aature, Style, and Contents 
of the Prophecy. AVe find, what we should expect 
on the supposition of Joel being the first prophet to 
Judah, only a grand outline of the whole terrible 
scene, which was to be depicted more and more in 
detail by subsequent prophets. The scope, there- 
fore, is not any particular invasion, but the whole 
day of the Lord. The proximate event to which 
the prophecy related was a public calamity, then 
impending upon Judea, of a twofold character: 
want of water, and a plague of locusts, continuing 
for several years. The prophet exhorts the people 
to turn to God with penitence, fasting, and prayer ; 
and then (he says) the plague shall cease, and the 
rain descend in its season, and the land yield her 
accustomed fruit. Nay, the time will be a most joy- 
ful one ; for God, by the outpouring of His Spirit, 
will impart to His worshippers increased knowledge 
of Himself, and after the excision of the enemies of 
His people, will extend through them the blessings 
of true religion to heathen lands. This is the simple 
argument of the book ; only that it is beautified 
and enriched with variety of ornament and pictorial 
description. The style of the original is perspicuous 
(except toward the end) and elegant, surpassing that 
of all other prophets, except Isaiah and Habakkuk, 
in sublimity. The locusts of chapter ii. were re- 
garded by many interpreters of the last century 
(Lowth, Shaw, &c.) as figurative, and introduced by 
way of comparison to a hostile army of men from 
the north country. This view is now generally 
abandoned. Maurice strongly maintains the literal 
interpretation. And yet the plague contained a 
parable in it, which it was the prophet's mission to 
unfold. The "afterward" (ii. 28, A. V.) raises us 
to a higher level of vision, and brings into view- 
Messianic times and scenes. (Messiah.) Here, 
says Steudel, we have a Messianic prophecy alto- 
gether. If this prediction has ever yet been fulfilled, 
we must certainly refer the event to Acts ii. Lastly, 
the accompanying portents and judgments upon the 
enemies of God find their various solutions, accord- 
ing to the interpreters, in the repeated deportations 
of the Jews by neighboring merchants, and sale 
to the Macedonians (1 Mc. iii. 41, and Ez. xxvii. 
13), followed by the sweeping away of the neighbor- 
ing nations (Maurice); in the events accompanying 
the crucifixion, in the fall of Jerusalem, in the 
breaking up of all human polities. But here again 
the idea includes all manifestations of judgment, 
ending with the last (so Mr. Bailey)- — 4. A Simeon- 
ite chief (1 Chr. iv. 35). — 5. A descendant of Reu- 
ben. Junius and Tremellius make him the son of 
Hanoch, while others trace his descent through 
Carmi (v. 4). — 6. Chief of the Gadites in Bashan 
(v. 12). — 7, Son of Izrahiah; a chief of Issachar 
(vii. 3).— 8. Brother of Nathan of Zobah (xi. 38), 
and one of David's "valiant men;" = Igal. — 9. 
Chief of the Gershomites in David's reign (xv. *7, 11). 
— 10. A Gershonite Levite in David's reign ; son of 
Jehiel, a descendant of Laadan, and probably = 
No. 9 (xxiii. 8, xxvi. 22).— 11. Son of Pedaiah, and 
a chief of Manasseh, W. of Jordan, in David's reign 
(xxvii. 20. — 12. A Kohathite Levite in Hezekiah's 
reign (2 Chr. xxix. 12). — 13. One of the sons of 
Nebo who returned with Ezra, and had married a 
foreign wife (Ezr. x. 43). — 14, A Benjamite chief, 
son of Zichri (Neh. xi. 9). 



486 



JOE 



JOH 



Jo-e'lah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah helps ? Ges. ; 
God is snatcher, Fii.), a warrior who joined David 
at Ziklag ; son of Jeroham of Gedor (1 Chr. xii. 7). 

Jo-c'zer ( fr. Heb. = whose help is Jehovah, Ges.), 
a Korhite, one of David's captains (1 Chr. xii. 6). 

Joar'be-hah (fr. Heb. = elevated, Ges.), one of the 
cities E. of Jordan built and fortified by the tribe 
of Gad when they took possession (Num. xxxii. 35) ; 
mentioned with Nobah in the account of Gideon's 
pursuit of the Midianites (Judg. viii. 11). Mr. Wil- 
ton (in Fbn.) makes two different places, that in 
Numbers at Jebeiha, a ruin about four miles N. of 
Ammdn (Rabbah), that in Judges at Tell Jdbieh, 
N. E. of File (Aphek) ; but most suppose both pas- 
sages refer to the same place. 

Jog'li (fr. Heb. = exiled, Ges.), father of Bukki, 
a Danite chief (Num. xxxiv. 22). 

Jo ha (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah revives? Ges. ; 
Jehovah is living, Fii.). I. A son of Beriah, the 
Benjamite (1 Chr. viii. 16).— 2. The Tizite, one of 
David's " valiant men " (xi. 45). 

Jo-ha'nan (L. fr. Heb. ; contracted from Jehoha- 
nan). 1. Son of Azariah 1, and grandson of Ahi- 
maaztheson of Zadok; father of Azariah 6(1 Chr. 
vi. 9, 10, A. V.) ; probably (so Lord A. C. Hervey) 
high-priest in Rehoboam's reign. — 2. Son of Eli- 
oenai, in the line of Zerubbabel's heirs (iii. 24). — 3. 
Son of Kareah, and one of the captains of the scat- 
tered remnants of the army of Judah, who escaped 
in the final attack upon Jerusalem by the Chal- 
deans. He warned Gedaliah against the plot of 
Ishmael 6, but in vain. After the murder of Ged- 
aliah, Johanan was one of the foremost in the pur- 
suit of his assassin, and rescued the captives he 
had carried oif from Mizpah. Fearing the ven- 
geance of the Chaldeans, the captains, with Johanan 
at their head, notwithstanding the warnings of Jer- 
emiah, retired into Egypt (2 K. xxv. 23; Jer. xl.- 
xliii.). — 4. First-born son of Josiah, king of Judah 
(1 Chr. iii. 15). — 5. A valiant Benjamite who joined 
David at Ziklag (xii. 4). — 6. A Gadite warrior who 
followed David (xii. 12). — 7. An Ephraimite, father 
of Azariah in the time of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). 
— 8. Son of Hakkatan, and chief of the sons of 
Azgad who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 12). — 9. 
Son of Eliashib ; (a priest?) to whose chamber 
Ezra retired to mourn over the foreign marriages 
(x. 6). — 10. Son of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. vi. 
18). — 11. A high-priest (xii. 22) ; = Jonathan 10. 
—12. Son of Eliashib (xii. 23); = No. 9 or 11 ? 

Jo-lian'ncs [-neez] (L. fr. Heb.) == Jehohanan son 
of Bebai (1 Esd. ix. 29; compare Ezr. x. 28). 

John [jon] (fr. Jehohanan, through L. Johan- 
nes). 1. Father of Mattathias, and grandfather of 
the Maccabean family (1 Mc. ii. 1). — 2. Eldest son 
of Mattathias surnamed Caddis, slain by " the chil- 
dren of Jambri " (ii. 2, ix. 36-38).— 3. Father of 
Eupolemus, one of the envoys whom Judas Macca- 
beus sent to Rome (viii. 17; 2 Mc. iv. 11). — 4. Son 
of Simon, the brother of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mc. 
xiii. 53, xvi. 1); a "valiant man," who, under the 
title of John Hvrcanus, nobly supported the glory 
of his house. (High-Priest ; Maccabees). — 5. An 
envoy from the Jews to Lysias (2 Mc. xi. IV). — 0. 
One of the high-priest's family, who, with Annas 
and Caiaphas, sat in judgment upon the apostles 
Peter and John (Acts iv. 6). Lightfoot identifies 
him with Rabbi Johanan ben Zaccai, president of 
the great synagogue after its removal to Jamnia. — 
7. A name of the Evangelist Mark (Acts xii. 12, 
25, xiii. 5, 13, xv. 37). 

John (see above) the A-pos'tle (see Apostle). It 



will be convenient to divide his life into periods 
corresponding both to the great critical epochs 
which separate one part of it from another, and to 
marked differences in the trustworthiness of the 
sources from which our materials are derived. One 
portion of the apostle's life and work stands out be- 
fore us as in the clearness of broad daylight. Over 
those which precede and follow it there brood the 
shadows of darkness and uncertainty. — I. Before 
the call to the discipleship. We have no data for 
settling with any exactitude the time of the apos- 
tle's birth. The general impression left on us by 
the Gospel-narrative is that he was younger than 
the brother (James 1) whose name commonly pre- 
cedes his (Mat. iv. 21, x. 3, xvii. 1, &c. ; but com- 
pare Lk. ix. 28, where the order is inverted), 
younger than his friend Peter, possibly also than 
his Master. The Gospels give us the name of his 
father Zebedee (Mat. iv. 21) and his mother Salome 
(xxvii. 56, compare Mk. xv. 40, xvi. 1). They lived, 
it may be inferred from Jn. i. 44, in or near the 
same town (Bethsaida) as those who were after- 
ward the companions and partners of their children. 
There, on the shores of the Sea of Galilee, the 
apostle and his brother grew up. The mention of 
the " hired servants " (Mk. i. 20), of his mother's 
" substance" (Lk. viii. 3), of "his own house" (Jn. 
xix. 27), implies a position removed by at least 
some steps from absolute poverty. We infer (so 
Professor Plumptre) that Zebedee had died before 
his wife followed her children in their work of min- 
istration. Her character meets us as presenting 
the same marked features as those which were con- 
spicuous in her son. — II. From the call to the dis- 
cipleship to the departure from Jerusalem. The ordi- 
nary life of the fisherman of the Sea of Galilee was 
at last broken in upon by the news that a prophet 
had once more appeared. The voice of John the 
Baptist was heard in the wilderness of Judea, and 
the publicans, peasants, soldiers, and fishermen of 
Galilee gathered round him. Among these were 
the two sons of Zebedee and their friends. With 
them perhaps was One whom as yet they knew not. 
Assuming that the unnamed disciple of Jn. i. 37- 
40 was the Evangelist himself, we are led to think 
of that meeting, of the lengthened interview that 
followed it, as the starting-point of the entire devo- 
tion of heart and soul which lasted through his 
whole life. Then Jesus loved him as he loved all 
earnest seekers after righteousness and truth (com- 
pare Mk. x. 21). The words of that evening, though 
unrecorded, were mighty in their effect. The dis- 
ciples(John apparently among them) followed their 
new teacher to Galilee ( Jn. i. 44), were with him, as 
such, at the marriage-feast of Cana(ii. 2), journeyed 
with him to Capernaum, and thence to Jerusalem 
(ii. 12, 22), came back through Samaria (iv. 8), and 
then, for some uncertain interval of time, returned 
to their former occupations. From this time they 
take their place among the company of disciples — 
soon, in the number of the twelve apostles. They 
come within the innermost circle of their Lord's 
friends. The three, Peter, James, and John, are 
with him when none else are, in the chamber of 
death (Mk. v. 37), in the glory of the transfigura- 
tion (Mat. xvii. 1), when he forewarns them of the 
destruction of the Holy City (Mk. xiii. 3, Andrew 
in this instance with them), in the agony of Geth- 
semane. Peter is throughout the leader of that 
band ; to John belongs the yet more memorable 
distinction of being the disciple whom Jesus loved. 
They hardly sustain the popular notion, fostered 



JOH 



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487 



by the received types of Christian art, of a nature 
gentle, yielding, feminine. The name Boanerges 
(iii. IV) implies a vehemence, zeal, intensity, which 
gave to those who had it the might of Sons of 
Thunder. That spirit broke out, once and again 
(Mat. xx. 20-24 ; Mk. x. 35-41 ; Lk. ix. 49, 54). 
Through his mother, we may well believe, John 
first came to know that Mary Magdalene whose char- 

} acter he depicts with such a life-like touch, and that 
other Mary (Mary, the Virgin) to whom he was 
afterward to stand in so close and special a relation. 
The fulness of his narrative of what the other 
Evangelists omit (Jn. xi.) leads to the conclusion 

! that he was united also by some special ties of in- 
timacy to the family of Bethany. At the Last 
Supper, he is, as ever, the disciple whom Jesus 
loved ; and reclines at table with his head upon his 
Master's breast (xiii. 23). To him the eager Peter 
— they had been sent together to prepare the sup- 
per (Lk. xxii. 8) — makes signs of impatient ques- 
tioning that he should ask what was not likely to 
be answered if it came from any other (Jn. xiii. 24). 
As they go out to the Mount of Olives the chosen 
three are nearest to their Master. They only are 
within sight or hearing of the conflict in Gethsem- 
ane (Mat. xxvi. 37). When the betrayal is ac- 
complished, Peter and John, after the first moment 
of confusion, follow afar off, while the others simply 

■ seek safety in a hasty flight (Jn. xviii. 15). The 
persona^ acquaintance between John and Caiaphas 
enabled him to gain access both for himself and 

1[ Peter, but the latter remains in the porch, with the 
officers and servants, while John himself apparently 
is admitted to the council-chamber, and follows 
Jesus thence, even to the pretorium of the Roman 
Procurator (xviii. 16, 19, 28). Thence, as if the 
desire to see the end, and the love which was 
stronger than death, sustained him through all the 
terrors and sorrows of that day, he followed, ac- 
companied probably by his own mother, Mary the 
mother of Jesus, and Mary Magdalene, to the place 

! of crucifixion. The Teacher who had been to him 

! as a brother leaves to him a brother's duty. He is 
to be as a son to the mother left desolate (xix. 26, 

[ 27). The Sabbath that followed was spent, it 
would appear, in the same company. He receives 
Peter, in spite of his denial, on the old terms of 
friendship. To them Mary Magdalene first runs 
with the tidings of the emptied sepulchre (xx. 2) ; 
they are the first to go together to see what the 
strange words meant. John is the more impetuous, 
running on most eagerly to the rock-tomb ; Peter, 

I the least restrained by awe, the first to enter in and 
look (xx. 4-6). For at least eight days they con- 
tinued in Jerusalem (xx. 26). Then, in the inter- 
val between the resurrection and the ascension, we 
find them still together on the Sea of Galilee (xxi. 
1). Here, too, there is a characteristic difference. 
John is the first to recognize in the morning twi- 
light his risen Lord ; Peter the first to plunge into 
the water and swim toward the shore where He 
stood calling to them (xxi. 7). The last words of the 
Gospel reveal to us the deep affection which united 
the two friends. It is not enough for Peter to 
know his own future. That at once suggests the 
question, "And what shall this man do ? " (xxi. 21). 
The history of the Acts shows the same union. 
They are of course together at the ascension and on 
the day of Pentecost. Together they enter the 
Temple as worshippers (Acts iii. 1) and protest 
against the threats of the Sanhedrim (iv. 13). They 
are fellow-workers in the first great step of the 



Church's expansion. The apostle whose wrath had 
been roused by the unbelief of the Samaritans, 
overcomes his national exclusiveness, and receives 
them as his brethren (viii. 14). The persecution 
pushed on by Saul of Tarsus did not drive him or 
any of the apostles from their post (viii. 1). When 
the persecutor came back as the convert, he, it is 
true, did not see him (Gal. i. 19), but this does not 
involve the inference that he had left Jerusalem. 
The sharper though shorter persecution under Herod 
Agrippa brought a great sorrow to him in the mar- 
tyrdom of his brother (Acts xii. 2). His friend 
was driven to seek safety in flight. Fifteen years 
after St. Paul's first visit he was still at Jerusalem 
and helped to take part in the settlement of the 
great controversy between the Jewish and the 
Gentile Christians (xv. 6). His position and repu- 
tation there were those of one ranking among the 
chief " pillars " of the Church (Gal. ii. 9). Of the 
work of the apostle during this period we have 
hardly the slightest trace. The traditions of the 
Church ascribe to him a life of celibacy. — III. From 
his departure from Jerusalem to his death. The tra- 
ditions of a later age come in, with more or less 
show of likelihood, to fill up the great gap which 
separates the apostle of Jerusalem from the bishop 
of Ephesus. It was a natural conjecture to sup- 
pose that he remained in Judea till the death of 
the Virgin released him from his trust. When this 
took place we can only conjecture. There are no 
signs of his being in Jerusalem at the time of St. 
Paul's last visit (Acts xxi.). The pastoral epistles 
set aside the notion that he had come to Ephesus 
before the work of the apostle of the Gentiles was 
brought to its conclusion. Out of many contra- 
dictory statements, fixing his departure under Clau- 
dius, or Nero, or as late even as Domitian, we have 
hardly any data for doing more than rejecting the 
two extremes. Nor is it certain that his work as 
an apostle was transferred at once from Jerusalem 
to Ephesus. Assuming the authorship of the Epis- 
tles (John, 1st, 2d, and 3d Epistles of) and the 
Revelation to be his, the facts which the N. T. 
writings assert or imply are — (1.) that, having come 
to Ephesus, some persecution, local or general, 
drove him to Patmos (Rev. i. 9) : (2.) that the seven 
churches, of which Asia was the centre, were spd 
cial objects of his solicitude (i. 11); that in his 
work he had to encounter men who denied the 
truth on which his faith rested (1 Jn. iv. 1 ; 2 Jn. 
7), and others who, with a railing and malignant 
temper, disputed his authority (3 Jn. 9, 10). The 
picture which tradition fills up for us has the merit 
of being full and vivid, but it blends together, with- 
out much regard to harmony, things probable and 
improbable. He is shipwrecked off Ephesus, and 
arrives there in time to check the progress of the 
heresies which sprang up after St. Paul's departure. 
Then, or at a later period, he numbers among his 
disciples Polycarp, Ignatius, Papias. In the perse- 
cution under Domitian he is taken to Rome, and 
there, by his boldness, though not by death, gains 
the crown of martyrdom. The boiling oil into 
which he is thrown has no power to hurt him. He 
is then sent to labor in the mines, and Patmos is 
the place of his exile. The accession of Nerva frees 
him from danger, and he returns to Ephesus. 
There he settles the canon of the Gospel-history 
by formally attesting the truth of the first three 
Gospels, and writing his own (John, Gospel of) to 
supply what they left wanting. Heresies continue 
to show themselves, but he meets them with the 



488 



JOH 



JOH 



strongest possible protest. He refuses to pass un- 
der the same roof (that of the public baths of Ephe- 
sus) as their foremost leader (Cerinthus), lest the 
house should fall on them and crush them. Through 
his agency the great temple of Artemis (Diana) is 
at last reft of its magnificence, and even levelled 
with the ground. He introduces and perpetuates 
the Jewish mode of celebrating the Easter feast. 
At Ephesus, he appears as one who was a true 
priest of the Lord, bearing on his brow the plate 
of gold, with the sacred name engraved on it. 
Clemens Alexandrinus relates that he sought a rob- 
ber chief, formerly his scholar, and won him to re- 
pentance : Jerome, that in his old age he used to 
be carried into Christian assemblies where he would 
repeat the exhortation, " Little children, love one 
another." The very time of his death lies within 
the region of conjecture rather than of history, and 
the dates that have been assigned for it range from 
a. d. 89 to a. d. 120. The result of all this accu- 
mulation of apocryphal materials is, from one point 
of view, disappointing enough. We find it better 
and more satisfying to turn again, for all our con- 
ceptions of the apostle's mind and character, to the 
scanty records of the N. T., and the writings which 
he himself has left. The truest thought that we 
can attain to is still that he was " the disciple 
whom Jesus loved ; " returning that love with a 
deep, absorbing, unwavering devotion. He is the 
Apostle of Love, not because he starts from the 
easy temper of a general benevolence, nor again as 
being of a character soft, yielding, feminine, but 
because he has grown, ever more and more, into 
the likeness of Him whom he loved so truly. 

John (see above) the Bap'tist (fr. Gr. baptisles = 
one who baptizes, a baptizer ; see Baptism), a saint 
more signally honored of God than any other in the 
0. or N. T. He was of the priestly race by both 
parents, for his father Zacharias was himself a priest 
of the course of Abia, or Abijah (1 Chr. xxiv. 10), 
offering incense at the very time when a son was 
promised to him ; and his mother Elisabeth was of 
the daughters of Aaron (Lk. i. 5). The divine mis- 
sion of John was the subject of prophecy many cen- 
turies before his birth (Mat. iii. 3 ; Is. xl. 3 ; Mai. 
iii. 1). His birth — a birth not according to the or- 
dinary laws of nature, but through the miraculous 
interposition of almighty power — was foretold by 
an angel sent from God, who proclaimed the char- 
acter and office of this wonderful child. These 
marvellous revelations as to the character and 
career of the son, for whom he had so long prayed 
in vain, were too much for the faith of the aged 
Zacharias ; and when he sought some assurance of 
the certainty of the promised blessing, God gave it 
to him in the privation of speech until the event 
foretold should happen. And now the Lord's 
gracious promise tarried not : Elisabeth was after- 
ward visited in " a city of Juda " ( Juttah ?) in " the 
hill-country " (evidently her home [Lk. i. 23, 39, 
40]) by her kinswoman Mary. (Mary the Virgin.) 
Three months after this, and while Mary still re- 
mained with her, Elisabeth was delivered of a son. 
The birth of John preceded by six months that of 
our Lord. (Jesus Christ.) On the eighth day 
the child was, in conformity with the law of Moses 
(Lev. xii. 3), brought to the priest for circumcision, 
.and as this was the accustomed time for naming a 
child, the friends of the family proposed to call 
him Zacharias after his father. The mother, how- j 
ever, required that he should be called John ; a deci- 
sion which Zacharias, still speechless, confirmed by ! 



writing on a tablet, " his name is John." The judg- 
ment on his want of faith was then at once with- 
drawn. God's wonderful interposition in the birth 
of John had impressed the minds of many with a 
certain solemn awe and expectation (Lk. iii. 15). A 
single verse contains all that we know of John's his- 
tory for thirty years ; the whole period between his 
birth and the commencement of his public ministry. 
" The child grew and waxed strong in spirit, and 
was in the deserts till the day of his showing unto 
Israel " (i. 80). John was ordained to be a Nazar- 
ite from his birth (i. 15). Dwelling by himself in 
the wild and thinly-peopled region W. of the Dead 
Sea, he prepared himself by self-discipline, and by 
constant communion with God, for the wonderful 
office to which he had been divinely called. His 
very appearance was of itself a lesson to his coun- 
trymen ; his dress was that of the old prophets — 
a garment woven of camel's hair (2 K. i. 8), 
attached to the body by a leathern girdle. His 
food was such as the desert afforded — locusts (Lev. 
xi. 22) and wild honey (Ps. lxxxi. 16). And now 
the long-secluded hermit came forth to the discharge 
of his office. His supernatural birth — his hard, 
ascetic life — his reputation for extraordinary sanc- 
tity — and the generally prevailing expectation that 
some great one was about to appear — these causes, 
without the aid of miraculous power (Jn. x. 41), 
were sufficient to attract to him a great multitude 
from "every quarter" (Mat. iii. 5). Brief and 
startling was his first exhortation to them : " Re- 
pent ye ; for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." 
Some score of verses contain all that is recorded of 
John's preaching, and the sum of it all is repent 
ance ; not mere legal ablution or expiation, but a 
change of heart and life. Many of every class 
pressed forward to confess their sins and to be 
baptized. The preparatory baptism of John was a 
visible sign to the people, and a distinct acknowl- 
edgment by them that a hearty renunciation of sin 
and a real amendment of life were necessary for ad- 
mission into the kingdom of heaven, which the 
Baptist proclaimed to be at hand. But the funda- 
mental distinction between John's baptism unto 
repentance, and that baptism accompanied with the 
gift of the Holy Spirit which our Lord afterward 
ordained, is clearly marked by John himself (iii. 11, 
12). As a preacher, John was eminently practical 
and discriminating. His mission — an extraordinary 
one for an extraordinary purpose — was not limited 
to those who had openly forsaken the covenant of 
God, and so forfeited its privileges. It was to the 
whole people alike. Jesus Himself came from Gali- 
lee to Jordan to be baptized of John. But here a 
difficult question arises — How is John's acknowledg- 
ment of Jesus at the moment of His presenting 
Himself for baptism compatible with his subsequent 
assertion that he knew Him not, save by the descent 
of the Holy Spirit upon Him, which took place after 
His baptism ? It must be borne in mind that their 
places of residence were at the two extremities of 
the country, with but little means of communication 
between them. It is possible therefore that the 
Saviour and the Baptist had never before met. It was 
certainly of the utmost importance that there should 
be no suspicion of concert or collusion between 
them. The true meaning would seem to be — And 
I, though standing in so close a relation to Him, 
both personally and ministerially, had no assured 
knowledge of Him as the Messiah. I did not know 
Him, and I had not authority to proclaim Him r s 
such, till I saw the predicted sign in the descent of 



JOH 



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489 



the Holy Spirit upon Him. With the baptism of 
Jesus, John's more especial office ceased. He still 
continued, however, to present himself to his coun- 
trymen in the capacity of witness to Jesus. From 
incidental notices in Scripture, we learn that John 
and his disciples continued to baptize some time 
after our Lord entered upon His ministry (see Jn. 
iii. 23, iv. 1 ; Acts xix. 3). We gather also that 
John instructed his disciples in certain moral and 
religious duties, as fasting (Mat. ix. 14 ; Lk. v. 33) 
and prayer (xi. 1). But shortly after he had given 
his testimony to the Messiah, John's public ministry 
was brought to a close. In daring disregard of the 
divine laws, Herod Antipas had taken to himself 
Herodias, the wife of his brother Philip ; and 
when John reproved him for this, as well as for 
other sins (iii. 19), Herod cast him into prison. 
The place of his confinement was the castle of 
Machaerus — a fortress on the eastern shore of the 
Dead Sea. Here reports reached him of the miracles 
which our Lord was working in Judea. With a 
view, therefore, to overcome the scruples of his 
disciples (so Mr. Hawkins ; see Jesus Christ), John 
sent two of them to Jesus Himself to ask the ques- 
tion, " Art Thou He that should come ? " They 
were answered not by words, but by a series of 
miracles wrought before their eyes ; and while 
Jesus bade the two messengers carry back to John 
as His only answer the report of what they had seen 
and heard, He took occasion to guard the multitude 
who surrounded Him, against supposing that the 
Baptist himself was shaken in mind, by a direct 
appeal to their own knowledge of his life and char- 
acter. Jesus further proceeds to declare that 
John was, according to the true meaning of the 
prophecy, the Elijah of the new covenant, fore- 
told by Malachi (iii. 4). The event indeed proved 
that John was to Herod what Elijah had been to 
Ahab. Nothing but the death of the Baptist would 
satisfy the resentment of Herodias. A court festi- 
val was kept at Machaerus in honor of the king's 
birthday. After supper, the daughter of Herodias 
came in and danced before the company, and so 
charmed was the king by her grace that he promised 
with an oath to give her whatsoever she should ask. 
Salome, prompted by her abandoned mother, de- 
manded the head of John the Baptist. Herod gave 
instructions to an officer of his guard, who went 
and executed John in the prison, and his h?ad was 
brought to feast the eyes of the adulteress whose 
sins he had denounced. His death is supposed to 
have occurred just before the third passover, in the 
course of the Lord's ministry. His life is marked 
with self-denial, humility, and holy courage. 

John, Gos'pel of (see John the Apostle; Gos- 
pels). 1. Authority. No doubt has been enter- 
tained at any time in the Church, either of the ca- 
nonical authority of this Gospel, or of its being writ- 
ten by St. John. No other book of the N. T. is 
authenticated by testimony of so early a date as 
that of the disciples which is embodied in the Gos- 
pel itself (xxi. 24, 25). Among the Apostolic 
Fathers, Ignatius appears to have known and rec- 
ognized this Gospel. The fact that this Gospel is 
not quoted by Clement of Rome (a. d. 68 or 96) 
serves merely to confirm the statement that it is a 
very late production of the Apostolic age. Poly- 
carp in his short epistle, Hermas, and Barnabas do 
not refer to it. But its phraseology may be clearly 
traced in the Epistle to Diognetus, and in Justin 
Martyr, a. d. 150. Tatian, a. n. 170, wrote a har- 
mony of the four Gospels ; and he quotes St. John's 



| Gospel in his only extant work ; so do his contem- 
poraries Apollinaris of Hierapolis, Athenagoras, 
and the writer of the Epistle of the churches of 
Vienne and Lyons. The Valentinians made great 
use of it; and one of their sect, Heracleon, wrote a 
commentary on it. And, to close the list of writers 
of the second century, the numerous and full tes- 
timonies of Irenaeus in Gaul and Tertullian at Car- 
thage, with the obscure but weighty testimony of 
the Roman writer of the Muratorian Fragment on 
the Canon, sufficiently show the authority attributed 
in the Western Church to. this Gospel. The third 
century introduces equally decisive testimony from 
the Fathers of the Alexandrian Church, Clement and 
Origen. Cordon, Marcion, the Montanists, and other 
ancient heretics, did not deny that St. John was the 
author of the Gospel, but they held that the apostle 
was mistaken, or that his Gospel had been inter- 
polated in those passages which are opposed to 
their tenets. The Alogi, a sect in the beginning of 
the third century, were singular in rejecting ' the 
writings of St. John. Later opponents of the Gos- 
pel have been Evanson (1*792), Bretschneider (1820), 
Baur, &c. The rejection of John's Gospel by 
Baur and other critics of the Tubingen school has 
its root in a determined unwillingness to admit the 
historical reality of the miracles which this Gos- 
pel records, and is a part of their attempted recon- 
struction of early Christian history. Starting with 
the assertion of a radical difference and hostility 
between the Jewish and Gentile types of Christian- 
ity — between the party of the Church that adhered 
to Peter and the original disciples, and the party 
that adhered to Paul and his doctrine — they ascribe 
several books of the N. T. (Acts of the Apostles, 
Gospel of John, &c.) to the effort, made at a later 
time, to bridge over this gulf. Now, their fundamen- 
tal assertionnot only cannot be proved, butis abun- 
dantly contradicted by both external and internal 
evidence. And it is incredible that a w r ork of the 
power and loftiness of the fourth Gospel should 
either have sprung up in the second century, or 
have been received as genuine by Christians univer- 
sally in the latter part of this century, if it were 
not the genuine production of the apostle whose 
work it professes to be (Prof. G. P. Fisher, in B. S. 
xxi. 225 ff., and Essays on the Supernatural Origin 
of Christianity. (Bible; Canon; Inspiration; 
Jesus Christ, &c.) — 2. Place and time at which 
it was written. Ephesus and Patmos are the 
two places mentioned by early writers ; and the 
weight of evidence seems to preponderate in favor 
of Ephesus. The apostle's sojourn at Ephesus 
probably began after St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephe- 
sians was written, i. e. after a. d. 62. Eusebius 
specifies the fourteenth year of Domitian, i. e. a. d. 
95, as the year of his banishment to Patmos. Prob- 
ably the date of the Gospel may lie about midway 
i between these two, about a. d. 78 (so Mr. Bullock). 
! Dr. Alford supposes it written between a. d. 70 and 
j 85 ; many others between 94 and 98 (Rev. T. Scott in 
| Fairbairn) or between 90 and 100 (Dr. W. L. Alex- 
! ander in Kitto). — 3. Occasion and Scope. After the 
| destruction of Jerusalem, a. d. 70, Ephesus prob- 
1 ably became the centre of the active life of Eastern 
Christendom. This half-Greek, half-Oriental city 
contained a large church of faithful Christians, a 
multitude of zealous Jews, an indigenous popula- 
tion devoted to the worship of a strange idol whose 
image was borrowed from the East, its name from 
the West. It was the place to which Cerinthus 
chose to bring the doctrines which he devised or 



490 



JOH 



JOH 



learned at Alexandria. The Gospel was obviously 
addressed primarily to Christians, not to heathens 
(Jn. xx. 31). The object of the writer, according 
to some, was to supplement the earlier Gospels ; 
according to others, to confute the Nicolaitans and 
Cerinthus ; according to others, to state the true 
doctrine of the divinity of Christ. It has indeed 
been pronounced by high critical authority that the 
supplementary theory is entirely untenable ; and so 
it becomes if put forth in its most rigid form. But 
though St. John may not have written with direct 
reference to the earlier three Evangelists, he did 
not write without any reference to them. He in- 
tended to set forth the faith alone ; and in so doing 
he has written passages that do confute Gnostic and 
other errors. Theodore of Mopsuestia relates the 
early tradition that at the suggestion of the Chris- 
tians of Asia who had brought him the other three 
Gospels, the apostle wrote the things which he 
judged the most important for instruction and 
which he saw omitted by the others. — 4. Contents 
and Integrity. The following is an abridgment of 
Lampe's synopsis of its contents : — A. Tlie Pro- 
logue (i. 1-18). — B. The History (i. 19-xx. 29). a. 
Various events relating to our Lord's ministry, nar- 
rated in connection with seven journeys (i. 19-xii. 
50): — 1. First journey, into Judea and beginning 
of His ministry (i. 19-ii. 12). 2. Second journey, 
at the Passover in the first year of His ministry (ii. 
13-iv.). 3. Third journey, in the second year of 
His ministry, about the Passover (v.). 4. Fourth 
journey, about the Passover, in the third year of 
His ministry, beyond Jordan (vi.). 5. Fifth journey, 
six months before His death, begun at the Feast of 
Tabernacles (vii.-x. 21). 6. Sixth journey, about 
the Feast of Dedication (x. 22-42). 7. Seventh 
journey in Judea toward Bethany (xi. 1-54). 8. 
Eighth journey, before His last Passover (xi. 55- 
xii.). b. History of the death of Christ (xiii.-xx. 
29). 1. Preparation for His Passion (xiii.-xvii.). 
2. The circumstances of His Passion and Death 
(xviii., xix.) 3. His Resurrection, and the proofs 
of it (xx. 1-29). — C. T7ie Conclusion (xx. 30-xxi.) : 
— 1. Scope of the foregoing history (xx. 30, 31). 
2. Confirmation of the authority of the Evangelist 
by additional historical facts, and by the testimony 
of the elders of the Church (xxi. 1-24). 3. Beason 
of the termination of the history (xxi. 25). — Some 
portions of the Gospel have been regarded by cer- 
tain critics as interpolations. Thus ch. v. 4 is 
rejected by Tholuck, Tischendorf, &c. ; but Fair- 
bairn says, " The external evidence appears to be 
very strong in its favor." As to ch. vii. 53-viii. 11, 
commentators and critics have been much divided. 
Against it are Beza, Calvin, Wetstein, Lachmann, 
Tischendorf, Tregelles, &c. ; for it, Mill, Michaelis, 
Kuinoel, Bloomfield, Stier, Ebrard, &c. Luthardt, 
Liicke, Knapp, Ewald, &c, hold it to be a genuine 
Apostolic tradition, probably committed to writing 
by some one who had heard it from John or from 
one of the other Evangelists. (New Testament I., 
§ 39.) The genuineness of ch. xxi. has been ques- 
tioned on internal grounds ; but Dr. Alford ex- 
presses his full conviction that it was added by the 
apostle himself, some years probably after the com- 
pletion of the Gospel. The 25th verse and the 
latter half of the 24th of ch. xxi., which are re- 
garded by Luthardt, Dr. John Owen, &c, as an ad- 
dition by the elders of the Ephesian Church, where 
the Gospel was first published, Dr. Alford regards 
as written, like the rest of the chapter, by the 
apostle himself, probably in the decline of life. He 



says, " The two last verses, from their contents, we 
might expect to have more of the epistolary form ; 
and accordingly, we find them singularly in style 
resembling the Epistles of John." (Compare 1 Jn. 
i. 1, 3 ; also Jn. xix. 35, xx. 30, 31.) The claim of 
some German critics that the hyperbole in xxi. 25 
disproves its being from the Apostle John, who uni- 
formly used plain, unexaggerated language, would 
disprove likewise the genuineness of other well- 
attested passages in both sacred and secular writers 
(compare Dan. iv. 11, 20; Mat. xix. 24; Mk. i. 33, 
37 ; Jn. iii. 26, iv. 29, &c), and is therefore incon- 
clusive, especially when we take into view the fact 
that both MSS. and critical editors of the Greek 
N. T. uniformly present these verses as genuine. 

John (see above), the First E-pis'tle Gen'cr-al of. 
— Its Authenticity. The external evidence is of the 
most satisfactory nature. Eusebius places it in his 
list of " acknowledged " books, and we have ample 
proof that it was received as the production of the 
Apostle John (John the Apostle) in the writings 
of Polycarp, Papias, Irenceus, Origen, Clement of 
Alexandria, Tertullian, Cyprian, and there is no 
voice in antiquity raised to the contrary. On the 
other hand, the internal evidence for its being the 
work of St. John from its similarity in style, lan- 
guage, and doctrine to the Gospel is overwhelming. 
The allusion again of the writer to himself is such 
as would suit St. John the Apostle, and very few 
but St. John (1 Jn. i. 1). (Bible; Canon; Inspi- 
ration.) — With regard to the time at which St. John 
wrote the Epistle there is considerable diversity of 
opinion. It was probably (so Mr. Meyrick, with 
Lardner, Lampe, Mill, Davidson, &c.) written at the 
close of the first century, from Ephesus. Lardner 
is clearly right when he says that it was primarily 
meant for the Churches of Asia under St. John's 
inspection, to whom he had already orally delivered 
his doctrine (i. 3, ii. 7). — The main object of the 
Epistle does not appear to be that of opposing the 
errors of the Docetfe, or of the Gnostics, or of the 
Nicolaitans, or of the Cerinthians, or of all of them 
together, or of the Sabians, or of Judaizers, or of 
apostates to Judaism : the leading purpose of the 
apostle appears to be rather constructive than po- 
lemical. In the introduction (i. 1-4) the apostle 
states the purpose of his Epistle. It is to declare 
the Word of life to those whom he is addressing, in 
order that he and they might be united in true com- 
munion with each other, and with God the Father, 
and His Son Jesus Christ. The first part of the 
Epistle may be considered to end at ii. 28. The 
apostle begins afresh with the doctrine of sonship 
or communion at ii. 29, and returns to the same 
theme at iv. 7. His lesson throughout is, that the 
means of union with God are, on the part of Christ, 
His atoning blood (i. 7, ii. 2, iii. 5, iv. 10, 14, v. 6) 
and advocacy (ii. 1) — on the part of man, holiness 
(i. 6), obedience (ii. 3), purity (iii. 3), faith (iii. 23, 

iv. 3, v. 5), and above all love (ii. 7, iii. 14, iv. 7, 

v. 1). — There are two doubtful passages in this 
Epistle, ii. 23, " but he that acknowledgeth the Son 
hath the Father also," and v. 7, "For there are 
three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the 
Word, and the Holy Ghost, and these three are 
one." The former is omitted in the Received Greek 
Text, and is printed in italics in the A. V., but is 
inserted as genuine by Griesbach, Lachmann, Tisch- 
endorf, &c. The latter passage is probably not 
genuine. It is contained in four only of the 150 
MSS. of the Epistle, the Codex Guelpherbytanus of 
the 17th century, the Codex Ravianus, a forgery 



JOH 



JOK 



491 



subsequent to the year 1514, the Codex Britanni- 
cus or Monfortii of the 15th or 16th century, and 
the Codex Ottobonianus of the 15th century. It is 
not found in any ancient version except the Latin ; 
and the best editions of even the Latin version 
omit it. It was not quoted by one Greek Father, or 
writer previous to the 14th century. New Testa- 
ment II. § 3. 

John (see above), the Sec ond and Third E-pis- 
tles of. — Their Authenticity. These two Epistles are 
placed by Eusebius in the class of " disputed " 
books, and he appears himself to be doubtful 
whether they were written by the Evangelist, or by 
some other John. The evidence of antiquity in 
their favor is not very strong, yet it is consider- 
able. Clement of Alexandria speaks of the first 
Epistle as "the larger " {Strom, lib. ii.). Origen 
appears to have had the same doubts as Eusebius. 
Dionysius and Alexander of Alexandria attribute 
them to St. John. So does Irenasus. In the 5th 
century they are almost universally received. If 
the external testimony is not as decisive as we 
might wish, the internal evidence is peculiarly 
strong. Mill has pointed out that of the thirteen 
verses which compose the Second Epistle, eight are 
to be found in the First Epistle. The title and con- 
tents of the Epistle are strong arguments against a 
fabricator, whereas they would account for its non- 
universal reception in early times. (Bible ; Canon ; 
Inspiration.) — The Second Epistle is addressed in 
Greek " eklekte kuria," A. V. " to the elect lady." 
An individual woman who had children, and a sis- 
ter and nieces, is clearly indicated. Whether her 
name is given, and if so, what it is, has been 
doubted. According to one interpretation she is 
"the Lady Electa" (Clement of Alexandria, Wet- 
stein, Grotius, Middleton) ; to another, " the elect 
Kyria" (Carpzov, Schleusner, Bengel, De Wette, 
Rosenmiiller, Neander, Davidson, &c); to a third, 
"the elect Lady" (A. V., Mill, Wolf, Le Clerc, 
Lardner, Beza, Eiehhorn, Macknight, &c). The 
English version is probably right (so Mr. Meyrick). — 
The Third Epistle is addressed to Gaius = Roman 
Caius. We have no reason for identifying him 
with Gaius of Macedonia (Acts xix. 29), or with 
Gaius of Derbe (xx. 4), or with Gaius of Cor- 
inth (Rom. xvi. 23 ; 1 Cor. i. 14), or with Gaius, 
Bishop of Ephesus, or with Gaius, Bishop of Thes- 
salonica, or with Caius, Bishop of Pergamo.s. He 
was probably a convert of St. John (3 Jn. 4), and 
a layman of wealth and distinction (5), in some city 
near Ephesus. — The object of St. John in writing the 
Second Epistle was to warn the lady, to whom he 
wrote, against abetting the teaching known as that 
of Basilides and his followers, by perhaps an undue 
kindness displayed by her toward the preachers of 
the false doctrine.— The Third Epistle was written 
for the purpose of commending to the kindness and 
hospitality of Gaius some Christians who were 
strangers in the place where he lived. Probably 
these Christians carried this letter with them to 
Gaius as their introduction. — We may conjecture 
that the two Epistles were written shortly after the 
First_ Epistle from Ephesus. They both apply to 
individual cases of conduct the principles which 
had been laid down in their fulness in the First 
Epistle.— The title "Catholic" does not properly 
belong to the Second and Third Epistles. It be- 
came attached to them, because they were regarded 
as appendices to the First Epistle of John. See the 
preceding article ; also, John the Apostle. 

Joi'a-da (L. fr. Heb., contr. fr. Jehoiada), high- 



priest after his father Eliashib (Neh. xii. 10, 11, 
22, xiii. 28). 

Joi a-kim (fr. Heb., contr. fr. Jehoiakim), a high- 
priest, son of the renowned Jeshua (Neh. xii. 10). 

Joi'a-rib (L. fr. Heb., contr. fr. Jehoiarib). 1. 
A layman who returned from Babylon with Ezra 
(Ezr. viii. 16). — 2. Founder of one of the courses 
of priests ; elsewhere called Jehoiarib. His de- 
scendants after the Captivity are given (Neh. xi. 10, 
xii. 6, 19). — 3. A Shilonite — i. e. probably a de- 
scendant of Shelah the son of Judah (xi. 5). 

Jok' de-am (fr. Heb. = possessed by the people, 
Ges.), a city of Judah, in the mountains (Josh, 
xv. 56), apparently south of Hebron. 

Jo'kim (fr. Heb., contr. fr. Joiakim, Ges.), a son 
of Shelah the son of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 22). 

Jok'me-am (fr. Heb. = gatheredby the people, Ges.), 
a city of Ephraim, given to the Kohathite Levites 
(1 Chr. vi. 68). In Josh. xxi. 22, Kibzaim occupies 
the place of Jokmeam. In 1 E. iv. 12 (Heb. ; " Jok. 
neam," A. V.) it is named with places in the Jordan 
valley at the extreme east boundary of the tribe. 

Jok'ne°am (fr. Heb. = possessed by the people, 
Ges.), a city of Zebulun, allotted to the Merarite 
Levites (Josh. xxi. 34, omitted in 1 Chr. vi. 77) ; 
doubtless the Canaanite town whose king was killed 
by Joshua (Josh. xii. 22, xix. 11). It is the modern 
site Tell Kaimon, an eminence which stands just 
below the eastern termination of Carmel. Cyamon ; 
Jokmeam. 

Jok'shan (fr. Heb. = fowler, Ges.), a son of Abra- 
ham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2, 3 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), 
whose sons were Sheba and Dedan. While the 
settlements of his two sons are presumptively 
placed on the borders of Palestine, those of Jok- 
shan are not known. Arab writers mention a dia- 
lect of Jokshan as formerly spoken near Aden and 
El-Jened, in Southern Arabia ; but that Midianites 
penetrated so far into the peninsula Mr. E. S. Poole 
holds to be highly improbable. 

Jok tan (fr. Heb. = who is made small, Ges.), son 
of Eber (Gen. x. 25 ; 1 Chr. i. 19) ; and father of 
the Joktanite Arabs. Scholars are agreed in pla- 
cing the settlements of Joktan in the south of the 
peninsula (Arabia). The original limits are stated 
in the Bible, " their dwelling was from Mesha, as 
thou goest unto Sephar, amount of the East" (Gen. 
x. 30). The native traditions respecting Joktan 
commence with a difficulty. The ancestor of the 
great southern peoples was called Kahtan, who, say 
the Arabs, = Joktan. To this some European critics 
have objected that there is no good reason to ac- 
count for the change of name, and that the identifi- 
cation of Kahtan with Joktan is evidently a Jewish 
tradition adopted by Mohammed or his followers, 
and consequently at or after the promulgation of 
El-Islam. A passage in the Mir-dt ez-Zemdn, hith- 
erto unpublished, throws new light on the point. 
It is as follows : — " Ibn-El-Kelbee says, Yuktan 
(whose name is also written Yuktan) is the same as 
Kahtan son of A'bir," i. e. Eber, and so say the 
generality of the Arabs. If the traditions of Kah- 
tan be rejected (and in this rejection we cannot 
agree [so Mr. E. S. Poole]), they are, it must be 
remembered, immaterial to the fact that the peoples 
called by the Arabs descendants of Kahtan, are cer- 
tainly Joktanites. His sons' colonization of South- 
ern Arabia is proved by indisputable, and undis- 
puted, identifications, and the great kingdom which 
there existed for many ages before our era, and in 
its later days was renowned in the world of classi- 
cal antiquity, was as surely Joktanite. 



492 



JOK 



JON 



Jok'the-cl (fr. Heb. = subdued of God, Ges.). 
1, A city in the low country of Judah (Josh. xv. 
38), named next to Laehish ; identified by Mr. Wil- 
ton (in Fairbairn) with a ruined site Keihd&neh. 
— 2. The title given by Amaziah to the cliff (A. V. 
"Selah") — the stronghold of the Edomites — after 
he had captured it from them (2 K. xiv. 7). 2 Chr. 
xxv. 11-13 supplies fuller details. 

Jo'na (L. = Johanan or Jonah ; see Bar-jona), 
father of the Apostle Peter (Jn. i. 42), who is 
hence addressed as " Simon Bar-jona " in Mat. xvi. 
17. Jonas 3. 

Jon'a-dab (L. fr. Heb., contr. fr. Jeiionadab). 

1. Son of Shimeah and nephew of David. He is 
described as " very subtil " (2 Sam. xiii. 3). His 
age naturally made him the friend of his cousin 
Amnon, heir to the throne (xiii. 3). He gave him 
the fatal advice for ensnaring his sister Tamar 
(5, 6). Again, when, in a later stage of the same 
tragedy, Amnon was murdered by Absalom, and the 
exaggerated report reached David that all the 
princes were slaughtered, Jonadab was already 
aware of the real state of the case (xiii. 32, 33). — 

2. Jeiionadab (Jer. xxxv. 6, 8, 10, 14, 16, 18, 19). 
Jo nah (fr. Heb. = dove, Ges.), in Apocrypha and 

N. T. Jonas; a prophet, son of Amittai. (Biui.e ; 
Canon ; Inspiration ; Old Testament.) We learn 
from 2 K. xiv. 25, he was of Gatii-iiepher, a town 
of lower Galilee, in Zebulun. He lived after the 
reign of Jehu, when the losses of Israel (2 K. x. 
32) began ; and probably not till the latter part of 
the reign of Jeroboam II. The general opinion is 
that Jonah was the first of the prophets. The king 
of Nineveh at this time is supposed (Usher, &c.) to 
have been Pul, who is placed b. c. 750; but an ear- 
lier king, Adrammelech II., b. c. 840, is regarded 
more probable by Drake. Our English Bible gives 
B. c. 862. The personal history of Jonah is brief, 
and well known ; but is of such an exceptional and 
extraordinary character, as to have been set down 
by many German critics to fiction, either in whole 
or in part. The book, say the)', was composed, or 
compounded, some time after the death of the 
prophet, perhaps at the latter part of the Jewish 
kingdom, during the reign of Josiah, or even later. 
The supposed improbabilities are accounted for by 
them in a variety of ways ; e. g. as merely fabulous, 
or fanciful ornaments to a true history, or allegori- 
cal, or parabolical and moral, both in their origin 
and design. We feel ourselves precluded from any 
doubt of the reality of the transactions recorded in 
this book, by the simplicity of the language itself ; 
by the accordance with other authorities of the his- 
torical and geographical notices ; above all, by the 
explicit words and teaching of our blessed Lord 
Himself (Mat. xii. 39, 41, xvi. 4 ; Lk. xi. 29). We 
shall derive additional arguments for the same con- 
clusion from the history and meaning of the proph- 
et's mission. Having already, as it seems, prophe- 
sied to Israel, he was sent to Nineveh. The time 
was one of political revival in Israel ; but ere long 
the Assyrians were to be employed by God as a 
scourge upon them. The prophet shrank from a 
commission which he felt sure would result (Jon. 
iv. 2) in the sparing of a hostile city. He attempted 
therefore to escape to Tarshish. The providence 
of God, however, watched over him, first in a storm, 
and then in his being swallowed by a large fish 
(whale) for the space of three days and three 
nights. After his deliverance, Jonah executed his 
commission ; and the king, " believing him to be a 
minister from the supreme deity of the nation," 



and having heard of his miraculous deliverance, 
ordered a general fast, and averted the threatened 
judgment. But the prophet, not from personal but 
national feelings, grudged the mercy shown to a 
heathen nation. He was therefore taught, by the 
significant lesson of the " gourd," whose growth 
and decay brought the truth at once home to him, 
that he was sent to testify by deed, as other proph- 
ets would afterward testify by word, the capacity 
of Gentiles for salvation, and the design of God to 
make them partakers of it. This was " the sign 
of the prophet Jonas " (Lk. xi. 29, 30). But the 
resurrection of Christ itself was also shadowed 
forth in the history of the prophet. The mission 
of Jonah was highly symbolical. The facts con- 
tained a concealed prophecy. The old tradition 
made the burial-place of Jonah to be Gath-hephcr : 
the. modern tradition places it at Nebi Yunus ( = 
Prophet Jonah), opposite Mosul. See cut, under 
Nineveh. 

Jo'nan (fr. Gr. = John or Johanan, fr. Jehoha- 
nan), son of Eliakim, in the genealogy of Christ 
(Lk. iii. 30). 

Jo'nas(L. fr. Gr. Ionas = Jonah, Rbn. N. T. Lex.). 
1. This name occupies the same position in 1 Esd. ix. 
23, as Eliezcr in Ezr. x. 23. — 2. The prophet Jonah 
(2 Esd. i. 39 ; Tob. xiv. 4, 8 ; Mat. xii. 39, 40, 41, 
xvi. 4. — 3. Jona (Jn. xxi. 14-17). 

Jon'a-tlian (L. fr. Heb., contracted from Jehona- 
than). 1. Eldest son of King Saul. Thename( = 
the y\ ft of Jehovah) seems to have been common at 
that period. He first appears some time after his 
father's accession (1 Sam. xiii. 2). If his younger 
brother Ish-bosheth was forty at the time of Said's 
death (2 Sam. ii. 8), Jonathan must have been at 
least thirty when first mentioned. Of his own 
family we know nothing, except the birth of one 
son, five years before his death (iv. 4). He was re- 
garded in his father's lifetime as heir to the throne. 
Like Saul, he was a man of great strength and 
activity (i. 23), of which the exploit at Michmash 
was a proof. He was also famous for the peculiar 
martial exercises in which his tribe excelled — arch- 
ery and slinging (1 Chr. xii. 2). His bow was to 
him what the spear was to his father : " the bow of 
Jonathan turned not back" (2 Sam. i. 22). It was 
always about him (1 Sam. xviii. 4, xx. 35). It is 
through his relation with David that he is chiefly 
known to us. But there is a background, not 
so clearly given, of his relation with his father. 
From the time that he first appears he is Saul's 
constant companion. He was always present at his 
father's meals. The whole story implies, without 
expressing, the deep attachment of the father and 
son. Their mutual affection was indeed interrupted 
by the growth of Saul's insanity. But he cast his lot 
with his father's decline, not with his friend's rise, 
and " in death they were not divided " (2 Sam. i. 
23 ; 1 Sam. xxiii. 16). His life may be divided into 
two main parts. — 1. The war with the Philistines; 
commonly called, from its locality, "the war of 
Michmash " (xiii. 21). In the previous war with the 
Ammonites (xi. 4-15) there is no mention of him. 
He is already of great importance in the state. Of 
the 3,000 men of whom Saul's standing army was 
formed (xiii. 2, xxiv. 2, xxvi. 1, 2), 1,000 were under 
the command of Jonathan at Gibeah. The Philis- 
tines were still in the general command of the coun- 
try ; an officer was stationed at Geba, either the 
same as Jonathan's position or close to it. In a 
sudden act of youthful daring, Jonathan (so Dean 
Stanley, original author of this article) slew this 



JON 



JOP 



493 



officer (A. V. " garrison "), and thus gave the sig- 
nal for a general revolt. Saul took advantage of it, 
and the whole population rose. But it was a pre- 
mature attempt. The Philistines poured in from the 
plain, and the tyranny became more deeply rooted 
than ever. From this oppression, as Jonathan by 
his former act had been the first to provoke it, so 
now he was the first to deliver his people. Without 
communicating his project to any one, except the 
young man, whom, like all the chiefs of that age, he 
retained as his armor-bearer, he sallied forth from 
Gibeah to attack the garrison of the Philistines 
stationed on the other side of the steep defile of 
Michmash (xiv. 1). A panic seized the garrison, 
thence spread to the camp, and thence to the sur- 
rounding hordes of marauders ; an earthquake 
combined with the terror of the moment ; the coil- 
fusion increased ; the Israelites who had been taken 
slaves by the Philistines during the last three days 
(? ; LXX.) rose in mutiny ; the Israelites who lay hid 
in the numerous caverns and deep holes in which 
the rocks of the neighborhood abound, sprang out 
of their subterranean dwellings. Saul and his little 
band had watched iu astonishment the wild retreat 
from the heights of Gibeah ; he now joined in the 
pursuit. Jonathan had not heard of the rash curse 
(xiv. 24) which Saul invoked on any one who ate 
before the evening. In the dizziness and darkness 
(see Heb. 1 Sam. xiv. 2*7) that came on after his 
desperate exertions, he put forth the staff which ap- 
parently had (with his sling and bow) been his chief 
weapon (Arms), and tasted the honey which lay on 
the ground as they passed through the forest. 
Jephthah's dreadful sacrifice would have been re- 
peated ; but the people interposed in behalf of the 
hero of that great day, and Jonathan was saved 
(xiv. 24-46). — 2. This is the only great exploit of 
Jonathan's life.. But the chief interest of his career 
is derived from the friendship with David, which 
began on the day of David's return from the victory 
over the champion of Gath, and continued till his 
death. Their last meeting was in the forest of Ziph, 
during Saul's pursuit of David (xxiii. 16-18). From 
this time forth we hear no more till the battle of 
Gilboa. In that battle he fell, with his two brothers 
and his father, and his corpse shared their fate (xxxi. 
2, 8). His ashes were buried first at Jabesh-gilead 
(ib. 13), but afterward removed with those of his 
father to Zelah in Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi. 12). The 
news of his death occasioned the celebrated elegy 
of David (2 Sam. i. 17 ff.). (Mephibosheth.) — 2. 
Sliimeah's son, brother of Jonadab, and nephew of 
David (2 Sam. xxi. 21 ; 1 Chr. xx. 7). He inherited 
the union of civil and military gifts, so conspicuous 
in his uncle. Like David, he engaged in a single 
combat and slew a gigantic Philistine of Gath (2 
Sam. xxi. 21). Perhaps he is the same as Jonathan 
|" David's uncle," A. V. ; Stanley would translate 
nephew) in 1 Chr. xxvii. 32. — 3. Son of Abiathar, 
the high-priest. He is the last descendant of Eli, 
of whom we hear any thing. He appears as the 
swift and trusty messenger (1.) on the day of 
David's flight from Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 36, xvii. 15- 
21) ; and (2.) on the day of Solomon's inauguration 
(1 K. i. 42, 43).— 4. Son of Shage the Hararite (1 
Chr. xi. 34; 2 Sam. xxiii. 32). He was one of 
David's heroes. — 5. Son, or descendant, of Gershom 
the son of Moses (A. V. " Manasseh," see Manasseh 
5) (Judg. xviii. 30). While wandering through the 
country in search of a home, the young Levite of 
Bethlehem-judah came to the house of Micah 1, the 
rich Ephraimite, and was by him appointed to be a 



kind of private chaplain. When the Danites went 
northward to found a city, Jonathan went with them, 
stole the ephod and teraphim of Micah, and became 
priest of the Danites at Laish or Dan (Judg. xviii.). 
(Idolatry.) — 6. One of the sons of Adin (Ezr. viii. 
6 ; 1 Esd. viii. 32). — 7. A priest (?), the son of Asa- 
hel ; one of the four who assisted Ezra in investi- 
gating the marriages with foreign women (Ezr. x. 15). 
— 8. A priest of the family of Melicu, in the days of 
Joiakim, son of Jeshua (Xeh. xii. 14). — 9, Son of 
Kareah, and brother of Johanan (Jer. xl. 8) ; one of 
the captains of the army who had escaped from 
Jerusalem in the final assault by the Chaldeans, and 
with his brother Johanan resorted to Gedaliah at 
Mizpah. — 10. Son of Joiada, and his successor as 
high-priest; = Johanan 11. The only fact con- 
nected with his pontificate recorded in Scripture, is 
that the genealogical records of the priests and Le- 
vites were kept in his day (Neh. xii. 11, 22), and 
that the chronicles of the state were continued to his 
time (23). Josephus relates that he murdered his 
own brother Jesus in the Temple, because Jesus 
was endeavoring to get the high-priesthood from him 
through the influence of Bagoses, the Persian gen- 
eral. — 11. Father of Zechariah, a priest who blew 
the trumpet at the dedication of the wall (xii. 35). 
— 12. A scribe, in whose house was the prison 
where Jeremiah was confined (Jer. xxxvii. 15, 20, 
xxxviii. 26). — 13. A son of Mattathias 2, and leader 
of the Jews after the death of his brother Judas 
Maccabeus (1 Mc. ix. 19 ff.). (Maccabees.) — 14. 
A son of Absalom (xiii. 11), sent by Simon with a 
force to occupy Joppa (xii. 33) ; probably a brother 
of Mattathias 3 (xi. 70). — 15. A priest who is said 
to have offered up a solemn prayer at the sacrifice 
made by Nehemiah after the recovery of the sacred 
fire (2 Mc. i. 23 ff.). 

Jon'a-thas (L. fr. Heb.) = Jonathan (Tob. v. 13). 

Jo'natb-e'lcm-re-clio'kim (an English form of 
Heb. = a dumb done of [in] distant places), a phrase 
found once only in the Bible as a heading to Ps. lvi. 
Critics and commentators are very far from being 
agreed on its meaning. Rashi considers that David 
employed the phrase to describe his own unhappy 
condition when, exiled from the land of Israel, he 
was living with Achish. Aben Ezra, who regards 
it as merely indicating the modulation or the rhythm 
of the psalm, appears to come the nearest to the 
meaning of the passage in his explanation, " after 
the melody of the air which begins Jonatlt-elem- 
rechokim." In the commentary to Mendelssohn's 
version of the Psalms Jonath-elem-rechokim is men- 
tioned as a musical instrument which produced dull, 
mournful sounds. 

Jop pa (Eng. form of Gr. Ioppe, L. Joppe, fr. Heb. 
Ydpho = beauty, now Yd/a or Jaffa), a town on 
the S. W. coast of Palestine, the port of Jerusalem 
in the days of Solomon, as it has been ever since 
It originally belonged to the Phenicians (Jos. xiii. 15, 
§ 4). Here, writes Strabo, some say Andromeda was 
exposed to the whale. " Japho " or Joppa was situ- 
ated in the portion of Dan (Josh. xix. 46) on the coast 
toward the S. Having a harbor attached to it — though 
always, as still, a dangerous one — it became the port 
of Jerusalem, when Jerusalem became metropolis 
of the kingdom of the house of David, and certainly 
never did port and metropolis more strikingly re- 
semble each other in difficulty of approach both by 
sea and land. Hence, except in journeys to and 
from Jerusalem, it was not much used. But Joppa 
was the place fixed upon for the cedar and pine- 
wood, from Mount Lebanon, to be landed by the 



494 



JOP 



JOR 



servants of Hiram, king of Tyre. By way of Joppa, 
similarly, like materials were conveyed from the 
same locality, by permission of Cyrus, for the re- 
building of the second Temple under Zerubbabel (1 
K. v. 9 ; 2 Chr. ii. 16 ; Ezr. iii. 7). Here Jonah 
" took ship to flee from the presence of the Lord " 
(Jon. i. 3). Here, lastly, on the house-top of Simon 
the tanner, " by the seaside," St. Peter raised Tabi- 
tha to life (Acts ix. 36 if.), and had his vision of 
tolerance (x.). These are the great Biblical events 
of which Joppa has been the scene. In the interval 
which elapsed between the Old and New Dispensa- 
tions it experienced many vicissitudes. It had sided 
with Apollonius, and was attacked and captured by 
Jonathan Maccabeus (1 Mc. x. 76). It witnessed 
the meeting between the latter and Ptolemy (xi. 6). 
Simon had his suspicions of its inhabitants, and set 
a garrison there (xii. 34), which he afterward 
strengthened considerably (xiii. 11). But when 
peace was restored, he reestablished it once more as 
a haven (xiv. 5). He likewise rebuilt the fortifica- 
tions (34). This occupation of Joppa was one of 
the grounds of complaint urged by Antiochus, son 



of Demetrius, against Simon ; but the latter alleged 
in excuse the mischief which had been done by its 
inhabitants to his fellow-citizens (xv. 30-35). It 
would appear that Judas Maccabeus ha'd burnt their 
haven some time back for a gross act of barbarity 
(2 Mc. xii. 6). Tribute was subsequently exacted 
for its possession from Hyrcanus by Antiochus 
Sidetes. By Pompey it was once more made inde- 
pendent, and comprehended under Syria ; but by 
Cesar it was not only restored to the Jews, but its 
revenues, whether from land or from export duties, 
were bestowed upon the second Hyrcanus and his 
heirs. (High-priest ; Maccabees.) When Herod 
the Great commenced operations, it was seized by 
him, lest he should leave a hostile stronghold in his 
rear, when he marched upon Jerusalem, and Augus- 
tus confirmed him in its possession. It was after- 
ward assigned to Archelaus, when constituted eth- 
narch, and passed with Syria under Cyrenius, when 
Archelaus had been deposed. Under Cestius (i. e. 
Gessius Florus) it was destroyed amidst great 
slaughter of its inhabitants ; and such a nest of 
pirates had it become, when Vespasian arrived in 




Tufa or Jaffa — ancient Jnpho or Joppa. — From a drawing by Archibald Campbell, Esq. — (Fbn.) 



those parts, that it underwent a second and entire 
destruction, together with the adjacent villages, at 
his hands. Thus it appears that this port had al- 
ready begun to be the den of robbers and outcasts 
which it was in Strabo's time. When Joppa first be- 
came the seat of a Christian bishop is unknown. It 
was taken possession of by the forces of Godfrey de 
Bouillon previously to the capture of Jerusalem. 
Saladin, a. d. 1188, destroyed its fortifications; but 
Richard of England, who was confined here by sick- 
ness, rebuilt them. Its last occupation by Christians 
was that of St. Louis of France, a. d. 1253, and 
when he came it was still a city and governed by a 
count. After this it came into the hands of the 
Sultans of Egypt, together with the rest of Palestine, 
by whom it was once more laid in ruins. Finally, 
Jaffa fell under the Turks, in whose possession it 
still is. It was sacked by the Arabs in 1722 ; by 
the Mamelukes in 1775 ; and by Napoleon I. in 1799. 
The existing town Yd/a or Jaffa contains in round 
numbers about 4,000 inhabitants (so Mr. Ffoulkes) ; 
Porter (in Kitto) says " about 5,000 ; " Thomson 
(ii. 274) " 15,000 at least." Its oranges are the 
finest in all Palestine and Syria, and its gardens 
and orange and citron groves deliriously fragrant 
and fertile. 

Jop'pe (L.) = Joppa (1 Esd. v. 55 ; 1 Mc. x. 75, 
76, xi. 6, xii. 33, xiii. 11, xiv. 5, 34, xv. 28, 35; 2 
Mc. iv. 21, xii. 3, 7). 



* Jo'ra = Jorah (Neh. vii. 24, margin). 

Jo rail (fr. Heb. = sprinkling, watering, the early 
rain, Ges.), the ancestor of a family of 112 who re- 
turned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr. ii. 18); in 
Neh. vii. 24 Hariph (margin " Jora "). 

Jo'rai, or Jo'ra-i (L. fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah 
teaches, Ges.), a Gadite, dwelling in Gilead in Bashan, 
in the reign of Jotham, king of Judah (1 Chr. v. 13). 

Jo'ram (L. fr. Heb., contracted from Jehoram). 
1. Son of Ahab, king of Israel (2 K. viii. 16, 25, 28, 
29, ix. 14, 17, 21-23, 29); = Jehoram 1.— 2. Son 
of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah (2 K. viii. 21, 23, 
24 ; 1 Chr. iii. 11 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 5, 7 ; Mat. i. 8) ; = 
Jehoram 2. — 3. A Levite, ancestor of Shelomith in 
the time of David (1 Chr. xxvi. 25).— 4. Son of Toi, 
king of Hamath (2 Sam. viii. 10) ; = Hadoram 2. 
— 5. Jozabad 4 (1 Esd. i. 9). 

Jordan (fr. Heb. Yarden = the flowing, the river 
Ges., Fii., Rbn., &c. ; the descender, Mr. Ffoulkes, 
Ptr., Stl. ; Gr. Iordan.es ; L. Jordanis), now called 
by the Arabs esh-Sheri'ah ( = the watering-place), 
sometimes with the addition of el-Kebir( — the great) ; 
a river that has never been navigable, flowing into 
a sea that has never known a port. It winds 
through scenery remarkable rather for sameness 
and tameness than for bold outline. Its course is 
not much above 200 miles from first to last — from 
the roots of Anti-Lebanon to the head of the Dead 
Sea. Such is the river of the li great plain " of 



JOR 



JOR 



495 




496 



JOR 



JOR 



Palestine — if not " the rives of God " in the Book 
of Psalms, at least that of His chosen people 
throughout their history. The earliest allusion to 
Jordan is not so much to the river itself as to the 
well-watered plain or plains which it traversed 
(Gen. xiii. 10). There were fords over against Jer- 
icho, to which point the men of Jericho pursued 
the spies (Josh. ii. 7 ; compare Judg. iii. 28). 
Higher up, perhaps over against Succoth, some way 
above where the little river Jabbok (Zerka) enters 
the Jordan, were the fords or passages of Beth- 
barah (probably the Bethabara of the Gospel), 
where Gideon lay in wait for the Midianites (Judg. 
vii. 24), and where the men of Gilead slew the 
Ephraimites (xii. 6). These fords undoubtedly (so 
Mr. Ffoulkes) witnessed the first recorded passage 
of the Jordan in the 0. T., viz. by Jacob (Gen. xxxii. 
10). Jordan was crossed over against Jericho by 
Joshua the son of Nun, at the head of the descend- 
ants of Jacob (Josh. iv. 12, 13). From their vicin- 
ity to Jerusalem the lower fords were much used ; 
David probably passed over them in one instance 
to fight the Syrians (2 Sam. x. 17); and subsequent- 
ly, when a fugitive himself, in his way to Mahanaim 
(xvii. 22). Thus there were two customary places, 
at which the Jordan was fordable, though there 
may have been more, particularly during the sum- 
mer, which are not mentioned. And it must have 
been at one of these, if not at both, that baptism 
was afterward administered by St. John, and by 
the disciples of our Lord. Where our Lord was 
baptized is not stated expressly ; but it was prob 
ably (so Mr. Ffoulkes) at the upper ford. These 
fords (see below) were rendered so much the more 
precious in those days from two circumstances : 
(1.) it does not appear that there were then any 
bridges thrown over, or boats regularly established 
on the Jordan (Ferry-boat); (2.) because (Josh, 
iii. 15) "Jordan overflowed all his banks all the 
time of harvest," i. e. the channel or bed of the 
river became brimful, so that the level of the water 
and of the banks was then the same. .The Jordan 
has two (in some places, three) series of banks, but 
only the lower are overflowed. The river keeps 
full and strong all through March into April, and 
the proper banks of the river are still full to over- 
flowing in the time of harvest, which in the vale of 
the lower Jordan comes on about the middle of 
March (Thomson, ii. 454 f.). (Palestine.) Robin- 
son (i. 540) seems to have good reason for saying 
that the ancient rise of the river has been greatly 
exaggerated. The last feature to be noticed in the 
Scriptural account of the Jordan is its frequent 
mention as a boundary : " over Jordan," " this," 
and " the other side," or " beyond Jordan," were 
expressions familiar to the Israelites. In one sense, 
indeed, i. e. in so far as it was the eastern boundary 
of the land of Canaan, it was the eastern boundary 
of the promised land (Num. xxxiv. 12). Panium 
(Cesarea Philippi), says Josephus, appears to be 
the source of the Jordan ; whereas it has a secret 
passage hither under ground fromPhiala(= "vial," 
i. e. bowl), as it is called, about 120 stadia distant 
from Cesarea, on the road to Trachonitis, and on 
the right-hand side of, and not far from, the road. 
That this is the true source of the Jordan was first 
discovered by Philip, tetrarch of Trachonitis. It 
is from this cave at all events that the Jordan com- 
mences its ostensible course above ground ; traver- 
sing the marshes and fens of Semechonitis (Lake 
Merom or Huleh), and then, after a course of 120 
stadia, passing by the town Julias (Bethsaida), and 



intersecting the Lake of Genesareth (Gennesaret), 
winds its way through a considerable wilderness, 
till it finds its exit in the Lake Asphaltites (Sea, 
the Salt) (Jos. B.J. iii. 10, § 7). While Josephus 
dilates upon its sources, Pausanias, who had visited 
the Jordan, dilates upon its extraordinary disap- 
pearance in the Dead Sea. Not one of the earlier 
or later travellers dwells upon the phenomenon 
that from the village of Hdsbeiya on the N. W. to 
the village of Shib'a on the N. E. of Bdnids, the 
entire slope of Anti-Lebanon is alive with bursting 
fountains and gushing streams, every one of which, 
great or small, finds its way sooner or later into the 
swamp between Bdnids and Lake Huleh, and event- 
ually becomes part of the Jordan. Far be it from 
us to depreciate those time-honored parent springs 
— the noble fountain of Daphne under the Tell, or 
hill of Dan ( Tell el-Kddy), which " gushes out all 
at once a beautiful river of delicious water" in the 
midst of verdure and welcome shade ; still less, 
that magnificent " burst of water out of the low 
slope " in front of the picturesque cave of Bdnids, 
inscriptions in the niches of which still testify to 
the deity that was once worshipped there, and to the 
royal munificence that adorned his shrine. But what 
shall we say to " the bold perpendicular rock " near 
Hdsbeiya, " from beneath which," we are told, " the 
river gushes copious, translucent, and cool, in two 
rectangular streams, one to the N. E., and the other 
to the N. W. ? " Captain Newbold has detected a 
fourth source, which, according to the Arabs, is 
never dry, in the Wady el-Kid, which the captain 
appears to have followed to the springs called Esh- 
SAar, though we must add, that its sources, accord- 
ing to our impression (so Mr. Ffoulkes), lie con- 
siderably more to the N. It runs past the ruined 
walls and forts of Bdnids on the S. E. Again, Bir- 
kct er-liam, identified by Thomson, Robinson, Por- 
ter, &c, with the Lake Phiala of Josephus, lies to 
the S. E. of, and at some distance from, the cave 
of Bdnids. The direction of ShiVa — to the N. E. of 
Bdnids — is beyond doubt (so Mr. Ffoulkes) the true 
one. The actual description given by Captain 
Newbold of the Lake Merj el-Man, a circular lake 
" 3 hours E. 10° N. from Bdnids," leads to the sup- 
position that it is the true Phiala. Once more, ac- 
cording to Thomson, " the Hdsbeiya, when it reaches 
the Lake Huleh, has been immensely enlarged by 
the waters from the great fountains of Bdnids, Tell 
el-Kddy, el-Melldhah, Derakit, or Beldt, and innu- 
merable other springs." The junction takes place 
one-third of a mile N. of Tell Sheikh Yumf The 
Jordan enters Gennesaret about two miles below 
the ruins of the ancient city Julias, or the Beth- 
saida of Gaulanitis, which lay upon its eastern 
bank. At its mouth it is about 70 feet wide, a lazy, 
turbid stream, flowing between low alluvial banks. 
There are several bars not far from its mouth where 

it can be forded From the site of Bethsaida 

to Jisr Bcndt Ya'kob (= bridge of the daughters of 
Jacob) is about six miles. The Jordan here rushes 
along, a foaming torrent (much of course depending 
on the season when it is visited), through a narrow, 
winding ravine, shut in by high, precipitous banks. 
Above the bridge the current is less rapid and the 
banks are lower. The whole distance from the 
Lake el-Huleh to the Sea of Tiberias is about 11 
miles, and the fall of the river is about 770 feet 
j (Van de Velde, Porter [in Kitto]). The French 
expedition of Due de Luynes, in 1864, enumerated 
! three principal sources of the Jordan, viz. Wady 
i Hasbdny, near Hdsbeiya, 1,847 feet above the Medi- 



JOR 



JOS 



497 



terranean level ; Wady Bdnids, 1,257 feet, and Wady 
Tell el-Kddy, 607 feet above the Mediterranean. 
They made the valley of the Jordan at the waters 
of Merora (el-Huleh) 469 feet above the Mediterra- 
nean ; the Sea of Tiberias 1,089 feet lower, i. e. 620 
feet below the Mediterranean ; the Dead Sea 1,286 
feet below the Mediterranean. The two principal fea- 
tures in the course of the Jordan are its descent 
and its windings. From its fountain-heads to the 
point where it is lost to nature, it rushes down one 
continuous inclined plane, only broken by a series 
of rapids or precipitous falls. Between the Lake 
of Tiberias and the Dead Sea Lieutenant Lynch 
passed down twenty-seven rapids ; the depression 
of the Lake of Tiberias below the level of the Med- 
iterranean he made 653.3 feet ; and that of the Dead 
Sea 1,316.7 feet. Its sinuosity is not so remarkable 




and what has been asserted previously respecting 
the fords or passages of the Bible. Yet still it is 
no slight coincidence that no more than three, or 
at most four regular fords should have been set 
down by the chroniclers of the American expedi- 
tion. The two first occur on the same day within 
a few hours of each other, and are called respec- 
tively Wacabes and Sukwa. The next ford is the 
ford of Ddmieh, as it is called, opposite to the com- 
mencement of the Wady Zcrka, some miles above 
the junction of that river with the Jordan. The 
ford el-Mashra'a over against Jericho was the last 
ford to put upon record, and it is too well known 
to need any lengthened notice. Here tradition 
lias chosen to combine the passage of the Israelites 
under Joshua with the baptism of our Lord. Not 
a single city ever crowned the banks of the Jor- 
dan. Still Beth-shan and Jericho to the W., Gera- 
sa, Pella, and Gadara to the E. of it, were impor- 
tant cities, and caused a good deal of traffic be- 
tween the two opposite banks. The physical fea- 
tures of the Jordan, or of the Ghor, will be treated 
32 



in the upper part of its course. Lieutenant Lynch 
would regard the two phenomena in the light of 
cause and effect. " The great secret," he says, " of 
the depression between Lake Tiberias and the Dead 
Sea is solved by the tortuous course of the Jordan. 
In a space of 60 miles of latitude and 4 or 5 miles 
of longitude, the Jordan traverses at least 200 
miles." The greatest width mentioned was 180 
yards, the point where it enters the Dead Sea. 
Here it was only 3 feet deep. The only living trib- 
utaries to the Jordan noticed particularly below 
Gennesaret were the Yarmuk (Ilieromax) and the 
Zerka (Jabbok). There are no bridges over Jor- 
dan to which an earlier date has been assigned than 
that of the Roman occupation. In the fords, we 
find a remarkable, yet perfectly independent con- 
currence between the narrative of Lieutenant Lynch 



of more at large under the general head of Pales- 
tine. . Arabah. 

Jor'i-bas (fr. L. Joribds) = Jarib 2 (1 Esd. viii. 
4 ; compare Ezr. viii. 16). 

Jor'i-bns (L. fr. Heb.) = Jarib 3 (1 Esd. ix. 19; 
compare Ezr. x. 18). 

Jo'rim (L. = Joram? Rbn. N. T. Lex., &c), son 
of Matthat, in the genealogy of Christ (Lk. iii. 
29). 

Jor'ko-am (fr. Heb. = paleness of the people, or 
perhaps the people is spread abroad, Ges. ; spreading 
of the people, Fii.), either a descendant of Caleb, the 
son of Hezron, or a place probably near Hebron in 
Judah (1 Chr. ii. 44). 

Jos'a-bad (L. fr. Heb., properly Jozabad). 1. 
" Josabad, the Gederathite," one of the warriors of 
Benjamin who joined David at Ziklag ( 1 Chr. xii. 4). 
— 2. Jozabad, son of Jeshua the Levite (1 Esd. 
viii. 63 ; compare Ezr. viii. 33). — 3. One of the 
sons of Bebai (1 Esd. ix. 29) ; = Zabbai 1. 

Jos'a-phat (L. fr. Heb.) = Jehoshaphat, king of 
Judah (Mat. i. 8). 




The Jordan on the road from Niibulus (ancient Shechem) to cs-Salt fnncient Ramoth-gilead !).— (Ayre.) 



498 



JOS 



JOS 



Jos-a-phi'as (L. fr. Heb.) = Josiphiah (1 Esd. 
viii. 36 ; compare Ezr. viii. 10). 

Jo'se (fr. Gr. lose = Joses, Rbn. N. T. Lex.), son 
of Eliezer, in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. 
iii. 29). 

Jos'c-dec (L. fr. Heb.) = Jehozadak or Jozadak 
(also written JosEnECH)(l Esd. v. 5, 48, 56, vi. 2, ix. 
19; Ecclus. xlix. 12). 

Jos'e-dech [-dek] (L. fr. Heb.) = Jehozadak the 
son of Seraiah (Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 4 ; Zech. vi. 1 1). 

Jo'seph [-zeph] (L. fr. Heb. Yoseph — whom may 
God increase, Ges. ; increase); viz. Jah is, Fii. ; see 
below). 1. The elder of the two sons of Jacob by 
Rachel. Gen. xxx. 23, 24 seems to indicate a 
double etymology of his name (from two Hebrew 
verbs Asaph — to take away, and ydsaph = to add, 
or increase). There is nothing improbable in this, 
because of the relation of the taking away the re- 
proach to the expectation of another son. Such 
double etymologies are probably more common in 
Hebrew names than is generally supposed (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, the original author of this article). The 
date of Joseph's birth relatively to that of the com- 
ing of Jacob into Egypt is fixed by his becoming 
governor of Egypt at thirty years old (xli. 46), 
which agrees with his being " seventeen years 
old " (xxxvii. 2) about the time that his breth- 
ren sold him. He was therefore born about 
thirty-nine years before Jacob came into Egypt, 
and, according to the most probable chronol- 
ogy, b. c. about 1906 (so Mr. R. S. Poole; see 
Chronology). After Joseph's birth he is first 
mentioned when a youth, seventeen years old. As 
the child of Rachel, and " son of his old age " 
(xxxvii. 3), and doubtless also for his excellence 
of character, he was beloved by his father above 
all his brethren. Probably at this time Rachel was 
already dead and Benjamin but an infant. Jacob 
had now two small pieces of land in Canaan, Abra- 
ham's burying-place at Hebron in the S., and the 
" parcel of a field where he (Jacob) had spread his 
tent" (xxxiii. 19), at Shechem in the N., the latter 
being probably, from its price, the smaller of the 
two. He seems then to have stayed at Hebron 
with the aged Isaac, while his sons kept his flocks. 
Joseph brought the evil report of his brethren to 
his father, and they hated him because his father 
loved him more than them, and had shown his pref- 
erence by making him a dress, which appears to 
have been a long tunic with sleeves, worn by 
youths and maidens of the richer class. (Dress 
II.) The hatred of Joseph's brethren was increased 
by his telling of a dream foreshowing that they 
would bow down to him, which was followed by 
another of the same import. They had gone to 
Shechem to feed the flock ; and Joseph was sent 
thither from the vale of Hebron by his father to 
bring him word of their welfare and that of the 
flock. They were not at Shechem, but were gone 
to Dothan, which appears to have been not very 
far distant, pasturing their flock like the Arabs of 
the present day, wherever the wild country (xxxvii. 
22) was unowned. On Joseph's approach, his 
brethren, except Reuben, resolved to kill him ; but 
Reuben saved him, persuading them to cast him 
into a dry pit, to the intent that he might restore 
him to his father. Accordingly, when Joseph was 
come, they stripped him of his tunic and cast him 
into the pit, " and they sat down to eat bread : and 
they lifted up their eyes and looked, and, behold, a 
company of Ishmeelites came from Gilead with their 
camels." Judah suggested to his brethren to sell 



Joseph to the Ishmeelites, appealing at once to 
their covetousness and, in proposing a less cruel 
course than that on which they were probably still 
resolved, to what- remnant of brotherly feeling they 
may still have had. Accordingly they took Jo- 
seph out of the pit and sold him "for twenty 
shekels (A. V. ' pieces ') of silver " (ver. 28). 
Reuben was absent, and on his return to the 
pit was greatly distressed at not finding Joseph. 
His brethren pretended to Jacob that Joseph 
had been killed by some wild beast, taking to him 
the tunic stained with a kid's blood, while even 
Reuben forebore to tell him the truth, all speaking 
constantly of the lost brother as though they knew 
not what had befallen him, and even as dead. " And 
Jacob rent his clothes, and put sackcloth upon his 
loins, and mourned for his son many days" (xxxvii. 
34). The Midianites sold Joseph in Egypt to Poti- 
phar, " an officer of Pharaoh, captain of the execu- 
tioners ('guard,' A. V.), an Egyptian" (xxxix. 1, 
compare xxxvii. 36). Mr. Poole believes that, at the 
time that Joseph was sold into Egypt, the country 
was not united under the rule of a single native 
line, but governed by several dynasties, of which the 
Fifteenth Dynasty, of Shepherd Kings, was the pre- 
dominant line, the rest being tributary to it. The 
absolute dominions of this dynasty lay in Lower 
Egypt, and it would therefore always be most con- 
nected with Palestine. (Piiaraoh 2.) In Egypt, 
the second period of Joseph's life begins. As a 
child he had been a true son, and withstood the 
evil example of his brethren. He was now to serve a 
strange master in the hard state of slavery, and his 
virtue would be put to a severer proof than it had 
yet sustained. Joseph prospered in the house of the 
Egyptian, who, seeing that God blessed him, and 
pleased with his good service, " set him over his 
house, and all that he had he gave into his hand " 
(xxxix. 4, compare 5). He was placed over all his 
master's property with perfect trust, and "the 
Lord blessed the Egyptian's house for Joseph's 
sake " (verse 5). The sculptures and paintings of 
the ancient Egyptian tombs bring vividly before us 
the daily life and duties of Joseph. His master's 
wife, with the well-known profligacy of the Egyptian 
women, tempted him, and failing, charged him with 
the crime she would have made him commit. Poti- 
phar, incensed against Joseph, cast him into prison. 
The punishment of adulterers was severe. The prison 
is described as " a place where the king's prisoners 
were bound " (xxxix. 20). Here the hardest time 
of Joseph's period of probation began. He was cast 
into prison on a false accusation, to remain there for 
at least two years, and perhaps for a much longer 
time. In the prison as in Potiphar's house, Jo- 
seph was found worthy of complete trust, and the 
keeper of the prison placed every thing under his 
control. After a while Pharaoh was incensed 
against two of his officers, " the chief of the cup- 
bearers " and the " chief of the bakers," and cast 
them into the prison where Joseph was. Here the 
chief of the executioners, doubtless a successor of 
Potiphar, charged Joseph to serve these prisoners. 
Each dreamed a prophetic dream, which Joseph in- 
terpreted, disclaiming human skill, and acknowledg- 
ing that interpretations were of God. "After two 
years " Joseph's deliverance came. Pharaoh dreamed 
two prophetic dreams. " He stood by the river (the 
Nile). And, behold, coming up out of the river 
seven kine (or ' heifers '), beautiful in appearance, 
and fat-fleshed ; and they fed in the marsh-grass. 
And behold seven other kine coming up after them 



JOS 



JOS 



499 



out of the river, evil in appearance, and lean- 
fleshed " (xli. 1-3). These, afterward described 
still more strongly, ate up the first seven, and yet, 
as is said in the second account, when they had 
eaten them remained as lean as before (1-4, 17-21). 
Then Pharaoh had a second dream—" Behold, seven 
ears of corn coming up on one stalk, fat (or ' full/ 
I verse 22) and good. And, behold, seven ears, thin 
and blasted with the east wind, sprouting forth after 
them " (verses 5, 6). These, also described more 
strongly in the second account, devoured the first 
seven ears (verses 5-7, 22-24). In the morning 
| Pharaoh sent for the " scribes " and the " wise men," 
and they were unable to give him an interpretation. 
Then the chief of the cupbearers remembered 
Joseph, and told Pharaoh how a young Hebrew, 
" servant to the captain of the executioners," had 
interpreted his and his fellow-prisoner's dreams. 
" Then Pharaoh sent and called Joseph, and they 
made him hasten out of the prison ; and he shaved 
himself, and changed his r.aiment, and came unto 
Pharaoh" (verse 14). The king then related his 
dreams, and Joseph, when he had disclaimed human 
wisdom, declared to him that they were sent of God 
to forewarn Pharaoh. There was essentially but 
one dream. Both kine and ears symbolized years. 
There were to be seven years of great plenty in 
, Egypt, and after them seven years of consuming 
i and " very heavy famine." The doubling of the 
j l dream denoted that the events it foreshadowed were 
; certain and imminent. On the interpretation it may 
be remarked, that it seems evident that the kine rep- 
resented the animal products, and the ears of corn 
the vegetable products, the most important object 
in each class representing the whole class. The 
perfectly Egyptian color of the whole narrative is 
very noticeable, and nowhere more so than in the 
! particulars of the first dream. Having interpreted 
| the dream, Joseph counselled Pharaoh to choose a 
i wise man and set him over the county, in order that 
' he should take the fifth part of the produce of the 
i seven years of plenty against the years of famine. To 
this high post the king appointed Joseph. Thus, when 
he was thirty years of age, was he at last released 
from his state of suffering, and placed in a position of 
the greatest honor. The Pharaoh here mentioned 
! was probably (so Mr. Poole) Assa, Manetho's Assis 
1 or Asses, whose reign we suppose to have about oc- 
cupied the first half of the nineteenth century b. c. 
; Pharaoh, seeing the wisdom of giving Joseph, whom 
he perceived to be under God's guidance, greater 
powers than he had advised should be given to the 
officer set over the country, made him not only gov- 
ernor of Egypt, but second only to the sovereign. 
(Zaphnath-paaneah.) He also " gave him to wife 
Asenath, daughter of Poti-pherah, priest (or 
' prince') of On " (verse 45). Joseph's first act was 
to go throughout all the land of Egypt (verse 46). 
During the seven plenteous years there was a very 
abundant produce, and he gathered the fifth part, as 
he had advised Pharaoh, and laid it up. Before the 
famine Asenath bare Joseph two sons (Manasseh ; 
Ephraim). When the seven good years had passed, 
1 the famine began (54-57). The expressions used do 
not require us to suppose that the famine extended 
. beyond the countries around Egypt, such as Pales- 
tine, Syria, and Arabia, as well as some part of 
, Africa. It must also be recollected that Egypt was 
anciently the granary of neighboring countries. 
Famines are not very unfrequent in the history of 
Egypt. (Famine.) After the famine had lasted for a 
time, apparently two years, Joseph gathered up all 



the money that was found in the land of Egypt, and 
in the land of Canaan, for the corn which they 
bought: and Joseph brought the money into Pha- 
raoh's house (xlvii. 13, 14). When all the money 
of Egypt and Canaan was exhausted, barter became 
necessary. Joseph then obtained all the cattle of 
Egypt, and in the next year, all the land, except that 
of the priests, and apparently, as a consequence, the 
Egyptians themselves. He demanded, however, 
only a fifth part of the produce as Pharaoh's right. 
It has been attempted to trace this enactment of 
Joseph in the fragments of Egyptian history pre- 
served by proiane writers, but the result has not 
been satisfactory. The evidence of the narrative in 
Genesis seems favorable (so Mr. Poole) to the theory 
that Joseph ruled Egypt under a shepherd-king. 
There is a notice, in an ancient Egyptian inscription, 
of a famine which has been supposed to be that of 
Joseph. The inscription is in a tomb at Bene- 
Hasan, and records of Amenee, a governor of a dis- 
trict of Upper Egypt, that when there were years of 
famine, his district was supplied with food. This 
was in the time of Sesertesen I., of the twelfth dy- 
nasty. It has been supposed that this must be 
Joseph's famine, but not only are the particu- 
lars of the record inapplicable to that instance, but 
the calamity it relates was never unusual in Egypt, 
as its ancient inscriptions and modern history equally 
testify. Joseph's policy toward the subjects of 
Pharaoh is important in reference to the forming an 
estimate of his character. It displays the resolution 
and breadth of view that mark his whole career. 
He perceived a great advantage to be gained, and he 
lost no part of it. Early in the famine, which pre- 
vailed equally in Canaan and Egypt, Jacob reproved 
his helpless sons and sent them to Egypt, where he 
knew there was corn to be bought. Benjamin alone 
he kept with him. Joseph was now governor, an 
Egyptian in habits and speech, for like all men of 
large mind he had suffered no scruples of prejudice 
to make him a stranger to the people he ruled. 
His brethren did not know him, grown from the boy 
they had sold into a man, and to their eyes an 
Egyptian, while they must have been scarcely 
changed. Joseph remembered his dreams, and be- 
haved to them as a stranger, using, as we afterward 
learn, an interpreter, and spoke hard words to them, 
and accused them of being spies. In defending 
themselves they spoke of their household. The whole 
story of Joseph's treatment of his brethren, of his 
making himself known to them after he had suffi- 
ciently proved them (see Benjamin 1 ; Divination 
12 ; Magic, &c), and of his sending for the whole fam- 
ily to come down into Egypt, is so graphically told in 
Gen. xlii.-xlv., and is so familiar that it is unnecessary 
here to repeat it. After the removal of his family 
into Egypt, Jacob and his house abode in the land 
of Goshen, Joseph still ruling the country. Here 
Jacob, when near his end, gave Joseph a portion 
above his brethren, doubtless including the " parcel 
of ground " at Shechem, his future burying-place 
(compare Jn. iv. 5). Then he blessed his sons, 
Joseph most earnestly of all, and died in Egypt. 
"And Joseph fell upon his face, and wept upon 
him, and kissed him " (Gen. 1. 1). When he had 
caused him to be embalmed by "his servants the 
physicians" he carried him to Canaan, and laid him 
in the cave of Machpelah, the burying-place of his 
fathers. Then his brethren feared that, their father 
being dead, Joseph would punish them, and he strove 
to remove their fears. From his being able to make 
the journey into Canaan with " a very great com- 



500 



JOS 



JOS 



pany " (9), as well as from his living apart from his 
brethren and from their fear of him, Joseph seems 
to have been still governor of Egypt. We know 
no more than that he lived " a hundred and ten 
years" (22, 26), having been more than ninety in 
Egypt ; that he " saw Ephraim's children of the 
third generation," and that " the children also of 
Machir, the son of Manasseh, were borne upon 
Joseph's knees" (23); and that dying he took an 
oath of his brethren that they should carry up his 
bones to the land of promise : thus showing in his 
latest action the faith (Heb. xi. 22) which had guided 
his whole life. Like his father he was embalmed, 
" and he was put in a coffin in Egypt" (Gen. 1. 26). 
His trust Moses kept, and laid the bones of Joseph 
in his inheritance in Shechem, in the territory of 
Ephraim his offspring. Joseph's character is wholly 
composed of great materials. He was a man of 
faith and patienca, of decision and resolution, up- 
rightness, generosity, tenderness, and modesty. In 
the history of the chosen race, Joseph occupies a 
very high place as an instrument of Providence. 
Blest with many revelations, he is throughout a God- 
taught leader of his people. The tribes of Ephraim 
and Manasseh are sometimes spoken of under the 
name of Joseph, which is even given to the whole 
Israelite nation. — 2. Father of Igal who represented 
the tribe of Issachar among the spies (Num. xiii. 7). 
— 3. A lay Israelite of the family of Bani, compelled 
by Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 42) ; 
= Josephus. — 4. Representative of the priestly 
family of Shebaniah, in the next generation after the 
Return from Captivity (Neh. xii. 14). — 5. A Jewish 
officer defeated by Gorgias about 164 b. c. (1 Mc. v. 
8, 56, 60).— 6. In 2 Mc. viii. 22, x. 19, Joseph is 
named among the brethren of Judas Maccabeus ap- 
parently in place of John. — 7. An ancestor of Ju- 
dith (Jd. viii. 1). — 8. One of the ancestors of Christ 
(Lk. iii. 30), son of Jonan. — 9. Another ancestor of 
Christ, son of Judah (iii. 26). — 10. Another, son of 
Mattathias (iii. 24). — 11. Son of Heli, and reputed 
father of Jesus Christ. (Genealogy of Jesus Christ ; 
James 3, <Scc. ; Jesus Christ.) He was a just man, 
and of the house and lineage of David. The public 
registers also contained his name under the reckon- 
ing of the house of David (Jn. i. 45 ; Lk. iii. 23 ; 
Mat. i. 20 ; Lk. ii. 4). He lived at Nazareth in Gali- 
lee, and probably his family had been settled there 
for at least two preceding generations, possibly from 
the time of Matthat, the supposed common grand- 
father of Joseph and Mary, since Mary lived there 
too (i. 26, 27). He espoused Mary (Mary, the Vir- 
gin), the daughter and heir of his uncle Jacob (so 
Lord A. C. Hervey), and before he took her home as 
his wife received the angelic communication recorded 
in Mat. i. 20. It must have been within a very short 
time of his taking her to his home, that the decree 
went forth from Augustus Cesar which obliged him 
to leave Nazareth with his wife and go to Bethlehem. 
(Cyrenius ; Taxing.) He was there with Mary and 
her first-born, when the shepherds came to see the 
babe in the manger, and he went with them to the 
Temple to present the infant according to the law, 
and there heard the prophetic words of Simeon, as 
he held Him in his arms. When the wise men from 
the East came to Bethlehem to worship Christ, 
Joseph was there ; and he went down to Egypt with 
them by night, when warned by an angel of the dan- 
ger which threatened them ; and on the second mes- 
sage he returned with them to the land of Israel, 
iatanding to reside at Bethlehem, the city of Da- 
vid ; but being afraid of Archelaus he took up 



his abode, as before his marriage, at Nazareth, 
where he carried on his trade as a carpenter. When 
Jesus was twelve years old Joseph and Mary took 
Him with them to keep the Passover at Jerusalem, 
and when they returned to Nazareth, he continued 
to act as a father to the child Jesus, and was re- 
puted to be so indeed. But here our knowledge of 
Joseph ends. That he died before our Lord's cru- 
cifixion, is indeed tolerably certain (Mk. vi. 3 ? ; Jn. 
xix. 27). But where, when, or how he died, we 
know not. 

Jo'scpli (see above) of Ar-i-ma-tlic'a (Arimathea), 
a rich and pious Israelite who had the privilege of 
performing the last offices of duty and affection to 
the body of our Lord. He is distinguished from 
other persons of the same name by the addition of 
his birth-place Arimathea. Joseph is denominated 
(Mk. xv. 43) " an honorable counsellor," by which 
wc are probably to understand that he was a mem- 
ber of the Great Council, or Sanhedrim. He is 
further characterized as "a good man and a just" 
(Lk. xxiii. 50), one of those who, bearing in their 
hearts the words of their old prophets, were waiting 
for the kingdom of God (Mk. xv. 43 ; Lk. ii. 25, 38, 
xxiii. 51). We are expressly told that he did not 
"consent to the counsel and deed" of his col- 
leagues in conspiring to bring about the death of 
Jesus ; but he seems to have lacked the courage to 
protest against their judgment. At all events we 
know that he shrank, through fear of his country- 
men, from professing himself openly a disciple of 
our Lord. The crucifixion seems to have wrought 
in him the same clear conviction that it wrought in 
the centurion who stood by the cross ; for on the 
very evening of that dreadful day, when the triumph 
of the chief priests and rulers seemed complete, 
Joseph " went in boldly unto Pilate and craved the 
body of Jesus." Pilate consented. Joseph and 
Nicodemus then having enfolded the sacred body in 
the linen shroud which Joseph had bought, con- 
signed it to a tomb hewn in a rock, a tomb where 
no human corpse had ever yet been laid. The tomb 
was in a garden belonging to Joseph, and close to 
the place of crucifixion. (Jerusalem III., § 10). 
There is a tradition that he was one of the seventy 
disciples. Another, whether authentic or not, de- 
serves to be mentioned as generally current, namely, 
that Joseph being sent to Great Britain by the 
Apostle Philip, about the year 63, settled with his 
brother disciples at Glastonbury, England. 

Jo'scpli (see above), called Bai''sa-bas (Barsabas), 
and surnamed Justus; one of the two persons 
chosen by the assembled church (Acts i. 23) as 
worthy to fill the place in the Apostolic company 
from which Judas had fallen. He therefore had 
been a companion of the disciples all the time that 
they followed Jesus, from His baptism to His ascen- 
sion. Eusebius states that he was one of the seventy 
disciples. 

Jo-sc'phns [s as in see] (L. fr. Heb. = Joseph) 
Joseph 3 (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Jo'ses [-seez] (Gr. loses — Joseph, Lightfoot). 1. 
Son of Eliezer, in the genealogy of Christ (Lk. iii. 
29 ; " Jose " in A. V.). — 2. One of the Lord's breth- 
ren (Mat. xiii. 55 [Meyer, Tregelles, Alf'ord, &c, 
here read " Joseph "], xxvii. 56 ; Mk. vi. 3, xv. 40, 
47). (James.) — 3. Joses, surnamed Barnabas (Acts 
iv. 36). 

Jo shah (fr. Heb. = Joshaviah ? Ges. ; Jehovah 
is a gift, Fii.), a prince of Simeon, son of Amaziah, 
in the days of Hezekiah (] Chr. iv. 34, 38-41). 

Josh'a-phat (fr. Heb., contracted fr. Jehosha- 



JOS 



JOS 



£01 



phat), the Mithnite, one cf David's " valiant men " 
(1 Chr. xi. 43). 

Josh-a-vi'ab (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah lets dwell 
[= Josibiah], Ges. ; Jehovah is correspondence, i. e. 
self-satisfying, Ei'u), son of Elnaam ; one of David's 
"valiant men " (1 Chr. xi. 46). 

Josb-be-ka'sliali, or Josh-bek a-shali (fr. Heb. = 
seat in hardness, Ges.), son of Heman ; head of the 
seventeenth course of musicians (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 24). 

* Jo'sheb-bas'sc-bet (fr. Heb.) (2 Sam. xxiii. 9, 
margin). Eznite ; Jashobeam. 

Josll'n-a (fr. Heb. = Jehovah his help, Ges. ; = 
Jehoshua, Jehoshuah, Jeshua, Jesus). 1. Son of 
Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim (1 Chr. vii. 27). His 
original name appears to have been Hoshea or 
Oshea. He is also called Jehoshua, Jehoshuah, 
Jeshua, and Jesus. The future captain of invading 
hosts grew up a slave in the brick-fields of Egypt. 
Born about the time when Moses fled into Midian, 
he was a man of nearly forty years when he saw the 
ten plagues, and shared in the hurried triumph of 
the Exodus. He is mentioned first in connection 
with the fight against Amalek at Rephidim, when 
he was chosen (Ex. xvii. 9) by Moses to lead the 
Israelites. When Moses ascended Mount Sinai to 
receive for the first time (compare Ex. xxiv. 13, and 
xxxiii. 11) the two Tables, Joshua, who is called 
his minister or servant, accompanied him part of 
the way, and was the first to accost him in his 
descent (xxxii. 17). Soon afterward he was one of 
the twelve chiefs sent (Num. xiii. 17) to explore the 
land of Canaan, and one of the two (xiv. 6) who 
gave an encouraging report of their journey. (Ca- 
leb 2.) The forty years of wandering were almost 
passed, and Joshua w^as one of the few survivors, 
when Moses, shortly before his death, was directed 
(xxvii. 18) to invest Joshua solemnly and publicly 
with definite authority in connection with Eleazar 
the priest, over the people. And after this was 
done, God Himself gave Joshua a charge by the 
mouth of the dying Lawgiver (Deut. xxxi. 14, 23). 
Under the direction of God again renewed (Josh. i. 
1), Joshua, now in his eighty-fifth year (Jos. v. 1, 
§ 29 ; Chronology II.) assumed the command of 
the people at Shittira, sent spies into Jericho, 
crossed the Jordan, fortified a camp at Gilgal, cir- 
cumcised the people, kept the passover, and was 
visited by the Captain of the Lord's Host. A mir- 
acle made the fall of Jericho more terrible to the 
Canaanites. In the first attack upon Ai the Israel- 
ites were repulsed : it fell at the second assault, and 
the invaders marched to the relief of Gibeon. In 
the great battle of Beth-horon the Amorites were 
signally routed, and the South country was open to 
the Israelites. Joshua returned to the camp at Gil- 
gal, master of half of Palestine. In the North, at 
the waters of Merom, he defeated the Canaanites 
under Jabin king of Hazor ; and pursued his suc- 
cess to the gates of Zidon and into the valley of 
Lebanon under Hermon. In six years six tribes 
with thirty-one " kings " were conquered ; amongst 
others the Anakim — the old terror of Israel — are 
especially recorded as destroyed everywhere except 
in Philistia. Joshua, now stricken in years, pro- 
ceeded in conjunction with Eleazar and the heads 
of the tribes to complete the division of the con- 
quered land ; and when all was allotted, Timnath- 
serah in Mount Ephraim was assigned by the people 
as Joshua's peculiar inheritance. The Tabernacle 
of the congregation was established at Shiloh, six 
cities of refuge were appointed, forty-eigh.t cities 
assigned to the Levites, and the warriors of the 



Trans-jordanic tribes dismissed in peace to their 
homes. After an interval of rest, Joshua convoked 
an assembly from all Israel. He delivered two 
solemn addresses reminding them of the marvel- 
lous fulfilment of God's promises to their fathers, 
and warning them of the conditions on which their 
prosperity depended ; and lastly, he caused them 
to renew their covenant with God, at Sheehem, a 
place already famous in connection with Jacob 
(Gen. xxxv. 4), and Joseph (Josh. xxiv. 32). He 
died at the age of 110 years, and was buried in his 
own city, Timnath-serah. He was a devout warrior, 
blameless and fearless, who had been taught by 
serving as a youth how to command as a man ; who 
earned by manly vigor a quiet, honored old age ; who 
combined strength with gentleness, ever looking up 
for and obeying the Divine impulse with the sim- 
plicity of a child, while he wielded great power and 
directed it calmly, and without swerving, to the ac- 
complishment of a high, unselfish purpose. Joshua 
is often considered a type of Christ (Heb. iv. 8). 
(Joshua, Book of.) — 2. An inhabitant of Bcth- 
shemesh, in whose land w as the stone at which the 
milch-kine stopped, when they drew the ark of 
God with the offerings of the Philistines from Ekron 
to Beth-shcmesh (1 Sam. vi. 14, 18). — 3. A gov- 
ernor of a city who gave his name to a gate of Jeru- 
salem (2 K. xxiii. 8). — 4. A high-priest, Jeshua 4 
(Hag. i. 14, ii. 1 ; Zech. iii. 1, &c.). 

Josh'n-a (see above), Ecck of. 1. Authority. 
The claim of Joshua to a place in the Canon of the 
0. T. has never been disputed. (Bible ; Inspira- 
tion; Old Testament.) Its authority is confirmed 
by the references, in other books of Holy Scripture, 
to the events which are related in it (Ps. lxxviii. 
53-65; Is. xxviii. 21; Hab. iii. 11-13; Acts vii. 
45; Heb. iv. 8, xi. 30-32; Jas. ii. 25). The mir- 
acles which it relates, and particularly that of the 
prolongation of the day of the battle of Makkedah, 
have led some critics to entertain a suspicion of the 
credibility of the book as a history. (Day ; Earth ; 
Miracles.) The treatment of the Canaanites which 
is sanctioned in this book has been denounced for 
its severity by Eichhorn and earlier writers. But 
there is nothing in it inconsistent with the divine 
attribute of justice, or with God's ordinary way of 
governing the world. (Idolatry.) Some discrep- 
ancies are alleged by De Wette and Hauff to exift 
within the book itself, and have been described as 
material differences and contradictions. But they 
disappear when the words of the text are accurately 
stated and weighed, and they do not affect the ger- 
eral credibility of the book. Other discrepancies 
have been alleged by Dr. Davidson, with the view 
not of disparaging the credibility of the book, but 
of supporting the theory that it is a compilation 
from two distinct documents. These are not suf- 
ficient either to impair the authority of the book, 
or to prove that it was not substantially the com- 
position of one author. — 2. Scope and, Contents. 
Joshua is a distinct whole in itself. The in- 
spired writer records, for the information of the 
nation to which he belonged, the acts of Joshua 
so far as they possessed a national interest. Per- 
haps no part of the Holy Scripture is more in- 
jured than the first half of this book by being 
printed in chapters and verses. The first twelve 
chapters form a continuous narrative, which seems 
never to halt or flag. And the description is fre- 
quently so minute as to show the hand not merely 
of a contemporary, but of an eye-witness. Step by 
step we are led on through the solemn preparation, 



502 



JOS 



JOZ 



the arduous struggle, the crowning triumph. The 
second part of the book (Josh, xiii.-xxi.) has been 
aptly compared to the Domesday-book of the Nor- 
man conquerors of England. The documents of 
which it consists were doubtless the abstract of 
such reports as were supplied by the men whom 
Joshua sent out (xviii. 8) to describe the land. 
The book may be regarded as consisting of three 
parts: (a) the conquest of Canaan (i.-xii.); (b) the 
partition of Canaan (xiii.-xxii.) ; (c) Joshua's fare- 
well (xxiii.-xxiv.). The events related in this book 
extend over a period of about twenty-five years, 
from b. c. 1451 to 1426. (Chronology II.) — 3. Au- 
thor. Nothing is really known as to the authorship 
of the book. Joshua himself is generally named as 
the author by the Jewish writers and the Christian 
Fathers ; and a great number of critics acquiesce 
more or less entirely in that belief. Others have 
conjectured Phinehas, Eleazar, Samuel, Jeremiah. 
Von Lengerke thinks it was written by some one 
in the time of Josiah ; Davidson by some one in the 
time of Saul, or somewhat later ; Masius, Le Clerc, 
Maurer, and others by some one who lived after the 
Babylonish Captivity. It has been supposed that 
the book as it now stands is a compilation from t wo 
earlier documents, one, the original, called Elohistic, 
the other supplementary, called Jehovistic. (Gon ; 
Pentateuch.) The arguments, though insufficient 
to prove that Joshua was the author, yet seem to 
give a preponderance in favor of him when com- 
pared with any other person who has been named 
(so Mr. Bullock, original author of this article). 
The last verses (xxiv. 29-33) were obviously added 
by some later hand. The account of some other 
events may have been inserted in Joshua by a late 
transcriber. " The book may have been written 
during Joshua's lifetime, and cannot have been 
written long after " (Dr. W. L. Alexander, in Kitto ; 
see Josh. vi. 25, &c). — 4. There is extant a Samar- 
itan Book of Joshua in the Arabic language, writ- 
ten in the 13th century, first printed at Leyden in 
1848. 

Jo-Si'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah heals, Ges. ; 
in Apocrypha and N. T. Josias). 1. SonofAinoN 
and Jedidah, succeeded his father as king of Judah 
B. C. 641, in the eighth year of his age, and reigned 
thirty-one years. (Israel, Kingdom of ; Judah, 
Kingdom of.) His history is contained in 2 K. 
xxii.-xxiv. 30 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv., xxxv. ; and the first 
twelve chapters of Jeremiah throw much light upon 
the general character of the Jews in his days. He 
began in the eighth year of his reign to seek the 
Lord ; and in his twelfth year, and for six years af- 
terward, in a personal progress throughout all the 
land of Judah and Israel, he destroyed everywhere 
high-places, groves, images, and all outward signs 
and relics of idolatry. The Temple was restored 
under a special commission ; and in the course of the 
repairs Hilkiah the priest found that book of the 
Law of the Lord which quickened so remarkably 
the ardent zeal of the king. The great day of Jo- 
siah's life was the day of the Passover in the eigh- 
teenth year of his reign. After this, his endeavors 
to abolish every trace of idolatry and superstition 
were still carried on. But the time drew near 
which had been indicated by Huldah (2 K. xxii. 20). 
When Pharaoh-necho went from Egypt to Carche- 
mish to carry on his war against Assyria (compare 
Hdt. ii. 159), Josiah, possibly in a spirit of loyalty 
to the Assyrian king to whom he may have been 
bound, opposed his march along the seacoast. Ne- 
cho reluctantly paused and gave him battle in the 



valley of Esdralon. Josiah was mortally wounded, 
and died before he could reach Jerusalem. He was 
buried with extraordinary honors. Huldah's pre- 
diction that he should be gathered to the grave in 
peace (2 Chr. xxxiv. 28) must be interpreted in ac- 
cordance with the explanation in Jer. xxxiv. 5. 
His remains were buried in peace, and he did not 
see the evil which was soon to fall on Jerusalem 
and Judah. It was in Josiah's reign (so Mr. Bul- 
lock) that a nomadic horde of Scythians overran 
Asia (Hdt. i. 104-106). Ewald conjectures that the 
59th Psalm was composed by King Josiah during a 
siege of Jerusalem by these Scythians. Beth-shan 
is said to derive its Greek name, Scythopolis, from 
these invaders. — 2. The son of Zephaniah, at whose 
house the prophet Zechariah was commanded to as- 
semble the chief men of the Captivity, to witness 
the solemn and symbolical crowning of Joshua the 
high-priest (Zech. vi. 9). 

Jo-si'as (L. = Josiah). 1. Josiah, king of Judah 
(1 Esd. i. 1, 1, 18, 21-23, 25, 28, 29,32-34; Ecclus. 
xlix. 1, 4; Bar. i. 8; Mat. i. 10, 11). — 2. Jeshaiah, 
son of Athaliah (1 Esd. viii. 33 ; compare Ezr. viii. 

^ r I 

Jos-i-bi'all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah lets dwell, 
Ges.), father of Jehu, a Simeonite chief (1 Chr. iv. 
35). 

Jos-l-plli'ab (fr. Heb. = whom may Jehovah in- 
crease, Ges. ? Jah is increases; Fii. ; compare Joseph), 
father or ancestor of one who returned with Ezra 
(Ezr. viii. 10). A word is evidently omitted in the 
first part of the verse. The LXX. read, " of the 
sons of Bani, Shelomith, the son of Josiphiah." 

* Jot (fr. the Heb. letter jod or yod, the smallest 
in the alphabet) = the smallest part (Mat. v. 18). 

Jot ball (fr. Heb. = goodness, pleasantness, Ges.), 
the native place of Meshullemeth, the queen of Ma- 
nasseh (2 K. xxi. 19); supposed by Mr. Wilton (in 
Fairbairn) to be at the modern village et-Taiyibeh 
(Ophrah 1 ?). 

Jot'bath, or Jot ba-thab (both fr. Heb. = Jot- 
bah, Ges.) (Deut. x. V ; Num. xxxiii. 33), a desert 
station of the Israelites ; identified with Wady el- 
'Adhbeh, N. W. of ''Akabah. Wilderness of the 
Wandering. 

Jo'tbam (fr. Heb. = Jehovah is upright, Ges.). 1. 
The youngest son of Gideon (Judg. ix. 5), who es- 
caped from the massacre of his brethren by their 
half-brother Abimelech. His parable of the reign 
of the bramble is the earliest example of the kind. 
Nothing is known of him afterward, except that he 
dwelt at Beer. — 2. Son of King Uzziah (or Azariah) 
and Jerushah. After administering the kingdom 
of Judah for some years during his father's leprosy, 
he succeeded to the throne b. c. 758, when he was 
twenty-five years old, and reigned sixteen years in 
Jerusalem. (Israel, Kingdom of; Judah, King- 
dom of.) He was contemporary with Pekah and 
with the prophet Isaiah. His history is contained 
in 2 K. xv. and 2 Chr. xxvii. He did right in the 
sight of the Lord, and his reign was prosperous, 
although the high-places were not removed. — 3. A 
descendant of Judah ; son of Jahdai (1 Chr. ii. 4 1 ?). 

Joz'a-bad (L. fr. Heb., contracted from Jehoza- 
bad; also written Josabad). 1. A captain of Ma- 
nasseh, who joined David before the battle of Gil- 
boa (1 Chr. xii. 20). — 2. A hero of Manasseh, like 
the preceding (ibid.).— 3. A Levite in Hezekiah's 
reign, an overseer of offerings (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 
— 4. A chief Levite in Josiah's reign (xxxv. 9).— 5. 
A Levite, son of Jeshua, in the days of Ezra ; as- 
sistant in registering the number and weight of the 



JOZ 



JUB 



503 



gacred vessels, &c. (Ezr. viii. 33) ; probably = No. 
7. — 6. A priest of the sons of Pashur, who had 
married a foreign wife (x. 22). — 7, A Levite among 
those who returned with Ezra and had married 

' foreign wives (x. 23 ; 1 Esd. ix. 23) ; probably — 

' Jozabad who assisted when the Law was read by 
Ezra (Neh. viii. 1), and Jozabad who presided over 

| the outer work of the Temple (xi. 16), and No. 5. 
Joz'a-char [-kar] (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah re- 

i members, Ges.), son of Shimeath the Ammonitess, 
and one of the murderers of Joash, king of Judah 
(2 K. xii. 21). 2 Chr. xxiv. 26 calls him Zabad, 

! which may be a clerical error for Jozachar. 

Joz'a-dak (fr. Heb.), the contracted form of Je- 
hozadak (Ezr. iii. 2, 8, v. .2, x. 18; Neh. xii. 26). 

Ju'bal (fr. Heb. = music? Ges.; compare Jubi- 
lee), a son of Lamech by Adah, and the inventor 
of the "harp and organ" (Gen. iv. 21), probably 
general terms for stringed and wind instruments. 
Ju'M-lce (fr. Heb. yobel ; see below), the Year of, 

I the fiftieth year, i. e. the year after the succession 
of seven Sabbatical years, in which all the land 
which had been alienated returned to the families of 
those to whom it had been originally allotted, and all 
bondmen of Hebrew blood were liberated. — I. The 

> relation in which it stood to the Sabbatical tear 
and the general directions for its observance are 
given in Lev. xxv. 8-16 and 23-55. Its bearing on 

; lands dedicated to Jehovah is stated in xxvii. 16-25. 
There is no mention of the Jubilee in Deuteronomy, 

: and the only other reference to it in the Pentateuch 
is in Num. xxxvi. 4. — II. The year was inaugurated 
on the Day of Atonement with the blowing of trum- 
pets throughout the land, and by a proclamation of 
universal liberty. — 1. The soil was kept under the 
same condition of rest as had existed during the 
preceding Sabbatical year. There was to be neither 
ploughing, sowing, nor reaping ; but the chance 
produce was to be left for the use of all comers. — 
2. Every Israelite returned to " his possession and 
to his family ; " i. e. he recovered his right in the 
land originally allotted to the family of which he 
was. a member, if he, or his ancestor, had parted 
with it. (a) A strict rule to prevent fraud and in- 
justice in such transactions is laid down : — if a He- 
brew, urged by poverty, had to dispose of a field, 
the price was determined according to the time of 

■ the sale in reference to the approach of the next 
Jubilee. (6) The possession of the field could, at 
any time, be recovered by the original proprietor, if 
his circumstances improved, or by his next of kin. 

I (c) Houses in walled cities were not subject to the 
law of Jubilee, (d) Houses and buildings in vil- 
lages, or in the country, being regarded as essen- 
tially connected with the cultivation of the land, 
were not excepted, but returned in the Jubilee with 
the land on which they stood, (e) The Levitical 
cities were not, in respect to this law, reckoned with 
walled towns. (/) If a man had sanctified a field 
of his patrimony unto the Lord, it could be re- 
deemed at any time before the next year of Jubilee, 
on his paying one-fifth in addition to the worth of 
the crops, rated at a stated valuation (Lev. xxvii. 
19). If not so redeemed, it became, at the Jubilee, 

: devoted for ever, (g) If he who had purchased the 

: usufruct of a field sanctified it, he could redeem it 
till the next Jubilee, i. e. as long as his claim 
lasted ; but it then, as justice required, returned to 
the original proprietor (ver. 22-24). — 3. All Israel- 
ites who had become bondmen, either to their coun- 
trymen, or to resident foreigners, were set free in 
the Jubilee (xxv. 40, 41), when it happened to oc- 



cur before their seventh year of servitude, in which 
they became free by the operation of another law 
(Ex. xxi. 2). Such was the law of the year of Ju- 
bilee, as it is given in the Pentateuch. — III. Jose- 
phus (iii. 12, § 3) states that all debts were remitted 
in the year of Jubilee, while the Scripture speaks 
of the remission of debts only in connection with 
the Sabbatical year (Deut. xv. 1, 2). He also de- 
scribes the terms on which the holder of a piece of 
land resigned it in the Jubilee to the original pro- 
prietor. Philo gives an account of the Jubilee 
agreeing with that in Leviticus, and says nothing 
of the remission of debts. — IV. There are several 
very difficult questions connected with the Jubilee, 
of which we now proceed to give a brief view : — 1. 
Origin of the word Jubilee. The etymology of the 
Hebrew yobel, from which comes Jubilee, is much 
disputed. The Targum of Jonathan, the Talmud, 
Rashi, Kimchi, Fiirst, &c, make it primarily — a 
ram, then by metonymy a rani's horn, and the 
sound produced by the horn. According to the 
LXX., Josephus, &c, it primarily = one who is at 
libcrly, then abstractly freedom, liberty (Dr. Gins- 
burg, &c). Gesenius, the Vulgate, &c, regard the 
word as onomatopoetic, = a cry of joy,- joyful 
shout, then transferred to the sound or clangor of 
trumpets. It is now very generally ascribed to the 
root ydbal (= to flow impetuously), and its meaning 
would seem to be a rushing, penetrating sound. The 
word yobel (A. V. "trumpet," margin "coknet") is 
used in Ex. xix. 13. — 2. Was the Jubilee every idth 
or 50th year ? If the plain words of Lev. xxv. 10 
are to be followed, this question need not be asked. 
The statement that the Jubilee was the fiftieth year, 
after the succession of seven weeks of years, and 
that it was distinguished from, not identical with, 
the seventh Sabbatical year, is as evident as lan- 
guage can make it (so Mr. Clark). The simplest 
view, and the only one which accords with the sa- 
cred text, is, that the year which followed the sev- 
enth Sabbatical year was the Jubilee, which was in- 
tercalated between two series of Sabbatical years, 
so that the next year was the first of a new half 
century, and the seventh year after that was the 
first Sabbatical year of the other series. — 3. Were 
debts remitted in the Jubilee ? Not a word is said of 
this in the 0. T., or in Philo. The affirmative rests 
entirely on the authority of Josephus. Maimonides 
says expressly that the remission of debts was a 
point of distinction between the Sabbatical year and 
the Jubilee. — V. Maimonides, and the Jewish wri- 
ters in general, consider that the Jubilee was ob- 
served till the destruction of the first Temple. But 
there is no direct historical notice of its observance 
on any one occasion, either in the 0. T., or in any 
other records. The only passages in the Prophets 
which can be regarded with much confidence, as 
referring to the Jubilee in any way, are Is. v. 1- 
10, lxi. 1, 2, and Ez. vii. 12, 13, xlvi. 16-18.— 
VI. The Jubilee is to be regarded as the outer cir- 
cle of that great Sabbatical system which comprises 
within it the Sabbatical year, the Sabbatical month, 
and the Sabbath day. (Festivals.) But the Jubi- 
lee is more immediately connected with the body 
politic ; and it was only as a member of the state 
that each person concerned could participate in its 
provisions. It was not distinguished by any pre- 
scribed religious observance peculiar to itself, like 
the rites of the Sabbath day and of the Sabbatical 
month ; or even by any thing like the reading of the 
Law in the Sabbatical year. But in the Hebrew 
state, polity and religion were never separated, nor 



t 



504 



JUC 



JUD 



was their essential connection ever dropped out of 
sight. As far as legislation could go, its provisions 
tended to restore that equality in outward circum- 
stances which was instituted in the first settlement 
of the land by Joshua. But if we look upon it in 
its more special character, as a part of the divine 
law appointed for the chosen people, its practical 
bearing was to vindicate the right of each Israelite 
to his part in the covenant which Jehovah had 
made with his fathers respecting the land of prom- 
ise. Agriculture. 

Jncal (fr. Heb.) = Jehucal (Jer. xxxviii. 1). 

Jn da (L. fr. Judas). 1. Son of Joseph in the 
genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. hi. 30). — 8. Son 
of Joanna, or (so Lord A. C. Hervey) Hananiah 8 
(Lk. iii. 26). Lord A. C. Hervey supposes him 
= Abiud in Mat. i. 13. — 1. One of the Lord's breth- 
ren, enumerated in Mk. vi. 3 (see James). — 1. The 
patriarch Judah (Sus. 56 ; Lk. iii. 33 ; Heb. vii. 
14; Rev. v. 5, vii. 5). In Mat. ii. 6 and 1 Mc. ii. 6, 
18, Juda = the land of Judah's descendants. 
Juttait. 

Jn-dse'a [-dee-] (L.) = Jfdea. . 

Jll'dah (fr. Heb. Yehud&h = celebrated, lauded, 
praised, Ges.), also written Juda or Judas. 1. 
Fourth son of Jacob and fourth of Leah, the last 
before the temporary cessation in the births of her 
children. His whole-brothers were Reuben, Simeon, 
and Levi, elder than himself — Issachar and Zebulun 
younger (see Gen. xxxv. 23). Of Judah's personal 
character more traits are preserved than of any 
other of the patriarchs, except Joseph. In the 
matter of the sale of Joseph, he and Reuben stand 
out in favorable contrast to the rest of the brothers. 
When a second visit to Egypt for corn had become 
inevitable, Judah, as the mouthpiece of the rest, 
headed the remonstrance against the detention of 
Benjamin by Jacob, and finally undertook to be re- 
sponsible for the safety of the lad (xliii. 3-10). 
And when, through Joseph's artifice, the brothers 
were brought back to the palace, he is again the 
leader and spokesman of the band. He makes that 
wonderful appeal which renders it impossible for 
Joseph any longer to conceal his secret (xliv. 14, 
16-34). So too Judah is sent before Jacob to 
smooth the way for him in the land of Goshen (xlvi. 
28). This ascendancy over his brethren is reflected 
in the last words addressed to him by his father 
(xlix. 8-10). (Siiiloh.) His sons were five. Of 
these, three were by his Canaanite wife, " the 
daughter of Shuah." They are all insignificant : 
two, Er and Onan, died early; the third, Shelait, 
does not come prominently forward, either in his 
person or his family. The other two, Pharez and 
Zerah, were illegitimate sons by the widow of Er, 
the eldest of the former family. (Tamar 1.) As is 
not unfrequently the case, the illegitimate sons sur- 
passed the legitimate, and from Pharez, the elder, 
were descended the royal and other illustrious fami- 
lies of Judah. These sons were born to Judah 
while he was living in the same district of Palestine 
wnich, centuries after, was repossessed by his de- 
scendants. The three sons went with their father 
into Egypt at the final removal thither (xlvi. 12; 
Ex. i. 2). When we again meet with the families 
of Judah they occupy a position among the tribes 
similar to that which their progenitor had taken 
amongst the patriarchs. The numbers of the tribe 
at the census at Sinai were 74,600 (Num. i. 26, 2V), 
considerably in advance of any of the others, the 
largest of which — Dan — numbered 62,700. On the 
borders of the Premised Land they were 76,500 



(xxvi. 22), Dan being still the nearest. The chief 
of the tribe at the former census was Nahshon ; 
its representative among the spies was Caleb, the 
son of Jephunneh. During the march through the 
desert Judah's place was in the van of the host, on 
the east side of the Tabernacle, with his kinsmen 
Issachar and Zebulun (ii. 3-9, x. 14). During the 
conquest of the country the only incidents specially 
affecting the tribe of Judah are — (1.) the misdeed 
of Achan, who was of the great house of Zerah 
(Josh. vii. 1, 16-18); and (2.) the conquest of the 
mountain district of Hebron by Caleb, and of the 
strong city Debir, in the same locality, by his 
! nephew (or brother) and son-in-law Othniel (xiv. 6- 
I 15, xv. 13-19). The boundaries and contents of 
the territory allotted to Judah are narrated at great 
length, and with greater minuteness than the oth- 
ers, in Josh. xv. 20-63. The N. boundary, for the 
most part coinciden-t with the S. boundary of Ben- 
jamin, began at the mouth of the Jordan, entered 
the hills apparently at or about the present road 
from Jericho, ran W. to En-shemesh, probably the 
present 'Ain Baud, below Bethany, thence over the 
Mount of Olives to En-rogd, in the valley beneath Je- 
< rusalem ; went along the ravine of Hinnom, underthe 
j precipices of the city, climbed the hill in a N. W. di- 
! rection to the water of the Nephtoah (probably Li/la), 
and thence by Kirjath-jcarim (probably Kuriel el- 
'Enab), Beth-shemesh ('Ain Shems), Timnath, and 
Ekron to Jabneel on the sea-coast. On the E. the 
Dead Sea, and on the W. the Mediterranean formed 
the boundaries. The southern line is hard to de- 
termine, since it is denoted by places many of which 
have not been identified. It left the Dead Sea at 
its extreme southern end, and joined the Mediter- 
ranean at the Wad)/ cl-'Arith. This territory, in 
average length about forty-five miles, and in average 
breadth about fifty, was from a very early date di- 
vided into four main regions. — (I.) The South— the 
undulating pasture country which intervened be- 
tween the hills, the proper possession of the tribe, 
and the deserts which encompass the lower part of, 
Palestine (Josh. xv. 21). The nearly forty names 
in the Heb. and A. V. of Josh. xv. 21-32", Wilton 
(The Negeb) and Rowlands (in Fairbairn under "S. 
Country ") reduce to twenty-nine (the number given 
in ver. 32), by regarding compound names in several 
cases as erroneously divided into distinct names 
(see the articles on the names in this Dictionary). — 
(II.) The Lowland (xv. 33; A. V. "valley," "vale," 
" low country," "low plains," " plain "), or to give 
it its own proper and constant appellation, The 
ShepJieldh (Sephela), the broad belt or strip lying 
between the central highlands, " the mountain," 
and the Mediterranean Sea ; the lower portion of 
that maritime plain, which extends through the 
whole of the sea-board of Palestine, from Sidon in 
the N. to Rhinocolura at the S. This tract was the 
garden and the granary of the tribe. From the 
edge of the sandy tract, which fringes the imme- 
diate shore right up to the very wall of the hills of 
Judah, stretches the immense plain of corn-fields. 
— (III.) The third region of the tribe — the Mountain, 
the " hill-country of Judah " — though not the 
richest, was at once the largest and most important 
of the four. Beginning a few miles below Hebron, 
where it attains its highest level, it stretches E. to 
the Dead Sea, and W. to the Lowland, and firms 
I an elevated district or plateau, which, though 
thrown into considerable undulations, yet preserves 
j a general level in both directions. The surface of 
I this region, which is of limestone, is monotonous 



JUD 



JUD 



505 



enough. — (IV.) The fourth district, is the Wilderness 
(Midbar, Heb. ; see Desert 2), which here and here 
only appears to be synonymous with Arabah, and 
to signify the sunken district immediately adjoining 
the Dead Sea. Nine cities of Judah were allotted 
to the priests. In the partition of the territory by 
Joshua and Eleazar (Josh. xix. 51), Judah had the 
first allotment (xv. 1). The most striking circum- 
stance in the early history of the tribe is the deter- 
mined manner in which it keeps aloof from the rest 
— neither offering its aid nor asking that of others. 
The same independent mode of action marks the 
foundation of the monarchy after the death of Saul. 
(David.) Their conduct later, when brought into 
collision with Ephrairn on the matter of the resto- 
ration of David, shows that the men of Judah had 
preserved their original character. The same inde- 
pendent temper will be found to characterize the 
tribe throughout its existence as a kingdom. (Ju- 
dah, Kingdom of.) — 2. A Levite ancestor of Kad- 
miel (Ezr. iii. 9) ; believed by Lord A. C. Hervey = 
Hodaviah 3 and Hodevah. — 3. A Levite who was 
obliged by Ezra to put away his foreign wife (Ezr. 
x. 23). Probably the same person is intended in 
Neh. xii. 8, 36. — i. A Benjamite, son of Senuah 
(xi. 9). — 5. One who took part in the dedication of 
the wall of Jerusalem (xii. 34). 

Jn'dah (see above), King'dOTM of. When the dis- 
ruption of Solomon's kingdom took place at She- 
chem, only the tribe of Judah followed the house 
of David. But almost immediately afterward, when 
Rehoboam conceived the design of establishing his 
authority over Israel by force of arms, the tribe of 
Benjamin also is recorded as obeying his summons, 
and contributing its warriors to make up his army. 
Jerusalem connected the frontiers of the two tribes 
by an indissoluble political head. Two Benjamite 
towns, Bethel and Jericho, were included in the 
northern kingdom. (Israel, Kingdom of.) A part, 
if not all of the territory of Simeon (1 Sam. xxvii. 
6 ; 1 K. xix. 3; compare Josh. xix. 1) and of Dan 
(2 dir. xi. 10; compare Josh. xix. 41, 42), was rec- 
ognized as belonging to Judah ; and in the reigns 
of Abijah and Asa the southern kingdom was en- 
larged by some additions taken out of the territory 
of Ephraim (2 Chr. xiii. 19, xv. 8, xvii. 2). A sin- 
gular gauge of the growth of the kingdom of Ju- 
dah is supplied by the progressive augmentation of 
the army under successive kings. Probably the 
population subject to each king was about four 
times the number of the fighting men in his do- 
minions. (Abijah 1 ; Census.) Unless Judah had 
some other means besides pasture and tillage of 
acquiring wealth — as by maritime commerce from 
the Red Sea' ports, or (less probably) from Joppa, 
or by keeping up the old trade (1 K. x. 28) with 
Egypt — it seems difficult to account for that ability 
to accumulate wealth which supplied the Temple 
treasury with sufficient store to invite so frequently 
the hand of the spoiler. Egypt, Damascus, Sama- 
ria, Nineveh, and Babylon, had each in succession 
a share of the pillage. The treasury was emptied 
by Shishak (1 K. xiv. 26), again by Asa (xv. 18), by 
Jehoash of Judah (2 K. xii. 18), by Jehoash of 
Israel (xiv. 14), by Ahaz (xvi. 8), by Hezekiah (xviii. 
15), and by Nebuchadnezzar (xxiv. 13). The king- 
dom of Judah possessed many advantages which 
secured for it a longer continuance than that of 
Israel. A frontier less exposed to powerful ene- 
mies, a soil less fertile, a population hardier and 
more united, a fixed and venerated centre of ad- 
ministration and religion, an hereditary aristocracy 



in the sacerdotal caste, an army always subordinate, 
a succession of kings which no revolution inter- 
rupted, many of whom were wise and good ; still 
more, the devotion of the people to the One True 
God (Idolatry) ; and the popular reverence for and 
obedience to the Divine law — to these and other 
secondary causes is to be attributed the fact that 
Judah survived her more populous and more power- 
ful sister kingdom by 135 years, and lasted from 
b. c. 975 to b. c. 536. Judah acted on three dif- 
ferent lines of policy : animosity against Israel ; re- 
sistance to Damascus ; deference, perhaps vassalage, 
to the Assyrian king, (a.) The first three kings of 
Judah seem to have cherished the hope of reestab- 
lishing their authority over the Ten Tribes ; for 
sixty years there was war between them and the 
kings of Israel. The victory achieved by the daring 
Abijah brought to Judah a temporary accession of 
territory. Asa appears to have enlarged it still 
further, (b.) Hanani's remonstrance (2 Chr. xvi. 7) 
prepares us for the reversal by Jehoshaphat of the 
policy which Asa pursued toward Israel and Da- 
mascus. A close alliance sprang up with strange 
rapidity between Judah and Israel. (Alliances.) 
Jehoshaphat, active and prosperous, repelled nomad 
invaders from the desert, curbed t..\e aggressive spirit 
of his nearer neighbors, and made his influence felt 
even among the Philistines and Arabians. Amaziah, 
flushed with the recovery of Edom, provoked a war- 
with his more powerful contemporary Jehoash, the 
conqueror of the Syrians; and Jerusalem was en- 
tered and plundered by the Israelites. Under Uz- 
ziah and Jotham, Judah long enjoyed political and 
religious prosperity, till Ahaz became the tributary 
and vassal of Tiglath-pileser. (c.) Already in the 
fatal grasp of Assyria, Judah was yet spared for a 
chequered existence of almost another century and 
a half after the termination of the kingdom of Is- 
rael. The consummation of the ruin came upon 
them in the destruction of the Temple by the hand 
of Nebuzaradan, amid the waitings of prophets, 
and the taunts of heathen tribes released at length 
from the yoke of David. Captivity ; Jerusalem ; 
Jew. 

Judas, the Latinized Greek form of Judah, oc- 
curring in the LXX. and N. T. 1. Judah 3 (1 Esd. 
ix. 23). — 2. Third son of Mattathias, " called Mac 
cabeus;" the leader of the Jewish patriots (1 Mc. 
ii. 4, &c). (Maccabees.)— 3. Son of Calphi ; a Jew- 
ish general under Jonathan (xi. 70). — 4. A Jew oc- 
cupying a conspicuous position at Jerusalem at the 
time of the mission to Aeistobulus and the Egyp- 
tian Jews (2 Mc. i. 10). — 5. A son of Simon, and 
brother of John Hyrcanus (1 Mc. xvi. 2), murdered 
by Ptolemeus the usurper, either at the same time 
(about b. c. 135) with his father (xvi. 15 ff.), or 
shortly afterward. (Maccabees.) — 6. The patri- 
arch Judah (Mat. i. 2, 3). — 1. A man residing at 
Damascus, in " the street which is called Straight," 
in whose house Saul of Tarsus lodged after his 
miraculous conversion (Acts ix. 11). Paul. 

Jn'das (see above), sumamed Bar'sa-bas (Barsa- 
bas), a leading member of the Apostolic church at Je- 
rusalem (Acts xv. 22),endued with the gift of prophecy 
(ver. 32), chosen with Silas to accompany Paul and 
Barnabas as delegates to the church at Antioch, to 
make known the decree concerning the terms of 
admission of the Gentile converts (ver. 27). After 
employing their prophetical gifts for the confirma- 
tion of the Syrian Christians in the faith, Judas 
went back to Jerusalem. Nothing further is re- 
corded of him. 



50G 



JUD 



JUD 



Jn'das (see above) of Gali-lcc (Galilee), the 
leader of a popular revolt " in the days of the tax- 
ing " (i. e. the census, under the prefecture of Qui- 
rinus [Cyrenius], a. d. 6, A. v. c. 759), referred to 
by Gamaliel in his speech before the Sanhedrim 
(Acts v. 37). According to Josephus (xviii. 1, § 1), 
Judas was a Gaulonite of the city of Gamala, prob- 
ably taking his name of Galilean from his insurrec- 
tion having had its rise in Galilee. His revolt had 
a theocratic character, the watchword of which was, 
" We have no Lord or Master but God." Judas 
himself perished, and his followers were dispersed. 
With his fellow-insurgent Sadoc, a Pharisee, Judas 
is represented by Josephus as the founder of a 
fourth sect, in addition to the Pharisees, Sadducees, 
and Essenes. The Gaulonites, as his followers were 
called, may be regarded as the doctrinal ancestors 
of the Zealots and Sicarii of later days. Jerusa- 
lem. 

Jn'das (see above) Is-car'i-ot (see below). He is 
sometimes called " the son of Simon " (Jn. vi. 71, 
xiii. 2, 26), but more commonly (the three Synoptic 
Gospels give no other name) Iscariot (Mat. x. 4 ; 
Mk. iii. 19; Lk. vi. 16, &c). In the three lists of 
the Twelve there is added in each case the fact that 
he was the betrayer. The name Iscariot (L. Iscari- 
otes; Gr. Iskaridtes) has received many interpreta- 
tions more or less conjectural. The most probable 
are — (1.) From Kerioth (Josh. xv. 25), in the tribe 
of Judah. On this hypothesis his position among 
the Twelve, the rest of whom belonged to Galilee 
(Acts ii. 7), would be exceptional ; and this has led 
to — (2.) From Kartha in Galilee (" Kartan," A. V., 
Josh. xxi. 32). — (3.) From L. scortea, a leathern 
apron, the name being applied to him as the bearer 
of the bag, and = Judas with the apron. — Of the 
life of Judas, before the appearance of his name 
in the lists of the apostles, we know absolutely 
nothing. What that appearance implies, however, 
is that he had previously declared himself a dis- 
ciple. He was drawn, as the others were, by the 
preaching of the Baptist, or his own Messianic 
hopes, or the " gracious words " of the new Teacher, 
to leave his former life, and to obey the call of the 
Prophet of Nazareth. The choice was not made, 
we must remember, without a foreseeing of its is- 
sue (Jn. vi. 64). We can hardly expect to solve 
the question why such a man was chosen for such 
an office. The germs of the evil, in all likelihood, 
unfolded themselves gradually. The rules to which 
the Twelve were subject in their first journey (Mat. 
x. 9, 10) sheltered bim from the temptation that 
would have been most dangerous to him. The new 
form of life, of which we find the first traces in 
Lk. viii. 3, brought that temptation with it. As 
soon as the Twelve were recognized as a body, 
travelling hither and thither with their Master, re- 
ceiving money and other offerings, and redistribu- 
ting what they received to the poor, it became ne- 
cessary that some one should act as the steward and 
almoner of the small society, and this fell to Judas 
(Jn. xii. 6, xiii. 29), either, as having the gifts that 
qualified him for it, or, as we may conjecture, from 
his character, because he sought it, or, as some 
have imagined, in rotation from time to time. The 
Galilean or Judean peasant found himself intrusted 
■with larger sums of money than before, and with 
this there came covetousness, unfaithfulness, em- 
bezzlement. It was impossible after this that he 
could feel at ease with One who asserted so clearly 
and sharply the laws of faithfulness, duty, unself- 
ishness. The scene at Bethany (Jn. xii. 1-9 ; Mat. 



I xxvi. 6-13; Mk. xiv. 3-9) showed how deeply the 
canker had eaten into his soul. The warm out- 
pouring of love calls forth no sympathy. He ut- 
ters himself and suggests to others the complaint 
that it is a waste. Under the plea of caring for 
the poor he covers his own miserable theft. The 
narrative of Mat. xxvi., Mk. xiv. places this history 
in close connection with the fact of the betrayal. 
It leaves the motives of the betrayer to conjec- 
ture. The mere love of money may have been 
strong enough to make him clutch at the bribe 
offered him. It may have been that he felt that his 
Master saw through his hidden guilt, and that he 
hastened on a crisis to avoid the shame of open de- 
tection. Mingled with this there may have been 
some feeling of vindictiveness, a vague, confused 
desire to show that he had power to stop the career 
of the Teacher who had reproved him. There may 
have been the thought that, after all, the betrayal 
could do no harm, that his Master would prove His 
innocence, or by some supernatural manifestation 
effect his escape. Another motive has been sug- 
gested of an entirely different kind, altering alto- 
gether the character of the act. Not the love of 

i money, nor revenge, nor fear, nor disappointment, 
but policy, a subtle plan to force on the hour of 
the triumph of the Messianic kingdom, the belief 
that for this service he would receive as high a 
place as Peter, or James, or John ; this it was that 
made him the traitor. Ingenious as this hypothesis 
is, it fails for that very reason. Of the other mo- 
tives that have been assigned we need not care to 
fix on any one, as that which singly led him on. 
During the days that intervened between the sup- 
per at Bethany and the Paschal or quasi-Paschal 
gathering, he appeared to have concealed his 
treachery. At the last Supper he is present, look- 
ing forward to the consummation of his guilt as 
drawing nearer every hour. Then come the sorrow- 
ful words which showed him that his design was 
known. " One of you shall betray me." He, too, 
must ask, " Is it I ? " (Mat. xxvi. 25). He alone 
hears the answer. After this there comes on him 
that paroxysm and insanity of guilt as of one 
whose human soul was possessed by the Spirit of 
Evil — " Satan entered into him " (Jn. xiii. 27). He 
knows that garden in which his Master and his 
companions bad so often rested after the weary 
work of the day. He comes, accompanied by a 
band of officers and servants (xviii. 3), with the kiss 
which was probably the usual salutation of the dis- 
ciples. The words of Jesus, calm and gentle as they 
were, showed that this was what embittered the 
treachery, and made the suffering it inflicted more 
acute (Lk. xxii. 48). What followed in the confu- 
sion of that night the Gospels do not record. The 
fever of the crime passed away. There came back 
on him the recollection of the sinless righteousness 

| of the Master he had wronged (Mat. xxvii. 3). He 
repented, and his guilt and all that had tempted 
him to it became hateful. He hurls the money, 
which the priests refuse to take, into the sanctuary 

I where they were assembled. For him there is no 
longer sacrifice or propitiation. He is " the son of 

I perdition " ( Jn. xvii. 12). " He departed and went 
and hanged himself" (Mat. xxvii. 5). He went 
" unto his own place " (Acts i. 25). We have in Acts 
i. another account of the circumstances of his death, 
which it is t not easy to harmonize with that given 
by Matthew. There it is apparently stated — (1.) That 

; instead of throwing the money into the temple, he 
bought a field with it. (Aceldama.) (2.) That, in- 



JUD 



JUD 



507 



stead of hanging himself, " falling headlong, he 
burst asunder in the midst, and all his bowels 
gushed out." (3.) That for this reason, and not be- 
cause the priests had bought it with the price of 
blood, the field was called Aceldama. Yet the 
"field of blood" (Aceldama) was rightly named, in 
view of its being both bought with the price of 
Christ's blood and notoriously connected with the 
bloody death of Judas. (Compare the double re- 
ference of the name Joseph.) It is commonly 
supposed that the rope with which Judas hanged 
himself, broke, and he fell and burst his abdomen, 
and that the field bought by the priests was the one 
in which Judas thus died. Professor Plumptre 
supposes that the explanation is to be found in 
some unknown series of facts, of which we have 
but two fragmentary narratives. 

Judas (sec above) " the broth er ©f James," A. 
V. (literally " Judas of James," or " James's Judas," 
" the brother " being printed in italics in the A. V. 
as supplied by the translators), one of the twelve 
apostles ; a member, together with his namesake 
"Iscariot," James the son of Alpheus, and Simon 
Zelotes, of the last of the three sections of the 
apostolic body. (Apostle; Jesus Christ.) The 
name Judas only, without any distinguishing mark, 
occurs in the lists of Luke vi. 16 ; Acts i. 13 ; and 
in Jn. xiv. 22 (where we find "Judas not Iscnr- 
iot " among the apostles) : but the apostle has been 
generally identified with " Lebbeus, whose surname 
was Thaddeds " (Mat, x. 3 ; Mk. iii. 18). Much 
difference of opinion has existed from the earliest 
times as to the right interpretation of the Gr. loudas 
lakobou, translated in the A. V. " Judas the brother 
of James." The generally received opinion is that 
the A. V. is right in translating " Judas the brother 
of James " (so Winer, Alford, &c). But Mr. Ven- 
ables prefers to follow many eminent critical au- 
thorities, and render the words " Judas the son of 
James." The name of Judas only occurs once in the 
gospel narrative (Jn. xiv. 22). Nothing is certainly 
known of the later history of the apostle. Tradition 
connects him with the foundation of the church at 
Edessa. 

Jn'das (see above) the Lord's brother. Among 
the brethren of our Lord mentioned by the people 
of Nazareth (Mat. xiii. 55 ; Mk. vi. 3) occurs a 
"Judas," who has been sometimes identified with 
the apostle of the same name. (James.) It has 
been considered with more probability (so Mr. Ven- 
ables) that he was the writer of the epistle which 
bears the name of "Jude the brother of James." 
(Jude, Epistle of.) Eusebius relates (H. E. iii. 
20, 32) of two grandsons of Jude that they were 
brought as descendants of the royal house of David 
before the Emperor Domitian, but on account of the 
hardness of their hands and their description of the 
spiritual nature of Christ's kingdom, were dismissed 
as not endangering the empire, and lived on, honored 
as the Lord's relatives, into Trajan's reign. 

* Jade ( = Judas), the author of the epistle of 
Jude (Jude 1). Jude, Epistle of; Judas the 
Brother of James ; James. 

Jnde, E-pis'tle of. I. Its Authorship. The writer 
of this epistle styles himself, verse 1, "Jude the 
brother of James," and has been usually identified 
with the Apostle Judas Lebbeus or Thaddeus (Lk. 
vi. 16). But there are strong reasons for rendering 
the words " Judas the son of James" (see above, 
Judas, the brother of James); and inasmuch as 
the author appears (Jude 1*7) to distinguish himself 
from the apostles, Mr. Venables agrees with eminent 



critics in attributing the epistle to another author. 
The most probable conclusion (so Mr. Venables) is 
that the author was Jude, one of the brethren of 
Jesus, and brother of James, not the apostle the 
son of Alpheus, but the bishop of Jerusalem. But 
Jerome, Tertullian, Origen, Calmet, Calvin, Ham- 
mond, Lange, Tregelles, &c, agree in assigning it to 
the apostle. (James.) — II. Genuineness and Cano- 
nicity. Although the epistle of Jude is one of the 
so-called Antilegomena, and its canonicity was ques- 
tioned in the earliest ages of the Church, there 
never was any doubt of its genuineness among those 
by whom it was known. The question was never 
whether it was the work of an impostor, but whether 
its author was of sufficient weight to warrant its ad- 
mission into the Canon. This question was gradu- 
ally decided in its favor. It is wanting in the 
Peshito, nor is there any trace of its use by the 
Asiatic churches up to the commencement of the 
fourth century ; but it is quoted as apostolic by 
Ephrem Syrus. The earliest notice of the epistle is 
in the famous Muratorian Fragment (about A. D. 
170). Clement of Alexandria is the first Father of the 
Church by whom it is recognized. Eusebius also 
informs us (H. E. vi. 14) that it was among the 
books of Canonical Scripture, of which explanations 
were given in the Hypotyposes of Clement. Origen 
refers to it expressly as the work of the Lord's broth- 
er. Of the Latin Fathers, Tertullian once expressly 
cites this epistle as the work of an apostle, as does 
Jerome. The epistle is also quoted by Malchian, 
a presbyter of Antioch, and by Palladius, and is con- 
tained in the Laodicene (a. d. 363), Carthaginian 
(39V), and so-called Apostolic Catalogues, as well as 
in those emanating from the churches of the East 
and West, w ith the exception of the Synopsis of 
Chrysostom, and those of Cassiodorus and Ebed 
Jesu. (Bible ; Inspiration ; New Testament.) — 
III. Time and Place of Writing. Here all is con- 
jecture. The author being not absolutely certain, 
there are no external grounds for deciding the 
point; and the internal evidence is but small. 
Lardner places it between a. d. 64 and 66 ; Davidson 
before a. d. 70 ; Credner, a. d. 80 ; Calmet, Estius, 
Witsius, and Neander, after the death of all the 
apostles but John, and perhaps after the fall of Je- 
rusalem. There are no data from which to deter- 
mine the place of writing. — IV. For what Headers 
designed. The readers are nowhere expressly de- 
fined. The address (verse 1) is applicable to Chris- 
tians generally, and there is nothing in the body of 
the epistle to limit its reference. — V. Its Object and 
Contents. The object of the epistle is plainly enough 
announced, verse 3 : the reason for this exhortation 
is given verse 4. The remainder of the epistle is 
almost entirely occupied by a minute depiction of 
the adversaries of the faith. The epistle closes by 
briefly reminding the readers of the oft-repeated pre- 
diction of the apostles — among whom the writer 
seems not to rank himself— that the faith would be 
assailed by such enemies as he has depicted (17-19), 
exhorting them to maintain their own steadfastness 
in the faith (20, 21), while they earnestly sought to 
rescue others from the corrupt example of those 
licentious livers (22, 23), and commending them to 
the power of God in language which forcibly recalls 
the closing benediction of Romans (verses 24, 25 ; 
compare Rom. xvi. 25-27). This epistle presents 
one peculiarity, which, as we learn from Jerome, 
caused its authority to be impugned in very early 
times — the supposed citation of apocryphal writings 
(verses 9, 14, 15). The former of these passages, 



508- JUD 

referring to the contest of the archangel Michael and 
the devil " about the body of Moses," was sup- 
posed by Origen to be founded on a Jewish work 
called the " Assumption of Moses," but probably 
makes use of a Jewish tradition based on Deut. 
xxxiv. 6. As regards the supposed quotation from 
the Book of Enoch (Enoch, Book of), the question 
is not so clear whether St. Jude is making a citation 
from a work already in the hands of his readers, or 
is employing a traditional prophecy not at that time 
committed to writing. — VI. Relation between the 
Epistles of Jude and 2 Peter. It is familiar to 
all that the larger portion of this epistle (verses 3- 
16) is almost identical in language and subject with 
2 Pet. ii. 1-19. This question is examined in the 
article Peter, Second Epistle of. 

Ja-de'a (L. Judaea, fr. Gr. loicdaia, properly a 
fern. adj. = Jewish, sc. land or country, so named 
from the tribe of Judah ; compare Jew), a territo- 
rial division which succeeded to the overthrow of 
the ancient landmarks of the tribes of Israel and 
Judah in their respective captivities. The Greek 
word first occurs Dan. v. 13 (LXX. ; A. V. " Jewry"), 
and the first mention of the "province of Judea" 
is in Ez. v. 8 ; it is alluded to in Neh. xi. 3 (Heb. 
and A. V. " Judah "), and was the result of the di- 
vision of the Persian empire mentioned by Herodo- 
tus (iii. 89-97), under Darius (compare Esth. viii. 
9; Dan. vi. 1). In the apocrypha the word "prov- 
ince " is dropped, and throughout the books of 
Esdras, Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees, the expres- 
sions are "the land of Judea," "Judea" (A. V. 
frequently "Jewry"), and throughout the N. T. 
" The Jews made preparations for the work (of re- 
building the walls under Nehemiah) — a name which 
they received forthwith on their return from Baby- 
lon, from the tribe of Judah, which, being the first 
to arrive in those parts, gave name both to the in- 
habitants and the territory" (Jos. xi. 5, § 7). In a 
wide and more improper sense, the term Judea 
sometimes = the whole country of the Canaanites, 
its ancient inhabitants (Jos. i. 6, § 2) ; and even in 
the gospels we seem to read of the coasts of Judea 
"beyond Jordan" (Mat. xix. 1; Mk. x. 1). With 
Ptolemy, moreover, and Dion Cassius, Judea is 
synonymous with Palestine-Syria. Judea was, in 
strict language, the name of the third district, W. 
of the Jordan, and S. of Samaria. Its northern 
boundary, according to Josephus, was a village 
called Anuath ; its southern another village named 
Jardas. Its general breadth was from the Jordan 
to Joppa. It was made a portion of the Roman 
province of Syria upon the deposition of Archelaus, 
the ethnarch of Judea, a. d. 6, and was governed 
by a procurator, subject to the governor of Syria. 
Cesarea ; Jerusalem ; Palestine. 

JntlgP. The administration of justice in all early 
Eastern nations, as amongst the Arabs of the desert 
to this day, rests with the patriarchal seniors (Age, 
Olp ; Elder ; Patriarch) ; the judges being the 
heads of tribes, or of chief houses in a tribe. Thus 
in Job xxix. 7-9 the patriarchal magnate is rep- 
resented as going forth " to the gate " amidst the 
respectful silence of elders, princes, and nobles 
(compare xxxii. 9). During the oppression of 
Egypt the nascent people would necessarily have 
few questions at law to plead. When they emerged 
from this oppression into national existence, the 
want of a machinery of judicature began to press. 
The patriarchal seniors did not instantly assume the 
function, having probably been depressed by bond- 
age till rendered unfit for it. Perhaps for these 



JUD 

reasons Moses at first took the whole burden of 
judicature upon himself, then at the suggestion of 
Jethro (Ex. xviii. 14-24) instituted judges over nu- 
merically graduated sections of the people. These 
were chosen for their moral fitness, but from Deut. 
i. 15, 16, we may infer that they were taken from 
amongst those to whom primogeniture would have 
assigned it. The judge was reckoned a sacred 
person, and secured even from verbal injuries. 
Seeking a decision at law is called " inquiring of 
God " (Ex. xviii. 15). The term " gods " is actually 
applied to judges (Ex. xxi. 6, Heb. ; compare Ps. 
lxxxii. 1, 6). But besides the sacred dignity thus 
given to the only royal function which, under the 
Theocracy, lay in human hands, it was made popu- 
lar by being vested in those who led public feeling. 
The judges were disciplined in smaller matters, and, 
under Moses' own eye, for greater ones. When, 
however, the commandment, "judges and officers 
shalt thou make thee in all thy gates" (Deut. xvi. 
18), came to be fulfilled in Canaan, there were the 
following sources from which those officials might 
be'supplied : — (1.) the ex officio judges, or their suc- 
cessors, as chosen by Moses ; (2.) any surplus left 
of patriarchal seniors when they were taken out (as 
has been shown from Deut. i. 15, 16) from that 
class ; and (3.) the Levites. The Hebrews were sensi- 
! tive as regards the administration of justice. (Bribe.) 
The fact that justice reposed on a popular basis of 
administration largely contributed to keep up that 
; spirit of independence which is the ultimate check 
' on all perversions of the tribunal. The popular 
' aristocracy of heads of tribes, sections of tribes, or 
| families, is found to fall into two main orders of 
; varying nomenclature. The more common name 
for the higher order is " princes," and for the lower 
"ciders" (Judg. viii. 14; Ex. ii. 14; Job xxix. 7- 
9 ; Ezr. x. 8). These orders were the popular 
clement of judicature. On the other hand, the Le- 
vitical body was imbued with a keen sense of alle- 
giance to God as the Author of Law, and to the 
Covenant as His embodiment of it, and soon gained 
whatever forensic experience and erudition those 
simple times could yield ; hence they brought to the 
judicial task the legal acumen and sense of general 
principles which complemented the ruder lay ele- 
ment. To return to the first or popular branch, there 
is reason to think, from the general concurrence of 
phraseology amidst much diversity, that in every 
city these two ranks of " princes " and " elders " had 
their analogies. The Levites also were apportioned 
on the whole equally among the tribes ; and if they 
preserved their limits, there were probably few parts 
of Palestine beyond a day's journey from a Levitical 
city. One great hold which the priesthood had, in 
their jurisdiction, upon men's ordinary life was the 
custody in the sanctuary of the standard weights 
and measures, to which, in cases of dispute, refer- 
ence was doubtless made. Above all these, the 
high-priest, in the ante-regal period, was the resort 
in difficult cases (Deut. xvii. 12), as the chief jurist 
of the nation, who would in case of need be perhaps 
oracularly directed ; yet we hear of none acting as 
judge save Eli. It is also a fact of some weight, 
negatively, that none of the special deliverers called 
Judges was of priestly lineage, or even became as 
much noted as Deborah, a woman. This seems to 
show that any central action of the high-priest on 
national unity was null, and of this supremacy, had 
it existed in force, the judicial prerogative was the 
main element. The " Judges " were fifteen in num- 
ber: 1. Othniel; 2. Ehud; 3. Shamgae; 4. Deb- 



JUD 



JUD 



509 



orah and Barak; 5. Gideon; 6. Agimelech; 7. 
Tola; 8. Jair; 9. Jephthah ; 10. Ibzan ; 11. Elon ; 
12. Abdon ; 13. Samson ; 14. Eli ; 15. Samuel. 
(Chronology ; Judges, Book of.) This function of 
the priesthood being, it may be presumed, in abey- 
ance during the period of the Judges, seems to have 
meiged in the monarchy. (King.) The kingdom 
of Saul suffered too severely from external foes to 
allow civil matters much prominence. In David's 
reign it was evidently the rule for the king to hear 
causes in person. The same class of cases which 
were reserved for Moses would probably fall to his 
lot ; and the high-priest was of course ready to assist 
the monarch. This is further presumable from the 
fact that no officer analogous to a chief justice ever 
appears under the kings. Perhaps the arrange- 
ments, mentioned in 1 Chr. xxiii. 4, xxvi. 29, may 
have been made to meet the need of suitors. In 
Solomon's character, whose reign of peace would 
surely be fertile in civil questions, the " wisdom to 
judge" was the fitting first quality (1 K. iii. 9 ; com- 
pare Ps. lxxii. 1-4). As a judge Solomon shines 
"in all his glory" (1 K. iii. 16, &c). It is likely 
that royalty in Israel was ultimately unfavorable to 
the local independence connected with the judica- 
ture of the " princes " and " elders " in the territory 
and cities of each tribe, and the Levites generally 
superseded the local elders in the administration of 
justice. But subsequently, when the Levites with- 
drew from the kingdom of the ten tribes, judicial 
elders probably again filled the gap. One more 
change is noticeable in the pre-Babylonian period. 
The " princes " constantly appear as a powerful 
political body, increasing in influence and privileges, 
and having a fixed centre of action at Jerusalem ; 
till, in the reign of Zedekiah, they seem to exercise 
some of the duties of a privy council ; and especially 
a collective jurisdiction (2 Chr. xxviii. 21 ; Jer. xxvi. 

10, 16). Still, although far changed from its broad 
and simple basis in the earlier period, the adminis- 
tration of justice had little resembling the. set and 
rigid system of the Sanhedrim of later times. (Syn- 
agogue.) This last change arose from the fact that 
the patriarchal seniority, degenerate and corrupted 
as it became before the Captivity, was by that event 
broken up, and a new basis of judicature had to be 
sought for. With regard to the forms of procedure, 
little more is known than may be gathered from the 
two examples, Ruth iv. 2, of a civil, and 1 K. xxi. 
8-14, of a criminal character ; to which, as a speci- 
men of royal summary jurisdiction, may be added 
the well-known "judgment" of Solomon. There is 
no mention of any distinctive dress or badge as per- 
taining to the judicial officer. (Chain.) The use 
of the " white asses " (Judg. v. 10) (Ass), by those 
who "sit in judgment," was perhaps a convenient 
distinctive mark for them when journeying where 
they would not usually be personally known. In 
analogy with Eastern sovereigns God is represented 
in the Scripture as both " Judge and King," being 
preeminently " the Judge of all the earth " (Gen. 
xviii. 25), " the Judge of all " (Heb. xii. 23 ; compare 
Deut. xxxii. 36; 1 Sam. ii. 10; Ps. xcvi. 13; Rom. 

11. 16, &c.). In the Divine arrangement Jesus Christ 
the Son of God is to be " the Judge of quick and 
dead " (Acts x. 42). Judgment ; Appeal ; Council ; 
Fetters ; Governor ; Lawyer ; Oath ; Officer ; 
Orator ; Prison ; Punishments ; Trial ; Witness. 

Jnd'ges (Heb. shophetim), Book of. I. Title. As 
the history of the Judges (Judge) occupies by far 
the greater part of the narrative, and is at the 
same time the history of the people, the title of 



the whole book is derived from that portion. — II. 
Arrangement. The book at first sight may be di- 
vided into two parts — i.-xvi. and xvii.-xxi. — A. i- 
xvi. The subdivisions are — (a) i.-ii. 5, which may 
be considered as a first introduction, giving a sum- 
mary of the results of the war carried on against 
the Canaanites by the several tribes on the W. of 
Jordan after Joshua's death, and forming a con- 
tinuation of Josh. xii. (b) ii. 6-iii. 6. This is a 
second introduction, standing in nearer relation to 
the following history, (c) iii. 7-xvi. The words, 
" and the children of Israel did evil in the sight of 
the Lord," which had been already used in ii. 11, 
are imployed to introduce the history of the thir- 
teen Judges comprised in this book. An account 
of six of these thirteen is given at greater or less 
length. The account of the remaining seven is 
very short, and merely attached to the longer nar- 
ratives. We may observe in general on this portion 
of the book, that it is almost entirely a history of 
the wars of deliverance. — B. xvii.-xxi. This part 
has no formal connection with the preceding, and 
is often called an appendix. No mention of the 
Judges occurs in it. It contains allusions to "the 
house of God," the ark, and the high-priest. The 
period to which the narrative relates is simply 
marked by the expression, " when there was no 
king in Israel " (xix. 1 ; compare xviii. 1). It re- 
cords (a) the conquest of Laish by a portion of the 
tribe of Dan, and the establishment there of the 
idolatrous worship of Jehovah already instituted 
by Micah in Mount Ephiaim. (b) The almost total 
extinction of the tribe of Benjamin. The date is 
marked by the mention of Phinehas, the grandson 
of Aaron (xx. 28). — III. Design. There is a unity 
of plan in i.-xvi., the clew to which is stated in ii. 
16-19. There can be little doubt of the design to 
enforce the view there expressed. But the words 
of that passage must not be pressed too closely. It 
is a general review of the collective history of Israel 
during the time of the Judges, the details of which, 
in their varying aspects, are given faithfully as the 
narrative proceeds. The existence of this design 
may lead us to suspect that we have not a complete 
history of the times, a fact which is clear from the 
book itself. We have only accounts of parts of 
the nation at any one time. — IV. Materials. The 
author must have found certain parts of his book 
in a definite shape : e. g. the words of the prophet 
(ii. 1-5), the song of Deborah (v.), Jotham's par- 
able (ix. 7-20 : see also xiv. 14, 18, xv. 7, 16). How 
far these and the rest of his materials came to him 
already written is a matter of doubt. Havernick 
only recognizes the use of documents in the appen 
dix. Other ' critics, however, trace them through- 
out. Bertheau says that the difference of the dic- 
tion in the principal narratives, coupled with the 
fact that they are united in one plan, points to the 
incorporation of parts of previous histories. — V. 
Relation to other Books: — (A) to Joshua. Josh, xv.- 
xxi. must be compared with Judg. i. in order to 
understand fully how far the several tribes failed 
in expelling the people of Canaan. The book be- 
gins with a reference to Joshua's death, and ii. 6-9 
resumes the narrative, suspended by i.-ii. 5, with 
the same words as are used in concluding the history 
of Joshua (Josh. xxiv. 28-31). In addition to this 
the following passages appear to be common to the 
two books: compare Judg. i. 10-15, 20, 21, 27, 29, 
with Josh. xv. 14-19, 13, 63, xvii. 12, xvi. 10. A 
reference to the conquest of Laish (Judg. xviii.) oc- 
curs in Josh. xix. 47. — (B) to the Books of Samuel 



\ 



510 



JUD 



JTJD 



and Kings. We find in i. 28, 30, 33, 35, a number 
of towns upon which, " when Israel was strong," 
a tribute of bond-service was levied : this is sup- 
posed by some to refer to the time of Solomon (1 
K. ix. 13-22). The conduct of Saul toward the 
Kenites (1 Sam. xv. 6), and that of David (xxx. 29), 
is explained by Judg. i. 16. A reference to the con- 
tinuance of the Philistine wars is implied in xiii. 5. 
The allusion to Abimelech (2 Sam. xi. 21) is ex- 
plained by ch. ix. Chapters xvii.-xxi. and the Book 
of Ruth are more independent, but they have a 
general reference to the subsequent history. The 
question now arises whether this book forms one 
link in an historical series, or whether it has a closer 
connection either with those that precede or follow 
it. Its form would lead to the conclusion that it 
was not an independent book originally (so Mr. 
Orger, original author of this article). The history 
ceases with Samson, excluding Eli and Samuel ; and 
then two historical pieces are added, xvii.-xxi., 
and the Book of Ruth, independent of the gen- 
eral plan and of each other. — VI. Bate. The only 
guide to the date of this book which we find in 
ii. 6-xvi. is the expression " unto this day," the 
last occurrence of which (xv. 19) implies some dis- 
tance from the time of Samson. (Pentateuch, II. 
4, a.) But L 21, according to the most natural 
explanation, indicates a date, for this chapter at 
least, previous to the taking of Jebus by David (2 
Sam. v. 6-9). Again, we should at first sight sup- 
pose i. 28, 30, 33, 35, to belong to the time of the 
Judges ; but these passages are taken by most 
modern critics as pointing to the time of Solomon 
(compare 1 K. ix. 21). i.-xvi. may therefore have 
been originally, as Ewald thinks, the commence- 
ment of a larger work reaching down to above a 
century after Solomon. Again, the writer of the 
appendix lived when Shiloh was no longer a religious 
centre (xviii. 31) ; he was acquainted with the regal 
form of government (xvii. 6, xviii. 1). (Micah 1.) 
Chapter xviii. 30 is thought by Hengstenberg, Hav- 
ernick, &c, to refer to the Philistine oppression (1 
Sam. iv. ff.). But Mr. Orger supposes, with Le 
Clerc, Rosenmuller, &c, that the Assyrian captivity 
is intended, in which case the writer must have 
lived after 721 b. c, and the whole book must 
have taken its present shape after that date. And 
if we adopt Ewald's view, that Judges to 2 Kings 
form one book, the final arrangement of the whole 
must have been after the thirty-seventh year of 
Jehoiachin's captivity, or b. c. 562 (2 K. xxv. 
27). The Jews, followed by Jahn, Paulus, &c, 
ascribe the composition of the book to Samuel. 
(Bible; Canon; Inspiration ; Old Testament.) 
— VII. Chronology. The time commonly assigned 
to the period contained in this book is 299 years. 
The dates which are given amount to 410 years 
when reckoned consecutively : and Acts xiii. 20 
would show that this was the computation com- 
monly adopted, as the 450 years seem to result from 
adding 40 years for Eli to the 410 of this book. But 
a difficulty is created by Judg. xi. 26, and in a still 
greater degree by 1 K. vi. 1, where the whole period 
from the Exodus to the building of the Temple is 
stated as 480 years (440, LXX.). On the whole, it 
seems safer to give up the attempt to ascertain the 
chronology exactly. The successive narratives give 
us the history of only parts of the country, and 
some of the occurrences may have been contem- 
porary (x. 7). Chronology. 

* Jadg'ment = the act, decision, or sentence of a 
Judge (1 K. iii. 28, &c); often applied to the de- 



cisions, commandments, and providential dispensa- 
tions of God, the supreme Judge (Ex. xxi. 1 ; Ps. 
x. 5, xix. 9, xxxvi. 6, &c), to the afflictions and 
calamities proceeding from Him (Ex. vi. 6 ; Is. xxvi. 
| 9, &c). " The judgment to come " (Acts xxiv. 25) 
refers to the judgment of the " last day " (Jn. xi. 
24), or " great day " (Jude 6), or " day of judg- 
ment" (Mat. x. 5, xi. 22, 24, &c), "in the which 
God will judge the world in righteousness by that 
man (Jesus Christ) whom He hath ordained " (Acts 
xvii. 31 ; comp. Jn. v. 22). The proceedings of 
this day are most fully given in Mat. xxv. 31-46 ; 
compare 2 Cor. v. 10, and Rev. xx. 12 fF. Damna- 
tion ; Death ; Eternal ; Heaven ; Hell ; Life, &c. 

Judg' ment- hall. The Gr. praitdrion — L. pi-ce- 
torium (Pretorium) is so translated five times in 
the A. V. of the N. T. ; and in those five passages 
it denotes two different places. 1. In Jn. xviii. 28, 
33, xxix. 9, it is the residence which Pilate occupied 
when he visited Jerusalem. The site of Pilate's pre- 
torium in Jerusalem has given rise to much dispute, 
some supposing it to be the palace of King Herod, 
others the tower of Antonia. (Pretorium.) 2. In 
Acts xxiii. 35 Herod's "judgment-hall" in Cesarca 
was doubtless a part of that magnificent range of 
buildings, the erection of which by King Herod is 
described in Jos. xv. 9, § 6. — The word "palace," 
or " Cesar's court," in the A. V. of Phil. i. 13, is a 
translation of the same word praitdrion = prcetori- 
um. It may here have denoted the quarter of that 
detachment of the Pretorian Guards which was in 
immediate attendance upon the emperor, and had 
barracks in Mount Palatine. 

Jn'ditll (L. fr. Heb. Yehudith, fern, of Yehudi — 
Judah). 1. Daughter of Beeri the Hittite, and 
wife of Esau (Gen. xxvi. 34). (Aholibamah.) — 2. 
The heroine of the apocryphal book of Judith (see 
below), who appears as an ideal type of piety 
(Jd. viii. 6), beauty (xi. 21), courage and chastity 
(xvi. 22 ff.). Her supposed descent from Simeon 
(ix. 2), and the manner in which she refers to his 
cruel deed (xxxiv. 25 ff.), mark the conception of the 
character, which evidently belongs to a period of 
stern and perilous conflict. 

Jn'ditll (see above), the Book of, like that of 
Tobit, belongs to the earliest specimens of histor- 
ical fiction. The narrative of the reign of " Nebu- 
chadnezzar king of Nineveh'''' (Jd. i. 1), of the cam 
paign of Holofernes, and the deliverance of Be- 
thulia, through the stratagem and courage of the 
Jewish heroine, contains too many and too serious 
difficulties, both historical and geographical, to al- 
low of the supposition that it is either literally 
true, or even carefully moulded on truth (so Mr. 
Westcott). 2. The value of the book is not, how- 
ever, lessened by its fictitious character. On the 
contrary, it becomes even more valuable as exhibit- 
ing an ideal type of heroism, which was outwardly 
embodied in the wars of independence. It cannot 
be wrong to refer its origin to the Maccabean pe- 
riod, which it reflects not only in its general spirit, 
but even in smaller traits. But while it seems 
certain that the book is to be referred to the second 
century B.C. (175-100 b. c), the attempts which 
have been made to fix its date within narrower lim- 
its, either to the time of the war of Alexander 
Janngeus (105^1 B.C., Movers) or of Demetrius II. 
| (129 b. c, Ewald), rest on very inaccurate data. It 
! might seem more natural (as a mere conjecture) to 
: refer it to an earlier time (about 170 b. c, when 
I Antiochus Epiphanes made his first assault upon 
| the Temple. 3. In accordance with the view which 



JUE 

has been given of the character and date of the 
book, it is probable that the several parts may 
have a distinct symbolic meaning. 4. Two con- 
flicting statements have been preserved as to the 
original language of the book. Origen speaks of 
it together with Tobit as " not existing in Hebrew 
even among the Apocrypha " in the Hebrew collec- 
tion. Jerome, on the other hand, says that " among 

the Hebrews the Book of Judith being 

written in the Chaldee language is reckoned among 
the histories." There can be little doubt that the 
book was written in Palestine in the national dia- 
lect (Syro-Chaldaic). 5. The text exists at present 
in two distinct recensions, the Greek (followed by 
the Syriac) and the Latin. The former evidently is 
the truer representative of the original, and it 
seems certain that the Latin was derived, in the 
main, from the Greek by a series of successive al- 
terations. The Latin text contains many curious 
errors. At present it is impossible to determine 
the authentic text. 6. The existence of these 
various recensions of the book is a proof of its 
popularity and wide circulation, but the external 
evidence of its use is very scanty. The first refer- 
ence to its contents occurs in Clemens Romanus, 
and it is quoted with marked respect by Origen, 
Hilary, and Lucifer. Jerome speaks of it as 
" reckoned among the Sacred Scriptures by the 
Synod of Nice." It has been wrongly inserted in 
the catalogue at the close of the Apostolic Canons. 
Canon. 

Jn'el (fr. Gr.). 1. Uel (1 Esd. ix. 34).— 2. Joel 
• 13 (ix. 35). 

Ju'li-a [as an English word, usually pronounced 
jule'ya] (L. fem. of Julios), a Christian woman at 
Rome, probably the wife, or perhaps the sister of 
Philologus, in connection with whom she is saluted 
by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 15). 

Jn'li-ns [as an English word, usually pronounced 
jule'yus] (L., a common Roman name ; fr. Gr. = 
soft-haired, downy, Schl.), the centurion of " Au- 
gustus's band " (Army) to whose charge St. Paul 
was delivered when he was sent prisoner from Ce- 
sarea to Rome (Acts xxvii. 1, 3). 

Ju'ni-a [as an English word, usually pronounced 
june'ya] (L., probably a man's name, properly 
Junias, contracted from Junilius [= little Junius'], or 
Junianus [= of or from Junius] ; but regarded by 
Chrysostom, &c, as a woman's name), a Christian 
at Rome, mentioned by St. Paul with Androni- 
cus 3 (Rom. xvi. 7). Origen conjectures that he 
was possibly one of the seventy disciples. 

Jn'ui-per (1 K. xix. 4, 5; Ps. cxx. 4; Job xxx. 
4). The Heb. rothem, translated in A. V. "juni- 
per," is beyond doubt a sort of broom, Genista 
monosperma, Genista Rcetam of Forskal, answering 
to the Arabic Rctliem, which !s also found in the 
desert of Sinai, in the neighborhood of the true 
juniper (Robinson, ii. 124). It is very abundant in 
the desert of Sinai, and affords shade and protec- 
tion, both in heat and storm, to travellers. The 
roots are much valued by the Arabs for charcoal 
for the Cairo market. The Rothem is a legumin- 
ous plant, and bears a white flower. It is found 
also in Spain, Portugal, and Palestine. Cedar. 

Jn'pi-ter (L. = a father that helps, or father Zeus?), 
the supreme or chief god among the ancient Ro- 
mans. Jupiter in the A. V. is the translation of 
the Gr. Zeus. Antiochus Epiphanes dedicated the 
Temple at Jerusalem to the service of Zeus (" Ju- 



JUT 5U 

piter " A. V.) Olympius (2 Mc. vi. 2), and at the 
same time the rival temple on Gerizim was devoted 
to Zeus Xenius {Jupiter hospitalis, Vulgate ; " Jupi- 
ter the Defender of strangers," A. V.). The Olym- 
pian Zeus was the national god of the Hellenic 
race, as well as the supreme ruler of the heathen 
world, and as such formed the true opposite to Je- 
hovah. The application of the second epithet, 
" the god of hospitality " (A. V. " Defender of 
strangers "), is more obscure. Jupiter or Zeus is 
mentioned in the N. T., on the occasion of St. 
Paul's visit to Lystra (Acts xiv. 12, 13), where the 
expression " Jupiter, which was before their city," 
means that his temple was outside the city ; also in 
connection with Diana of Ephesus (xix. 35). 

Jn'shab-be'sod (fr. Heb. = loving-kindness is re- 
turned), son of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 20). Hasa- 

DIAH. 

* Jus-ti-fi-ca'tion (fr. L., literally = a making just 
or righteous ; hence a treating or treatment of one 
as just), the A. V. translation of — 1. Gr. dikaioma 
(Rom. v. 16 only), elsewhere translated " righteous- 
ness" (ii. 26, v. 18, viii. 4; Rev. xix. 8), "judg- 
ment " (Rom. i. 32 ; Rev. xv. 4), " ordinance " (Lk. 
i. 6; Heb. ix. 1, 10). — 2. Gr. dikaiosis (Rom. iv. 25, 
v. 18 only). Justify. 

* Jns'ti-f y (fr. L. = to make just or treat as just, 
see above), to, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
isddak (Ex. xxiii. 7 ; Deut. xxv. 1 ; Job ix. 20 ; Ps. 
cxliii. 2, &c), also translated "to be just" (Job iv. 
17, ix. 2, xxxiii. 12), "to be righteous" (Gen. 
xxxviii. 26 ; Job ix. 15, &c), " to do justice to " (2 
Sam. xv. 4 ; Ps. lxxxii. 3), " to cleanse " (Dan. viii. 
14), " to turn to righteousness " (xii. 2), " to clear " 
(Gen. xliv. 16).— 2. Gr. dikaioo (Mat. xi. 19, xii. 37, 
&c). This Greek verb occurs forty times in the 
N. T., and is translated " to justify," except in Rom. 
iii. 26 ("justifier," literally one justifying), vi. 7 ("is 
freed," literally has been justified), and Rev. xxii. 11 
("let him be righteous," literally let him be made 
righteous or justified ; but critical editions here 
read let him do righteousness) ; in LXX. = No. 1. 
The Scriptures teach that God "justifieth the un- 
godly " (Rom. iv. 5) " freely by His grace through 
the redemption that is in Christ Jesus " (iii. 24), 
" faith " — not that which maketh " void the law, 
but that which establisheth the law" (31), "which 
worketh by love " (Gal. v. 6), " by which the heart 
is purified " (Acts xv. 9), a vital union with the 
Lord Jesus Christ sustained (Rom. xi. 20; Jn. xv. 
5), and "the good fight" fought (1 Tim. vi. 12)— 
such faith being the condition of this justification 
by God (Rom. iii. 28), while "works " well-pleasing 
to God, but not self-righteous, are the outgrowth 
of this faith and the evidence of this justification 
(Jas. ii. 17-26). James, General Epistle of, &c. 

Jns'tns (L.just). 1. A surname of Joseph called 
Barsabas (Acts i. 23). — 2. A Christian at Corinth, 
with whom St. Paul lodged (xviii. 7) —3. A sur- 
name of Jesus, friend of St. Paul (Col. iv. 11). 

Jut/tall (fr. Heb. = extended, Ges.), a city in the 
mountain region of Judah, in the neighborhood of 
Maon and Carmel (Josh. xv. 55), allotted to the 
priests (xxi. 16). A village called Yutta was vis- 
ited by Robinson, close to MaHn and Kurmul, which 
doubtless represents the ancient town. Reland, 
Michaelis, Robinson, &c, suppose that Juttah = 
"a city of Juda " (Lk. i. 39), in which Zacharias, 
father of John the Baptist, resided ; but this is not 
confirmed by positive evidence. 



512 



KAB 



KAD 



K 

Kail zo-Cl (fr. Heb. = God's gathering, Ges.), on.e 
of the " cities " of Judah, apparently the farthest 
S. (Josh. xv. 21); the native place of Benaiah the 
son of Jehoiada (2 Sam. xxiii. 20; 1 Chr. xi. 22). 
After the Captivity it was reinhabited by the Jews, 
and appears as Jekabzeel. Wilton (in Fairbahn) 
would place Kabzecl at 'Ain el-Arus, a fountain in 
the Wady el-Kuseib, at the base of the chalk cliffs 
(Akrabbim ?), near the S. end of the Dead Sea. 
Rowlands (in Fairbairn, under " South Country ") 
supposes Kabzeel = what was afterward the cel- 
ebrated Jewish fortress of Masada, now Scbbeh, on 
the W. side of the Dead Sea. See cut under Sea, 
the Salt. 

* Ka'des [-deez], the Greek form of Kadesii (Jd. 
i. 9). 

Kadesii (Heb. sacred, Ges.), Ka'desli-bar'ne-a 

(sacred desert of wandering, Sim., Ges.). This place, 
the scene of Miriam's death, was the farthest point 
which the Israelites reached in their direct road to 
Canaan ; it was also that whence the spies were 
sent, and where, on their return, the people broke 
out into murmuring, upon which their term of wan- 
dering began (Num. xiii. 3, 26, xiv. 29-33, xx. 1 ; 
Dcut. ii. 14). Probably " Kadesii," though applied 
to signify a " city," had also a wider application to 
a region, in which Kadesh-meribah certainly, and 
Kadesh-barnea probably, indicates a precise spot. 
Thus Kadesh appears as a limit E. of the same 
tract which was limited W. by Shur (Gen. xx. 
1), the first portion of the wilderness on which the 
people emerged from the passage of the Red Sea. 
" Between Kadesh and Bered " is another indica- 
tion of the site of Kadesh as an eastern limit (xvi. 
14), for the point so fixed is " the fountain on the 
way to Shur " (ver. 7), and the range of limits is 
narrowed by selecting the western one not so far 
to the W., while the eastern one, Kadesii, is un- 
changed. Again, we have Kadesh as the point to 
which the foray of Chedorlaomer " returned." In 
Gen. xiv. 7 Kadesh is identified with En-mishpat, 
the "fountain of judgment," and is connected with 
Tamar or Hazazon-tamar. Precisely thus stands 
Kadesh-barnea in Numbers and Joshua (compare 
Ez. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28; Num. xxxiv. 4; Josh. xv. 
3). For there is an identity about all the connec- 
tions of the two, which, if not conclusive, will com- 
pel us to abandon all possible inquiries. This holds 
especially as regards Paran and Tamar, and in re- 
spect of its being the eastern limit of a region, and 
also of being the first point of importance found by 
Chedorlaomer on passing round the southern extremi- 
ty of the Dead Sea. (Sea, the Salt.) In a strikingly 
similar manner we have the limits of a route, ap- 
parently a well-known one at the time, indicated by 
three points, Horeb (Sinai), Mount Seir, Kadesh- 
barnea, in Deut. i. 2, the distance between the ex- 
tremes being fixed at " eleven days' journey," or 
about 165 miles, allowing fifteen miles to an average 
day's journey. This is one element for determining 
the site of Kadesh, assuming of course the position 
of Horeb to be ascertained. The name of the place 
to which the spies returned is " Kadesh " simply, in 
Num. xiii. 26, and is there closely connected with 
the " wilderness of Paran ; " yet the " wilderness 
of Zin " stands in near conjunction, as the point 
whence the " search " of the spies commenced (ver. 
21). Again, in Num. xxxii. 8, we find that it was 



from Kadesh-barnea that the mission of the spies 
commenced, and in the rehearsed narrative of tic 
same event in Deut. i. 19, and ix. 23, the name 
is also Kadesh-barnea. Thus far there seems no 
reasonable doubt of the identity of this Kadesh with 
that of Genesis. Again, in Num. xx., we find the 
people encamped in Kadesh after reaching the wil- 
derness of Zin. Jerome clearly knows of but one 
and the same Kadesh — " where Moses smote the 
rock," where " Miriam's monument," he says, " was 
still shown, and where Chedorlaomer smote the 
rulers of Amalek." The apparent ambiguity of the 
position (1.) in the wilderness of Paran, or in Pa- 
ran ; and (2.) in that of Zin, is no real increase to 
the dilliculty. For whether these tracts were con- 
tiguous, and Kadesh on their common border, or 
ran into each other, and embraced a common terri- 
tory, to which the name "Kadesh," in an extended 
sense, might be given, is comparatively unimportant. 
One site fixed on for Kadesh is the 1 Ain es Shcyu- 
beh, about sixty miles S. of Beer-sheba, on the S. 
side of the "mountain of the Amorites," and there- 
fore too near Horeb to fulfil the conditions of Deut. 
i. 2. Messrs. Rowlands and Williams argue strongly 
in favor of a site for Kadesh on the W. side of this 
whole mountain region, at 'Ain Kades or Kadeis 
('Ain cl-Kudeirat, Rbn.), about forty-five miles 
S. S. W. from Beer-sheba. Prof. Tuch, Wilton, 
Winer, &c, accept this identification ; Robinson (ii. 
194 n., and in B. S. vi. 379) and Porter (in Kitto) 
dispute both identification and orthography. Mr. 
Hayman also considers this spot too far W. for the 
fixed point intended in Deut. i. 2 as Kadesh-barnea. 
The indications of locality strongly point to a site 
near where the mountain of the Amorites descends 
to the low region of the Arabaii and Dead Sea. 
The nearest approximation which can be given to a 
site for the city of Kadesh- may be probably at- 
tained by drawing a circle, from the pass Es-Safuh 
(Zephath ?), at the radius of about a day's journey ; its 
southwestern quadrant will intersect the " wilder- 
ness of Paran," or Et-Tih, which is there overhung 
by the superimposed plateau of the mountain of the 
Amorites ; while its southeastern one will cross 
what has been designated as the " wilderness of 
Zin." This seems to satisfy all the conditions of 
the passages of Genesis, Numbers, and Deuter- 
onomy, which refer to it. The nearest site in har- 
mony with this view, which has yet been suggested 
(Rbn. ii. 175), is undoubtedly the M?» el-Weibeh, 
an important watering-place, on the western border 
of the 'ArabaJi, about fifty miles S. E. from Beer- 
sheba. To this, however, is opposed the remark of 
Stanley (96), that it does not afford among its 
" stony shelves of three or four feet high " any 
proper " cliff," such as is the word specially de- 
scribing that " rock " (A. V.) from which the water 
gushed. Stanley (95) would find Kadesh in Petra 
(Sela) ; but this was in Edom, not on its uttermost 
border (compare Num. xx. 16). Raumer would 
place Kadesh at 'Ain Hash, a pool of living water 
in the 'Arabali, about twenty miles S. of the Dead 
Sea. A writer in the Journal of Sacred Literature, 
April, 1860, would place Kadesh at Elusa (el-Khu- 
lasah ; Chesil ?). Wilderness op the Wander- 
ing. 

Kad'mi-el (Heb. one before God, i. e. minister of 
God, Ges.), one of the Levites who with his family 
returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel ; apparently 
a representative of the descendants of fiodaviah, 
elsewhere called Hodevah or Judah (Ezr. ii. 40 ; 
Neh. vii. 43). Kadmiel and his house are promi- 



KAD 



KED 



513 



lient in history on several occasions (Ezr. iii. 9 ; Neh. 
ix. 4, 5, x. 9, xii. 8, 24). 

kad'nion-ites (fr. Heb. sing. = the Eastern, Ges.), 
the, a people named in Gen. xv. 19 only; one of 
the nations who at that time occupied the land 
promised to the descendants of Abram. Bochart 
derives the Kadmonites from Cadmus, and further 
identifies them with the Hivites. More probably 
(so Mr. Grove, Lightfoot, Ritter, &c.) Kadmonites 
= the " children of the East." (Arabia.) Thom- 
son (i. 242) says the Kadmonites are supposed to 
have resided about the head-waters of the Jordan 
under Hermon, and the name is still preserved 
among the Nusairiyeh N. of Tripoli, who have a 
tradition that their ancestors were expelled from 
Palestine by Joshua. 

*ka'in (fr. Heb. = Cain) — the Kenite (Num. 
xxiv. 22, margin). 

Kal'lai, or Kal'la-i (Heb. the swift messenger of 
Jehovah ? Ges.), a priest in the days of Joiakim the 
son of Jeshua. He represented the family of Sallai 
(Neh. xii. 20). 

ka'nah (Heb. place of reeds, Ges.), one of the 
places on the boundary of Asher ; apparently next 
to "great Zidon " (Josh. xix. 28 only) ; but identi- 
fied by Robinson, Wilson, Porter, Van de Velde, 
&c, with the modern village Kdna, six miles E. S. E. 
from Tyre, and nearly twenty miles S. from Zidon. 
An M» Kana is marked in the map of Van de 
Velde, about eight miles S. E. of Saicla (Zidon). 
This at least (so Mr. Grove) answers more nearly 
the requirements of the text. 

Ka'nah (see above), the Kiv'cr, a stream falling 
into the Mediterranean, and forming the division be- 
tween the territories of Ephraim on the S. and Ma- 
nasseh on the N. (Josh. xvi. 8, xvii. 9). Robinson 
(iii. 135) identifies it "without doubt "with a wady, 
which, taking its rise in the central mountains of 
Ephraim, near 'Akrabrh, some seven miles S. E. of 
Ndblus, enters the sea just above Jaffa as Nahr el- 
, Aujeh ; bearing during part of its course the name 
of Wady Kdnah. The conjecture of Schwarz Mr. 
Grove regards as more plausible — that it is a 
wady which commences W. of and close to Ndblus, 
at 'A el-Khassab, and falls into the sea, about 
twelve miles N. of the former, as Nahr Falaik, and 
which bears also the name of Wady el-Khassab {the 
reedy stream). The Nahr el-Akhdar, a small stream 
which falls into the Mediterranean twelve or four- 
teen miles further N. and about two miles S. of 
ancient Cesarea, is also suggested as = Kanah 
(Kitto, &c). 

ka-re'ah (Heb. bald-head, Ges.), father of Johanan 
and Jonathan, two of the captains who supported 
Gedaliah's authority and avenged his murder (Jer. 
xl. 8, 13, 15, 16, xii. 11, 13, 14, 16, xlii. 1, 8, xliii. 2, 
4, 5); also called Care ah. 

Kar'ka-a (fr. Heb. = foundation, bottom, Ges.), 
one of the landmarks on the S. boundary of Judah 
(Josh. xv. 3). Its site is unknown. Wilton (in 
Fairbairn) suggests Wady el-Kureiyeh, about seventy- 
five miles S. S. W. of Beer-sheba. 

Kar'kor (Heb. foundation, Ges.), the place in 
which Zebah and Zalmunna were again routed by 
Gideon (Judg. viii. 10). It must have been on the 
E. of the Jordan, beyond the district of the towns, 
in the open wastes inhabited by the nomad tribes. 
Mr. Grove and Porter (in Kitto) think it cannot 
have been so far to the S. as it is placed by Euse- 
bius and Jerome, viz. one day's journey (about fif- 
teen miles) N. of Petra. Wilton (in Fairbairn) would 
identify Karkor with el-Kerak between Busrah (an- 
33 



cient Bozrah ?) and Tell 'Ashterah (Ashtaroth), or 
with the whole of the rich plain en-Nukrah in the 
Haurdn. 

Kar'tah (Heb. city, Ges.), a town of Zebulun, 
allotted to the Merarite Levites (Josh. xxi. 34). 
Van de Velde (i. 289) supposes it at Tell Kur- 
thani on the bank of the Kishon, at the foot of Car- 
mel. 

kar'tan (Heb. double city, Gee), a city of Naph- 
tali, allotted to the Gershonite Levites (Josh. xxi. 
32) ; — Kirjathaim in 1 Chr. vi. 76. 

kat'tath (Heb. small, Ges.), one of the cities of 
Zebulun (Josh. xix. 15). Schwarz seeks to identify 
it with Kdna el-Jelil — most probably the Cana of 
Galilee of the N. T. Gesenius and Rosenmuller 
would make Kattah = Kitron. 

ke'dar (Heb. dark-skinned, Ges.), the second in 
order of the sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 29), and the name of a great tribe of the Arabs, 
settled on the N. W. of the peninsula and the eon- 
fines of Palestine. This tribe seems to have been, 
with Tema, the chief representative of Ishmael's 
sons in the western portion of the land they origi- 
nally peopled. The " glory of Kedar " is recorded 
by Isaiah (xxi. 13—17) in the burden upon Arabia ; 
and its importance may also be inferred from the 
" princes of Kedar," mentioned by Ezekiel v xxvii. 
21), as well as the pastoral character of the tribe. 
In Cant. i. 5 the " black tents of Kedar " are for- 
cibly mentioned. In Is. lx. 7 we find " the flocks 
of Kedar " (compare Jer. xlix. 28, 29). They ap- 
pear also to have been, like the wandering tribes 
of the present day, " archers " and " mighty men " 
(Is. xxi. 17 ; compare Ps. cxx. 5). That they also 
settled in villages or towns, we find from Isaiah 
(xlii. 11). The tribe seems to have been one of the 
most conspicuous of all the Ishmaelite tribes, and 
hence the Rabbins call the Arabians universally by 
this name. As a link between Bible history and 
Mohammedan traditions, the tribe of Kedar is prob- 
ably found in the people called the Cedrei by Pliny, 
on the confines of Arabia Petraea to the S. 

ked'e-mah (Heb. eastward), the youngest of the 
sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 31). 

ked'e-moth (Heb. antiquities, Ges.), a city in the 
district E. of the Dead Sea, allotted to Reuben 
(Josh. xiii. 18) ; given to the Merarite Levites (xxi. 
37 ; 1 Chr. vi. 79). It possibly conferred its name 
on the " wilderness," or uncultivated pasture-land, 
" of Kedemoth " (Num. xxi. 23 ; Deut. ii. 26, &c). 

ke'desh (Heb. sanctuary, Ges.). 1. A city in the 
extreme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 23) ; = Kadesh, 
Kadesh-barnea ? — 2. A city of Issachar, allotted to 
the Gershonite Levites (1 Chr. vi. 72);= Kishon 
(Josh. xxi. 28); supposed by Mr. Grove to be the 
Kedesh mentioned among the cities whose kings 
were slain by Joshua (Josh. xii. 22), in company 
with Megiddo and Jokneam of Carmel. — 3. "Ke- 
desh," also " Kedesh in Galilee," and once (Judg. 
iv. 6) " Kedesh-naphtali ; " one of the fortified 
cities of Naphtali, named between Hazor and Edrei 
(Josh. xix. 37); appointed as a city of refuge, and 
allotted with its " suburbs " to the Gershonite Le- 
vites (xx. 7, xxi. 32 ; 1 Chr. vi. 76). It was the 
residence of Barak (Judg. iv. 6), and there he and 
Deborah assembled the tribes of Zebulun and Naph- 
tali before the conflict (9, 10), being probably, as its 
name implies, a holy place of great antiquity. It 
was taken by Tiglath-pileser in the reign of Pekah 
(2 K. xv. 29). Its next appearance is as the scene 
of a battle between Jonathan Maccabeus and the 
forces of Demetrius (1 Mc. xi. 63, 73, A. V. Capes). 



514 



KED 



KER 



After this time it is spoken of by Josephus as in 
the possession of the Tyrians — " a strong inland 
village," well fortified. Robinson has with great 
probability (so Mr. Grove, Thomson, Wilson, Van 
de Velde, Porter, &c.) identified the spot at Kades 
or Kcdes, a village on a rather high ridge, ten Eng- 
lish miles N. of Safed, four N. W. of the upper 
part of the Sea of Merom, and twelve or thirteen 
S. of Bdnids. Its site is a splendid one, well watered 
and surrounded by fertile plains, but extremely un- 
healthy. There are numerous sarcophagi and other 
ancient remains. 
* Ke'dron. Kidron. 

Kc-hcl'a-tliah (Heb. convocation, Ges.), a desert 
encampment of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 22). 
Wilderness of the Wandering. 

Kel lah [kee-] (Heb., probably = fortress, castle, 
Ges.), a city of the lowland district of Judah (Josh, 
xv. 44). Its main interest consists in its connection 
with David. He rescued it from an attack of the 
Philistines, who had fallen upon the town at the 
beginning of the harvest. It was then a fortified 
place, with walls, gates, and bars (1 Sam. xxiii. 7). 
During this time the massacre of Nob was perpe- 
trated, and Keilah became the repository of the 
sacred Ephod, which Abiathar the priest, the sole 
survivor, had carried off with him (6). The inhab- 
itants soon plotted David's betrayal to Saul, then 
on his road to besiege the place. Of this intention 
David was warned bv Divine intimation. He there- 
fore left (7-13). The rulers of the district (A. V. 
"part") assisted Nehemiah in the repair of the 
walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 17, 18). Mr. Grove 
places Keilah at Kila, a site with ruins, on the 
lower road from Beit Jibrin to Hebron, about eight 
miles from Beit Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). Wilton (in 
Fairbaim) identifies Keilah with el-Kliuweilifeh, the 
ruins of a stronghold on two hills about fifteen 
miles S. W. from Hebron, and as far S. of Beit Ji- 
brin. 

Kei'lah (see above), the Gar'mlte (Garmite), ap- 
parently a descendant of the great Caleb (1 Chr. iv. 
19). There is no apparent connection with the 
town Keilah. 

Ke-Iai all [-la'vah] (Heb. assembly of Jehovah, 
Sim.) = Kelita (Ezr. x. 23). 

Kel'i-ta (Heb. dwarf Ges. ; assembly, congregation, 
Sim.), one of the Levites who returned with Ezra, 
and had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 23). He 
assisted in expounding the law (Neh. viii. 7), and 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 10) ; = Ke- 

LAIAH. 

Kem'u-el (Heb. assembly of God? Ges.). 1, Son 
of Nahor by Milcah, and father of Aram (Gen. xxii. 
21). — 2. Son of Shiphtan, and prince of Ephraim ; 
one of the twelve men appointed by Moses to di- 
vide the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 24). — 3. A 
Levite, father of Hashabiah, prince of the tribe in 
David's reign (1 Chr. xxvii. 17). 

Kenan (fr. Heb.) = Cainan the son of Enos 
(1 Chr. i. 2 ; Gen. v. 9, margin). 

Ke'nath (Heb. possession, Ges.), one of the cities 
on the E. of Jordan, with its " daughter-towns " 
(A. V. "villages") taken possession of by Nobah, 
who then called it by his own name (Num. xxxii. 
42; Judg. viii. 11 ; 1 Chr. ii. 23). Pliny makes it 
one of the cities of the Decapolis. Its Arab in- 
habitants defeated the troops of Herod the Great. 
It had a bishop in the 5th century, a. c. Its site 
has been recovered with tolerable certainty at Ke- 
naiedt, a ruined town at the southern extremity of 
the Lejah, about twenty miles N. of Bvsrah. (Bozrah 



2.) Its magnificent ruins of temples, palaces, 
theatres, churches, massive private houses, &c, 
cover a space one mile long by half a mile wide. 
Jair. 

Ke'naz (Heb. a hunt, Ges.). 1. Son of Eliphaz, 
the son of Esau ; one of the dukes of Edom (Gen. 
xxxvi. 15, 42 ; 1 Chr. i. 36, 53.-2. Father or an- 
cestor of Othniel (Josh. xv. 17 ; Judg. i. 13, iii. 9, 
11; 1 Chr. iv. 13). Ewald, Stanley, Lord A. C. 
Hervey, &c, make this Kenaz = No. 1. (Kenezite.) 
— 3. A grandson of Caleb, according to 1 Chr. iv. 
15. Another name has possibly fallen out before 
Kenaz. Uknaz. 

Ke'nez-ite (fr. Heb. KCnizzi) = descendant of Ke- 
naz 2, Ges. (Num. xxxii. 12; Josh. xiv. 6, 14). Ca- 
leb 2 ; Kenizzites ; Othniel. 

ke o i to (sing., fr. Heb., probably = smith, Ges.), 
the, and Ke'nitcs (pi.), the, a tribe or nation whose 
history is strangely interwoven with that of the 
chosen people. The first mention of them is in 
company with the Kenizzites and Kadmonites (Gen. 
xv. 19). Their origin is hidden from us. But we 
may fairly infer that they were a branch of the 
larger nation of Midian — from the fact that Jethro, 
who in Exodus (see ii. 15, 16, iv. 19, &c.) is repre- 
sented as dwelling in the land of Midian, and as 
priest or prince of that nation, is in Judges (i. 16, 
iv. 11) as distinctly said to have been a Kenite. The 
important services rendered by the sheikh of the 
Kenites to Moses, during a time of great pressure 
and difficulty, were rewarded by the latter with a 
promise of firm friendship between the two peoples. 
The connection then commenced lasted as firmly as 
a connection could last between a settled people 
like Israel and one whose tendencies were so ine- 
radicably nomadic as the Kenites. They seem to 
have accompanied the Hebrews during their wan- 
derings (Num. xxiv. 21, 22 ; Judg. i. 16 ; compare 
2 Chr. xxviii. 15). But the wanderings of Israel 
over, they forsook the neighborhood of the towns, 
and betook themselves to freer air — to " the wil- 
derness of Judah, which is to the S. of Arad " 
(Judg. i. 16 ; 1 Sam. xv. 6, xxvii. 10, see xxx. 29). 
But one of the sheikhs of the tribe, Heber by 
name, had wandered N. instead of S. (Judg. iv. 11). 
(Jael.) The most remarkable development of this 
people is to be found in the sect or family of the 
Rechabites. Hemath ; Jehonadab. 

* Ken'iz-ziteS (fr. Heb. sing. Kinizzi = hunter, 
Ges. ; compare Kenezite), a Canaanitish tribe, of 
which (so Gesenius) nothing further is known 
(Gen. xv. 19). 

Ke'ren-hap'pnch [-puk] (Heb. horn of antimony; 
the paint-horn, Ges.), the youngest of the daughters 
of Job, born to him during the period of his re- 
viving prosperity (Job xlii. 14). 

* Ker chiefs, the A. V. translation of Hebrew 
plural mispdhoth or mispdchoth (Ez. xiii. 18, 21). 
Kimchi, Schroeder, Havernick, Dr. W. L. Alexan- 
der (in Kitto), &c, suppose the Hebrew = long 
loose robes in which females might wrap the whole 
person from head to foot. Rosenmuller, Gesenius, 
&c, translate cushions, guilts, mattresses. Dress. 

Ke'ri-oth (Heb. keriydth — cities, Ges.). 1. A 
name which occurs among the towns in the south- 
ern district of Judah (Josh. xv. 25). According to 
the A. V. (" Kerioth, and Hezron ") it denotes a 
distinct place from the name which follows it ; but 
this separation is not in accordance with the ac- 
centuation of the Hebrew text, and is now generally 
abandoned, and the name taken as " Kerioth-Hez- 
ron, which is Hazor." Robinson and Van de Velde 



KER 



KID 



515 



propose to identify it with Kuryeiein (the two cities), 
a ruined site about ten miles S. from Hebron, and 
three from Ma 1 in (Maon). Wilton (in Fairbairn) 
reads " Kerioth-Hezron which is Hazor-Amam," and 
makes the whole but one city at the modern Kury- 
etevn ; Rowlands (in Fairbairn under " S. Country ") 
places the whole at Kasr es-Serr, an ancient site 
three or four miles S. S. E. of Tell 'Arad (Arad). 
(Judas Iscariot.) — 2. A city of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 
24). By Porter it is unhesitatingly identified 
with Kureiyeh, a ruined town about three miles in 
circuit, and six miles E. of Busrah (Bozrah 2 ; 
Salcah) in the southern part of the Hauran. Mr. 
Grove would identify Kerioth with Kureiyat, at the 
W. foot of Jebel 'Atldrus, and but a short distance 
from Dibon, Beth-meon, or Heshbon. Wilton (in 
Fairbairn), after Mr. C. Graham, identifies Kerioth 
with Kiriath, one of a series of ancient cities with 
gigantic edifices, situated N. of Amman (Rabbah 1) 
and S. W. of Busrah. Kerioth, in verse 41, would 
appear = the cities of Moab. Kirioth ; Tekoa. 

Kc'ros (Chal. a weaver's comb, Ges.), one of the 
Nethinim, whose descendants returned with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 44 ; Neh. vii. 47). 

Eet'tlc (Heb. dud), a vessel for culinary or sacri- 
ficial purposes (1 Sam. ii. 14). The Hebrew word 
is also rendered " basket " in Jer. xxiv. 2, " cal- 
dron " in 2 Chr. xxxv. 13, and " pot " in Job. xli. 
20. 

Kc-ta'rah (Heb. incense, Ges.), the wife whom 
Abraham "added and took " (A. V. " again took") 
besides, or after the death of, Sarah (Gen. xxv. 1 ; 
1 Chr. i. 32). Gesenius and others adopt the theory 
that Abraham took Keturah after Sarah's death; 
but probability seems against it (compare Gen. xvii. 
IV, xviii. 11 ; Rom. iv. 19; and Heb. xi. 12), and 
we incline to the belief (so Mr. E. S. Poole) that 
Gen. xxv., at least as far as verse 10, is placed out of 
its chronological sequence, in order not to break the 
main narrative ; and that Abraham took Keturah 
during Sarah's lifetime. That she was, strictly 
speaking, his wife is also very uncertain. In 1 Chr. 
L 32, she is called a " concubine " (compare Gen. 
xxv. 5, 6). (Marriage.) The sons of Keturah 
were "Zimran, and Joksiian, and Medan, and Mid- 
ian, and Ishbak, and Shuah " (ver. 2). Keturah her- 
self is by Arab writers mentioned very rarely and 
vaguely, and evidently only in quoting from a rab- 
binical writer. M. Caussin de Perceval (Essai, i. 
179) has endeavored to identify her with the name 
of a tribe of the Amalekites called Katoord, but his 
arguments are not of any weight. 

Key (Heb. maphteah, or maphteach ; Gr. kleis). 
The key of a native Oriental lock is a piece of 
wood, from seven inches to two feet in length, fitted 
with wires or short nails, which, being inserted lat- 
erally into the hollow bolt which serves as a lock, 
raises other pins within the staple so as to allow the 




Iron Key. — (From Thebes.) 



bolt to be drawn back. But it is not difficult to 
open a lock of this kind even without a key, viz. 
with the finger dipped in paste or other adhesive 
substance. The passage Cant. v. 4, 5, is thus prob- 
ably explained. The key is a symbol of authority 
(Is. xxii. 22, &c). 

Ke-zi'a (fr. Heb. = cassia, Ges.), the second of 



the daughters of Job, born to him after his recov- 
ery (Job xlii. 14). 

Kc'ziz (Heb. cut off, Sim., Ges.), the Valley of, 
(Heb. 'ernek), one of the "cities" of Benjamin 
(Josh, xviii. 21) and the eastern border of the 
tribe ; probably in the Jordan valley near Jericho. 

Kib rotll-liat-ta'a-vah (the graves of longing, Ges.), 
a station in the wilderness where the Israelites 
abode a whole month, during which they went on 
eating quails, and perhaps suffering from the plague 
which followed (Num. xi. 34 ; margin " the graves 
of lust;" compare xxxiii. 17). From there being 
no change of spot mentioned between it and Ta- 
berah in xi. 3, it is probably, like the latter, about 
three days' journey from Sinai (x. 33), and near the 
sea (xi. 22, 31). If Hudherd be Hazeroth, then 
" the graves of lust " may be perhaps within a 
day's journey thence in the direction of Sinai. Wil- 
derness of the Wandering. 

Eib'za-im (fr. Heb. = two heaps), a city of Mount 
Ephraim, given to the Kohathite Levites (Josh. xxi. 
22). Wilton (in Fairbairn) would place Kibzaim in a 
marshy tract called Kliassab, on the coast half-way 
between Jaffa and Cesarea. In 1 Chr. vi. 68, Jok- 
meam is substituted for Kibzaim. 

Rid = a young goat. Milk. 

Kid ron (Heb. the turbid, Ges.), the Brook, a 
torrent or valley (Brook 4, 5) close to Jerusalem ; 
in N. T. Cedron. It lay between the city and the 
Mount of Olives (Olives, Mount of), and was crossed 
by David in his flight (2 Sam. xv. 23, compare 30), 
and by our Lord on His way to Gethsemane (Jn. 
xviii. 1 ; compare Mk. xiv. 2(5 ; Lk. xxii. 39). Its 
connection with these two occurrences is alone suf- 
ficient to leave no doubt that the Kidron valley is 
the deep ravine on the E. of Jerusalem, now com- 
monly known as the "Valley of Jehoshaphat." 
(Jehoshaphat, Valley of.) But it would seem as 
if the name were formerly applied also to the ra- 
vines surrounding other portions of Jerusalem — the 
S. or the W. ; since Solomon's prohibition to Shimei 
to "pass over the torrent Kidron" (1 K. ii. 37) is 
said to have been broken by the latter when he 
went in the direction of Gath to seek his fugitive 
servants (41, 42). But there is no other evidence 
of the name Kidron having been applied to the 
southern or western ravines of the city. The dis- 
tinguishing peculiarity of the Kidron valley — that 
in respect to which it is most frequently mentioned 
in the 0. T. — is the impurity which appears to have 
been ascribed to it. Here Asa demolished and 
burnt the obscene idol of his mother (xv. 13 ; 2 
Chr. xv. 16). It became the regular receptacle for 
the impurities and abominations of the idol-worship, 
when removed from the Temple and destroyed by 
the adherents of Jehovah (2 Chr. xxix. 16, xxx. 14 ; 
2 K. xxiii. 4, 6, 12). In the time of Josnah it was 
the common cemetery of the city (2 K. xxiii. 6 ; 
compare Jer. xxvi. 93, "graves of the common 
people"). How long the valley continued to be 
used for a burying-place it is very hard to ascer- 
tain. To the date of the monuments at the foot of 
Olivet we have at present no clew ; but eyen if they 
are of pre-Christian times there is no proof that they 
are tombs. At present it is the favorite resting- 
place of Moslems and Jews, the former on the W., 
the latter on the E. of the valley. The following 
description of the Kidron valley in its modern state 
is abridged from Robinson (i. 269 ft'.) : — " From the 
head of the valley (a half hour from the N. gate of the 
city, and a few steps from the Tombs of the Judges), 
the dome of the Holy Sepulchre bears S. by E. 



516 



KID 



KID 



The tract around this spot is very rocky. The re- 
gion is full of excavated tombs ; and these con- 
tinue with more or less frequency on both sides of 
the valley, all the way down to Jerusalem. The 
valley runs for fifteen minutes directly toward the 
city ; it is here shallow and broad, and in some 
parts tilled, though very stony. It now turns 
nearly E. almost at a right angle, and passes to the 
northward of the Tombs of the Kings. Here it is 
about 200 rods distant from the city ; and the tract 
between is tolerably level ground, planted with 
olive-trees. The Ndbulus road crosses it in this 
part. The valley is still shallow, and runs in 
the same direction for about ten minutes. It then 
bends again to the S., and, following this general 
course, passes between the city and the Mount of 
Olives. Before reaching the city, and also opposite 
its northern part, the valley spreads out into a 
basin of some breadth, which is tilled, and con- 
tains plantations of olives and other fruit-trees. Its 
sides are still full of excavated tombs. As the val- 
ley descends, the steep side upon the right becomes 
more and more elevated above it ; until, at the gate 
of St. Stephen, the height of this brow is about 100 
feet. Here a path winds down from the gate on a 
course S. E. by E., and crosses the water-bed of 
the valley by a bridge ; beyond which are the church 
with the Tomb of the Virgin, Gethsemane, and 
other plantations of olive-trees. The breadth of the 
proper bottom of the valley at this spot is 435 feet. 
Further N. it is somewhat broader. Below the 
bridge the valley contracts gradually, and sinks 
more rapidly. The first continuous traces of a 
water-course or torrent-bed commence at the 
bridge, though they likewise occur at intervals 
higher up. At the distance of 1,000 feet from the 
bridge on a course S. 10 3 W. the bottom of the 
valley has become merely a deep gully, the narrow 



bed of a torrent, from which the hills rise directly 
on each side. Here another bridge is thrown across 
it on an arch ; and just by on the left are the al- 
leged tombs of Jehoshaphat, Absalom, &c, also the 
Jewish cemetery. The valley now continues of the 
same character, and follows the same course (S. 10° 
W.) for 550 feet further ; where it makes a sharp 
turn for a moment toward the right. This portion 
is the narrowest of all, a mere ravine between high 
mountains. The S. E. corner of the area of the 
mosque overhangs this part. Below the short turn 
above mentioned, a line of 1,025 feet on a course 
S. W. brings us to the Fountain of the Virgin, lying 
deep under the western hill. The valley has now 
opened a little ; but its bottom is still occupied 
only by the bed of the torrent. From here a course 
S. 20° W. carried us along the village of Siloam 
(Kefr Sclwdn) on the eastern side, and at 1,170 feet 
we were opposite the mouth of the Tyropceon and 
the pool of Siloam, which lies 255 feet within it. 
Further down, the valley opens more, and is tilled. 
A line of 685 feet on the same course (S. 20' W.) 
brought us to a rocky point of the eastern hill, here 
called the Mount of Offence, over against the en- 
trance of the Valley of Hinnom. Thence to the 
well of Job or Nehemiah is 275 feet due south. 
(En-rogel.) Below the well of Nehemiah the Val- 
ley of Jehoshaphat continues to run S. S. W. be- 
tween the Mount of Offence and the Hill of Evil 
Counsel, so called. At about 1,500 feet, or 500 
yards below the well, the valley bends off S. 75° E. 
for half a mile or more, and then turns again more 
to the S., and pursues its way to the Dead Sea. 
The width of the main valley below the well, as far 
as to the turn, varies from 50 to 100 yards ; it is 
full of olive and fig trees, and is in most parts 
ploughed and sown with grain. Further down it 
takes the name among the Arabs of W. er-Rahib 




Gorge of the Kidron, near the Monastery of Santa Saba. — From Carne'a Syria Illustrated. — (Fairbairn.) 



(Bionics' Valley), from the convent of St. Saba situ- 
ated on it ; and still nearer to the Dead Sea it is 
also called W. en-N'ar (Fire Valley). The channel 
of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, the Brook Kidron of 
the Scriptures, is nothing more than the dry bed of 
a wintry torrent, bearing marks of being occasion- 
ally swept over by a large volume of water. No 
stream flows here except during the heavy rains of 



winter." — One point is unnoticed in Dr. Robinson's 
description, sufficiently curious and well-attested to 
merit further careful investigation — the possibility 
that the Kidron flows below the present surface of 
the ground. Dr. Barclay mentions " a fountain that 
bursts forth during the winter in a valley entering 
the Kidron from the N., and flows several hundred 
yards before it sinks ; " and again he testifies that 



KIK 

at a point in the valley about two miles below the 
city the murmurings of a stream deep below the 
ground may be distinctly heard, which stream, on 
excavation, he actually discovered. His inference 
is that between the two points the brook is flowing 
in a subterraneous channel, as is " not at all un- 
frequent in Palestine." 

* Ki-kajon (Heb. kikdyon) (Jon. iv. 6, margin). 
Gourd 1. 

* Kiln [kil]. Brick. 

* Kin. Kindred. 

Ki mill (Heb. a song of mourning, lamentation, 
Ges.), a city of Judah, on the extreme S. boundary, 
next to Edom (Josh. xv. 22). Instead of " Jagur 
and Kinah," Wilton would read " Hazar-Kinah" 
(Kenile settlement), and place it at el-Hudhairah, a 
ruined site near Tell 'Ardd (Arad = Eder ?). 
Rowlands (in Fbn. under " S. Country ") supposes 
Kinah was at Kurnub. Tamar. 

Kin dred. I. Of the special names denoting rela- 
tion by consanguinity, the principal will be found 
explained under their proper heads, Father, Broth- 
er, &c. It will be there seen that the words 
which denote near relation in the direct line are 
used also for the other superior or inferior degrees 
in that line, as grandfather, grandson, &c. — II. The 
words which express collateral consanguinity are — 
1. uncle ; 2. aunt ; 3. nephew ; 4. niece (not in 
A. V.); 5. cousin. — III. The terms of affinity are 
i — 1. (a.) father-in-law, (6.) mother-in-law ; 2. (a) 
son-in-law, (b) daughter-in-law ; 3. (a) brother-in- 
law, (A) sister-in-law. The domestic and economi- I 
cal questions arising out of kindred may be classed 
under Marriage, Inheritance, and Blood-Revenge. 

Kine, the old plural of Cow. Bull ; Butter ; 
Heifer ; Milk ; Ox. 

King (Heb. and Chal. melech ; Gr. basileas) in 
the Scriptures denotes not only the chief ruler of 
a nation (Deut. xvii. 14, 15, &c), or empire (Ezr. 
iv. 3, 5, 7, &c), but also the chief of a small city or 
district (Josh. xii. 7-24; Judg. i. 7, &c). The title 
was also given to the dependent or tributary chief 
who exercised sovereignty over his own nation, &c. 
(1 K. iv. 24, xx. 1 ; Ezr. vii. 12 ; Mat. ii. 1, &c). It 
is applied to God as the sovereign of the universe 
(Ps. v. 2; 1 Tim. i. 17, &c), and the special ruler 
of Israel (1 Sam. xii. 12), and to the Messiah or 
Lord Jesus Christ (Ps. ii. 6 ; Zech. ix. 9 ; Mat. xxi. 
3, &c). Moses is styled " king in Jeshurun " (Deut. 
xxxiii. 5), but for several centuries there was no 
king of Israel, though Abimelech was three years 
king of Shechem. Jehovah Himself exercised 
kingly authority, and subordinate to Him was the 
Judge. But in process of time the Israelites de- 
sired an earthly king, and Saul was invested with 
the title, which continued to be the name of the 
supreme ruler of the Hebrews during a period of 
about 500 years to the destruction of Jerusalem, 
b. c. 586. (Israel, Kingdom of; Judah, Kingdom 
of.) The immediate occasion of a substitution of a 
regal form of government for that of the Judges 
seems to have been the siege of Jabesh-gilead by 
Nahash, king of the Ammonites (1 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 
12), and the refusal to allow the inhabitants of that 
city to capitulate, except on humiliating and cruel 
conditions (xi. 2, 4-6). The conviction seems to 
have forced itself on the Israelites that they could 
not resist their formidable neighbor unless they 
placed themselves under the sway of a king, like 
surrounding nations. Concurrently with this con- 
viction, disgust had been excited by the corrupt ad- 
ministration of justice under the sons of Samuel, 



KIN 517 

and a radical change was desired by them in this 
respect also (viii. 3-5). Accordingly the original idea 
of a Hebrew king was twofold : first, that he should 
lead the people to battle in time of war ; and sec- 
ondly, that he should execute judgment and justice 
to them in war and in peace (viii. 20). In both re- 
spects the desired end was attained. To form a 
correct idea of a Hebrew king, we must abstract our- 
selves from the notions of modern Europe, and 
realize the position of Oriental sovereigns. The 




Assyrian King. — From N. W. Palace, Nhnroud.— (Layard's Nineveh, ii. IS.) 



following passage of Sir John Malcolm respecting 
the Shahs of Persia may, with some slight modifi- 
cations, be regarded as fairly applicable to the He- 
brew monarchy under David and Solomon : — " The 
monarch of Persia has been pronounced to be one 
of the most absolute in the world. His word has 
ever been deemed a law : and he has probably never 
had any further restraint upon the free exercise of 
his vast authority than has arisen from his regard 
for religion, his respect for established usages, his 
desire of reputation, and his fear of exciting an 
opposition that might be dangerous to his power, or 
to his life " (Malcolm's Persia, vol. ii. 303). Besides 
being commander-in-chief of the army, supreme 
judge, and absolute master, as it were, of the lives 
of his subjects, the king exercised the power of im- 
posing taxes on them, and of exacting from them 
personal service and labor. And the degree to 
which the exaction of personal labor might be car- 
ried on a special occasion is illustrated by King 
Solomon's requirements for building the Temple. 
In addition to these earthly powers, the king of 
Israel had a more awful claim to respect and obe- 
dience. He was the vicegerent of Jehovah (1 Sam. 
x. 1, xvi. 13), and as it were His son, if just and 
holy (2 Sam. vii. 14 ; Ps. lxxxix. 26, 27, ii. 6, 7)- 



513 



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He had been set apart as a consecrated ruler. Upon 
his head had been poured the holy anointing oil, 
composed of olive-oil, myrrh, cinnamon, sweet cala- 
mus, and cassia, which had hitherto been reserved 
exclusively for the priests of Jehovah, especially the 
high-priest, or had been solely used to anoint the 
Tabernacle of the Congregation, the Ark of the Tes- 
timony, and the vessels of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxx. 
23-33, xl. 9; Lev. xxi. 10 ; 1 K. i. 39). (Anoint- 
ing.) He had become, in fact, emphatically "the 
Lord's Anointed." A ruler in whom so much au- 
thority, human and divine, was embodied, was nat- 
urally distinguished by outward honors and luxu- 
ries. He had a court of Oriental magnificence. 
When the power of the kingdom was at its height, 
he sat on a throne of ivory, covered with pure gold, 
at the feet of which were two figures of lions. The 
king was dressed in royal robes (xxii. 10; 2 Chr. 

xviii. 9) ; his insignia were, a crown or diadem of 
pure gold, or perhaps radiant with precious gems 
(2 Sam. i. 10, xii. 30; 2 K. xi. 12 ; Ps. xxi. 3), and 
a royal sceptre. Those who approached him did 
him obeisance, bowing down and touching the 
ground witli their foreheads (1 Sam. xxiv. 8; 2 Sam. 

xix. 24) ; and this was done even by a king's wife, 
the mother of Solomon (1 K. i. 16). (Adoration.) 
His officers and subjects called themselves his 
servants or slaves, though they do not seem habitu- 
ally to have given way to such extravagant saluta- 
tions as in the Chaldean and Persian courts (1 Sam. 
xvii. 32, 34, 36, xx. 8 ; 2 Sam. vi. 20 ; Dan. ii. 4). 
As in the East to this day, a kiss was a sign of re- 
spect and homage (1 Sam. x. 1, perhaps Ps. ii. 12). 
He lived in a splendid palace, with porches and 
columns (IK. vii. 2-7). All his drinking-vessels 
were of gold (x. 21). He had a large harem, which 
in the time of Solomon must have been the source 
of enormous expense. As is invariably the case in 
the great Eastern monarchies at present, his harem 
was guarded by eum/cbs ; translated " officers " in 
the A. V. for the most part (1 Sam. viii. 15; 2 K. 
xxiv. 12, 15; IK. xxii. 9; 2 K. viii. 6, ix. 32, xx. 
18, xxiii. 11 ; Jer. xxxviii. 7). (Eunuch.) The law 
of succession to the throne is somewhat obscure, 
but it seems most probable (so Mr. Twisleton) that 
the king during his lifetime named his successor. 
This was the case with David (1 K. i. 30, ii. 22; 
but compare 1 Chr. xxii. 9, 10, xxviii. 5) ; and with 
Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 21, 22). At the same time, 
if no partiality for a favorite wife or son intervened, 
there would always be a natural bias of affection in 
favor of the eldest son. The following is a list of 
some of the officers of the king: — 1. The Recorder 
or Chronicler, who was perhaps analogous to the 
Historiographer whom Sir John Malcolm mentions 
as an officer of the Persian court, whose duty it is 
to write the annals of the king's reign. 2. The 
Scribe or Secretary (2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25 ; 2 K. 
xii. 10, xix. 2, xxii. 8). 3. The officer who was 
"over the house" (Is. xxxii. 15, xxxvi. 3). His 
duties would be those of chief steward of the house- 
hold, and would embrace all the internal economical 
arrangements of the palace. 4. The king's friend 
(1 K. iv. 5), called likewise the king's companion. 

5. The keeper of the vestry or wardrobe (2 K. x. 22). 

6. The captain of the body-guard (2 Sam. xx. 23). 

7. Distinct officers over the king's treasures, his 
storehouses, laborers, vineyards, olive-trees, and 
sycamore-trees, herds, camels, and flocks (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 25-31). 8. The officer over all the host or 
army of Israel, the commander-in-chief of the army 
(2 Sam. xx. 23 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 34 ; 2 Sam. xi. 1). 9. 



The royal counsellors (1 Chr. xxvii. 32; Is. iii. 3, 
xix. 11, 13). The following is a statement of the 
sources of the royal revenues: — 1. The royal de- 
mesnes, corn-fields, vineyards, and olive-gardens. 

2. The produce of the royal flocks (1 Sam. xxi. 7; 
2 Sam. xiii. 23 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

3. A nominal tenth of the produce of corn-land and 
vineyards and of sheep (1 Sam. viii. 15, 17). 4. A 
tribute from merchants who passed through the 
Hebrew territory (1 K. x. 14). 5. Presents made by 
his subjects (1 Sam. x. 27, xvi. 20; 1 K. x. 25; Ps. 
lxxii. 10). 6. In the time of Solomon, the king had 
trading-vessels of his own at sea (l K. x. 22). 
Probably Solomon and some other kings may have 
derived some revenue from commercial ventures (1 
K. ix. 28). 7. The spoils of war taken from con- 
quered nations and the tribute paid by them (2 Sam. 
viii. 2, 7, 8, 10; 1 K. iv. 21; 2 Chr. xxvii. 5). 8. 
Lastly, an undefined power of exacting compulsory 
labor, to which reference has been already made 
(1 Sam. viii. 12, 13, 16). In Deut. xvii. 14-20 are 
some directions as to what a Hebrew king was to do 
and not to do ; and in Rom. xiii. 1-7 and 1 Pet. ii. 
13-17 are the general principles of loyal obedience. 
Jerusalem is styled " the city of the great King " 
(Ps. xlviii. 2; Mat. v. 35), i. e. of Jehovah. Chris- 
tians are to be figuratively " kings and priests unto 
God" (Rev. i. 6; compare 1 Pet. ii. 9; Mat. xxv. 
34). Kingdom; Nineveh. 

* King dom = the authority, dominion, or realm 
of a king. The phrases "kingdom of God" (Mat. 
vi. 33, &c), " kingdom of Christ "(Eph. v. 5; Rev. 
i. 9, &c.)j " kingdom of Heaven' '(Mat. iii. 2, &c), = 
(so Robinson, N.T. Lex.) the divine spiritual kingdom, 
the glorious reign of the Messiah (compare Ps. ii., 
ex. ; Dan. ii. 44, vii. 14, 27, ix. 25 ff., &c), or the Chris- 
tian dispensation, comprising those who receive 
Jesus as the Messiah, and who, united by His spirit 
under Him as their head, rejoice in the truth, and 
live a holy life in love and in communion with Him! 
This spiritual kingdom has both an internal and c:t- 
ternal form. As internal, it already exists and 
rules in the hearts of all Christians, and is there- 
fore present. As external, it is either embodied 
in the visible Church of Christ on earth, and in so far 
is present and progressive ; or it is to be perfected 
in the coming of the Messiah to judgment and His 
subsequent spiritual reign in bliss and glory, in 
which view it is future. But these different aspects 
arc not always distinguished ; the expression often 
embracing both the internal and external sense, and 
referring both to its commencement in this world 
and its completion in the world to come. The 
" kingdom of heaven," &c. = (so Lange on Mat. iii. 
2) "the kingdom of God's Spirit, in which the will 
of man is made conformable to the will of God — a 
kingdom which comes from heaven, is heaven on 
earth, and ends in heaven." The Jews were chil- 
dren of the typical kingdom, or of the theocracy 
(Mat. viii. 12), and might cherish the expectation of 
becoming children of the real kingdom — that of 
heaven (Rom. ix. 4 f., xi. 16 ff.) (Lange on Mat. viii. 
12). "The children of the kingdom" in Mat. xiii. 
38 are real Christians, the true citizens and heirs 
of the kingdom of heaven (compare Mat. xxv. 34 ; 
Rom. viii. 16, 17; 1 Pet. i. 3 fF.). Citizen. 

* King's Dale, the (Heb. , emek hammelech), a vale 
(Valley 1), or long low plain (so Gesenius), the 
position of which is uncertain (Gen. xiv. 17 ; 2 Sam. 
xviii. 18). Porter (in Kitto) supposes it = the 
plain of Rephaim, S. W. of Jerusalem ; others make 
it = the valley of Jehoshaphat or Kidron, &c. 



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519 



Josephus (vii. 10, § 3) says it was two furlongs from 
Jerusalem. Absalom ; Shaveh, Valley of. 

* King's Gar den, the. Garden. 

* King's Pool, the. Siloam. 

Kings, First and Sec ond Books of, originally only 
one book in the Hebrew Canon, and first edited 
in Hebrew as two by Bomberg, after the model of 
the LXX. and the Vulgate. They are called by the 
LXX., Origen, &c., third and fourth of the Kingdoms 
(the Books of Samuel being the first and second), 
but by the Latins, with few exceptions, third and 
fourth Book of Kings. The division into two 
books, being purely artificial, and as it were me- 
chanical, may be overlooked in speaking of them ; 
and it must also be remembered that the division 
between the Books of Kings and Samuel is equally 
artificial, and that in point of fact the historical 
books commencing with Judges and ending with 2 
Kings present the appearance of one work (so Lord 
A. C. Hervey, after Ewald). But to confine our- 
selves to the Books of Kings. We shall consider — 
I. Their historical and chronological range — II. 
Their peculiarities of diction, and other features in 
their literary aspect — III. Their authorship, and the 
sources of the author's information — IV. Their 
relation to the Books of Chronicles — V. Their place 
in the qanon, and the references to them in the N. 
T. — I. The Books of Kings range from David's death 
and Solomon's accession to the throne of Israel, 
commonly reckoned as I), c. 1015, but according to 
Lepsius b. c. 993, to the destruction of the kingdom 
of Judah and the desolation of Jerusalem, and the 
burning of the Temple, according to the same 
reckoning b. c. 588 (b. c. 586, Lepsius) — a period of 
427 (or 407) years: with a supplemental notice of 
an event that occurred after an interval of twenty- 
six years, viz. the liberation of Jehoiachin from his 
prison at Babylon, and a still further extension to 
Jehoiachin's death, probably not long after his 
liberation. The history therefore comprehends the 
whole time of the Israelitish monarchy, exclusive of 
the reigns of Saul and David. (Israel, Kingdom 
of; Judah, Kingdom of; Solomon.) As regards 
the affairs of foreign nations, and the relation of 
Israel to them, the historical notices in these books, 
though in the earlier times scanty, are most valuable, 
and in striking accordance with the latest additions 
to our knowledge of contemporary profane history. 
The names of Omri, Jehu, Menahem, Hoshea, Heze- 
kiah, &c, are believed to have been deciphered in 
the cuneiform inscriptions, which also contain pretty 
full accounts of the campaigns of Tiglath-pileser, 
Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon : Shalmaner 
ser's name has not yet been discovered, though two 
inscriptions in the British Museum are thought to 
refer to his reign. Another most important aid to 
a right understanding of the history in these books, 
and to the filling up of its outline, is to be found in 
the prophets, especially in Isaiah and Jeremiah. 
Lord A. C. Hervey maintains, however, that the 
chronological details expressly given in the books 
of Kings are frequently entirely contradictory. The 
date of the foundation of Solomon's Temple (IK. 
vi. 1) he considers erroneous, as being irreconcilable 
with any view of the chronology of the times of the 
Judges, or with St. Paul's calculation (Acts xiii. 20). 
Of those chronologers who regard the number 
" 480 " in 1 K. vi. 1 as erroneous, most favor a 
longer period, Plavfair reckoning it 540 years, Jack- 
son 579, Hales 621, Poole (Chronology) 638, Seyf- 
farth 880, and Pezron 962. Bunsen shortens it to 
316 years. The LXX. has 440. Josephus has 



several different numbers, 592, 612, &c. On the 
other hand, Davidson ( The Text of the O. T. Consid- 
ered, pp. 343-4, &c.) agrees with Usher, Thenius, 
and Keil in regarding the number " 480 " in 1 K. vi. 
1 as correct, and assuming the contemporaneousness 
of some of the Judges usually reckoned successive. 
Davidson says : " Sufficient data are wanting toward 
a complete settlement of the chronology. Nothing 
but general views can be attained " (p. 651). "No 
computation which we have looked upon is on the 
whole more likely than the Hebrew one " (p. 344). 
In regard to the 450 years assigned to the Judges in 
Acts xiii. 20 A. V., Professor Hackett ( Commentary 
on Act?, 1. c.) says : " It is evident that Paul has 
followed here a mode of reckoning which was cur- 
rent at that time, and which, being a well-known re- 
ceived chronology, whether correct or incorrect in 
itself considered, was entirely correct for his object, 
which was not to settle a question about dates, but 
to recall to the minds of those whom he addressed a 
particular portion of Jewish history." But Lach- 
mann, in his critical edition of the Greek Testament, 
gives, in Acts 1. c. a different text, founded on 
three of the oldest and best MSS., viz. the Alexan- 
drine, Vatican, and St. Ephrem the Syrian, and 
agreeing with the recently-discovered Sinaitic MS., 
and with the Vulgate, which removes the appear- 
ance of discrepancy. His reading, approved by 
Davidson (p. 551) is — "And when he had destroyed 
seven nations in the land of Canaan, he divided their 
land to them by lots, about the space of 450 years ; 
and after this, gave them judges until Samuel the 
prophet." When we sum up the years of all the 
reigns of the kings of Israel as given in the Books 
of Kings, and then all the years of the reigns of the 
kings of Judah from the first of Rehoboam to the 
sixth of Hezekiah, we find an excess of nineteen or 
twenty years in Judah; the reigns of the latter 
amounting to 261 years, while the former make up 
only 242. But the parallel histories of Israel and 
Judah touch in four or five points where the syn- 
chronisms are precisely marked. These points are 
(1.) at the simultaneous accessions of Jeroboam and 
Rehoboam ; (2.) at the simultaneous deaths of Je- 
horam and Ahaziah, or, which is the same thing, the 
simultaneous accessions of Jehu and Athaliah ; (3.) 
at the fifteenth year of Amaziah, which was the first 
of Jeroboam II. (2 K. xiv. 17) ; (4.) in the reign of 
Ahaz, which was contemporary with some part of 
Pekah's, viz. according to the text of 2 K. xvi. 1, the 
first three years of Ahaz with the last three of 
Pekah ; and (5.) at the sixth of Hezekiah, which 
was the ninth of Hoshea. For the reconciliation of 
the apparent chronological discrepancies in the 
Books of Kings, and between these and Chronicles, 
&c, see Israel, Kingdom of; the articles on the 
various kings; and Chronology. — II. The pecu- 
liarities of diction in the Books of Kings and 
other features in their literary history, may be 
briefly disposed of. On the whole, the peculiar- 
ities of diction in these books do not indicate a 
time after the Captivity, or toward the close of 
it, but on the contrary point pretty distinctly to 
the age of Jeremiah. The general character ot the 
language is, most distinctly, that of the time be- 
fore the Babylonish Captivity. But it is worth con- 
sideration whether some traces of dialectic varie- 
ties in Judah and Israel, and of an earlier admix- 
ture of Syriasms in the language of Israel, may 
not be discovered in those portions of these books 
which refer to the kingdom of Israel. Lord A. C. 
Hervey regards the text as being far from perfect. 



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Besides the errors in numerals, some of which are 
probably to be traced to this source, such passages 
as 1 K. xv. 6, v. 10, compared with v. 2 ; 2 K. xv. 
30, viii. 16, xvii. 34, Lord A. C. Hervey considers 
manifest corruptions of transcribers. In connec- 
tion with these literary peculiarities may be men- 
tioned also some remarkable variations in the version 
of the LXX. These consist of transpositions, omis- 
sions, and some considerable additions. The most 
important transpositions are — the history of Shimci's 
death (1 K. ii. 36-46), which in the LXX. (Vatican) 
comes after iii. 1, and divers scraps from chapters 
iv., v., and ix., accompanied by one or two remarks 
of the translators : 1 K. iv. 20-25, 2-6, 26, 21, 1, 
are strung together and precede iii. 2-28, but are 
many of them repeated again in their proper places : 
iii. 1, ix. 16, 17, are strung together, and placed 
between iv. 34 and v. 1 : vii. 1-12 is placed after 
vii. 51: viii. 12, 13, is placed after 53: ix. 15-22 
is placed after x. 22 : xi. 43-xii. 3 is much trans- 
posed and confused in LXX. xi. 43, 44, xii. 1-3 : 
xiv. 1-21 is placed in the midst of the long addi- 
tion to chapter xii., mentioned below : xxii. 42-50 
is placed after xvi. 28 : chapters xx. and xxi. are 
transposed : 2 K. iii. 1-3 is placed after 2 K. i. 18. 
The omissions are few. 1 K. vi. 11-14 is entirely 
omitted ; and 37, 38, only slightly alluded to at the 
opening of chapter iii. : 1 K. xv. 6 is omitted ; and 
so arc the dates of Asa's reign in xvi. 8 and 15 ; 
and there are a few verbal omissions of no conse- 
quence. The chief interest lies in the additions, of 
which the principal are the following. The sup- 
posed mention of a fountain as among Solomon's 
works in the Temple in the passage after 1 K. ii. 
35 ; of a paved causeway on Lebanon, iii. 46 ; of 
Solomon pointing to the sun at the dedication of 
the Temple, before he uttered the prayer " The 
Lord said he would dwell in the thick darkness," 
&c, viii.' 12, 13 (after 53, LXX.); the information 
that "Jorara his brother" perished with Tibni, 
xvi. 22 ; an additional date " in the twenty-fourth 
year of Jeroboam," xv. 8 ; numerous verbal addi- 
tions, as xi. 29, xvii. 1, &c. ; and lastly, the long 
passage concerning Jeroboam the son of Nebat, in- 
serted between xii. 24 and 25. The mention of 
Tibni's brother Joram is the addition which has 
most the semblance of an historical fact, or makes 
the existence of any other source of history prob- 
able. See, too, 1 K. xx. 19, and 2 K. xv. 25. It ap- 
pears evident that the long passage about Jeroboam 
is only an apocryphal version made up of the exist- 
ing materials in the Hebrew Scriptures, after the 
manner of 1 Esd., Bel and the Dragon, the apoc- 
ryphal Esther, and the Targums. Another fea- 
ture in the literary condition of our books must 
just be noticed, viz. that the compiler, in arran- 
ging his materials, and adopting the very words of 
the documents used by him, has not always been 
careful to avoid the appearance of contradiction. — 
III. The Jewish tradition which ascribes the author- 
ship of these books to Jeremiah 1 is borne out by 
the strongest internal evidence, in addition to that 
of the language (so Lord A. C. Hervey, Grotius, 
Carpzer, Havernick, &c). The last chapter, es- 
pecially as compared with the last chapter of the 
Chronicles, bears distinct traces of having been 
written by one who did not go into captivity, but 
remained in Judea, after the destruction of the 
Temple. This suits Jeremiah. The events singled 
out for mention in the concise narrative are pre- 
cisely those of which he had personal knowledge, 
and in which he took special interest. The writer 



in Kings has nothing more to tell us concerning 
the Jews or Chaldees in the land of Judah, which 
exactly agrees with the hypothesis that he is Jere- 
miah, who, we know, was carried down to Egypt 
with the fugitives. In fact, the date of the writing 
and the position of the writer seem as clearly 
marked by the termination of the narrative at xxv. 
26, as in the case of the Acts of the Apostles. The 
annexation of this chapter to the writings of Jere- 
miah so as to form Jer. Iii. (with the additional clause 
contained 28-30) is an evidence of a very ancient, 
if not a contemporary belief, that Jeremiah was 
the author of it. Going back to chapter xxiv., we 
find in verse 14 an enumeration of the captives 
taken with Jehoiachin identical with that in Jer. 
xxiv. 1; in verse 13, a reference to the vessels of 
the Temple precisely similar to that in Jer. xxvii. 
18-20, xxviii. 3, 6. Brief as the narrative is, it 
brings out all the chief points in the political events 
of the time which we know were much in Jere- 
miah's mind ; and yet, which is exceedingly re- 
markable, Jeremiah is never once named (as he is 
in 2 Chr. xxxvi. 12, 21), although the manner of 
the writer is frequently to connect the sufferings of 
Judah with their sins and their neglect of the Word 
of God (2 K. xvii. 13 ff., xxiv. 2, 3, &c). And this 
leads to another striking coincidence between that 
portion of the history which belongs to Jeremiah's 
times and the writings of Jeremiah himself. De 
Wette speaks of the superficial character of the 
history of Jeremiah's times as hostile to the theory 
of Jeremiah's authorship. Now, considering the 
nature of these annals, and their conciseness, this 
criticism seems very unfounded as regards the 
reigns of Josiah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, and Zede- 
kiah. It must, however, be acknowledged that as 
regards Jehoiakim's reign, and especially the latter 
part of it, and the way in which he came by his death, 
the narrative is much more meagre than one would 
have expected from a contemporary writer, living 
on the spot. But exactly the same paucity of in- 
formation is found in those otherwise copious no- 
tices of contemporary events with which Jeremiah's 
prophecies are interspersed. When it is borne in 
mind that the writer of 2 K. was a contemporary 
writer, and, if not Jeremiah, must have had inde- 
pendent means of information, this coincidence will 
have great weight. Going back to the reign of Jo- 
siah, in chapters xxiii. and xxii., the connection of 
the destruction of Jerusalem with Manasseh's trans- 
gressions, and the comparison of it to the destruc- 
tion of Samaria, verses 26, 27, lead us back to xxi. 
10-13, and that passage leads us to Jer. vii. 15, xv. 
4, xix. 3, 4, &c. The particular account of Josiah's 
passover, and his other good works, the reference 
in verses 24, 25, to the law of Moses, and the find- 
ing of the book by Hilkiah the priest, with the 
fuller account of that discovery in chapter xxii., ex- 
actly suit Jeremiah, who began his prophetic office 
in the thirteenth of Josiah ; whose eleventh chapter 
refers repeatedly to the book thus found ; who 
showed his attachment to Josiah by writing a lam- 
entation on his death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and whose 
writings show how much he made use of the book 
of the Law. With Josiah's reign necessarily cease 
all strongly-marked characters of Jeremiah's author- 
ship. For though the general unity and continuity 
of plan lead us to assign the whole history in a 
certain sense to one author, and enable us to carry 
to the account of the whole book the proofs derived 
from the closing chapters, yet it must be borne in 
mind that the authorship of those parts of the his- 



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521 



tory of which Jeremiah was not an eye-witness, 
i. e. of all before the reign of Josiah, would have 
consisted merely in selecting, arranging, inserting 
the connecting phrases, and, when necessary, slight- 
ly modernizing the old histories which had been 
drawn up by contemporary prophets through the 
whole period of time. See e. g. 1 K. xiii. 32. For, 
as regards the sources of information, it may truly 
be said that we have the narrative of contemporary 
writers throughout. It has already been observed 
(Chronicles) that there was a regular series of 
state-annals both for the kingdom of Judah and for 
that of Israel, which embraced the whole time com- 
prehended in the Books of Kings, or at least to the 
end of the reign of Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiv. 5). These 
annals are constantly cited by name as " the Book 
of the Acts of Solomon" (1 K. xi. 41) ; and, after 
Solomon, " the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings 
of Judah, or, Israel " (xiv. 29, xv. 7, xvi. 5, 14, 20 ; 
2 K. x. 34, xxiv. 5, &c), and it is manifest that the 
author of Kings had them both before him, while 
he drew up his history, in which the reigns of the 
two kingdoms are harmonized, and these annals con- 
stantly appealed to. But in addition to these na- 
tional annals, there were also extant, at the time that 
the Books of Kings were compiled, separate works of 
the several prophets who had lived in Judah and Is- 
rael. Thus the acts of Uzziah, written By Isaiah, were 
verylikely identical with the history of his reign in the 
national chronicles ; and part of the history of Hez- 
ekiah we know is identical in the Chronicles and in 
the prophet. The chapter in Jeremiah relating to 
the destruction of the Temple (lii.)is identical with 
the account in 2 K. xxiv., xxv. In later times we 
have supposed that a chapter in the prophecies of 
Daniel was used for the national chronicles, and 
appears as Ezr. i. These other works, then, as far 
as the memory of them has been preserved to us, 
were as follows : For the time of David, the book 
of Samuel the seer, the book of Nathan the prophet, 
and the book of Gad the seer (2 Sam. xxi.-xxiv. 

I with 1 K. i. being probably extracted from Nathan's 
book), which seem to have been collected — at least 

j that portion of them relating to David — into one 
work called "the Acts of David the King" (1 Chr. 
xxix. 29). For the time of Solomon, " the Book of 

1 the Acts of Solomon " (1 K. xi. 41), consisting prob- 

! ably of parts of the " Book of Nathan the prophet, 
the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the visions 
of Iddo the seer " (2 Chr. ix. 29). For the time of 
Rehoboam, " the words of Shemaiah the prophet, 
and of Iddo the seer concerning genealogies " (xii. 
15). For the time of Abijah, "the story of the 
prophet Iddo " (xiii. 22). For the time of Jehosha- 
phat, " the words of Jehu the son of Hanani " (xx. 
34). For the time of Uzziah, " the writings of 
Isaiah the prophet " (xxvi. 22). For the time of 
Hezekiah, " the vision of Isaiah the prophet, the 
son of Amoz " (xxxii. 32). For the time of Manas- 
seh, a book called " the sayings of the seers." For 

' the time of Jeroboam II., a prophecy of "Jonah, 
the son of Amittai, the prophet, of Gath-hepher," 
is cited (2 K. xiv. 25); and it seems likely that 

J there were books containing special histories of the 
acts of Elijah and Elisha, seeing that the times of 

ji these prophets are described with such copiousness. 
Of the latter Gehazi might well have been the au- 
thor, to judge from 2 K. viii. 4, 5, as Elisha himself 

i might have been of the former. Possibly, too, the 
prophecies of Azariah the son of Oded, in Asa's 

• reign (2 Chr. xv. 1), and of Hanani (xvi. 7), and 
Micaiah the son of Imlah in Ahab's reign ; and Eli- 



ezer the son of Dodavah, in Jehoshaphat's ; and 
Zechariah the son of Jehoiada, in Jehoash's ; and 
Oded, in Pekah's ; and Zechariah, in Uzziah's reign ; 
of the prophetess Huldah, in Josiah's, and others, 
may have been preserved in writing, some or all of 
them. With regard to the work so often cited in 
the Chronicles as " the Book of the Kings of Israel 
and Judah" (1 Chr. ix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 11, xxvii. 7, 
xxviii. 26, xxxii. 32, xxxv. 27, xxxvi. 8), it has been 
thought by some that it was a separate collection 
containing the joint histories of the two kingdoms ; 
by others that it is our Books of Kings which an- 
swer to this description ; but by Eichhorn, that it 
is the same as the Chronicles of the Kings of Ju- 
dah so constantly cited in the Books of Kings ; and 
this last opinion seems the best founded. — IV. 
As regards the relation of the Books of Kings to 
those of Chronicles, it is manifest, and is univer- 
sally admitted, that the former is by far the older 
work. The language, which is quite free from the 
Persicisms of the Chronicles and their late orthog- 
raphy, and is not at all more Aramaic than the 
language of Jeremiah, clearly points out its relative 
superiority in regard to age. Its subject also, em- 
bracing the kingdom of Israel as well as Judah, is 
another indication of its composition before the 
kingdom of Israel was forgotten, and before the 
Jewish enmity to Samaria, which is apparent in such 
passages as 2 Chr. xx. 37, xxv., and in those chap- 
ters of Ezra (i.-vi.) which Lord A. C. Hervey re- 
gards as belonging to Chronicles, was brought to 
maturity. While the Books of Chronicles, there- 
fore, were written especially for the Jews after 
their return from Babylon, the Book of Kings was 
written for the whole of Israel, before their com- 
mon national existence was hopelessly quenched. 
Another comparison of considerable interest between 
the two histories may be drawn in respect to the 
main design, that design having a marked relation 
both to the individual station of the supposed 
writers, and the peculiar circumstances of their 
country at the times of their writing. Jeremiah 
was himself a prophet. He lived while the pro- 
phetic office was in full vigor, in his own person, in 
Ezekiel, and Daniel, and many others, both true and 
false. Accordingly, we find in the Books of Kings 
great prominence given to the prophetic office. 
Ezra, on the contrary, was only a priest. In his 
days the prophetic office had wholly fallen into 
abeyance. That evidence of the Jews being the 
people of God, which consisted in the presence of 
prophets among them, was no more. But to the 
men of his generation, the distinctive mark of the 
continuance of God's favor to their race was the 
rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem, the restora- 
tion of the daily sacrifice and the Levitical worship, 
and the wonderful and providential renewal of the 
Mosaic institutions. Moreover, upon the principle 
that the sacred writers were influenced by natural 
feelings in their selection of their materials, it seems 
most appropriate that while the prophetical writer 
in Kings deals very fully with the kingdom of Israel, 
in which the prophets were much more illustrious 
than in Judah, the Levitical writer, on the contrary, 
should concentrate all his thoughts round Jerusa- 
lem, where alone the Levitical caste had all its powers 
and functions, and should dwell upon all the in- 
stances preserved in existing muniments of the 
deeds and even the minutest ministrations of the 
priests and Levites, as well as of their faithfulness 
and sufferings in the cause of truth. The writer of 
Chronicles, having the Books of Kings before him, 



522 



KIN 



KIR 



and to a great extent making those books the basis 
of his own, but also having his own personal views, 
predilections, and motives in writing, writing for a 
different age, and for people under very different 
circumstances ; and, moreover, having before him 
the original authorities from which the Books of 
Kings were compiled, as well as some others, nat- 
urally rearranged the older narrative as suited his 
purpose, and his tastes ; gave in full passages which 
the other had abridged, inserted what had been 
wholly omitted, omitted some things which the 
other had inserted, including every thing relating to 
the kingdom of Israel, and showed the color of his 
own mind, not only in the nature of the passages 
which he selected from the ancient documents, but 
in the reflections which he frequently adds upon the 
events which he relates, and possibly also in the 
turn given to some of the speeches which he re- 
cords. But to say, as has been said or insinuated, 
that a different view of supernatural agency and 
Divine interposition, or of the Mosaic institutions 
and the Levitical worship, is given in the two books, 
or that a less historical character belongs to one 
than to the other, is to say what has not the least 
foundation in fact. Supernatural agency, as in the 
cloud which filled the Temple of Solomon (1 K. viii. 
10, 11); the appearance of the Lord to Solomon 
(iii. 5, 11, ix. 2 ff.); the withering of Jeroboam's 
hand (xiii. 3-6); the fire from heaven which con- 
sumed Elijah's sacrifice (xviii. 38), and numerous 
other incidents in the lives of Elijah and Elisha ; 
the smiting of Sennacherib's army (2 K. xix. 35) ; 
the going back of the shadow on the dial of Ahaz 
(xx. 11), and in the very frequent prophecies uttered 
and fulfilled, is really more often adduced in these 
books than in the Chronicles. The selection, there- 
fore, of one or two instances of miraculous agency 
which happen to be mentioned in Chronicles, and 
not in Kings, as indications of the superstitious, 
credulous disposition of the Jews after the Captivity, 
can have no effect but to mislead. The same may 
be said of a selection of passages in Chronicles in 
which the mention of Jewish idolatry is omitted. 
It conveys a false inference, because the truth is 
that the Chronicler does expose the idolatry of Ju- 
dah as severely as the author C/f Kings, and traces 
the destruction of Judah to such idolatry quite as 
clearly and forcibly (2 Chr. xxxvi. 14 ff.). The 
author of Kings again is quite as explicit in his 
references to the law of Moses, and has many allu- 
sions to the Levitical ritual, though he does not 
dwell so copiously upon the details. See e. g. 1 
K. ii. 3, iii. 14, viii. 2, 4, 9, 53, 56, ix. 9, 20, x. 12, 
xi. 2, xii. 31, 32; 2 K. xi. 5-7, 12, xii. 5, 11, 13, 
16, xiv. 6, xvi. 13, 15, xvii. 7-12, 13-15, 34-39, 
xviii. 4, 6, xxii. 4, 5, 8 ff., xxiii. 21, &c., besides 
the constant references to the Temple, and to the 
illegality of high-place worship. So that remarks 
on the Levitical tone of Chronicles, when made 
for the purpose of supporting the notion that the 
law of Moses was a late invention, and that the 
Levitical worship was of post-Babylonian growth, 
are made in the teeth of the testimony of the Books 
of Kings, as well as those of Joshua, Judges, and 
Samuel. The opinion that these books were com- 
piled " toward the end of the Babylonian exile " 
(De Wette, Parker's translation) is doubtless also 
adopted to weaken as much as possible the force of 
this testimony (so Lord A. C. Hervey). — V. The last 
point for our consideration is the place of these books 
in the Canon, and the references to them in the N. 
T. Their canonical authority having never been dis- 



puted, it is needless to bring forward the testi- 
monies to their authenticity which may be found 
in Josephus, Eusebius, Jerome, Augustine, &c. 
They are reckoned among the Prophets, in the 
threefold division of the Holy Scriptures ; a posi- 
tion in accordance with the supposition that they 
were compiled by Jeremiah, and contain the narra- 
tives of the different prophets in succession. They 
are frequently cited by our Lord and by the apostles. 
Thus the allusions to Solomon's glory (Mat. vi. 29) ; 
to the queen of Sheba's visit to Solomon to hear 
his wisdom (xii. 42); to the Temple (Acts vii. 47, 
48) ; to the great drought in the days of Elijah, and 
the widow of Sarepta (Lk. iv. 25, 26) ; to the cleans- 
ing of Naaman the Syrian (ver. 27) ; to the charge 
of Elisha to Gehazi (2 K. iv. 29, compared with 
Lk. x. 4) ; to the dress of Elijah (Mk. i. 6, compared 
with 2 K. i. 8) ; to the complaint of Elijah, and 
God's answer to him (Rom. xi. 3,4); and to the 
raising of the Shunammite's son from the dead 
(Heb. xi. 35); to the giving and withholding the 
rain in answer to Elijah's prayer (Jas. v. 17, 18; 
Rev. xi. 6) ; to Jezebel (ii. 20) ; are all derived from 
the Books of Kings, and, with the statement of 
Elijah's presence at the Transfiguration, are a 
striking testimony to their value for the purpose 
of religious teaching, and to their authenticity as a 
portion of the Word of God. Bible ; Inspiration. 

* Kins man, Kins' wom-an. Kindred. 

Kir (Heb. a wall, walled place or fortress, Ges.) 
is mentioned by Amos (ix. 7) as the land from which 
the Syrians (Arameans) were once "brought up;" 
i. e. apparently, as the country where they had 
dwelt before migrating to the region N. of Palestine. 
It was also the land to which the captive Syrians 
of Damascus were removed by Tiglath-pileser on 
his conquest of that city (2 K. xvi. 9; compare Am. 
i. 5). Isaiah joins it with Elam in a passage where 
Jerusalem is threatened with an attack from a for- 
eign army (xxii. 6). The common opinion among 
recent commentators has been that a tract on the 
river Kur or Cyrus is intended (Georgia in Asiatic 
Russia [Rosenmiiller, Michaelis, Gesenius]). Keil 
prefers, with Vitringa, a city in Media, the Karini 
of Ptolemy, the present Kerend. Rawlinson asks, 
May not Kir be a variant for Kish cr Kush (Cush), 
and represent the eastern Ethiopia, the Cissia of 
Herodotus ? See also Kir of Moab. 

Kir-liar'a-sctb (Heb.) (2 K. iii. 25), ) v 

Kir-hs'resh (fr. Heb.) (Is. xvi. 11), V = "l 

Kir-har'e-sctli (Heb.) (Is. xvi. 7), ) 

Kir-lic'res (Heb. brick fortress, Ges.) (Jer. xlviii. 
31, 36). This name and the three preceding, all 
slight variations of it, are all applied to one place, 
probably Kir of Moab. 

Kir-i-a-tha'im (Heb. double city), one of the towns 
of Moab which were the " glory of the country ; " 
named in the denunciations of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 
23) and Ezekiel (xxv. 9); = Kirjathaim 1. 

Kir-i-a-thi-a'ri-ns (fr. Gr.) = Kirjath-jearim, 
and Kirjath-arim (1 Esd. v. 19). 

Kir'i-oth (fr. Heb. = KsuioTn), a place in Moab, 
' the palaces of which were threatened with destruc- 
tion by fire (Am. ii. 2); unless indeed the word 
means simply the cities. Kerioth 2. 

Kirjath (fr. Heb. = city), the last of the cities 
enumerated as belonging to Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 
28). It is named with Gibeath, but without any 
copulative — " Gibeath, Kirjath." Whether there 
is any connection between these two names or not, 
probably Kirjath = Kirjath-jearim. 

Kir-ja-tha'im (fr. Heb. = Kiriathaim). 1. A 



KIR 



KIR 



523 



city B. of the Jordan, one of the places taken pos- 
session of, and rebuilt, and newly named by th'e 
Reubenites (Num. xxxii. 37, see 38 ; Josh. xiii. 19); 
possibly the same place as that which gave its 
name to the ancient Shaveh-kiriathaim. It ex- 
isted in the time of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1, 23) and 
Ezekiel (xxv. 9 — in these three passages the A. V. 
gives the name Kiriathaim). Eusebius describes 
it as a village entirely of Christians, ten miles W. 
of Medeba, " close to the Baris." Burckhardt (p. 
36V, July 13) when at Madcba (Medeba) was told 
by his guide of a place, et-Teym, about half an hour 
(one and a half miles English, or barely two miles 
Roman) therefrom, which he suggests was = Kir- 
jathaim. Porter pronounces confidently for Kurei- 
yat, under the southern side of Jebel 'Att&rus, and 
about eleven miles S. W. of the ruins of Medeba, 
as = Kirjathaim. Wilton (in Fairbairn) follows 
Mr. C. Graham in identifying Kirjathaim with 
Kirialain, one of a series of ancient cities N. of 
' 'Amman (Rabbah) and S. W. of Busrah (Bozrah ?). 
(Kerioth 2 ; Kirjath-huzoth). — 2. A town in 

; Naphtali, given to the Gershonite Levites (1 Chr. vi. 
76) ; = Kartan in Josh. xix. 

Kir'jatli-ar'ba (fr. Heb. = city of Arba, Ges.), an 
early name of Hebron (Josh. xiv. 15 ; Judg. i. 10). 
The identity of Kirjath-arba with Hebron is con- 
stantly asserted (Gen. xxiii. 2, xxxv. 27 ; Josh. xiv. 
15, xv. 13, 54, xx. 7, xxi. 11). 
Kir'jfitli-a'riiii (fr. Heb.), an abbreviated form of 

|i Kirjath-jearim (Ezr. ii. 25 only). 



Kir'jath-ba'al (fr. Heb. = city of Baal, Ges.), an 
alternative name of Kirjath-jearim (Josh. xv. 60, 
xviii. 14) = Baalah, and Baale-of-Judah. 

Kir'jath-hu'zotll (fr. Heb. = city of streets, Ges.), 
a place to which Balak accompanied Balaam imme- 
diately after his arrival in Moab (Num. xxii. 39 
only). It appears to have lain between the Arnon 
( Wady Mojeb) and Bamoth-baal (compare ver. 36 
and 41), probably N. of the former. Knobel (and 
so Porter, in Handbook for Syria and Palestine) 
identifies it with Kureiyat, on the S. W. slope of 
Jebel 'AttArus. Kirjathaim 1. 

Kir'jath-je'a-rim (fr. Heb. = city of forests), a 
city which played a not unimportant part in the 
history of the Hebrews. We first encounter it as 
one of the four cities of the Gibeonites (Josh. ix. 
17); next as one of the landmarks of the northern 
boundary of -Judah (xv. 9) and as the point at 
which the western and southern boundaries of Ben- 
jamin coincided (xviii. 14, 15); and in the last two 
passages we find that it bore another, perhaps 
earlier, name — that of the great Canaanite deity 
Baal, viz. Baalah and Kirjath-baal. It is reck- 
oned among the towns of Judah (xv. 60 ; Judg. xviii. 
12). (Kirjath.) It is included in the genealogies 
of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 50, 52) as founded by, or descended 
from, Shobal, the son of Caleb, son of Hur. "Behind 
Kirjath-jearim" the band of Danites pitched their 
camp before their expedition to Mount Ephraim and 
Laish, leaving their name attached to the spot long 
afterward (Judg. xviii. 12). (Mahaneh-dan.) Hither- 



>■'■■"''' 




Kuryet el-Enab = Kirjnth-jenrim.— From Forbln, Voyage en Orient. — (Fbn.) 



to, beyond the early sanctity implied in its bearing 
the name of Baal, there is nothing remarkable in 
Kirjath-jearim. It was no doubt this reputation for 
sanctity which made the people of Beth-shemesh 
appeal to its inhabitants to relieve them of the Ark 
of Jehovah, which was bringing such calamities on 
their untutored inexperience (1 Sam. vi. 20, 21). In 
this high place the ark remained for twenty years 
(vii. 2). At the close of that time Kirjath-jearim 
lost its sacred treasure, on its removal by David to 
the house of Obed-edom the Gittite (1 Chr. xiii. 5, 
6; 2 Chr. i. 4; 2 Sam. vi. 2, &c.). It is very re- 
markable and suggestive that in the account of this 
transaction the ancient and heathen name Baal is 
retained. Its people returned from captivity (Neh. 
vii. 29). (Kirjath-arim.) A prophet Urijah 4, a 
native of the place, was murdered by Jehoiakim 



(Jer. xxvi. 20, &c). Eusebius and Jerome describe 
it as a village at the ninth mile between Jerusalem 
and Diospolis (Lydda). Robinson (ii. 11) discovered 
that these requirements are exactly fulfilled in the 
modern village of Kuryet el-Enab — now usually 
known as Abu Gosh, from the robber-chief whose 
headquarters it was — at the eastern end of the 
Wady , Aly, on the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem. 

Kir'jath-san'nall (fr. Heb. = palm-city, Ges.), an- 
other, and probably an earlier, appellation for Debir 
(Josh. xv. 49 only). Kirjath-sepher. 

Kir'jath-se'pher (fr. Heb. — book-town, Ges. ; city 
of doctrine, Boch., Keil), the early name of Debir, 
also called Kirjath-sannah (Josh. xv. 15, 16 ; Judg. 
i. 11, 12). 

Kir (Heb. fortress, Ges.) of Mo'ab, one of the two 
chief strongholds of Moab, the other being Ar of 



524 



KIS 



KIT 



Moab. The name occurs only in Is. xv. 1, though 
the place probably = Kir-heres, Kir-haraseth, &e. 
The clew to its identification is given us by the Tar- 
gum on Isaiah and Jeremiah, which for the above 
names has C'racca, Crac, almost identical with the 
name Kerak, by which the site of an important city 
in a high and very strong position at the S. E. of 
the Dead Sea is known at this day. When Joram, 
king of Israel, invaded Moab, Kir was the only 
city left standing in the country ; and here took 
place the cruel sacrifice recorded in 2 Kings iii. 
27. In a. d. 1131, a castle was built there which 
became an important station for the Crusaders. 
The Crusaders, in error, believed it to be Petra 
(Sela), and this error is perpetrated in the Greek 
Church to the present day. Kerak lies about six 
miles S. of the modern Rabba ( Ar), and some ten miles 
from the Dead Sea, upon the plateau of highlands 
which forms this part of the country, not far from 
the western edge of the plateau. Its situation is 
truly remarkable. It is built upon the top of a 
steep hill, surrounded on all sides by a deep and 
narrow valley, which again is completely enclosed 
by mountains rising higher than the town, and over- 
looking it on all sides. The elevation of the town 
can hardly be less than 3,000 feet above the sea. 
Its population is about 3,000, one-third being Greek 
Christians. Their strong position, numbers, and 
valor, make them the rulers of a large, and almost 
independent district (Porter, in Kitto). 

Kish (Heb. a bow? Ges. ; see Arms, I. 3). 1. 
Father of King Saul 2 ; a Benjamite of the family of 
Matri ( 1 Sam. x. 21); descended from Becher (1 Chr. 
vii. 8, compared with 1 Sam. ix. 1); in N. T. Cis. — 2. 
Son of Jehiel, and uncle to the preceding (1 Chr. viii. 
30, ix. 36). — A Benjamite, great-grandfather of 
Mordecai (Esth. ii. 5). — 1. A Merarite Levite, of the 
house of Mahli ; = Kishi and Kushaiah. His sons 
married the daughters of his brother Eleazar (1 
Chr. xxiii. 21, 22, xxiv. 28, 29), apparently about 
the time of King Saul, or early in David's reign, 
since Jeduthun the singer was son of Kish (vi. 44, 
A. V., compared with 2 Chr. xxix. 12). In the last 
cited place, " Kish the son of Abdi," in the reign 
of Hezekiah, must denote (so Lord A. C. Hervey) 
the Levitical house or division, under its chief, 
rather than an individual. 

Kish'i (Heb. = Kushaiah, Ges.), a Merarite, and 
father or ancestor of Ethan the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 
44); = Kish 4. 

Kish'i-on (Heb. hardness, Ges.), one of the towns 
on the boundary of Issachar (Josh. xix. 20), allotted 
to the Gershonite Levites (xxi. 28; A. V. Kishon); 
= Kedesh 2. No trace of the situation of Kishion 
exists. 

Ki'shon (fr. Heb.) = Kishion (Josh. xxi. 28). 

Ki'shon (Heb. curved, ivinding, Ges.), the Riv'er, 
a torrent or winter stream of central Palestine, the 
scene of two of the grandest achievements of Is- 
raelite history — the defeat of Sisera (Barak ; Ha- 
rosheth ; Megiddo), and the destruction of the 
prophets of Baal bv Elijah (Carmel) (Judg. iv. 7, 
13, v. 21 ; 1 K. xviii. 40; Ps. lxxxiii. 9, A. V. " Ki- 
son"). The Nahr Mukutla, the. modern represent- [ 
ative of the Kishon, is the drain by which the 
waters of the plain of Esdr2Elon, and of the moun- 
tains which enclose that plain, viz. Carmel and the 
Samaria range on the S., the mountains of Galilee 
on the N., and Giiboa, " Little Hermon " (so called), 
and Tabor on the E., find their way to the Mediter- 
ranean. Its course is in a direction nearly due 
N. W. It has two principal feeders : the first from 



Deburieh (Daberath), on Mount Tabor, the N. E. 
angle of the plain ; the second from Jelbon (Giiboa) 
and Jenin (En-gannim) on the S. E. It is also fed 
by the copious spring of Lfjjun. During the winter 
and spring, and after sudden storms of rain, the 
upper part of the Kishon flows with a very strong 
torrent. At the same seasons the ground about 
Lejjun (Megiddo) where the principal encounter 
with Sisera probably took place, becomes a mo- 
rass, impassable for even single travellers. But like 
most of the so-called " rivers " of Palestine, the 
perennial stream forms but a small part of the 
Kishon. During the greater part of the year its 
upper portion is dry, and the stream confined to a 
few miles next the sea. The sources of this peren- 
nial portion proceed from the roots of Carmel — the 
" vast fountains called Sa'adiyeh, about three miles 
E. of Chaifa or Haifa," and those, apparently still 
more copious, described by Shaw, as bursting forth 
from beneath the eastern brow of Carmel, and dis- 
charging of themselves " a river half as big as the 
Isis." It enters the sea at the lower part of the 
Bay of 'Akka (Accho), about two miles E. of Chaifa 
" in a deep tortuous bed between banks of loamy 
soil some fifteen feet high, and fifteen to twenty 
yards apart. The bottom is soft mud, which makes 
the ford difficult at all seasons " (Porter, Handbook, 
383-4). 

Ki'son (Gr. fr. Heb.) = Kishon (Ps. lxxxiii. 9 
only). 

Kiss (Heb. verb ndshak and noun ncshikah ; Gr. 
verbs philco and kataphiled, and noun philema). 
Kissing the lips by way of affectionate salutation 
was customary among near relatives of both sexes, I 
both in Patriarchal and in later times (Gen. xxix. . 
11 ; Cant. viii. 1). Between individuals of the same i 
sex, and in a limited degree between those of dif- 
ferent sexes, the kiss on the cheek as a mark of 
respect or an act of salutation has at all times 
been customary in the East. In the Christian 
Church the kiss of charity was practised not only 
as a friendly salutation, but as an act symbolical of 
love and Christian brotherhood (Rom. xvi. 16; 1 i 
Cor. xvi. 20 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 12 ; 1 Th. v. 26 ; 1 Pet. v. • 
14). It was embodied in the earlier Christian of- 
fices, and has been continued in some of those now 
in use. Among the Arabs the women and children 
kiss the beards of their husbands and fathers. The 
superior returns the salute by a kiss on the fore- 
head. In Egypt an inferior kisses the hand of a 
superior, generally on the back, but sometimes, as 
a special favor, on the palm also. To testify abject 
submission, and in asking favors, the feet are often 
kissed instead of the hand. (Adoration.) The 
written decrees of a sovereign are kissed in token 
of respect ; even the ground is sometimes kissed 
by Orientals in the fulness of their submission (Gen. 
xli. 40 ; 1 Sam. xxiv. 8 ; Ps. lxxii. 9, &c). Kissing 
is spoken of in Scripture as a mark of respect or 
adoration to idols (1 K. xix. 18; Hos. xiii. 2). 

Kite. The Hebrew ayyah thus rendered occurs 
in three passages (Lev. xi. 14; Deut. xiv. 13; 
Job xxviii. 7) : in the two former it is translated 1 
" kite " in the A. V., in the latter " vulture." It is 
enumerated among the twenty names of birds men- 
tioned in Deut. xiv. (birds of prey belonging for the 
most part to the order of Raplores) which were con- 
sidered unclean by the Mosaic Law, and forbidden 
to be used as food by the Israelites. The allusion 
in Job alone affords a clew to its identification. 
The deep mines in the recesses of the mountains 
from which the labor of man extracts the treasures 



KIT 



KNO 



525 



of the earth are there described (so Mr. Wright) as 
"a track which the bird of prey hath not known, 
nor hath the eye of the ayyah looked upon it." 
Among all birds of prey, which are proverbially 
clear-sighted, the ayyah is thus distinguished as 
possessed of peculiar keenness of vision, and by 
this attribute alone is it marked. Translators have 
been singularly at variance with regard to this 
bird. Robertson (Clavis Pailatcuchi) derives ayyah 




Kite (Hihus ict 



from an obsolete root, which he connects with an 
Arabic word, the primary meaning of which, ac- 
cording to Schultens, is to turn. If this derivation 
be the true one, " kite " may be the correct ren- 
dering. The habit which birds of this genus have 
of " sailing in circles, with the rudder-like tail by 
its inclination governing the curve," as Yarrell 
says, accords with the Arabic derivation. In or- 
nithological language " kite " = " glede " (Milvus 
vulgaris) ; but the A. V. translators considered the 
terms distinct. Bochart identifies the ayyd.li with 
the merlin (Falco JEsalon, Linn.), the smallest of the 
British hawks. But the grounds for identifying it 
with any individual species are too slight to enable 
us to regard with confidence- any conclusions based 
upon them ; and from the expression which fol- 
lows in Leviticus and Deuteronomy, " after its 
kind," it is evident that the term is generic. 

Kith'lisli (fr. Heb., probably = a man's wall, 
Ges. ; separation, Fii.), a city of Judah, in the low- 
land (Josh. xv. 40) ; identified by Wilton (in Fair- 
bairn) with el-Jilas, a ruined site a few miles S. from 
'Ajldn (Eglon). 

Kit'ron (Heb. knotty, Ges.), one of the towns 
from which Zebulun did not expel the Canaanites 
(Judg. i. 30) ; = Kattath ? In the Talmud it is 
identified with " Zippori," i. e. Sepphoris, now Sef- 
furieh (so Mr. Grove, after Schwartz). 

Kit'tim (fr. Heb.) = Chittim (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 Chr. 
i. 1). 

Knead'ing-trouglis. Bread. 

Knife, the A. V. translation of four Hebrew 
words, viz. hereb or chereb (Josh. v. 2, 3), usually 
translated "sword" (Arms, I. 1); maaceleth = a 
knife, as an instrument for eating, Ges. (Gen. xxii. 
6, 10; Judg. xix. 29; Prov. xxx. 14); plural maha- 
Idphim or machdldphim = slaughter-knives, Ges. 
(Ezr. i. 9 only) ; saecin (Prov. xxiii. 2 only). 1. 
The knives of the Egyptians, and of other nations 
in early times, were probably only of hard stone, 
and the use of the flint or stone knife was some- 
times retained for sacred purposes after the intro- 



duction of iron and steel. Herodotus (ii. 86) men- 
tions knives both of iron and of stone in different 
stages of the same process of embalming. The 
same may perhaps be said to some extent of the 
Hebrews. 2. In their meals the Jews, like other 
Orientals, made little use of knives, but they were 
required for slaughtering animals either for food or 
sacrifice, as well as cutting up the carcass (Lev. vii. 
33, 34, viii. 15, 20, 25, ix. 13; Num. xviii. 18; 1 
Sam. ix. 24, &c). 3. Smaller knives were in use 
for paring fruit (Josephus) and for sharpening pens 
(Jer. xxxvi. 23). 4. The razor was often used for 




X, 2. Egyptian Flint Knives in Museum at Berlin. 
3. Egyptian Knife represented in Hieroglyphics. 

Nazaritic purposes, for which a special chamber 
was reserved in the Temple (Num. vi. 5, 9, 19; Ez. 
v. 1, &c). 5. The pruning-hooks of Is. xviii. 5 
were probably curved knives. 6. The lancets of 
the priests of Baal were doubtless pointed knives 
(1 K. xviii. 28). Axe. 




Assyrian Knives.— (From originals in British Museum.) 

Knop, the A. V. translation of two Hebrew terms, 
of which Mr. Grove thinks that all we can say with 
certainty is that they refer to some architectural 
or ornamental object, and have nothing in common. 
1. Heb. caphlor (= crown, chaplet, circlet, Ges.; an 
ornamental crown, Fii.) occurs in the description of 
the candlestick of the sacred tent in Ex. xxv. 31- 
36, and xxxvii. 17-22. Here the knop and the 
flower seem intended to imitate the produce of an 
almond-tree. In another part of the work they 
appear to form a boss, from which the branches are 
to spring out from the main stem. (Lintel 2.) 2. 
Heb. pi. pekd'im (— wild cucumbers, Ges., Fii.), 
found only in 1 K. vi. 18 and vii. 24, no doubt sig- 



I 



526 



KOA 



KOZ 



nifies soms globular thing resembling a small gourd, 
or an egg, though as to the character of the orna- 
ment we are quite in the dark. The following wood- 
cut of a portion of a richly ornamented door-step 
or slab from Kouyunjik (Nineveh) probably rep- 
resents something approximating to the " knop and 
the flower" of Solomon's Temple. 




Border of a Slab from Kouyunjik. — (Fergueson's Architecture.) 



Ko'a (Heb.), in Ez. xxiii. 23 only, perhaps =: a 
place otherwise unknown, which we must suppose 
to have been a city or district of Babylonia. Or it 
may be a common noun = prince or riobleman, as 
the Vulgate takes it, with Gesenius, and some of 
the Jewish interpreters. 

Ko'hath (Heb. assembly), second of Levi's three 
eons, from whom the three principal divisions of 
the Levitks derived their origin and their name 
(Gen. xlvi. 11; Ez. vi. 16, 18; Num. iii. 17 ff. ; 2 
Chr. xxxiv. 12, &c). Kohath was the father of 
Amram, and he of Moses and Aaron. From him, 
therefore, were descended all the priests (Priest) ; 
and hence those of the Kohathites who were not 
priests were of the highest rank of the Levites, 
though not the sons of Levi's first-born. In the 
journeyings of the Tabernacle the sons of Kohath 
had charge of the most holy portion of the vessels 
(Num. iv.). These were all previously covered by 
the priests, the sons of Aaron. It appears from 
Ex. vi. 18-22, compared with 1 Chr. xxiii. 12, xxvi. 
23-32, and Num. iii. 27, that there were four fam- 
ilies of sons of Kohath— Amramites, Izharites, He- 
bronites, and Uzzielites. The verses already cited 
from 1 Chr. xxvi. ; Num. iii. 19, 27 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 
12, disclose the wealth and prominence of the Ko- 
hathites, and the important offices filled by them 
as keepers of the dedicated treasures, as judges, 
officers, and rulers, both secular and sacred. In 2 
Chr. xx. 19, they appear as singers, with the Kor- 
hites. Korah, Samuel, Heman, &c, were Kohath- 
ites. The number of the sons of Kohath between 
the ages of thirty and fifty, at the first census in the 
wilderness, was 2,750, and the whole number of 
males from a month old was 8,600 (Num. iii. 28, iv. 
36). Their place in marching and encampment 
was S. of the Tabernacle (iii. 29), which was also 
the situation of the Reubenites. The inheritance 
of those sons of Kohath who were not priests lay 
in the half-tribe of Manasseh, in Ephraim (1 Chr. 
vi. 61-70), and in Dan (Josh. xxi. 5, 20-26). Of 
the personal history of Kohath we know nothing, 
except that he came down to Egypt with Levi and 
Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 11), that his sister was Jochebed 
(Ex. vi. 20), and that he lived to the age of 133 
years (vi. 18). 

* Kohath-ites = descendants of Kohath (Num. 
iii. 27, 30, iv. 18, 34, 37), &c. 

Ko-lai ah [-la'yah], or Kol-a-i'ah (Heb. voice of 
Jehovah, Ges.). 1. A Benjamite whose descendants 
settled in Jerusalem after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 
7). — 2. Father of Ahab the false prophet, who was 
burnt by the king of Babylon (Jer. xxix. 21). 

* Koph (Heb. koph, occiput, back of lite head, 



Ges.), the nineteenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet 
Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

ko rah (Heb. baldness). 1. Third son of Esau 
by Aholibamah (Gen. xxxvi. 5, 14, IS ; 1 Chr. i. 
35). He was born in Canaan before Esau migrated 
to Mount Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 5-9), and was one of the 
" dukes " of Edom.— 2. Another Edomitish duke, 
sprung from Eliphaz, Esau's son by Adah (xxxvi. 
16). — 3. One of the " sons of Hebron " in 1 Chr. 
ii. 43. — 4. Son of Izhar, the son of Kohath, the 
son of Levi. He was leader of the famous rebellion 
against his cousins Moses and Aaron in the wilder- 
ness, for which he was destroyed with his followers 
by an earthquake and flames of fire (Num. xvi., 
xxvi. 9-11). The particular grievance which rankled 
in the mind of Korah and his company was their 
exclusion from the office of the priesthood, and 
their being confined — those among them who were 
Levites — to the inferior service of the Tabernacle. 
The appointment of Elizaphan to be chief of the 
Kohathites (Num. iii. 30) may have further inflamed 
his jealousy. Korah's position as leader in this 
rebellion was evidently the result of his personal 
character, which was that of a bold, haughty, and 
ambitious man. From some cause which does not 
clearly appear, the children of Korah were not in- 
volved in the destruction of their father (xxvi. 11). 
(Korahite.) Perhaps the fissure of the ground 
which swallowed up the tents of Dathan and Abi- 
ram did not extend beyond those of the Reubenites. 
From verse 27 it seems clear that Korah himself 
was not with Dathan and Abiram at the moment. 
He himself was doubtless with the 250 men who 
bare censers nearer the Tabernacle (ver. 19), and 
perished with them by the "fire from Jehovah " 
which accompanied the earthquake. In Jude 11 
Korah (A. V. " Core ") is coupled with Cain and 
Balaam. 

Ro'rah-itc (1 Chr. ix. 19, 31), Kor'hite, or Ko'- 

ratb-ite (all fr. Heb. = descendant of Korah), de- 
notes one of the Kohathites who were descended 
from Korah 4, and are frequently styled by the sy- 
nonymous phrase Sons of Korah. The offices filled 
by the sons of Korah, as far as we are informed, are 
the following : They were an important branch of 
the singers in the Kohathite division, Heman him- 
self being a Korahite (1 Chr. vi. 33), and the Ko- 
rahites being among those who, in Jehoshaphat's 
reign, " stood up to praise the Lord God of Israel 
with a loud voice on high" (2 Chr. xx. 19). Hence 
we find eleven Psalms (or twelve, if Ps. xliii. is in- 
cluded under the same title as Ps. xlii.) dedicated or 
assigned to the sons of Korah, viz. Ps. xlii., xliv.- 
xlix., lxxxiv., lxxxv., lxxxvii., lxxxviii. Others, 
again, of the sons of Korah were " porters," i. e. 
doorkeepers, in the Temple, an office of consider- 
able dignity. Kohath ; Levites. 

Ko'ratll-ites ( = descendants of Korah 4), the 
(Num. xxvi. 58). Korahite. 

Ko're (Heb. partridge, Ges.). 1. A Korahite, an- 
cestor of Shallum and Meshelemiah, chief porters 
in the reign of David (1 Chr. ix. 19, xxvi. 1). — 2i 
Son of Imnah ; a Levite porter and overseer of of- 
ferings in Hezekiah's reign (2 Chr. xxxi. 14). — 3. 
In the A. V. of 1 Chr. xxvi. 19, "the sons of 
Kore" (= Greek for Korah 4 in LXX.) should 
properly be " the sons of the Korhite." 

Kor'hites (= descendants of Korah 4), the (Ex. vi. 
24 ; 1 Chr. xii. 6, xxvi. 1 ; 2 Chr. xx. 19). Korah- 
ite. 

Koz (fr. Heb. = thorn, Ges.) - Accoz = Coz = 
Hakkoz (Ezr. ii. 61 ; Neh. iii. 4, 21). 



KUS 



LAC 



527 



Ko-shai ah [-sha'yah] (fr. Heb. = bow of Jehovah, 
i. e. rainbow, Ges.), Kish or Kishi, father of Ethan 
the Merarite (1 Chr. xv. IV). 



La'a-dah (Heb. order, Ges.), son of Shelah, and 
grandson of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21). 

La'a-dan (Heb. put in order, Ges.). 1. An Ephraim- 
ite, ancestor of Joshua the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 
26). — 2. Son of Gershom; = Libni (xxhi. 7-9, 
xxvi. 21). 

La'bau (Heb. while, Ges.), son of Bethuel, brother 
of Rebekah, and father of Leah and Rachel. The 
elder branch of Terah's family remained at Haran 
when Abraham removed to the land of Canaan, and 
there we first meet with Laban, as taking the lead- 
ing part in the betrothal of his sister Rebekah to 
her cousin Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 10, 29-60, xxvii. 43, 
xxix. 4). Laban next appears in the sacred narra- 
tive as the host of his nephew Jacob at Haran 
(xxix. 13, 14). The subsequent transactions by 
which he secured the valuable services of his nephew 
for fourteen years in return for his two daughters, 
and for six years as the price of his cattle, together 
with the disgraceful artifice by which he palmed off 
his elder and less attractive daughter on the un- 
suspecting Jacob, are familiar to all (xxix., xxx.). 
Laban was absent shearing his sheep, when Jacob, 
having gathered together all his possessions, started 
with his wives and children for his native land ; and 
it was not till the third day that he heard of their 
stealthy departure. In hot haste he sets off in pur- 
suit. Jacob and his family had crossed the Euphra- 
tes, and were already some days' march in advance 
of their pursuers; but so large a caravan, encum- 
bered with women and children, and cattle, would 
travel but slowly (compare xxxiii. 13), and Laban 
and his kinsmen came up with the retreating 
party on the E. side of the Jordan, among the 
mountains of Gilead. After some sharp mutual 



recrimination, and an unsuccessful search for the 
teraphim, which Rachel, with the cunning which 
characterized the whole family, knew well how to 
hide, a covenant of peace was entered into between 
the two parties, and a cairn raised about a pillar- 
stone set up by Jacob, both as a memorial of the 
covenant, and a boundary which the contracting 
parties pledged themselves not to pass with hostile 
intentions. After this, " Laban rose up and kissed 
his sons and his daughters, and blessed them, and 
departed, and returned to his place ; " and he 
thenceforward disappears from the Biblical narra- 
tive. The leading principle of Laban's conduct was 
evidently self-interest, and he was little scrupulous 
as to the means whereby his ends were secured. 

La' ban (see above), one of the landmarks named 
in Deut. i. 1 ; perhaps = Libnah 2. The Syriac 
Peshito understands the name as Lebanon. 

Lab'a-na (Gr.) = Lebana (1 Esd. v. 29). 

* Labor. Agriculture ; Bread ; Cooking ; 
Handicraft ; Servant ; Shepherd ; Slave ; Wages ; 
Women, &c. 

* Late, the A. V. translation of Heb. pdthil = 
a thread, line, cord, Ges., Fii. (Ex. xxviii. 28, 37, 
xxxix. 21, 31), also translated "thread" (Jiulg. xvi. 
9), "line" (Ez. xl. 3), " bracelet" (Gen. xxxviii. 18, 
25), &c. 

Lai-C-dc-mo'ni-ans [las-] (fr. Gr. Lakedaimovioi ; 
L. Lacedazmonai) = the inhabitants of Sparta or 
Lacedemon, with whom the Jews claimed kindred 
(1 Mc. xii. 2, 5, 6, 20, 21, xiv. 20, 23, xv. 23 ; 2 Mc. 
v. 9). 

La flush [-kish] (Heb. either the smitten, captured, 
or the tenacious, i. e. impregnable, Ges. ; hill, height, 
Fii.), a city of the Amorites, the king of which joined 
with four others, at the invitation of Adonizedek, 
king of Jerusalem, to chastise the Gibeonites for 
their league with Israel (Josh. x. 3, 5, xii. 11). They 
were routed by Joshua at Beth-horon, and the king 
of Lachish fell a victim with the otheis under the 
trees at Makkedah (x. 26). . The destruction of the 
town seems to have shortly followed the death of the 
king : it was attacked in its turn, immediately after 



IBS fejfel MP^^k 




The City of Lachish (!) repelling the attack of Sennacherib.— (From Layard's Monuments of Nintmh, 2d Series, plate 21.) 



the fall of Libnah, and, notwithstanding an effort to 
relieve it by Horam, king of Gezer, was taken, and 
every soul put to the sword (ver. 31-33). In the 
special statement that the attack lasted two days, 
in contradistinction to the other cities which were 
taken in one (see ver. 35), we gain our first glimpse 
of that strength of position for which Lachish was 



afterward remarkable. It should not be overlooked 
that, though included in the lowland district (Josh, 
xv. 39), Lachish was a town of the Amorites (x. 6), 
who appear to have been essentially mountaineers. 
Its proximity to Libnah is implied many centuries 
later (2 K. xix. 8). Lachish was one of the cities 
fortified and garrisoned by Rehoboam after the re- 



528 



LAC 



LAI 



volt of the northern kingdom (2 dir. xi. 9). It was 
chosen as a refuge by Amaziah from the conspira- 
tors who threatened him in Jerusalem, and to whom 
he at last fell a victim at Lachish (2 K. xiv. 19; 2 
Chr. xxv. 27). Later still, in the reign of Hezekiah, 



it was one of the cities taken by Sennacherib when 
on his way from Phenicia to Egypt (Rawlinson, 
Herodotus). This siege is considered by Layard and 
Hincks to be depicted on the slabs found by the 
former in one of the chambers of the palace at Kou- 




Plan of Lachish (!) after its capture. — (From Layard's Monuments of Nineveh, 2d Series, plato 24.) 



yunjik. Another slab seems to show the ground- 
plan of the same city after its occupation by the 
conquerors — the Assyrian tents pitched within the 
walls, and the foreign worship going on. But though 
the Assyrian records thus appear to assert the cap- 
ture of Lachish, no statement is to be found either 
in the Bible or Josephu^ that it was taken (2 K. 
xviii. 17, xix. 8; 2 Chr. xxxii. 1, 9 ; Jer. xxxiv. 7). 
After the Captivity, Lachish, with its surrounding 
" fields," was reoccupied by the Jews (Neh. xi. 30). 
By Eusebius and Jerome, Lachish is mentioned as 
" seven miles from Eleutheropolis, toward Daroma," 
i. e. toward the S. No trace of the name has been 
found in any position corresponding to this (so Mr. 
Grove). A site called Um Ldkis, situated on a low, 
round swell or knoll, and displaying a few columns 
and other remains of ancient buildings, is found be- 
tween Gaza and Beit Jibrin, eleven miles (fourteen 
Roman miles) about W. S. W. from the latter, but 
its remains are not those of a fortified city able to 
brave an Assyrian army (Robinson, ii. 47). Porter 
(in Kitto), Professor Douglas (in Fairbairn), Van de 
Velde, &c, regard Um Ldkis as the site of Lachish. 

La-cnnus (fr. Gr.), one of the sons of Addi, who 
returned with Ezra, and had married a foreign wife 
(1 Esd. ix. 31); — Chelal ? 

La'dan(l Esd. v. 37). Delaiah 2. 

Ladder (Gr. klimax = a ladder or staircase) 
of Ty'rns (L. = Tyre), the, one of the extrem- 
ities (the northern) of the district over which 
Simon Maccabeus was made captain by Antiochus 
VI. Theos (1 Mc. xi. 59). The Ladder of Tyre, or 
of the Tyrians, was the local name for a high moun- 
tain, the highest in that neighborhood, one hundred 
stadia N. of Ptolemais, the modern ' Akka or Acre. 
(Accho.) The position of the Rds en-Nakhurah 
agrees very nearly with this, as it lies ten miles from 
'Akka, and is characterized by travellers from Parchi 



downward as very high and steep. A road wa 
anciently carried by a series of zigzags and stair- 
cases over the summit to connect the plain of Ptol- 
emais with Tyre (Porter, in Kitto). 

Ln'el (Heb. of God, sc. created, Ges.), father of 
Eliasaph, prince of the Gershonites (Num. iii. 24). 

La'had (Heb. oppression, Ges.), son of Jahath, de- 
scended from Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2). 

La-liai'-roi (Heb. of life of vision, Ges. ; see Beer- 
lahai-koi), the Well, in the A. V. of Gen. xxiv. 62, 
and xxv. 11, the name of the famous well of Hagar's 
relief, in the oasis of verdure round which Isaac 
afterward resided. 

Lall' main (Heb. place of fighl,Ya.), a town in the 
lowland district of JudahiJosh. xv. 40); identified 
by Wilton ( in Fairbairn) wnh el-Hdmdm, a site about 
six miles S. E. of 'Ajldn (Eglon). 

Lali in i (Heb. = Beth-lehemile, Fii.), brother of 
Goliath the Gittite; slain by Elhanan the sou of 
Jair, or Jaor (1 Chr. xx. 5). 

La'ish(Heb. lion, Ges.). 1. The city taken by the 
Danites, and under its new name of Dan 2 famous 
as the northern limit of the nation, and as the de- 
pository first of the graven image of Micah (Judg. 
xviii. 7, 14, 27, 29), and subsequently of one of the 
calves of Jeroboam. — 2. In the A. V. Laish (Heb. 
Layeshdh) is again mentioned in the graphic account 
of Sennacherib's march on Jerusalem (Is. x. 30) ; 
but (so Mr. Grove, Gesenius, Fiirst, Robinson, &c.) 
it seems more consonant with the tenor of the 
whole passage to take it as the name of a small vil- 
lage Laish or Laishah, lying near Gallim and Ana- 
thoth. Wilton (in Fairbairn) identifies this Laish with 
el- 'fsdwiyeh, a village about half-way between J Andta 
(Anathoth) and Jerusalem. In 1 Mc. ix. 5 a village 
named Alasa (A. V. "Eleasa") is mentioned as 
the scene of the battle in which Judas was killed. 
In the Vulgate it is Laisa. The two names may 



LAI 



LAM 



529 



possibly indicate one and the same place, and that 
the Laishah of Isaiah (so Mr. Grove). Adasa. 

La'isll (see above), father of Phaltiel, to whom 
Saul had given Michal, David's wife (1 Sam. xxv. 
44 ; 2 Sam. iii. 15). 

Lakes. Gennesaret ; Merom ; Palestine ; Sea, 
the Salt. 

La'knm (Heb. Lakkum, properly = way-slopper, 
i. e. a fortified place, Ges.), one of the places on the 
boundary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). 

Lamb = a young sheep ; the A. V. translation of 
— 1. Chal. immar = Heb. cebes. See below, No. 3 
(Ez. vi. 9, 17, vii. 17).— 2. Heb. tdleh (1 Sam. vii. 
9 ; Is. lxv. 25), a young sucking lamb ; originally 
the young of any animal. — 3. Heb. cebes, ceseb, and 
the feminines cibsdh, or cabsdh, and cisbdh, respec- 
tively denote a male and female lamb from the first 
to the third year. The former perhaps more nearly 
coincide with the English provincial term hog or 
hogget = a young ram before he is shorn. Young 
rams of this age formed an important part of almost 
every sacrifice. — 4. Heb. car, a fat ram, or more 
probably wether, as the word is generally employed 
in opposition to ayil = a " ram " (Deut. xxxii. 14 ; 
2 K. iii. 4 ; Is. xxxiv. 6). The Tyrians obtained 
their supply from Arabia and Kedar (Ez. xxvii. 21), 
and the pastures of Bashan were famous as grazing- 
grounds (xxxix. IS). — 5. Heb. ison, rendered " lamb " 
(margin " kid ") in Ex. xii. 21, is properly a collect- 
ive term denoting a " flock " of small cattle, sheep, 
and goats, in distinction from herds of the larger 
animals (Eccl. ii. 7 ; Ez. xlv. 15). In opposition to 
this collective term the — 6. Heb. sch denotes the in- 
dividuals of a flock, whether sheep or goats (Gen. 
xxii. 7, 8; Ex. xii. 3, xxii. 1, &c). — 7. Gr. amnos, 
used in N. T. only figuratively of Christ as a lamb 
for sacrifices four times (Jn. i. 29, 36 ; Acts viii. 32; 
1 Pet. i. 19) ; in LXX. = No. 3, 4, &c— 8. Gr. aren? 
pi. arnes (Lk. x. 3 only) ; in LXX. = No. 3.-9. Gr. 
arnion (a diminutive of No. 8), used in N. T. only 
figuratively of Christians (Jn. xxi. 15) and of Christ 
(Rev. v. 6, 8, 12, 13, and twenty-five other times in 
Rev.) ; in LXX. = No. 3. — On the Paschal Lamb, 
see Passover. 

La'mecll [-mek] (L. fr. Heb. lamech = powerful, 
Ges.?; overthrower of enemies, wild man, Fii.), the 
name of two persons in antediluvian history. 1, 
The fifth lineal descendant from Cain (Gen. iv. 18- 
24). He is the only one except Enoch, of the pos- 
terity of Cain, whose history is related with some 
detail. He is the first polygamist on record. His 
two wives, Adah and Zillah, and his daughter 
Naamah, are, with Eve, the only antediluvian 
women whose names are mentioned by Moses. His 
three sons — Jabal, Jubal, and Tubal-cain — are 
celebrated in Scripture as authors of useful inven- 
tions. Josephus relates that the number of his 
sons was seventy-seven, and Jerome records the 
same tradition, adding that they were all cut off 
by the Deluge, and that this was the seventy- 
seven-fold vengeance which Lamech imprecated. 
The remarkable poem which Lamech uttered has 
not yet been explained quite satisfactorily. It is 
the only extant specimen of antediluvian poetry ; 
it came down, perhaps as a popular song, to the 
generation for whom Moses wrote, and he inserts 
it in its proper place in his history. It may be 
rendered (so Mr. Bullock): — 

Adah and Zillah ! hear my voice, 

Ye wives of Lamech ! give ear unto my speech ; 
For a man had I slain for smiting me, 

And a youth for wounding me : 

34 



Surely sevenfold shall Cain be avenged. 
But Lamech seventy-and-seven. 

Jerome relates, as a tradition of his predecessors 
and of the Jews, that Cain was accidentally slain 
by Lamech in the seventh generation from Adam. 
Luther considers the occasion of the poem to be 
the deliberate murder of Cain by Lamech. Herder 
regards it as Lamech's song of exultation on the 
invention of the sword by his son Tubal-cain, 
in the possession of which he foresaw a great 
advantage to himself and his family over any 
enemies. This interpretation appears, on the 
whole, to be the best. — 2. Father of Noah (Gen. v. 
29). 

* La'mcd (Heb. Idmed = ox-goad, Ges.), the twelfth 
letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Wri- 
ting. 

Lam-cn-ta'tions of Jcr-c-mi'ali, the. The Hebrew 
title of this Book (Eychdh — A. V. " How ") is 
taken, like those of the five Books of Moses, from 
the Hebrew word with which it opens, and which 
appears to have been almost a received formula 
for the commencement of a song of wailing (com- 
pare 2 Sam. i. 19-27). The poems included in this 
collection appear in the Hebrew Canon with no 
name attached to them, and there is no direct ex- 
ternal evidence that they were written by the 
prophet Jeremiah earlier than the date given in 
the prefatory verse which appears in the LXX. 
This represents, however, the established belief of 
the Jews alter the completion of the canon. The 
poems belong unmistakably to the last days of the 
kingdom, or the commencement of the exile. They 
are written by one who speaks, with the vividness 
and intensity of an eye-witness, of the misery which 
he bewails. It might almost be enough to ask (so 
Prof. Plumptre, the original author of this article), 
who else then living could have written with that 
union of strong passionate feeling and entire sub- 
mission to Jehovah which characterizes both the 
Lamentations and the Prophecy of Jeremiah ? The 
evidences of identity are, however, stronger and 
more minute from characteristic words, expressions, 
&c. Assuming this as sufficiently established, there 
come the questions — I. When, and on what occa- 
sion did Jeremiah write it? II. In what relation 
did it stand to his other writings ? III. What 
light does it throw on his personal history, or on 
that of the time in which he lived ? I. The ear- 
liest statement on this point is that of Josephus 
(x. 5, § 1). He finds among the books extant in 
his own time the lamentations on the death of 
Josiah, which are mentioned in 2 Chr. xxxv. 25. 
As there are no traces of any other poem of this 
kind in the later Jewish literature, it has been in- 
ferred, naturally enough, that he speaks of this 
(Jerome, Usher, Dathe, Michaelis, Calovius, De 
Wette). It does not appear, however, to rest on 
any better grounds than a hasty conjecture. And 
against it we have to set (1.) the tradition on the 
other side embodied in the preface of the LXX., 
(2.) the contents of the book itself. We look in 
vain for a single word distinctive of a funeral 
dirge over a devout and zealous reformer like Jo- 
siah, while we find, step by step, the closest pos- 
sible likeness between the pictures of misery in 
the Lamentations and the events of the closing 
years of the reign of Zedekiah (compare Lam. ii. 
11, 12, 20, iv. 4, 9, with 2 K. xxv. 3, &c). Unless 
we adopt the strained hypothesis that the whole 
poem is prophetic in the sense of being predictive, 
the writer seeing the future as if it were actually 



530 



LAM 



LAM 



present, or the still wilder conjecture of Rashi, that 
this was the roll which Jehoiachin destroyed, and 
which was rewritten by Baruch or Jeremiah, we 
are compelled to come to the conclusion that the 
coincidence is not accidental, and to adopt the later, 
not the earlier, of the dates. At what period after 
the capture of the city the prophet gave this utter- 
ance to his sorrow we can only conjecture, and the 
materials for doing so with any probability are but 
scanty. He may have written it immediately after 
the attack was over, or when he was with Gedaliah 
at Mizpeh, or when he was with his countrymen 
at Tahpanhcs. II. It is well, however, to be re- 
minded by these conjectures that we have before 
us, not a book in five chapters, but five separate 
poems, each complete in itself, each having a dis- 
tinct subject, yet brought at the same time under a 
plan which includes them all. It is clear, before 
entering on any other characteristics, that we find, 
in full predominance, that strong personal emotion 
which mingled itself, in greater or less measure, 
with the whole prophetic work of Jeremiah. Other 
differences between the two books that bear the 
prophet's name grew out of this. Here there is 
more attention to form, more elaboration. The 
rhythm is more uniform than in the prophecies. 
A complicated alphabetic structure pervades nearly 
the whole book. (1.) Chapters i., ii., and iv. con- 
tain twenty-two verses each, arranged in alphabetic 
order, each verse falling into three nearly-balanced 
clauses ; ii. 19 forms an exception as having a fourth 
clause. (2.) Chapter iii. contains three short verses 
under each letter of the alphabet, the initial letter 
being three times repeated. (3.) Chapter v. con- 
tains the same number of verses as chapters i., ii., 
iv., but without the alphabetic order. (Poetry, 
Hedrew ; Writing.) III. The power of entering 
into the spirit and meaning of these poems depends 
on two distinct conditions. We must seek to see, 
as with our own eyes, the desolation, misery, con- 
fusion, which came before those of the prophet. 
We must endeavor also to feel as he felt when he 
looked on them. And the last is the more difficult 
of the two. Jeremiah was not merely a patriot- 
poet, weeping over the ruin of his country. He was 
a prophet who had seen all this coming, and had 
foretold it as inevitable. He had urged submission 
to the Chaldeans as the only mode of diminishing 
the terrors of that " day of the Lord." And now 
the Chaldeans were come, irritated by the perfidy 
and rebellion of the king and princes of Judah ; 
and the actual horrors that he saw, surpassed, 
though he had predicted them, all that he had been 
able to imagine. All feeling of exultation in which, 
as a mere prophet of evil, he might have indulged 
at the fulfilment of his forebodings, was swallowed 
up in deep, overwhelming sorrow. Yet sorrow, not 
less than other emotions, works on men according 
to their characters, and a man with Jeremiah's 
gift of utterance could not sit down in the mere 
silence and stupor of a hopeless grief. He was 
compelled to give expression to that which was de- 
vouring his heart and the heart of his people. The 
act itself was a relief to him. It led him on (as will 
be seen hereafter) to a calmer and serener state. It 
revived the faith and hope which had been nearly 
crushed out. — An examination of the five poems 
will enable us to judge how far each stands by it- 
self, how far they are connected as parts forming a 
whole, (i.) The opening verse strikes the key-note 
of the whole poem. That which haunts the proph- 
et's mind is the solitude in which he finds himself. 



She that was " princess among the nations " sits, 
" solitary," " as a widow." After the manner so 
characteristic of Hebrew poetry, the personality of 
the writer now recedes and now advances, and 
blends by hardly perceptible transitions with that 
of the city which he personifies, and with which he, 
as it were, identifies himself. Mingling with this 
outburst of sorrow there are two thoughts charac- 
teristic both of the man and the time. The calam- 
ities which the nation suffers are the consequences 
of its sins. There must be the confession of those 
sins. There is also, at any rate, this gleam of con- 
solation, that Judah is not alone in her sufferings. 
Those who have exulted in her destruction shall 
drink of the same cup. (ii.) As the solitude of the 
city was the subject of the first lamentation, so the 
destruction that had laid it waste is that which is 
most conspicuous in the second. Added to all this, 
there was the remembrance of that which had been 
all along the great trial of Jeremiah's life, against 
which he had to wage continual war. The proph- 
ets of Jerusalem had seen vain and foolish things, 
false burdens, and causes of banishment (14). A 
righteous judgment had fallen on them. The 
prophets found no vision of Jehovah (9). The king 
and the princes who had listened to them were cap- 
tive among, the Gentiles, (iii.) The difference al- 
ready noticed in the structure of this poem indicates 
a corresponding difference in its substance. In the 
two preceding poems, Jeremiah had spoken of the 
misery and destruction of Jerusalem. In the third 
he speaks chiefly, though not exclusively, of his 
own. But here, as in the prophecies, we find a Gos- 
pel for the weary and heavy-laden, a trust, not to be 
shaken, in the mercy and righteousness of Jehovah, 
(iv.) It might seem, at first, as if the fourth poem 
did but reproduce the pictures and the thoughts of 
the first and second. There come before us, once 
again, the famine, the misery, the desolation, that 
had fallen on the holy city, making all faces gather 
blackness. One new element in the picture is 
found in the contrast between the past glory of the 
consecrated families of the kingly and priestly 
stocks (" Nazarites " in A. V.) and their later misery 
and shame. Some changes there are, however, not 
without interest in their relation to the poet's own 
life and to the history of his time. All the facts gain 
a new significance by being seen in the light of the 
personal experience of the third poem, (v.) One 
great difference in the fifth and last section of the 
poem has been already pointed out. It obviously 
indicates either a deliberate abandonment of the 
alphabetic structure, or the unfinished character of 
the concluding elegy. There are signs also of a 
later date than that of the preceding poems. 
Though the horrors of the famine are ineffaceable, 
yet that which he has before him is rather the con- 
tinued protracted suffering of the rule of the Chal- 
deans. There are perhaps few portions of the 0. 
T. which appear to have done the work they were 
meant to do more effectually than this. It has 
supplied thousands with the fullest utterance for 
their sorrows in the critical periods of national or 
individual suffering. We may well believe that it 
soothed the weary years of the Babylonian exile. 
On the ninth day of the month of Ab (July), the 
Lamentations of Jeremiah were read, year by year, 
with fasting and weeping, to commemorate the 
misery out of which the people had been delivered. 
It has come to be connected with the thoughts of a 
later devastation, and its words enter, sometimes at 
least, into the prayers of the pilgrim Jews who 



LAM 



LAO 



531 



meet at the " place of wailing " to mourn over the 
departed glory of Jerusalem. It enters largely into 
the order of the Latin Church for the services of 
Passion-week. — A few facts connected with the ex- 
ternal history of the Book remain to be stated. 
The position which it has occupied in the Canon of 
the 0. T. has varied from time to time. In the re- 
ceived Hebrew arrangement it is placed among the 
Hagiographa, between Ruth and Ecclesiastes. In 
the Bomberg Bible of 1521, it stands among the 
five Megilloth after the Books of Moses. The LXX. 
group the writings connected with the name of 
Jeremiah together, but the Book of Baruch comes 
between the prophecy and the Lamentation. On 
the hypothesis of some writers that Jer. lii. was 
originally the introduction to the poem, it would 
follow that the arrangement of the Vulgate and the 
A. V. corresponds more closely than any other to 
that which we must look on as the original one. 
Bible ; Inspiration ; Old Testament. 

Lamp. 1. (Heb. ner, neyr, nir.) That part of the 
golden candlestick belonging to the Tabernacle 
which bore the light; also of each of the ten 
candlesticks placed by Solomon in the Temple be- 
fore the Holy of Holies (Ex. xxv. 3*7 ; 1 K. vii. 49 ; 
2 Chr. iv. 20, xiii. 11; Zech. iv. 2). The lamps 
were lighted every evening, and cleansed every 
morning (Ex. xxx. 7, 8). — 2. (Heb. lappid.) A torch 
or flambeau. sUch as was carried by the soldiers of 
Gideon (Judg. vii. 16, 20 ; compare xv. 4 [A. V. 
"firebrands"]; Gen. xv. 17; Is. lxii. 1; Ex. xx. 
18, "lightnings;" Zech. xii. 6, "torch," &c). — 3. 
(Gr. lampas — a light ; in LXX. = No. 2 ; in N. T. 
[in plural] in Acts xx. 8 " lights ; " in Jn. xviii. 3 
" torches ; " in Mat. xxv. 1 ff., Rev. iv. 5 " lamps ; " 
in viii. 10 [in singular] "lamp." See Candle.) The 
use of lamps fed with 
oil in marriage pro- 
cessions is alluded to in 
the parable of the ten 
virgins (Mat. xxv. 1). 
Probably (so Kitto) ani- 
mal fat was also used 
in lamps by the He- 
brews, as it is often 
now in some parts of 
western Asia. Cotton 
wicks are now used throughout Asia ; but proba- 
bly the Hebrews like the Egyptians employed the 
outer and coarser fibre of flax, or linen yarn. A 
modern Egyptian lamp 
consists of a small 
glass vessel with a 
tube at the bottom 
containing a cotton - 
wick twisted round a 
piece of straw. This 
lamp appears in the 
cut, both separately, 
and with the usual re- 
ceptacle of wood,which 
protects the flame from 
the wind. For night- 
travelling, the modern 
Egyptians use a lan- 
tern called fanoos, 
composed of waxed cloth strained over a sort of 
cylinder of wire-rings, and a top and bottom of per- 
forated copper. This would, in form at least, 
answer to Gideon's lamps within pitchers. (See 
above; also Midian.) On occasions of marriage, 
the street or quarter where the bridegroom lives is 



lluminated with lamps suspended from cord drawn 
across. Lantern. 




Ancient Egyptian Lamp (of plnss t). 
An erect ivick in the hand. — From 
Wilkinson.— (Fbn.) 




Modern Ejryptian Lamp (kan 
From Lane.— (Fbn.) 





Ancient Assyrian Lamps in British MuBeum.— (Fbn.) 
1. Bronze from N, W. palace, Nimroud. 1. Bronze from Kouyunjik. 3,4. 
Terra Cotta from Warka. 5. Terra Cotta from Kouyunjik. 

* Lance. Arms, I. 2, b. 

Lancet (1 K. xviii. 28 only). Arms, I. 2, c. 

* Land. Agriculture ; Earth. 

* Land mark. Field. 

Language [lang'gwej]. Shemitic Languages; 
Tongue ; Tongues, Confusion of. 

Lan tern occurs only in Jn. xviii. 3 as the trans- 
lation of Gr. p/ianos = light, lantern, torch (Rbn. 
N. T. Lex.). (Lamp.) — For the Jewish Feast of 
Lamps or Lanterns, see Dedication, Feast of. 





Modern Egyptian Lanterns. — From Lane. — (Fbn.) 
1. Used on festive occasions. 2. The fanoos, or common lantern. Lamp. 

La-od-i-cc'a [-see'ah] (fr. Gr., see below), a town 
of some consequence in the Roman province of 
Asia; situated in the valley of the river Meander, 
on a small river called the Lycus, with Colosse and 
Hierapolis a few miles distant to the W. Built, 
or rather rebuilt, by one of the Selcucid monarchs, 
and named in honor of his wife, Laodicea became 
under the Roman government a place of some im- 
portance. Its trade was considerable : it lay on the 
line of a great road ; and it was the seat of a court 
of justice. From Rev. iii. 17, we gather it was a 
place of great wealth. The damage caused by an 
earthquake in the reign of Tiberius was promptly 
repaired by the energy of the inhabitants. Soon 
after this occurrence Christianity was introduced 
into Laodicea, not, however, as it would seem, 
through the direct agency of St. Paul. We have 
good reason for believing that when, in writing 
from Rome to the Christians of Colosse, he sent a 
greeting to those of Laodicea, he had not personally 
visited either place. But the preaching of the Gos- 
pel at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 19-xix. 41) must ine- 
vitably have resulted in the formation of churches 



532 lao 

in the neighboring cities, especially where Jews 
were settled: and there were Jews in Laodicea. 
The Church of the Laodiceans is pointedly rebuked 
and threatened with divine judgments for its luke- 
warmness (Rev. ii. 14 ff.). In subsequent times 



LAS 

Laodicea became a Christian city of eminence, the 
see of a bishop, and a meeting-place of councils. 
The Mohammedan invaders destroyed it ; and it is 
now a scene of utter desolation : but the extensive 
ruins at the village of Eski Hissar justify all that 





Laodicea. — From Smith's Smaller Dictionary. 



we read of Laodicea in Greek and Roman writers. 
One Biblical subject of interest is connected with 
Laodicea. From Col. iv. 16 it appears that St. 
Paul wrote a letter to this place when he wrote the 
letter to Colosse. The question arises whether we 
can give any account of this Laodicean epistle. 
Wieseler's theory is that the Epistle to Philemon is 
meant. Another view, maintained by Paley, Cony- 
beare & Howson, &c, is that the Epistle to the 
Ephesians is intended. Usher's view is th:«t this 
last epistle was a circular letter sent to Laodicea 
among other places. The apocryphal Epistle to the 
Laodiceans is a late and clumsy forgery. The sub- 
scription at the end of 1 Timothy " written from 
Laodicea " is of no authority. 

La-od-i-ce ans == the inhabitants of Laodicea 
(Col. iv. 16; Rev. iii. 14). 

Lap'i-dotll (L. fr. Heb. = torches), the husband of 
Deborah the prophetess (Judg. iv. 4 only). 

Lap' wing (Heb. duciphalh) occurs only in Lev. xi. 
19, and Deut. xiv. 18, amongst those birds which 
were forbidden by the law of Moses to be eaten by 
the Israelites. Commentators generally agree with 
the LXX. and Vulgate that the Hoopoe is the bird 
intended. According to Bochart, these four dif- 
ferent interpretations have been assigned to duci- 
phath: — 1. The Sadducees supposed the bird in- 
tsnded to be the common hen, which they therefore 
refused to eat. 2. Another interpretation under- 
stands the cock of the woods ( Tetrao Urogallns). 3. 
Other interpreters think the altagen (?) is meant. 
4. The last interpretation is the Hoopoe. Many, 
and curious in some instances, are the derivations 
proposed for the Hebrew word, but the most prob- 
able one is the mountain-cock. It must, however, 
be remarked that the observations of the habits of 



the hoopoe recorded by modern zoologists do not 
appear to warrant the assertion that it is so pre- 
eminently a mountain-bird as has been implied 
above. Marshy ground, ploughed land, wooded 
districts, such as are near to water, are more espe- 
cially its favorite haunts. The hoopoe was accounted 




The Hoopoe {Vjmfa EpopaX— (Fbn.) 

an unclean bird by the Mosaic law, nor is it now 
eaten except occasionally in those countries where 
it is abundantly found — Egypt, France, Spain, &c, 
&c. It seems to have been always regarded, both 
by Arabians and Greeks, with superstitious rever- 
ence. It is nearly as large as a pigeon. Its crest 
is very elegant, the long feathers forming it are each 
of them tipped with black. 
La-se'a (fr. Gr. Lasaia ; also written La-stc'a 



LAS 



LAV 



533 



[-see'ah]) (Acts xxvii. 8). A few years ago it would 
have been impossible to give any information re- 
garding this Cretan city, except indeed that it prob- 
ably — the "Lisia" mentioned in the Peulinger 
Table as sixteen miles E. of Gorttna. But in 
January, 1856, a yachting party made inquiries at 
Fair Havens, and were told that the name Lasea 
was still given to some ruins a few miles E. A short 
search sufficed to discover these ruins, and inde- 
pendent testimony confirmed the name. 

La'sha (fr. Heb. = chink, fissure, Ges.), a place 
noticed in Gen. x. 19 only, as marking the limit of 
the country of the Canaanites. It lay apparently 
somewhere in the S. E. of Palestine, though Wilton 
(in Fbn.), &c, identify it with Laish 1 = Dan 2. 
Jerome and other writers identify it with Callirhoe, 
a spot famous for hot springs, near the eastern 
shore of the Dead Sea in the deep, narrow chasm 
of Wady Zerka MaHn. The baths here were once 
celebrated for their medicinal properties, and were 
visited by Herod during his last illness. 

La-sliar'on [-shair'on, compare Sharon] (fr. Heb. 
= on t/ie plain or at Sharon ?), one of the Canaanite 
towns whose kings were killed by Joshua (Josh. xii. 
18). The Vulgate, Gesenius, &c, make Lasharon 
= Sharon. Wilton (in Fbn.) would identify it with 
Sdruneh, a place S. W. from Tiberias. 

Las'tllC-nes [-neez] (Gr. strength of a stone, Wal- 
ton's Polyglott), an officer who stood high in the 
favor of Demetrius II. Nicator, described as "cous- 
in" (1 Mc. xi. 31) and "father" (ver. 32) of the 
king. Both words may be taken as titles of high 
nobility. It appears from Josephus (xiii. 4, § 3) that 
he was a Cretan, to whom Demetrius was indebted 
for a large body of mercenaries (comp. 1 Mc. x. 67). 

Latcll'et, the thong or fastening by which the 
sandal was attached to the foot. In the proverbial 
expression in Gen. xiv. 23, it = something trivial 
or worthless. Another semi-proverbial expression 
in Lk. iii. 16 points to the fact that the office of 
bearing and unfastening the shoes of great person- 
ages fell to the meanest slaves. 

Latin (fr. L.), the language spoken by the Ro- 
mans, is mentioned only in Jn. xix. 20, and Lk. xxiii. 
38. (Roman Empire; Rome; Tongues, Confusion 
of.). — Latin Versions of the Bible; see Versions, 
Ancient Latin. 

Lat'tiro, the A. V. translation of three Hebrew 
words. 1. Eshndb(= a latticed window, through 
which the cool breezes enter the house, Ges.), which 
occurs but twice, Judg. v. 28, and Prov. vii. 6, and 
in the latter passage is translated "casement" in 
the A. V. In both instances it stands in parallelism 
with "window." — 2. Haraccim or characchn (Cant, 
ii. 9), apparently = No. 1, though a word of later 
date. — 3. Sebdchdh simply = a network placed be- 
fore a window or balcony. Perhaps the network 
through which Ahaziah fell and received his mortal 
injury was on the parapet of his palace (2 K. i. 2). 

*Langh [lahf], to, the A. V. translation of— 1. 
Heb. Wag, twice (Job ix. 23 ; Ps. lxxx. 6, Heb. 7); 
usually translated " laugh to scorn" (2 K. xix. 21 ; 
Neh. ii. 19, &c), or "mock" (Job xi. 3; Prov. i. 
26, xxx. 17, &c), once to " have in derision " (Ps. 
ii. 4).— 2. Heb. tsdhak or tsdchak (Gen. xvii. 17, 
xviii. 12, 13, 15, xxi. 6), elsewhere translated " to 
mock" (xix. 14, xxi. 9, xxxix. 14, 17), "to play" 
(Ex. xxxii. 6), "made them sport" (Judg. xvi. 25), 
" sporting" (Gen. xxvi. 8). A kindred word is trans- 
lated "laugh" (xxi. 6), and "laughed to scorn" 
(Ez. xxiii. 32). — 3. Heb. sdhak or sdchak, the com- 
mon word for " laugh " (Ps. ii. 4 ; Eccl. iii. 4, &c), 



also translated "to play" (2 Sam. ii. 14, vi. 5, 21 ; 
Zech. viii. 5, &c), "make sport" (Judg. xvi. 25, 
27), "rejoice" (Prov. viii. 30, 31,xxxi. 25), "mock', 
(Lam. i. 7, &c.), "scorn" (Job xxxix. 7, 18), "de- 
ride " (Hab. i. 10), &c. The noun sihok or sechok 
is translated " laughter " (Ps. cxxvi. 2 ; Eccl. vii. 3, 

6, &c), "sport" (Prov. x. 23), "derision" (Jer. xx. 

7, &c). — 4. Gr. gelao (Lk. vi. 21, 25 only) ; in LXX. 
= No. 2. The noun gelds occurs in N. T. in Jas. 
iv. 9 only, and is translated " laughter." The com- 
pound verb katagelao (—to laugh at in scorn, to de- 
ride, Rbn., iV. T. Lex.) is translated " laugh to scorn" 
(Mat. ix. 24 ; Mk. v. 40 ; Lk. viii. 53). 

* Laogh'tcr. Laugh. 

Laver (fr. L. ; Heb. ciyor). 1. In the Taber- 
nacle, a vessel of brass containing water for the 
priests to wash their hands and feet before offering 
sacrifice. It stood in the court between the altar 
and the door of the Tabernacle, and, according to 
Jewish tradition, a little to the S. (Ex. xxx. 19, 21 ; 
Reland, Ant. Heb. pt. i. ch. iv. 9). It rested on a 
basis, i. e. a foot, though by some explained to be a 
cover of copper or brass, which, as well as the laver 
itself, was made from the mirrors of the women 
who assembled at the door of the Tabernacle-court 
(Ex. xxxviii. 8). The form of the laver is not speci- 
fied, but may be assumed to have been circular. 
Like the other vessels belonging to the Tabernacle, 
it was, together with its " foot," consecrated with 
oil (Lev. viii. 10, 11). As no mention is made of 




a 




a. 




a. 




Conjectural Diagram of tho Laver. — (After Thenius.) 



any vessel for washing the flesh of the sacrificial 
victims, it is possible that the laver may have been 
used for this purpose also (Reland, Ant. Heb. i. iv. 
9). 2. In Solomon's Temple, besides the great mol- 
ten sea (Sea, Molten), there were ten lavers of brass, 
raised on bases (1 K. vii. 27, 39), five on the N. and 
S. sides respectively of the court of the priests. 
Each laver contained forty of the measures called 



53i 



LAW 



LAW 



" bath." They were used for washing the animals 
to be offered in burnt-otferings (2 Chr. iv. 6). The 
dimensions of the bases with the lavers, as given 
in the Hebrew text, are 4 cubits in length and 
breadth, and 3 in height. The LXX. gives 4x4x6 
in height. Josephus makes them 5 in length, 4 in 
width, and 6 in height ( 1 K. vii. 28 ; Thenius; Josephus 
viii. 3, § 3). There were to each four wheels of 1-J 
cubits in diameter, with spokes, &c, all cast in one 
piece. The principal parts requiring explanation 
may be thus enumerated : — (a) " Borders," probably 
panels. Gesenius supposes these to have been or- 
naments like square shields with engraved work. 
(b) " Ledges," joints in corners of bases or fillets 
covering joints, (c) "Additions," probably fes- 
toons ; Lightfoot translates borders descending 
obliquely, (d) " Plates," probably axles, cast in the 
same piece as the wheels, (e) " Undersetters," 
either the naves of the wheels, or a sort of handles 
for moving the whole machine (so Mr. Phillott) ; 
Lightfoot translates columns supporting the /aver; 
Gesenius shoulders of an axle. {/) " Naves." (</) 
" Spokes." (h) " Felloes." (i) " Chapiter," perhaps 
the rim of the circular opening ("mouth," ver. 31) 
in the convex top (so Mr. Phillott) ; Gesenius trans- 
lates capital, chapiter of a column, (fc) A " round 
compass," perhaps the convex roof of the base. 
To these parts Josephus (viii. 3, § 6) adds chains, 
probably = the festoons above mentioned. 

Law (Heb. tordh ; Gr. nomos). The word is prop- 
erly used, in Scripture as elsewhere, to express a 
definite commandment laid down by any recognized 
authority. The commandment may be general, or 
(as in Lev. vi. 9, 14, &c, " the law of the burnt- 
offering," &c.), particular in its bearing; the author 
ity either human or divine. But when the word is 
used with the article, and without any words of 
limitation, it refers to the expressed will of God, 
and, in nine cases out of ten, to the Mosaic Law 
(Law op Moses), or to the Pentateuch, of which it 
forms the chief portion. The Hebrew word tordh 
(S3 Mr. Barry) lays more stress on its moral author- 
ity, as teaching the truth, and guiding in the right 
way ; the Greek nornos, on its constraining power, 
as imposed and enforced by a recognized authority. 
The sense of the word, however, extends its scope, 
and assumes a more abstract character in the writ- 
ings of St. Paul. Nomos, when used by him with 
the article (" the Law") still refers in general to the 
Law of Moses ; but when used without the article, 
so as to embrace any manifestation of " law," it in- 
cludes all powers which act on the will of man by 
compulsion, or by the pressure of external motives, 
whether their commands be or or be not expressed 
in definite forms. The occasional use of the word 
" law " (as in Rom. iii. 27, " law of faith ; " &c), to 
denote an internal principle of action, does not 
really militate against the general rule. It should 
also be noticed that the title "the Law" is occa- 
sionally used loosely to refer to the whole of the 0. 
T. (as in Jn. x. 34, referring to Ps. lxxxii. 6 ; in Jn. 
xv. 25, referring to Ps. xxxv. If); and in 1 Cor. xiv. 
21, referring to Is. xxviii. 11, 12). 

Law (see above) of Mo'ses (see Moses). It will be 
the object of this article (originally by Mr. Barry) 
to give a brief analysis of the substance of the Law, 
to point out its main principles, and to explain the 
position which it occupies in the progress of Divine 
Revelation. In order to do this the more clearly, it 
seems best to speak of the Law, I., in relation to 
the past; II., in its own intrinsic character; and, 
III., in its relation to the future. I. (a.) In reference 



to the past, it is all-important, for the proper under- 
standing of the Law, to remember its entire depend- 
ence on the Abrahamic Covenant, and its adaptation 
thereto (see Gal. iii. 17-24). That covenant had a 
twofold character. It contained the " spiritual 
promise " of the Messiah, which was given to the 
Jews as representatives of the whole human race. 
But it contained also the temporal promises sub- 
sidiary to the former. These promises were special, 
given distinctively to the Jews as a nation. It fol- 
lows that there would be in the Law a corresponding 
duality of nature. There would be in it much 
peculiar to the Jews, local, special, and transitory; 
but the fundamental principles must be universal. 
(b.) The nature of this relation of the Law to the 
promise is clearly pointed out. The belief in God 
as the Redeemer of man, and the hope of His mani- 
festation as such in the person of the Messiah, in- 
volved the belief that the Spiritual Power must be 
superior to all carnal obstructions, and that there 
was in man a spiritual element which could rule his 
lite by communion with a Spirit from above. But 
it involved also the idea of an antagonistic Power 
of Evil, from which man was to be redeemed, ex- 
isting in each individual, and existing also in the 
world at large. The promise was the witness 
of the one truth ; the Law was the declaration 
of the other, (c.) Nor is it less essential to remark 
the period of the history at which it was given. It 
marked and determined the transition of Israel from 
the condition of a tribe to that of a nation, and 
its definite assumption of a distinct position and 
office in the history of the world, (d.) Yet, though 
new in its general conception, it was probably 
not wholly new in its materials. There must neces- 
sarily have been, before the Law, commandments 
and revelations of a fragmentary character, under 
which Israel had hitherto grown up. (Adultery ; 
Clean and Unclean ; Marriage ; Murder ; Sab- 
bath; Sacrifice, &c.) It is the peculiar mark of 
legislative genius to mould by fundamental prin- 
ciples, and animate by a higher inspiration, mate- 
rials previously existing in a cruder state. So far, 
therefore, as they were consistent with the objects 
of the Jewish law, the customs of Palestine and the 
laws of Egypt would doubtless be traceable in the 
Mosaic system, (e.) In close connection with, and 
almost in consequence of this reference to antiquity, 
we find an accommodation of the Law to the temper 
and circumstances of the Israelites, to which our 
Lord refers in the case of divorce (Mat. xix. 7, 8) as 
necessarily interfering with its absolute perfection. 
In many cases it rather should be said to guide and 
modify existing usages than actually to sanction 
them ; and the ignorance of their existence may 
lead to a conception of its ordinances not only er- 
roneous, but actually the reverse of the truth. 
(Blood, Avenger of; Elder; Judge; Patriarch; 
Punishments.) Nor is it less noticeable that the de- 
gree of prominence given to each part of the Mosaic 
system has a similar reference to the period at 
which the nation had arrived. The ceremonial por- 
tion is marked out distinctly and with elaboration ; 
the moral and criminal law is clearly and sternly 
decisive ; even the civil law, so far as it relates to 
individuals, is systematic ; because all these were 
called for by the past growth of the nation, and 
needed in order to settle and develop its resources. 
But the political and constitutional law is compara- 
tively imperfect ; a few leading principles are laid 
down, to be developed hereafter ; but the law is 
directed rather to sanction the various powers of 



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535 



the state, than to define and balance their opera- 
tions, (f.) In close connection with this subject 
we observe also the gradual process by which the Law 
was revealed to the Israelites. In Ex. xx.-xxiii., in 
direct connection with the revelation from Mount 
Sinai, that which may be called the rough outline of 
the Mosaic Law is given by God, solemnly recorded 
by Moses, and accepted by the people. In Ex. 
xxv.-xxxi. there is a similar outline of the Mosaic 
ceremonial. On the basis of these it may be con- 
ceived that the fabric of the Mosaic system grad- 
ually grew up under the requirements of the time. 
The first revelation of the Law in any thing like a 
perfect form is found in Deuteronomy. Yet even 
then the revelation was not final ; it was the duty 
of the prophets to amend and explain in special 
points (Ez. xviii.), and to bring out more clearly its 
great principles. (Prophet.) — II. In giving an anal- 
ysis of the substance of the Law, it will probably 
be better to treat it, as any other system of laws is 
usually treated, by dividing it into — (I.) Laws Civil ; 
(II.) Laws Criminal; (III.) Laws Judicial and Con- 
stitutional ; (IV.) Laws Ecclesiastical and Cere- 
monial 

(I.) LAWS CIVIL. 

(a) Of Persons. 

(a) Father and Son. The power of a Fatlier to be held 
sacred ; cursing, or smiting (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; Lev. xx. 9), 
or stubborn and wilful disobedience, to be considered capi- 
tal crimes. But uncontrolled power of life and death was 
apparently refused to the father, and vested only in the 
congregation (Deut. xxi. 18-21). (Child; Punishments.) 
Eight of the first-born to a double portion of the inheri- 
tance not to be set aside by partiality (xxi. 15-17). In- 
heritance by daughters to be allowed in default of 
sons, provided (Num. xxvii. 6-8, compare xxxvi.) that 
heiresses married in their own tribe. Daughters unmar- 
ried to be entirely dependent on their father (xxx. 3-5). 

(6) Husband and Wife. The power of a Husband to be 
so great that a wife cotild never be mi juris (L. of her own 
right, i. e. legally independent), or enter independently into 
any emragement, even before God (Num. xxx. 6-15). A wid- 
ow or divorced wife became independent, and did not again 
fall under her father's power (verse 9). Divorce (for un- 
cleanness) allowed, but to be formal and irrevocable (Deut. 
xxiv. 1-1). Marriage within certain degrees forbidden 
(Lev. xviii., &c). A Slave Wife, whether bought or cap- 
tive, not to be actual property, nor to be sold ; if ill-treat- 
ed, to be ipm facto (L. by that very fact) free (Ex. xxi. 7- 
9; Deut. xxi. 10-14). Slander against a wife's virginity, 
to be punished by fine, and by deprival of power of di- 
vorce ; on the other hand, ante-connubial uncleanness in 
her to he punished by death (xxii. 13-21). The raising 
vp of seed (Levirate law) a formal right to be claimed 
by the widow, under pain of infamy, with a view to pre- 
servation of families (xxv. 5-10). Marriage : Women. 

(c) Master and Slave. Poiver of Master so far limited, 
that death under actual chastisement was punishable (Ex. 
xxi. 20) ; and maiming was to give liberty ipso facto (26, 
27). The Hebrew slave to be freed at the sabbatical 
tear, 1 and provided with necessaries (his wife and chil- 
dren to go with only if they came to his master with him), 
unless by his own formal act he consented to be a perpet- 
ual slave (xxi. 1-6: Deut. xv. 12-18). In any case, it 
would seem, to be freed at the jubilee (Lev. xxv. 10), with 
his children. If sold to a resident alien, to be always re- 
deemable, at a price proportional to the distance of the 
jubilee (47-54). Foreign slaves to be held and inherited 
as property forever (45, 46) ; and fugitive slaves from 
foreign nations not to be given up (Deut. xxiii. 15). 

(d) Strangers. (Stranger.) They seem never to have 
been sui juris (i. e. legally independent), or able to pro- 
tect themselves, and accordingly protection and kindness 
toward them are enjoined as a sacred duty (Ex. xxii. 21 ; 
Lev. xix. 33, 34). 

(b) Law of Things, 
(a) Laws of Land (and Property). (1.) All land to be the 
property of God alone, and its holders to be deemed His 
tenants (Lev. xxv. 23). (Agriculture.)— (2.) All sold 
Land therefore to return to its original owners at the ju- 
bilee, and the price of sale to be calculated accordingly ; 



1 The difficulty of enforcing this law is seen in Jer. 
xxxiv. 8-16. 



and redemption on equitable terms to be allowed at all 
times (25-27). A House sold to be redeemable within a 
year ; and, if not redeemed, to pass away altogether (29, 
30). But the Houses of the Levit.es, or those in unwalled 
villages, to be redeemable at all times, in the same way as 
land ; and the Levitical suburbs to be inalienable (31-34).— 
(3.) Land or Houses sanctified, or tithes, or unclean first- 
lings to be capable of being* redeemed, at sixth-fifths of the 
value (calculated by the priest according to the distance 
from the jubilee-year) ; if devoted by the owner and un- 
redeemed, to be hallowed at the jubilee forever, and given 
to the priests ; if only by a possessor, to return to the 
owner at the jubilee (xxvii. 14-34).— (4.) Inheritance 
descended to — 



(1.) Sons. \ 

(2.) Daughters* \ 
(3.) Brothers. 

(4.) Uncles on the Father's side. 

(5.) Next Kinsmen, generally. 

(b) Laws of Debt. (1.) All Debts (to an Israelite) to be 
released at the 7th (sabbatical) year ; a blessing promised 
to obedience, and a curse on a refusal to lend (Deut. xv. 1- 
11).— (2.) Usury (from Israelites) not to be taken (Ex. xxii. 
25-27; Deut. xxiii. 19, 20).— (3.) Pledges not to be insolent- 
ly or ruinously exacted (xxiv. 6, 10-13, 17, 18). Deposit : 
Loan ; Sabbatical Year. 

(c) Taxation. (1.) Census-money, a poll-tax (of a half- 
shekel), to be paid for tlie service of Vie Tabernacle (Ex. 
xxx. 12-16). All spoil in war to be halved ; of the com- 

I batant's half, one-five-hundredth, of the people's, one- 
| fiftieth, to be paid for a " heave-offering " to Jehovah. 

Census ; Taxing.— (2.) Tithes, (a) Tithes of all produce 
\ to be given for maintenance of the Levites (Num. xviii. 
I 20-24). Of this one-tenth to be paid as a heave-oifering for 
| the maintenance of the piiests (24-32). (/3) Second Tithe to 
be bestowed in religious feastingand charity, either atthe 
Holy Place, or every third year at home (?) (Deut. xiv. 22- 
28). (y) First-Fruits of corn, wine, and oil (at least one- 
sixtieth, generally one-fortieth, for the priests) to be of- 
fered at Jerusalem, with a solemn declaration of depend- 
ence on God the king of Israel (xxvi. 1-15; Num. xviii. 12, 
13). Firstlings of clean beasts ; the redemption-money 
(five shekels) of man, and (one-half shekel, or one shekel) 
of unclean beasts, to be given to the priests after sacrifice 
(15-18). — (3.) Poor Laws. (Poor.) (a) Gleanings (in field or 
vineyard) to be a legal right of the poor (Lev. xix, 9. 10; 
Deut. xxiv. 19-22). (/3) slight Trespass (eating on the spot) 
to be allowed as legal (xxiii. 24, 25). (y) Second Tithe 
(see 2 /3) to he given m charity. (5) Wages to be paid day 
by day (Deut. xxiv. 15). — (4.) Maintenance of Priests 
(Num. xviii. 8-32) (Priest!, (a) Tenth of Levites" Tithe 
(see 2 a). (j3) The heave and wave offerings (breast and 
I right shoulder of all peace-offerings), (y) The meat and 
sin-offerings, to be eaten solemnly, and only in the Holy 
Place. (S) First-Fruits and redemption-money (see 2 y). 
(e) Price of all devoted things, unless specially given for a 
sacred service. A man's service, or that of his household, 
to be redeemed at fifty shekels for man, thirty for woman, 
twenty for boy, and ten for girl. 

(II.) LAWS CRIMINAL. 

(a) Offences against God (of the nature of treason). 

1st Command. Acknowledgment of false gods (Ex. 
xxii. 20). as e. g. Molech (Lev. xx. 1-5), and generally all 
idolatry (Deut. xiii., xvii. 2-5). 

2d Command. Witchcraft and false prophecy (Ex. xxii. 
18; Deut. xviii. 9-22; Lev.'xix. 31). Divination; Magic. 

3d Command. Blasphemy (Lev. xxiv. 15, 16). 

4th Command. Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 32-36). Sab- 
bath. 

Punishment in all cases, death by stoning. Idolatrous 
cities to be utterly destroyed. Anathema ; Punishments. 

(b) Offences against Man. 
5th Command. Disobedience to or cursing or smiting of 
parents (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 : Lev. xx. 9 ; Deut. xxi. 18-21), 1o 
be punished by death by stoning, publicly adjudged and 
inflicted; so also of disobedience to the priests (as judges) 
or Supreme Judge. Compare 1 K. xxi. 10-14 (Naboth); 

[ 2 Chr. xxiv. 21 (Zechariah). Father ; Patriarch. 

6th Command. (1.) Murder, to be punished by death 

I without sanctuary or reprieve, or satisfaction (Ex. xxi. 12, 
14; Deut. xix. 11-13). Death of a slave, actually under the 
rod, to be punished (Ex. xxi. 20, 21).— (2.) Death by 
negligence, to be punished by death (28-30).— (3.) Acci- 
dental Homicide : the avenger of blood to be escaped by 
flight to the cities of refuge (City of Refuge) till the 

j death of the high-priest (Num. xxxv. 9-28 ; Deut. iv. 41- 



2 Heiresses to marry in their own tribe (Num. xxvii. 
I 6-8, xxxvi.). 



536 



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LAW 



43, xix. 4-10).— (4.) Uncertain Murder, to be expiated by 
formal disavowal and sacrifice by the elders of the nearest 
city (xxi. 1-9).— (5.) Assault to be punished by the law 
of retaliation or damages (Ex. xxi. 18, 19, 22-25 ; Lev. xxiv. 
19, 20). 

7th Command. (1.) Adultery to be punished by death 
of both offenders ; the rape of a married or betrothed 
woman, by death of the offender (Deut. xxii. 13-27).— (2.) 
Rape or Seduction of an unbetrothed virgin, to be compen- 
sated by marriage, with dowry (fifty sheKels), and without 
power of divorce ; or, if she be refused, by payment of full 
dowry (Ex. xxii. 16, 17; Deut. xxii. 28. 29).— (3.) Unlaw- 
ful Marriages (incestuous, &c), to be punished, some by 
death, some by childlessness (Lev. xx.). Marriage. 

8th Command. 1. Theft to be punished by fourfold or 
double restitution ; a nocturnal robber might be slain as an 
outlaw (Ex. xxii. 1-4).— (2.) Trespass and injury of things 
lent to be compensated (5-15).— (3.) Perversion of Justice 
(bv bribes, threats, <fcc), and especially oppression of 
strangers, strictly forbidden (xxiii. 9, &c.).— (4.) Kidnap- 
ping to be punished by death (Deut. xxiv. 7). Judge ; Pun- 
ishments ; Robbery. 

9th Command. False Witness ; to be punished by the 
law of retaliation (Ex. xxiii. 1-3: Deut. xix. 16-21). 
Slander of a wife's chastity, by fine and loss of power of 
divorce (Deut. xxii. 18, 19)". Oath : Witness. 

A fuller consideration of the tables of the Ten Com- 
mandments is given elsewhere. 

(in.) LAWS JUDICIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL. 

(A) Jurisdiction. 

(a) Local Judges (Judge) (generally Levites, as more 
skilled in the Law) appointed, for ordinary matters, prob- 
ably by the people with approbation of the supreme au- 
thority (as of Moses in the wilderness) (Ex. xviii. 25; 
Deut. i. 15-18), through all the land (xvi. 18). (b) Appeal to 
the Priests (at the holy place), or to the judge; their sen- 
tence final, and to be accepted under pain of death. See 
Deut. xvii. ,8-13 (compare appeal to Moses, Ex. xviii. 26). 
(r) Two witnesses (at least) required in capital matters 
(Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvii. 6, 7). (d) Punishment (ex- 
cept by special command), to be personal, and not -to ex- 
tend to the family (xxiv. 16). Stripes allowed and limited 
(xxv. 1-3), so as to avoid outrage on the human frame. 
Punishments. 

All this would be to a great extent set aside— 1st. By 
the summary jurisdiction of the king (see 1 Sam. xxii. 11- 
19 [Saul] ; 2 Sam. xii. 1-5, xiv. 4-11 ;' 1 K. iii. 16-28), which 
extended even to the deposition of the high-priest (1 Sam. 
xxii. 17, 18 : 1 K. ii. 26, 27). The practical difficulty of its 
being carried out is seen in 2 Sam. xv. 2-6, and would lead of 
course to a certain delegation of his power. 2d. By the 
appointment of the Seventy Elders (Num. xi. 24-30) with a 
solemn religious sanction. In later times there was a local 
Sanhedrim of twenty-three in each city, and two such in 
Jerusalem, as well as the Great Sanhedrim, consisting of 
seventy members, besides the president, who was to be 
the high-priest if duly qualified, and controlling even the 
king and high-priest. The members were priests, scribes 
(Levites), and elders (of other tribes). A court of exactly 
this nature is noticed, as appointed to supreme power by 
Jehoshaphat. (See 2 Chr. xix. 8-11.) 

(b) Royal Power. 

The King's power limited by the law, as written and for- 
mally accepted by the king ; and directly forbidden to be 
despotic' (Deut. xvii. 14-20 ; compare 1 Sam. x. 25). Yet he 
had power of taxation (to one-tenth), and of compulsory 
service (viii. 10-18), the declaration of war (xi.), &c. There 
are distinct traces of a " mutual contract " (2 Sam. v. 3 ; a 
'•league,'' 2 K. xi. 17); the remonstrance with Rehoboam 
being clearly not extraordinary (1 K. xii. 1-6). 

The Princes of the Congregation. The heads of the 
tribes (see Josh. xi. 15) seem to have had authority under 
Joshua to act for the people (compare 1 Chr. xxvii. 16-22) ; 
and in the later times ''the princes of Judah" seem to 
have had power to control both the king and the priests 
(Jer. xxvi. 10-24, xxxviii. 4, 5, &c). Elder. 

(c) Royal Revenue. 

(1.) Tenth of produce.— (2.) Domain land (1 Chr. xxvii. 
26-29). Note confiscation of criminal's land (1 K. xxi. 15). 
— (3.) Bond service (v. 17, 18), chiefly on foreigners (ix. 20- 
22; 2 Chr. ii. 16, 17).— (4.) Flocks and herds (1 Chr. xxvii. 
29-31).— (5.) Tribute': (L'ifts) from foreign kings.— (6.) Com- 
merce; especially in Solomon's time (1 K. x. 22, 29, &c. 



1 Military conquest discouraged by the prohibition of 
the use of horses. (See Josh. xi. 6.) For an example of 
obedience to this law see 2 Sam. viii. 4, and of disobe- 
dience to it see 1 K. x. 20-29. Army ; Horse. 



(IV.) ECCLESIASTICAL AND CEREMONIAL LAW. 

(a) Law of Sacrifice (considered as the sign and the 
appointed means of the union with God, on which the 
holiness of the people depended). 

(1.) Ordinary Sacrifices. 

(a) The whole Burnt-Offering (Lev. i.) of the herd or 
the flock ; to be offered continually (Ex. xxix. 38- 
42) ; and the fire on the altar never to be extinguished 
(Lev. vi. 8-13). 

03) 1'lie Meat-Offering (ii., vi. 14-23) of flour, oil, and 
frankincense, unleavened, and seasoned with salt. 

(y) The Peace-Offering (iii., vii. 11-21) of the herd or 
the flock; either a thank-offering, or a vow, or free- 
will offering. 

(5) The Sin-Offering, or Trespass- Offering (iv., v., vi.). 
(a) For sins committed in ignorance (iv.). 
(6) For vows unwittingly made and broken, or un- 

cleanness unwittingly contracted (v.). 
(c) For sins wittingly committed (vi. 1-7). 

(2.) Extraordinary Sacrifices. 

(a) At the Consecration of Priests (viii.,ix.). 
(B) At t/te Purification of Women (xii.). 
(y) At tlie Cleansing of Lepers (xiii., xiv.). 
(6) On the Great Day of Atonement (xvi.). 
(e) On the Great Festivals (xxiii.). 

(b) Law of Holiness (arising from the union with God 

through sacrifice). 

(1.) Holiness of Persons. 

(a) Holiness of the whole people as "children of God" 
(Ex. xix. 5, 6; Lev. xi.-xv., xvii., xviii. ; Deut. xiv. 
1-21), shown in 

(a) The dedication of the first-born (Ex. xiii. 2, 
12, 13, xxii. 29, 30, &c.) ; and the offering of all 
firstlings and first-fruits (Deut. xxvi., &c7). 

(b) Distinction of clean and unclean food (Lev. 
xi. ; Deut. xiv.). 

(c) Provision for purification (Lev. xii., xiii.. 
xiv., xv. ; Deut. xxiii. 1-14). 

(d) Laws against disfigurement (Lev. xix. 27; 
Deut. xiv. 1 ; compare Deut. xxv. 3, against ex- 
cessive scourging). 

(e) Laws against unnatural marriages and lusts 
(Lev. xviii., xx.). 

(P) Holiness of the Priests (Priest) (and Levites). 

(a) Their consecration (Lev. viii., ix. ; Ex. xxix.). 

(b) Their special qualifications and restrictions 
(Lev. xxi., xxii. 1-9). 

(c) Their rights (Deut. xviii. 1-6; Num. xviii.) and 
authority (Deut. xvii. 8-13). 

(2.) Holiness of Places and Things. 

(a) The Tabernacle, with the ark, the veil, the 
altars, the lavcr, the priestly robes, &c. (Ex. xxv.- 
xxviii., xxx.). Temple. 
03) The Holy Place chosen for the permanent erection 
of the Tabernacle (Deut. xii., xiv. 22-29), where only 
all sacrifices were to be offered, and all tithes, first- 
fruits, vows, &c, to be given or eaten. 

(3.) Holiness of Times. 

(a) The Sabbath (Ex. xx. 9-11, xxiii. 12, &c). 
03) 'The Sabbatical Year (xxiii. 10, 11 ; Lev. xxv. 
1-7, &c). 

(y) The Tear of Jubilee (xxv. 8-16, &c). 

(8) The Passover (Ex. xii. 3-27 ; Lev. xxiii. 4-14). 

(e) The Feast of Weeks (Pentecost) (xxiii. 15, &c). 

(£) The Feast 'of Tabernacles (xxiii. 33-43). Taber- 
nacles, Feast of. 

(rj) The Feast of Trumpets (xxiii. 23-25). Trumpets, 
Feast of. 

(«) The Day of Atonement (xxiii. 26-32, &c). Atone- 
ment, Day of. 

Such is the substance of the Mosaic Law. The 
leading principle of the whole is its Theocratic char- 
acter, i. e. its reference of all actions and thoughts 
of men direct!)/ and immediatclij to the will of God. 
It follows from this, that it is to be regarded not 
merely as a law, i. e. a rule of conduct, based on 
known truth and acknowledged authority, but also 
as a Revelation of God's nature and His dispensa- 
tions. But this theocratic character of the Law de- 
pends necessarily on the belief in Gon, as not only 
the Creator and sustainer of the world, but as, by 
special covenant, the head of the Jewish nation. (Je- 
hovah.) This immediate reference to God as tbeir 



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537 



king is clearly seen as the groundwork of their 
whole polity. From this theocratic nature of the 
Law follow important deductions with regard to (a) 
the view which it takes of political society ; (b) the 
extent of the scope of the Law ; (c) the penalties by 
which it is enforced ; and (d) the character which it 
seeks to impress on the people, (a.) The Mosaic 
Law seeks the basis of its polity, first, in the abso- 
; lute sovereignty of God, next in the relationship of 
each individual to God, and through God to his 
countrymen. It is clear that such a doctrine, while 
it contradicts none of the common theories (of the 
; delegation of individual rights to political authori- 
I ties, mutual needs of men," social compact," &c), 
yet lies beneath them all. (6.) The Law, as proceed- 
ing directly from God, and referring directly to Him, 
is necessarily absolute in its supremacy and unlimited 
in its scope. It is supreme over the governors, as 
being only the delegates of the Lord, and therefore 
it is incompatible with any despotic authority in them. 
On the other hand, it is supreme over the governed, 
recognizing no inherent rights in the individual, as 
j prevailing against, or limiting the law. It regulated 
| the whole life of an Israelite. His actions were re- 
! warded and punished with great minuteness and 
strictness ; and that according to the standard, not of 
!■ their consequences, but of their intrinsic morality. 
]i His religious worship was defined and enforced in an 
i elaborate and unceasing ceremonial, (c.) The pen- 
l allies and rewards by which the Law is enforced are 
| such as depend on the direct theocracy. With re- 
gard to individual actions, as some penalties are 
generally inflicted by the subordinate, and some 
j only by the supreme authority, so among the Israel- 
j ites some penalties came from the hand of man, 
f some directly from the providence of God. The 
ji bearing of this principle on the inquiry as to the 
j revelation of a future life, in the Pentateuch, is easily 
seen. The sphere of moral and religious action and 
thought to which the Law extends is beyond the 
cognizance of human laws, and the scope of their 
| ordinary penalties, and is therefore left by them to 
the retribution of God's inscrutable justice, which, 
t. being but imperfectly seen here, is contemplated 
especially as exercised in a future state. Hence 
1 arises the expectation of a direct revelation of this 
future state in the Mosaic Law. Such a revelation 
is certainly not given. The truth seems to be that, 
in a law which appeals directly to God Himself for 
its authority and its sanction, there cannot be that 
broad line of demarcation between this life and the 
i next, which is drawn for those whose power is lim- 
: ited by the grave.' (d.) But perhaps the most im- 
portant consequence of the theocratic nature of the 
Law was the peculiar character of goodness which it 
sought to impress on the people. The Mosaic Law, 
beginning with piety, as its first object, enforces 
I most emphatically the purity essential to those 
! who, by their union with God, have recovered the 
ji hope of intrinsic goodness, while it views righteous- 
i' ness and love rather as deductions from these than 
as independent objects (Deut. vi. 4-13 ; Lev. xix. 
18, &c). The appeal is not to any dignity of hu- 
man nature, but to the obligations of communion 
with a Holy God. The subordination, therefore, of 
this idea also to the religious idea is enforced ; and 
so long as the due supremacy of the latter was pre- 
served, all other duties would find their places in 
proper harmony. But the usurpation of that su- 
premacy in practice by the idea of personal and 
j national sanctity was that which gave its peculiar 
color to the Jewish character. It is evident that 



this characteristic of the Israelites would tend to 
preserve the seclusion which, under God's providence, 
was intended for them, and would in its turn be 
fostered by it. — III. In considering the relation of 
the Law to the future, it is important to be guided 
by the general principle laid down in Heb. vii. 19, 
" The Law made nothing perfect." This principle 
will be applied in different degrees to its bearing 
(a) on the after-history of the Jewish commonwealth 
before the coming of Christ ; (b) on the coming of 
our Lord Himself ; and (c) on the dispensation of 
the Gospel, (a.) To that after-history the Law was, 
to a great extent, the key. It was indeed often 
neglected, and even forgotten ; yet still it formed 
the standard from which the people knowingly de- 
parted, and to which they constantly returned ; and 
to it therefore all which was peculiar in their na- 
tional and individual character was due. Its direct 
influence was probably greatest in the periods be- 
fore the establishment of the kingdom, and after 
the Babylonish Captivity. The last act of Joshua 
was to bind the Israelites to it as the charter of 
their occupation of the conquered land (Josh. xxiv. 
24-27) ; and, in the semi-anarchical period of the 
Judges, the Law and the Tabernacle were the only 
centres of any thing like national unity. The estab- 
lishment of the kingdom (King) was due to an im- 
patience of this position, and a desire for a visible 
and personal centre of authority, much the same in 
nature as that which plunged them so often in idol- 
atry. In the kingdom of Israel (Israel, Kingdom 
of), after the separation, the deliberate rejection of 
the leading principles of the Law by Jeroboam and 
his successors was the beginning of a gradual de- 
clension into idolatry and heathenism. But in the 
kingdom of Judah (Judah, Kingdom of) the very 
division of the monarchy and consequent diminution 
of its splendor, and the need of a principle to assert 
against the superior material power of Israel, 
brought out the Law once more in increased honor 
and influence. (Prophet.) Far more was this the 
case after the Captivity. (Ezra.) The loss of the 
independent monarchy, and the cessation of proph- 
ecy, both combined to throw the Jews back upon 
the Law alone, as their only distinctive pledge of 
nationality, and sure guide to truth. This love for 
the Law, rather than any abstract patriotism, was 
the strength of the Maccabean struggle against the 
Syrians (Antiochus Epiphanes ; Maccabees, &c), 
and the success of that struggle, enthroning a Le- 
vitical power, deepened the feeling from which it 
sprang. The Law thus became the moulding in- 
fluence of the Jewish character. The Pharisees, 
truly representing the chief strength of the people, 
systematized this feeling. Against this idolatry of 
the Law there were two reactions. The first was 
that of the Sadducees ; one which had its basis in 
the idea of a higher love and service of God, inde- 
pendent of the Law and its sanctions. The other, 
that of the Essenes, was an attempt to burst the 
bonds of the formal law, and assert its ideas in all 
fulness, freedom, and purity, (b.) The relation of 
the Lav/ to the advent of Christ is also laid down 
clearly by St. Paul. The Law was the servant (A. 
V. "schoolmaster"), whose task it was to guide the 
child to the true teacher (Gal. iii. 24) ; and Christ 
was " the end " or object " of the Law " (Rom. x. 
4). As being subsidiary to the promise, it had' ac- 
complished its purpose when the promise was ful- 
filled. In its national aspect it had existed to guard 
the faith in the theocracy. The chief hinderance 
to that faith had been the difficulty of realizing the 



538 



LAW 



LAZ 



invisible presence of God, and of conceiving a com- 
munion with the infinite Godhead which should not 
crush or absorb the finite creature (compare Deut. 
v. 24-28; Num. xvii. 12, 13; Job ix. 32-35, xiii. 
21, 22 ; Is. xlv. 15, lxiv. 1, &c). This difficulty 
was now to pass away for ever, in the Incarnation 
of the Godhead in One truly and visibly man. 
(Jesus Christ ; Messiah ; Saviour ; Son of God.) 
In its individual, or what is usually called its 
" moral " aspect, the Law bore equally the stamp 
of transitoriness and insufficiency. It had declared 
the authority of truth and goodness over man's 
will, and taken for granted in man the existence of 
a spirit which could recognize that authority: but 
it had done no more. Its presence had therefore 
detected the existence and the sinfulness of sin, as 
alien alike to God's will and man's true nature ; but 
it had also brought out with more vehement and 
desperate antagonism the power of sin dwelling in 
man as fallen (Rom. vii. 7-25). The relation of the 
Law to Christ in its sacrificial and ceremonial aspect, 
will be more fully considered elsewhere. (Sacri- 
fice.) (c.) It remains to consider how far it has 
any obligation or existence under the dispensation 
of the (iospel. As a means of justification or 
salvation, it ought never to have been regarded, 
even before Christ : it needs no proof to show that 
still less can this be so since He lias come. But yet 
the question remains whether it is binding on Chris- 
tians, even when they do not depend on it for sal- 
vation. It seems clear enough, that its formal 
coercive authority as a whole ended with the close 
of the Jewish dispensation. It referred throughout 
to the Jewish covenant, and in many points to the 
constitution, the customs, and even the local cir- 
cumstances of the people. That covenant was 
preparatory to the Christian, in which it is now ab- 
sorbed ; those customs and observances have passed 
away. It follows, by the very nature of the case, 
that the formal obligation to the Law must have 
ceased with the basis on which it is grounded. But 
what then becomes of the declaration of our Lord, 
that He came "not to destroy the Law, but to per- 
fect it," and that " not one jot or one tittle of it 
shall pass away ? " what of the fact, consequent 
upon it, that the Law has been reverenced in all 
Christian Churches, and had an important influence 
on much Christian legislation ? The explanation 
of the apparent contradiction lies in the difference 
between positive and moral obligation. The positive 
obligation of the Law, as such, has passed away ; 
but every revelation of God's Will, and of the 
righteousness and love which are its elements, im- 
poses a moral obligation, by the very fact of its be- 
ing known, eveii on those to whom it is not prima- 
rily addressed. To apply this principle practically 
there is need of much study and discretion, in order 
to distinguish what is local and temporary from 
what is universal, and what is mere external form 
from what is the essence of an ordinance. 

Liw'yer, the A. V. translation of Gr. vomikox ; 
see below. The title "lawyer" is generally sup- 
posed = " scribe," both on account of its etymo- 
logical meaning, and also because the man, who is 
also called a " lawyer " in Mat. xxii. 35 and Lk. x. 
25, is called " one of the scribes " in Mk. xii. 28. 
If the common reading in Lk. xi. 44-46 be correct, 
it will be decisive against this; for this distinguishes 
" scribes " in vei'se 44 from " lawyers " in verses 45, 
46. But Tischendorf, Tregelles, Alford, &c, with 
some of the best MSS., omit " scribes and Pharisees, 
hypocrites " from ver3e 44. By the use of the Gr. 



nomilcos (Tit. iii. 9 [A. V. " about the law "]) as a 
simple adjective, it seems more probable that the 
title " scribe " was a legal and official designation, 
but that the name nomikos, translated " lawyer," 
was properly a mere epithet = one learned in the 
law, and only used as a title in common parlance 
(compare the use of it in Tit. iii. 13, "Zenas the 
lawyer "). Advocate ; Trial. 
Lay iug on of hands. Hand. 
Laz'a-rus (L. fr. Heb. — Eleazar). 1. Lazarus 
of Bethany, the brother of Martha and Mary 
(Mary, sister of Lazarus) (Jn. xi. 1). All that 
we know of him is derived from the Gospel of John, 
and that records little more than the facts of his 
death and resurrection. We are able, however, 
without doing violence to the principles of a true 
historical criticism (so Professor Plumptre, the 
original author of this article), to arrive at some 
conclusions helping us, with at ieast some measure 
of probability, to fill up these scanty outlines. (1.) 
The language of Jn. xi. 1 implies that the sisters 
were the better known. Lazarus is " of Bethany, 
of the village of Mary and her sister Martha." 
From this, and from the order of the three names 
in Jn. xi. 5, we may reasonably infer that Lazarus 
was the youngest of the family. (2.) The house in 
which the feast is held appears, from Jn. xii. 2, to 
be that of the sisters. Martha " serves," as in Lk. 
x. 38. Mary takes upon herself that which was the 
special duty of a hostess toward an honored guest 
(compare Lk. vii. 46). The impression left on our 
minds by this account, if it stood alone, would be 
that they were the givers of the feast. In Mat. 
xxvi. 6, and Mk. xiv. 3, the same fact appears as oc- 
curring in " the house of Simon the leper: " but a 

i leper, as such, would have been compelled to lead a 
separate life, and certainly could not have given a 
feast and received a multitude of guests. Among 
the conjectural explanations of this difference, the 
hypothesis that this Simon was the father of the 
two sisters and of Lazarus, that he had been smitten 
with leprosy, and that actual death, or the civil 
death that followed on his disease, had left his chil- 
dren free to act for themselves, is at least as prob- 
able as any other, and has some support in early 
ecclesiastical traditions. (3.) All the circumstances 

; of Jn. xi. and xii. point to wealth and social posi- 
tion above the average. (4.) A comparison of Mat. 
xxvi. 6 and Mk. xiv. 3 with Lk. vii. 36, 44, suggests 
another conjecture that harmonizes with and in part 
explains the foregoing. If Simon the leper were 
also the Pharisee, it would explain the fact just 
noticed of the friendship between'the sisters of Laz- 
arus and the members of that party in Jerusalem. 
It would follow on this assumption that the Phar- 
isee, whom we thus far identify with the father of 
Lazarus, was probably one of the members of that 
sect, sent down from Jerusalem to watch the new 
teacher. (5.) Some coincidences suggest the iden- 
tification of Lazarus with the young ruler that had 
great possessions (Mat. xix. ; Mk. x. ; Lk. xviii.). 

j The age (Mat. xix. 20, 22) agrees with what has 
been before inferred (see above, 1), as does the fact 

I of wealth above the average with what we know of 

! the condition of the family at Bethany (see 2). If 
the father were an influential Pharisee, if there were 
ties of some kind uniting the family with that body, 
it would be natural enough that the son, even in 
comparative youth, should occupy the position of 
a " ruler." But further, it is of this rich young 
man that Mark uses the emphatic word (" Jesus, 
beholding him, loved him ") which is used of no 



4 



LAZ 

others in the Gospel-history, save of the beloved 
apostle and of Lazarus and his sisters (Jn. xi. 5). 
Combining these inferences, then, we get, with some 
measure of likelihood, an insight into one aspect of 
the life of the Divine Teacher and Friend, full of 
the most living interest. The village of Bethany 
and its neighborhood were a frequent retreat from 
the controversies and tumults of Jerusalem (xviii. 
2 ; Lk. xxi. 37, xxii. 39). At some time or other 
one household, wealthy, honorable, belonging to 
the better or Nicodemus section of the Pharisees 
(see above, 1, 2, 3), learns to know and reverence 

; Him. Disease or death removes the father from 

; the scene, and the two sisters are left with their 
younger brother to do as they think right. In them 
and in the brother over whom they watch, He finds 
that which is worthy of His love. But two at least 
(Martha and Lazarus) need an education in the spir- 
itual life. A few weeks pass away, and then conies 
the sickness of Jn. xi. One of the sharp malignant 
fevers of Palestine cuts off the life that was so pre- 
cious. The sisters know how truly the Divine Friend 
has loved him on whom their love and their hopes 
centred. They send to Him in the belief that the 
tidings of the sickness will at once draw Him to 
them (xi. 3). Slowly, and in words which (though 
afterward understood otherwise) must at the time 
have seemed to the disciples those of one upon whom 
the truth came not at once but by degrees, He pre- 

; pares them for the worst. " This sickness is not unto 
death " — " Our friend Lazarus sleepeth " — " Laza- 
rus is dead." The work which He was doing as a 
teacher or a healer (x. 41, 42) in Bethabara, or the 
other Bethany, (x. 40 and i. 28), was not interrupted, 
and continues for two days after the message 

l reaches Him. Then comes the journey, occupying 

- two days more. When He and His disciples come, 

1 three days have passed since the burial. The friends 
from Jerusalem, chiefly of the Pharisee and ruler 
class, are there with their consolations. The sisters 

1 receive the Prophet, each according to her charac- 
ter. His sympathy with their sorrow leads Him 
also to weep. Then comes the work of might as 

. the answer of the prayer which the Son offers to 
the Father (xi. 41, 42). The stone is rolled away 
from the mouth of the rock-chamber in which the 
body had been placed. "He that was dead came 
forth, bound hand and foot with grave-clothes ; and 
his face was bound about with a napkin." (Burial ; 

: Jesus Christ ; Miracles ; Tomb.) It is well not 
to break in upon the silence which hangs over the 
interval of that " four days' sleep." But Lazarus 
must have learned " what it is to die." One scene 
more meets us, and then the life of the family 
which has come before us with such daylight clear- 

; ness lapses again into obscurity. The fame of the 
wonder spreads rapidly among the ruling class, 
some of whom have witnessed it. It becomes one 
of the proximate occasions of the plots of the San- 
hedrim against our Lord's life (ver. 47-53). It 
brings Lazarus no less than Jesus within the range 
of their enmity (xii. 10). They persuade themselves 
apparently that they see in him one who has been 
a sharer in a great imposture, or who has been re- 

; stored to life through some demoniac agency. But 

i others gather round to wonder and congratulate. 
In the house which, though it still bore the father's 

: name (see 2 above), was the dwelling of the sisters 
and the brother, there is a supper, and Lazarus is 
there, and Martha serves, no longer jealously, and 
Mary pours out her love in the costly offering of 
the spikenard ointment, and finds herself once 



LAZ 539 

again misjudged and hastily condemned. After 
this all direct knowledge of Lazarus ceases. It 
would be as plausible an explanation of the strange 
fact recorded by Mark alone (xiv. 51) as any other, 
if we were to suppose that Lazarus, whose home 
was near, who must have known the place to which 
the Lord " ofttimes resorted," was drawn to the 
garden of Gethsemane by the approach of the offi- 
cers " with their torches and lanterns and weapons " 
(Jn. xviii. 3), and in the haste of the night-alarm 
rushed eagerly, " with the linen cloth cast about his 
naked body," to see whether he was in time to ren- 
der any help. — Apocryphal traditions even are sin- 
gularly scanty and jejune, as if the silence which 
" sealed the lips of the Evangelists " had restrained 
others also. They have nothing more to tell of 
Lazarus than the meagre tale that follows : — He 
lived for thirty years after his resurrection, and died 
at the age of sixty. When he came forth from the 
j tomb, it was with the bloom and fragrance as of a 
bridegroom. He and his sisters, with Mary the 
wife of Cleophas, and other disciples, were sent out 
to sea by the Jews in a leaky boat, but miraculously 
escaped destruction, and were brought safely to 
Marseilles. There he preached the Gospel, and 
founded a church, and became its bishop. After 
many years, he suffered martyrdom, and was buried, 
some said there; others, at Citium in Cyprus. 
Finally his bones and those of Mary Magdalene 
were brought from Cyprus to Constantinople by the 
Emperor Leo the Philosopher, and a church erected 
to his honor. Some apocryphal books were extant 
bearing his name. — The Canons of St. Victor at 
Paris occupied a priory dedicated to St. Lazarus. 
This was assigned in 1633 to the fraternity of the 
Congregation founded by St. Vincent de Paul, and 
the mission priests sent forth by it consequently 
became conspicuous as theLazarists. — The question 
why the first three Gospels omit all mention of so 
wonderful a fact as the resurrection of Lazarus, has 
from a comparatively early period forced itself upon 
interpreters and apologists. The explanations given 
of the perplexing phenomenon are briefly these : — 
(1.) That fear of drawing down persecution on one 
already singled out for it, kept the three Evangel- 
ists, writing during the lifetime of Lazarus, from 
all mention of him ; and that, this reason for silence 
being removed by his death, St. John could write 
freely. (2.) That the writers of the first three Gos- 
pels confine themselves, as by a deliberate plan, to 
the miracles wrought in Galilee (that of the blind 
man at Jericho being the only exception), and that 
they therefore abstained from all mention of any 
fact, however interesting, that lay outside that limit. 
(3.) That the narrative, in its beauty.and simplicity, 
its human sympathies and marvellous transparency, 
carries with it the evidence of its own truthfulness. 
(4.) Another explanation, suggested by the attempt 
to represent to one's self what must have been the 
sequel of such a fact as that now in question upon 
the life of him who had been affected by it, may 
perhaps be added. The history of monastic orders, 
of sudden conversions after great critical deliver- 
ances from disease or danger, offers an analogy 
which may help to guide us. In such cases it 
i has happened, in a thousand instances, that the 
I man has felt as if the thread of his life was broken, 
j the past buried for ever, old things vanished away. 

He retires from the world, changes his name, 
! speaks to no one, or speaks only in hints, of all 
j that belongs to his former life, shrinks, above all, 
, from making his conversion, his resurrection from 



540 



LEA 



LEA 



the death of sin, the subject of common talk. As- 
sume only that the laws of the spiritual life worked 
in some such way on Lazarus, and it will seem 
hardly wonderful that such a man should shrink 
from publicity, and should wish to take his place 
as the last and lowest in the company of believ- 
ers. The facts of the case are, at any rate, singu- 
larly in harmony with this last explanation. Mat- 
thew and Mark omit equally all mention of the 
three names. John, writing long afterward, when 
all three had " fallen asleep," feels that the re- 
straint is no longer necessary, and puts on record, 
as the Spirit brings all things to his remembrance, 
the whole of the wonderful history. The circum- 
stances of his life, too, all indicate that he more 
than any other Evangelist was likely to have lived 
in that inmost circle of disciples, where these 
things would be most lovingly and reverently re- 
membered. — 2^ The name Lazarus occurs also in 
the well-known parable of Lk. xvi. 19-31. In this 
parable alone we meet with a proper name. Were 
the thoughts of men called to the etymology of 
the name (= Eleazar), as signifying that he who 
bore it had in his poverty no help but God, or as 
meaning in the shortened form (Lazarus), one who 
had become altogether helpless? Or was Lazarus 
some actual beggar, like him who lay at the beau- 
tiful gate of the Temple, familiar, therefore, both 
to the disciples and the Pharisees ? Neither of 
these suggestions can be accepted as quite satis- 
factory (so Professor Plumptre). If we assume the 
identity suggested in No. 1 (5.), or if, leaving that 
as unproved, we remember only that the historic 
Lazarus belonged by birth to the class of the 
wealthy and influential Pharisees, as in No. 1 (3.), 
could any thing be more significant than the in- 
troduction of this name into such a parable? Not 
Eleazar the Pharisee, rich, honored, blameless 
among men, but Eleazar the beggar, full of leprous 
sores, lying at the rich man's gate, was the true 
heir of blessedness, for whom was reserved the 
glory of being in Abraham's bosom. Very strik- 
ing, too, it must be added, is the coincidence be- 
tween the teaching of the parable and of the his- 
tory in another point. The Lazarus of the one 
remains in Abraham's bosom because " if men hear 
not Moses and the prophets, neither will they be 
persuaded, though one rose from the dead." The 
Lazarus of the other returned from it, and yet 
bears no witness to the unbelieving Jews of the 
wonders or the terrors of Hades. In this instance 
also the name of Lazarus has been perpetuated in 
an institution of the Christian Church. The leper 
of the Middle Ages appears as a Lazzaro. Among 
the orders, half military and half monastic, of the 
twelfth century, was one which bore the title of the 
Knights of St. Lazarus (a. d. 1119), whose special 
work it was to minister to the lepers, first of Syria, 
and afterward of Europe. The use of lazaretto and 
lazar-house for the leper-hospitals then founded in all 
parts of Western Christendom, no less than that of 
lazzarone for the mendicants of Italian towns, are 
indications of the effect of the parable upon the 
mind of Europe in the Middle Ages, and thence 
upon its later speech. 

Lead [led] (Heb. ''ophereth ; Gr. molibdos), a 
common metal, found generally in veins of rocks, 
though seldom in a metallic state, and most com- 
monly in combination with sulphur. It was early 
known to the ancients, and the allusions to it in 
Scripture indicate that the Hebrews were well ac 
quainted with its uses. The rocks in the neighbor- 



hood of Sinai yielded it in large quantities, and it 
was found in Egypt. That it was common in Pales- 
tine is shown by Ecclus. xlvii. 18 — " thou didst mul- 
tiply silver as lead " (compare 1 K. x. 27). It was 
among the spoils of the Midianites which the chil- 
dren of Israel brought with them to the plains of 
Moab after their return from the slaughter of the 
tribe (Num. xxxi. 22). The ships of Tarshish sup- 
plied the market of Tyre with lead, as with other 
metals (Ez. xxvii. 12). Its heaviness, to which al- 
lusion is made in Ex. xv. 10, and Ecclus. xxii. 14, 
caused it to be used for weights, which were either 
in the form of a round flat cake (Zech. v. 7), or a 
rough, unfashioned lump or " stone " (ver. 8) ; 
stones having in ancient times served the purpose 
of weights (compare Prov. xvi. 11). In modern 
metallurgy lead is used with tin in the composition 
of solder for fastening metals together. That the 
ancient Hebrews were acquainted with the use of 
solder is evident from Is. xli. 7. No hint is given as 
to the composition of the solder, but probably 
lead was one of the materials employed, its 
usage for such a purpose being of great antiquity. 
The ancient Egyptians used it for fastening stones 
together in the rough parts of a building, and it was 
found by Mr. Layard amorfg the ruins of Nimroud. 
(Nineveh.) In Job xix. 24 the allusion is supposed 
to be to the practice of carving inscriptions 
upon stone, and pouring molten lead into the 
cavities of the letters, to render them legible, and 
at the same time preserve them from the action of 
the air. Oxyd of lead is largely employed in modern 
pottery for the formation of glazes, and its pres- 
ence has been discovered in the earthenware found 
in Egypt and Nineveh. But the phrase in Ecclus. 
xxxviii. 30, A. V. " to lead it over," is in the Greek 
simply to complete the smearing, the material em- 
ployed for the glazing not being indicated. In 
modern metallurgy lead is employed for purifying 
silver from other mineral products. The alloy is 
mixed with lead, exposed to fusion upon an earthen 
vessel, and submitted to a blast of air. By this 
means the dross is consumed. This process is called 
the cupelling operation, with which the description 
in Ez. xxii. 18-22, in the opinion of Mr. Napier, ac- 
curately coincides. Handicraft ; Metals ; Mines. 

Leaf, LeaveSt The word occurs in the A. V. 
either in the singular or plural, in three different 
senses — 1. Lea f or leaves of a tree (Heb. dleh, tereph, 
apM ; Gr. phulloii). The olive-leaf is mentioned in 
Gen. viii. 11. Fig-leaves formed the first covering 
of our parents in Eden. The barren fig-tree (Mat. 
xxi. 19 ; Mk. xi. 13) on the road between Bethany 
and Jerusalem " had on it nothing but haves." The 
oak-leaf is mentioned in Is. i. 30, and vi. 13. The 
righteous are often compared to green leaves (Jer. 
xvii. 8). The ungodly on the other hand are as 
" an oak whose leaf fadeth " (Is. i. 30). In Ez. 
xlvii. 12 and Rev. xxii. 1, 2, there is probably an allu- 
sion to some tree whose leaves were used by the 
Jews as a medicine or ointment ; indeed, it is very 
likely that many plants and leaves were thus made 
use of by them, as by the old English herbalists. — 
2. Leaves of doors. The Heb. tseldHm, which occurs 
very many times in the Bible, and which in 1 K. vi. 
34 is translated " leaves " in the A. V., = beams, 
ribs, sides, &c. (in 1. c. = sides or leaves of a double 
door, Ges.). In the last clause of this verse, the 
Heb. l-eldHm, elsewhere translated "hangings," 
here "leaves," is regarded by Gesenius, Winer, &c, 
as an error for tselaim., but by Keil as an Aramaic 
form of the latter. In Ez. xli. 24 the Heb. deleth 



LEA 



LEB 



541 



(literally door) is the representative of both doors 
and leaves ; in 1 K. vi. 32 it is translated in the plural 
" doors," margin "leaves of doors." (Gate.) — 3. 
Leaves of a book or roll. The Heb. deleth occurs 
in this sense in Jer. xxxvi. 23 only, and is trans- 
lated by Gesenius columns. 
I * League. Alliances. 

Lc'ah (Heb. wearied, Ges.), daughter of Laban 
(Gen. xxix. 16). The dulness or weakness of her 
eyes was so notable, that it is mentioned as a con- 
trast to the beautiful form and appearance of her 
younger sister Rachel. Her father took advantage 
\ of the opportunity which the local marriage-rite af- 
i forded to pass her off in her sister's stead on the 
unconscious bridegroom, and excused himself to 
Jacob by alleging that the custom of the country 
forbade the younger sister to be given first in mar- 
riage. Jacob's preference of Rachel grew into 
hatred of Leah, after he had married both sisters. 
Leah, however, bore to him, in quick succession, 
Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, then Issachar, Zebu- 
lun, and Dinah, before Rachel had a child. She 
died some time after Jacob reached the S. country 
in which his father Isaac lived. She was buried in 
! the family grave in Machpelah (xlix. 31). 

Leasing [leez-] = falsehood. This word is re- 
tained in the A. V. of Ps. iv. 2, v. 6, from the 
older English versions ; brut the Heb. cuzab of w hich 
it is the rendering is elsewhere almost uniformly 
translated " lies " (Ps. xl. 4, lviii. 3, &c). 

Leatli'er (Heb. ''or; Gr. adj. dcrmalinos, translated 
" leathern "). The notices of leather in the Bible 
are singularly few ; indeed the word occurs but 
twice in the A. V., and in each instance in refer- 
ence to a girdle (2 K. i. 8 ; Mat. iii. 4). There are, 
i however, other instances in which the word " lea- 
i ther " might with propriety be substituted for 
i " skin " (Lev. xi. 32, xiii. 48 ; Num. xxxi. 20). 
Bottle ; Dress ; Handicraft : Horse ; Sandal. 

Leaven ( Heb. seor, hdmets or chamets ; Gr. zume). 
Various substances were known to have ferment- 
ing qualities ; but the ordinary leaven consisted 
of a lump of old dough in a high state of fer- 
mentation, which was inserted into the mass of 
dough prepared for baking. (Bread.) The use 
: of leaven was strictly forbidden in all offerings 
made to the Lord by fire, and particularly in the 
feast of the Passover. In reference to these pro- 
, hibitions, Amos (iv. 5) ironically bids the Jews of his 
day to " offer a sacrifice of thanksgiving with leaven.'''' 
In other instances, where the offering was to be 
consumed by the priests, and not on the altar, 
leaven might be used. Various ideas were asso- 
ciated with the prohibition of leaven in the in- 
stances above quoted. But the most prominent 
idea, which applies equally to all the cases of 
prohibition, is connected with the corruption which 
leaven itself had undergone, and which it corn- 
\ municated to bread in the process of fermentation. 
To this property of leaven our Saviour points when 
He speaks of the " leaven (i. e. the corrupt doc- 
trine) of the Pharisees and of the Sadducees " 
' (Mat. xvi. 6) ; and St. Paul, when he speaks of the 
! "old leaven" (1 Cor. v. V). Another quality of 
leaven is noticed, viz. its secret!)/ penetrating and 
diffusive power (v. 6 ; Gal. v. 9 ; Mat. xiii. 33). 
* Leaves, pi. of Leaf.. 

Leb'a-na (Heb. the white, poetically = the 
moon, Ges. ; = Lebanah), one of the Nethinim 
whose descendants returned from Babylon with 
; Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 48) ; = Lebanah and Labana. 
Leb'a-nah (Heb.) = Lebana (Ezr. ii. 45). 



Leb'a-non (Heb., see below ; Gr. Libanos ; L. Lib- 
anus), a mountain range in the N. of Palestine. 
The name Lebanon {— while) was applied either on 
account of the snow, which, during a great part of 
the year, covers its whole summit, or on account of 
the white color of its limestone cliffs and peaks. 
It is the white mountain — the Mont Blanc of Pales- 
tine. Lebanon is represented in Scripture as lying 
upon the northern border of the land of Israel 
(Deut. i. 1, xi. 24; Josh. i. 4). Two distinct 
ranges bear this name. They both begin in latitude 
33° 20', and run in parallel lines from S. W. to 
N. E. for about ninety geographical miles, enclosing 
between them a long fertile valley from five to eight 
miles wide, anciently called " Celosyria," " the val- 
ley of Lebanon " (Josh. xi. 17), the modern el- 
BukoVa. The western range is the " Libanus " of 
the old geographers, and the Lebanon of Scripture. 
The eastern range was called " Antilibanus " by 
geographers, and " Lebanon toward the sun-rising" 
by the sacred writers (Josh. xiii. 5). A deep valley 
called W. el-Teim separates the southern section of 
Antilibanus from both Lebanon and the hills of 
Galilee. Lebanon — the western range — commences 
on the S. at the deep ravine of the Lil&ny, the an- 
cient river Leontes, which drains the valley of Celo- 
syria, and falls into the Mediterranean five miles N. 
of Tyre. It rvfris N. E. in a straight line parallel to 
the coast, to the opening from the Mediterranean 
into the plain of Emesa, called in Scripture the 
" Entrance of Hamath " (Num. xxxiv. 8). Here 
Nalir el-Kebir — the ancient river Eleutherus — sweeps 
round its northern end, as the Leontes does round 
its southern. The average elevation of the range 
is from 6,000 to 8,000 feet ; but two peaks rise con- 
siderably higher, Sunnin 8,500 feet ; Lo.har el- 
Kvdib (the highest peak, about twenty-five miles 
from the N. end, and near the celebrated cedars) 
10,051 feet (so Porter in Kitto). (Snow.) The 
central ridge or back-bone of Lebanon has smooth, 
barren sides, and gray rounded summits. It is en- 
tirely destitute of verdure, and is covered with 
small fragments of limestone, from which white 
crowns and jagged points of naked rock shoot up 
at intervals. Here and there a few stunted pine- 
trees or dwarf oaks are met with. The line of cul- 
tivation runs along at the height of about 6,000 
feet; and below this the features of the western 
slopes are entirely different. The descent is 
gradual ; but is everywhere broken by precipices 
and towering rocks which time and the elements 
have chiselled into strange, fantastic shapes. Ra- 
vines of singular wildness and grandeur furrow the 
whole mountain-side, looking in many places like 
huge rents. Here and there, too, bold promonto- 
ries shoot out, and dip perpendicularly into the 
bosom of the Mediterranean. The rugged lime- 
stone banks are scantily clothed with the evergreen 
oak, and the sandstone with pines; while every 
available spot is carefully cultivated. The cultiva- 
tion is wonderful, and shows what all Syria might 
be if under a good government. Fig-trees cling to 
the naked rock ; vines are trained along narrow 
ledges ; long ranges of mulberries, on terraces like 
steps of stairs, cover the more gentle declivities ; 
and dense groves of olives fill up the bottoms of the 
glens. Hundreds of villages are seen — here built 
amid labyrinths of rocks ; there clinging like swal- 
lows' nests to the sides of cliffs ; while convents, no 
less numerous, are perched on the top of every 
peak. The vine is still largely cultivated in every 
part of the mountain. Lebanon also abounds in 



542 



LEB 



LEB 



olives, figs, and mulberries; while some remnants 
exist of the forests of pine, oak, and cedar, which 
formerly covered it (1 K. v. 6 ; Ps. xxix. 5 ; Is. xiv. 
8; Ezr. iii. 7). (Forest.) Considerable numbers 
of wild beasts still inhabit its retired glens and 



higher peaks ; the writer (Porter) has seen jackals 
hyenas, wolves, bears, and panthers (2 K. xiv. 9 •' 
Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. ii. 17). Some noble streams of 
classic celebrity (Leontes, Lycus, Adonis, &c.) have 
their sources high up in Lebanon, and rush down 




The Grand Range of Lebanon. 



in sheets of foam through sublime glens, to stain 
with their ruddy waters the transparent bosom of 
the Mediterranean. Along the base of Lebanon 
runs the irregular plain of Phenicia ; nowhere 
more than two miles wide, and often interrupted 
by bold rocky spurs, that dip into the sea. The 
main ridge of Lebanon is composed of Jura lime- 
stone, and abounds in fossils. Long belts of more 
recent sandstone run along the western slopes, 
which is in places largely impregnated with iron. 
Lebanon was originally inhabited by the Hivites 
and Giblites (Judg. iii. 3; Josh. xiii. 5, 6). The 
whole mountaiu-range was assigned to the Israel- 
ites, but was never conquered by them (xiii. 2-6 ; 
Judg. iii. 1-3). During the Jewish monarchy it ap- 
pears to have been subject to the Phenieians (1 K. 
v. 2-6 ; Ezr. iii. 7). From the Greek conquest un- 
til modern times Lebanon had no separate history. 
The northern half of the mountain-range is peopled 
almost exclusively by Maronite Christians, about 
200,000 in number (so Porter in Kitto) ; in the south- 
ern half the Druzes (about 80,000, so Porter) pre- 
dominate. American Protestant missionaries have 
been laboring usefully more than forty years among 
this population. — Antilibanus. The main chain 
of Antilibanus commences in the plateau of Ba- 
shan, near the parallel of Cesarea Philippi, runs 
N. to Hermon, and then If E. in a straight line till 
it sinks down into the great plain of Emesa, not far 
from the site of Riblah. Hermon is the loftiest 
peak ; the next highest is a few miles X. of the site 
of Abila (Abilene), beside the village of Blud&n, 
and has an elevation of about 7,000 feet. The rest 
of the ridge averages about 5,000 feet ; it is in gen- 
eral bleak and barren, with shelving gray declivities, 



gray cliffs, and gray rounded summits. Here and 
there we meet with thin forests of dwarf oak and 
juniper. The western slopes descend abruptly into 
the BukiVa ; but the features of the eastern are en- 
tirely different. Three side-ridges here radiate from 
Hermon, like the ribs of an open fan, and form the 
supporting walls of three great terraces. (Abana; 
Pharpar.) Antilibanus is more thinly peopled 
than its sister range ; and it is more abundantly 
stocked with wild beasts. Antilibanus is only 
once distinctly mentioned in Scripture, where it is 
accurately described as " Lebanon toward the sun- 
rising " (Josh, xiii. 5). "The tower of Lebanon 
which looketh toward Damascus " (Cant. vii. 4) is 
doubtless Hermon, which forms the most striking 
feature in the whole panorama round that city. 

Leb'a-Oth (Heb. lionesses), one of the last group 
of the cities of " the South " of Judah (Josh. xv. 
32), probably = Beth-lebaoth and Beth-birei ; 
identified by Wilton (in Fairbairn) with el-Beyudh, 
a ruined site on a low hill about four miles N. E. of 
TelVArad (Arad) ; but Rowlands (in Fairbairn un- 
der " S. Country ") supposes it probably Birein, a 
site with four wells and ruins a few miles S. or S. 
by E. of cWAujeh. Azem. 

Leb-bae'us (L.) = Lebbeus. 

* Leb-be'us (L. Lebbutus, from Heb. libbai = of 
heart, i. e. hearty or courageous, Herz, Lange, &c. ; 
little heart, darling, Jerome, Winer ; compare Thad- 
deus), a name of the Apostle Judas, the brother 
of James (Mat. x. 3). The MSS. here give different 
readings : the A. V. and Received Greek Text are 
supported by the Alexandrian and some other MSS. ; 
but some MSS. and critical editors read "Lebbeus" 
only, some " Thaddeus " only. 



LEB 



LEM 



543 



Le-bo'nah (Heb. frankincense, Ges.), a place 
named in Judg. xxi. 19 only ; now the village of 
el-Lubbdn, W. of, and close to, the Ndblus road, 
about eight miles N. of Beilin (Bethel), and two 
from Setlun (Shiloh). Its appearance is ancient, 
and in the rocks above it are excavated sepulchres 
(Robinson). 

Lc'eall (Heb. a going, journey, Ges.), a name men- 
tioned in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 21 
,only) as a descendant of Shelah, or a town colo- 
nized by Er 2. 

* Ledg'es. Laver. 
! Leecli. Horse-leech. 

Let'ks. The Hebrew hdtsir or chdtsir, which in 
Num. xi. 5 is translated leeks, occurs twenty times 
in the Hebrew text. The Hebrew term (properly 




Common Leek(Al!iunL Porrum), 



= grass) (Grass 1) is derived from a root signifying 
" to be green," and may therefore stand in this pas- 
sage for any green food, lettuce, endive, &c, as Lu- 
. dolf and Maillet have conjectured (compare our 




Fenugreek (Trigondla Fanum-Graccum), 



term " greens ") ; yet as it is mentioned together 
with onions and garlic in the text, and as the 
most ancient versions unanimously understand leeks 
by the Hebrew word, we may be satisfied with our 



own translation, which is justified by the green 
color of the leek, and the grass-like form of its 
leaves. Another interpretation, first proposed by 
Hengstenberg, and received by Kitto (Pictorial Bi- 
ble, Num. xi. 5), adopts a more literal translation 
of the original word, for, says Kitto, " among the 
wonders in the natural history of Egypt, it is men- 
tioned by travellers that the common people there 
eat with special relish a kind of grass similar to 
clover.' 1 '' Mayer says of this plant (the fenugreek, 
Trigonella Fozmim-Grcecum), that it is similar to 
clover, but its leaves more pointed, and that great 
quantities of it are eaten by the people. The leek 
is too well known to need description. Its botani- 
cal name is Allium Porrwm. 

Lees. The Hebrew shemer bears the radical 
sense of preservation, and was applied to " lees " 
from the custom of allowing the wine to stand on 
the lees in order that its color and body might be 
better preserved. Hence the expression " wine on 
the lees" = a generous, full-bodied liquor (Is. xxv. 
6). The wine undisturbed became thick and 
syrupy ; hence the proverb " to settle upon one's 
lees," to express the sloth, indifference, and gross 
stupidity of the ungodly (Jer. xlviii. 11 ; Zeph. i. 
12). Before the wine was consumed, it was neces- 
sary to strain off' the lees ; such wine was then 
termed " well refined " (Is. xxv. 6). To drink the 
lees, or " dregs," was an expression for the endur- 
ance of extreme punishment (Ps. lxxv. 8). 

* Left -hand ed. Ehcd 2. 

Le'gion (fr. L. legio), the chief subdivision of the 
Roman army, containing about 6,000 infantry, with 
a contingent of cavalry. The term in the Bible = 
any large number, with the accessory ideas of order 
and subordination (Mat. xxvi. 53; Mk. v. 9, 15; 
Lk. viii. 30). 

Lc'ha-bini (Heb. fames; fame-colored, Fii. ; = 
Ltjbim, Ges., R. S. Poole), occurring only in Gen. x. 
13, the name of a Mizraite people or tribe. Mr. R. 
S. Poole has no doubt that they = the Bcbu or 
Lebu of the Egyptian inscriptions, and that from 
them Libya and the Libyans derived their name. 
Lubim. 

Le'Ili (Heb. jaic-bone, Ges., Fii., &c), a place in 
Judah, probably on the confines of the Philistines' 
country, between it and the cliff Etam ; the scene 
of Samson's well-known exploit with the jawbone 
(Judg. xv. 9, 14, 19). It contained an eminence — 
Ramath-lehi, and a spring — Ek-hakkore. Beer- 
lahai-roi has been supposed = Lehi. But the 
situations do not suit. The same consideration 
would also appear fatal to the identification pro- 
posed by Van de Velde at Tell el-Lekhiyeh, in the 
extreme S. of Palestine. As far as the name goes, a 
more probable suggestion would be Beii-Likiyeh, a 
village on the northern slopes of the great Wady 
Suleiman, about two miles below the upper Beth- 
horon. But see Etam 2 ; Etam, the Rock. 

*Le'mech [-mek] (Heb.) = Lamech 2 (Gen. v. 
25, margin). 

Lem'u-el (Heb. to God, i. e. dedicated or devoted, 
W. A. Wright; of God, sc. created, Ges.), the name 
of an unknown king to whom his mother addressed 
the prudential maxims in Prov. xxxi. 1-9. The 
Rabbinical commentators identify Lemuel with Sol- 
omon. Grotius, adopting a fanciful etymology from 
the Arabic, makes Lemuel = Hezekiah. Hitzig 
and others regard him as king or chief of an Arab 
tribe dwelling on the borders of Palestine, and 
elder brother of Agdr, whose name stands at the 
head of Prov. xxx. Jakeh. 



5U 



LEN 



LEP 



* Lend er. Loan. 

Lentils, or Lentiles (Heb. 'Sddshim). There can- 
not be the least doubt (so Mr. Houghton) that the 
A. V. is correct in its translation of the Hebrew 
word which occurs in the four following passages : — 
Gen. xxv. 34 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 28, xxiii. 11 ; Ez. iv. 9. 
The lentile is a small leguminous or bean-like plant, 
Ervum Lens. There are three or four kinds, all of 
which are still much esteemed in those countries 




Lentile (Ervum Ltnt). 



where they are grown, viz. the south of Europe, Asia, 
and North Africa : the red lentile is still a favorite 
article of food in the East. The modern Arabic 
name of this plant = the Hebrew; it is known in 
Egypt, Arabia, Syria, &c, by the name ''Adas. 
Robinson (i. 167) found lentiles "very palatable, 
and could well conceive that to a weary hunter, 
faint with hunger, they might be quite a dainty." 
Kitto (Picl. Bible) says he has often partaken of red 
pottage, prepared by seething the lentiles in water, 
and then adding a little suet, to give them a flavor. 
(Edom.) Lentile bread is still eaten by the poor 
of Egypt. Foon. 

* Len tisk. Mastich. 

Leop ard [lep-] is invariably given by the A. V. 
as the translation of the Heb. ndrner, and Chal. 




Leopard (Zeopardus varius). — (Fbn.) 



nemar, which occur in the seven following pas- 
sages — Is. xi. 6; Jer. v. 6, xiii. 23; Dan. vii. 6; 



Hos. xiii. 7 ; Cant. iv. 8 ; Hab. i. 8. Leopard oc- 
curs also as the translation of the Gr. pardalis in 
Ecclus. xxviii. 23, and in Rev. xiii. 2. The leop- 
ard (Leopardus varius ; Fells Leopardns, Linn.) be- 
longs to the cat family. Its swiftness is well known ; 
so great is the flexibility of its body, that it can 
take surprising leaps, climb trees, or crawl snake- 
like upon the ground. Jeremiah and Hosea allude 
to its insidious habits : it will take up its position 
in some spot near a village, and watch for a favor, 
able opportunity foi plunder. From the passage of 
Canticles, referred to above, we learn that the hilly 
ranges of Lebanon were in ancient times frequented 
by these animals, and it is now not uncommonly 
seen in and about Lebanon, and the southern mari- 
time mountains of Syria. Under the name ndmer 
(spoiled), not improbably another animal, viz. the 
cheetah, or hunting leopard ( Gueparda jubala), may 
be included ; which is tamed by the Mohammedans 
of Syria, who employ it in hunting the gazelle. 

Lep er (Heb. participles tidrua\ rnetsord', fem. 
mUsora 1 ath ; Gr. lepros), Lcp'ro-sy (Heb. ts&ra'ath; 
Gr. lepra). The predominant and characteristic 
form of leprosy in Scripture is a white variety, 
covering either the entire body or a large tract of 
its surface ; which has obtained the name of Lepra 
Mosaica. Such were the cases of Moses, Miriam, 
Naaman, and Gehazi (Ex. iv. 6; Num. xii. 10; 2 K. 
v. 1, 27 ; compare Lev. xiii. 13). But, remarkably 
enough, in the Mosaic ritual-diagnosis of the disease 
(Lev. xiii., xiv.), this kind, when overspreading the 
whole surface, appears to be regarded as " clean " 
(xiii. 12, 13, 16, 17). The Egyptian bondage, with 
its studied degradations and privations, and espe- 
cially the work of the kiln under an Egyptian sun, 
must have had a frightful tendency to generate this 
class of disorders ; hence Manetho asserts that the 
Egyptians drove out the Israelites as infected with 
leprosy — a strange reflex, perhaps, of the Mosaic 
narrative of the "plagues" of Egypt, yet probably 
also containing a germ of truth. The sudden and 
total change of food, air, dwelling, and mode of life, 
caused by the Exodus, to this nation of newly- 
emancipated slaves may possibly have had a further 
tendency to produce skin-disorders, and severe re- 
pressive measures may have been required in the 
desert-moving camp to secure the public health, or 
to allay the panic of infection. Hence it is possible 
that many, perhaps most of this repertory of symp- 
toms, may have disappeared with the period of the 
Exodus, and the snow-white form, which had pre- 
existed, may alone have ordinarily continued in a 
later age. But amongst these Levitical symptoms, 
the scaling, or peeling off of the surface, is nowhere 
mentioned. The principal morbid features are a 
rising or swelling, a scab or baldness, and a bright 
or white spot (xiii. 2). But especially a white 
swelling in the skin, with a change of the hair of the 
part from the natural black to white or yellow (3, 
10, 4, 20, 25, 30), or an appearance of a taint going 
" deeper than the skin," or again, " raw flesh " ap- 
pearing in the swelling (10, 14, 15), were critical 
signs of pollution. The mere swelling, or scab, or 
bright spot, was remanded for a week as doubtful 
(4, 21, 26, 31), and for a second such period, if it 
had not yet pronounced (5). If it then spread (7, 
22, 27, 35), it was decided as polluting. But if after 
the second period of quarantine the trace died away 
and showed no symptom of spreading, it was a mere 
scab, and the patient was adjudged clean (6, 23, 
34). This tendency to spread seems especially to 
have been relied on. A spot most innocent in all 



LEP 



LEU 



545 



other respects, if it " spread much abroad," was 
unclean ; whereas, as before remarked, the man so 
wholly overspread with the evil that it could find no 
further range, was on the contrary " clean " (12, 13). 
These two opposite criteria seem to show, that 
whilst the disease manifested activity, the Mosaic 
law imputed pollution to and imposed segregation 
on the sufferer, but that the point at which it might 
be viewed as having run its course was the signal 
for his readmission to communion. It is clear (so 
Mr. Hayman, the original author of this article) that 
the leprosy of Lev. xiii., xiv., means any severe dis- 
ease spreading on the surface of the body in the way 
described, and so shocking of aspect, or so gener- 
ally suspected of infection, that public feeling called 
for separation. It is now undoubted that the 
" leprosy " of modern Syria, and which has a wide 
range in Spain, Greece, and Norway, is the Ele- 
phantiasis Grcecorum. It is said to have been 
brought home by the crusaders into the various 
countries of Western and Northern Europe. It cer- 
tainly was not the distinctive white leprosy, nor do 
any of the described symptoms in Lev. xiii. point to 
elephantiasis. " White as snow " (2 K. v. 27) would 
be as inapplicable to elephantiasis as to small-pox. 
Further, the most striking and fearful results of this 
modern so-called " leprosy " are wanting in the 
Mosaic description — the transformation of the fea- 
tures to a leonine expression, and the corrosion of 
the joints, so that the fingers drop piecemeal. 
(Medicine.) Whether we regard Lev. xiii. as speak- 
ing of a group of diseases having mutually a mere 
superficial resemblance, or a real affinity, it need 
not perplex us that they do not correspond with the 
three species of leprosy of Hippocrates (the Gr. al- 
phas, leuke [= white], and melas [— black]), which are 
said by Bateman to prevail still respectively as Lepra 
alphoides, Lepra vulgaris, and Lepra nigricans. The 
first has more minute and whiter scales, and the 
circular patches in which they form are smaller than 
those of the vulgaris, which appears in scaly discs of 
different sizes, having nearly always a circular form, 
first presenting small distinct red shining elevations 
of the cuticle, then white scales which accumulate 
sometimes into a thick crust; or, as Dr. Mason 
Good describes its appearance, as having a spread- 
ing scale upon an elevated base ; the elevations de- 
pressed in the middle, but without a change of 
color ; the black hair on the patches, which is the 
prevailing color of the hair in Palestine, participat- 
ing in the whiteness, and the patches themselves 
perpetually widening in their outline. A phosphate 
of lime probably gives their bright glossy color to 
the scaly patches. The third, nigricans, or rather 
svbfusca, is rarer, in form and distribution resem- 
bling the second, but differing in the dark livid color 
of the patches. The scaly incrustations of the first 
species infest the flat of the fore-arm, knee, and 
elbow-joints, but on the face seldom extend beyond 
the forehead and temples (compare 2 Chr. xxvi. 19, 
"the leprosy rose up in his forehead "). The cure 
of this is not difficult ; the second scarcely ever 
heals (Celsus). The third is always accompanied 
by a cachectic condition of body. Further, ele- 
phantiasis itself has also passed current under 
the name of the " black leprosy." It is possible 
that the " freckled spot " of the A. V. in Lev. xiii. 39 
may correspond with the harmless Lepra alphoidcs, 
since it is noted as " clean." There is a remarkable 
concurrence between the description by JEschylus 
(Choeph. 271-274) of the disease which was to pro- 
duce "lichens coursing over the flesh, eroding with 
35 



fierce voracity the former natural structure, and 
white hairs shooting up over the part diseased," and 
some of the Mosaic symptoms ; the spreading energy 
of the evil is dwelt upon both by Moses and by 
iEschylus, as vindicating its character as a scourge 
of God. But the symptoms of " white hairs " is a 
curious and exact confirmation of the genuineness 
of the detail in the Mosaic account, especially as the 
poet's language would rather imply that the disease 
spoken of was not then domesticated in Greece, but 
the strange horror of some other land. There re- 
mains a curious question, before we quit Leviticus, 
as regards the leprosy of garments and houses. 
Some have thought garments worn by leprous 
patients intended. This classing of garments and 
house-walls with the human epidermis, as leprous, 
has moved the mirth of some, and the wonder of 
others. Yet modern science has established what 
goes far to vindicate the Mosaic classification as 
more philosophical than such cavils. It is now 
known that there are some skin-diseases which ori- 
ginate in an acarus (= mite, tick, &c), and others 
which proceed from a fungus. In these we may 
probably find the solution of the paradox. The 
analogy between the insect which frets the human 
skin and that which frets the garment that covers 
it, between the fungous growth that lines the crev- 
ices of the epidermis and that which creeps in the 
interstices of masonry, is close enough for the pur- 
poses of a ceremonial law, to which it is essential 
that there should be an arbitrary element inter- 
mingled with provisions manifestly reasonable. 
Michaelis has suggested a nitrous efflorescence on 
the surface of the stone, produced by saltpetre, or 
rather an acid containing it, and issuing in red 
spots, and cites the example of a house in Lubeck ; 
he mentions also exfoliation of the stone from other 
causes ; but probably these appearances would not 
be developed without a greater degree of damp than 
is common in Palestine and Arabia. It is manifest 
also that a disease in the human subject caused by 
an acarus or by a fungus would be certainly con- 
tagious, since the propagative cause could be trans- 
ferred from person to person. The lepers of the 
N. T. do not seem to offer occasion for special re- 
mark, save that by the N. T. period the disease, as 
known in Palestine, probably did not differ mate- 
rially from the record of it by Hippocrates. " Lep- 
rosy," says Mr. Jennings (in Fbn.), " was polluting, 
spreading (in respect to the person affected), trans- 
missive, and incurable by any known remedy. It 
was therefore the standing symbol of sin, the most 
malignant evil in God's universe." Pubification ; 
Uncleanness. 

Le'sticm (Heb. — a gem, translated "ligore" in 
A. V. ; fortress, Fii.) = Laish, afterward Dan, oc- 
curring only in Josh. xix. 47 (twice). 

Le'thech [-thek] (Heb. a measure for grain, so 
called from pouring, Ges.) (Hos. iii. 2, margin). 
Weights and Measures. 

* Let'ter, Lt t'ters. Epistle ; Writing. 

Lct'tns (ft. Gr.) = Hattush (1 Esd. viii. 29). 

Lc-tu'shim (Heb. thehammered, the sharpened, Ges.), 
second son of Dedan, son of Jokshan (Gen. xxv. 3 
[and 1 Chr. i. 32, Vulgate]). Fresnel identifies the 
name with Tasm, one of the ancient and extinct 
tribes of Arabia. Leummim. 

Lc-um'niim (Heb. peoples, nations), third son, or 
descendant, of Dedan son of Jokshan (Gen. xxv. 3 
[1 Chr. i. 32, Vulgate]), being in the plural form like 
his brethren, Asshurim and Letushim. The name evi- 
dently refers to a tribe or people sprung from Dedan. 



546 



LEV 



LEV 



Leummim has been identified with the Alloamai- 
tolal of Ptolemy, and by Fresnel with an Arab tribe 
called Umeiyim. The latter was one of the very 
ancient tribes of Arabia of which no genealogy is 
given by the Arabs, and who appear to have been 
ante-Abrahamic, and possibly aboriginal inhabitants 
of the country. 

Lc'vl (Heb. a joining, Ges.). 1. Third son of 
Jacob by his wife Leah. This, like most other 
names in the patriarchal history, was connected 
with the thoughts and feelings that gathered round 
the child's birth. As derived from Heb. Idvdh, to 
adhere, it gave utterance to the hope of the mother 
that the affections of her husband, which had hither- 
to rested on the favored Rachel, would at last be 
drawn to her. " This time will my husband be 
joined unto me, because I have borne him three 
60ns " (Gen. xxix. 34). The new-born child was to 
be a fresh link binding the parents to each other 
more closely than before. One fact alone is re- 
corded in which he appears prominent. The sons 
of Jacob have come from Padan-arain to Canaan 
with their father, and are with him " at Shalem, a 
city of Shecheni." Their sister Dinah goes out " to 
see the daughters of the land" (xxxiv. 1), i. e. as 
the words probably indicate, and as Josephus (i. 21) 
distinctly states, to be present at one of their great 
annual gatherings for some festival of Nature-wor- 
ship, analogous to that which we meet with after- 
ward among the Midianites (Num. xxv. 2). (Idol- 
atry.) The license of the time or the absence of 
her natural guardians exposes her, though yet in 
earliest youth, to lust and outrage. A stain is left, 
not only on her, but on the honor of her kindred, 
which, according to the rough justice of the time, 
nothing but blood could wash out. The duty of ex- 
torting that revenge fell, as in the case of Amnon 
and Tamar (2 Sam. xiii. 22), on the brothers rather 
than the father. Simeon and Levi take the task 
upon themselves. The history that follows is that 
of a cowardly and repulsive crime (Gen. 
xxxiv. 25-31). For the offence of one 
man, they destroy and plunder a whole 
city. They cover their murderous 
schemes with fair words and profes- 
sions of friendship. They make the 
very token of their religion the instru- 
ment of their perfidy and revenge. 
Their father, timid and anxious as ever, 
utters a feeble lamentation. Of other 
facts in the life of Levi, there are 
none in which he takes, as in this, a 
prominent and distinct part. Pie 
shares in the hatred which his brothers 
bear to Joseph, and joins in the plots 
against him (xxxvii. 4). Simeon appears 
to have been foremost in this attack on 
the favored son of Rachel ; and it is at 
least probable that in this, as in their 
former guilt, Simeon and Levi were 
brethren. Afterward Levi, with his 
three sons, Gershox, KoHATii,MERARi,went down into 
Egypt (xlvi. 11). When his father's death draws near, 
and the sons are gathered round him, he hears the old 
crime brought up again to receive its sentence from 
the lips that are no longer feeble and hesitating. 
Simeon and Levi, no less than the incestuous first- 
born, had forfeited the privileges of their birthright. 
They were to be divided in Jacob and scattered in 
Israel (xlix. 5 ffi). Levi died in Egypt at the age 
of 137 (Ex. vi. 16). From him were descended 
Moses and Aaron with the priests (High-priest; 



Priest) and Levites. — 2. Son of Melchi ; one of the 
near ancestors of our Lord ; great-grandfather of 
Joseph (Lk. iii. 24). — 3, A more remote ancestor 
of Christ ; son of Simeon (iii. 29). — 4. Matthew 
(Mk. ii. 14 ; Lk. v. 27, 29). 

Le-vi'a-than (Heb. UvijdthAn) occurs five times in 
the text of the A. V., and once in the margin of 
Job iii. 8, where the text has "mourning." In the 
Hebrew Bible linydthdn (= " leviathan," except in 
Job iii. 8) is found only in Job iii. 8, xl. 25 (xli. 1, 
A. V.); Ps. lxxiv. 14, civ. 26; Is. xxvii. 1. In the 
margin of Job iii. 8, and text of Job xli. 1, and Ps. 
lxxiv. 14, the crocodile is most clearly the animal 
denoted by the Hebrew word (so Mr. Houghton, the 
original author of this article). The crocodile, 
Crocodilus vulgaris, is clothed on the entire upper 
part of the body with distinct series of bony scales 
imbedded in the skin, and constituting a coat-of- 
mail capable of resisting the most powerful enemy. 
The skull is remarkably solid, with bony crests. 
There is a single row of conical, pointed teeth in 
each jaw, locking into each other. The crocodile 
is said to attain a length of twenty-five feet. A 
huge, fierce, cunning, carnivorous reptile, it ia 
greatly dreaded in the hot regions of which it is a 
native. It was worshipped by the ancient Egyp- 
tians. Job iii. 8 is beset with difficulties. There 
can, however, be little doubt that the margin is the 
correct rendering. There appears to be some refer- 
ence to those who practised enchantments. The 
detailed description of leviathan given in Job xli. 
indisputably belongs to the crocodile. The Egyp- 
tian crocodile also is certainly the leviathan in Ps. 
lxxiv. 14. The leviathan of Ps. civ. 26 Mr. Hough- 
ton regards as some animal of the whale family. 
The "great and wide sea" must be the Mediter- 
ranean, and the whale is found there. The Orca 
Gladiator (Gray), or common grampus, and the 
Physalus Antiquorum (Gray), or the Rorqual of the 
Mediterranean (Cuvier), are two species of the 




Crocodile of the Nile {Crocodilus vulgaris). — (Fbn.) 

1 whale family not uncommon in the Mediterranean, 
and anciently the species may have been more 
numerous. The crocodile is a fresh-water animal ; 
but, as allied reptiles frequent salt water, the croco- 
dile may anciently have been found in the Mediter- 
ranean. There is some uncertainty about the levia- 
than of Is. xxvii. 1. As the term leviathan is evi- 
dently used in no limited sense, not improbably 
" leviathan the piercing serpent," or " leviathan the 
crooked serpent," may denote some species of the 
great rock-snakes (Boa family) which are common 



LEV 



LEV 



547 



in S. and W. Africa, perhaps the Horlulia Sebce, 
which Schneider, under the synonym Boa hiero- 
glyphica, appears to identify with the huge serpent 
represented on the Egyptian monuments. Mr. R. S. 
Poole (in Kitto) regards leviathan as always = the 
crocodile ; Mr. Gosse (in Fairbairn) regards it as 
specifically = the crocodile, though perhaps in a 
later age used indefinitely for any huge reptile. 
Perhaps monster may be as good a translation of 
the Heb. livy&th&n as any that can be found. 

* Lev'i-rate (fr. L. levir = husband's brother) 
Law. Marriage. 

Le'vis (L.), in 1 Esd. ix. 14, is simply a corruption 
of " the Levite " in Ezr. x. 15. 

Le'vite (fr. Heb. = descendant of Levi 1) ; plural 
Le'vites. The analogy of the names of the other 
tribes of Israel would lead us to include under " Le- 
vites " and " sons of Levi " the whole tribe that 
traced its descent from Levi. The existence of 
another division, however, within the tribe itself, in 
the higher office of the priesthood (Priest) as lim- 
ited to " the sons of Aaron," gave to the common 
form, in this instance, a peculiar meaning. Most 
frequently the Levites are distinguished, as such, 
from the priests (1 K. viii. 4; Ezr. ii. 70; Jn. i. 19, 
&c), and this is the meaning which has perpetuated 
itself. Sometimes the word extends to the whole 
tribe, the priests included (Num. xxxv. 2 ; Josh. xxi. 
3, 41; Ex. vi. 25; Lev. xxv. 32, &c). Sometimes 
again it is added as an epithet of the smaller por- 
tion of the tribe, and we read of " the priests the 
Levites " (Josh. iii. 3 ; Ez. xliv. 15). The history 
of the tribe and of the functions attached 
to its several orders, is obviously essential to 
any right apprehension of the history of Israel 
as a people. It will fall naturally into four great 
periods. I. The time of the Exodus. II. The pe- 
riod of the Judges. III. That of the Monarchy. 
IV. That from the Captivity to the destruction of 
Jerusalem. — I. The absence of all reference to the 
consecrated character of the Levites in Genesis is 
noticeable enough. The prophecy of Jacob (Gen. 
xlix. 5-7) was indeed fulfilled with singular pre- 
cision ; the massacre of the Shechemites may have 
contributed to influence the history of Levi's de- 
scendants, by fostering in them the same fierce wild 
zeal against all that threatened to violate the purity 
of their race ; but generally what strikes us is the 
absence of all recognition of the later character. 
In the genealogy of Gen. xlvi. 11, in like manner, 
the list does not go lower down than the three sons 
of Levi, and they are given in the order of their 
birth, not in that which would have corresponded to 
the official superiority of the Kohathites. There 
are no signs, again, that the tribe of Levi had any 
special preeminence over the others during the 
Egyptian bondage. Within the tribe itself there 
are some slight tokens that the Kohathites are gain- 
ing the first place (Ex. iv. 14, vi. 23). But as yet 
there are no traces of a caste-character, no signs 
of any intention to establish an hereditary priest- 
hood. Up to this time the Israelites had wor- 
shipped the God of their fathers after their fathers' 
manner. (First-born.) It was apparently with 
this as their ancestral worship that they came up 
out of Egypt. The " young men " of the sons of 
Israel offer sacrifices (xxiv. 5). They, we may in- 
fer, are 'the priests who remain with the people while 
Moses ascends the heights of Sinai (xix. 22-24). 
They represented the truth that the whole people 
were " a kingdom of priests " (xix. 6). Neither 
they nor the " officers and judges " appointed to 



assist Moses in administering justice (xviii. 25) are 
connected in any special manner with the tribe of 
Levi. The first step toward a change was made in 
the institution of an hereditary priesthood in the 
family of Aaron, during the first withdrawal of 
Moses to the solitude of Sinai (xxviii. 1). The next 
extension of the idea of the priesthood grew out 
of the terrible consecration of themselves, Ex. 
xxxii. (Calf.) The tribe stood forth, separate and 
apart, recognizing even in this stern work the spir- 
itual as higher than the natural, and therefore 
counted worthy to be the representative of the 
ideal life of the people, " an Israel within an Israel." 
From this time accordingly they occupied a distinct 
position. The tribe of Levi was to take the place 
of that earlier priesthood of the first-born as rep- 
resentatives of the holiness of the people. The 
minds of the people were to be drawn to the fact 
of the substitution by the close numerical corre- 
spondence of the consecrated tribe (22,000) 1 with 
that of those whom they replaced (22,273; Num. 
iii.). As the Tabernacle was the sign of the pres- 
ence among the people of their unseen King, so the 
Levites were, among the other tribes of Israel, as 
the royal guard that waited exclusively on Him. 
When the people were at rest, they encamped as 
guardians round the sacred tent (Num. i. 51, xviii. 
22). The Levites might come nearer than the other 
tribes ; but they might not sacrifice, nor burn in- 
cense, nor see the "holy things" of the sanctuary 
till they were covered (iv. 15). When on the march, 
no hands but theirs might strike the tent at the 
commencement of the day's journey, or carry the 
parts of its structure during it, or pitch the tent 
once again when they halted (i. 51). It was obvi- 
ously essential for such a work that there should be 
a fixed assignment of duties ; and now accordingly 
we meet with the first outlines of the organization 
which afterward became permanent. The division 
of the tribe into the three sections that traced their 
descent from the sons of Levi, formed the ground- 
work of it. (Gershon ; Kohath ; Merari.) The 
work which they all had to do required a man's full 
strength, and, therefore, though twenty was the 
starting-point for military service (Num. i.), they 
were not to enter on their active service till they 
were thirty (iv. 23, 30, 35). 2 At fifty they were to 
be free from all duties but those of superintendence 
(viii. 25, 26). The result of this limitation gave to 
the Kohathites 2,750 on active service out of 8,600; 
to the sons of Gershon 2,630 out of 7,500 ; to those 
of Merari 3,200 out of 6,200 (iv.). Of these the 
Kohathites, as nearest of kin to the priests, held 



1 The separate numbers in Num. iii. (Gershon, 7,500 ; 
Kohath, 8,(500; Merari, 6,200) give a total ot 22,300. The 
received solution of the discrepancy (so Prof. Plumptre, 
original author of the article above) is that 300 were the 
first-born of the Levites, who, as such, were already con- 
secrated, and therefore could not take the place of others. 
The number of the first-born appears disproportionately 
small ; but they must be at once (1.) the first-bom of the 
father (2.) the first-born of the mother, (3.) males. Hou- 
bigant's suggestion, that bya copyist's error S,300 Ko- 
hathites in "verse 28 have become 8,600, is adopted by 
Philippson, Keil. &c. 

2 The mention of twenty-five in Num. viii. 24, as the 
ace of entrance, may be understood either of a probation- 
ary period during which they were trained for their duties 
(Talmud, Rashi, IHaimonides, &c), or of the lighter work 
of keeping the gates of the Tabernacle (Rashbam, Abcn 
Ezra, and most modern expositors). Bahr, &c, follow 
another ancient Jewish interpretation that Num. iv. treats 
of the necessary age of the Levites for the requirements 
in the wilderness, and ch. viii. gives their ago for the 
promised land, when in their division among the tribes 
a larger number would be wanted (Dr. Ginsburg, in Kitto). 



5i8 



LEV 



LEV 



from the first the highest offices. They were to 
bear all the vessels of the sanctuary, the ark itself 
included (iii. 31, iv. 15 ; Deut. xxxi. 25), after the 
priests had covered them with dark-blue cloth 
which was to hide them from all profane gaze ; and 
thus they became also the guardians of all the 
sacred treasures which the people had so freely of- 
fered. The Gershouites had to carry the tent-hang- 
ings and curtains (Num. iv. 22-26). The heavier 
burden of the boards, bars, and pillars of the Taber- 
nacle fell on the sons of Merari. Before the march 
began, the whole tribe was once again solemnly set 
apart (viii. 5 ff.). The new institution was, however, 
to receive a severe shock from those who were most 
interested in it. The section of the Levites whose 
position brought them into contact with the tribe of 
Reuben conspired with it to reassert the old patri- 
archal system of a household priesthood (xvi.). 
(Korah 4.) When their self-willed ambition had been 
punished, it was time also to provide more definitely 
for them, and this involved a permanent organization 
for the future as well as for the present. Jehovah 
was to be their inheritance (xviii. 20 ; Deut. x. 9, 
xviii. 2). They were to have no territorial pos- 
sessions. In place of them they were to receive 
from the others the tithe:; of the produce of the 
land, from which they, in their turn, offered a tithe 
to the priests, as a recognition of their higher con- 
secration (Num. xviii. 21, 24, 26 ; Neh. x. 37). When 
the wanderings of the people should be over, and 
the Tabernacle have a settled place, great part of 
the labor that had fallen on them would come to an 
end, and they, too, would need a fixed abode. Dis- 
tinctness and diffusion were both to be secured by 
the assignment to the whole tribe of forty-eight 
cities, with an outlying " suburb " (Num. xxxv. 2) of 
meadow-land for the pasturage of their flocks and 
herds. (Suburbs.) The reverence of the people 
for them was to be heightened by the selection of 
six of these as cities of refuge. Through the whole 
land the Levites were to take the place of the old 
household priests, sharing in all festivals and re- 
joicings (Deut. xii. 19, xiv. 26, 27, xxvi. 11). Every 
third year they were to have an additional share in 
the produce of the land (xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). To 
" the priests the Levites " was to belong the office 
of preserving, transcribing, and interpreting the law 
(xvii. 9-12, xxxi. 26). They were solemnly to read 
it every seventh year at the Feast of Tabernacles 
(xxxi. 9-13). They were to pronounce the curses 
from Mount Ebal (xxvii. 14). Such, if one may so 
speak, was the ideal of the religious organization 
which was present to the mind of the lawgiver. 
The great principle was, that the warrior-caste who 
had guarded the tent of the Captain of the hosts of 
Israel, should be throughout the land as witnesses 
that the people still owed allegiance to Him. As 
yet, no traces appear of their character as a learned 
caste, and of the work which afterward belonged to 
them as hymn-writers and musicians. (Music.) — II. 
The successor of Moses, though belonging to an- 
other tribe, did faithfully all that could be done to 
convert this idea into a reality. The submission of 
the Gibeomtes, after they had obtained a promise 
that their lives should be spared, enabled him to re- 
lieve the tribe-divisions of Gershon and Merari of 
the most burdensome of their duties. The con- 
quered Hivites became " hewers of wood and draw- 
ers of water " for the house of Jehovah and for the 
congregation (Josh. ix. 27). (Nethinim ; Solomon's 
Servants, Children of.) As soon as the con- 
querors had advanced far enough to proceed to a 



partition of the country, the forty-eight cities were 
assigned to them (xxi.) thus : 



1. Kohathites ; 

A Pripsts j Judah and Simeon 9 

A - rue8ta -j Benjamin 4 

i Epluaim 4 

B. Not Priests . . . ■< Dan ..: 4 

( Half Manasseh (W.) 2 

f Half Manasseh (E.) 2 

2- Gershonltes fc* ar ; ; ; ; ; • ; ; ; ; ; ; • ; ; • ■■■■ 4 

(Naphtali 3 

I Zebulun 4 

3. Merarites < Reuben 4 

( Gad 4 



48 

The scanty memorials in Judges fail to show how 
far, for any length of time, the reality answered to 
the idea. The tendency of the people to fall into 
the idolatry of the neighboring nations showed 
either that the Levites failed to bear their witness 
to the truth or had no power to enforce it. The old 
household priesthood revives, and there is the risk 
of the national worship breaking up into individ- 
ualism (Judg. xvii.). (Micah 1 ; Jonathan 5.) The 
shameless license of the sons of Eli may be looked 
upon as the result of a long period of decay, affect- 
ing the whole order. The work of Samuel was the 
starting-point of a better time. Himself a Levite, 
and, though not a priest, belonging to that section 
of the Levites which was nearest to the priesthood 
(1 Chr. vi. 28), adopted as it were, by a special ded- 
ication, into the priestly line and trained for its of- 
fices (1 Sam. ii. 18), he appears as infusing a fresh 
life, the author of a new organization. There is no 
reason to think, indeed, that the companies or 
schools of the sons of the prophets which appear 
in his time (x. 5), and are traditionally said to have 
been founded by him, consisted exclusively of Le- 
vites ; but there are many signs that the members 
of that tribe formed a large element in the new order, 
and received new strength from it. (Prophet.) — 
III. The capture of the Ark by the Philistines did 
not entirely interrupt the worship of the Israelites, 
and the ministrations of the Levites went on, first 
at Shiloh (1 Sam. xiv. 3), then for a time at Nob 
(xxii. 11), afterward at Gibeon (1 K. iii. 2; 1 Chr. 
xvi. 39). The history of the return of the Ark to 
Beth-shemesh after its capture by the Philistines, 
and its subsequent removal to Kirjatii-jearim, 
points apparently to some strange complications 
rising out of the anomalies of this period, and af- 
fecting, in some measure, the position of the tribe 
of Levi. (Abinadab 1 ; High Places.) The rule 
of Samuel and his sons, and the prophetical charac- 
ter now connected with the tribe, tended to give 
them the position of a ruling caste. In the strong 
desire of the people for a king, we may perhaps 
trace a protest against the assumption by the Le- 
vites of a higher position than that originally as- 
signed. The reign of Saul, in its later period, was 
at any rate the assertion of a self-willed power 
against the priestly order. (Ahimelech 1 ; Gibeon- 
ites.) The reign of David, however, wrought the 
change from persecution to honor (1 Chr. xii. 26). 
When his kingdom was established, there came a 
fuller organization of the whole tribe. Their posi- 
tion in relation to the priesthood was once again 
definitely recognized. When the Ark was carried 
up to its new resting-place in Jerusalem, their claim 
to be the hearers of it was publicly acknowledged 
(xv. 2). (Obed-edom.) In the procession which 
attended the ultimate conveyance of the Ark to its 
new resting-place the Levites were conspicuous, 



LEV 



LEV 



549 



wearing their linen ephods, and appearing in their 
new character as minstrels (xv. 27, 28). In the 
worship of the Tabernacle under David, as after- 
ward in that of the Temple, we may trace a de- 
velopment of the simpler arrangements of the wil- 
derness and of Shiloh. ' The Levites were the gate- 
keepers, vergers, sacristans, choristers of the cen- 
tral sanctuary of the nation. They were, in the 
language of 1 Chr. xxiii. 24-32, " to wait on the 
sons of Aaron for the service of the house of Je- 
hovah, in the courts, and the chambers, and the 
purifying of all holy things." This included the 
duty of providing " for the shew-bread, and the fine 
flour for meat-offering, and for the unleavened 
bread." They were, besides this, " to stand every 
morning to thank and praise Jehovah, and likewise 
at even." They were lastly " to offer " — i. e. to as- 
sist the priests in offering — " all burnt-sacrifices to 
Jehovah in the sabbaths and on the set feasts." 
They lived for the greater part of the year in their 
own cities, and came up at fixed periods to take 
their turn of work (xxv., xxvi.). How long it lasted 
we have no sufficient data for determining. The 
education which the Levites received for their pe- 
culiar duties, no less than their connection, more or 
less intimate, with the schools of the prophets 
(Pkophet), would tend to make them, so far as 
there was any education at all, the teachers of the 
others, the transcribers and interpreters of the Law, 
the chroniclers of the times in which they lived. 
(Scribe.) We have some striking instances of their 
appearance in this new character. (Judge ; Siie- 
maiah 8.) The two books of Chronicles bear unmis- 
takable marks of having been written by men whose 
interests were all gathered round the services of the 
Temple, and who were familiar with its records. 
The former subdivisions of the tribe were recog- 
nized in the assignment of the new duties, and the 
Kohathites retained their old preeminence (1 Chr. 
ix. 19, 32, xv. 5-10, xxvi. 30). (Asaph ; Heman ; Jedu- 
thun. ) Now they were to enter on their work at 
the age of twenty (xxiii. 24-27). As in the old 
days of the Exodus, so in the organization under 
David, the Levites were not included in the general 
census of the people (xxi. 6), and formed according- 
ly no portion of its military strength. A separate 
census, made apparently before the change of age 
just mentioned (xxiii. 3), gives — 24,000 over the 
work of the Temple, 6,000 officers and judges, 4,000 
porters, i. e. gatekeepers, and, as such, bearing 
arms(ix. 19; 2 Chr. xxxi. 2), 4,000 praising Jehovah 
with instruments. The latter number, however, 
must have included the full choruses of the Tem- 
ple. The more skilled musicians among the sons 
of Heman, Asaph, and Jeduthun are numbered at 
288, in 24 sections of 12 each. (Music.) The re- 
volt of the ten tribes, and the policy pursued by 
Jeroboam 1 (Calf ; Idolatry), led to a great change 
in the position of the Levites. They were the wit- 
nesses of an appointed order and of a central wor- 
ship. He wished to make the priests the creatures 
and instruments of the king, and to establish a pro- 
vincial and divided worship. The natural result 
was, that they left the cities assigned to them in the 
territory of Israel, and gathered round the metrop- 
olis of Judah (2 Chr. xi. 13, 14). In the kingdom 
of Judah they were, from this time forward, a 
powerful body, politically as well as ecclesiastically. 
We find them prominent in the war of Abijah 
against Jeroboam (xiii. 10-12). They are sent out 
by Jehoshaphat to instruct and judge the people 
(xix. 8-10). The apostasy that followed on the 



marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah exposed them 
for a time to the dominance of a hostile system ; 
but the services of the Temple appear to have gone 
on, and the Levites were again conspicuous in the 
counter-revolution effected by Jehoiada (xxiii.), and 
in restoring the Temple to its former stateliness 
under Joash (xxiv. 5). The closing of the Temple 
under Ahaz involved the cessation at once of their 
work and of their privileges (xxviii. 24). Under 
Hezekiah they again became prominent, as conse- 
crating themselves to the special work of cleansing 
and repairing the Temple (xxix. 12-15, 34); and 
the hymns of David and of Asaph were again re- 
newed. Their old privileges were restored, they 
were put forward as teachers (xxx. 22), and the 
payment of tithes, which had probably been dis- 
continued under Ahaz, was renewed (xxxi. 4). The 
genealogies of the tribe were revised (ver. 17), and 
the old classification kept its ground. The reign 
of Manasseh was for them, during the greater part 
of it, a period of depression. That of Josiah wit- 
nessed a fresh revival and reorganization (xxxiv. 8- 
13). In the great passover of his eighteenth year 
they took their place as teachers of the people, 
as well as leaders of their worship (xxxv. 3, 15). 
Then came the Egyptian and Chaldean invasions, 
and the rule of cowardly and apostate kings. The 
sacred tribe itself showed itself unfaithful (Ez. 
xliv. 10-14, xlviii. 11). They had, as the penalty 
of their sin, to witness the destruction of the Tem- 
ple, and to taste the bitterness of exile. — IV. 
After the Captivity. The position taken by the 
Levites in the first movements of the return from 
Babylon indicates that they had cherished the tra- 
ditions and maintained the practices of their tribe. 
The) - , we may believe, were those who were spe- 
cially called on to sing to their conquerors one of 
the songs of Zion. It is noticeable, however, that 
in the first body of returning exiles they are pres- 
ent in a disproportionately small number (Ezr. ii. 
36-42). Those who do come take their old parts 
at the foundation and dedication of the second 
Temple (iii. 10, vi. 18). In the next movement, 
under Ezra, their reluctance (whatever may have 
been its origin) was even more strongly marked. 
None of them presented themselves at the first 
great gathering (viii. 15). The special efforts of 
Ezra did not succeed in bringing together more 
than 38, and their place had to be filled by 220 
of the Nethinim (ver. 20). Those who returned 
with him resumed their functions at the feast of 
Tabernacles as teachers and interpreters (Neh. viii. 
7), and those who were most active in that work 
were foremost also in chanting the hymn-like 
prayer which appears in Neh. ix. as the last great 
effort of Jewish psalmody. They are recognized 
in the great national covenant, and the offerings 
and tithes which were their due are once more 
solemnly secured to them (x. 37-39). They take 
their old places in the Temple and in the villages 
near Jerusalem (xii. 29), and are present in full 
array at the great feast of the Dedication of the 
Wall. The two prophets who were active at the 
time of the Return, Haggai and Zechariah, if they 
did not belong to the tribe, helped it forward in 
the work of restoration. The strongest measures 
are adopted by Nehemiah, as before by Ezra, to 
guard the purity of their blood from the contami- 
nation of mixed marriages (Ezr. x. 23) ; and they 
are made the special guardians of the holiness of 
the Sabbath (Neh. xiii. 22). The last prophet of 
the O. T. sees, as part of his vision of the latter days, 



550 



LEV 



LEV 



the time when the Lord " shall purify the sons of 
Levi " (Mai. iii. 3). The guidance of the 0. T. fails 
us at this point, and the history of the Levites in 
relation to the national life becomes consequently 
a matter of inference and conjecture. The syna- 
gogue worship, then originated, or receiving a new 
development, was organized irrespectively of them, 
and thus throughout Palestine there were means of 
instruction in the Law with which they were not 
connected. During the period that followed the 
Captivity they contributed to the formation of the 
so-called Great Synagogue. (Synagogue, the Great.) 
They, with the priests, theoretically constituted and 
practically formed the majority of the permanent 
Sanhedrim, and as such had a large share in the 
administration of justice even in capital cases. They 
take no prominent part in the Maccabean struggles, 
though they must have been present at the great 
purification of the Temple. They appear but seldom 
in the history of the N. T. Where we meet with 
their names it is as the type of a formal heartless 
worship, without sympathy and without love(Lk. x. 
32). In Jn. i. 19 they appear as delegates of the 
Jews, i. e. of the Sanhedrim, to inquire into the 
credentials of the Baptist, and giving utterance to 
their own Messianic expectations. The mention of 
a Levite of Cyprus in Acts iv. 36 shows that the 
changes of the previous century had carried that 
tribe also into " the dispersed among the Gentiles." 
Later on in the history of the first century, when 
the Temple had received its final completion under 
the younger Agrippa, we find one section of the 
tribe engaged in a new movement. With that 
strange unconsciousness of a coming doom which so 
often marks the last stage of a decaying system, the 
singers of the Temple thought it a fitting time to 
apply for the right of wearing the same linen gar- 
ment as the priests, and persuaded the king that 
the concession of this privilege would be the glory 
of his reign (Jos. xx. 8, § 6). The other Levites at 
the same time asked for and obtained the privilege 
of joining in the Temple choruses, from which 
hitherto they had been excluded. The destruction 
of the Temple so soon after they had attained the 
object of their desires came as with a grim irony to 
sweep away their occupation, and so to deprive them 
of every vestige of that which had distinguished 
them from other Israelites. They were merged in 
the crowd of captives that were scattered over the 
Roman world, and disappear from the stage of his- 
tory. Looking at the long history of which the out- 
line has been here traced, we find in it the light and 
darkness, the good and evil, which mingle in the 
character of most corporate or caste societies. On 
the one hand, the Levites, as a tribe, tended to fall 
into a formal worship, a narrow and exclusive ex- 
altation of themselves and of their country. On the 
other hand, they were chosen, together with the 
priesthood, to bear witness of great truths which 
might otherwise have perished from remembrance, 
and they bore it well through a long succession of 
centuries. It is not often, in the history of the 
world, that a religious caste or order has passed 
away with more claims to the respect and gratitude 
of mankind than the tribe of Levi (so Prof. Plump- 
tee). 

Le-vit'i-CUS (L. adj. = pertaining to Levi, or to the 
Levites, Leviticnl ; fr. the title in the Vulg. IAber 
Leviticus, i. e. the Levitical book. The Heb. title is 
vayyikrA [A. V. " and called "], the first word in the 
book giving it its name). (Pentateuch.) — Contents. 
The book consists of the following principal sec- 



tions : — I. The laws touching sacrifices (chapters 
i.-vii.). II. An historical section containing, first, 
the consecration of Aaron and his sons (chapter 
viii.) ; next, his first offering for himself and his peo- 
ple (ix.) ; and lastly, the destruction of Nadab and 
Abihu, the sons of Aaron, for their presumptuous 
offence (x.). III. The laws concerning purity and im- 
purity, and the appropriate sacrifices and ordinances 
for putting away impurity (xi.-xvi.). IV. Laws 
chiefly intended to mark the separation between 
Israel and the heathen nations (xvii.-xx.). V. Laws 
concerning the priests (xxi., xxii.) ; and certain holy- 
days and festivals (xxiii., xxv.), together with an 
episode (xxiv.). The section extends from chapter 
xxi. 1 to xxvi. 2. VI. Promises and threats (xxvi. 

3- 46). VII. An appendix containing the laws con- 
cerning vows (xxvii.). — I. Exodus concludes with 
the account of the completion of the Tabernacle. 
From the Tabernacle, thus rendered glorious by the 
Divine Presence, issues the legislation contained in 
Leviticus. As Jehovah draws near to the people in 
the Tabernacle, so the people draw near to Jehovah 
in the offering. Without offerings none may ap- 
proach Him. The regulations respecting the sacri- 
fices fall into three groups, and each of these groups 
again consists of a decalogue of instructions. Ber- 
thedu has observed that this principle runs through 
all the laws of Moses. His arrangement, though 
not fully approved, is here given in the main, as 
suggestive at least of the main structure of the 
book. 1. The first group of regulations (chapters 
i.-iii.) deals with three kinds of offerings : the burnt- 
offering, the meat-offering, and the thank-offering, 
i. The burnt-offering (chapter i.) in three sections. 
It might be either (1.) a male without blemish from 
the herds, verses 3-9 ; or, (2.) a male without blem- 
ish from the flocks, or lesser cattle, verses 10-13; 
or (3.) it might be fowls, an offering of turtle-doves 
or young pigeons, verses 14-1 7. ii. The next group 
(chapter ii.) presents many more difficulties. The 
meat-offering, or bloodless offering, in four sec- 
tions: (1.) in its uncooked form, consisting of fine 
flour with oil and frankincense, verses 1-3 ; (2.) in 
its cooked form, of which three different kinds are 
specified — baked in the oven, fried, or boiled, verses 

4- 10; (3.) the prohibition of leaven, and the direc- 
tion to use salt in all the meat-offerings, 11-13 ; (4.) 
the oblation of first-fruits, 14-16. This seems on 
the whole the best arrangement of the group (so 
Mr. J. J. S. Perowne). The Masoretic arrangement is 
in five sections : verses 1-3; 4; 5,6; 7-13; 14-16. 
iii. The " peace-offering " (A. V.), or " thank- 
offering" (Ewald) (chapter iii.), in three sections. 
Strictly speaking this falls under two heads : first, 
when it is of the herd ; and secondly, when it is of 
the flock. But this last has again its subdivision ; 
for the offering when of the flock may be either a 
lamb or a goat. Accordingly the three sections are 
verses 1-5; 7—11; 12-16; and verse 17 a general 
conclusion. This concludes the first Decalogue of 
the book. 2. Chapters iv., v. The laws concerning 
the sin-offering and the trespass- (or guilt-) offering. 
The sin-offering (chapter iv.) is treated of under 
four specified cases, after a short introduction to 
the whole in verses 1, 2 : (1.) the sin-offering for the 
priest, 3-12 ; (2.) forthe whole congregation, 13-21 ; 
(3.) for a ruler, 22-26 ; (4.) for one of the common 
people, 27-35. After these four cases, in which the 
offering is to be made for four different classes, there 
follow provisions respecting three several kinds of 
transgression for which atonement must be made 
(v. 1-4). We may follow Bertheau, Baumgarten, 



LEV 



LEV 



551 



and Knobel, in regarding them as special instances 
in which a s£»- offering was to be brought. The 
Decalogue is then completed by the three regula- 
tions respecting the guilt-offering (or trespass-offer- 
ing), verses 14-16, 17-19, 20-26. As in the former 
Decalogue, the nature of the offerings, so in this the 
person and the nature of the offence are the chief 
features in the several statutes. 3. Chapters vi., vii. 
Naturally upon the law of sacrifices follows the law 
of the priests' duties when they offer the sacrifices. 
In this group the different kinds of offerings are 
named in nearly the same order as in the two pre- 
ceding Decalogues, except that the offering at the 
consecration of a priest follows, instead of the thank- 
offering, immediately after the meat-offering, which 
it resembles ; and the thank-offering now appears 
after the trespass-offering. There are therefore, in 
all, six kinds of offerings ; and in each the priest has 
bis distinct duties. Bertheau has arranged the 
enactments respecting these duties in five Deca- 
logues: vi. 9-13 and 14-18; 19-30; vii. 1-10; 11- 
21 ; 23-33. Chapter vii. closes with a brief his- 
torical notice of the fact that these several com- 
mands were given to Moses on Mount Sinai (verses 
35-38). — II. Chapters viii.-x. This section is en- 
tirely historical. In chapter viii. we have the ac- 
count of the consecration of Aaron and his sons by 
Moses before the whole congregation. In chapter 
ix. Aaron offers, eight days after his consecration, 
his first offering for himself and the people. Chap- 

, ter x. tells how Nadab and Abihu perished because 
of their presumption. — III. Chapters xi.-xvi. The 
first seven Decalogues had reference to the putting 
away of guilt. The next seven concern themselves 
with the putting away of impurity. That chapters 
xi.-xv. hang together so as to form one series of laws 
there can be no doubt. The only question is about 

» chapter xvi., which by its opening is connected im- 
mediately with the occurrence related in chapter x. 
Historically it would seem therefore that chapter 

; xvi. ought to have followed chapter x. And as this 
order is neglected, it would lead us to suspect that 
some other principle of arrangement than that of 
historical sequence has been adopted. This we find 
in the solemn significance of the Day of Atone- 
ment (xvi.). 1. The first Decalogue in this group 
refers to clean and unclean flesh. (Unclean 
Meats.) Five classes of animals are pronounced un- 
clean. The first four enactments declare what ani- 
mals may and may not be eaten, whether (1.) beasts 
of the earth (2-8), or (2.) fishes (9-12), or (3.) birds 
(13-20), or (4.) creeping things with wings (21-23). 
The next four are intended to guard against pollu- 
tion by contact with the carcass of any of these 
animals : (5.) ver. 24-26 ; (6.) ver. 27, 28 ; (7.) 
ver. 29-38; (8.) ver. 39, 40. The ninth and 
tenth specify the last class of animals which are 
unclean for food; (9.) 41, 42, and forbid any other 
kind of pollution by means of them, (10.) 43-45. 
Ver. 46 and 47 are merely a concluding sum- 
mary. 2. Chapter xii. Women's purification in 
childbed. The whole of this chapter, according to 
Bertheau, constitutes the first law of this Decalogue. 
The remaining nine are to be found in the next 
chapter, which treats of the signs of leprosy in man 
and in garments. 3. Chapter xiv. 1-32. " The law 
of the leper in the day of his cleansing," i. e. the 
law which the priest is to observe in purifying the 
leper. The priest is mentioned in ten verses, each 
of which begins one of the ten sections of this law 
(3, 4, 5, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20). 4. Chapter 
xiv. 33-57. The leprosy in a house, concluding with 



a short summary, verses 54-57, which closes the 
statute concerning leprosy. 5 and 6. The law 
of uncleanness by issue, &c, in two decalogues ; 
chapters xv. 1-15 ; 16-31. Ver. 32 and 33 form 
merely the same general conclusion as in xiv. 54- 
57. 7. Chapter xvi. treats of the Great Day of Atone- 
ment. (Atonement, Day of.) The Law itself is 
contained in ver. 1-28. Ver. 29-34 consist of 
an exhortation to its careful observance. In the 
act of atonement three persons are concerned. The 
high-priest — in this instance Aaron ; the man who 
leads away the goat for Azazel into the wilderness ; 
and he who burns the skin, flesh, and dung of the 
bullock .and goat of the sin-offering without the 
camp. The last two have special purifications as- 
signed them. The ninth and tenth enactments pre- 
scribe what these purifications are. The duties of 
Aaron consequently ought, if the division into dec- 
ades is correct, to be comprised in eight enactments. 
According to this the Decalogue will stand thus : — 
(1.) ver. 2; (2.) ver. 3-5; (3.) ver. 6, 7; (4.) 
ver. 8; (5.) ver. 9, 10; (6.) ver. 11-19; (7.) ver. 
20-22; (8.) ver. 23-25; (9.) ver. 26; (10.) ver. 
27, 28. We have now reached the great cen- 
tral point of the book. Two great truths have 
been established : first, that God can only be ap- 
proached by means of appointed sacrifices ; next, 
that man in nature and life is full of pollution, which 
must be cleansed. And now a third is taught, viz. 
that not by several cleansings for several sins and 
pollutions can guilt be put away. The several acts 
of sin are but so many manifestations of the sinful 
nature. For this, therefore, also must atonement 
be made. — IV. Chapters xvii.-xx. And now Israel 
is reminded that it is the holy nation. The great 
atonement offered, it is to enter upon a new life. It 
is a separate nation, sanctified and set apart for the 
service of God. Here consequently we find those 
laws and ordinances which especially distinguish 
the nation of Israel from all other nations. Here 
again we may trace, as before, a group of seven dec- 
alogues. But the several decalogues are not so- 
clearly marked ; nor are the characteristic phrases 
and the introductions and conclusions so common. 
In chapter xviii. there are twenty enactments, and 
in chapter xix. thirty. In chapter xvii., on the 
other hand, there are only six, and in chapter xx. 
there are fourteen. Bertheau, in order to preserve 
the usual arrangement of the laws in decalogues, 
would transpose chapter xviii., and place it after 
chapter xix. There is, however (so Mr. Perowne), a 
point of connection between chapters xvii. and xviii. 
which must not be overlooked, and which seems to 
indicate that their position in our present text is 
the right one. All the six enactments in chapter 
xvii. (ver. 3-5, ver. 6, 7, ver. 8, 9, ver. 10-12, ver. 
13, 14, ver. 15) bear upon the nature and meaning 
of the sacrifice to Jehovah as compared with the 
sacrifices offered to false gods. It would seem, too, 
that it was necessary to guard against any license 
to idolatrous practices, which might possibly be 
drawn from the sending of the goat for Azazel into 
the wilderness, especially, perhaps, against the 
Egyptian custom of appeasing the Evil Spirit of the 
wilderness, and averting his malice. (Atonement, 
Day of.) To this there may be an allusion in ver. 
7. Perhaps, however, it is better and more simple 
to regard the enactments in these two chapters as 
directed against two prevalent heathen practices, 
the eating of blood and fornication. In ch. xviii., 
after the introduction, ver. 1-5, there follow twenty 
enactments concerning unlawful marriages and un- 



552 



LEV 



LIB 



natural lusts. The first ten are contained one in 
each verse, ver. 6-15. The next ten range them- 
selves in like manner with the verses, except that 
ver. 17 and 23 contain each two. Ch. xix. Three 
Decalogues, introduced by the words, " Ye shall be 
holy, for I Jehovah your God am holy," and ending 
with, " Ye shall observe all my statutes, and all my 
judgments, and do them. I am Jehovah." The 
laws here are of a very mixed character, and many 
of them merely a repetition of previous laws. — V. 
We come now to the last group of seven decalogues 
— ch. xxi.-xxvi. 2. The subjects comprised in these 
enactments are — first, the personal purity of the 
priests. They may not defile themselves for the 
dead ; their wives and daughters must be pure, and 
they themselves must be free from all personal 
blemish (ch. xxi.). Next, the eating of the holy 
things is permitted only to priests who are free from 
all uncleanness: they and their household only may 
eat them (xxii. 1-16). Thirdly, the offerings of Is- 
rael are to be pure and without blemish (xxii. 17- 
33). The fourth series provides for the due cele- 
bration of the great festivals when priests and 
people were to be gathered together before Jehovah 
in holy convocation (xxiii. 1-38). Bertheau omits 
ch. xxiii. 39-44 and ch. xxiv. 1 Mr. Perowne con- 
siders the former a later addition, containing further 
instructions respecting the Feast of Tabernacles. 
Ch. xxiv. has first a command concerning the oil 
for the lamps of the Tabernacle, which is a repeti- 
tion of Ex. xxvii. 20, 21 ; then, directions about the 
shew-bread ; lastly, certain enactments arising out 
of the blasphemy of Shelomith's son, with a brief 
notice of the infliction of the punishment in his 
case. Bertheau's fifth Decalogue is in ch. xxv. 7- 
22, respecting the sabdatical year and the Jubi- 
lee ; the sixth in xxv. 23-38, respecting the tenure 
and sale of lands and houses, the redemption of 
them at the Jubilee, and usury ; the seventh in xxv. 
39-xxvi. 2, respecting servants, idols, the Sabbath, 
and the sanctuary. — VI. The seven decalogues are 
now fitly closed by promises of the richest blessings 
to those that hearken unto and do these command- 
ments, and threats of utter destruction to those 
that break the covenant of their God (xxvi. 3-45). 
— VII. The legislation is evidently completed in 
ch. xxvi. 46: — "These are the statutes and judg- 
ments and laws which Jehovah made between Him 
and the children of Israel in Mount Sinai by the 
hand of Moses." Ch. xxvii. is a later appendix (so 
Mr. Perowne, with some German critics, &c. ; see 
below). — Integrity. This is very generally admitted. 
Those critics even who are in favor of different 
documents in the Pentateuch assign nearly the 
whole of this book to one writer, the Elohist, or 
author of the original document. According to Kno- 
bel, the only portions which are not to be referred 
to the Elohist, are — Moses' rebuke of Aaron because 
the goat of the sin-offering had been burnt (x. 16- 
20) ; the group of laws in ch. xvii.-xx. ; certain ad- 
ditional enactments respecting the Sabbath and the 
Feast of Weeks and of Tabernacles (xxiii., part of 
ver. 2, ver. 3, 18, 19, 22, 39-44) ; the punishments 
ordained for blasphemy, murder, &c. (xxiv. 10-23) ; 
the directions respecting the Sabbatical year (xxv. 



1 •' We are not to look for such logical arrangement as 
may be found in a modern code. The law to Israel was 
given in a popular manner, and recorded in a book meant 
for all to study : and its regulations partly arose, in the. 
course of Providence, out of emergencies which the Divine 
purpose had arranged for bringing out some particulars 
of the Divine commands " (Professor Douglas, inFbn.). 



18-22), and the promises and warnings contained 
in ch. xxvi. — We must not quit this book without 
a word on what may be called its spiritual meaning. 
That so elaborate a ritual looked beyond itself we 
cannot doubt. It was a prophecy of things to 
come ; a shadow whereof the substance was Christ 
and His kingdom. We may not always be able to 
say what the exact relation is between the type and 
the antitype. But we cannot read the Epistle to 
the Hebrews and not acknowledge that the Levitical 
priests " served the pattern and type of heavenly 
things " — that the sacrifices of the Law pointed to 
and found their interpretation of the Lamb of God 
— that the ordinances of outward purification signi- 
fied the true inner cleansing of the heart and con- 
science from dead works to serve the living God. 
One idea, moreover, penetrates the whole of this 
vast and burdensome ceremonial, and gives it a real 
glory even apart from any prophetic significance. 
Holiness is its end. Holiness is its character. 
Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; Law op Moses. 

Lib'a-nus (L. ; Gr. Libanos, fr. Heb.) = Lebanon 
(1 Esd. iv. 48, v. 55 ; 2 Esd. xv. 20 ; Jd. i. 7 ; Ecclus. 
xxiv. 13, 1. 12). Antilibanus. 

Lib'cr-tines [-tinz] (see below). This word occurs 
once only in the N. T. (Acts vi. 9). The question 
is, who were these " Libertines," and in what rela- 
tion did they stand to the others who are mentioned 
with them ? Of the name itself there have been 
several explanations. (1.) The other names (in ver. 
9) being local, this also has been referred to a sup- 
posed town of Libertum, in the pro-consular prov- 
ince of Africa, as if = those from Libertum,— -(2.) 
Conjectural readings have been proposed, but every 
rule of textual criticism is against the reception of 
.a reading unsupported by a single MS. or version. 
— (3.) Taking the word in its received meaning as 
fr. L. = frecdmen, Lightfoot finds in it a descrip- 
tion of natives of Palestine, who, having fallen into 
slavery, had been manumitted by Jewish masters. — 
(4.) Grotius and Vitringa explain the word as de- 
scribing Italian freedmen who had become converts 
to Judaism. — (5.) The earliest explanation of the 
word (Chrysostom) has been adopted by the most 
recent authorities (Winer, Meyer, Kitto, Fairbairn, 
&c), that the Liberlini are Jews who, having been 
taken prisoners byPompeyand other Roman generals 
in the Syrian wars, had been reduced to slavery, and 
had afterward been emancipated, and returned, per- 
manently or for a time, to the country of their 
fathers. Under Tiberius (a. n. 19), 4,000 were ban- 
ished from Rome to Sardinia. 

Lib mill (Heb. vjhiteness, clearness, Ges.). 1, A 
city in the S. W. part of the Holy Land. It was 
taken by Joshua immediately after the rout of 
Beth-horon (Josh. x. 29-32, '39, xii. 15). Libnah 
belonged to the district of the maritime lowland of 
Judah (Sephela), among the cities of which district 
it is enumerated (xv. 42). Libnah was appropriated 
with its " suburbs " to the priests (xxi. 13 ; 1 Chr. 
vi. 57). In the reign of Jehoram the son of Jehosh- 
aphat it "revolted" from Judah at the same time 
with Edom (2 K. viii. 22; 2 Chr. xxi. 10). On 
completing or relinquishing the siege of Lachish, 
Sennacherib laid siege to Libnah (2 K. xix. 8 ; Is. 
xxxvii. 8). It was the native place of Hamutal, the 
queen of Josiah, and mother of Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiii. 
31) and Zedekiah (xxiv. 18 ; Jer. lii. 1). Libnah is 
described by Eusebius and Jerome merely as a vil- 
lage of the district of Eleutheropolis. Its site has 
I hitherto escaped not only discovery, but, until 
| lately, even conjecture. Stanley would locate it at 



LIB 



LIG 



553 



Tell es-Sctfieh, a white-faced hill, five miles N. W. of 
Beit Jibrin. (Gath.) Van de Velde places it with 
confidence at Ar&k el-Menshiyeh, a hill with a small 
village and some ruins, four miles W. of Beit Jibrin. 
Wilton (in Fbn.) identifies it with Lebbcn, a village 
almost five miles S. of Gaza. — 2. A station at which 
the Israelites encamped, on their journey between 
the wilderness of Sinai and Kadesh (Num. xxxiii. 
20, 21); = Laban in Deut. i. 1 ? Wilton (in Fbn.) 
identifies it with Hajr el-Abyad (= the white stone), 
a place about sixty miles S. W. of Beer-sheba. 
Kadesh ; Wilderness of the Wandering. 

Lib'ni (Heb. white, Ges.). 1. Eldest son of Ger- 
shom, the son of Levi (Ex. vi. IV ; Num. iii. 18 ; 1 
Chr. vi. 17, 20), and ancestor of the family of the 
Libnites. — 2. Son of Mahli, or Mahali, son of 
Merari (vi. 29). Some suppose that he = No. 1, 
and that something has been omitted (compare ver. 
29 with 20, 42). 

Libnites, the = the descendants of Libni, son 
of Gershom (Num. iii. 21, xxvi. 58). Gersiionites ; 
Levites. 

Lib'y-a [-e-ah] (L. fr. Gr. Libue ; compare Lehabim, 
Lubim) occurs in Acts ii. 10, in the periphrasis " the 
parts of Libya about Cyrene," which obviously 
means the Cyrenaica. The name Libya is applied 
by the Greek and Roman writers to the African con- 
tinent, generally excepting Egypt. For " Libya "' 
(Ez. xxx. 5, xxxviii. 5) the margin has " Phut.' 
Lubim. 

* Lib'y-ans [-e-anz] = people of Libya ( Jer. xlvi. 
9, margin " Put ; " Dan. xi. 43). Lubim ; Phut. 

Life (Heb. cinnim, cinndm), pi. of louse, a well- 
known parasitic insect. This word occurs in the 
A. V. only in Ex. viii. 16-18, and in Ps. cv. 31 ; 
both of which passages have reference to the third 
great plague of Egypt. The Hebrew word — which, 
with some slight variation, occurs only in Ex. viii. 
16-18, and in Ps. cv. 31 — has given occasion to 
whole pages of discussion. Some commentators 
(Michaelis, Oedmann, Rosenmuller, Harenberg, Ged- 
des, Harris), with Philo, and Origen, and indeed 
modern writers generally, suppose that gnats are 
the animals intended by the original word ; while, 
on the other hand, the Jewish Rabbis, Josephus, 
Bochart, Bryant, &c, favor the A. V. translation. 
The old versions are claimed by Bochart as support- 
ing the opinion that lice are here intended. On the 
whole, this much appears certain (so Mr. Houghton), 
that those commentators who assert that cinnim 
means gnats or mosquitoes, have arrived at this con- 
clusion without sufficient authority ; they have 
based their arguments solely on the evidence of the 
LXX., though it is by no means proved that the 
Greek word (sknips, pi. i~kniphes, probably origin- 
ally = any small irritating creature) used by these 
translators has any reference to gnats. It appears, 
therefore, that there is not sufficient authority for 
rejecting the A. V. translation lice. Plagues of 
Egypt. 

Lieu-ten'ants. The Heb. ahashdarpan or achash- 
darpan was the official title of the satraps or vice- 
roys who governed the provinces of the Persian em- 
pire ; it is rendered " lieutenant " in Esth. iii. 12, 
viii. 9, ix. 3 ; Ezr. viii. 36, and the kindred Chaldaic 
word is translated " prince " in Dan. iii. 2, 3, 2V, vi. 
1 ff. 

* Life, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. hay or 
chay (Gen. i. 20, ii. 7, 9, iii. 14, 17, &c), also trans- 
lated "living" (i. 21, 24, iii. 20, &c), " living thing " 
(i. 28, vi. 19), &c— Heb. nephesh (i. 30, ix. 4, 5, &c), 
usually translated "soul" (xii. 5, 13; Ps. xi. 1, 11, 



&c), sometimes " mind " (xxiii. 8, &c), " person " 
(xiv. 21, &c), "heart" (Ex. xxiii. 9, &c), &c— 3. 
Gr. bios ( = the present life, Robinson, N. T. Lex.) 
(Lk. viii. 14; 1 Tim. ii. 2 ; 2 Tim. ii. 4; 1 Pet. iv. 
3; 1 Jn. ii. 16), also translated "living" (Mk. xii. 
44; Lk. xv. 12, 30, xxi. 4), " good" (1 Jn. iii. 17). 
— 4. Gr. zoe (Mat. vii. 14, and about 130 other pas- 
sages in N. T.). The kindred Gr. verb zad, trans- 
lated " to live," &c, occurs as often. — 5. Gr. pneu- 
ma (Rev. xiii. 19), usually translated " spirit " or 
" ghost." — 6. Gr. psuche (Mat. ii. 20, vi. 25, x. 39, 
(Sic), often translated " soul " (x. 28, xi. 29, &c). — 
" Life " and " to live " are used in the Scriptures to 
denote the physical existence of men, animals, &c. 
(Gen. xxv. 7 ; Acts xvii. 25, 28, &c.) ; the possession 
or enjoyment of that which makes existence val- 
uable, viz. happiness, or well-being (Ps. xvi. 11 ; 
Acts ii. 28, &c), which in the case of intelligent 
moral beings is closely connected with the favor of 
God and conformity to His character (Rom. vi. 4, 
viii. 6 ; Eph. iv. 18) ; the existence which is pre- 
eminently worthy of the name "life," viz. the im- 
mortality of blessedness and glory, which is en- 
joyed by holy beings in heaven, and which is to be 
the portion of believers in the Lord Jesus Christ 
(Mat. xix. 16, 17 ; Rom. ii. 7, v. 17, vi. 23, &c). 
Damnation; Death; Eternal, &c. 

* Light [lite] (Heb. or ; Gr. phos, &c.) denotes 
not only the element or medium by which we see 
(Gen. i. 3-5, &c.), and the sun or other source of 
illumination (i. 14 ff., &c.) ; but also that which il- 
luminates or enlightens in an intellectual, moral, 
or spiritual sense (Mat. vi. 23; Jn. i. 4, v. 35, &c). 
Light is opposed to darkness, and in the Scriptures 
is closely connected with life. " God is light " in 
the highest sense (1 Jn. i. 5); heaven is the world 
of "light" (Col. i. 12) ; purity, holiness, goodness, 
characterize "the children of light" (Lk. xvi. 8; 
Eph. v. 8) ; Jesus Christ is the " light of the world " 
(Jn. ix. 5), &c. 

*' Light'niug = the visible electric flash of which 
thunder is the noise. 

Lign-al'ces [lig-nal'oze, or line-al'oze]. Aloes. 

Li'gure, or Lig'nrc (Heb. leshem), a precious 
stone mentioned in Ex. xxviii. 19, xxxix. 12, as the 
first in the third row of the high-priest's breast- 
plate. It is impossible to say, with any certain- 
ty, what stone is denoted by the Hebrew term. 
The LXX. version generally, the Vulgate and Jo- 
sephus, understand the lyncurium or ligurium ; but 
it is a matter of considerable difficulty to identify 
the .ligurium of the ancients with any known pre- 
cious stone. Dr. Woodward and some old commen- 
tators have supposed that it was some kind of be- 
lemnite , others, amber ; others again, opal; Dr. 
Watson, the tourmaline ; Beckmann, Braun, Epi- 
phanius, J. de Laet, Hill, Rosenmuller, the hyacinth 
stone of modern mineralogists. So King (Natural 
History of Precious Stones) makes the Gr. lungJcou- 
rion, L. lyncurium — the modern jacinth. But 
Theophrastus, speaking of the properties of the 
lyncurium, says that it attracts not only light par- 
ticles of wood, but fragments of iron and brass. 
Now, there is no peculiar attractive power in the 
hyacinth. More probable, though still inconclusive 
(so Mr. Houghton), appears the opinion of those who 
identify the lyncurium with the tourmaline, or more 
definitely with the red variety known as rubellite, 
which is a hard stone and used as a gem, and some- 
times sold for red sapphire. Tourmaline becomes, 
as is well known, electrically polar when heated. 
It is a mineral found in many parts of the world 



554 



LIK 



LIN 



usually in prismatic crystals. The word ligure is 
unknown in modern mineralogy. 
* Like' n ess. Adam ; Idol. 

Lik'lii (Heb. learnsd, Ges.), a Manassite, son of 
Shemida, the son of Manasseh (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

Lil y (Heb. sh&shdn, shoshanndh ; Gr. krinon). 
The Hebrew word is rendered " rose " in the Chal- 
dee Targum, and by Maimonides and other rab- 
binical writers, with the exception of Kimchi and 
Ben Melech, who in 1 K. vii. 19 translated it by 
"violet." But krinon, or "lily," is the uniform 
rendering of the LXX., and probably the true one, 
as it is supported by the analogy of the Arabic 
and Persian susan, which has the same meaning to 
this day, and by the existence of the same word in 
Syriac and Coptic. But although there is little 
doubt that the word denotes some plant of the 
lily family, it is by no means certain what individual 
species it especially designates. Dioscorides bears 
witness to the beauty of the lilies of Syria and 
Pisidia, from which the best perfume was made. If 
the Heb. shushdn or shoshanndh of the 0. T. = the 
Gr. krinon of the Sermon on the Mount, which there 
seems no reason to doubt, the plant designated by 
these terms must have been a conspicuous object 
on the shores of the Lake of Gennesarct (Mat. vi. 
28 ; Lk. xii. 27) ; it must have flourished in the deep 
broad valleys of Palestine (Cant. ii. 1), among the 
thorny shrubs (ii. 2) and pastures of the desert (16, 
iv. 5, vi. 3), and must have been remarkable for its 
rapid and luxuriant growth (Hos. xiv. 5; Ecclus. 
xxxix. 14). That its flowers were brilliant in color 
would seem to be indicated in Mat. vi. 28, where it 
is compared with the gorgeous robes of Solomon ; 
and that this color was scarlet or purple is implied 
in Cant. v. 13. There appears to be no species of 
lily which so completely answers all these require- 
ments as the Lilium Chalcedonicum, or Scarlet Mar- 
tagon, which grows in profusion in the Levant (so 
Mr. Wright). But direct evidence on the point is 
still to be desired from the observation of travel- 
lers. Other plants have been identified with the 




Scarlet Martajron, or Lily of Chalcedon (Lilium Chalcedonicum). 

shiishdn. Gesenius derives the word from a root 
signifying to be white, and it has hence been inferred 
that the shiishdn is the white lily. Dr. Royle (in Kitto) 
identified the " lily " of the Canticles with the lotus 
of Egypt, in spite of the many allusions to " feeding 



among the lilies." The purple flowers of the khob, 
or wild artichoke, which abounds in the plain N. of 
Tabor and in the valley of Esdralon, have been 
thought by some to be the " lilies of the field " al- 
luded to in Mat. vi. 28 (Wilson). Bonar mentions 
a plant, with lilac flowers like the hyacinth, and 
called by the Arabs usweih, which he considered to 
be of the species denominated lily in Scripture. 
Stanley suggests that the name " lily " " may in- 
clude the numerous flowers of the tulip or amaryllis 
kind, which appear in the early summer, or the au- 
tumn of Palestine." The Phenician architects of Solo- 
mon's Temple decorated the capitals of the columns 
with " lily-work," i. e. with leaves and flowers of the 
lily (1 K. vii.), corresponding to the lotus-headed 
capitals of Egyptian architecture. The rim of the 
" brazen sea " was possibly wrought in the form 
of the recurved margin of a lily-flower (1 K. vii. 

Lime (Heb. sid). This substance is noticed only 
in Deut. xxvii. 2, 4 (A. V. "plaster"), in Is. xxxiii. 
12, and in Am. ii. 1. Limestone is the common 
rock of Palestine. " The burnings of lime " (Is. 
1. c.) figuratively express complete destruction. Fur- 
nace ; Handicraft; Mortar. 

* Line. Cord. 

* Lin e-agc. Genealogy. 

Lin on. 1. Heb. shesh, usually translated " fine 
linen ; " once (Prov. xxxi. 22) " silk ; " in Esth. i. 6 
" marble," and " blue," margin " marble ; " in Cant, 
v. 15 " marble." As Egypt was the great centre of 
the linen manufacture of antiquity, it is in connec- 
tion with that country that we find the first allusion 
to it in the Bible. Joseph, when promoted to be 
ruler of Egypt, was arrayed " in vestures of fine 
linen" (shesh, margin "silk," Gen. xli. 42), and 
among the offerings for the Tabernacle of things 
which the Israelites had brought out of Egypt were 
" blue, and purple, and scarlet, and fine linen" (Ex. 
xxv. 4, xxxv. 6). Of this were made the ten em- 
broidered hangings of the Tabernacle, the veil be- 
fore the Holy of Holies and the curtains for the en- 
trance (xxvi. 1, 31, 36), the ephod of the high-priest 
with its curious girdle and the breastplate, the 
high-priest's tunic and mitre (xxviii. 6, 8, 15, 39), 
the tunics, turbans, and drawers of the inferior 
priests (xxxix. 27, 28). — 2. Heb. bad, uniformly 
translated " linen." In Ex. xxviii. 42, and Lev. vi. 
10, the drawers of the priests and their flowing 
robes are said to be of linen (Heb. bad); and the 
tunic of the high-priest, his girdle and mitre, which 
he wore on the Day of Atonement, were of the same 
material (Lev. xvi. 4). From a comparison of Ex. 
xxviii. 42 with xxxix. 28 it seems clear that bad = 
shesh ; or, if there be any difference between them, 
the latter probably = the spun threads, the former 
= the linen woven from them. The wise-hearted 
among the women of the congregation spun the 
flax used by Bezaleel and Aholiab for the hangings 
of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxv. 25) ; and the making 
of linen (shesh) was one of the occupations of wom- 
en, of whose dress it formed a conspicuous part 
(Prov. xxxi. 22, A. V. "silk;" Ex. xvi. 10, 13; 
compare Rev. xviii. 16). In Ez. xxvii. 7 shesh is 
enumerated among the products of Egypt, which 
the Tyrians imported and used for the sails of their 
ships ; and the vessel constructed for Ptolemy 
Philopator is said by Athenseus to have had a sail 
of byssus (see below). In no case is bad used for 
other than a dress worn in religious ceremonies (1 
Sam. ii. 18, xxii. 18 ; 2 Sam. vi. 14 ; Dan. x. 5, &c), 
though the other terms rendered " linen " are ap- 



LIN 



LIO 



555 



plied to the ordinary dress of women and persons 
in high rank. — 3. Heb. buts, always translated " fine 
linen," except in 2 Chr. v. 12 (A. V. " white linen "), 
is apparently a late word, and probably — the Gr. 
bussos (L. byssus), by which it is represented by the 
LXX. It was used for the dresses of the Levite choir 
in the Temple (2 Chr. v. 12), for the loose upper 
garment worn by kings over the close-fitting tunic 
(1 Chr. xv. 27), and for the veil of the Temple, 
embroidered by the skill of the Tyrian artificers 
(2 Chr. iii.' 14). Mordecai was arrayed in robes of 
fine linen (puis) and purple (Esth. viii. 15) when 
honored by the Persian king, and the dress of the 
rich man in the parable was purple and fine linen 
(Gr. bussos, Lk. xvi. 19). " Fine linen " (Gr. bussos), 
purple and silk, are enumerated in Rev. xviii. 12 
as among the merchandise of the mystical Babylon. 
— 4. Heb. ctun occurs but once (Prov. vii. 16, A. V. 
"fine linen"), and there in connection with Egypt. 
It was probably a kind of thread, made of fine 
Egyptian flax, and used for ornamenting the cover- 
ings of beds with tapestry-work. — 5. Schultens sug- 
gests that the Gr. sindon is derived from the Heb. 
sudiu, which is used of the thirty linen garments 
which Samson promised to his companions (Judg. 
xiv. 12, 13). It was made by women (Prov. xxxi. 
24), and used for girdles and under-garments (Is. 
iii. 23; compare Mk. xiv. 51, 52, A. V. "linen 
cloth"). Linen was used for the winding-sheets 
of the dead by the Hebrews as well as by the 
Greeks (Gr. sindon, Mat. xxvii. 59 ; Mk. xv. 46 ; 
Lk. xxiii. 53: Gr. otlionion, Lk. xxiv. 12; Jn. xix. 
40, xx. 5-7). Towels were made of it (Jn. xiii. 4, 
5), and napkins (xi. 44), like the coarse linen of the 
Egyptians. The dress of the poor (Ecclus. xl. 4) 
was probably unbleached flax, such as was used 
for barbers' towels. — 6. The general term which in- 
cluded all those already mentioned was the Heb. 
pishteh ( = Gr. linon), which was employed — like 
our "cotton" — to denote not only the "flax" 
(Judg. xv. 14) or raw material from which the linen 
was made, but also the plant itself (Josh. ii. 6), and 
the manufacture from it. It is generally opposed 
to wool, as a vegetable product to an animal (A. V. 
"linen," Lev. xiii. 47, 48, 52, 59; Deut. xxii. 11: 
A. V. " flax," Prov. xxxi. 13 ; Hos. ii. 5, 9), and 
was used for nets (Is. xix. 9), girdles (Jer. xiii. 1), 
and measuring-lines (Ez. xl. 3), as well as for the 
dress of the priests (xliv. 17, 18). From a com- 
parison of the last-quoted passages with Ex. xxviii. 
42, and Lev. vi. 10 (3), xvi. 4, 23, it is evident that 
the Heb. bad and pishteh denote the same material, 
the latter being the more general term. It is 
equally apparent, from a comparison of Rev. xv. 6 
with xix. 8, 14, that the Gr. linon (in A. V. " linen ") 
and bussinon (from bvssos, in A. V. " fine linen ") 
are essentially the same. — 7. One word remains to 
be noticed, which our A. V. has translated " linen 
yarn" (1 K. x. 28 ; 2 Chr. i. 16), brought out of 
Egypt by Solomon's merchants. The Heb. mikveh, 
or mikve, is explained by some as the name of a 
place. In translating the word '■'■linen yarn" the 
A. V. followed Junius and Tremellius. From time 
immemorial Egypt was celebrated for its linen (Ez. 
xxvii. 7). It was the dress of the Egyptian priests 
(Hdt. ii. 37, 81). Panopolis, or Chemmis (the mod- 
ern Akhrnim) was anciently inhabited by linen- 
weavers (Strabo, xvii. 41, p. 813). According to He- 
rodotus (ii. 86) the mummy-cloths were of byssus. 
Combining the testimony of Herodotus as to the 
mummy-cloths with the results of microscopic ex- 
amination, it seems clear that byssus was linen, and 



not cotton. "Fine linen is " (i. e. symbolizes) "the 
righteousness of the saints " (Rev. xix. 8). 

Lin'tel = the beam which forms the upper part 
of the framework of a door. In the A. V. " lintel " 
is the rendering of three Hebrew words. 1. Ayil 
(1 K. vi. 31); translated "post" throughout Ez. 
xl., xli. The true meaning of this word is extremely 
doubtful. — 2. Caphtor (Am. ix. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 14). The 
marginal rendering, "chapiter, or kkop," of both 
these passages is undoubtedly the more correct. — 
3. Mashkoph (Ex. xii. 22, 23) ; also rendered " up- 
per door-post " in Ex. xii. 7. That this is the true 
rendering is admitted by all modern philologists. 

Li'nus (L. fr. Gr. = fax?), a Christian at Rome, 
known to St. Paul and to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21). 
That the first bishop of Rome after the apostles 
was named Linus is a statement in which all ancient 
writers agree (so Mr. Bullock). The early and un- 
equivocal assertion of Iremeus, corroborated by 
Eusebius and Theodoret, is sufficient to prove the 
identity of the bishop with St. Paul's friend. The 
date of his appointment, the duration of his epis- 
copate, and the limits' to which his episcopal au- 
thority extended, are points which have been dis- 
cussed at great length. Eusebius and Theodoret, 
followed by Baronius and Tillemont, state that he 
became bishop of Rome after the death of St. Peter. 
On the other hand, the words of Irenaeus — " [Peter 
and Paul] when they founded and built up the 
Church [of Rome] committed the office of its epis- 
copate to Linus " — certainly admit, or rather imply, 
the meaning, that he held that office before the 
death of St. Peter. The duration of his episcopate 
is given by Eusebius as a. d. 68-80 ; by Tillemont 
as 66-78 ; by Baronius as 67-78 ; by Pearson as 55- 
67 ; and by Baraterius as 56-67. The statement of 
Rufinus, that Linus and Cletus were bishops in 
Rome whilst St. Peter was alive, has been quoted 
in support of a theory that Linus was bishop in 
Rome only of the Christians of Gentile origin, 
while at the same time another bishop exercised 
the same authority over the Jewish Christians there. 
Linus is reckoned by Pseudo-Hippolytus, and in the 
Greek Menoea, among the seventy disciples. 

Li on* Rabbinical writers discover in the 0. T. 
seven Hebrew names of the lion, which they assign 
to the animal at seven periods of its life. 1. Gur, 
or Gor, a cub, A. V. "whelp" (Gen. xlix. 9; Deut. 
xxxiii. 22; Jer. Ii. 38; Nah. ii. 12, &c). 2. Ccphir, 
" a young lion " (Judg. xiv. 5 ; Job iv. 10 ; Ez. 
xix. 2, &c). 3. Art, or Aryeh, a full-grown lion 
(Gen. xlix. 9; Judg. xiv. 5, 8, &c). 4. Shahal or 
shachal, a lion more advanced in age and strength, 
A. V. "fierce lion" (Job iv. 10, x. 16, xxviii. 
8); elsewhere "lion" (Ps. xci. 13; Prov. xxvi. 
13; Hos. v. 14, xiii. 7). 5. Shahats or shachats, 
a lion in full vigor (Job xxviii. 8). 6. Labi, 
or Lcbiyd, an old lion (Gen. xlix. 9 ; Job iv. 
11, &c). 7. Layish, a lion decrepit with age 
(Job iv. 11 ; Is. xxx. 6, &c). — Bochart differs 
from this arrangement in every point but the sec- 
ond. In the first place, gur is applied to the 
young of other animals besides the lion ; e. g. the 
sea monsters in Lam. iv. 3 (A. V. "young ones"). 
Secondly, ccphir differs from gur in being old 
enough to roar and go forth after prey (compare 
Ez. xix. 2 ff.). It is translated "lion " in Ps. xxxv. 
17; Prov. xix. 12, xx. 2, xxviii. lj Jer. xxv. 38, li. 
38 ; elsewhere " young lion." Art or aryeh is a 
generic term, applied to all lions without regard to 
age. The "young lion " (Heb. ccphir ardyoth) of 
Judg. xiv. 5 is in verse 8 called the " lion " (aryeh). 



556 



LIO 



LIT 



Boehart is palpably wrong in rendering shaha/ or 
shaclial by a black hon (so Mr. Wright). Gesenius 
makes it a poetic epithet, from his roaring. Shahafs 
or shacliats literally = elation, pride. Hence the 
sons of pride (A. V. " lion's whelps," Job xxviii. 8 ; 
" children of pride," xii. 34) = the larger and no- 
bler beasts of prey, so called from their proud gait 
(Gesenius). Ldbi or lebiya is properly a lioness (so 
Boehart, Gesenius), though translated in A. V. " old 
lion" (Gen. xlix. 9; Nah. ii. 11), "great lion" 
(Num. xxiii. 24, xxiv. 9 ; Joel i. 6), "stout lion " (Job 
iv. 11), "young" lion (Is. xxx. 6), "lion"(Deut. 
iii. 20 ; Job xxxviii. 39 ; Is. v. 29 ; Hos. xiii. 8), and 
" lioness " only in Ez. xix. 2. Layish is another 
poetic name. So far from being applied to a lion 
weak with age, it denotes one in full vigor (A. V. 
"old lion," Job iv. 11 ; Is. xxx. 6: "lion," Prov. 
xxx. 30). In the N. T. the Greek leon is uniformly 
translated " lion " (2 Tim. iv. 17, &c). — At present 
lions do not exist in Palestine, though they are said 
to be found in the desert on the road to Egypt 
(Schwarz, Desc. of Pal. : see Is. xxx. 6). They 
abound on the banks of the Euphrates between 
Bussorah and Bagdad, and in the marshes and jun- 
gles near the rivers of Babylonia. This species, 
according to Layard, is without the dark and shaggy 
mane of the African lion, though he adds in a 
note that he had seen lions on the river Karoon 
with a long black mane. A full-grown Asiatic lion 
weighs above 450 pounds ; an African lion often 
above 500 (Col. C. H. Smith, in Kitto). But though 
lions have now disappeared from Palestine, they 
must in ancient times have been numerous. The 
names Lebaoth (Josh. xv. 32), Beth-lebaoth (xix. 
6), Arieh (2 K. xv. 25), and Laish (Judg. xviii. 7 ; 
1 Sam. xxv. 44), were probably derived from the 
presence of or connection with lions, and point to 
the fact that they were at one time common. They 
had their lairs in the forests which have vanished 
with them (Jer. v. 6, xii. 8; Am. iii. 4), in the tan- 
gled brushwood (Jer. iv. 7, xxv. 38 ; Job. xxxviii. 
40), and in the caves of the mountains (Cant. iv. 8 ; 
Ez. xix. 9; Nah. ii. 12). The cane-brake on the 
banks of the Jordan, the " pride" of the river, was 
their favorite haunt (Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 44 ; Zech. xi. 
3). The lion of Palestine was probably the Asiatic 
variety, described by Aristotle and Pliny as distin- 
guished by its short curly mane, and by being 
shorter and rounder in shape. It was less daring 
than the longer-maned species, but when driven by 
hunger it not only ventured to attack the flocks in 
the desert in presence of the shepherd (Is. xxxi. 4; 
1 Sam. xvii. 34), but laid waste towns and villages 
(2 K. xvii. 25, 26 ; Prov. xxii. 13, xxvi. 13), and de- 
voured men (1 K. xiii. 24, xx. 36 ; 2 K. xvii. 25 ; 
Ez. xix. 3, 6). The shepherds sometimes ventured 
to encounter the lion single-handed (1 Sam. xvii. 
34), and the vivid figure employed by Amos (iii. 12), 
the herdsman of Tekoa, was but the transcript of a 
scene which he must have often witnessed. At 
other times they pursued the animal in large bands, 
raising loud shouts to intimidate him (Is. xxxi. 4), 
and drive him into the net or pit they had prepared 
to catch him (Ez. xix. 4, 8). Benaiah, one of Da- 
vid's heroes, had distinguished himself by slaying a 
lion in his den (2 Sam. xxiii. 20). The kings of 
Persia had a menagerie of lions (Chaldee gob [= a 
pit, den, in which lions were kept, Gesenius] Dan. 
vi. 7, &c). When captured alive they were put in 
a cage (Ez. xix. 9), but it does not appear that they 
were tamed. The strength (Judg. xiv. 18 ; Prov. 
xxx. 30 ; 2 Sam. i. 23), courage (2 Sam. xvii. 10 ; 



Prov. xxviii. 1; Is. xxxi. 9; Nah. ii. 11), and fe- 
rocity (Gen. xlix: 9 ; Num. xxiv. 4) of the lion were 
proverbial. The " lion-faced " warriors of Gad 
were among David's most valiant troops (1 Chr. xii. 
8) ; and the hero Judas Maccabeus is described as 
" like a lion, and like a lion's whelp roaring for his 
prey" (1 Mc. iii. 4). The lion was the symbol of 
strength and sovereignty. Among the Hebrews, 
and throughout the O. T., the lion was the achieve- 
ment of the princely tribe of Judah, while in the 
closing book of the canon it received a deeper sig- 
nificance as the emblem of Him who " prevailed to 
open the book and loose the seven seals thereof" 
(Rev. v. 5). On the other hand its fierceness and 
cruelty rendered it an appropriate metaphor for a 




Barbary Lion. — (From specimen in tho Zoological Gardens, London.) 



fierce and malignant enemy (Ps. vii. 2, xxii. 21, lvii. 
4 ; 2 Tim. iv. 17), and hence for the arch-fiend him- 
self (1 Pet. v. 8). The figure of the lion was em- 
ployed as an ornament both in architecture and 
sculpture (1 K. vii. 29, 36, x. 19, 20). 




Persian Lion. — (From specimen in the Zoological Gardens, London.) 



* Lip (Heb. sdphdh ; Gr. clieilos) is often used 
in the Scriptures both literally and figuratively 
(Gen. xi. 1, margin; Lev. v. 4, &c). Most of the 
various phrases denoting speech or manner of speak- 

| ing, as " lying lips " (Prov. x. 18), &c, are easily 
j understood. Calf ; Mourning. 

* Lit'ters, the A. V. translation of Hebrew plural 
j tsdbbini (Is. lxvi. 20 only ; margin " coaches "). 
j The Hebrew denotes (so Fairbairn, Gesenius, &c.) 
| a sort of portative couch, palanquin, or sedan-chair. 

The same Hebrew word occurs in Num. vii. 3, A. V. 
j " covered wagons," literally litter-wagons, i. e. wag- 
j ons covered and commodious, like litters. (Wagon.) 
! Litters borne by men were anciently in use among 



LIV 



LOC 



557 



the Egyptians. Somewhat similar vehicles, borne 
between mules, between or on camels, &c, are fre- 
quently used in the East. 




Litter or Palanquin, as represented in an ancient Egyptian paiuting. — 
(From Champollion.) — (Ayre.) 

* Liv'er (Heb. c&bed), an important internal organ 
of the body (Prov. vii. 23, &c). Caul 1 ; Divina- 
tion 14. 

Liz ard (Heb. lelddh). The Hebrew word, which 
with its English rendering occurs only in Lev. xi. 30, 
appears to be correctly translated in the A. V. 
Lizards of various kinds abound in Egypt, Pales- 
tine, and Arabia. (Chameleon; Mole 1 ; Tortoise.) 
All the old versions agree in identifying the letd&h 
with some saurian. The LXX., the Vulgate, the 
Targum of Jonathan, with the Arabic versions, un- 
derstand a lizard. The Syriac has a word which is 
generally translated salamander, but probably this 
name was applied also to the lizard. The Greek 
ord, with its slight variations, which the LXX. use, 
ppears to point to some lizard belonging to the 
eckofidce. Bochart has successfully argued that 
e lizard denoted by the Hebrew word is that kind 
hich the Arabs call vachara, the translation of 
which term is thus given by Golius : " An animal 
like a" lizard, of a red color, and adhering to the 
ground, breathes poison into whatever food or drink 
it has touched." This description will be found to 
agree with the character of the Fan-Foot Lizard 
(Ptyodaciylus Gecko), common in Egypt and in parts 
of Arabia, and perhaps also found in Palestine. It 
is reddish brown, spotted with white. The Geckos 
live on insects and worms, which they swallow 
whole. They derive their name from the peculiar 




The Fan-Foot (Ptyodactylut Gecko). 

ound which some of the species utter, described as 
imilar to the double click often used in riding, and 

ade by some movement of the tongue against the 
; - oof of the mouth. They are oviparous, producing 
i round egg with a hard calcareous shell. 

* Loaf. Bread. 

Lo-am'mi (Heb. 



not my people), the figurative 



name given by the prophet Hosea to his second son 
by Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim (Hos. i. 9), to 
denote the rejection of the kingdom of Israel by 
Jehovah. Its significance is explained in ver. 9, 1 0. 

Loan. The law of Moses did not contemplate 
any raising of loans for the purpose of obtaining 
capital, a condition perhaps alluded to in the para- 
bles of the " pearl " and " hidden treasure " (Mat. 
xiii. 44, 45). (Commerce ; Deposit.) Such persons 
as bankers and sureties, in the commercial sense 
(Prov. xxii. 26 ; Neh. v. 3), were unknown to the 
earlier ages of the Hebrew commonwealth. The 
Law strictly forbade any interest to be taken for a 
loan to any poor person, and at first, as it seems, 
even in the case of a foreigner ; but this prohibition 
was afterward limited to the Hebrews only, from 
whom, of whatever rank, not only was no usury on 
any pretence to be exacted, but relief to the poor 
by way of loan was enjoined, and excuses for evad- 
ing this duty were forbidden (Ex. xxii. 25 ; Lev. 
xxv. 35, 3*7 ; Deut. xv. 3, 7-10, xxiii. 19, 20). 
(Alms.) As commerce increased, the practice of 
usury, and so also of suretyship, grew up ; but the 
exaction of it from a Hebrew appears to have been 
regarded to a late period as discreditable (Prov. vi. 
1, 4, xi. 15, xvii. 18, xx. 16, xxii. 26; Ps. xv. 5, 
xxvii. 13 ; Jer. xv. 10 ; Ez. xviii. 13, xxii. 12). Sys- 
tematic breach of the law in this respect was cor- 
rected by Nehemiah after the return from Captivity 
(Neh. v. 1, 13). The money-changers, who had 
seats and tables in the Temple, were traders whose 
profits arose chiefly from the exchange of money 
with those who came to pay their annual half-shekel. 
In making loans no prohibition is pronounced in the 
Law against taking a pledge of the borrower, but 
certain limitations are prescribed in favor of the 
poor. 1. The outer garment, if taken in pledge, 
was to be returned before sunset. (Bed.) 2. The 
prohibition was absolute in the case of (a) the wid- 
ow's garment, and (h) a millstone of either kind 
(Deut. xxiv. 6, 17). 3. A creditor was forbidden to 
enter a house to reclaim a pledge, but was to stand 
outside till the borrower should come forth to return 
it (10, 11). 4. The original Roman law of debt 
permitted the debtor to be enslaved by his creditor 
until the debt was discharged ; and he might even 
be put to death by him. The Jewish law, as it did 
not forbid temporary bondage in 'the case of debt- 
ors, so it forbade a Hebrew debtor to be detained 
as a bondman longer than the seventh year, or at 
farthest the year of Jubilee (Ex. xxi. 2 ; Lev. xxv. 
39, 42 ;■ Deut. xv. 9). The " bill," in Lk. xvi. 6, 7, = 
the bond or note executed by a debtor or tenant as 
evidence of obligation (Robinson, N. T. Lexicon, 
Van Oosterzee [in Lange], &c). 

Loaves (plural of loaf). Bread. 

Lock (Heb. maniil). Where European locks have 




Egyptian Wooden Lock and Key.— (From Lane's Modern Egyptians.)— 
(Fairbairn.) 

1. Front view of lock, the bolt drawn back. 2, 3. Back views of the sepa- 
rate parts. 4. The key. 



558 



LOC 



LOC 



not been introduced, the locks of Eastern houses 
are usually of wood, and consist of a partly hollow 
bolt from fourteen inches to two feet long for ex- 
ternal doors or gates, or from seven to nine inches 
for interior doors. The bolt passes, through a groove 
in a piece attached to the door, into a socket in the 
door-post. In the groove-piece are from four to 
nine small iron or wooden sliding-pins or wires, 
which drop into corresponding holes in the bolt, and 
fix it in its place. Clay; Gate; Key ; Seal. 

Lo cust (fr. L.), a well-known insect, which com- 
mits terrible ravages on vegetation in the countries 
which it visits. In the Bible there are frequent al- 
lusions to locusts ; and there are nine or ten He- 
brew words supposed to denote different varieties 
or species of this destructive family. They belong 
to the order Orlhoplera. This order is divided into 
two large groups or divisions, viz. Cursoria and Sal- 
laloria. From Lev. xi. 21, 22, we learn the Hebrew 




(Ediji da migratoria. 



names of four different kinds of Saltatorial Orlhop- 
lera. " These may ye eat of every flying creeping 
thing that goeth upon all four, which have legs 
above their feet to leap withal upon the earth ; even 
those of them ye may eat, the arbch (A. V. ' lo- 
cust ') after his kind, and the sdPdm (A. V. ' bald 
locust') after his kind, and the hargol or chargol 
(wrongly translated by the A. V. ' beetle,' an in- 
sect which would be included amongst the flying 
creeping things forbidden as food in vcr. 23 and 42) 
after his kind, and the hdgdb or clidgdb (A. V. 
' grasshopper ') after his kind." Besides the names 
mentioned in this passage, there occur five other 
Hebrew names in the Bible, all of which Bochart 
(iii. 251, &c.) considers to represent so many dis- 
tinct species of locusts, viz. gob, gdzdrn, hdsil or 
chdsil, uelek, and Ueldtsdl. Akris is the only Greek 
word in the N. T. = " locust." In the LXX. this 
= Nos. 1, 2, and 8 below. — 1. Arbch ("locust," 
"grasshopper") is the most common name for lo- 
cust, the word occurring twenty-four times in- the 




Aeridium lineola. 



Hebrew Bible. The A. V. in the four following 
passages has "grasshopper," Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12; 
Job xxxix. 20; Jer. xlvi. 23: in all the other places 



it has " locust." The word arbch, from a root sig- 
nifying to be numerous, is probably sometimes used 
in a wide sense to express any of the larger devas- 
tating species. It is the locust of the Egyptian 
plague. (Plagues, the Ten.) In almost every 
passage where arbeh occurs, reference is made 
to its terribly destructive powers. It is one 
of the flying creeping creatures that were al- 
lowed as food by the law of Moses (Lev. xi. 21). 
In this passage it is clearly the representative of 
some species of winged Saltatorial Orlhoplera, prob- 
ably either the Acridium peregrinum, or the (Edi- 
poda migratoria, for these two species are the most 
destructive of the family. Of the former species 




Acridium peregrinum. 



M. Olivier ( Voyage dam P Empire Olhoman, ii. 424) 
thus writes: "With the burning S. winds (of Syria) 
there come from the interior of Arabia and from 
the most southern parts of Persia clouds of locusts 
(Acridium peregrinum), whose ravages to these 
countries are as grievous and nearly as sudden as 
those of the heaviest hail in Europe. We witnessed 
them twice. It is difficult to express the effect pro- 
duced on us by the sight of the whole atmosphere filled 
on all sides and to a great height by an innumerable 
quantity of these insects, whose flight was slow and 
uniform, and whose noise resembled that of rain: 
the sky was darkened, and the light of the sun con- 
siderably weakened. In a moment the terraces of 
the houses, the streets, and all the fields were cov- 
ered by these insects, and in two days they had 
nearly devoured all the leaves of the plants. Hap- 
pily they lived but a short time, and seemed to have 
migrated only to reproduce themselves and die ; in 
fact, nearly all those we saw the next day had 
paired, and the day following the fields were cov- 
ered with their dead bodies." This species is found 
in Arabia, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Persia. — 2. 
Hdgdb or chdgdb. In 2 Chr. vii. 13 the A. V. reads 
" locust," in the other passages (Lev. xi. 22 ; Num. 
xiii. 33 ; Eccl. xii. 5 ; Is. xl. 22) " grasshopper." 
Mr. Houghton, with Oedmann, supposes it = some 
small devastating locust ; but is unable to deter- 
mine the species. In the Talmud it is a collective 
name for many of the locust tribe, eight hundred 
kinds being supposed to exist ! — 3. Hargol or char- 
gol. The A. V. translates this word " beetle ; " it 
occurs only in Lev. xi. 22, but it is clear from the 
context that it denotes some species of winged Sal- 
tatorial orthoplerovs insect which the Israelites were 
allowed to use as food. Rev. J. F. Denham (in 
Kitto) endeavors to show that the Greek ophiomackes 
of the LXX. denotes some species of Truzalis, a 
winged, leaping, insectivorous (?) locust, perhaps 
2'ruxalis nasulus. The Jews, however, interpret 
the Hebrew to mean a species of grasshopper, which 
Lewysohn identifies with Locusla viridissima. — 4. i 
SdPdm (A. V. " bald locust ") occurs only in Lev. 
xi. 22, as one of the four edible kinds of leaping 
insects. All that can be known of it is that it is 
some kind of Saltatorial orthopterous insect, winged, 
and good for food. Tychsen, however, arguing from 
what is said in the Talmud, viz. that " this insect 
has a smooth head, and that the female is without 
the sword-shaped tail," conjectures that the species 



LOC 



LOG 



559 



here intended is Gryllus Eversor (Asso), a synonym 
that it is difficult to identify with any recorded spe- 
cies. — 5. GAzdm, (Palmer-worm.) — 6. Gob (A. V. 
in Nah. iii. 17, "great grasshoppers;" "grasshop- 




Truxalis nasulus. 



pers," margin "green worms," in Am. vii. 1). This 
word is found only in Is. xxxiii. 4 (Heb. pi. gebim, 
A.V. " locusts "), and in the two places cited above. 
There is nothing in any of these passages that will 
help to point out the species denoted. That some 
kind of locust is intended seems probable from the 
passage in Nahum. Some writers, led by this pas- 
sage, have believed that the Heb. word = the larva 
or grub state of some of the large locusts. Pos- 
sibly it may represent the larva or nympha state of 
the insect, for the last stages of the larva differ but 
slightly from the nympha, both which states may 
therefore be comprehended under one name ; the 
"great grasshoppers" of the A. V. in Nah. iii. 17 
may easily have been the nymphs (which in all the 
Amelabola [= insects which do not undergo a meta- 
morphosis] continue to feed as in their larva condi- 
tion) encamping at night under the hedges, and, ob- 
taining their wings as the sun arose, are then repre- 
sented as flying away. — 7. Handmdl or chandmdl 
(A. V. " frost "). Some (Lee, J. F. Denham, &c.) 
have supposed that this word, which occurs only in 
Ps. lxxviii. 47, denotes some kind of locust ; but 
the concurrent testimony of the old versions, which 
interpret the word to signify hall or frost, ought to 
forbid the conjecture. — 8. Yeiek occurs in Ps. cv. 
34 ; Jer. li. 14, 27 ; Nah. iii. 15, 16 ; Joel i. 4-ii. 
25 ; it is rendered by the A. V. " cankerworm " in 
Joel and Nahum, and " caterpillar " in Psalms and 
Jeremiah. From the epithet of " rough " (Heb. 
sdmdr), applied to the word in Jeremiah, some have 
supposed the yelek to be the larva of some of the 
destructive Lepidoplera (= the butterfly, moth, &c.) : 
the epithet sdmdr, however (Jer. li. 27), more prop- 
erly = having spines = Vulgate aculeatus ; bristling, 
Ges. Michaelis believes the yelek to be the cock- 
chafer. Oedmann identifies the word with the Gryl- 
lus cristalus, Linn., a species, however, found only 
in South America. Tychsen, arguing from the 
epithet " rough," believes that the yelek = the Gryl- 
lus hcematopus, Linn. (Calliptamus hazmatopus, Aud. 
Serv.), a species found in S. Africa. The term tspined 
may refer not to any particular species, but to the 
very spinous nature of the tibiae (L. = shin-bones) 
in all the locust tribe, and yelek (= the cropping, 
licking off insect) may be a synonym of some of the 
names already mentioned, or the word may denote 
the larva? or pupa? of the locust, which, from Joel 
i. 4, seems not improbable. — 9. Hdsil or chdsil. 
(Caterpillar.)— 10. Iseldtsdl, " locust," The deri- 
vation of this word seems to indicate some kind 
of locust. It occurs only in this sense in Deut. 
xxviii. 42, " All thy trees and fruit of thy land shall 
the locust consume." In the other passages where 
the Hebrew word occurs it represents some kind of 
tinkling musical instrument, and is generally trans- 
lated "cymbals" by the A. V. The word is evi- 



dently onomatopoetic, and is here perhaps a syno- 
nym for some of the other names for locust. All 
that can be positively known respecting the txeldtsdl 
is, that it is some kind of insect injurious to trees 
and crops. — The most destructive of the locust 
tribe that occur in the Bible lands are the (Edipoda 
migratoria and the Acridiumperegrinum, and as both 
these species occur in Syria, Arabia, &c, it is most 
probable that one or the other is denoted in those 
passages which speak of the dreadful devastations 
committed by these insects. Locusts occur in great 
numbers, and sometimes obscure the sun (Ex. x. 
15; Jer. xlvi. 23; Judg. vi. 5, vii. 12; Joel ii. 10; 
Nah. iii. 15). Their voracity is alluded to in Ex. x. 
12, 15; Joel i. 4, 7, 12, and ii. 3; Deut. xxviii. 38; 
Ps. lxxviii. 46, cv. 34 ; Is. xxxiii. 4. They are com- 
pared to horses (Joel ii. 4; Rev. ix. 7). They make 
a fearful noise in their flight (Joel ii. 5 ; Rev. ix. 9). 
They have no king (Prov. xxx. 27). Their irresist- 
ible progress is referred to in Joel ii. 8, 9. They 
enter dwellings, and devour even the woodwork of 
houses (Ex. x. 6 ; Joel ii. 9, 10). They do not fly 
in the night (Nah. iii. 17). The sea destroys the 
greater number (Ex. x. 19; Joel ii. 20). Their dead 
bodies taint the air (ii. 20). They are used as 
food (Lev. xi. 21, 22 ; Mat, iii. 4 ; Mk. i. 6). There 
are different ways of preparing locusts for food : 
sometimes they are ground and pounded, and then 
mixed with flour and water and made into cakes, or 
they are salted and then eaten ; sometimes smoked ; 
boiled or roasted ; stewed, or fried in butter. 

Lod (Heb., perhaps strife, quarrel, Ges. ; breach, 
fissure, a cutting in the earth, division, Fu.), a town 
of Benjamin, founded by Shamed or Shamer(l Chr. 

viii. 12 ; Ezr. ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 35); now called 
Ludd ; but most familiar to us as Lydda. 

Lo-de'bar or Lo'-dc-bar (Heb. no pasture, Ges., 
Fu.), a place named with Mahanaim, Rogelim, and 
other Transjordanic towns (2 Sam. xvii. 27), and, 
therefore, no doubt on the eastern side of the Jor- 
dan. It was the native place of Machir, the son of 
Ammiel (ix. 4, 5). Its site is unknown. 

* Lodge (Is. i. 8). Cottage 2 ; Cucumbers. 
Lodge, to. This word in the A. V. of the O. T.— 

with one exception only, to be noticed below — is 
used to translate the Hebrew verb h'm or lin, which 
has, at least in the narrative portions of the Bible, 
almost invariably the force of passing the night. 
The same Hebrew word is otherwise translated in 
the A. V. by " lie all night" (2 Sam. xii. 16 ; Cant, 
i. 13; Job xxix. 19); "tarry all night," &c. (Gen. 
xix. 2; Judg. xix. 10; Jer. xiv. 8); "remain," i. e. 
until the morning (Ex. xxiii. 18). The one excep- 
tion above-named occurs in Josh. ii. 1, Heb. shdehab, 
elsewhere rendered "to lie," or "sleep." In the 
N. T. it is the translation of the Gr. aulizomai = 
lo pass the night, Robinson, N. T. Lex. (Mat. xxi. 
17), also translated "to abide" (Lk. xxi. 37); Gr. 
katahto, literally — to loose, dissolve, unbind (Lk. 

ix. 12), once translated " to be guest " (xix. 7), &c. ; 
Gr. kalaskenod, literally = to pitch tent, spoken of the 
birds (Mat. xiii. 32; Mk. iv. 32; Lk. xiii. 19), also 
translated " to rest " sc. in the grave (Acts ii. 26) ; 
Gr. xenizo = to receive as a guest, to entertain, and in 
passive, to be entertained, to lodge, Robinson, N. T. 
Lex. (Acts x. 6, 18, 23, 32, xxi. 16, xxviii. 7), also 
translated "to entertain" (Heb. xiii. 2), &c ; Gr. 
xenodocho, A. V. "to lodge strangers" (1 Tim. v. 
10 only). Hospitality; Inn. 

Loft. House. 

Log. Weights and Measures. 

* Log'os (Gr.). Word. 



560 



LOI 



LOR 



* Loins (Heb. Jial&tsayim or chhl&tsayim, moth- 
nayim, &c. ; Gr. osphuen) = the lower region of the 
back, or the parts where the " girdle " was worn ; 
regarded as the seat of strength, procreative power, 
&c. (Gen. xxxv. 11, xxxvii. 34 ; Ex. xxviii. 42 ; Mat. 
iii. 4, &c). 

Lo'Is (Gr. belter, Walton's Polyglott), grandmother 
of Timothy, and doubtless the mother of his mother 
Eunice (2 Tim. i. 5). It seems likely that Lois had 
resided long at Lystra ; and almost certain that 
from her, as well as from Eunice, Timothy obtained 
his intimate knowledge of the Jewish Scriptures (2 
Tim. iii. 15). 

Looking-glasses. Mirror. 

* Loom. Handicraft ; Weaving. 

Lord, as applied to the Deity, is the almost uni- 
form rendering in the A. V. of the 0. T. of the 
Heb. Yehov&h = Jehovah, which would be more 
properly represented as a proper name. The rev- 
erence which the Jews entertained for the sacred 
name of God forbade them to pronounce it, and in 
reading they substituted for it cither Adon&i, i. e. 
"Lord," or ffldhim, i. e. " God," according to the 
vowel-points by which it was accompanied. The title 
Addndi is also rendered " Lord " in the A.V., though 
this, as applied to God, is of infrequent occurrence 
in the historical books. But in the poetical and 
prophetical books it is more frequent, excepting 
Job, where it occurs only in xxviii. 2S, and Proverbs, 
Ecclesiastes, and Canticles, where it is not once 
found. The difference between Jehovah and Addndi 
(or Addn) is generally marked in the A. V. by print- 
ing the word in small capitals (Lord) when it repre- 
sents the former (Gen. xv. 4, &c), and with an 
initial capital only when it is the translation of the 
lutter (Ps. xcvii. 5 ; Is. i. 24, x. 16); except in Ex. 

xxiii. 17, xxxiv. 23, where "the Lord God " should 
be more consistently " the Lord Jehovah." — The 
Heb. ddon, usually translated " lord " or " master," 
and applied to men (Gen. xviii. 12, xxiii. 6, 11, 15, 

xxiv. 9 ff, &c), sometimes = "Lord," i. e. the 
Deity (Ex. xxiii. IV ; Neh: iii. 5 ; Ps. xcvii. 5, &c). — 
The Heb. and Phenician ba'al (Baal ; Baali) is 
translated " lord " in Num. xxi. 28 and Hos. ii. 16, 
margin. — Other Hebrew words translated " lord " 
are gebir (Gen. xxvii. 29, 37), seren (applied only to 
the "lords" of the Philistines), sar (Captain), 
shalish. (Armt.) — The Chal. mdre — " Lord " (Dan. 
ii. 47, v. 23) and " lord " (iv. 19, 24).— The Chal. 
rab (adj. = great) is once translated " lord " (ii. 
10). — " Lord " or " lord " is the common translation 
of Gr. kurios, which occurs many hundred times in 
the N. T. (Mat. xxii. 43, 44 twice, 45, xxiv. 45 ff, 
&c), and is sometimes translated " master " (vi. 24, 
xv. 27, &c), or " sir " (xiii. 27, xxi. 30, &c). Kurios 
(" Lord ") both in the X. T. and LXX. often denotes 
the Deity, and = Jehovah, Addndi, &c. It is the com- 
mon title (" Lord ") of our Saviour Jesus Christ, 
and in this application often stands alone (1 Cor. ii. 
8, iv. 5, ix. 1 ff. ; Heb. ii. 3 ; Jas. v. 7 ff, &c.).— The 
Gr. despots is five times translated " Lord " (Lk. ii. 
29 ; Acts iv. 24 ; 2 Pet. ii. 1 ; Jude 4 ; Rev. vi. 10), 
and five times "master " (1 Tim. vi. 1, 2 ; 2 Tim. ii. 
21 ; Tit. ii. 9 ; 1 Pet. ii 18). See also Rabbi. 

Lord's Day, the. It has been questioned, though 
not seriously until of late years, what is the mean- 
ing of the Greek phrase he Kuriake Hemera, which 
occurs in one passage only of the Holy Scripture 
(Rev. i. 10), and is, in our English version, trans- 
lated " the Lord's Day." The general consent both 
of Christian antiquity and of modern divines has 
referred it to the weekly festival of our Lord's 



Resurrection, and identified it with " the first day 
of the week," or " Sunday," of every age of the 
Church. The views antagonistic to this general 
consent are — 1. That "the Lord's Day" here = 
the Sabbath, because that institution is called in 
Is. lviii. 13, by the Almighty Himself, "My holy 
day." To this it is replied — If St. John had in- 
tended to specify the Sabbath, ho would surely 
have used that word which was by no means ob- 
solete, or even obsolescent, at the time of his com- 
posing Revelation. 2. That " the Lord's Day " z= 
" the day of judgment," to which a large portion 
of Revelation may be conceived to refer. But this 
would involve a strange mixture of the metaphor- 
ical and the literal. 3. That " the Lord's Day " = 
that on which the Lord's Resurrection was an- 
nually celebrated, or Easter-day. But it was long 
doubted on what day in the annual cycle it should 
be celebrated, and no patristical authority can be 
quoted for this interpretation. — Supposing, then, 
that the Lord's Day is here meant, Scripture says 
very little concerning it. But that little seems to 
indicate that the divinely inspired apostles, by 
their practice and by their precepts, marked the 
first day of the week as a day for meeting together 
to break bread, for communicating and receiving 
instruction, for laying up offerings in store for char- 
itable purposes, for occupation in holy thought and 
prayer. The first day of the week so devoted seems 
also to have been the day of the Lord's Resurrec- 
tion. The Lord rose on the first day of the week, 
and appeared, on the very day of His rising, to His 
followers on five distinct occasions — to Mary Mag- 
dalene, to the other women, to the two disciples on 
the road to Emmaus, to St. Peter separately, to ten 
apostles collected together. After eight days, i. e. 
according to the ordinary reckoning, on the first 
day of the next week, He appeared to the eleven. 
(Jesus Christ.) On the day of Pentecost, which 
in that year fell on the first day of the week (so Dr. 
Hessey, the original author of this article, and 
others), " they were all with one accord in one 
place," had spiritual gifts conferred on them, and in 
their turn began to communicate those gifts, as ac- 
companiments of instruction, to others. Many years 
after the occurrence at Pentecost, when Christianity 
had begun to assume something, like a settled form, 
St. Paul and his companions arrived at Troas (Acts 
xx. 7), and " abode seven days, and upon the first 
day of the week when the disciples came together 
to break bread, Paul preached unto them." In 1 
Cor. xvi. 1, 2, that same St. Paul writes thus: 
" Now concerning the collection for the saints, as I 
have given order to the churches in Galatia, even so 
do ye. Upon the first day of the week, let every 
one of you lay by him in store, as God hath pros- 
pered him, that there be no gatherings when I 
come." In Heb. x. 25, the injunction " not forsak- 
ing the assembling of ourselves together, as the 
manner of some is, but exhorting one another," 
seems to imply that a regular day for such assem- 
bling existed, and was well known. And lastly, in 
the passage given above, St. John describes himself 
as being in the Spirit " on the Lord's Day." Taken 
separately, perhaps, and even all together, these 
passages seem scarcely adequate to prove that the 
dedication of the first day of the week to the pur- 
poses above-mentioned was a matter of apostolic in- 
stitution, or even of apostolic practice. But it is at 
any rate an extraordinary coincidence, that almost 
immediately after we emerge from Scripture, we find 
the same day mentioned in a similar manner, and 



LOR 



LOR 



561 



directly associated with the Lord's Resurrection ; 
and it is an extraordinary fact that we never find its 
dedication questioned or argued about. The results 
of our examination of the principal writers of the 
two centuries after the death of St. John (Clement 
of Rome, Ignatius, the epistle ascribed to Barna- 
bas, Pliny's well-known letter to Trajan, Justin 
Martyr, Bardesanes, Dionysius bishop of Corinth, 
Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, 
Minucius Felix, Cyprian, Commodian, Victorinus, 
and Peter bishop of Alexandria) are as follows : 
The Lord's Day (a name which has now come out 
more prominently, and is connected more explicitly 
with our Lord's Resurrection than before) existed 
during these two centuries as a part and parcel of 
apostolical, and so of Scriptural Christianity. It 
was never defended, for it was never impugned, or 
at least only impugned as other things received 
from the apostles were. It was never confounded 
with the Sabbath, but carefully distinguished from 
it. It was not an institution of severe Sabbatical 
character, but a day of joy and cheerfulness, rather 
encouraging than forbidding relaxation. Religiously 
regarded, it was a day of solemn meeting for the 
Holy Eucharist, for united prayer, for instruction, 
for alms-giving; and though, being an institution 
under the law of liberty, work does not appear to 
have been formally interdicted, or rest formally en- 
joined, Tertullian seems to indicate that the char- 
acter of the day was opposed to worldly business. 
Finally, whatever analogy may be supposed to exist 
between the Lord's Day and the Sabbath, in no 
passage that has come down to us is the Fourth 
Commandment appealed to as the ground of the 
obligation to observe the Lord's Day. (Law of 
oses ; Ten Commandments.) — There are three 
rincipal views in respect to the Lord's Day ; the 
rst denying entirely the religious character and 
bligation of the day, the second considering the 
observance of it as a day of rest to be an ecclesiastical 
institution, not a divine ordinance ; the third main- 
taining that the Sabbath was instituted at the crea- 
tion, reenacted in the Fourth Commandment, and 
-erpetuated in the Lord's Day. — But on whatever 
^rounds " the Lord's Day " may be supposed to 
est, it is a great and indisputable fact that a. d. 321, 
our years before the Council of Nice, it was recog- 
ized by Constantine in his celebrated edict, as 
1 the venerable Day of the Sun." The terms of the 
ocument are these : — " The Emperor Constantine 
to Augustus Helpidius. Let all judges and city 
people, and the business of all arts, rest on the ven- 
erable Day of the Sun. Yet let those situated in 
the country freely and without restraint attend to 
.the cultivation of the fields, since it frequently hap- 
pens that not more fitly on any day may corn be 
deposited in the furrows or vines in the trenches, 
lest through the moment's opportunity the benefit 
granted by heavenly foresight be lost. Given on 
the nones (i. e. 7th day) of March, Crispus II. 
(i. e. second time) and Constantine II. (i. e. second 
time) being consuls." Some have endeavored to 
explain away this document by alleging— (1.) that 
" the Day of the Sun " or Sunday is not the Chris- 
tian name of the Lord's Day, and that Constantine 
did not therefore intend to acknowledge it as a 
Christian institution; (2.) that, before his conver- 
sion, Constantine had professed himself to be espe- 
cially under the guardianship of the sun, and that, 
at the very best, he intended to make a religious 
compromise between sun-worshippers, properly so 
| called, and the worshippers of the " Sun of Right- 



eousness," i. e. Christians; (3.) that Constantino's 
edict was purely a kalendarial one, and intended to 
reduce the number of public holidays. (4.) That 
Constantine then instituted Sunday for the first 
time as a religious day for Christians. The fourth 
of these statements is absolutely refuted, both by 
quotations from writers of the second and third 
centuries, and by the terms of the edict itself. The 
three other statements concern themselves rather 
with what Constantine meant than with what he did. 
But with such considerations we have little or 
nothing to do. It is a fact, that in a. d. 321, in a 
public edict, which was to apply to Christians as 
well as to Pagans, he put especial honor upon a day 
already honored by the former — judiciously calling 
it by a name which Christians had long employed 
without scruple, and to which, as it was in ordinary 
use, the Pagans could scarcely object. What he did 
for it was to insist that worldly business, whether 
by the functionaries of the law or by private citi- 
zens, should be intermitted during its continuance. 
Were any other testimony wanting to the existence 
of Sunday as a day of Christian worship at this 
period, it might be supplied by the Council of Nice, 
a. r>. 325. The Fathers there and then assembled 
assume it as an existing fact, and only notice it in. 
cidentally in order to regulate the posture of Chris- 
tian worshippers upon it. 

* Lord's Prayer, a name commonly given (not in 
the Scriptures) to the prayer which our Lord Jesus 
Christ taught His disciples (Mat. vi. 9-13; Lk. xi. 
2-4). Prayer. 

Lord's Sup'per (Gr. kuriakon deipnon). The 
words which thus describe the great central act of 
the worship of the Christian Church occur in but 
one single passage of the N. T. (1 Cor. xi. 20). Of 
the fact which lies under the name we have several 
notices, and from these, incidental and fragmentary 
as they are, it is possible to form a tolerably distinct 
picture. To examine these notices in their relation 
to the life of the Christian society in the first stages 
of its growth, and so to learn what " the Supper of 
the Lord " actually was, will be the object of this 
article (abridged from Prof. Plumptre's original ar- 
ticle). — I. The starting-point of this inquiry is found 
in the history of that night when Jesus Christ and 
His disciples met together to eat the Passover 
(Mat. xxvi. 19; Mk. xiv. 16; Lk. xxii. 13). The 
manner in which the Paschal feast was kept by the 
Jews of that period differed in many details from 
that originally prescribed by Ex. xii. The ceremo- 
nies of the feast took place in the following order 
(so Prof. Plumptre, after Lightfoot and Meyer) : (1.) 
The members of the company that were joined for 
this purpose met in the evening and reclined on 
couches (compare Mat. xxvi. 20 ; Lk. xxii. 14 ; Jn. 
xiii. 23-25). The head of the household, or cele- 
brant, began by a form of blessing " for the day and 
for the wine," pronounced over a cup, of which he 
and the others then drank. (2.) All present then 
washed their hands ; this also having a special 
benediction. (3.) The table was then set out with 
the Paschal lamb, unleavened bread, bitter herbs, 
and the dish known as Haroselh or CMroseth, a 
sauce made of dates, figs, raisins, and vinegar, and 
designed to commemorate the mortar of their 
bondage in Egypt. (4.) The celebrant first, and 
then the others, dipped a portion of the bitter herbs 
into the sauce and ate them. (5.) The dishes were 
then removed, and a cup of wine again brought. 
Then followed an interval allowed theoretically for 
the questions that might be asked by children or 



562 



LOR 



LOR 



proselytes, who were astonished at such a strange 
beginning of a feast, and the cup was passed round 
and drunk at the close of it. (6.) The dishes being 
brought on again, the celebrant repeated the com- 
memorative words which opened what was strict- 
ly the Paschal supper, and pronounced a solemn 
thanksgiving, followed by Psalms cxiii. and cxiv. 
(7.) Then came a second washing of the hands, with 
a short form of blessing as before, and the celebrant 
broke one of the two loaves or cakes of unleavened 
bread, and gave thanks over it. All then took por- 
tions of the bread and dipped them, together with 
the bitter herbs, into the sauce, and so ate them. 
(8.) After this they ate the flesh of the Paschal 
lamb, with bread, &c, as they liked ; and after an- 
other blessing, a third cup, known especially as the 
" cup of blessing," was handed round. (9.) This 
was succeeded by a fourth cup, and the recital of 
Psalms cxv.-cxviii., followed by a prayer, and this 
was accordingly known as the cup of the Hallel 
(Heb. = praise thou; see Hallelujah), or of the 
Song. (10.) There might be, in conclusion, a fifth 
cup, provided that the "great Hallel" (possibly 
Psalms cxx.-cxxxviii.) was sung over it. — Compar- 
ing the ritual thus gathered from Rabbinic writers 
with the N. T., and assuming first, that it represents 
substantially the common practice of our Lord's 
time ; and secondly, that the meal of which He and 
His disciples partook was either the passover itself, 
or an anticipation of it, conducted according to the 
same rules, we are able to indicate, though not with 
absolute certainty, the points of departure which 
the old practice presented for the institution of the 
new. To (1.) or (3.), or even to (8.), we may refer 
the first words and the first distribution of the cup 
(Lk. xxii. 17, 18); to (2.) or (7.) the dipping of the 
sop of Jn. xiii. 26; to (7.), or to an interval during 
or after (8.), the distribution of the bread (Mat. xxvi. 
26; Mk. xiv. 22; Lk. xxii. 19; 1 Cor. xi. 23, 24); 
to (9.) or (10.) ("after supper," Lk. xxii. 20) the 
thanksgiving, and distribution of the cup, and the 
hymn with which the whole was ended. — The narra- 
tives of the Gospels show how strongly the disciples 
were impressed with the words which had given a 
new meaning to the old familiar acts. They leave 
unnoticed all the ceremonies of the Passover, except 
those which had thus been transferred to the Chris- 
tian Church and perpetuated in it. Old tilings were 
passing away, and all things becoming new. They 
had looked on the bread and the wine as memorials 
of the deliverance from Egypt. They were now 
told to partake of them " in remembrance " of their 
Master and Lord. The festival had been annual. 
No rule was given as to the time and frequency of 
the new feast that thus supervened on the old, but 
the command, "Do this as oft as ye drink it" (1 
Cor. xi. 25), suggested the more continual recurrence 
of that which was to be their memorial of One whom 
they would wish never to forget. The words, 
" This is my body," gave to the unleavened bread a 
new character (compare, on the form of the expres- 
sion, Gen. xli. 26; Dan. vii. 17, 23, 24; Mat. xiii. 
58, 39; Gal. iv. 25; Rev. L 20, &c). They had 
been prepared for language that would otherwise 
have been so startling, by the teaching of Jn. vi. 32- 
58, and they were thus taught to see in the bread 
that was broken the witness of the closest possible 
union and incorporation with their Lord. The cup, 
which was " the new testament in His blood," would 
remind them, in like manner, of the wonderful 
prophecy in which that new covenant had been fore- 
told (Jer. xxxi. 31-34). It is possible there may 



I have been yet another thought connected with these 
I symbolic acts. The funeral customs of the Jews 
j involved, at or after the burial, the administration 
| to the mourners of bread (compare Jer. xvi. 7, 
margin; Ez. xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4; Tob. iv. 17), and 
of wine, known, when thus given, as " the cup of 
consolation." May not the bread and the wine of 
the Last Supper have had something of that char- 
acter, preparing the minds of Christ's disciples for 
His departure by treating it as already accomplish- 
ed ? May we not conjecture, without leaving the 
region of history for that of controversy, that the 
thoughts, desires, emotions, of that hour of divine 
sorrow and communion would be such as to lead the 
disciples to crave earnestly to renew them ? Would 
it not be natural that they should seek that renewal 
in the way which their Master had pointed out to 
them ? From this time, accordingly, the words 
" to break bread " appear to have had for the 
disciples a new significance. It may not have as- 
sumed indeed, as yet, the character of a distinct 
liturgical act ; but when they met to break bread, 
it was with new thoughts and hopes, and with the 
memories of that evening fresh on them. — II. In the 
account (Acts) of the life of the first disciples at 
Jerusalem, a prominent place is given to this act, 
and to the phrase which indicated it. Writing, we 
must remember, with the definite associations that 
had gathered round the words during the thirty years 
that followed the events he records, he describes the 
baptized members of the Church as continuing stead- 
fast in or to the teaching of the apostles, in fel- 
lowship with them and with each other, and in break- 
ing of bread and in prayers (Acts ii. 42). Taken in 
connection with the account in the preceding verses 
of the love which made them live as having all 
things common, we can scarcely doubt that this im- 
plies that the chief actual meal of each day was one 
in which they met as brothers, and which was either 
preceded or followed by the more solemn commem- 
orative acts of the breaking of the bread and the 
drinking of the cup. It will be convenient to an- 
ticipate the language and the thoughts of a some- 
what later date, and to say that, apparently, they 
thus united every day the feast of Love (Feasts of 
Charity) with the celebration of the Eucharist. In 
a society consisting of many thousand members there 
would naturally (so Prof. Plumptre) be many places 
of meeting. The congregation assembling in each 
place would come to be known as "the Church" in 
this or that man's house (Rom. xvi. 5, 23; 1 Cor. 
xvi. 19; Col. iv. 15 ; Phn. 2). When they met, the 
place of honor would naturally be taken by one of 
the apostles, or some elder representing him. It 
would belong to him to pronounce the blessing and 
thanksgiving, with which the meals of devout Jews 
always began and ended. The materials for the 
meal would be provided out of the common funds 
of the Church, or the liberality of individual mem- 
bers. The bread (unless the converted Jews were 
to think of themselves as keeping a perpetual pass- 
over) would be such as they habitually used. The 
wine (probably the common red wine of Palestine, 
Prov. xxiii. 31) would, according to their usual prac- 
tice, be mixed with water. But if this was to be 
more than a common meal after the pattern of the 
Essenes, it would be necessary to introduce words 
that would show that what was done was in remem- 
brance of their Master. At some time, before or 
after the meal of which they partook as such, the 
bread and the wine would be given with some spe- 
cial form of words or acts, to indicate its character. 



LOR 



LOT 



563 



New converts would need some explanation of the 
meaning and origin of the observance. What 
would be so fitting and so much in harmony with 
the precedents of the Paschal feast as the narrative 
of what had passed on the night of its institution 
(1 Cor. xi. 23-27)? With this there would natu- 
rally be associated (as in Acts ii. 42) prayers for 
themselves and others. Their gladness would show 
itself in the psalms and hvmns with which they 
praised God (Heb. ii. 46, 47 ; Jas. v. IS). The anal- 
ogy of the Passover, the general feeling of the 
Jews, and the practice of the Essenes may possibly 
have suggested ablutions, partial or entire, as a 
preparation for the feast (Heb. x. 22 ; Jn. xiii. 1- 
15). At some point in the feast those who were 
present, men and women sitting apart, would rise 
to salute each other with the " holy kiss " (1 Cor. 
xvi. 20; 2 Cor. xiii. 12). The next traces that meet 
us are in 1 Cor., and the fact that we find them is 
in itself significant. The commemorative feast 
has not been confined to the personal disciples of 
Christ, or the Jewish converts whom they gathered 
round them at Jerusalem. The title of the " cup 
of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16) has been imported into 
the Greek Church. The synonym of " the cup of 
the Lord " (ver. 21) distinguishes it from the other 
cups that belonged to the " Feast of Charity." The 
word " fellowship " is passing by degrees into the 
special signification of " Communion." The apostle 
refers to his own office as breaking the bread and 
blessing the cup (ver. 16). The table on which the 
bread was placed was the Lord's Table. But the 
practice of the Feast of Charity as well as the ob- 
servance of the commemorative feast had been 
transferred to Corinth, and this called for a special 
notice. Evils had sprung up which had to be 
checked at once. The meeting of friends for a so- 
cial meal, to which all contributed, was a sufficiently 
familiar practice in the common life of Greeks of 
this period ; and the club-feasts were associated 
with plans of mutual relief or charity to the poor. 
The Feast of Charity of the new society would seem 
to them to be such a feast, and hence came a dis- 
order that altogether frustrated the object of the 
Church in instituting it. What was to be the reme- 
dy for this terrible and growing evil St. Paul does 
not state explicitly. He reserves formal regulations 
for a later personal visit. In the mean time he 
gives a rule which would make the union of the 
Feast of Charity and the Lord's Supper possible 
without the risk of profanation. They were not to 
come even to the former with the keen edge of 
appetite. They were to wait till all were met, in- 
stead of scrambling tumultuously to help them- 
selves (xi. S3, 34). In one point, however, the cus- 
tom of the Church of Corinth differed apparently 
from that of Jerusalem. The meeting for the Lord's 
Supper was no longer daily (ver. 20, 33). The di- 
rections given in 1 Cor. xvi. 2 suggest the constitu- 
tion of a celebration on the first day of the week. 
The meeting at Troas is on the same day (Acts xx. 
7) The tendency of this language, and, therefore, 
probably of the order subsequently established, was 
to separate what had hitherto been united. We 
stand, as it were, at the dividing point of the history 
of the two institutions, and henceforth each takes 
its own course. One, as belonging to a transient 
phase of the Christian life, and varying in its effects 
with changes in national character or forms of civil- 
ization, passes through many stages, and finally 
dies out. The other also has its changes. The 
morning celebration takes the place of the evening. 



In Acts xx. 11 we have an example of the way in 
which the transition may have been effected. The 
disciples at Troas meet together to break bread. 
The hour is not definitely stated, but the fact that 
St. Paul's discourse was protracted till past mid- 
night and the mention of the many lamps indicate 
a later time than that commonly fixed for the Gr. 
deipnon (=" supper;" see Meals). Then came 
the teaching and the prayers, and then, toward early 
dawn, the breaking of bread, which constituted the 
Lord's Supper, and for which they were gathered 
together. If this midnight meeting may be taken 
as indicating a common practice, originating in rev- 
erence for an ordinance which Christ had enjoined, 
we can easily understand how the next step would 
be to transfer the celebration of the Eucharist per- 
manently to the morning hour, to which it had 
gradually been approximating. The recurrence of 
the same liturgical words in Acts xxvii. 35 makes it 
probable, though not certain, that the food of which 
St. Paul thus partook was intended to have, for him- 
self and his Christian companions, the character at 
once of the Feast of Charity and the Eucharist. 
Atonement ; Saviour. 

Lo-ru-lia mall (Heb. = (hew(compas$ionalcd),t\\e 
name of the daughter of Hosea the prophet, given 
to denote the utterly ruined and hopeless condition 
of the kingdom of Israel, on whom Jehovah would 
no more have mercy (Hos. i. 6). Ruhamah. 

Lot (Heb. a covering, veil, Ges.), son of Haran, 
and, therefore, nephew of Abraham (Gen. xi. 27, 
31). His sisters were Milcah the wife of Nahor, 
and Iscah, by some identified with Sarah. Haran 
died before the emigration of Terah and his family 
from Ur of the Chaldees (ver. 28), and Lot was 
therefore born there. He removed with the rest 
of his kindred to Haran, and again subsequently 
with Abraham and Sarai to Canaan (xii. 4, 5). With 
them he took refuge in Egypt from a famine, and 
with them returned, first to the "South" (xiii. 1), 
and then to their original settlement between Bethel 
and Ai (ver. 3, 4). But the pastures of the hills 
of Bethel, which had with ease contained the two 
strangers on their first arrival, were not able any 
longer to bear them, so much had their possessions 
of sheep, goats, and cattle increased since that 
time. There was no disagreement between Abra- 
ham and Lot — their relations continued good to the 
last — but between the servants who tended their 
countless herds disputes arose, and a parting was 
necessary. From some one of the round, swelling 
hills which surround Bethel — from none more 
likely than that which stands immediately on its E. 
— the two Hebrews looked over the comparatively 
empty land, in the direction of Sodom, Gomorrah, 
and Zoar (xiii. 10). And Lot lifted up his eyes 
toward the left, and beheld all the precinct of the 
Jordan that it was well watered everywhere; like a 
garden of Jehovah ; like that unutterably green and 
fertile land of Egypt he had only lately quitted. It 
was exactly the prospect to tempt a man who had 
no fixed purpose of his own, who had not like 
Abraham obeyed a stern inward call of duty. So 
Lot left his uncle on the barren hills of Bethel, and 
he " chose all the precinct of the Jordan, and jour- 
neyed east," down the ravines which give access to 
the Jordan valley : and then, when he reached it, 
turned again southward and advanced as far as 
Sodom (ver. 11,12). — The next occurrence in the 
life of Lot is his capture by the four kings of the 
East, and his rescue by Abram (xiv.). (Abraham ; 
Chedorlaomer.) — The last scene preserved to us in 



564 



LOT 



LUB 



the history of Lot i3 well known. He is still living 
in Sodom (xix.). Some years have passed. But in 
the midst of the licentious corruption of Sodom he 
still preserves some of the delightful characteristics 
of his wandering life, his fervent and chivalrous 
hospitality (ver. 2, 8), the unleavened bread of the 
tent of the wilderness (ver. 3), the water for the 
feet of the wayfarers (ver. 2) affording his guests a 
reception identical with that which they had ex- 
perienced that very morning in Abraham's tent on 
the heights of Hebron (compare xviii. 3, 6). His 
deliverance from the guilty and condemned city 
points the allusion of St. Peter (2 Pet. ii. 6-9). 
Where Zoar was situated, in which he found a 
temporary refuge during the destruction of the 
other cities of the plain, we do not know with ab- 
solute certainty. The end of Lot's wife (Edith in 
the Jewish traditions) is commonly treated as one 
of the difficulties of the Bible. But it surely need 
not be so. " His wife looked back from behind 
him, and she became a pillar of salt." The value 
and the significance of the story to us are contained 
in the allusion of Christ (Lk. xvii. 32). Later ages 
have not been satisfied so to leave the matter, but 
have insisted on identifying the " pillar " with some 
one of the fleeting forms which the perishable rock 
of the S. end of the Dead Sea is constantly assum- 
ing in its process of decomposition and liquefaction. 
The story of the origin of the nations of Moab and 
Am.mon from the incestuous intercourse between Lot 
and his two daughters, with which his history 
abruptly concludes, has been often treated as if it 
were a Hebrew legend which owed its origin to the 
bitter hatred existing from the earliest to the latest 
times between the " Children of Lot " and the Chil- 
dren of Israel. But even the most destructive crit- 
ics allow that the narrative is a continuation with- 
out a break of that which precedes it, while they 
fail to point out any marks of later date in the lan- 
guage of this portion ; and it cannot be questioned 
that the writer records it as an historical fact. 
Even if the legendary theory were admissible, there 
is no doubt of the fact that Ammon and Moab 
sprang from Lot (Deut. ii. 9, 19; Ps. lxxxiii. 8). 
The Arabic local name of the Dead Sea is Bahr Lut 
— Sea of Lot. 

Lot. The custom of deciding doubtful questions 
by lot is one of great extent and high antiquity, 
recommending itself as a sort of appeal to the Al- 
mighty, secure from all influence of passion or 
bias, and is a sort of divination said to be em- 
ployed even by the gods themselves (Homer, 11. 
xxii. 209 : Cicero, de Div. i. 34, ii. 41). Among the 
Jews also the use of lots, with a religious inten- 
tion, direct or indirect, prevailed extensively. The 
religious estimate of them may be gathered from 
Prov. xvi. 33. The following are historical or ritual 
instances — 1. Choice of men for an invading force 
(Judg. i. 1, xx. 10). 2. Partition (a) of the soil of 
Palestine among the tribes (Num. xxvi. 55 ; Josh, 
xviii. 10 ; Acts xiii. 19) : (b) of Jerusalem, i. e. 
probably its spoil or captives among captors (Ob. 
11) ; of the land itself in a similar way (1 Mc. iii. 
36) : (c) Peopling of Jerusalem by inhabitants 
drawn by lot (Neh. xi. 1, 2) : (d) Apportionment 
of possessions, or spoil, or of prisoners, to foreign- 
ers or captors (Joel iii. 3 ; Nan. iii. 10 ; Mat. xxvii. 
35). 3. (a) Settlement of doubtful questions (Prov. 
xvi. 33, xviii. 18). (b) A mode of divination 
among heathens by means of arrows, two inscribed, 
and one without mark (Hos. iv. 12 ; Ez. xxi. 21). 
(Pcrim.) (c) Detection of a criminal (Josh. vii. 14, 



18). (d) Appointment of persons to offices or 
duties (1 Sam. x. 20, 21 ; 1 Chr. xxiii. 28, xxiv. 3, 
5, 19, 20-31, xxv. 8, xxvi. 13 ; Acts i. 24-26). (e) 
Selection of the scape-goat on the Day of Atone- 
ment (Lev. xvi. 8, 10). 4. The use of words heard 
or passages chosen at random from Scripture. 

Lo tan (Heb. covering, Ges.), eldest son of Seir 
the Horite (Gen. xxxvi.' 20, 22, 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 38, 39). 

Loth-a-so. bus (fr. Gr.), a corruption of HASHUM'm 
Neh. viii. 4(1 Esd. ix. 44). 

Lots, Feast of. Purim. 

* LovC [luv] (Heb. akabdh ; Gr. agape) denotes not 
only natural affection (Gen. xxix. 20 ; 2 Sam. i. 20, 
&c), but also the pure spiritual affection which 
belongs to God and holy beings (Rom. xiii. 10; 1 
Jn. iv. 7, 8, &c). Love may involve complacence 
or delight in the character of its object, e. g. God's 
love toward the holy, or their love toward Him 
and other holy beings (Jn. v. 42, xvii. 26, &c); or 
it may involve only benevolence or compassion 
without any approbation of its object's character, 
e. g. God's love toward sinners (Rom. v. 8 ; com- 
pare Jn. iii. 16, &c). Love, in the heavenly or 
Christian sense, is a fruit of the Spirit (Rom. v. 
5 ; Gal. v. 22) ; it is opposed to all unrighteousness 
and is satisfied only with likeness to Jesus Christ 
and God (Rom. xiii. 10 ; 1 Jn. iv. 17 ; comp. Mat. xxii. 
36-40, &c). " We love Him because He first loved 
us" (1 Jn. iv. 19). Charity; Faith; Mercy, &c. 

Lovc'-Feasts. Feasts of Charity. 

* Low Conn'try (2 Chr. xxvi. 10, xxviii. 18), or 
Low Plains (1 Chr. xxvii. 28; 2 Chr. ix. 27), the A. 
V. translation of Heb. shi-phclah = Sephela. Ju- 
dah 1 (II.); Plain 6; Valley 5. 

Lo'zon (Gr.), ancestor of certain "sons of Solo- 
mon's servants " who returned with Zorobabel (1 
Esd. v. 33) ; = Darkon. 

Ln'bim, Lu'binis (Heb. Lubim, Lubbim = Liby- 
ans, strictly inhabitants of a dry and thirsty land, 
Ges.), an African nation mentioned as contributing, 
together with Cushites (A. V. "Ethiopians") and 
Sukkiim, to Shishak's army (2 Chr. xii. 3); and ap- 
parently as forming with Cushites the bulk of 
Zcrah's army (xvi. 8) ; spoken of by Nahum (iii. 9), 
with Put or Phut, as helping No-Amon (Thebes), 
of which Cush and Egypt were the strength ; and 
by Daniel (xi. 43) as paying court with the Cushites 
to a conqueror of Egypt or the Egyptians. For 
more precise information we look to the Egyptian 
monuments, upon which we find representations of 
a people called Pebu or Lebu, who (so Mr. R. S. 
Poole) = the Lubim. These Rebu were a warlike 
people, with whom Menptah and Rameses III., who 
both ruled in the thirteenth century b. c, waged 
successful wars. The latter king routed them with 
much slaughter. The sculptures of the great tem- 
ple he raised at Thebes, now called that of Me- 
deenel Haboo, give us representations of the Rebii, 
showing that they were fair, and of what is called a 
Shemitic type, like the Berbers and Kabyles. They 
are distinguished as northern, i. e. as parallel to, or 
north of, Lower Egypt. The Lubim probably = 
the Mizraite Lehabim. The historical indications 
of the Egyptian monuments thus lead us to place 
the seat of the Lubim, or primitive Libyans, on the 
African coast, westward of Egypt, perhaps extend- 
ing far beyond the Cyrenaica. (Cyrene; Libya.) 
They seem to have been first reduced by the Egyp- 
tians about 1250 b. c, and afterward driven inland 
by the Phenician and Greek colonists. Now they 
still remain on the northern confines of the Great 
Desert, and even within it, and in the mountains. 



LUC 



LUK 



565 



Ln'eas (L. = Luke), a friend and companion of 
St. Paul during his imprisonment at Rome (Phn. 
24); = Luke, the beloved physician (Col. iv. 14; 
2 Tim. iv. 11). 

Ln'ci-fer [-se-] (L., literally light-bringing ; Heb. 
lieylel). The name is, in Is. xiv. 12, coupled with the 
epithet " son of the morning," and clearly = a 
bright star, and probably what we call the morning 
star. In this passage it is a symbolical representa- 
tion of the king of Babylon, in his splendor and in 
his fall. Its application (from St. Jerome down- 
ward) to Satan in his fall from heaven, arises prob- 
ably from the fact that the Babylonian empire is in 
Scripture represented as the type of tyrannical and 
self-idolizing power, and especially connected with 
the empire of the Evil One in the Apocalypse. 

Ln'ci-ns [lu'she-us in L., as Eng. usually pro- 
nounced lu shus] (L., born in the day-time, Fr'eund ; 
a common Roman praenomen or first name). 1. 
A Roman consul, said to have written the letter to 
Ptolemy (Euergetes), which assured Simon I. of the 
protection of Rome (about b. c. 139-8; 1 Mc. xv. 
10, 15-24). The whole form of the letter— the 
mention of one consul only, the description of the 
consul by the praenomen, the omission of the senate 
and of the date — shows that it cannot be an accurate 
copy of the original document ; but there is nothing 
in the substance of the letter which is open to just 
suspicion. The imperfect transcription of the name 
has led to the identification of Lucius with three 
distinct persons — (1.) (Lucius?) Furius Philus, who 
was not consul till n. c. 136, and is therefore at 
once excluded. (2.) Lucius Ciecilius Metellus Cal- 
vus, who was consul in b. c. 142. (3.) The third 
identification with Lucius Calpurnius Piso, who was 
consul b. c. 139, is most probably correct. — 2. A 
kinsman or fellow-tribesman of St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 
21 ), by whom he is said by tradition to have been 
ordained bishop of the church of Cenchrea ; thought 
by some — No. 3.-3. "Lucius of Cyrene" is first 
mentioned in the N. T. in company with Barnabas, 
Simeon, called Niger, Manaen, and Saul, who are 
described as prophets and teachers of the church at 
Antioch ( Acts xiii. 1). Whether Lucius was one of 
the seventy disciples, as stated by Pseudo-Hippoly- 
tus, is quite a matter of conjecture, but it is highly 
probable that he formed one of the congregation to 
whom St. Peter preached on the day of Pentecost 
(ii. 10); and there can hardly be a doubt that he 
was one of " the men of Cyrene," who, being " scat- 
tered abroad upon the persecution that rose about 
Stephen," went to Antioch preaching the Lord 
Jesus (xi. 19, 20). He is commonly supposed = 
No. 2. There is certainly no sufficient reason for 
regarding him as = Luke. Different traditions 
make Lucius bishop of Cenchrea, of Cyrene, and 
of Laodicea in Syria. 

* Lu'crc [-ker] (Fr. fr. L.) = gain, especially that 
which is obtained unworthily (1 Sam. viii. 3; 1 Tim. 
iii. 3, 8; Tit. LY, 11; 1 Pet. v. 2). 

Lud (Heb. progeny, Sim. ; full of windings, tor- 
tuous, from the course of the river Meander on the 
border of Lydia, Schl.), fourth name in the list of 
the sons of Shem (Gen. x. 22 ; 1 Chr. i. 17), that of 
a person or tribe, or both, descended from him. It 
has been supposed that Lud was the ancestor of the 
Lydians (Jos. i. 6, § 4), and thus represented by the 
Lydus of their mythical period. (Lydia.) But the 
Egyptian monuments show us in the thirteenth, 
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries b. c. a powerful 
people called Ruten or Luden, probably (so Mr. R. 
S. Poole) seated near Mesopotamia, and apparently | 



N. of Palestine, whom some, however, make the 
Assyrians. Perhaps the Lydians first established 
themselves near Palestine, and afterward spread 
into Asia Minor; the occupiers of the old seat of 
the race being destroyed or removed by the Assyr- 
ians. Ludim. 

l u dim (Heb. pi. of Lud), a Mizraite people or 
tribe (Gen. x. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 11). From their position 
at the head of the list of the Mizraites, they were 
probably (so Mr. R. S. Poole) settled to the W. of 
Egypt, perhaps further than any other Mizraite 
tribe. Lid and the Ludim are mentioned in Is. 
lxvi. 19; Jer. xlvi. 9 (A. V. "Lydians"); Ez. xxvii. 
10, xxx. 5 (A. V. "Lydia"). There can be no 
doubt that but one nation is intended in these pas- 
sages, and thus far the preponderance of evidence 
seems in favor of the Mizraite Ludim. From the 
Egyptian monuments we learn that several foreign 
nations contributed allies or mercenaries to the 
Egyptian armies. Among them we identify the 
Rebu with the Lubim, and the Sharyatana with the 
Cherethim, who also served in David's army. The 
rest of these foreign troops seem to have been of 
African nations, but this is not certain. From the 
Greek writers we learn that Ionian, Carian, and 
other Greek mercenaries, formed an important ele- 
ment in the Egyptian army in all times when the 
country was independent, from the reign of Psam- 
metichus until the final conquest by Ochus. These 
mercenaries were even settled in Egypt by Psam- 
metichus. There does not seem to be any mention 
of them in the Bible, unless they = Lud and the 
Ludim in the passages above-mentioned. It must 
be recollected that it is reasonable to connect the 
Shemite Lud with the Lydians, and that at the time 
of the prophets by whom Lud and the Ludim are 
mentioned, the Lydian kingdom generally or always 
included the more western part of Asia Minor, so 
that the terms Lud and Ludim might well apply to 
the Ionian and Carian mercenaries drawn from this 
territory. We must therefore hesitate before abso- 
lutely concluding that this important portion of the 
Egyptian mercenaries is not mentioned in the Bible, 
upon the primd facie evidence that the only name 
which could stand for it would seem to be that of an 
African nation. 

Ln'bith (Heb. made of boards, probably having 
boarded houses, Ges.), the As-ccnt' of, a place in 
Moab ; apparently the ascent to a sanctuary or holy 
spot on an eminence. It occurs only in Is. xv. 5, 
and the parallel passage of Jeremiah (xlviii. 5). In 
the days of Eusebius and Jerome it was still known 
and stood between Areopolis (Ar) and Zoar. M. de 
Saulcy places it at Kharbct-Nouehin ; but this is N. 
of Areopolis, and cannot be said to lie between it 
and Zoar. 

Luke (fr. Gr. Zoufcas ; L. Lucas, an abbreviated 
form of Lucanus [i. e. Lucanian, of 'or from Lucania, 
a district in South Italy], or of Lucilius [i. e. born at 
daylight, the common name of a Roman clan] ; not 
to be confounded with Lucius). The name Luke 
occurs three times in the N. T. (Col. iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. 
iv. 11 ; Phn. 24, A. V. " Lucas"), and probably in 
all three the third evangelist is the person spoken 
of. (Luke, Gospel of.) Combining the traditional 
element with the scriptural, the uncertain with the 
certain, we are able (so Archbishop Thomson) to 
trace the following dim outline of the evangelist's 
life. He was born at Antioch in Syria (Eusebius, 
Hist. iii. 4) ; in what condition of life is uncertain. 
That he was taught the science of medicine ("the 
beloved physician ") does not prove that he was of 



566 



LUK 



LUK 



higher birth than the rest of the disciples. The 
tradition that Luke was also a painter, and of no 
mean skill, rests on the authority of Nicephorus (ii. 
43), and of other late writers. He was not born a 
Jew, for he is not reckoned among them " of the 
circumcision" by St. Paul (compare Col. iv. 11 with 
ver. 14). The date of his conversion is uncertain. 
The statement of Epiphanius and others, that he 
was one of the seventy disciples, has nothing very 
improbable in it (but compare Lk. i. 2) ; whilst that 
which Theophylact adopts (on Lk. xxiv.), that he was 
one of the two who journeyed to Emmaus with the 
risen Redeemer, has found modern defenders. The 
first ray of historical light falls on the evangelist 
when he joins St. Paul at Troas, and shares his 
journey into Macedonia. The sudden transition to 
the first person plural in Acts xvi. 9 is most nat- 
urally explained, after all the objections that have 
been urged, by supposing that Luke, the writer of 
the Acts, formed one of St. Paul's company from 
this point. As far as Philippi the evangelist jour- 
neyed with the apostle. The resumption of the 
third person on Paul's departure from that place 
(xvii. 1) would show that Luke was now left behind. 
During the rest of St. Paul's second missionary 
journey we hear of Luke no more. But on the 
third journey the same indication reminds us that 
Luke is again of the company (xx. 5), having joined 
it apparently at Philippi, where he had been left. 
With the apostle he passed through Miletus, Tyre, 
and Cesarea to Jerusalem (xx. 5, xxi. 18). Between 
the two visits of Paul to Philippi seven years had 
elapsed (a. d. 51 to a. d. 58), which the evangelist 
may have spent in Philippi and its neighborhood 
preaching the Gospel. There remains one passage, 
which, if it refers to St. Luke, must belong to this 
period. " We have sent with him " (i. e. Titus) 
" the brother whose praise is in the gospel through- 
out all the churches " (2 Cor. viii. 18). The sub- 
scription of the epistle sets forth that it was " writ- 
ten from Philippi, a city of Macedonia, by Titus and 
Lucas" and it is an old opinion that Luke was the 
companion of Titus, although he is not named in the 
body of the epistle. If this be so, we are to suppose 
that during the " three months " of Paul's sojourn 
at Philippi (Acts xx. 3) Luke was sent from that 
place to Corinth on this errand. He again appears 
in the company of Paul in the memorable jour- 
ney to Rome (xxvii. 1). He remained at his side 
during his first imprisonment (Col. iv. 14 ; Phn. 
24) ; and if it is to be supposed that the Second 
Epistle to Timothy was written during the second im- 
prisonment, then the testimony of 2 Tim. iv. 11 
shows that he continued faithful to the apostle to 
the end of his afflictions. After the death of St. 
Paul, the acts of his faithful companion are hope- 
lessly obscure to us. Ia a passage of Epiphanius 
(cont. Hair. li. 11) we find that receiving the com- 
mission to preach the Gospel, Luke preaches first 
in Dalmatia and Gallia, in Italy and Macedonia. 
Probably he died in advanced life ; but whether he 
suffered martyrdom or died a natural death, whether 
in Bithynia or Achaia, or some other country, it is 
impossible to determine amidst contradictory voices. 
That he died a martyr, between a. d. 75 and a. d. 
100, would seem to have the balance of suffrages in 
its favor. 

Lnke (see above), Gos'pel of. (Gospels.) I. The 
third Gospel is ascribed, by the general consent of 
ancient Christendom, to " the beloved physician," 
Luke, the friend and companion of the Apostle Paul. 
It has been shown already that the Gospels were 



in use as one collection, and were spoken of un- 
doubtingly as the work of those whose names they 
bear, toward the end of the second century. (Canon.) 
But as regards the genuineness of St. Luke any dis- 
cussion is entangled with a somewhat difficult ques- 
tion, viz. what is the relation of the Gospel we pos- 
sess to that which was used by Marcion ? The case 
may be briefly stated. The religion of Jesus Christ 
announced salvation to Jew and Gentile, through 
Him who was born a Jew, of the seed of David. 
The two sides of this fact produced very early two 
opposite tendencies in the Church. One party 
thought of Christ as the Messiah of the Jews ; the 
other as the Redeemer of the human race. Marcion 
of Sinope, who flourished in the first half of the sec- 
ond century, expressed strongly the tendency op- 
posed to Judaism. He views the 0. T., not as a 
preparation for the coming of the Lord, but as 
something hostile in spirit to the Gospel. This 
divorcement of the N. T. from the Old was at the 
root of Marcion's doctrine. In his system the God 
of the 0. T. was a lower being, a Demiurge, engaged 
in a constant conflict with matter, over which he did 
not gain a complete victory. (Philosophy.) But 
the holy and eternal God, perfect in goodness and 
love, comes not in contact with matter, and creates 
only what is like to and cognate with Himself. 
Marcion admitted the Epistles of St. Paul, and a 
Gospel which he regarded as Pauline, and rejected 
the rest of the N. T., not from any idea that the 
books were not genuine, but because they were, as he 
alleged, the genuine works of men who were not faith- 
ful teachers of the Gospel they had received. But what 
was the Gospel which Marcion used ? The ancient tes- 
timony (Irenseus ; Tertullian) is very strong on this 
point; it was the Gospel of St. Luke, altered to suit 
his peculiar tenets. He did not, however, ascribe 
to Luke by name the Gospel thus corrupted, calling 
it simply the Gospel of Christ. The opinion that 
he formed for himself a Gospel, on the principle of 
rejecting all that savored of Judaism in an existing 
narrative, and that he selected Luke as needing the 
least alteration, seems to have been held universally 
in the Church, until Semler started a doubt, the 
prolific seed of a large controversy ; from the whole 
result of which, however, the cause of truth has 
little to regret. His opinion was that the Gospel 
of St. Luke and that used by Marcion were drawn 
from one and the same original source, neither 
being altered from the other. From this contro- 
versy we gain the following result : — Marcion was 
in the height of his activity about a. d. 138, soon 
after which Justin Martyr wrote his Apology; and 
he had probably given forth his Gospel some years 
before, i. e. about a. d. 130. At the time when he 
composed it, he found the Gospel of St. Luke so far 
diffused and accepted that he based his own Gospel 
upon it, altering and omitting. (New Testament, I. 
§ 4.) Therefore we may assume that, about a. i). 
120, the Gospel of St. Luke which we possess was 
in use, and was familiarly known. The theory that 
it was composed about the middle or end of the 
second century is thus overthrown ; and there is 
no positive evidence of any kind to set against the 
harmonious assertion of all the ancient Church that 
this Gospel is the genuine production of St. Luke. 
— II. Date of Luke. We have seen that this Gos- 
pel was in use before the year 120. From internal 
evidence the date can be more nearly fixed. From 
Acts i. 1 it is clear that it was written before the 
Acts of the Apostles. The book of the Acts was 
probably completed about the end of the second 



LUN 



567 



year of St. Paul's imprisonment, i. e. about a, d. 63. 
How much earlier the Gospel, described as " the 
former treatise" (Acts i. 1), may have been written 
is uncertain. Probably it was written at Cesarea 
during St. Paul's imprisonment there, a. d. 58-60 

! (Thiersch). — III. Place where the Gospel was written. 
If the time has been rightly indicated, the place 
would be Cesarea. Other suppositions are — that it 
was composed in Achaia and the region of Bceotia 
(Jerome), in Alexandria (Syriac version), in Rome 
(Ewald, &c), in Achaia and Macedonia (Hilgenfeld), 
and Asia Minor (Kostlin). It is impossible to verify 
these traditions and conjectures. — IV. Origin of the 
Gospel. The preface, contained in the first four 
verses of the Gospel, describes the object of its 
writer. Here are several facts to be observed. 
There were many narratives of the life of our Lord 
current at the early time when Luke wrote his 

' Gospel. The ground of fitness for the task St. Luke 
places in his having carefully followed out the whole 
course of events from the beginning. He does not 

i claim the character of an eye-witness from the first ; 
but possibly he may have been a witness of some 

i part of our Lord's doings. The ancient opinion, 
that Luke wrote his Gospel under the influence of 

t 1 Paul, rests on the authority of Irenaeus, Tertullian, 
Origen, and Eusebius. The two first assert that 

I we have in Luke the Gospel preached by Paul ; 

! Origen calls it " the Gospel quoted by Paul ; " allud- 

1 ing to Rom. ii. 16; and Eusebius refers Paul's 

J words, " according to my Gospel " (2 Tim. ii. 8), to 

I Luke, in which Jerome concurs. The language of 
the preface is against the notion of any exclusive 
influence of St. Paul. The four verses could not 

| have been put at the head of a history composed 

I under the exclusive guidance of Paul, or of any one 
apostle, and as little could they have introduced a 

j Gospel simply communicated by another. The truth 

, seems to be that St. Luke, seeking information from 
every quarter, sought it from the preaching of his 
beloved master, St. Paul ; and the apostle in his 

; turn employed the knowledge acquired from other 
sources by his disciple. Upon the question whether 
Luke made use of the Gospels of Matthew and 
Mark, no opinion given here could be conclusive. 
Probably Matthew and Luke wrote independently, 
and about the same time. Some regard Mark as 
the oldest N. T. writing ; others, as the last, and 
framed upon the other two. " A calm review of 

; the evidence will, however, lead most unbiased 

i readers to the conclusion that all three wrote in 
perfect independence of one another ; each, under 

! the guidance of the Holy Spirit, giving a distinct 
view of the great complex whole, the reflex of the 
writer's own individual impressions " (E. Venables, 
in Kitto). (See Harmony under Gospels ; Inspira- 
tion.) — V. Purpose for which the Gospel was written. 
The evangelist professes to write that Theophilus 

1 " might know the certainty of those things wherein 
he had been instructed " (Lk. i. 4). Theophilus evi- 
dently was a Gentile reader. We must admit, but 
with great caution, on account of the abuses to 
which the notion has led, that there are traces in 
the Gospel of a leaning toward Gentile rather than 
Jewish converts. As each Gospel has within certain 

; limits its own character and mode of treatment, we 
shall recognize with Olshausen that " St. Luke has 

I the peculiar power of exhibiting with great clear- 

! ness of conception and truth, not so much the dis- 
courses of Jesus as His conversations, with all the 
incidents that gave rise to them, with the remarks 
of those who were present, and with the final re- 



sults." Mr. Venables (in Kitto) makes " universal- 
ity" the chief characteristic which distinguishes 
Luke from Matthew and Mark. " The message he 
delivers is not for the Gentiles as such, as distin- 
guished from the Jews, but for men." So Dr. Van 
Oosterzee ( Comm. in Lange's Series) styles it " the 
Gospel of Universal Humanity." — VI. Language 
and Style of the Gospel. It has never been doubted 
that the evangelist wrote his Gospel in Greek. 
Whilst Hebraisms are frequent, classical idioms and 
Greek compound words abound. The number of 
words used by Luke only is unusually great, and 
many of them are compound words for which there 
is classical authority. On comparing the Gospel 
with the Acts it is l'ound that the style of the latter 
is more pure and free from Hebrew idioms ; and 
the style of the later portion of the Acts is more 
pure than that of the former. Where Luke used 
the materials he derived from others, oral or written, 
or both, his style reflects the Hebrew idioms of 
them ; but when he comes to scenes of which he 
was an eye-witness and describes entirely in his own 
words, these disappear. — VII. Quotations from the 
Old Testament. In the citations from the 0. T., of 
the principal of which the following is a list, there 
are plain marks of the use of the Septuagint ver- 
sion : — 



Lk. i. 17. 


Mai. iv. 4, 5. 


" ii. 23. 


Ex. xiii. 2. 


" ii. 24. 


Lev. xii. 8. 


" iii. 4-6. 


Is. xl. 3-5. 


" iv. 4. 


Deut. viii. 3. 


" iv. 8. 


Deut. vi. 13. 


" iv. 10, 11. 


Ps. xci. 11, 12. 


" iv. 12. 


Deut. vi. 14. 


" iv. 18. 


Is. lxi. 1, 2. 


" vii. 27. 


Mai. iii. 1. 


" viii. 10. 


Is. vi. 9. 


" x. 27. 


Deut. vi. 5 : Lev. xix. 18. 


" xviii. 20. 


Ex. xx. 12. 


" xix. 46. 


Is. lvi. 7: Jer. viii. 11. 


" xx. 17. 


Ps. cxviii. 22, 23. 


" xx. 28. 


Deut. xxv. 5. 


" xx. 42, 43. 


Ps. ex. 1. 


" xxii. 37. 


Is. liii. 12. 


" xxiii. 46. 


Ps. xxxi. 5. 



— VIII. Integrity of the Gospel — the first two Chap- 
ters. The Gospel of Luke is quoted by Justin Mar- 
tyr and by the author of the Clementine Homilies. 
The silence of the Apostolic Fathers only indicates 
that it was admitted into the Canon somewhat late, 
which was probably the case. The result of the 
Marcion controversy is, as we have seen, that our 
Gospel was in use before a. d. 120. A special ques- 
tion, however, has been raised about the first two 
chapters, which Marcion omits. But there is no 
real ground for distinguishing between the first two 
chapters and the rest. — IX. Contents. This Gospel 
contains — 1. A preface (i. 1-4). 2. An account of 
the time preceding the ministry of Jesus (i. 5 — ii. 
52). 3. Several accounts of discourses and acts of 
our Lord, common to Luke, Matthew, and Mark, re- 
lated for the most part in their order, and belonging 
to Capernaum and the neighborhood (iii. 1-ix. 50). 
4. A collection of similar accounts, referring to a 
certain journey to Jerusalem, most of them peculiar 
to Luke (ix. 51-xviii. 14). 5. An account of the 
sufferings, death, and resurrection of Jesus, com- 
mon to Luke with the other Evangelists, except as 
to some of the accounts of what took place after 
the resurrection (xviii. 15 to the end). 

Ln'na-tic (fr. L., the A. V. translation of Gr. pi. 
seleniazomenoi, both literally = moonstruck ; see 
below). This word is used twice in the N. T. (Mat. 
iv. 24, xvii. 15), and evidently refers to some dis- 



568 



LTJS 



LYD 



ease, affecting both the body and the mind, which 
might or might not be a sign of possession. (Demo- 
niacs.) By the description of Mk. ix. 17-26, it is 
concluded that this disease was epilepsy. The ori- 
gin of this and equivalent words is to be found in 
the belief that diseases of a paroxysmal character 
were affected by the light or changes of the moon. 
The use of such words docs not in the evangelist or 
in us involve any acceptance of the original belief. 
Madness. 

* Last (Heb. taavAh, &c. ; Gr. epiihur/iia, hedone, 
orexis, pathos) — desire, usually some inordinate de- 
sire (Ps. Ixxviii. 18, 30; Rom. i. 27, vii. 7; 1 Jn. ii. 
16, 17, &c). 

Lnz (Heb. almond, Ges. ; "hazel," A. V.). 1. 
It seems impossible to discover with precision 
whether Luz and Bethel 1 represent one and the 
same town — the former the Canaanite, the latter 
the Hebrew name — or whether they were distinct 
places, though in close proximity. The latter is 
the natural inference from two of the passages in 
which Luz is spoken of (Gen. xxviii. 19; Josh. xvi. 
2, xviii. 13). Other passages, however, seem to 
speak of the two as identical (Gen. xxxv. 6 ; Judg. 
i. 23). Mr. Grove's conclusion is that the two places 
were, during the times preceding the conquest, dis- 
tinct, Luz being the city and Bethel the pillar and 
altar of Jacob : that after the destruction of Luz 
by the tribe of Ephraim the town of Bethel arose. 
— 2. When the original Luz was destroyed, through 
the treachery of one of its inhabitants, the man 
who had introduced the Israelites into the town 
went into the "land of theHittites" and built a 
city, which he named after the former one. This 
city was standing at the date of the record (Judg. 
i. 26) ; but its situation is unknown. 

Lyc-a-o'nia (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so some] from an 
ancient king Lycaon, or [so others] from its numer- 
ous wolves [Gr. lukos = wolf]), one of those districts 
of Asia Minor, which, as mentioned in the N. T., 
are to be understood rather in an ethnological than 
a strictly political sense. From w hat is said in Acts 
xiv. 11 of "the speech of Lycaonia," it is evident 



that the inhabitants of the district, in St. Paul's 
day, spoke something very different from ordinary 
Greek. Whether this language was some Syrian 
dialect, or a corrupt form of Greek, has been much 
debated. The fact that the Lycaonians were famil- 
iar with the Greek mythology is consistent with 
either supposition. Lycaonia is for the most part 
a dreary plain, bare of trees, destitute of fresh 
water, and with several salt lakes. It is, however, 
very favorable to sheep-farming. In the first notices 
of this district, which occur in connection with 
Roman history, we find it under the rule of robber- 
chieftains. After the provincial system had em- 
braced the whole of Asia Minor, the boundaries of 
the provinces were variable ; and Lycaonia was, 
politically, sometimes in Cappadocia, sometimes in 
Galatia. Derbe; Iconium ; Lystra. 

Ly'ci-a [lish'e-a] (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so Herodotus] 
from Lycvs, an Athenian), that southwestern region 
of the peninsula of Asia Minor which is immediately 
opposite the island of Rhodes. It is a remarkable 
district, both physically and historically. The last 
eminences of the range of Taurus come down here 
in majestic masses to the sea, forming the heights 
of Cragus and Anticragus, with the river Xanthus 
winding between them, and ending in the long 
series of promontories called by modern sailors the 
" seven capes," among which are deep inlets favor- 
able to seafaring and piracy. The Lycians were 
incorporated in the Persian empire, and their ships 
were conspicuous in the great war against the 
Greeks (Herodotus, vii. 91, 92). After the death 
of Alexander the Great, Lycia was included in the 
Greek Selcucid kingdom, and was a part of the ter- 
ritory which the Romans forced Antiochus to cede. 
It was not till the reign of Claudius that Lycia be- 
came part of the Roman provincial system. At 
first it was combined with Pampiiylia. At a later 
period of the Roman empire it was a separate prov- 
ince, with Myra for its capital. Patara ; Phase- 
lis. 

Lyd'da (L. ; Gr. Lvdda ; both fr. Heb. = Lod), a 
town called in the 0. T. Lod. Here Peter healed 




Ludd (— ancient Lydda or Lod) — Ruins of the Church of St. George. — (From Van de Velde.) — (Fbn.) 

tered indications of Scripture, the modern town, Lidd 
or Ludd, stands in the Merj (meadow) Ibn'Omeir, 
part of the great maritime plain anciently named 
Sharon. It is nine miles from Joppa, and is the 
first town on the northern road between that place 
and Jerusalem. The watercourse outside the town 
is said still to bear the name of Abi-Butrus (Peter), 



the paralytic Eneas, the consequence of which was 
the conversion of a very large number of the in- 
habitants of the town and of the neighboring plain 
of Sharon. Here Peter was residing when the 
disciples of Joppa fetched him to that city in their 
distress at Tabitha's death (Acts ix. 32, 35, 38). 
Quite in accordance with these and the other scat- 



LYD 



LYS 



5G9 



in memory of the apostle. It was in the time of 
Josephus a place of considerable size, which gave 
name to one of the three or four " governments " 
or toparchies which Demetrius Soter (b. c. about 152) 
released from tribute, and transferred from Samaria 
to the estate of the Temple at Jerusalem (1 Mc. xi. 
34 ; compare x. 30, 38, xi. 28, 57). A century later 
(b. c. about 45) Lydda, with Gophna, Emmaus, and 
Thamna, became the prey of the insatiable Cassius, 
by whom the whole of the inhabitants were sold 
into slavery to raise the exorbitant taxes imposed. 
From this they were soon released by Antony ; but 
their city (a. d. 66) was burnt by Cestius Gallus on 
his way from Cesarea to Jerusalem. In less than 
two years, early in a. d. 68, it was in a condition to 
be again taken by Vespasian, then on his way to 
his campaign in the south of Judea. It was probably 
rebuilt in Hadrian's reign, and then received the 
name of Diospolis. When Eusebius wrote (a. d. 
320-330), Diospolis was a well-known and much- 
frequented town. In Jerome's time, a. d. 404, it 
was an episcopal see. St. George, the patron saint 
of England, was a native of Lydda. After his 
martyrdom his remains were buried there, and over 
them a church was afterward built and dedicated to 
his honor. The erection of it is commonly ascribed 
to Justinian, but it is uncertain by whom it was 
built. When the country was taken possession of 
by the Saracens, in the early part of the eighth cen- 
tury, the church was destroyed ; and in this ruined 
condition it was found by the Crusaders in a. d. 
1099, who reinstituted the see, and added to its en- 
dowment the neighboring city and lands of Rarnlek. 
Again destroyed by Saladin after the battle of Hat- 
tin in 1191, the church was again rebuilt by Richard 
Coeur-de-Lion. The town is, for a Mohammedan 
place, busy and prosperous. Lydda was, for some 
time previous to the destruction of Jerusalem, the 
seat of a very famous Jewish school, scarcely second 
to that of Jabneh. 

Lyd'i-a (L. fr. Gr. Ludia ; named [so Herodo- 
tus] from their king Lydus [Ludos in Gr.l ; see Lud, 
Luoim), a maritime province in the W. of Asia 
Minor, bounded by Mysia on the N., Phrygia on the 
E., and Caria on the S. The name occurs only in 1 
: Mc. viii. 8 (the rendering of the A. V. in Ez. xxx. 5 
being for Ludim) ; it is there enumerated among the 
districts which the Romans took away from Anti- 
ochus the Great after the battle of Magnesia in b. c. 
190, and transferred to Eumenes II., king of Per- 
gamus. Lydia had attained its greatest prosperity 
under its celebrated King Croesus, who subdued all 
Asia Minor W. of the river Halys, except Lycia and 
Cilicia, but was himself conquered by Cyrus, about 
> b. c. 546, when the country became a Persian prov- 
ince. No nation in Asia (so Herodotus) was more 
warlike than the ancient Lydians. They are said to 
have been the first people who coined money. Phil- 
adelphia, Sardis, and Thyatira were in Lydia. For 
the connection between Lydia and the Lud and 
Ludim of the O. T., see Ludim. Lydia is included 
in the " Asia " of the N. T. 

Lyd'i-a (L. fr. Gr.= native of Lydia [so Grotius] ?), 
: the first European convert of St. Paul, and after- 
ward his hostess during his first stay at Piiilippi 
(Acts xvi. 14, 15, also 40). She was a Jewish 
proselyte at the time of the apostle's coming ; and 
it was at the Jewish Sabbath-worship by the side of 
a stream (ver. 13) that the preaching of the Gospel 
i reached her heart. Her native place was Thyatira, 
famous for its dyeing-works ; and Lydia was con- 
nected with this trade, either as a seller of dye, or 



of dyed goods. We infer that she was a person of 
considerable wealth, partly from her giving a home 
to St. Paul, partly from the mention of the conver- 
sion of her " household," under which term, whether 
children were included or not, slaves are no doubt 
comprehended. Of Lydia's character we are led to 
form a high estimate from her candid reception of 
the Gospel, her urgent hospitality, and her con- 
tinued friendship to Paul and Silas when they were 
persecuted. 

*Lyd'i-aDS (= inhabitants of Lydia), the A. V. 
translation of Heb. Litdim in Jer. xlvi. 9; probably 
here an African people. Ludim. 

Ly-sa'ni-as (L. fr. Gr. = ending sadness, one who 
terminates sorrow, L. & S.), mentioned by Luke (iii. 
1) as being tetrarch of Abilene (i. e. the district 
round Abila) in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, at the 
time when Herod Antipas was tetrarch of Galilee, 
and Herod Philip tetrarch of Iturea and Traehonitis. 
Josephus speaks of a prince named Lysanias who 
ruled over a territory in the neighborhood of Leb- 
anon in the time of Antony and Cleopatra, sixty 
years before the time referred to by Luke, and also 
mentions Abilene as associated with the name of a 
tetrarch Lysanias, while recounting events of the 
reigns of Caligula and Claudius, i. e. about twenty 
years after the time mentioned in Luke. In the 
first case Abila is not specified at all, and Lysanias 
is not called tetrarch. But probably the Lysanias 
mentioned by Josephus in the second instance is 
actually the prince referred to by Luke. 

Lys'i-as [lish'e-as] (L. fr. Gr. — Icosing, relaxing, 
dissolving, Schl., Pape). 1. A nobleman of the 
blood-royal (1 Mc. iii. 32; 2 Mc. xi. 1), who was in- 
trusted by Antiochus Epiphanes (about b. c. 166) 
with the government of Southern Syria, and the 
guardianship of his son Antiochus Eupator (1 Mc. 
iii. 32 ; 2 Mc. x. 11). In the execution of his office 
Lysias armed a very considerable force against 
Judas Maccabeus. Two detachments of this army 
under Nicanor (2 Mc. viii.) and Gorgias were de- 
feated by the Jews near Emmaus (1 Mc. iv.) ; and 
in the following year Lysias himself met with a 
much more serious reverse at Bethsura (b. c. 165), 
which was followed by the purification of the Temple. 
Shortly afterward Antiochus Epiphanes died (b. c. 
164), and Lysias assumed the government as guar- 
dian of his son, who was yet a child (1 Mc. vi. IV). 
The war against the Jews was renewed ; and after a 
severe struggle, Lysias, who took the young king 
with him, captured Bethsura, and was besieging Je- 
rusalem when he received tidings of the approach 
of Philip, to whom Antiochus had transferred the 
guardianship of the prince (vi. 18 ; 2Mc. xiii.). He 
defeated Philip (b. c. 163), and was supported at 
Rome ; but in the next year, together with his ward, 
fell into the hands of Demetrius Soter, who put 
them both to death (1 Mc. vii. 2-4; 2 Mc. xiv. 2). 
1 Mc. iv. 26-35 places the defeat of Lysias in the 
reign of Antiochus Epiphanes before the purification 
of the Temple; 2 Mc. x. 10, xi. 1, &c, in the reign 
of Antiochus Eupator after the purification. The 
mistake of date in 2 Mc. is one which might easily 
arise. — 2. Clau'di-ns Lys'i-as (see Claudius), a 
" chief captain" or military tribune, who commanded 
the Roman troops in the citadel in Jerusalem under 
Felix the "governor." He rescued Paul from the 
Jews, and afterward sent him with a strong guard 
to Cesarea. From his name and his obtaining Ro- 
man citizenship (citizen) by purchase, it has been 
inferred that he was a Greek (Acts xxi. 31-40, xxii., 
xxiii., xxiv. V, 22). 



570 



LYS 



MAA 



Ly-siai a-clins (L. fr. Gr. = ending strife, L. & S.). 
It Son of Ptoleraeus of Jerusalem ; Greek translator 
of the book of Esther (Esth. xi. 1).— 2. A brother 
of the high-priest Menelaus, who was left by him as 
his deputy during his absence at the court of Anti- 
ochus. His tyranny and sacrilege excited an insur- 
rection, during which he fell a victim to the fury of 
the people, about u. c. 170 (2 Mc. iv. 29-42). 

Lys'lra (L. fr. Gr.), a city which has two points of 
extreme interest in connection respectively with St. 
Paul's first and second missionary journeys — (1.) as 
the place where divine honors were offered to him, 
after his miraculously healing a lame man, and 
where he was presently stoned (Acts xiv.); (2.) as 
probably the home of his chosen companion and 
fellow-missionary TlMOTHEUS (xvi. 1). The first 
settlement of Jews in Lystra, and the ancestors of 
Timotheus among them, may probably be traced 
to the establishment of Babylonian Jews in Phrygia 
by Antiochus the Great three centuries before. 
Still it is evident that there was no influential Jewish 
population at Lystra : no mention is made of any 
synagogue; and the whole aspect of the scene de- 
scribed in Acts xiv. is thoroughly heathen. A church 
was founded at Lystra, and the names of its bishops 
appear in early councils. Lystra was undoubtedly 
in the eastern part of the great plain of Lycaonia ; 
and there are very strong reasons (so Dr. Howson, 
after Mr. Hamilton) for identifying its site with the 
ruins called Bin-bir-Kilisseh, about forty-five miles 
S. E. of Konich ( Icon i cm), at the base of a conical 
mountain of volcanic structure, named the Kara- 
dagh. Here are the remains of a great number of 
churches. Pliny places this town in Galatia, and 
Ptolemy in Isauria ; but these statements are quite 
consistent with its being placed in Lycaonia by St. 
Luke, as it is by Hieroclcs. 



M 

Ma'a-eah (fr. Heb. = Maachah). I. Mother of Ab- 
salom ; = Maachah 5 (2 Sam. iii. 3). — 2. " Maacah," 
and (in 1 Chr.) " Maachah;" a small kingdom in 
close proximity to Palestine, which appears to have 
lain outside Argob (Deut. iii. 14) and Bashan (Josh, 
xii. 5). Mr. Grove places Maacah to the east of the 
fceja/t (Argob), in the stony desert of el-KrA or el- 
Harra, which is to this day thickly studded with 
villages. Porter (in Kitto) makes Maacah embrace 
the S. and E. declivities of Hermon and a portion 
of the rocky declivity of Iturea, and extend from 
the fountains of the Jordan N. E. to the plain of 
Damascus, and E. to the defiles of Argob, where 
the Geshcrites appear to have had their home. It 
is sometimes assumed to have been situated about 
Abel-beth-maacah, but this is hardly probable. The 
Ammonite war was the only occasion on which the 
Maacathites came into contact with Israel, when 
their king assisted the children of Ammon against 
Joab with a force which he led himself (2 Sam. x. 6, 
8 ; 1 Chr. xix. 7 : in the first of these passages 
" King Maacah " should be " king of Maacah "). 
Maachathi. 

Ma'a-ehah [-kah"| (Heb. oppression, Ges.). 1. 
Daughter or son of Nahor by his concubine Reumah 
(Gen. xxii. 24). — 2. Father of Achish, who was king 
of Gath at the beginning of Solomon's reign (1 K. 
ii. 39). (Maoch.) — 3. Daughter, or more probably 
grand-daughter, of Abishalom = Absalom, named 
after his mother ; the third and favorite wife of Re- 



hoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2, 10, 13; 
2 Chr. xi. 20-22). According to Josephus her 
mother was Tamar 3, Absalom's daughter. But the 
mother of Abijah is elsewhere called " Michaiah, the 
daughter of Uriel of Gibeah " (2 Chr. xiii. 2). Some 
regard " Maachah " and " Michaiah " as variations 
of the same name, but Mr. Wright thinks it is more 
probable that " Michaiah " is the error of a tran- 
scriber, and that " Maachah " is the true reading in 
all cases. During a part of the reign of her grand- 
son Asa she occupied at the court of Judah the 
high position yf " King's Mother " (compare 1 K. 

ii. 19), which has been compared with that of the 
Sultana Valide in Turkey. (Queen.) It may be 
that at Abijah's death, after a short reign of three 
years, Asa was left a minor, and Maachah acted as 
regent, like Athaliah under similar circumstances. 
If this conjecture be correct, it would serve to ex- 
plain the influence by which she promoted the prac- 
tice of idolatrous worship. (Idol 4.) — 1. Concu- 
bine of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 48). — 5t 
Daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur, and mother of 
Absalom (iii. 2) : also called Maacah in A. V. 
of 2 Sam. iii. 3. — 0. Wife of Machir the Manassite 
(1 Chr. vii. 15, 16).— T. Wife of Jehiel, father or 
founder of Gibeon (viii. 29, ix. 35). — 8t Father of 
Hanan, one of David's heroes (xi. 43).— 9. A Simeon- 
ite, father of Shephatiah, prince of his tribe in David's 
reign (xxvii. 16). — 10. A small kingdom, = Maacah 
2 (xix. 7). 

Ma-aeli a-tlii (Heb. sing., used collectively), and 
Ma-acb'a-thites (fr. the same), the = the inhabitants 
of the small kingdom of Maachah (Maacah 2) (Deut. 

iii. 14; Josh. xii. 5, xiii. 11, 13). Individual Ma- 
achathites were not unknown among the warriors 
of Israel (2 Sam. xxiii. 34 ; Jer. xl. 8 ; 2 K. xxv. 23). 

* Ma-ai'h'a-tliitc (see above) = one of the Maacha- 
thites (2 Sam. xxiii. 34, &c), or a descendant of 
Maachah (4?) (1 Chr. iv. 9). 

lla'a-dai (Heb. = Maadiah, Ges.), one of the sons 
of Bani who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 34). 

Jla-a-di all (fr. Heb. = ornament of Jehovah, 
Ges.), one of the priests, or families of priests, who 
returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. xii. 5); 
elsewhere (ver. 17) called Moadiah. 

Ma'ai, or 9Ia-a'i (Heb. compassionate ? Ges.), one 
of the priests' sons who assisted at the dedication 
of the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 
36). 

Ma'a-lch-a-erab'blm (Heb., see below), the name 
(Josh. xv. 3) elsewhere translated in the A. V. "the 
ascent of," or " the going up to, Akrabbim." 

Ma'a-ni = Bani 4 (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Ma'a-ratll (Heb. a naked or treeless place, Ges., Fii.), 
one of the towns of Judah, in the mountains (Josh, 
xv. 58). Halhul, Beth-zur, and Gedor, which occur 
in company with it, have been identified at a few 
miles to the N. of Hebron, but Maarath has hitherto 
eluded observation. 

Ma-a-soi ah [-see'yah] (Heb. work of Jehovah, 
Ges.). The name of four persons who had married 
foreign wives in the time of Ezra. It A descendant 
of Jeshua the priest (Ezr. x. 18). — 2t A priest, of 
the sons of Harim (21). — 3. A priest, of the sons of 
Pashur (22). — i, A layman, a descendant of Pa- 
hath-moab (30). — 5. Father of the priest (?) Azariab, 
who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of 
Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 23). — 6. One of those who stood 
on the right hand of Ezra when he read the law to 
the people (viii. 4); probably a priest. — 1. A Le- 
vite(?) who assisted on the same occasion (viii. 7). 
— 8^ A chief of the people who or whose descend- 



MAA 



MAC 



571 



ants signed the covenant with Nehemiab (x. 25).— 9. 
Son of Baruch and descendant of Pharez, the son 
of Judah (xi. 6). (Asaiah 3.) — 10. A Benjamite, 
ancestor of Sallu (xi. 7). — 11. Two priests of this 
name are mentioned (xii. 41, 42) as taking part in 
the musical service which accompanied the dedica- 
tion of the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra and Nebe- 
miah. One of them probably = No. 6. — 12. Father 
of Zephaniah, who was a priest in Zedekiah's reign 
(Jer. xxi. 1, xxix. 25, xxxvii. 3). — 13. Father of 
Zedekiah the false prophet (xxix. 21). — 14. One of 
the porters and Levites of the second rank, appointed 
by David to sound " with psalteries on Alamoth " 
(1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). — 15. Son of Adaiah, and one of 
the captains of hundreds under Jehoiada and Joash, 
king of Judah (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). — 16. An officer of 
high rank in the reign of Uzziah (xxvi. 11); prob- 
ably a Levite (compare 1 Chr. xxiii. 4), and engaged 
in a semi-military capacity. — 17. The "king's son" 
(compare Jerahmeel 3; Joash 4; Malchiah 8), 
killed by Zichri in the invasion of Judah by Pekah 
during the reign of Ahaz (2 Chr. xxviii. V). — 18. 
Governor of Jerusalem in Josiah's reign (xxxiv. 8). 
— 19. Son of Shallum ; a Levite of high rank in the 
reign of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxv. 4 ; compare 1 Chr. 
ix. 19). — 20. A priest ; ancestor of Baruch and 
Seraiah, the sons of Neriah (Jer. xxxii. 12, li. 59). 

fla-a'si-ai (fr. Heb. = Maaseiah, Ges.), a priest 
who after the return from Babylon dwelt in Jerusa- 
lem (1 Chr. ix. 12). Amashai. 

Ma-a-si'as (fr. Gr.) — Maaseiah 20 (Bar. i. 1). 

Ma'ath (Gr. = Mahath, Lord A. C. Hervey), son 
of Mattathias in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. 
iii. 26). 

Ma'az (fr. Heb. = anger, Ges.), son of Ram, the 
first-born of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 21). 

Ma-a-zi all (fr. Heb. = co/isolation of Jehovah, 
Ges.). 1. A priest in David's reign, head of the 
wenty-fourth course (1 Chr. xxiv. 18). — 2. One of 
e priests who signed the covenant with Nehemiah 



(Neh. x. 8) ; probably a descendant or representa- 
tive of the family of No. 1. 

Mab da-i, or Mab'dai (Gr.) = Benaiah 8 c. (1 
Esd. ix. 34). 

* Mab-uad c-bai (Ezr.x. 40, marg.). Machnadebai. 

Mac'a-lon (fr. Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 21) = Michmash in 
the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. 

Mac'ca-bees (fr. Heb., see below), the. This title, 
which was originally (in the singular "Maccabeus") 
the surname of Judas, one of the sons of Mattathias, 
was afterward extended to the heroic family of 
which he was one of the noblest representatives, and 
in a still wider sense to the Palestinian martyrs in 
the persecution of Antiochus Epiphancs, and even 
to the Alexandrine Jews who suffered for their faith 
at an earlier time. The original term Maccabi (Gr. 
form Makkabaios ; L. Maccabaus) has been various- 
ly derived. Some have maintained that it was 
formed from the combination of the initial letters 
("1:25 73 = mcby) of the Hebrew sentence, "Who 
among the gods is like unto thee, Jehovah ? " (Ex. 
xv. 11.), which is supposed to have been inscribed 
upon the banner of the patriots. Anotner deriva- 
tion has been proposed, which, although direct evi- 
dence is wanting, seems satisfactory (so Mr. West- 
cott, the original author of this article). According 
to this the word is formed from Heb. mo.kkdbuh = 
a hammer, giving a sense not altogether unlike that 
in which Charles Marttl derived a surname from his 
favorite weapon. (Axe ; Hammer 2.) Although 
the name Maccabees has gained the widest cur- 
rency, that of Asmoneans, or Hasmoneans, is the 
proper name of the family. The origin of this 
name also has been disputed, but the obvious 
derivation from Heb.Hashmon or Chashmon (Gr. Asa- 
monaios, L. Asamonceus = Asamoneus, or Asmo- 
neus), great -grandfather of Mattathias, seems cer- 
tainly correct. The connection of the various mem- 
bers of the Maccabean family will be seen from 
the accompanying table : 



THE ASMONEAN FAMILY. 

[In this table, the sign == signifies married ; t signifies died.] 

Hashmon or Chashmon (' of the sons of Joarib,' compare 1 Chr. xxiv. 7). 

Johanan (Gr. Ioannes = L. Johannes = John [1 Mc. ii. 1]). 

Simeon (Gr. Sumeon = Simon. Compare 2 Pet. i. 1). 

Mattathias (Matthias, Jos. B. J. i. 1, § 3). 
1 166 b. c. 

I __ 

Johanan (" Joannan" or " John") Simon Judas Eleazar Jonathan 

(Gaddis or "Caddis"), (Thassi), (Maccabeus), (Avaran), (Apphus), 

("Joseph" in 2Mc. viii. 22), +135 B.C. + 161 B. c. +163 B.C. +143 B.C. 
+ 161 B. c. I 



Judas 
+ 135 B. c. 



Salome (Alexandra) . 



I I 
Johannes (John) Hyrcanus I. Mattathias 
+ 106 b. c. + 135 b. c. 



i Aristobulus I. 
+ 105 B. c. 



Hyrcanus II. 
+ 30 b. c. 



Alexandra 
+ 28 b. c. 



Antigonus. 
+ 105 B. c. 



Daughter = Ptolemeus 
(1 Mc. xvi. 11, 12). 



Alexander Jacnaeus ■■ 
+ 78 B. c. 



Alexandra. 



Son. 



Son. 



Alexander. 
+ 49 B. c. 



Aristobulus II. 
+ 49 B. c. 



Antigonus. 
+ 37 B. c. 



Mariamne = Herod the Great. 
+ 29 B. o. 



Aristobulus. 
+ 35 B. c. 



572 



MAC 



MAC 



The original authorities for the history of the 
Maccabees are extremely scanty ; but for the course 
of the war itself 1 Mc. is a most trustworthy, if an 
incomplete witness. 2 Mc. adds some important 
details to the history of the earlier part of the strug- 
gle, and of the events which immediately preceded 
it ; but all the statements which it contains require 
close examination, and must be received with cau- 
tion. (Maccabees, Books of.) Josephus follows 
1 Mc, for the period which it embraces, very 
closely ; but slight additions of names and minute 
particulars indicate that he was in possession of 
other materials, probably oral traditions, which have 
not been elsewhere preserved. On the other hand 
there are cases in which, from haste or carelessness, 
he has misinterpreted his authority. From other 
sources little can be gleaned. — 1. The essential 
causes of the Maccabean War have been already 
pointed out. (Antiochus IV.) The annals of the 
Maccabean family, " by whose hand deliverance 
was given unto Israel " (1 Mc. v. 62), present the 
record of its progress. The standard of indepen- 
dence was first raised by Mattathias, a priest of 
the course of Joarib (or Jehoiarib), which was the 
first of the twenty-four courses (1 Chr. xxiv. 7), and 
consequently of the noblest blood. The persecu- 
tions of Antiochus Epiphanes had already roused 
his indignation, when emissaries of the king, headed 
by Apellcs (Jos. xii. 6, § 2), came to Modin, where 
he dwelt, and required the people to offer idolatrous 
sacrifices. Mattathias rejected the overtures made 
to him first, and when a Jew came to the altar to 
renounce his faith, slew him, and afterward Apelles. 
After this he fled with his sons to the mountains 
(b. c. 168), whither he was followed by numerous 
bands of fugitives. (Assideans.) He seems, how- 
ever, to have been already advanced in years when 
the rising was made, and he did not long survive 
the fatigues of active service. He died b. c. 166, 
and " was buried in the sepulchre of his fathers at 
Modin" (1 Mc. ii.). — 2. Mattathias himself named 
Jodas — apparently his third son — as his successor 
in directing the war of independence (ii. 66). The 
energy and skill of " Maccabeus " ( = the Maccabee), 
as Judas is often called in 2 Mc, fully justified his 
father's preference. It appears that he had already 
taken a prominent part in the first secession to the 
mountains (2 Mc. v. 27). His first enterprises were 
night attacks and sudden surprises (viii. 6, 7) ; and 
when his men were encouraged by these means, he 
ventured on more important operations, and de- 
feated Apollonius (1 Mc. iii. 10-12) and Seron (13- 
24) at Beth-horon. Shortly afterward Antiochus 
Epiphanes, whose resources had been impoverished 
by the war (27-31), left the government of the Pal- 
estinian provinces to Ly"Sias. Lysias organized an 
expedition against Judas ; but his army, a part of 
which had been separated from the main body to 
effect a surprise, was defeated by Judas at Emmaus 
with great loss, B. c. 166 (iii. 46-53) ; and in the 
next year Lysias himself was routed at Bethsura. 
After this success Judas was able to occupy Jeru- 
salem, except the " tower " (vi. 18, 19), and he puri- 
fied the Temple (iv. 36, 41-53) on the 25th of Chis- 
leu, exactly three years after its profanation (i. 59). 
(Dedication, Feast of the.) The next year was 
spent in wars with frontier nations (v.) ; but in 
spite of continued triumphs the position of Judas 
was still precarious. In b. c. 163 Lysias laid siege 
to Jerusalem. The accession of Demetrius I. So- 
ter brought with it fresh troubles to the patriot 
Jews. A large party of their countrymen, with 



Alcimus at their head, gained the ear of the king, 
and he sent Nicanor against Judas. Nicanor was 
defeated, first at Capharsalama, and again in a deci- 
sive battle at Adasa, near to the glorious field of 
Beth-horon (b. c. 161) on the 13th Adar (vii. 49 ; 
2 Mc. xv. 36), where he was slain. This victory 
was the greatest of Judas's successes, and practi- 
cally decided the question of Jewish independence, 
but it was followed by an unexpected reverse. A 
new invasion under Bacchides took place. Judas 
was able only to gather a small force to meet the 
sudden danger. Of this a large part deserted him 
on the eve of the battle ; but the courage of Judas 
was unshaken, and he fell at Eleasa, fighting at des- 
perate odds against the invaders. His body was 
recovered by his brothers, and buried at Modin " in 
the sepulchre of his fathers " (b. c. 161). — 3. After 
the death of Judas the patriotic party seems to 
have been for a short time wholly disorganized, and 
it was only by the pressure of unparalleled suffer- 
ings that they were driven to renew the conflict. 
For this purpose they offered the command to Jon- 
athan, surnamed Apphus (the wary), the youngest 
son of Mattathias. He retired to the lowlands of 
the Jordan (1 Mc ix. 42), where he gained some 
advantage over Bacchides (b. c. 161), who made au 
attempt to hem in and destroy his whole force. 
After two years Bacchides again took the field 
against Jonathan (b. c. 158). This time he seems 
to have been but feebly supported, and after an un- 
successful campaign he accepted terms which Jona- 
than proposed ;' and after his departure Jonathan 
"judged the people at Michmash " (ix. 73), and 
gradually extended his power. The claim of Alex- 
ander Balas to the Syrian crown gave a new im- 
portance to Jonathan and his adherents. The suc- 
cess of Alexander led to the elevation of Jonathan, 
who assumed the high-priestly office (High-priest); 
and not long after he placed the king under fresh 
obligations by the defeat of Apollonius, a general 
of the younger Demetrius (x.). After the death of 
Alexander, Jonathan attached himself to Antiochus 
VI. He at last fell a victim to the treachery of 
Tryphon, b. c. 144 (xi. 8— xii. 4). — 4. As soon as 
Simon, the last remaining brother of the Maccabean 
family, heard of the detention of Jonathan in Ptole- 
mais by Tryphon, he placed himself at the head 
of the patriot party. His skill in war had been 
proved in the lifetime of Judas (v. 17-23), and he 
had taken an active share in the campaigns of Jona- 
than (xi. 59). Tryphon, after carrying Jonathan 
about as a prisoner for some little time, put him 
to death ; and then, having murdered Antiochus, 
seized the throne. On this Simon made overtures 
to Demetrius II. (b. c. 143), which were favorably 
received, and the independence of the Jews was at 
length formally recognized. The long struggle was 
now triumphantly ended, and it remained only to 
reap the fruits of victory. This Simon hastened to 
do. The prudence and wisdom for which he was 
already distinguished at the time of his father's 
death (ii. 65), gained for the Jews the active support 
of Home (xv. 16-21), in addition to the confirma- 
tion of earlier treaties. After settling the external 
relations of the new state upon a sure basis, Simon 
regulated its internal administration With two of 
his sons he was murdered at D6k (" Docus ") by 
Ptolemeus, b. c. 135 (xvi. 11-16).— 5. The treason 
of Ptolemeus failed in its object. Johannes (L. 
= John) Hyrcanus, one of the sons of Simon, es- 
caped from the plot by which his life was threat- 
ened, and at once assumed the government (b. c. 



MAC 



MAC 



573 



135). At first he was hard pressed by Antiochus 
Sidetes, and only able to preserve Jerusalem on 
condition of dismantling the fortifications and sub- 
mitting to a tribute, b. c. 133. He reduced Idumea, 
confirmed the alliance with Rome, and at length 
succeeded in destroying Samaria, the hated rival of 
Jerusalem, b. c. 109. The external splendor of his 
government was marred by the growth of internal 
[ divisions ; but John escaped the fate of all the older 
members of his family, and died in peace, b. c. 106- 
5. His eldest son Aristobulus I., who succeeded, 
was the first who assumed the kingly title, though 
I Simon had enjoyed the fulness of the kingly 
i power. (For the subsequent history, see Jerusa- 
lem.) — 6. Two of the first generation of the Macca- 
bean family still remain to be mentioned. These, 
though they did not attain to the leadership of their 
countrymen like their brothers, shared their fate — 
Eleazar by a noble act of self-devotion, John, ap- 
parently the eldest brother, by treachery. — 7. The 
; great outlines of the Maccabean contest, which are 
: somewhat hidden in the annals thus briefly epito- 
! mized, admit of being traced with fair distinctness. 
The disputed succession to the Syrian throne (b. c. 
153) was the political turning-point of the struggle, 
which may thus be divided into two great periods. 
During the first period (b. c. 168-153) the patriots 
maintained their cause with varying success against 
the whole strength of Syria ; during the second 

• (b. C. 153-139) they were courted by rival factions, 
and their independence was acknowledged from 
time to time, though pledges given in times of dan- 
ger were often broken when the danger was over. 

■ The paramount importance of Jerusalem is eon- 
; spicuous throughout the whole war. The occupa- 
tion of Jerusalem closed the first act of the war 
|) (b. c. 165). On the death of Judas the patriots 
' were reduced to as great distress as at their first 
i rising. So far it seemed that little had been gained 
when the contest between Alexander Balas and De- 
' metrius I. opened a new period (b. c. 153). The 

• former unfruitful conflicts at length produced their 
full harvest. When the Jewish leaders had once 
obtained legitimate power they proved able to main- 
tain it, though their general success was checkered 
by some reverses. The solid power of the national 
party was seen by the slight effect which was pro- 

1 duced by the treacherous murder of Jonathan. 
Simon was able at once to occupy his place, and 
carry out his plans. — 8. The war, thus brought to a 
noble issue, if less famous, is not less glorious than 
any of those in which a few brave men have suc- 

I cessfully maintained the cause of freedom or reli- 
gion against overpowering might. For it is not 
only in their victory over external difficulties that 
the heroism of the Maccabees is conspicuous : their 
real success was as much imperilled by internal di- 
visions as by foreign force. — 9. The view of the 
Maccabean war which regards it only as a civil and 

: not as a religious conflict, is essentially one-sided. 
If there were no other evidence than the book of 

' Daniel, that alone would show how deeply the no- 
blest hopes of the theocracy were centred in the 
success of the struggle. When the feelings of the 
nation were thus again turned with fresh power to 
their ancient faith, we might expect that there 
would be a new creative epoch in the national lit- 
erature ; or, if the form of Hebrew composition was 
already fixed by sacred types, a prophet or psalm- 
ist would express the thoughts of the new age after 
the models of old time. Yet in part at least the 
leaders of Maccabean times felt that they were 



separated by a real chasm from the times of the 
kingdom or of the exile. If they looked for a 
prophet in the future, they acknowledged that the 
spirit of prophecy was not among them. The vol- 
ume of the prophetic writings was completed, and, 
as far as appears, no one ventured to imitate its 
contents. But the Hagiographa (Bible, III. 3), 
though they were already long fixed as a definite 
collection, were not equally far removed from imita- 
tion. The apocalyptic visions of Daniel served as 
a pattern for the visions incorporated in the book 
of Enoch (Enoch, Book of), and it has been com- 
monly supposed by German theologians, that the 
Psalter (Psalms) contains compositions of the Mac- 
cabean date. This supposition is at variance with 
the best evidence on the history of the Canon. — 
10. The collection of the so-called Psalms of Solo- 
mon furnishes a strong confirmation of the belief 
that all the canonical Psalms are earlier than the 
Maccabean era. This collection, which bears the 
clearest traces of unity of authorship, is, almost 
beyond question, a true Maccabean work. There 
is every reason to believe that the book was origi- 
nally composed in Hebrew ; and it presents exactly 
those characteristics which are wanting in the other 
(conjectural) Maccabean Psalms. — 11. Elsewhere 
there is little which marks the distinguishing reli- 
gious character of the era. The notice of the Mac- 
cabean heroes in the book of Daniel is much more 
general and brief than the corresponding notice of 
their great adversary ; but it is not on that account 
less important as illustrating the relation of the fa- 
mous chapter (Dan. xi. 29-35) to the simple history 
of the period which it em braces. — 12. The history of 
the Maccabees does not contain much which illus- 
trates in detail the religious or social progress of 
the Jews. It is obvious that the period must not 
only have intensified old beliefs, but also have called 
out elements which were latent in them. One doc- 
trine at least, that of a resurrection, and even of a 
material resurrection (2 Mc. xiv. 46), was brought 
out into the most distinct apprehension by suffer- 
ing. And as it was believed that an interval elapsed 
between death and judgment, the dead were supposed 
to be in some measure still capable of profiting by 
the intercession of the living. Thus much is cer- 
tainly expressed in the famous passage, 2 Mc. xii. 
43-45, though the secondary notion of a purgato- 
rial state is in no way implied in it. On the other 
hand it is not very clear how far the future judg- 
ment was supposed to extend. The firm faith in 
the righteous providence of God, shown in the chas- 
tening of His people, as contrasted with His neglect 
of other nations, is another proof of the widening 
view of the spiritual world, which is characteristic 
of the epoch (2 Mc. iv. 16, 17, v. 17-20, vi. 12-16, 
&c). (Apocrypha.) — 13. The various glimpses of 
national life during the period, show on the whole 
a steady adherence to the Mosaic law. Probably 
the law was never more rigorously fulfilled. The 
importance of the Antiochian persecution in fixing 
the Canon of the 0. T. has been already noticed. 
(Canon II.) The interruption of the succession to 
the high-priesthood (High-priest) was the most 
important innovation, and one which prepared 
the way for the dissolution of the state. After 
various arbitrary changes the office was left va- 
cant for seven years upon the death of Alcimus. 
The last descendant of Jozadak (Onias 5), in whose 
family it had been for nearly four centuries, fled to 
Egypt, and established a schismatic worship ; and 
at last, when the support of the Jews became im- 



574 



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portant, the Maccabean leader, Jonathan, of the 
family of Joarib, was elected to the dignity by the 
nomination of the Syrian king (1 Mc. x. 20), whose 
will was confirmed, as it appears, by the voice of 
the people (compare xiv. 35). — 14. Little can be 
said of the condition of literature and the arts 
which has not been already anticipated. In com- 
mon intercourse the Jews used the Aramaic dialect 
which was established after the return : this was 
" their own language " (2 Mc. vii. 8, 21, 27, xii. 37 ; 
Siie.mitic Languages) ; but it is evident from the 
narrative quoted that they understood Greek, which 
must have spread widely through the influence of 
Syrian officers. There is not, however, the slightest 
evidence that Greek was employed in Palestinian 
literature till a much later date. The description 
of the monument erected by Simon at Modin, in 
memory of his family (1 Mc. xiii. 27-30), is the 
only record of the architecture of the time. — 15. 
The only recognized relics of the time are the coins 
which bear the name of " Simon," or " Simon Prince 
(Xi'isi) of Israel" in Samaritan letters. The privi- 
lege of a national coinage was granted to Simon, 
b. c. 140, by Antiochus VII. Sidctes (1 Mc. xv. 6). 
Money. 

JIac'ca-bces (see above, and III. below), Books of. 
Four books which bear the common title of "Mac- 
cabees " are found in some MSS. of the LXX. 
Two of these were included in the early current 
Latin versions of the Bible, and thence passed into 
the Vulgate. As forming part of the Vulgate they 
were received as canonical by the council of Trent, 
and retained among the Apocrypha by the reformed 
churches. The two other books obtained no such 
wide circulation, and have only a secondary connec- 
tion with the Macc.ibean history. But all the books, 
though they differ most widely in character and 
date and worth, possess points of interest which 
make them a fruitful field for study. If the historic 
order were observed, the so-called third book would 
come first, the fourth would be an appendix to the 
second, which would retain its place, and the first 
would come last ; but it will be more convenient to 
examine the books in the order in which they are 
found in the MSS., which was probably decided by 
6ome vague tradition of their relative antiquity. — 
I. The First Book of Maccabees. — 1. 1 Mc. con- 
tains a history of the patriotic struggle, from the 
first resistance of Mattathias to the settled sover- 
eignty and death of Simon, a period of thirty-three 
years (b. c. 168-135). The opening chapter gives 
a short summary of the conquests of Alexander the 
Great, and describes at greater length the oppres- 
sion of Antiochus Epiphanes. The great subject of 
the book begins with the enumeration of the Mac- 
cabean family (ii. 1-5), which is followed by an ac- 
count of the part which the aged Mattathias took 
in rousing and guiding the spirit of his countrymen 
(ii. 6-70). The remainder of the narrative is occu- 
pied with the exploits of his five sons. Each of the 
three divisions, into which the main portion of the 
book thus naturally falls, is stamped with an in- 
dividual character derived from its special hero — 
(1.) Judas, (2.) Jonathan, (3.) Simon. (Maccabees.) ■ 
The history, in this aspect, presents a kind of epic 
unity. 2. While the grandeur and unity of the 
subject invest the book with almost an epic beauty, 
it never loses the character of history (so Mr. West- 
cott, original author of this article). The earlier 
part of the narrative, including the exploits of Ju- 
das, is cast in a more poetic mould than any other 
part, except the brief eulogy of Simon (xiv. 4-15) ; 



but when the style is most poetical (i. 37-40, ii. 7- 
13, 49-68, iii. 3-9, 18-22, iv. 8-11, 30-33, 38, vi. 
10-13, vii. 37, 38, 41, 42)— and this poetical form 
is chiefly observable in the speeches — it seems to be 
true in spirit. The great marks of trustworthiness 
are everywhere conspicuous. Victory and failure 
and despondency are, on the whole, chronicled with 
the same candor. There is no attempt to bring into 
open display the working of providence. So far as 
the circumstances admit, the general accuracy of 
the book is established by the evidence of other 
authorities ; but for a considerable period it is the 
single source of our information. 3. In some points, 
however, the writer appears to have been imper- 
fectly informed, especially in the history of foreign 
nations ; and in some, again, he has been supposed 
to have magnified the difficulties and successes of 
his countrymen. Of the former class of objections, 
two, which turn upon the description given of the 
foundation of the Greek kingdoms of the East (1 
Mc. i. 5-9), and of the power of Rome (viii. 1-16), 
deserve notice from their intrinsic interest. After 
giving a rapid summary of the exploits of Alexander, 
the writer states that the king, conscious of ap- 
proaching death, " divided his kingdom among his 
servants who had been brought up with him from 
his youth " (i. 6). In this instance the author has 
probably accepted without inquiry the opinion of 
his countrymen ; in the other it is distinctly said 
that the account of the greatness of Rome was 
brought to Judas by common report (viii. 1, 2). 
The errors in detail are only such as might be ex- 
pected in oral accounts. The very imperfection of 
the writer's knowledge is instructive. 4. Much has 
been written as to the sources from which the nar- 
rative was derived, but there does not seem to be 
evidence sufficient to indicate them with any cer- 
tainty. In one passage (ix. 22) the author implies 
that written accounts of some of the actions of 
Judas were in existence. It, appears, again, to be 
a reasonable conclusion, from the mention of the 
official records of the life of Hyrcanus (xvi. 24), 
that similar records existed at least for the high- 
priesthood of Simon. Many documents are inserted 
in the text of the history, but even when they are 
described as "copies" it is questionable whether 
the writer designed to give more than the substance 
of the originals. But whatever were the sources 
of different parts of the book, and in whatever way 
written, oral and personal information were com- 
bined in its structure, the writer made the materials 
which he used truly his own ; and the minute ex- 
actness of the geographical details carries the con- 
viction that the whole finally rests upon the evidence 
of eye-witnesses. 5. The language of the book 
does not present any striking peculiarities. Both 
in diction and structure it is generally simple and 
unaffected, with a marked and yet not harsh He- 
braistic character. The number of peculiar words 
is not very considerable, especially when compared 
with those in 2 Me. 6. The testimony of antiq- 
uity leaves no doubt but that the book was first 
written in Hebrew. Origen, in his famous catalogue 
of the books of Scripture, after enumerating the 
contents of the 0. T. according to the Hebrew canon, 
adds : "But without (i. e. excluded from the num- 
ber of) these is the Maccabean history, which is en- 
titled Sarbeth Sabanaiel." Mr. Westcott regards 
this as the correct reading, but cannot interpret it 
as Hebrew. But Michaelis, Ginsburg (inKitto), and 
most modern commentators, read Sarbeth Sarbane el, 
and make it Hebrew = History of the princes of the 



MAC 



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575 



sons of God, i. e. of Israel. The statement of Je- 
rome is quite explicit :— " The first book of Macca- 
bees," he says, " I found in Hebrew ; the second is 
Greek, as can be shown in fact from its style alone." 
A question, however, might be raised whether the 
book was written in Biblical Hebrew, or in the later 
Aramaic (Chaldee) ; but it seems almost certain 
that the writer took the canonical histories as his 
model. Yet it is by no means unlikely that the He- 
brew was corrupted by later idioms, as in the most 
recent books of the 0. T. 7. The whole structure 
iif 1 Mc. points to Palestine as the place of its 
j composition. This fact itself is a strong proof for 
a Hebrew original, for there is no trace of a Greek 
Palestinian literature during the Hasmonean dynas- 
ty, though the wide use of the LXX., toward the 
close of the period, prepared the way for the apos- 
tolic writings. But though the country of the 
writer can be thus fixed with certainty, there is 
considerable doubt as to his date. From xvi. 23, 
24, it has been concluded that he must have written 
| after the death of Hyrcanus, b. c. 106. It cannot 
certainly have been composed long after his death. 
I We may place the date of the original book between 
B. c. 120 and 100. The date and person of the Greek 
translator are wholly undetermined. 8. In a religious 
aspect the book is more remarkable negatively than 
positively. The historical instinct of the writer 
confines him to the bare recital of facts, and were 
it not for the words of others which he records, it 
might seem that the true theocratic aspect of na- 
tional life had been lost. Not only does he relate 
no miracles, such as occur in 2 Mc, but he does 
not even refer the triumphant successes of the 
j Jews to divine interposition. It is a characteristic 
i of the same kind that he passes over without any 
i clear notice the Messianic hopes, which, as appears 
I from the Psalms of Solomon and the Book of Enoch, 
! were raised to the highest pitch by the successful 
; struggle for independence. But it is throughout in- 
j spired by the faith to which it gives us definite ex- 
| pression. 9. The book does not seem to have been 
■ I much used in early times. Eusebius assumes an 
| acquaintance with the two books ; and scanty no- 
i tices of the first book, but more of the second, oc- 
cur in other, especially later writers. 10. The books 
i of Maccabees were not included by Jerome in his 
j translation of the Bible. (Canon.) The version 
of the two books incorporated in the Vulgate was 

■ consequently derived from the ola Latin, current 
j before Jerome's time. This version was obviously 
I made from the Greek, and in the main follows it 
; closely. The Syriac version given in the Polyglotts 

is, like the Latin, a close rendering of the Greek, 
j — II. The Second Book of Maccabees. — 1. The his- 
I tory of 2 Mc. begins some years earlier than that 
i of 1 Mc, and closes with the victory of Judas Mac- 
'' cabeus over Nicanor. It thus embraces a period 

■ of twenty years, from b. c. 180 (?) to b. c. 161. 
| For the few events noticed during the earlier years 
I it is the chief authority ; during the remainder of 
t the time the narrative goes over the same ground 

as 1 Mc, but with very considerable differences. 
| The first two chapters are taken up by two letters 
j supposed to be addressed by the Palestinian to the 
i Alexandrine Jews, and by a sketch of the author's 
plan, which proceeds without any perceptible break 
I from the close of the second letter. The main nar- 
rative occupies the remainder of the book. This 
j presents several natural divisions, which appear to 
coincide with the " five books " of Jason on which 
I it was based. The first (ch. iii.) contains the his- 



tory of Heliodorus (about b. c. 180). The second 
(iv.-vii.) gives varied details of the beginning and 
course of the great persecution (b. c. 175-167). 
The third (viii.-x. 9) follows the fortunes of Judas 
to the triumphant restoration of the Temple service 
(b. c. 166, 165). The fourth (x. 10-xiii.) includes 
the reign of Antiochus Eupator (b. c. 164-162). 
The fifth (xiv., xv.) records the treachery of Alci- 
mus, the mission of Nicanor, and the crowning suc- 
cess of Judas (b. c. 162, 161). 2. The relation of 
the letters with which the book opens to the sub- 
stance of the book is extremely obscure. The first 
(i. 1-9) is a solemn invitation to the Egyptian Jews 
to celebrate " the Feast of Tabernacles in the month 
Casleu " (i. e. the Feast of the Dedication, i. 9). The 
second (i. 10— ii. 18), which bears a formal saluta- 
tion from " the council and Judas " to " Aristo- 
bulus . . . and the Jews in Egypt," is a strange, 
rambling collection of legendary stories of the 
death of "Antiochus," of the preservation of the 
sacred fire and its recovery by Nehemiah, of the 
hiding of the vessels of the sanctuary by Jere- 
miah, ending — if indeed the letter can be said to 
have any end — with the same exhortation to ob- 
serve the Feast of Dedication (ii. 10-18). For it 
is impossible to point out any break in the con- 
struction or style after ver. 19, so that the writer 
passes insensibly from the epistolary form in ver. 
16 to that of the epitomizer in ver. 29. For this 
reason some critics, both in ancient and modern 
times, have considered that the whole book is in- 
tended to be included in the letter. It seems 
more natural to suppose that the author found 
the letters already in existence when he under- 
took to abridge the work of Jason, and attached 
his own introduction to the second letter for the 
convenience of transition, without considering that 
this would necessarily make the whole appear to 
be a letter. The letters themselves can lay no 
claims to authenticity. Some have supposed that 
the original language of one, or of both the letters 
was Hebrew, but this cannot be made out by any 
conclusive arguments. 3. The writer himself dis- 
tinctly indicates the source of his narrative — " the 
five books of Jason of Cyrene" (ii. 23), of which 
he designed to furnish a short and agreeable epi- 
tome for the benefit of those who would be de- 
terred from studying the larger work. His own 
labor, which he describes in strong terms (ii. 26, 
27 ; compare xv. 38, 39), was entirely confined 
to condensation and selection ; all investigation 
of detail he declares to be the peculiar duty of 
the original historian. Of Jason himself nothing 
more is known than may be gleaned from this men- 
tion of him. There are certainly many details in 
the book which show a close and accurate knowl- 
edge (iv. 21, 29 ff., viii. 1 ff., ix. 29, x. 12, 13, xiv. 
1), and the errors in the order of events may be due 
wholly, or in part, to the epitomizer. 4. The district 
of Cyrene was most closely united with that of 
Alexandria. In both the predominance of Greek 
literature and the Greek language was absolute. 
The work of Jason must therefore have been com- 
posed in Greek ; and the style of the epitome, as 
Jerome remarked, proves beyond doubt that the 
Greek text is the original. It is scarcely less certain 
that 2 Mc. was compiled at Alexandria. 5. The style 
of the book is extremely uneven. At times it is 
elaborately ornate (iii. 15-39, v. 20, yi. 12-16, 23- 
28, vii. &c.) ; and again, it is so rude and broken, 
as to seem more like notes for an epitome than a 
finished composition (xiii. 19-26); but it nowhere 



576 



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MAC 



attains to the simple energy and pathos of the first 
book. The vocabulary corresponds to the style. 
It abounds in new or unusual words. Hebraisms 
are very rare. Idiomatic Greek phrases are much 
more common ; and the writer evidently had a con- 
siderable command over the Greek language. 6. 
In the absence of all evidence as to the person of 
Jason, there are no data which fix the time of the 
composition of his original work, or of the epitome 
given in 2 Mc. within very narrow limits. The su- 
perior limit of the age of the epitome, though not 
of Jason's work, is determined by the year (124 b. c.) 
mentioned in one of the introductory letters (i. 10) ; 
but Mr. Westcott is inclined to place the original 
work of Jason not later than 100 n. c, and the epi- 
tome fifty years later. 7. To estimate the historical 
worth of the book it is necessary to consider sepa- 
rately the two divisions into which it falls. The 
narrative in iii.-vii. is in part anterior (iii.-iv. 6) 
and in part (iv. 7-vii.) supplementary to the brief 
summary in 1 Mc. i. 10-64 : that in viii.-xv. is, as a 
whole, parallel with 1 Mc. iii.-vii. In the first sec- 
tion the book itself is, in the main, the sole source 
of information : in the second, its contents can be 
tested by the trustworthy records of the first book. 
The chief differences between the first and second 
books lie in the account of the campaigns of Lysias 
and Timotheus. Differences of detail will always 
arise where the means of information are partial 
and separate ; but the differences alleged to exist 
as to these events are more serious. The relation 
between the two books may be not inaptly rep- 
resented by that existing between the books of 
Kings and Chronicles. In each case the later book 
was composed with a special design, which regulated 
the character of the materials employed for its con- 
struction. But as the design in 2 Mc. is openly 
avowed by the compiler, so it seems to have been 
carried out with considerable license. The ground- 
work of facts is true, but the dress in which the 
facts are presented is due, in part at least, to the 
narrator. Not improbably the error with regard to 
the first campaign of Lysias arose from the mode 
in which it was introduced by Jason as a prelude 
to the more important measures of Lysias in the 
reign of Antiochus Eupator. In other places (as 
very obviously in xiii. 19 ff.) the compiler may have 
disregarded the historical dependence of events 
while selecting those best suited for the support of 
his theme. If these remarks are true, it follows 
that 2 Mc. viii.-xv. is to be regarded not as a con- 
nected and complete history, but as a series of 
special incidents from the life of Judas, illustrating 
the providential interference of God in behalf of 
His people, true in substance, but embellished in 
form ; and this view of the book is supported by 
the character of the earlier chapters, in which the 
narrative is unchecked by independent evidence. 
8. Besides the differences between the two books 
of Maccabees as to the sequence and details of 
common events, there is considerable difficulty as 
to the chronological data which they give. Both 
follow the Seleucian era (" the era of contracts ; " 
" of the Greek kingdom ; " 1 Mc. i. 10), but in 
some cases in which the two books give the date of 
the same event, the first book gives a date one year 
later than the second (1 Mc. vi. 16 J 2 Mc. xi. 21, 
33; 1 Mc. vi. 20 || 2 Mc. xiii. 1); yet on the other 
hand they agree in 1 Mc. vii. 1 | 2 Mc. xiv. 4. This 
discrepancy seems to be due not to a mere error, 
but to a difference of reckoning ; for all attempts 
to explain away the discrepancy are untenable. 



The true era of the Seleucidae began in October 
(Dins) b. c. 312; but there is evidence that con- 
siderable variations existed in Syria in the reckon- 
ing by it. A very probable mode of explaining (at 
least in part) the origin of the difference has been 
supported by most of the best chronologers. Though 
the Jews may have reckoned two beginnings to the 
year from the time of the Exodus, yet it appears 
that the Biblical dates are always reckoned by the 
so-called ecclesiastical year, which began with Nisan 
(April), and not by the civil year, which was after- 
ward in common use, which began with 2'isri (Oc- 
tober). Now, since the writer of 1 Mc. was a Pal- 
estinian Jew, and followed the ecclesiastical year 
in his reckoning of months (1 Mc. iv. 52), it is prob- 
able that he commenced the Seleucian year not in 
autumn (Tisri), but in spring (JVisan). If the year 
began in fiisan (reckoning from spring 312 b. c), 
the events which fell in the last half of the true 
Seleucian year would be dated one year forward, 
while the true and the Jewish dates would agree in 
the first half of the year. On other grounds, in- 
deed, it is not unlikely that the difference in the 
reckoning of the two books is still greater than is 
thus accounted for. The Chaldeans dated their Se- 
leucian era one year later than the true time from 
311 b. c, and probably from October (Dim; com- 
pare 2 Mc. xi. 21, 33). If, as is quite possible, the 
writer of 2 Mc. — or rather Jason of Cyrene, whom 
[ he epitomized — used the Chaldean dates, there may 
be a maximum difference between the two books of 
one and a half years, which is sufficient to explain 
the difficulties of the chronology of the events con- 
nected with the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. 9. 
The most interesting feature in 2 Mc. is its marked 
religious character, by which it is clearly distin- 
guished from the first book. " The manifestations 
made from heaven on behalf of those who were 
zealous to behave manfully in defence of Judaism " 
(2 Mc. ii. 21). The events related historically in 
the former book are in this regarded theocratically, 
if the word may be used (xv. 22-24 ; compare 1 Mc. 
vii. 41, 42, &c). The doctrine of Providence is 
carried out in a most minute parallelism of great 
crimes and their punishment (iv. 38, v. 9, 10, &c). 
On a larger scale the same idea is presented in the 
contrasted relations of Israel and the heathen to the 
Divine Power (i. 26, xiv. 15 ; vi. 12-17). 10. The 
history of the book, as has been already noticed 
(§ 6), is extremely obscure. It is first mentioned 
by Clement of Alexandria ; and Origen, in a Greek 
fragment of his commentaries on Exodus, quotes 
vi. 12-16, with very considerable variations of text, 
from " the Maccabean history." At a later time 
the history of the martyred brothers was a favorite 
subject with Christian writers ; and in the time of 
Jerome and Augustine the book was in common 
and public use in the Western Church, where it 
maintained its position till it was at last definitely 
declared to be canonical at the Council of Trent. 
(Canon.) 11. The Latin version adopted in the Vul- 
gate, as in the case of the first book, is that current 
before Jerome's time, which Jerome left wholly un- 
touched in the apocryphal books, with the exception 
of Judith and Tobit. It is much less close to the 
Greek than in the former book. The Syriac version 
is of still less value. The Arabic so-called version 
of 2 Mc. is really an independent work (see V. be- 
low). — III. The Third Book of the Maccahees contains 
the history of events which preceded the great 
Maccabean struggle. The name " Maccabees " here 
— martyrs, in reference to the Alexandrian Jews 



MAC 



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577 



who suffered for their faith's sake either immediately 
before or after the Maccabean period (Ginsburg, in 
Kitto). After the decisive battle of Raphia (b. c. 
217), envoys from Jerusalem, following the example 
of other cities, hastened to Ptolemy Philopatoe to 
congratulate him on his success. After receiving 
them the king resolved to visit the holy city. He 
offered sacrifice in the Temple, and was so much 
struck by its majesty that he urgently sought per- 
mission to enter the sanctuary. When this was re- 
fused he resolved to gratify his curiosity by force, 
regardless of the consternation with which his de- 
sign was received (ch. i.). On this, Simon the high- 
priest, after the people had been with difficulty re- 
strained from violence, kneeling in front of the 
Temple implored divine help. At the conclusion of 
the prayer the king fell paralyzed into the arms of 
his attendants, and on his recovery returned at once 
to Egypt without prosecuting his intention. But 
angry at his failure he commanded that the Alex- 
andrian Jews should be deprived of their citizen- 
ship (Alexandria) and branded with an ivy leaf, 
unless initiated into the orgies of Bacchus (ii.). 
This order being evaded or despised, he commanded 
all the Jews in the country to be arrested and sent 
to Alexandria (iii.). The gathered multitudes were 
confined in the Hippodrome outside the city. The 
scribes toiled forty days in vain to take down their 
names for execution (iv.). The king ordered that 
five hundred elephants should be drugged, to tram- 
ple the prisoners to death on the morrow. The 
Jews prayed. The king was overpowered by sleep, 
and then by forgetfulness ; but the execution thus 
twice deferred was again ordered to take place at 
daybreak (v.). Then Eleazar, an aged priest, prayed 
for his people, and, as he ended, the royal train 
came to the Hippodrome. On this a heavenly vision 
was seen by all but the Jews. The elephants tram- 
pled down their attendants ; the king's wrath was 
turned to pity ; the Jews were set free, and a great 
feast was prepared for them ; and they resolved to 
observe a festival, in memory of their deliverance, 
during their sojourn in strange lands (vi.). A royal 
letter to the governors of the provinces set forth 
the circumstances of their escape, and assured them 
of the king's protection. Permission was given 
them to take vengeance on their renegade country- 
men, and the people returned to their homes in 
triumph, " crowned with flowers, and singing praises 
to the God of their fathers" (vii.). 2. The form 
:of the narrative sufficiently shows that the object 
: of the book has modified the facts which it records. 
The writer, in his zeal to bring out the action of 
Providence, has colored his history, so that it has 
lost all semblance of truth. In this respect the 
book offers an instructive contrast to the Book of 
Esther. 3. But while it is impossible to accept the 
letails of the book as historical, some basis of 
;ruth must be supposed to lie beneath them. The 
nearly festival (vi. 36, vii. 19) can hardly have been 
i mere fancy of the writer ; and the pillar and syn- 
igogue at Ptolemais (vii. 20) must have been con- 
lected in some way with a signal deliverance. Be- 
ides this, Josephus (Ap. ii. 5) relates a very similar 
iccurrence which took place in the reign of Ptolemy 
TIL (Physcon). 4. Assuming rightly that the book 
5 an adaptation of history, Ewald and Grimm have 
ndeavored to fix exactly the circumstances by which 
t was called forth. It is argued that the writer de- 
igned to portray Caligula under the name of the 
ensual tyrant who had in earlier times held Egypt 
nd Syria, while he sought to nerve his countrymen 
37 



for their struggle with heathen power, by reminding 
them of earlier deliverances. It is unnecessary to 
urge the various details in which the parallel be- 
tween the acts of Caligula and the narrative fail. 
5. The language of the book betrays most clearly 
its Alexandrine origin. Both in vocabulary and 
construction it is rich, affected, and exaggerated. 
The form of the sentences is strained, and every 
description is loaded with rhetorical ornament. As 
a natural consequence the meaning is often ob- 
scure, and the writer is led into exaggerations which 
are historically incorrect. 6. From the abruptness 
of the commencement it has been thought that the 
book is a mere fragment of a larger work. It is 
possible that the narrative may have formed the 
sequel to an earlier history, or that the introductory 
chapter has been lost. 7. The evidence of language 
is not decisive as to the date. It might, indeed, 
seem to belong to the early period of the empire 
(b. c. 40-70). But such a date is purely conjectural. 
8. The uncertainty of the date of the composition 
of the book corresponds with the uncertainty of its 
history. In the Apostolical Canons " three books 
of the Maccabees " are mentioned, of which this is 
probably the third, as it occupies the third place in 
the oldest Greek MSS., which contain also the so- 
called fourth book. It is found in a Syriac trans- 
lation, and is quoted with marked respect by Theo- 
doret of Antioch (died about a. d. 457). No ancient 
Latin version of it occurs ; and it is not contained 
in the Vulgate. — IV. The Fourth Book of Macca- 
bees contains a rhetorical narrative of the martyr- 
dom of Eleazar and of the " Maccabean family," 
following in the main the same outline as 2 Mc. 
The second title of the book, On the Supreme Sov- 
ereignty of Season, explains the moral use made of the 
history. 2. The book was ascribed in early times 
to Josephus ; and it is found under his name in 
many MSS. of the great Jewish historian. In 
the Alexandrine and Sinaitic MSS. it is called 
simply " the fourth of Maccabees." The internal 
evidence against the authorship by Josephus is 
so great as to outweigh the testimony of Eusebius, 
from whom probably the later statements were de- 
rived. 3. The book was written before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem, and probably after 2 Mc. It 
might be referred, not unnaturally, to the troubled 
times which immediately preceded the war with 
Vespasian (about a. d. 67). 4. As a historical docu- 
ment the narrative is of no value. Its interest 
centres in the fact that it is a unique example of 
the didactic use which the Jews made of their his- 
tory. The style is very ornate and labored ; but it 
is correct and vigorous, and truly Greek. The rich- 
ness and boldness of the vocabulary is surprising. 
5. The philosophical tone of the book is essentially 
stoical ; but the stoicism is that of a stern legalist. 
The dictates of reason are supported by the re- 
membrance of noble traditions, and by the hope of 
a glorious future. The Jew stands alone, isolated 
by character and by blessing. 6. The original Greek 
is the only ancient text in which the book has been 
published, but a Syriac version is preserved in sev- 
eral MSS— V. The Fifth Book of Maccabees (see 
III. above) is printed in Arabic in the Paris and 
London Polyglotts ; and contains a history of the 
Jews from the attempt of Heliodoeus to the birth 
of our Lord. The writer made use of 1 and 2 
Mc, and of Josephus, and has no claim to be con- 
sidered an independent authority. It has been sup- 
posed that the book was originally written in He- 
brew, or at least that the Greek was strongly modi- 



578 



MAC 



MAC 



fied by Hebrew influence. Dr. Cotton published 

The Five Books of Maccabees in English (Oxford, 
Eng., 1832). 

* Mac-ea-beus (L. Maccabceus, fr. Heb.). Macca- 
bees. 

Mac-e-doni-a [mas-] (L. fr. Gr. ; derived [so He- 
siod] from Macedo, a son of Jupiter and founder of 
the nation ; or [so others] from Kittim or Chittim ; 
more probably fr. Gr. adj. makednos = tall, denoting 
the country of tall men), the first part of Europe 
which received the Gospel directly from St. Paul, and 
an important scene of his subsequent missionary 
labors and the labors of his companions. In a rough 
and popular description it is enough to say that Mace- 
donia is the region bounded inland by the range of 
Haemus or the Balkan northward and the chain 
of Pindus westward, beyond which the streams flow 
respectively to the Danube and the Adriatic ; that 
it is separated from Thessaly on the S. by the Cam- 
bunian hills, running easterly from Pindus to Olym- 
pus and the ^Egean ; and that it is divided on the 
E. from Thrace by a less definite mountain-boundary 
running southward from Hoemus. Of the space 
thus enclosed, two of the most remarkable physical 
features are two great plains, one watered by the 
Axius, which comes to the sea at the Thermaic gulf, 
not far from Tiiessalonica ; the other by the Stry- 
mon, which, after passing near Piiilippi, flows out 
below Amphipolis. Between the mouths of these 
two rivers a remarkable peninsula projects, dividing 
itself into three points, on the furthest of which 
Mount Athos rises nearly into the region of perpet- 
ual snow. Across the neck of this peninsula St. 
Paul travelled more than once with his companions. 
This general sketch would sufficiently describe the 
Macedonia which was ruled over by Philip 1 and 
Alexander the Great, and which the Romans con- 
quered from Perseus. At first the conquered coun- 
try was divided by JEmilius Paulus into four dis- 
tricts. This division was only temporary. The 
whole of Macedonia, along with Thessaly and a large 
tract along the Adriatic, was made one province and 
centralized under the jurisdiction of a proconsul, 
who resided at Thessalonica. We have now reached 
the definition which corresponds with the usage of 
the term in the N. T. (Acts xvi. 9, 10, 12, &c). 
Three Roman provinces, all familiar to us in the 
writings of St. Paul, divided the whole space be- 
tween the basin of the Danube and Cape Matapan. 
The border-town of Illyricum was Lissus on the 
Adriatic. The boundary-line of Achaia nearly co- 
incided, except in the western portion, with that of 
the kingdom of modern Greece, and ran in an irreg- 
ular line from the Acroceraunian promontory to 
the bay of Thermopylae and the N. of Euboea. By 
subtracting these two provinces, we define Mace- 
donia. The history of Macedonia in the period be- 
tween the Persian wars and the consolidation of the 
Roman provinces in the Levant is touched in a very 
interesting manner by passages in the Apocrypha 
(1 Mc. i. 1, vi. 2, viii. 5). (Chittim.) In Esth. xvi. 
10, Haman is described as a Macedonian, and in xvi. 
14 is said to have contrived his plot for the purpose 
of transferring the kingdom of the Persians to the 
Macedonian's. This sufficiently betrays the late date 
and spurious character of these apocryphal chap- 
ters ; but it is curious thus to have our attention 
turned to the early struggle of Persia and Greece. 
The account of St. Paul's first journey through 
Macedonia (Acts xvi. 10-xvii. 15) is marked by 
copious detail and well-defined incidents. At the 
close of this journey he returned from Corinth to 



Syria by sea. On the next occasion of visiting 
Europe, though he both went and returned through 
Macedonia (xx. 1-6), the narrative is a very slight 
sketch, and the route is left uncertain, except as 
regards Philippi. The character of the Macedonian 
Christians is set before us in Scripture in a very 
favorable light. The candor of the Bereans (Berea 
1) is highly commended (xvii. 11); the Thessalo- 
nians were evidently objects of St. Paul's peculiar 
affection (1 Th. ii. 8, 17-20, iii. 10); and the Phi- 
lippians, besides their general freedom from blame, 
are noted as remarkable for their liberality and self- 
denial (Phil. iv. 10, 14-19 ; see 2 Cor. ix. 2, xi. 9). 
Apollonia ; Neapolis. 

Mac-e-do'ui-au = one from Macedonia (Esth. 
xvi. 10, 14; Acts xxvii. 2). In 2 Mc. viii. 20 
" Macedonians " = soldiers of the Seleucid succes- 
sors of Alexander in Syria. In 6 Mc. it is applied 
to the Seleucid princes at Antioch, and to the 
Ptolemies at Alexandria. 

Mach'ba-nai [mak-] (L. fr. Heb. — what like my 
sons ? Ges. ; fat, thick one, Fii.), one of the lion-faced 
warriors of Gad who joined David at Ziklag (1 Chr. 
xii. 13). 

Mueh-be'iiah (fr. Heb. = a cloak, mantle, Ges. ; 
knot, lump, of localities, Fii.). Sheva, the father of 
Machbenah, is named in the genealogical list of Judah 
as the offspring of Maaehah, the concubine of Caleb 
son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 49). Perhaps Machbenah was 
a town founded or colonized by the f amily of Maaehah. 
To the position of the town we possess no clew. 

Ma clii (Heb. diminution, wasting away of the 
mother's strength, Sim.), father of Geuel the Gadite 
spy (Num. xiii. 15). 

Ma'cliir [-kir] (Heb. sold, Ges.). 1. Eldest son 
(Josh. xvii. 1) of the patriarch Manasseh by an 
Aramite or Syrian concubine (1 Chr. vii. 14, and 
the LXX. of Gen. xlvi. 20). His children are com- 
memorated as having been caressed by Joseph 
before his death (Gen. 1. 23). His wife was Maa- 
chah 6, a Benjamite, the " sister of Huppim and 
Shuppim" (1 Chr. vii. 15). His son Gilead is re- 
peatedly mentioned, and a daughter Abiah married 
Hezron, a chief of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 21, 24). At the 
time of the conquest the family of Machir had be- 
come very powerful, and a large part of the country 
on the E. of Jordan was subdued by them (Num. 
xxxii. 39 ; Deut. iii. 15). So great was their power 
that the name of Machir occasionally supersedes 
that of Manasseh (Josh. xiii. 31 ; Judg. v. 14). — 2. 
Son of Ammiel ; a powerful chief of one of the 
Transjordanic tribes, but whether of Manasseh — 
the tribe of his namesake — or of Gad, must remain 
uncertain till we know where Lodebar, to which 
place he belonged, was situated. He rendered es- 
sential service to the cause of Saul (Mephibosheth) 
and of David successively — in each case when they 
were in difficulty (2 Sam. ix. 4, 5, xvii. 27-29). 

Ma'chir-ites, the = the descendants of Machir the 
father of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 29). 

Mach'mas (Gr.) = Michmash (1 Mc. ix. 73). 

DIach-nad'e-bai (Heb. what like the liberal? Ges. ; 
gift of the noble one, Fii.), one of the sons of Bani 
who put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 40, margin 
" Mabnadebai " in some copies). 

Mach-pe'lah (Heb. portion, part, lot, Ges. ; a wind- 
ing, spiral form, Fii. ; double sc. cave or field, Tar- 
gums, LXX., Vulg., &c), the spot containing the 
wooded field, in the end of which was the cave 
which Abraham purchased from the sons of Heth, 
and which became the burial-place of Sarah, Abra- 
ham himself, Isaac, Rebekah, Leah, and Jacob. Its 



MAC 

position is — with one exception — uniformly specified 
as " facing [A. V. ' before '] Mamre " (Gen. xxiii. IV, 
19, xxv. 9, xlix. 30, 1. 13) There are few, if any, 
of the ancient sites of Palestine of whose genuine- 
ness we can feel more assured than Machpelah. 



MAC 579 

The traditional spot at Hebron has every thing in its 
favor as far as position goes ; while the wall which 
encloses the Haram, or sacred precinct in which the 
sepulchres themselves are reported, and probably 
with truth, still to lie, is a monument certainly 




Mosque it Hehron (Mnchpelah) and part of the towD. 



equal, and probably superior in age to any thing re- 
maining in Palestine (so Mr. Grove). It is a quad- 
rangular building of about 200 feet in length by 115 
feet in width, its dark-gray walls rising fifty or sixty 
in height, without window or opening of any descrip- 
tion, except two small entrances at the S. E. and 
S. W. corners. It is surrounded by a colonnade of 
forty-eight square pilasters. It stands nearly on the 
crest of the hill which forms the eastern side of the 
valley on the slopes and bottom of which the town 
is strewn. The ancient Jewish tradition ascribes its 
erection to David. The spot is one of the most 
sacred of Moslem sanctuaries, and since the occupa- 
tion of Palestine by them has been entirely closed to 
Christians, and partially so to Jews. But in 1862 
the Prince of Wales and his party were allowed to 
visit the interior, and Stanley {Lectures on the Jewish 
Church, App. ii. to Part i.) has given a description 
of it, the main points in which are here presented. 
After reaching " the S. E. corner of the massive wall 
of enclosure," beyond which travellers had not been 
allowed to go, and then mounting " the steep flight 
of the exterior staircase, which by its long ascent 
showed that the platform of the mosque was on the 
uppermost slope of the hill, and therefore above the 
level where, if anywhere, the sacred cave would be 
found, a sharp turn at once brought us within the 
precincts and revealed to us for the first time the 
wall from the inside. We passed at once through 
an open court into the mosque." This he regards 
as " originally a Byzantine church, converted at a 
much later period into a mosque. The tombs of the 
patriarchs do not profess to be the actual places 



! of sepulture, but are merely monuments or ceno- 
taphs in honor of the dead who lie beneath. Each 
is enclosed within a separate chapel or shrine, closed 
with gates or railings similar to those which sur- 
round or enclose the special chapels or royal tombs 
in Westminster Abbey. The two first of these 
shrines or chapels are contained in the inner portico 
or narthex, before the entrance into the actual build- 
ing of the mosque. In the recess on the right is the 
shrine of Abraham, in the recess on the left that of 
Sarah, each guarded by silver gates. The shrine of 
Sarah we were requested not to enter as being that 
of a woman. A pall lay over it. The shrine of 
Abraham, after a momentary hesitation, was thrown 
open. The chamber is cased in marble. The so- 
called tomb consists of a coffin-like structure, about 
six feet high, built up of plastered stone or marble, 
and hung with three carpets — green embroidered 
with gold. Within the area of the mosque were 
shown the tombs of Isaac and Rebekah. They are 
placed under separate chapels, in the walls of which 
are windows, and of which the gates are grated, not 
with silver, but iron bars. The shrines of Jacob 
and Leah were shown in recesses, corresponding to 
those of Abraham and Sarah, but in a separate 
cloister, opposite the entrance of the mosque. In the 
interior of the mosque, at the corner of the shrine 
of Abraham, was a small circular hole, about eight 
inches across, of which one foot above the pavement 
was built of strong masonry, but of which the lower 
part, as far as we could see and feel, was of the 
living rock. This cavity appeared to open into a 
dark space beneath, and that space (which the guar- 



580 



MAC 



MAG 



dians of the mosque believed to extend under the 
whole platform) can hardly be any thing else than 
the ancient cave of Machpelah. This was the only 
aperture which the guardians recognized." The 
party were led to believe that " the original entrance 
to the cave must be on the S. face of the hill, be- 
tween the mosque and the gallery containing the 
shrine of Joseph, and entirely obstructed by the 
ancient Jewish wall." M. Pierotti, who as engineer 
to the Pasha of Jerusalem had an opportunity of 
examining the building before the visit described 
above, says : " The true entrance to the patriarchs' 
tomb is to be seen close to the western wall of the 
enclosure, and near the N. W. corner : it is guarded 
by a very thick iron railing, and I was not allowed 
to go near it. I observed that the Mussulmans 
themselves did not go very near it. In the court 
opposite the entrance gate of the mosque there is 
an opening, through which I was allowed to go 
down for three steps, and I was able to ascertain by 
sight and touch that the rock exists there, and to 
conclude it to be about five feet thick. From the 
short observations I could make during my brief 
descent, as also from the consideration of the eastern 
wall of the mosque, and the little information I ex- 
tracted from the chief santon" (= saint, or Moham- 
medan priest), " who jealously guards the sanctuary, 
I consider that a part of the grotto exists under 
the mosque, and that the other part is under the 
court, but at a lower level than that lying under the 
mosque " (London Times of April 30, 1862, quoted 
in Fairbairn). 

Ma cron (fr. Gr. = a long head, L. & S.), surname 
of Ptolemeus, or Ptolemee, the son of Dorymenes 
(1 Mc. hi. 38), and governor of Cyprus under 
Ptolemy Philometer (2 Mc. x. 12). 

* Mad. Madness. 

Ma tint, or Mad a-i (Heb., perhaps mid, middle, im- 
plying that Media is in the middle of Asia, or rather 
of the world, Ges.), which occurs in Gen. x. 2, among 
the sons of Japheth, has been commonly regarded 
as a personal appellation ; and most commentators 
call Madai the third son of Japheth, and the pro- 
genitor of the Medes. But Rawlinson considers 
" Madai " in Gen. x. as representing, not a person, 
but a family or race descended from Japheth, viz. 
the Medes. 

Ma-di a-bun (fr. Gr.). The sons of Madiabun, ac- 
cording to 1 Esd. v. 58 (not in Ezr. iii. 9), were 
among the Levites who superintended the restora- 
tion of the Temple under Zorobabel. 

Ma'di-an (Gr.) = Midian (Jd. ii. 26 ; Acts vii. 29). 

* Mad man. Madness. 

Mad-man 'nail (Heb. dunghill, Ges.), one of the 
towns in the S. district of Judah (Josh. xv. 31), ap- 
parently == Beth-marcaboth. To Eusebius and 
Jerome it appears to have been well known. It was 
called in their time Menois, and was not far from 
Gaza. About fifteen miles S. S. W. from Gaza is 
now eUMiny&y, which is suggested by Kiepert, and 
adopted by Wilton and by Porter (in Kitto), as the 
modern representative of Menois, and therefore of 
Madmannah. In 1 Chr. ii. 49 Shaaph, son of Caleb's 
concubine Maachah, is called " the father," i. e. 
founder of Madmannah. 

Mad'men (Heb. dunghill, Ges.), a place in Moab, 
threatened with destruction in Jer. xlviii. 2, but not 
elsewhere named, and of which nothing is yet known. 
Madmenah 2. 

Mad-me nail (Heb. dunghill, Ges.). 1. One of the 
Benjamite villages N. of Jerusalem, the inhabitants 
of which were frightened away by the approach of 



Sennacherib along the northern road (Is. x. 31). — 2. 
In Is. xxv. 10, margin, " Madmenah " may = No. 1, 
or more appropriately Madmen, the Moabite town. 
The A. V. text is " dunghill." 

Mad'ness. The Hebrew words rendered in the 
A. V. " mad," " madman," " madness," &c, vary 
considerably. In Deut. xxviii. 28, 34 ; 1 Sam. xxi. 
14, 15, &c., they are derivatives of the root sh&ga 1 
(= to be stirred or excited) : in 1 Sam. xxi. 13 ; Jer. 

xxv. 16, 1. 38, li. 7; Eccl. i. 17, &c, from the root 
hdlal (— to flash out as light or sound); in Prov. 

xxvi. 18 from the root Idhah (—to have burning 
thi7-st). In the N. T. the Greek words generally 
used are mainornai or mania (Jn. x. 20 ; Acts xii. 15, 
xxvi. 24, 25; 1 Cor. xiv. 23); but in 2 Pet. ii. 16 
the Greek is paraphronia, and in Lk. vi. 11 anoia. 
These passages show (so Mr. Barry) that in Scrip- 
ture " madness " is recognized as a derangement, 
proceeding either from weakness and misdirection 
of intellect, or from ungovernable violence of pas- 
sion ; and in both cases it is spoken of, sometimes 
as arising from the will and action of man himself, 
sometimes as inflicted judicially by the hand of 
God. In one passage alone (Jn. x. 20) is madness 
expressly connected with demoniacal possession 
(Demoniacs) by the Jews in their cavil against our 
Lord ; in none is it referred to any physical causes. 
Among Oriental, as among most semi-civilized na- 
tions, madmen were looked upon with a kind of 
reverence, as possessed of a quasi-sacred character. 
(Lunatics.) 

Ma'don (Heb. contention, strife, Ges.), one of the 
principal cities of Canaan before the conquest, 
probably in the north. Its king joined Jabin and his 
confederates in their attempt against Joshua at the 
waters of Merom, and like the rest was killed (Josh, 
xi. 1, xii. 19). Sehwarz, on very slight grounds, 
proposes to discover Madon at Kefr Menda, a village 
with extensive ancient remains, at the western end 
of the Plain of Buttauf, four or five miles N. of 
Sepphoris. 

Ma-e'lns (fr. Gr.) = Miamin 1 (1 Esd. ix. 26). 

Mag'bish (Heb. a gathering, Ges. ; fortress, Fii.), 
a proper name in Ezr. ii. 30, of a man or of a place ; 
it is probably the latter, as all the names from Ezr. 
ii. 20 to 34, except Elam and Harim, are names of 
places. From the position of Magbish in the list, 
it would seem to be in the tribe of Benjamin. (Mag- 
piash). 

Mag'da-la (Gr. fr. Heb. = tower = Migdol), a 
name found in the received Greek text and the A. 
V. of Mat. xv. 39 only, where Tischendorf, Lach- 
mann, and Alford, with the Vatican, Sinaitic, and 
Beza's MSS., the Syriac version, &c, have " Maga- 
dan." Lange prefers " Magdalan," the reading of 
the Ephrem MS., Coptic version, &c, but a good 
many MSS. support the A. V. Into the limits of 
Magadan Christ came by boat, over the Lake of 
Gennesaret, after feeding the four thousand on the 
mountain of the eastern side (Mat. xv. 39); and 
from thence, after a short encounter with the Phari- 
sees and Sadducees, He returned in the same boat 
to the opposite shore. In the parallel narrative* of 
Mk. viii. 10 we find the "parts of Dalmanutha." 
The Magdala which conferred her name on Mary 
Magdalene was probably (so Prof. Hackett, with 
Robinson, Wilson, Porter [in Kitto], &c.) the place 
of that name mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud 
as near Tiberias, and this again is probably the 
modern el-Mejdel, a miserable little Moslem village, 
where ruins of a watch-tower appear to remain, 
lying on the water's edge at the S. E. corner of the 



MAG 



MAG 



581 



plain of Gennesaret, and about three miles above 
Tubariyeh (Tiberias). 

* Mag-da-le'ne [often pronounced in three sylla- 
bles, Mag'da-lene ; compare the English Magdalen, 
derived from it] (Gr.) = one from Magdala (Mk. 
xvi. 9). Mart Magdalene. 

Mag'di-el (Heb. praise of God, Ges.), a "duke" 
of Edom, descended from Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 43 ; 
1 Chr. i. 54). The name does not yet appear to 
have been met with, as borne by either tribe or 
place. 

Ma'ged = Maked (1 Mc. v. 36). 

Ma gi [-ji] (L. pi. of magus; Gr. magos, pi. magoi ; 
Heb. mdg / see below), A. V. "wise men" (Mat. ii.). 
It does ; not fall within the scope of this article (ori- 
ginally by Prof. Plumptre) to enter fully into the 
history of the Magi as an order, and of the relation 
in which they stood to the religion of Zoroaster. 
What has to be said will be best arranged under 
the four following heads : — I. The position occupied 
by the Magi in the history of the 0. T.— II. The 
transition-stages in the history of th,e word and of 
the order between the close of the 0. T. and the 
time of the N. T., so far as they affect the latter. — 
III. The Magi as they appear in the N. T. — IV. The 
later traditions which have gathered round the Magi 
of Mat. ii— I. In the Hebrew text of the 0. T. the 
word occurs but twice, and then only incidentally. 
In Jer. xxxix. 3 and 13 we meet among the Chal- 
dean officers sent by Nebuchadnezzar to Jerusalem 
one with the name or title of Rab-mag. This word 
is interpreted as equivalent to chief of the Magi. 
Historically the Magi are conspicuous chiefly as a 
Persian religious caste. Herodotus connects them 
with another people by reckoning them among the 
six tribes of the Medes (i. 101). They appear in 
his history of Astyages as interpreters of dreams 
(i. 120), the name having apparently lost its ethno- 
logical, and acquired a caste significance. But in 
Jeremiah they appear at a still earlier period among 
the retinue of the Chaldean king. The very word 
Rab-mag (if the received etymology of Magi be cor- 
rect) presents a hybrid formation. The first syllable 
is unquestionably Shemitic, the last is all but un- 
questionably Aryan. The problem thus presented 
admits of two solutions: — (1.) If we believe the 
Chaldeans to have been a Hamitic people, closely 
connected with the Babylonians, we must then sup- 
pose that the colossal schemes of greatness which 
showed themselves in Nebuchadnezzar's conquests 
led him to gather round him the wise men and reli- 
gious teachers of the nations which he subdued, 
and that thus the sacred tribe of the Medes rose 
under his rule to favor and power. (2.) If, on the 
other hand, with Renan, we look on the Chaldeans 
as themselves belonging to the Aryan family, there 
is even less difficulty in explaining the presence 
among the one people of the religious teachers of 
the other. The Magi took their places among "the 
astrologers and star-gazers and monthly prognosti- 
cators." (Magic.) It is with such men that we 
have to think of Daniel and his fellow-exiles as as- 
sociated. They are described as " ten times wiser 
than all the magicians and astrologers " (Dan. i. 20). 
The office "which Daniel accepted (v. 11) was prob- 
ably identical with that of the Rab-mag who first 
came before us. The name of the Magi does not 
meet us in the Biblical account of the Medo-Persian 
kings. If, however, we identify the Artaxerxes 
who stops the building of the Temple (Ezr. iv. 17- 
22) with the Pseudo-Smerdis of Herodotus and the 
Gomates of the Behistun inscription, we may see 



here also another point of contact. The Magian 
attempt to reassert Median supremacy, and with it 
probably a corrupted Chaldaized form of Magianism, 
in place of the purer faith in Ormuzd (the good 
demon) of which Cyrus had been the propagator, 
would naturally be accompanied by antagonism to 
the people whom the Persians had protected and 
supported. The immediate renewal of the suspended 
work on the triumph of Darius (iv. 24, v. 1, 2, vi. 7, 
8) falls in, it need hardly be added, with this hypo- 
thesis. Under Xerxes, the Magi occupy a position 
which indicates that they had recovered from their 
temporary depression. No great change is traceable 
in their position during the decline of the Persian 
monarchy. (Persians.) As an order they perpet- 
uated themselves under the Parthian kings. The 
name rose to fresh honor under the Sassanidse. — II. 
In the mean time the word was acquiring a new and 
wider signification. It presented itself to the Greeks 
as connected with a foreign system of divination, 
and the religion of a foe whom they had conquered, 
and it soon became a by-word for the worst form 
of imposture. The rapid growth of this feeling is 
traceable perhaps in the meanings attached to the 
word by the two great tragedians. In JJschylus 
(Persa>, 291 ) it retains its old significance as denot- 
ing simply a tribe. In Sophocles ((Ed. Tyr. 387) 
it appears among the epithets of reproach which 
the king heaps upon Teiresias. At one time the 
good, and at another the bad side of the word is 
uppermost. Both meanings appear in the later 
lexicographers. The word thus passed into the 
hands of the LXX., and from them into those of 
the writers of the N. T., oscillating between the 
two meanings, capable of being used in either. The 
relations which had existed between the Jews and 
Persians would perhaps tend to give a prominence 
to the more favorable associations in their use of 
it. In Dan. i. 20, ii. 2, 10, 27, v. 11, it is used, as 
has been noticed, for the priestly diviners with 
whom the prophet was associated. There were, 
however, other influences at work tending to drag 
it down. The swarms of impostors that were to be 
met with in every part of the Roman empire, known 
as Chaldcei (= Chaldeans, i. e. soothsayers), Mathe- 
malici( = mathematicians, i. e. astrologers), and the 
like, bore this name also. — III. We need not won- 
der, accordingly, to find that this is the predom- 
inant meaning of the word in the N. T. The noun 
and the verb derived from it (mageia, A. V. " sor- 
cery; " mageuo, A. V. " to use sorcery ") are used 
in describing the impostor, who is therefore known 
distinctively as Simon Magus (Acts viii. 9, 11). An- 
other of the same class (Bar-jesus) is described (xiii. 
8) as having, in his cognomen Elymas, a title — Ma- 
gus. In one memorable instance, however, the 
word retains (probably, at least) its better mean- 
ing. In the Gospel of St. Matthew, written (ac- 
cording to the general belief of early Christian 
writers) for the Hebrew Christians of Palestine, 
we find it (Mat. ii. 1, 7, 16, A. V. "wise men"), 
not as embodying the contempt which the frauds 
of impostors had brought upon it through the 
whole Roman empire, but in the sense which it 
had had, of old, as associated with a religion which 
they respected, and an order of which one of their 
own prophets had been the head. The vagueness 
of the description leaves their country undefined, 
and implies that probably the evangelist himself 
had no certain information. We cannot wonder 
that there should have been very varying inter- 
pretations given of words that allowed so wide a 



582 



MAG 



MAG 



field for conjecture. Some of these are, for vari- 
ous reasons, worth noticing. (1.) The feeling of 
some early writers that the coming of the " wise 
men " was the fulfilment of the prophecy which 
spoke of the gifts of the men of Sheba and Seba 
(Ps. lxxii. 10, 15; compare Is. lx. 6) led them to 
fix on Arabia as the country of the Magi (Justin 
Martyr, Tertullian, Baronius, Grotius, Lightfoot, 
&c). (2.) Others have conjectured Mesopotamia 
as the great seat of Chaldean astrology (Origen), 
or Egypt as the country in which magic was most 
prevalent (Meyer). (3.) The historical associations 
of the word led others again, with greater prob- 
ability, to fix on Persia (Chrysostom, Theophylact, 
Calvin, Olshausen), while Hyde suggests Parthia. 
It is perhaps a legitimate inference from Mat. ii. 
that in these Magi we may recognize, as the Church 
has done from a very early period, the first Gen- 
tile worshippers of the Christ. The narrative sup- 
plies us with an outline which we may legitimately 
endeavor to fill up, as far as our knowledge enables 
us, with inference and illustration. Some time after the 
birth of Jesus ( Jesus Christ) there appeared among 
the strangers who visited Jerusalem these men from 
the far East. They were not idolaters. Their form 
of worship was looked upon by the Jews with 
greater tolerance and sympathy than that of any 
other Gentiles (compare Wis. xiii. 6, 7). What- 
ever may have been their country, their name indi- 
cates that they would be watchers of the stars, 
seeking to read in them the destinies of nations. 
They say that they have seen a star in which they 
recognize such a prognostic. They are sure that 
one is born King of the Jews, and they come to 
pay their homage. It may have been simply that 
the quarter of the heavens in which the star ap- 
peared indicated the direction of Judea, It may 
have been that some form of the prophecy of Ba- 
laam, that a " star should rise out of Jacob " (Num. 
xxiv. 17) had reached them, either through the 
Jews of the Dispersion, or through traditions 
running parallel with the 0. T., and that this 
led them to recognize its fulfilment. It may have 
been, lastly, that the traditional predictions ascribed 
to their own prophet Zoroaster, led them to expect 
a succession of three deliverers, two working as 
prophets to reform the world and raise up a king- 
dom ; the third (Zosiosh), the greatest of the three, 
coming to be the head of the kingdom, to conquer 
Ahriman (the evil demon) and to raise the dead. 
It is not unlikely that they appeared as the repre- 
sentatives of many others who shared the same feel- 
ing. They came, at any rate, to pay their homage 
to the king whose birth was thus indicated (com- 
pare Gen. xliii.ll ; Ps. lxxii. 15 ; 1 K. x. 2, 10 ; 2 Chr. 
ix. 24 ; Cant. iii. 6, iv. 14). The arrival of such a 
company, bound on so strange an errand, in the last 
years of the tyrannous and distrustful Herod, could 
hardly fail to attract notice and excite a people, 
among whom Messianic expectations had already 
begun to show themselves (Lk. ii. 25, 38) The 
Sanhedrim was convened, and the question where 
the Messiah was to be born was formally placed be- 
fore them. The answer given, based upon the tra- 
ditional interpretation of Mic. v. 2, that Bethlehem 
was to be the birthplace of the Christ, determined 
the king's plans. He had found out the locality. 
It remained to determine the time : with what was 
probably a real belief in astrology, he inquired of 
them diligently, when they had first seen the star. 
If he assumed that that was contemporaneous with 
the birth, he could not be far wrong. The Magi ac- 



cordingly are sent on to Bethlehem, as if they were 
but the forerunners of the king's own homage. As 
they journeyed, they again saw the star, which, tor 
a time, it would seem, they had lost sight of, and 
it guided them on their way. (Star of the Wise 
Men.) The pressure of the crowds, which a fort- 
night, or four months, or well-nigh two years be- 
fore, had driven Mary and Joseph to the rude stable 
of the caravanserai of Bethlehem, had apparently 
abated, and the Magi entering " the house " (Mat. 
ii. 11) fell down and paid their homage and offered 
their gifts. Once more they receive guidance 
through the channel which their work and their 
studies had made familiar to them. From first 
to last, in Media, in Babylon, in Persia, the 
Magi had been famous as the interpreters of 
dreams. That which they received now need not 
have involved a disclosure of the plans of Herod to 
them. It was enough that it directed them to 
" return to their own country another way." With 
this their history, so far as the N. T. carries us, 
comes to an end. It need hardly be said that this 
part of the Gospel narrative has had to bear the 
brunt of the attacks of a hostile criticism. The 
omission of all mention of the Magi in a Gospel 
which enters so fully into all the circumstances of 
the infancy of Christ as that of Luke, and the 
difficulty of harmonizing this incident with those 
which he narrates, have been urged as at least 
throwing suspicion on what Matthew alone has re- 
corded. So far as we cannot explain it, our ig- 
norance of all, or nearly all, the circumstances of 
the composition of the Gospels is a sufficient an- 
swer. It is, however, at least possible that St. 
Luke, knowing that the facts related by St. Mat- 
thew were already current among the churches, 
sought rather to add what was not yet recorded. 
Something too may have been due to the leading 
thoughts of the two Gospels. (Luke, Gospel of ; 
Matthew, Gospel of.) — IV. In this instance, as in 
others, what is told by the Gospel-writers in plain 
simple words, has become the nucleus for a whole 
cycle of legends. A Christian mythology has over- 
shadowed that which itself had nothing in com- 
mon with it. (1.) The Magi are no longer thought 
of as simply " wise men," members of a sacred or- 
der. The prophecies of Ps. lxxii. ; Is. xlix. 7, 23, 
lx. 16, must be fulfilled in them, and they become 
princes, or kings. (2.) The number of the Wise 
Men, which Matthew leaves altogether undefined, 
was arbitrarily fixed. They were three. (3.) Sym- 
bolic meanings were found for each of the three 
gifts. The gold they offered as to a king. With 
the myrrh they prefigured the bitterness of the Pas- 
sion, the embalmment for the burial. With the 
frankincense they adored the divinity of the Son of 
God. (4.) Later on, the names are added, and Gas- 
par, Melchior, and Balthazar, take their place among 
the objects of Christian reverence, and are honored 
as the patron saints of travellers. In the Eastern 
Church, where, it would seem, there was less desire 
to find symbolic meanings than to magnify the cir- 
cumstances of the history, the traditions assume' a 
different character. The Magi arrive at Jerusalem 
with a retinue of 1,000 men, having left behind 
them, on the further bank of the Euphrates, an 
army of 7,000. They have been led to undertake 
their journey by a prophecy of Zoroaster, &e. 
Among other relics supplied to meet the demands 
of the market which the devotion of Helena had 
created, the bodies of the Magi are discovered some- 
where in the East, are brought to Constantinople, 



MAG 



MAG 



583 



and placed in the great church which, as the Mosque 
of St. Sophia, still bears in its name the witness of 
its original dedication to the Divine Wisdom. The 
favor with which the people of Milan received the 
emperor's prefect Eustorgius called for some special 
mark of favor, and on his consecration as bishop of 
that city, he obtained for it the privilege of being 
the resting-place of the precious relics. When 
Milan fell into the hands of Frederick Barbarossa 
(a. d. 1162), the influence of the Archbishop of Co- 
logne prevailed on the emperor to transfer them to 
that city. In that proud cathedral which is the 
glory of Teutonic art the shrine of the Three Kings 
has for six centuries been shown as the greatest of 
its many treasures. 

Magic [maj-], Ma-gi'cians [ma-jish'anz] (both fr. 
L. ; see Magi). The magical arts spoken of in the 
Bible are those practised by the Egyptians, the 
Canaanites, and their neighbors, the Hebrews, the 
Chaldeans, and probably the Greeks. With the 
lowest race magic is the chief part of religion. The 
Nigritians, or blacks of this race, show this in their 
extreme use of amulets and their worship of objects 
which have no other value in their eyes but as hav- 
ing a supposed magical character through the influ- 
ence of supernatural agents. With the Turanians, 
or corresponding whites of the same great family — 
we use the word white (so Mr. K. S. Poole, the 
original author of this article) for a group of nations 
mainly yellow, in contradistinction to black — in- 
cantations and witchcraft occupy the same place, 
shamanism characterizing their tribes in both hemi- 
spheres. The ancient Egyptians show their partly- 
Nigritian origin not alone in their physical charac- 
teristics and language but in their religion. With 
the Shemites magic takes a lower place. Nowhere 
is it even part of religion ; yet it is looked upon as 
a powerful engine, and generally unlawful or law- 
ful according to the aid invoked. Among many of 
the Shemite peoples there linger the remnants of a 
primitive fetishism. Sacred trees and stones are 
reverenced from an old superstition, of which they 
do not always know the meaning, derived from the 
nations whose place they have taken. Thus fetishism 
remains, although in a kind of fossil state. The 
importance of astrology with the Shemites has 
tended to raise the character of their magic, which 
deals rather with the discovery of supposed existing 
influences than with the production of new influ- 
ences. The only direct association of magic with 
religion is where the priests, as the educated class, 
have taken the functions of magicians ; but this is 
far different from the case of the Nigritians, where 
the magicians are the only priests. The Iranians 
(Tongues, Confusion of) assign to magic a still less 
important position. It can scarcely be traced in 
the relics of old-nature-worship, which they with 
greater skill than the Egyptians interwove with their 
more intellectual beliefs. Magic always maintained 
some hold on men's minds ; but the stronger intel- 
lects despised it. The Hebrews had no magic of 
their own. It was so strictly forbidden by the Law 
that it could never afterward have had any recog- 
nized existence, save in times of general heresy 
or apostasy, and the same was doubtless the case in 
the patriarchal ages. The magical practices which 
obtained among the Hebrews were therefore bor- 
rowed from the nations around. The hold they 
gained was such as we should have expected with a 
Shemite race, making allowance for the discredit 
thrown upon them by the prohibitions of the Law. 
From the first entrance into the Land of Promise 



until the destruction of Jerusalem we have constant 
glimpses of magic practised in secret, or resorted 
to, not alone by the common but also by the great. 
The Talmud abounds in notices of contemporary 
magic among the Jews, showing that it survived 
idolatry notwithstanding their original connection, 
and was supposed to produce real effects. The 
Koran in like manner treats charms and incanta- 
tions as capable of producing evil consequences 
when used against a man. It is a distinctive char- 
acteristic of the Bible that from first to last it war- 
rants no such trust or dread. — In examining the 
mentions of magic in the Bible, we must keep in 
view the curious inquiry whether there be any re- 
ality in the art. We would at the outset protest 
against the idea, once very prevalent, that the con- 
viction that the seen and unseen worlds were often 
more manifestly in contact in the Biblical ages than 
now necessitates a belief in the reality of the magic 
spoken of in the Scriptures. The theft and carry- 
ing away of Laban's teraphim by Rachel seems to 
indicate the practice of magic in Padan-aram at 
this early time.- It appears that Laban attached 
great value to these objects, from what he said as 
to the theft and his determined search for them 
(Gen. xxxi. 19, 30, 32-35). The most important 
point is that Laban calls them his "gods" (30, 
32), although he was not without belief in the true 
God (24, 49-53) ; for this makes it almost certain 
that we have here not an indication of the worship 
of strange gods, but the first notice of a supersti- 
tion that afterward obtained among those Israelites 
who added corrupt practices to the true religion. 
There is no description of these images ; but from 
the account of Michal's stratagem to deceive Saul's 
messengers, it is evident, if only one image be there 
meant, as is very probable, that they were at least 
sometimes of the size of a man, and perhaps in the 
head and shoulders, if not lower, of human shape, 
or of a similar form (1 Sam. xix. 13-16). The wor- 
ship or use of teraphim after the occupation of the 
Promised Land cannot be doubted to have been one 
of the corrupt practices of those Hebrews who 
leaned to idolatry, but did not abandon their belief 
in the God of Israel. The account of Micah's im- 
ages in Judg. xvii., xviii., compared with Hos. iii. 4, 
5, shows our conclusion to be correct. We pass to 
the magical use of teraphim. By the Israelites they 
were consulted for oracular answers. This was ap- 
parently done by the Danites who asked Micah's 
Levite to inquire as to the success of their spying 
expedition (Judg. xviii. 5, 6). In later times this 
is distinctly stated of the Israelites: "For the 
teraphim have spoken vanity, and the diviners have 
seen a lie, and have told false dreams " (Zech. x. 2). 
It cannot be supposed that, as this first positive 
mention of the use of teraphim for divination by 
the Israelites is after the return from Babylon, and 
as that use obtained with the Babylonians in the 
time of Nebuchadnezzar, therefore the Israelites 
borrowed it from their conquerors ; for these objects 
are mentioned in earlier places in such a manner 
that their connection with divination must be in- 
tended, if we bear in mind that this connection is 
undoubted in a subsequent period (compare 1 Sam. 
xv. 22, 23 ; 2 K. xxiii. 24). The only account of 
the act of divining by teraphim is in a remark- 
able passage relating to Nebuchadnezzar's advance 
against Jerusalem : " Also thou son of man, appoint 
thee two ways, that the sword of the king of Baby- 
lon may come : both twain (two swords) shall come 
forth out of one land : and choose thou a place, 



584 



MAG 



MAG 



choose (it) at the head of the way to the city. Ap- 
point a way, that the sword may come to Rabbath of 
the Ammonites, and to Judah in Jerusalem the de- 
fenced. For the king of Babylon stood at the part- 
ing of the way, at the head of the two ways, to use 
divination: he shuffled arrows, he consulted with 
teraphim, he looked in the liver. (Divination 10, 
13, 14.) At his right hand was the divination for 
Jerusalem" (Ez. xxi. 19-22). Before speaking of 
the notices of the Egyptian magicians in Genesis 
and Exodus, there is one passage that may be ex- 
amined out of the regular order. Joseph, when his 
brethren left after their second visit to buy corn, 
ordered his steward to hide his silver cup in Ben- 
jamin's sack, and afterward sent him after them, 
ordering him to claim it, thus : " (Is) not this (it) 
in which my lord drinketh, and whereby indeed he 
divineth ? " (Gen. xliv. 5). Two uses of cups or the 
like for magical purposes have obtained in the East 
from ancient times. In one use either the cup it- 
self bears engraved inscriptions, supposed to have 
a magical influence, or it is plain and such inscrip- 
tions are written on its inner surface in ink. In 
both cases water poured into the cup is drunk by 
those wishing to derive benefit, as, e. g. the cure of 
diseases, from the inscriptions, which, if written, 
are dissolved. This use, in both its forms, obtains 
among the Arabs in the present day. In the other 
use the cup or bowl was of very secondary impor- 
tance. It was merely the receptacle for water, in 
which, after the performance of magical rites, a 
boy looked to see what the magician desired. Thi3 
is the practice of the modern Egyptian magicians, 
where the difference that ink is employed and is 
poured into the palm of the boy's hand is merely 
accidental. As this latter use only is of the nature 
of divination, it is probable that to it Joseph re- 
ferred. (Divination 12.) The magicians of Egypt 
are spoken of as a class in the histories of Joseph 
and Moses. When Pharaoh's officers were troubled 
by their dreams, being in prison they were at a loss 
for an interpreter. Before Joseph explained the 
dreams he disclaimed the power of interpreting save 
by the divine aid, saying " (Do) not interpretations 
(belong) to God ? tell me (them), I pray you " (Gen. 
xl. 8). In like manner when Pharaoh had his two 
dreams we find that he had recourse to those who 
professed to interpret dreams. Joseph, being sent 
for on the report of the chief of the cupbearers, 
was told by Pharaoh that he had heard that he 
could interpret a dream. From the expectations of 
the Egyptians and Joseph's disavowals, we see that 
the interpretation of dreams was a branch of the 
knowledge to which the ancient Egyptian magicians 
pretended. We again hear of the magicians of 
Egypt in the narrative of the events before the Ex- 
odus. They were summoned by Pharaoh to oppose 
Moses. The account of what they effected requires 
to be carefully examined, from its bearing on the 
question whether magic be an imposture. We 
read : " And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto 
Aaron, saying, When Pharaoh shall speak unto 
you, saying, Show a miracle for you : then thou 
shalt say unto Aaron, Take thy rod, and cast (it) 
before Pharaoh, (and) it shall become a serpent." It 
is then related that Aaron did thus, and afterward : 
" Then Pharaoh also called the wise men and the en- 
chanters (A. V. " sorcerers ") : now they, the scribes 
(A. V. " magicians ") of Egypt, did so by their 
secret arts (A. V. " enchantments") : for they cast 
down every man his rod, and they became serpents, 
but Aaron's rod swallowed up their rods " (Ex. vii. 



8-12). The rods were probably long staves like 
those represented on the Egyptian monuments, not 
much less than the height of a man. If the Heb. 
word tannin used mean here a "serpent," the Egyp- 
tian magicians may have feigned a change : if it sig- 
nify a crocodile they could scarcely have done so. 
(Dragon 2.) The names by which the magicians 
are designated are to be noted. (Divination 2, 3.) 
That which we render " scribes " seems here to have 
a general signification = wise men and enchanters. 
The last term is more definite = users of incanta- 
tions. On the occasion of the first plague, the turn- 
ing the rivers and waters of Egypt into blood, the 
opposition of the magicians again occurs. " And the 
scribes of Egypt did so by their secret arts " (vii. 
22). When the second plague, that of frogs, was 
sent, the magicians again made the same opposition 
(viii. *7). The plague of lice came, and when Aaron 
had worked the wonder the magicians opposed him : 
"And the scribes did so by their secret arts to 
bring forth the lice, but they could not : so there 
were lice upon man and upon beast. And the 
scribes said unto Pharaoh, This (is) the finger of 
God : but Pharaoh's heart was hardened, and he 
hearkened not unto them, as the Lord had said " 
(viii. 18, 19, Heb. 14, 15). After this we hear no 
more of the magicians. (Jannes and Jambres; 
Plagues, the Ten.) All we can gather from the 
narrative is that the appearances produced by them 
were sufficient to deceive Pharaoh on three occa- 
sions. We turn to the Egyptian illustrations of this 
part of the subject. Magic, as we have before re- 
marked, was inherent in the ancient Egyptian reli- 
gion. The Ritual is a system of incantations and 
directions for making amulets, with the object of 
securing the future happiness of the disembodied 
soul. However obscure the belief of the Egyptians 
as to the actual character of the state of the soul 
after death may be to us, it cannot be doubted that 
the knowledge and use of the magical amulets and 
incantations treated of in the Ritual was held to be 
necessary for future happiness, although it was not 
believed that they alone could insure it, since to 
have done good works, or, more strictly, not to 
have committed certain sins, was an essential con- 
dition of the acquittal of the soul in the great trial 
in Hades. Besides the Ritual the ancient Egyptians 
had books of a purely magical character. The main 
source of their belief in the efficacy of magic appears 
to have been the idea that the souls of the dead, 
whether justified or condemned, had the power of 
revisiting the earth and taking various forms. Bear- 
ing in mind the Nigritian nature of Egyptian magic, 
we may look for the source of these ideas in primi- 
tive Africa. Like all nations who have practised 
magic generally, the Egyptians separated it into a 
lawful kind and an unlawful. A belief in unlucky 
and lucky days, in actions to be avoided or done on 
certain days, and in the fortune attending birth on 
certain days, was extremely strong. Astrology was 
also held in high honor. The belief in omens prob- 
ably did not take an important place in Egyptian 
magic, if we may judge from the absence of direct 
mention of them. The superstition as to " the evil 
eye " appears to have been known, but there is 
nothing else that we can class with phenomena of 
the nature of animal magnetism. Two classes of 
learned men had the charge of the magical books ; 
one of these, the name of which has not been 
read phonetically, would seem = the scribes, as Mr. 
Poole translates the word, spoken of in the history 
of Joseph ; whereas the other has the general sense 



MAG 



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585. 



of " wise men," like the other class there mentioned. 
The Law contains very distinct prohibitions of all 
magical arts. Besides several passages condemning 
them, one specification is so full that it seems evi- 
dent that its object is to include every kind of magi- 
cal art. The Israelites are commanded in this pas- 
sage not to learn the abominations of the peoples of 
the Promised Land. Then follows this prohibition : 
" There shall not be found with thee one who 
offereth his son or his daughter by fire, a practiser 
of divinations (Heb. kosem kesdmim), a worker of 
hidden arts (me'onem), an augurer (menahesh or 
menachesh), an enchanter (mecashsheph), or a fabri- 
cator of charms (hober ndber or chober chdber), 
or an inquirer by a familiar spirit (shoel 6b), or 
a wizard (yiddS'oni) (for the preceding terms, see 
Divination, 6, *7, 8, 3, 9, 5, 4), or a consulter of the 
dead (doresh el-hannmethim, A. V. "necromancer;" 
see below). It is added that these are abominations, 
and that on account of their practice the nations of 
Canaan were to be driven out (Deut. xviii. 9-14, 
especially 10, 11). It is remarkable that the offering 
of children should be mentioned in connection with 
magical arts. The last Hebrew term, doresh el-ham- 
methim, is very explicit, meaning a consulter of the 
dead: " necromancer " is an exact translation, if the 
original signification of the latter is retained, instead 
of the more general one it now usually bears, The 
history of Balaam shows the belief of some ancient 
nations in the powers of soothsayers. When the 
Israelites had begun to conquer the Land of Prom- 
ise, Balak, the king of Moab, and the elders of Mid- 
ian, resorting to Pharaoh's expedient, sent by 
messengers with " the rewards of divination in their 
hands " (Num. xxii. V) for Balaam the diviner (Josh, 
xiii. 22, A. V. " soothsayer ; " see Divination 6), 
whose fame was known to them though he dwelt in 
Aram. Balak's message shows what he believed 
Balaam's powers to be (Num. xxii. 5, 6). We are 
told, however, that Balaam, warned of God, first said 
that he could not speak of himself, and then by in- 
spiration blessed those whom he had been sent for 
to curse. He appears to have received inspiration 
in a vision or a trance. Prom xxiv. 1 it would seem 
that it was his wont to use enchantments (Divina- 
tion 8), and that when on other occasions he went 
away after the sacrifices had been offered, he hoped 
that he could prevail to obtain the wish of those 
who had sent for him, but was constantly defeated. 
The building new altars of the mystic number of 
seven, and the offering of seven oxen and seven 
rams, seem to show that Balaam had some such 
idea. The account of Saul's consulting the witch of 
Endor (1 Sam. xxviii. 3-20) is the foremost place in 
Scripture of those which refer to magic. The su- 
pernatural terror of which it is full cannot, how- 
ever, be proved to be due to this art, for it has al- 
ways been held by sober critics that the appearing 
of Samuel was permitted for the purpose of declar- 
ing the doom of Saul, and not that it was caused by 
the incantations of a sorceress. We can see no 
reason whatever for supposing that the narrative is 
an interpolation. There is a simplicity in the man- 
ners described that is foreign to a later time. The 
circumstances are agreeable with the rest of the 
history, and especially with all we know of Saul's 
character. Here, as ever, he is seen resolved to gain 
his ends without caring what wrong he does : he 
wishes to consult a prophet, and asks a witch to 
call up his shade. Most of all the vigor of the nar- 
rative, showing us the scene in a few words, proves 
its antiquity and genuineness. From the beginning 



to the end of this strange history we have no war- 
rant for attributing supernatural power to magi- 
cians. Viewed reasonably, it refers to the question 
of apparitions of the dead as to which other places 
in the Bible leave no doubt. The connection with 
magic seems purely accidental. The witch is no 
more than a bystander after the first: she sees 
Samuel, and that is all. The apparition may have 
been a terrible fulfilment of Saul's desire, but this 
does not prove that the measures he used were of 
any power. In the later days of the two kingdoms 
magical practices of many kinds prevailed among 
the Hebrews, as we especially learn from the con- 
demnation of them by the prophets. Every form 
of idolatry which the people had adopted in succes- 
sion doubtless brought with it its magic, which 
seems always to have remained with a strange tenac- 
ity that probably made it outlive the false worship 
with which it was connected. In the historical 
books of Scripture there is little notice of magic, 
excepting that wherever the false prophets are men- 
tioned we have no doubt an indication of the prev- 
alence of magical practices. But in the prophets 
we find several notices of the magic of the Hebrews 
in their times, and some of the magic of foreign 
nations. Isaiah says that the people had become 
"workers of hidden arts" (A. V. "soothsayers;" 
see Divination 1) " like the Philistines," and ap- 
parently alludes in the same place to the practice 
of magic by the children of the East (ii. 6). In an- 
other place the prophet reproves the people for 
seeking " unto them that have familiar spirits, and 
unto the wizards that chirp, and that mutter " (viii. 
19). (Divination 5, 4.) The practices of one 
class of magicians are still more distinctly described 
(xxix. 3, 4). Isaiah alludes to the magic of the 
Egyptians when he says that in their calamity " they 
shall seek to the idols, and to the charmers " (Heb. 
pi. ittim = mutterers, whisperers, i. e. necromancers, 
ventriloquists, imitating artificially the supposed 
voice of the shades or spirits of the dead, Ges. ; 
literally veilings, concealings, hence necromancers, 
Fii.), " and to them that have familiar spirits, and to 
the wizards" (xix. 3). In xlvii. 12, 13, the magic 
of Babylon is characterized by the prominence given 
to astrology (A. V. "the astrologers" [margin 
"viewers of the heavens"], "the star-gazers, the 
monthly prognosticators " [margin " that give knowl- 
edge concerning the months "]), no magicians being 
mentioned excepting practisers of this art ; unlike 
the case of the Egyptians, with whom astrology 
seems always to have held a lower place than with 
the Chaldean nation. (Astronomy; Chaldeans.) 
In both instances the folly of those who seek the 
aid of magic is shown. Micah, declaring the judg- 
ments coming for the crimes of his time, speaks of 
the prevalence of divination among prophets, who 
most probably were such pretended prophets as the 
opponents of Jeremiah, not avowed prophets of 
idols, as Ahab's seem to have been (iii. 6, 1, 11). 
These prophets seem to have practised unlawful 
arts, and yet to have expected revelations. Jere- 
miah was constantly opposed by false prophets, who 
pretended to speak in the name of the Lord, saying 
that they had dreamt, when they told false visions, 
and who practised various rtfagical arts (xiv. 14, 
xxiii. 25-40, xxvii. 9, 10 — where the several desig- 
nations applied to those who counselled the people 
not to serve the king of Babylon may be used in 
contempt of the false prophets — xxix. 8, 9). Ezekiel 
affords some remarkable details of the magic of his 
time, in the clear and forcible descriptions of his 



586 



MAG 



MAG 



visions. From him we learn that fetishism was 
among the idolatries which the Hebrews, in the 
latest days of the kingdom of Judah, had adopted 
from their neighbors, like the Romans in the age of 
general corruption that caused the decline of their 
empire (viii. 7-12). This idolatry was probably 
borrowed from Egypt, for the description perfectly 
answers to that of the dark sanctuaries of Egyptian 
temples, with the sacred animals portrayed upon 
their walls, and does not accord with the character 
of the Assyrian sculptures, where creeping things are 
not represented as objects of worship. With this 
low form of idolatry an equally low kind of magic 
obtained, practised by prophetesses who for small 
rewards made amulets by which the people were 
deceived (xiii. 17-23). The passage must be al- 
lowed to be very difficult, but it can scarcely be 
doubted (so Mr. Poole) that amulets are referred to 
by the "pillows" and "kerchiefs" made and sold 
by these women, and perhaps also worn by them. 
(Pillow 2.) If so, we have a practice analogous 
to that of the modern Egyptians, who hang amulets 
of the kind called liecjab upon the right side, and of 
the Nubians, who hang them on the upper part of 
the arm. The notice of Nebuchadnezzar's divination 
by arrows, where it is said " he shuffled arrows " 
(xxi. 21), must refer to a practice the same as or 
similar to the kind of divination by arrows called 
El-Meysar, in use among the pagan Arabs, and for- 
bidden in the Koran. (Divination 10.) The ref- 
erences to magic in Daniel relate wholly to that of 
Babylon, and not so much to the art as to those who 
used it. Daniel, when taken captive, was instructed 
in the learning of the Chaldeans and placed among 
the "wise men of Babylon " (ii. 18), i. e. the Magi, 
for the term is used as including " magicians," " sor- 
cerers," enchanters (A. V. " soothsayers "), " astrol- 
ogers " (Heb. and Chal. aslishdph — one who prac- 
tises hidden arts, an enchanter, magician, Ges.), and 
" Chaldeans," the last being apparently the most 
important class (ii. 2, 4, 5, 10, 12, 14, 18, 24, 27 ; 
compare i. 20). (Divination 1, 2, 3.) As in other 
cases the true prophet was put to the test with the 
magicians, and he succeeded where they utterly 
failed. After the Captivity it is probable that the 
Jews gradually abandoned the practice of magic. 
Zechariah speaks indeed of the deceit of teraphim 
and diviners (x. 2), and foretells a time when the 
very names of idols should be forgotten and false 
prophets have virtually ceased (xiii. 1-4), yet in 
neither case does it seem certain that he is alluding 
to the usages of his own day. In the Apocrypha 
we find indications that in the later centuries pre- 
ceding the Christian era magic was no longer prac- 
tised by the educated Jews. In Wisdom the writer, 
speaking of the Egyptian magicians, treats their art 
as an imposture (Wis. xvii. 7). The book of Tobit 
(Tobit, Book of) is an exceptional case. If we hold 
that it was written in Persia or a neighboring coun- 
try, and, with Ewald, date its composition not long 
after the fall of the Persian empire, it is obvious 
that it relates to a different state of society from 
that of the Jews of Egypt and Palestine. If, how- 
ever, it was written in Palestine about the time of 
the Maccabees, as others suppose, we must still rec- 
ollect that it refers rather to the superstitions of 
the common people than to those of the learned. 
In the N. T. we read very little of magic. (Magi.) 
Our Lord is not said to have been opposed by ma- 
gicians, and the apostles and other early teachers 
of the Gospel seem to have rarely encountered 
them. Philip the deacon, when he preached at 



Samaria, found there Simon a famous magician, 
commonly known as Simon Magus, who had had 
great power over the people ; but he is not said to 
have been able to work wonders, nor, had it been 
so, is it likely that he would have soon been ad- 
mitted into the Church (Acts viii. 9-24). When St. 
Barnabas and St. Paul were at Paphos, as they 
preached to the proconsul Sergius Paulus, Eltmas, 
a Jewish sorcerer and false prophet, withstood them, 
and was struck blind for a time at the word of St. 
Paul (xiii. 6-12). At Ephesus, certain Jewish ex- 
orcists signally failing, both Jews and Greeks were 
afraid, and abandoned their practice of magical arts 
(xix. 18, 19). (Ephesus, § 3 ; Exorcist.) We have 
besides the remarkable case of the " damsel having 
a spirit of divination which brought her masters 
much gain by foretelling," from whom St. Paul cast 
out the spirit of divination (xvi. lt>-18). This is a 
matter belonging to another subject than that of 
magic. (Divination 5 ; Python.) Our examina- 
tion of the various notices of magic in the Bible 
gives us this general result : — They do not, as far as 
we can understand, once state positively that any 
but illusive results were produced by magical rites. 
They therefore afford no evidence that man can gain 
supernatural powers to use at his will. This con- 
sequence goes some way toward showing that we 
may conclude that there is no such thing as real 
magic ; for although it is dangerous to reason on 
negative evidence, yet in a case of this kind it is 
especially strong. — Magic has been divided into two 
classes, (1.) natural or scientific magic, which attrib- 
utes its wonders to a deep practical acquaintance 
with the powers of nature; (2.) supernatural or 
spiritual, which ascribes them to celestial or infernal 
agency. The first requires a knowledge of the 
mode in which the powers of nature act, and then 
an ability to apply these powers to the production 
of extraordinary results. The second demands no 
intimate knowledge of nature, nor ordinarily any 
special moral or intellectual preparation, but relies 
for the production of its wonders entirely on the 
powers of spiritual beings, and claims for its works 
the character of miracles (Rev. H. Christmas, in 
Fairbairn). Mr. Poole in his article treats especially 
of the second class. Satan. 

Ma-giddo (fr. Gr.) = Megiddo (1 Esd. i. 29 
only). 

* Mag'is-trate. Elder ; Judge, &e. 

* Mag-nif'ic-al = magnificent (1 Chr. xxii. 5). 
Ma'gog (Heb., see below), a name applied in 

Scripture both to a person and to a land or people. 
In Gen. x. 2 Magog appears as the second son of 
Japheth in connection with Gomer (the Cimmerians) 
and Madai (the Medes) : in Ez. xxxviii. 2, xxxix. 1, 
6, it appears as a country or people of which Gog 
was the prince, in conjunction with Meshech (the 
Moschici), Tubal (the Tibareni), and Rosh (the 
Roxolani, A. V. " chief"). In the latter of these 
senses there is evidently implied an etymological 
connection between Gog and Ma-gog, the Ma being 
regarded by Ezekiel as a prefix significant of a 
country. In this case Gog contains the original 
element of the name, which may possibly have its 
origin in some Persian root. 1 The notices of Ma- 



1 Knobel makes Magog from Sansc. mah or mafia = 
great, and Pers. koh = mountain, i. e. the Caucasian range 
(so Von Bohlen) ; Hitzig from Coptic ma = place, or' 
Sansc. maha = land, and Pers. koka — the moon, as 
though the term had reference to moon-worshippers. 
More probably Magog is the orisrinal word, from which 
Gog was formed by dropping the *M (or Ma) as indicative 
of place (W. L. Alexander, in Kitto). 



MAG 



MAH 



587 



gog would lead us to fix a northern locality : not 
only did all the tribes mentioned in connection with 
it belong to that quarter, but it is expressly stated 
by Ezekiel that he was to come up from " the sides 
of the north " (xxxix. 2), from a country adjacent to 
that of Togarmah or Armenia (xxxviii. 6), and not 
far from " the isles " or maritime regions of Europe 
(xxxix. 6). The people of Magog further appear 
as having a force of cavalry (xxxviii. 15), and as 
armed with the bow (xxxix. 3). From the above 
data, combined with the consideration of the time 
at which Ezekiel lived, the conclusion has been 
drawn that Magog represents the important race of 
the Scythians. In identifying Magog with the 




Scythian Horseman and Archer. — From remains discovered at Kertch. — 
(Rawlinsou's HerodoltiB, III., 34.) 

Scythians, however, we do not (so Mr. Bevan) use 
the latter term in a strictly ethnographical sense, 
but as a general expression for the tribes living N. 
of the Caucasus. We regard Magog as essentially 
a geographical term, just as it was applied by the 
Syrians of the middle ages to Asiatic Tartary, and 
by the Arabians to the district between the Caspian 
and Euxine seas. The inhabitants of this district 
in the time of Ezekiel were undoubtedly the people 
generally known by the classical name of Scythians. 
Forced from their original quarters N. of the Cau- 
casus by the Massagetas, they descended into Asia 
Minor, took Sardis (b. c. 629), spread into Media 
(b. c. 624), where they defeated Cyaxares ; thence 
directed their course to Egypt, and were bribed 
off by Psammetichus ; on their return attacked 
the temple of Atargatis at Ascalon ; were finally 
ejected b. c. 596, after having made their name a 
terror to the whole Eastern world (Hdt. i. 103 ff.). 
(Sctthopolis.) With the memory of these events 
yet fresh, Ezekiel selects the Scythians as the sym- 
bol of earthly violence, arrayed against the people 
of God, but meeting with a signal and utter over- 
throw. He depicts their avarice and violence (Ez. 
xxxviii. *7— 13), and the fearful vengeance executed 
upon them (14-23) — a massacre so tremendous that 
seven months would hardly suffice for the burial of 
the corpses in the valley Hamon-gog (xxxix. 11-16). 



The imagery of Ezekiel has been transferred in the 
Apocalypse to describe the final struggle between 
Christ and Antichrist (Rev. xx. 8). As far as the 
Biblical notices are concerned, it is sufficient to 
state that the Scythians of Ezekiel's age — the 
Scythians of Herodotus — were probably a Japhetic 
race. Tongues, Confusion of. 

Ma'gor-mis'sa-bib (Heb. = terror on every side), 
the name given by Jeremiah to Pashur the priest, 
when he smote him and put him in the stocks for 
prophesying against the idolatry of Jerusalem (Jer, 
xx. 3). 

Mag pi-ash (Heb. moth-killer ? Ges. ; collector of 
clusters of stars, Fii.), a chief of the people, or fam- 
ily representative of the people who signed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 20) ; supposed by 
Calmet and Junius = Magbish. 

Ma'ha-lali (Heb. disease — Mahlah, Ges.), one of 
the three children of Hammoleketh, the sister of 
Gilead (1 Chr. vii. 18) ; probably a woman. 

Ma-ha-Ia'le-cl, or Ma-hal'a-leel (Heb. praise of 
God, Ges.). 1. The fourth in descent from Adam 
through Seth; son of Cainan (Gen. v. 12, 13, 15- 
IV; 1 Chr. i. 2). — 2. A descendant of Perez, or 
Pharez, the son of Judah (Neh. xi. 4). 

Ma'lia-lath (Heb. a stringed instrument, a lyre or 
guitar, Ges. [see next article] ; the lovely ? Fii.). 1. 
Daughter of Ishmael, and one of the wives of Esau 
(Gen. xxviii. 9). — 2. One of the eighteen wives of 
King Rehoboam, apparently his first (2 Chr. xi. 18 
only). She was her husband's cousin, the daughter 
of King David's son Jerimoth. 

Ma'lia-lath (Heb., see below). The title of Ps. 
liii., in which this rare word occurs, was rendered 
in the Geneva version, " To him that excelleth on 
Mahalath," explained in the margin to be " an in- 
strument or kind of note." This expresses in short 
the opinions of most commentators. Connecting 
the word with m&hdl or m&chol (Ex. xv. 20; Ps. cl. 
4), rendered " dance " in the A. V., but supposed 
by many from its connection with instruments of 
music to be one itself, Jerome renders the phrase 
" on Mahalath," by per chorum (L. = by chorus, i. e. 
dance). The title of Ps. liii. in the Chaldee and 
Syriac versions contains no trace of the word, which 
is also omitted in the almost identical Ps. xiv. 
From this fact alone it might be inferred that it 
was not intended to point enigmatically to the con- 
tents of the psalm. Aben Ezra understands by it 
the name of a melody to which the psalm was sung, 
and Rashi explains it as " the name of a musical in- 
strument," adding, however, immediately, with a 
play upon the word, " another discourse on the sick- 
ness (Heb. maludah or macha.ld.li) of Israel when the 
Temple was laid waste." But the most probable of 
all conjectures (so Mr. Wright), and one which 
Gesenius approves, is that of Ludolf, who quotes 
the Ethiopic mahlet or machlct, by which the kithara 
of the LXX. (A. V. "harp") is rendered in Gen. 
iv. 21. Fiirst explains Mahalath as the name of a 
musical corps dwelling at Abe\-meholah, just as by 
Gittith he understands the band of Levite minstrels 
at GWi-rimmon. Hengstenberg, J. A. Alexander, 
Lengerke, &c, translate " on Mahalath " by on sick- 
ness, referring to the spiritual malady of the sons 
of men. Delitzsch considers Mahalath as indicating 
to the choir the manner in which the psalm was to 
be sung. 

Ma'lia-lath Le-an'noth (Heb., see below). The 
Geneva version of Ps. lxxxviii., in the title of which 
these words occur, has " upon Malath Leannoth," 
and in the margin, " i. e. to humble. It was the be- 



588 



MAH 



MAH 



ginning of a song, by the tune whereof this psalm 
was sung." It is a remarkable proof of the obscu- 
rity which envelops the former of the two words 
(Mahalath) that the same commentator explains it 
differently in each of the passages in which it oc- 
curs. In De Wette's translation it is a flute in Ps. 
liii., a guitar in Ps. lxxxviii. ; and while Kashi in the 
former passage explains it as a musical instrument, 
he describes the latter as referring to one sick of 
love and affliction who was afflicted with the punish- 
ments of the Captivity. Augustine and Theodoret 
both understand leannoth of responsive singing. 
There is nothing, however, in the construction of 
the psalm to show that it was adapted for respon- 
sive singing ; and if leannoth be simply " to sing," 
it would seem almost unnecessary. It has reference, 
more probably to the character of the psalm, and 
might be rendered to humble, or afflict, in which 
sense the root occurs in verse 7. In support of this 
may be compared, " to bring to remembrance," in 
the titles of Ps. xxxviii. and lxx. ; and " to thank," 
1 Chr. xvi. 7. Hengstenberg, J. A. Alexander, Len- 
gerke, &c, regard Ps. lxxxviii. as a prayer of one 
recovered from severe bodily sickness, and render 
the Hebrew phrase concerning afflictive sickness. 

SIa'ha-11 (fr. Heb.) — MahliI (Ex. vi. 19 only). 

Ma-ha-na'im (fr. Heb. = two camps or hosts), a 
town on the E. of the Jordan, intimately con- 
nected with the early and middle history of Israel. 
It received its name at the most important crisis of 
the life of Jacob. He had parted from Laban in 
peace after their hazardous encounter on Mount 
Gilead (Gen. xxxi.), and the next step in the jour- 
ney to Canaan brings him to Mahanaim : " Jacob 
went on his way ; (and he lifted up his eyes and 
saw the camp of God encamped ') ; and the angels 
(or messengers) of God met him. And when he 
saw them he said, This is God's host (Heb. maha- 
neh), and he called the name of that place Maha- 
naim." How or when the town of Mahanaim arose 
on the spot thus signalized we are not told. We 
next meet with it in the records of the conquest. 
The line separating Gad from Manasseh appears to 
have run through or close to it, since it is named 
in the specification of the frontier of each tribe 
(Josh. xiii. 26, 29). It was also on the southern 
boundary of the district of Bashan (ver. 30). But 
it was certainly within the territory of Gad (xxi. 38, 
39), and therefore on the S. side of the torrent 
Jabbok, as indeed we should infer from the history 
of Genesis, in which it lies between Gilead — prob- 
ably the modern Jebel JiVad—snid the torrent. The 
town with its " suburbs " was allotted to the Mera- 
rite Levites (Josh. xxi. 39; 1 Chr. vi. 80). From 
some cause — the sanctity of its original foundation, 
or the strength of its position — Mahanaim had be- 
come in the time of the monarchy a place of mark 
(2 Sam. ii. 9, 12, iv. 6). The same causes which led 
Abner to fix Ishbosheth'3 residence at Mahanaim 
probably induced David to take refuge there when 
driven out of the western part of his kingdom by 
Absalom (xvii. 24 ; IK. ii. 8). It was then a walled 
town, capacious enough to contain the " hundreds " 
and the "thousands" of David's followers (2 Sam. 
xviii. 1, 4; compare " ten thousand," ver. 3) ; with 
gates and the usual provision for the watchman of 
a fortified town. Mahanaim was the seat of one of 
Solomon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 14); and 
it is alluded to in the Song which bears his name 
(Cant. vi. 13, margin). On the monument of She- 



1 Thia is added in the LXX. 



shonk (Shishak) at Karnak, in the twenty-second 
cartouche — one of those believed to contain the 
names of Israelite cities conquered by that king — 
a name appears which is read as M a -ha-n-m a , i. e. 
Mahanaim. If this interpretation may be relied 
on, it shows that the invasion of Shishak was more 
extensive than we should gather from the records 
of the Bible (2 Chr. xii.), which are occupied mainly 
with occurrences at the metropolis. As to the iden- 
tification of Mahanaim with any modern site or re- 
mains little can be said. To Eusebius and Jerome 
it appears to have been unknown. A place called 
Mahneh does certainly exist among the villages of 
the E. of Jordan, marked on Kiepert's map (1856) 
as about twenty-five miles exactly E. of Beth-shan. 
Its identity with Mahanaim has been upheld by Porter 
{Handbook, 322), Wilson (ii. 362, 641), &c. Tristram, 
in March, 1864 (Land of Israel, 483), visited Birket 
Mahneh ( pool of Mahneh), a natural pond, near which 
are some ruins of modern Arab dwellings, and traces 
of ancient buildings, occupying several acres, and 
regards " these grass-grown mounds " as the site of 
ancient Mahanaim (see map of Jordan, &c). But 
the distance of Mahneh from the Jordan and from 
both the Wady Zurka and the Yarmuk — each of 
which has claims to represent the Jabbok — seems 
to forbid this conclusion (so Mr. Grove). Porter 
(in Kitto) asks, May not Mahanaim = Gerasa ? 

9Ia'lia-neh-daa (Heb. — the " Camp of Dan: "), a 
name which commemorated the last encampment 
of the band of 600 Danite warriors before setting 
out on their expedition to Laish. The position of 
the spot is specified as " behind Kirjath-jearim " 
( Judg. xviii. 12), and " between Zorah and Eshtaol " 
(xiii. 25). Mr. Williams (Holy City, i. 12 n.) was 
shown a site on the N. side of the Wady Ismail, and 
about ten miles nearly W. from Jerusalem, which 
bore the name of Beit Mahanem, and which he sug- 
gests may be identical with Mahaneh-dan. The 
position is certainly very suitable ; but the name 
does not occur in the lists or maps of other travel- 
lers. 

Ma'ha-rai, or Ma-har'a-i (Heb. impetuous, Ges.), 
an inhabitant of Netophah in Judah, and one of 
David's captains, descended from Zerah (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 28 ; 1 Chr. xi. 30, xxvii. 13). 

Ma'hatll (Heb. taking, grasping, Ges.). 1, Son of 
Amasai, a Kohathite of the house of Korah (1 Chr. 
vi. 35). (Ahimoth.) — 2. Also a Kohathite, son of 
Amasai, in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 12); 
apparently the same who is mentioned 2 Chr. xxxi. 
13. 

Ma'ha-vite (fr. Heb. pi. = Mahavites), the, the 
designation of Eliel, one of King David's " valiant 
men" (1 Chr. xi. 46 only). 

Ma-ba'zl-oth (Heb. visions, Ges.), one of the four- 
teen sons of Heman the Kohathite; chief of the 
twenty-third course of musicians (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 
30). 

Ma'her-sha'lal-hash'-baz(Heb. hasting to the spoil 
he. speeds to the prey, Ges.), son of Isaiah ; so named 
by divine direction, to indicate that Damascus and 
Samaria were soon to be plundered by the king of 
Assyria (Is. viii. 1-4). 

Mali'Iah (Heb. disease, Ges.), the eldest of the five 
daughters of Zelophehad (Num. xxvii. 1-11). 

Mali Ii (Heb. sickly, Ges.). 1. Son of Merari, the 
son of Levi, and ancestor of the family of the Mah- 
lites (Num. iii. 20 ; 1 Chr. vi. 19, 29, xxiii. 21, xxiv. 
26, 28 ; Ezr. viii. 18) ; = Mahali.— 2. Son of Mushi, 
and grandson of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 47, xxiii. 23, xxiv. 
30). 



HAH 



HAL 



589 



Mah'lites, the, = the descendants of Mahli the 
son of Merari (Num. iii. 33, xxvi. 58). 

Mak'lon (Heb. sickly, Ges.), the first husband of 
Ruth. He and his brother Chilion were sons of 
Elimelech and Naomi, and " Ephrathites of Beth- 
lehem-judah " (Ru. i. 2,5, iv. 9, 10; compare 1 
Sam. xvii. 12). 

Ma'hol (Heb. a dance, dancing, sc. in a circle, 
Ges.), father of Ethan the Ezrahite, and Heman, 
Chalcol, and Darda, the four men most famous for 
wisdom next to Solomon himself (1 K. iv. 31). In 
1 Chr. ii. 6 similar names belong to sons of Zerah. 

Mai-a'ne-as (fr. Gr.) = Masseiah 1 (1 Esd. ix. 48). 

* Maid'-ser-vant. Servant; Slate. 

* Mail, Coat of. Arms, II. 1. 

Ma'kaz (fr. Heb. = end, Ges.), a place, apparently 
a town named (IK. iv. 9 only) in the specification 
of the jurisdiction of Solomon's commissariat offi- 
cer, Ben-Dekar ; probably in Dan ; not discovered. 

Sla ked (Gr.), or DIa'ged, one of the " strong and 
great " cities of Gilead into which the Jews were 
driven by the Ammonites under Timotheus (1 Mc. 
v. 26, 36) ; site unknown. 

Mak-he loth (Heb. pi. assemblies, choirs, Ges.), a 
place only mentioned in Num. xxxiii. 25 as that of 
a desert encampment of the Israelites. Wilder- 
ness of the Wandering. 

Mak-ke dah (Heb. place of shepherds, Ges.), a 
place memorable in the annals of the conquest of 
Canaan as the scene of the execution by Joshua of 
the five confederate kings : an act by which the 
victory of Beth-horon was consummated, and the 
subjection of the entire southern portion of the 
country secured (Josh. x. 10-30). This unquestion- 
ably occurred in the afternoon of that tremendous 
day, which " was like no day before or after it." 
After the execution of the chiefs Joshua turns to 
the town itself. To force the walls, to put the kiDg 
and all the inhabitants to the sword (ver. 28), is to 
that indomitable energy, still fresh after the gigantic 
labors and excitements of the last twenty-four hours, 
the work of an hour or two. And now the evening 
has arrived, the sun is at last sinking — the first sun 
that has set since the departure from Gilgal — and the 
tragedy is terminated by cutting down the five 
bodies from the trees, and restoring them to the 
cave, which is then so blocked up with stones as 
henceforth never again to become refuge for friend 
or foe of Israel. The taking of Makkedah was the 
first in that series of sieges and destructions by 
which the Great Captain possessed himself of the 
main points of defence throughout this portion of 
the country. Eusebius and Jerome place it eight 
miles E. of Eleutheropolis, Beit Jibrin — a position ir- 
reconcilable with every requirement of the narra- 
tive (so Mr. Grove). Porter suggests a ruin on the 
northern slope of the Wady es-Sumt, about eight 
miles N. E. of Beit Jibrin, bearing the somewhat 
similar name of el-Klediah. Van de Velde would 
place it at Sumeil, a village standing on a low hill 
six or seven miles N. W. of Beit Jibrin. 

DIak'tesh (Heb., see below), a place evidently in 
Jerusalem, the inhabitants of which are denounced 
by Zephaniah (i. 11). Ewald conjectures that it 
was the " Phenician quarter" of the city. The 
meaning of " Maktesh " is probably a deep hollow, 
literally a mortar. This the Targum identifies with 
the torrent Kidron. But may it not have been 
the deep valley Tyropceon which separated the Tem- 
ple from the upper city, and which at the time of 
Titus's siege was, as it still is, crowded with the 
" bazaars " of the merchants ? 



Mal'a-chi [-ki] (Heb. messenger of Jehovah, Ges.), 
the last, and therefore called " the seal " of the 
prophets, as his prophecies constitute the closing 
book of the Canon. Of his personal history nothing 
is known. A tradition preserved in Pseudo-Epi- 
phanius relates that Malachi was of the tribe of Zeb- 
ulun, and born after the Captivity at Sopha in the 
territory of that tribe. According to the same 
apocryphal story he died young, and was buried 
with his fathers in his own country. Jerome, in the 
preface to his Commentary on Malachi, mentions a 
belief current among the Jews, that Malachi was 
identical with Ezra the priest. With equal prob- 
ability Malachi has been identified with Mordecai, 
Nehemiah, and Zerubbabel. The LXX. render il by 
Malachi" (Mai. i. 1) "by the hand of his angel ;" 
and this translation appears to have given rise to 
the idea that Malachi, as well as Haggai and John 
the Baptist, was an angel in human shape (compare 
Mai. iii. 1 ; 2 Esd. i. 40). The time at which his 
prophecies were delivered is not difficult to ascer- 
tain. Cyril makes him contemporary with Haggai 
and Zechariah, or a little later. Syncellus places 
these three prophets under Joshua the son of Jos- 
edec. That Malachi was contemporary with Nehe- 
miah is rendered probable by a comparison of Mai. 
ii. 8 with Neh. xiii. 15; Mai. ii. 10-16 with Neh. xiii. 
23, &c. ; and Mai. iii. 7-12 with Neh. xiii. 10, &c. 
That he prophesied after the times of Haggai and 
Zechariah is inferred from his omitting to mention 
the restoration of the Temple, and from no allusion 
being made to him by Ezra. The Captivity was al- 
ready a thing of the long past, and is not referred to. 
The existence of the Temple-service is presupposed 
in Mai. i. 10, iii. 1, 10. The Jewish nation had still* 
a political chief (i. 8), distinguished by the same 
title as that borne by Nehemiah (Neh. xii. 26), to 
which Gesenius assigns a Persian origin. (Govern- 
or 7.) Hence Vitringa, Kennicott, Hales, Davidson, 
and most Biblical critics, conclude that Malachi de- 
livered his prophecies after the second return of 
Nehemiah from Persia (Neh. xiii. 6), and subse- 
quently to the thirty-second year of Artaxerxes 
Longimanus, i. e. about b. c. 420. From the strik- 
ing parallelism between the state of things indicated 
in Malachi's prophecies and that actually existing 
on Nehemiah's return from the court of Artaxerxes, 
it is on all accounts highly probable (so Mr. Wright) 
that the efforts of the secular governor were on this 
occasion seconded by the preaching of " Jehovah's 
messenger," and that Malachi occupied the same 
position with regard to the reformation under Nehe- 
miah, which Isaiah held in the time of Hezekiah, 
and Jeremiah in that of Josiah. The last chapter 
of canonical Jewish history is the key to the last 
chapter of its prophecy. Malachi (so Ayre) was 
commissioned to reprove both priests and people, 
and to invite them to " reformation by promises of 
blessing and warnings of awful judgment." The 
book of Malachi is contained in four chapters in our 
version, as in the LXX., Vulgate, and Peshito-Syriac. 
In the Hebrew the third and fourth form but one 
chapter. The whole prophecy naturally divides it- 
self into three sections, in the first of which Jehovah 
is represented as the loving father and ruler of His 
people (i. 2 — ii. 9) ; in the second, as the supreme 
God and father of all (ii. 10-16); and in the third, 
as their righteous and final judge (iii. 17-end). These 
may be again subdivided into smaller sections, each 
of which follows a certain order: first, a short sen- 
tence ; then the skeptical questions which might be 
raised by the people ; and, finally, their full and 



590 



HAL 



MAL 



triumphant refutation. The prophet's, language is 
smooth and easy, the style of the reasoner rather 
than of the poet. The prophecy of Malachi is al- 
luded to in the N. T., and its canonical authority 
thereby established (compare Mk. i. 2, ix. 11, 12; 
Lk. i. 17; Rom. ix. 13). Bible; Canon; Inspira- 
tion ; John the Baptist ; Prophet. 

Mal'a-chy = the prophet Malachi (2 Esd. i. 40). 

Mal'cliam (Heb., see No. 2 below). 1. A Ben- 
jamite chief, son of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh 
(1 Chr. viii. 9). — 2. The idol Molech, as some sup- 
pose (Zeph. i. 5). The word literally = " their king," 
as the margin of our version gives it, and is referred 
by Gesenius to an idol generally, as invested with 
regal honors by its worshippers. 

Mal-chi'ah (fr. Heb. = Jehovah's king, Ges.). 1. 
A descendant of Gershom, the son of Levi, and an- 
cestor of Asaph the minstrel (1 Chr. vi. 40). — 2. One 
of the sons of Parosh, who had married a foreign 
wife (Ezr. x. 25). — 3. One of the sons of Harim in 
Ezra's time, who had married a foreigu wife (x. 31) ; 
probably — Malchijah 4. — 4. Son of Rechab, and 
ruler of the circuit (A. V. " part ") of Beth-hacce- 
rem. He took part in rebuilding the wall of Jeru 
salem (Neh. iii. 14). — 5. " The goldsmith's son," 
who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the wall of 
Jerusalem (iii. 31). — 6. One, probably a priest, who 
stood at the left hand of Ezra when he read the 
Law to the people in the street before the water- 
gate (viii. 4). — 7. A priest, father of Pashur ; = 
Malchijah 1 (xi. 12; Jer. xxxviii. 1). — 8. Son of 
Hammelech (or " the king's son," as it is translated 
in 1 K. xxii. 26 ; 2 dir. xxviii. 7), into whose dun- 
geon or cistern Jeremiah was cast (Jer. xxxviii. 6). It 
* would seem (so Mr. Wright) that the title " king's 
son " was official, like that of " king's mother," and 
applied to one of the royal family, who exercised 
functions somewhat similar to those of Potiphar in 
the court of Pharaoh. Jerahmeel 3 ; Joash 4 ; 
Maaseiah 17. 

Mal chi-el (Heb. God's king, i. e. appointed by Him, 
Ges.), son of Beriah, the son of Asher, and ancestor 
of the family of the Malchielites (Gen. xlvi. 17; 
Num. xxvi. 45). In 1 Chr. vii. 31 he is called the 
father, i. e. founder, of Birzavith. 

Matelii-el-ites, the = the descendants of Mal- 
chiel, the grandson of Asher (Num. xxvi. 45). 

Mal-chi jah (fr. Heb. = Malchiah). 1. A priest, 
the father of Pashur (1 Chr. ix. 12); — Malchiah 
7, and Melchiah. — 2. A priest, chief of the fifth 
of the twenty-four courses appointed by David 
(xxiv. 9). — :{, A layman of the sons of Parosh, who 
put away his foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). — 4. Son, i. e. 
descendant, of Harim, and a participant in repairing 
the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 11); probably = 
Malchiah 3. — 5. A priest who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah ; probably = the family or repre- 
sentative of the course of Malchijah 2 (x. 3). — 6. 
A priest who assisted in the solemn dedication of 
the wall of Jerusalem under Ezra and Nehemiah 
(xii. 42). 

Mal-elii'ram (Heb. = king of altitude, Ges.), son 
of Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

Mal'clii-shu'a, or Mal-chish'n-a (Heb. king of help, 
Ges.), also Melchi-shua in A. V., son of King Saul 
(1 Sam. xiv. 49, xxxi. 2 ; 1 Chr. viii. 33, ix. 39). 
His position in the family (second or third son) can- 
not be exactly determined. Nothing is known of him 
beyond the fact that he fell, with his two brothers, 
and before his father, in the early part of the battle 
of Gilboa. 

Mal'chns (L. fr. Gr. — Malluch), the servant of 



the high-priest, whose right ear Peter cut off at the 
time of the Saviour's apprehension in the garden, 
named only in Jn. xviii. 10. See Mat. xxvi. 51 ; 
Mk. xiv. 47; Lk. xxii. 49-51; Jn. xviii. 10. Only 
Luke the physician mentions the act of healing. 

Ma-lc'lc-el, or Mal'e-leel (Gr.) = Mahalaleel, the 
son of Cainan (Lk. iii. 37 ; Gen. v. 12, margin). 

Mal'Ios (Gr., a lock of wool). The people of Tar- 
sus and Mallos revolted from Antiochus Epiphanes 
because he had bestowed them on one of his concu- 
bines (2 Mc. iv. 30). Mallos was an important city 
of Cilicia, lying at the mouth of the Pyramus 
(Seihun), on the shore of the Mediterranean, N. E. 
of Cyprus, and about twenty miles from Tarsus. 

Mal-lo'thi (Heb. my fullness? Ges.), a Kohathite, 
one of the fourteen sons of Heman the singer, and 
chief of the nineteenth course (1 Chr. xxv. 4, 26). 

Mallows. By the Heb. malluah or malluach, A. 




Jew's Mallow (Corc/ioriue olitorius). 




Orach {Atriplex halimut). 



MAL 



MAN 



591 



V. " mallows," we are no doubt to understand some 
species of Orache, and in all probability the Atriplex 
halirnus of botanists, a shrubby saline plant, the 
young tops of which are sometimes used as food, 
like spinach. It occurs only in Job. xxx. 4. Some 
writers, as R. Levi and Luther, with the Swedish 
and the old Danish versions, understood nettles to be 
denoted. Others have conjectured that some species 
of Mallow (Malva) is intended. Sprengel identifies 
with the Heb. word, the Jew's Mallow {Corchorus 
olitorius), which is still eaten in Arabia and Palestine, 
the leaves and pods being used as a pot-herb. But 
the Atriplex halirnus has undoubtedly the best claim 
to represent the Heb. malluah or malluach (so Mr. 
Houghton, with Bochart, Drusius, Celsius, Hiller, 
Rosenmiiller, &c). 

Mal'lncb [-luk] (Heb. reigning, or counsellor, Ges.). 
1. A Levite of the family of Merari, and ancestor 
of Ethan the singer (1 Chr. vi. 44). — 2. One of the 
sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 29), and 3. one of the de- 
scendants of Harim (32) who had married foreign 
wives. — 4. A priest or family of priests (Neh. x. 4), 
and 5. A chief of the people who signed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (27) ; = No. 2 or 3 ?— 6. A 
pHest or family of priests who returned with Zerub- 
babel (xii. 2) ; = Melicu ; probably = No. 4. 

Ma-mai as (1 Esd. viii. 44), perhaps a repetition 
of Shemaiah in Ezr. viii. 16. Masman. 

Mammon (Mat. vi. 24 ; Lk. xvi. 9), a word which 
often occurs in the Chaldee Targums of Onkelos, 
and later writers, and in the Syriac Version, and 
which signifies riches. It is used in Mat. as a per- 
sonification of riches. 

Mam-ni-ta-nai'mns (fr. Gr.), in 1 Esd. ix. 34, a 
corruption of " Mattaniah, Mattenai," in Ezr. x. 37. 

Mam re (Heb. fattening, fat, Ges.), an ancient 
Amorite, who, with his brothers Eshcol and Aner, 
was in alliance with Abram (Gen. xiv. 13, 24), and 
under the shade of whose oak-grove (A.V. " plain," 
" plains ; " see Oak 3 ; Plain 7) the patriarch dwelt 
in the interval between his residence at Bethel and 
at Beer-sheba (xiii. 18, xviii. 1). The personality 
of this ancient chieftain, unmistakably though 
slightly brought out in the narrative just cited, is 
lost in the subsequent chapters. Mamre is there a 
mere local appellation (xxiii. 17, 19, xxv. 9, xlix. 
30, 1. 13) ; probably on the slope where is now the 
governor's residence, opposite the hill of the mosque 
at Hebron. (Machpelah.) It does not appear be- 
yond Genesis. 

Ma-mn dins (fr. Gr.) = Malluch 2 (1 Esd. ix. 30). 

Man, 1 the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. ad&m, 
used as (A) The name of the man created, in the 
image of God (Gen. ii. 7, 8, 15 [margin "Adam "], 
16, 18, 19 [A. V. "Adam"], &c). It appears to 
be derived from Adam = he or it was red or ruddy, 
like Edom. The epithet rendered red has a very wide 
signification in the Shemitic languages. (Colors.) 
When the Arabs apply the term red to man, they 
always mean by it fair. (B) The name of Adam 
and his wife (v. 1, 2 : compare i. 27, in which case 
there is nothing to show that more than one pair 
is intended). (C) A collective noun, indeclinable, 
having neither construct state, plural, nor feminine 
form, used to designate any or all of the descend- 
ants of Adam (vi. 1 ff., &c.) ; sometimes translated 
" person " (Num. xxxi. 28, 30, 35, &c), also " mean 
man " (Is. ii. 9, v. 15, xxxi. 8), &c. — 2. Heb. tsh, 
apparently softened from an unused sing, enesh, pi. 



1 This article, except about one-half of the first forty- 
three lines, is by the American editor. 



undshim, rarely ishim ; fem. ishshdh, pi. ndshim, 
once nhshoth, "man," "men," "woman," "women" 
(Gen. ii. 23, iii. 1 ff., iv. 1, 23, &c). The masculine is 
often translated " husband " (iii. 6, 16, xvi. 3, &c), 
and the feminine "wife" (ii. 24, 25, iii. 8, 17, 20, 
21, &c). The kindred Heb. cnosh is also found 
(Job v. 17, vii. 1, 17; Ps. lv. 13, 14 Heb., &c. ; 
Enos), and the Chal. endsh (Ezr. iv. 11 ; Dan. ii. 10, 
38, 43, &c.).— 3. Heb. ba'al (Gen. xx. 3 ; Josh. xxiv. 
11, "men" of Jericho; Judg. ix. 2 ff., "men" of 
Shechem; xx. 5, "men" of Gibeah ; 1 Sam. xxiii. 
11, 12, "men" of Keilah, &c), literally "lord" 
(Num. xxi. 28), " master " (Judg. xix. 22, 23, &c), 
" owner " (Ex. xxi. 28 if., &c), also translated " hus- 
band " (Deut. xxii. 22, xxiv. 4, &c), " Baal," &c— 

4. Heb. geber, " a man," from gdbar, to be strong, 
generally with reference to his strength, correspond- 
ing to L. vir and Gr. aner (below) (Ex. x. 11, xii. 
37 ; Prov. xxiv. 5, xxviii. 3, 21, &c), twice trans- 
lated "mighty" (Is. xxii. 17; Jer. xii. 16). The 
kindred Heb. and Chal. gibar is also used (Ps. xviii. 
26 ; Ezr. iv. 21 ; Dan. ii. 25, &c), likewise gibbor 
(2 Sam. xxii. 26 ; 2 Chr. xiii. 3), usually " mighty 
man " (1 Sam. ii. 4, ix. 1, &c. ; see Giants 2), &c. — 

5. Heb. pi. methim, "men," always masculine (Deut. 
ii. 34, iii. 6, &c), sometimes translated " few " (Gen. 
xxxiv. 30; Deut. iv. 27), "small" (Jer. xliv. 28), 
" persons " (Ps. xxvi. 4), &c. The kindred Heb. 
mSthom is once found instead (Judg. xx. 48). — 6. 
Gr. aner — a man, in distinction from a woman or 
young person (Mat. vii. 24, 26, xii. 41, xiv. 21, 35, 
&c), also translated " husband " (i. 16, 19 ; Eph. v. 
22 ff., &c), in pi. " sirs " (Acts vii. 26, &c), once 
"fellows" (xvi. 5); in LXX. = No. 2.-7. Gr. 
anthropos = a man, i. e. one of the human race 
(Mat. iv. 4, 19, v. 13, 16, 19, &c). It occurs more 
than five hundred times in the N. T. and almost al- 
ways is translated " man " or in pi. " men." The 
adj. anthropinos is translated " of man," " man's," 
&c. (1 Cor. ii. 4, 13 ; 1 Pet. ii. 13, &c.) ; anthropares- 
los is translated literally in pi. " men-pleasers " 
(Eph. vi. 6 ; Col. iii. 22). The " old man " refers 
to the carnal or unsanctified nature ; the " new 
man," the " inner man," &c, to the holy or sancti- 
fied disposition of the children of God or true 
Christians (Rom. vi. 6; Eph. iii. 16, iv. 22, 24, &c). 
The word "man" is often inserted in the A.V. 
where the original is not thus limited, and " one " 
might properly take its place, e. g. Deut. xxviii. 29 ; 
Jn. x. 9, 18, 28, 29 ; Rev. v. 3, 4, &c. (For the 
creation and fall of man, the " man of sin," and 
various other connected subjects, see Adam ; Anti- 
christ ; Chronology ; Creation ; Day ; Satan ; 
Serpents ; Son of Man.) — Under the present article 
may properly come a brief consideration of the ar- 
guments respecting the unity of the human race, and 
the descent of the whole from one primitive pair. I. 
Mankind constitute one and the only species of a 
genus {Homo) essentially distinct from and superior 
to all other animals. A species, as commonly under- 
stood, includes " all those individuals that are de- 
rived from their like, and that reproduce their 
like ; " or more definitely, in the case of organized 
beings, it is " the collective total of individuals which 
are capable of producing, one with another, an un- 
interruptedly fertile progeny " (B. S. xix. 631). 
There are some instances in which like does not 
produce like directly, but in alternate generations : 
e. g. a polyp produces a jelly-fish, and the latter, in 
its turn, a polyp {New Englander, viii. 549). Com- 
pare with this the well-known fact that among man- 
kind ancestral characteristics, which are not notice- 



592 



MAN 



MAN 



able in some generations, often reappear in succeed- 
ing ones ; also the fact that among insects the same 
individual may have an entirely different structure 
at different periods of its existence (e. g. first a 
caterpillar or grub, then a chrysalis, then a perfect 
winged insect, &c). In such cases the similarity 
of form, &c, disappears, but the bond of lineage 
remains. Prof. Dana has scientifically defined the 
essential idea of a species thus : " A species corre- 
sponds to a specific amount or condition of concentred 
force, defined in the act or law of creation " (B. S. 
xiv. 860). That mankind thus constitute a single 
species appears from — 1. Their physical structure 
and organization. All the varieties of mankind are 
alike in the number and equal length of the teeth 
and in the peculiarity of shedding them, in the 208 
additional bones of the body, in erect stature, in 
the articulation of the head with the spinal column, 
in the possession of two hands, in the absence of 
the intermaxillary bone, in a smooth skin of the 
body and a head covered with hair, in the number 
and arrangement of the muscles, the digestive and 
all the other organs ; they are all omnivorous, have 
a slower growth than any other animal, are subject 
to similar diseases, similar parasitic insects and in- 
testinal worms, &c. (B. S. ix. 427 ; TIte Doctrine of 
the Uniti/ of tlie Human Race, by John Bachman, 
D.D., Charleston, S. C, 1850). The wonderful struc- 
ture of the hand, the power and adaptation of the 
face to express varied emotion, and the evident 
superiority of the human brain, all assist to mark the 
distinction in outward form between man and the 
brutes. But deserving of special mention is an- 
other characteristic in what Prof. Dana (in Neva 
Englander, xxii. 285 ff., 495 ff.) names cephalization, 
i. e. domination of the head (Gr. kephalS) in the 
structure. " As the head is the seat of power in 
an animal," he says, " the part which gives honor 
to the whole, it is natural that among species rank 
should be marked by means of variations in the 
structure of the head ; and not only by variations 
in structure, but also in the extent to which the 
rest of the body directly contributes, by its mem- 
bers, to the uses or purposes of the head." In ex- 
amining the animal kingdom with reference to a 
transfer of members from the locomotive to the 
cephalic series, or the reverse, Prof. Dana finds 
that the two lowest divisions or sub-kingdoms 
(radiates and mollusks), the third or lowest class 
(worms) in the next higher sub-kingdom (articu- 
lates), and the three lower classes (birds, reptiles, 
and fishes) in the highest sub-kingdom (verte- 
brates), lack the requisite structure for the com- 
parison. In the first clas3 (mammals) of the high- 
est sub-kingdom (vertebrates), there are but two 
pairs of limbs, and in this clas3 man is alone in 
having the fore-limbs withdrawn from the loco- 
motive series, and transferred to the service of the 
head. The uses of the fore-limbs in man are (1.) 
the inferior, depending on the demands of the ap- 
petite satisfied through the mouth (uses which are 
united to the locomotive in the monkeys and some 
other quadrupeds) ; (2.) the superior, depending on 
the demands of the mind and soul. A very large 
anterior portion of the body is thus turned over 
to the service of the head, so that the posterior 
or gastric portion of the animal reaches in man 
its minimum. In consequence of this peculiarity, 
the human form is erect, the body is placed di- 
rectly beneath the brain, or the subordinating 
power, with no part posterior to it,and on two feet, 
the smallest possible number in an animal. In 



the first class (insecteans) of the second sub-king- 
dom (articulates), the first or highest order (insects) 
have three pairs of feet and three of mouth-organs, 
the next lower (spiders) have four pairs of feet and 
two of mouth-organs, the third or lowest (myria- 
pods or centipedes) have a degradational character 
manifested in an unlimited number of segments of 
the body and pairs of feet. In the second class 
(crustaceans) of the second sub-kingdom are also 
three orders, the first (decapods) having five pairs 
of feet and six pairs of mouth-organs, the second 
(tetradecapods) having seven pairs of feet and four 
pairs of mouth-organs, the lowest (entomostracans) 
having defective feet, and some having three pairs 
of mouth-organs, others only two, others only one 
pair, others none. The numbers of pairs of feet, 
then, in the regular types of the animal kingdom, 
beginning with man, and ending with tetradecapods, 
are one, two, three, four, five, seven. Thus man is 
widely separated zoologically from all other ani- 
mals, and placed at the very head of the animal 
kingdom. — 2. Their mental and moral characteristics. 
Mankind differ from the whole brute creation in 
having souls, endowed with faculties for the acquire- 
ment of knowledge and wisdom, and with suscep- 
tibilities and voluntary powers fitting them for moral 
action. They are not compelled to stop short at 
adult age, and rest satisfied with the attainments of 
their ancestors or predecessors, but a boundless 
field for investigation, discovery, and invention, is 
opened before them, to discipline their powers and 
lead them onward and upward ; they may be stim- 
ulated to exertion by higher motives than can be 
brought to bear upon the brutes ; they have natural 
aspirations after excellence and immortality, and 
emotions of religious regard for a power that is 
higher than earthly ; yet they are all naturally sin- 
ful, and both need the salvation of the Gospel, and 
may profit by it. The effects of the preaching of 
the Gospel and the earnest inculcation of religious 
truth are substantially alike in every clime and 
among every people : the proud Koman, the refined 
Greek, the barbarous Druid, the degraded Hotten- 
tot, the Hindoo, and the Polynesian, all of all races 
and regions, may be and are elevated by it, and 
fitted to glorify God and benefit their fellow-men on 
earth, and to inherit everlasting life through sanc- 
tification of the Spirit and belief of the truth. — 3. 
The gift of speech and power of singing. Not only 
are these characteristic of mankind as a whole, but 
all are naturally capacitated to learn the same lan- 
guage and sing in harmony the same songs. The 
present differences in language, &c, may be ration- 
ally accounted for otherwise than by supposing 
them to be original distinctions which have existed 
ever since the creation. (Tongues, Confusion of.) 
— 4. Their fertile intermixture. Dr. Bachman has 
subjected to a critical examination the alleged facts 
in respect to the fertility of hybrids, and in his 
work above cited gives the results of long and pa- 
tient and extensive observation and research on 
his own part, and of protracted and familiar cor- 
respondence with practical men and with eminent 
fellow-laborers in the same departments of science 
in both the Eastern and Western continents. He 
found that " out of the whole number of unnatural 
productions of this kind, there are but two authen- 
tic instances in which the result was not absolute 
sterility ; and even these proved altogether unable 
to perpetuate themselves. Even admitting the pro- 
duction of a progeny by animals of mixed descent 
in one or two instances, it dies out after one or two 



MAN 



MAN 



593 



generations." " Many of the supposed new races " 
were " shown conclusively to be mere varieties of 
some existing species, as the Japan peacock and 
the ring pheasant ; " but " no race exists upon the earth 
which can be shown to have originated from the union 
of animals of different species." Prof. Wagner, of 
Germany, has shown, by the dissection of animals of 
mixed blood, and Dr. Bachman's researches confirm 
the statement, that " Nature has interposed, in the 
anatomical structure of such hybrids, an absolute 
barrier to their reproduction " (Neio Englander, viii. 
550-552). The same law in respect to hybridity 
prevails in both the vegetable and animal kingdoms. 
Everywhere the purity of species has been guarded 
with great precision. The supposed cases of per- 
petuated fertile hybridity are exceedingly few in 
plants, still fewer among animals. " Moreover, if 
hybridity be begun, Nature commences at once to 
purify herself as of an ulcer on the system. The 
short run of hybridity between the horse and the 
ass, species very closely related, reaching its end in 
one single generation, instead of favoring the idea 
that perpetuated fertile hybridity is possible, is a 
speaking protest against a principle that would ruin 
the system if allowed free scope. . . . Were such a 
case [of perpetuated fertile hybridity] demonstrated 
"by well-established facts, it would necessarily be ad- 
mitted But until proved by arguments bet- 
ter than those drawn from domesticated animals 
(see below II. 1), we may plead the general prin- 
ciple against the possibilities on the other side. . . . 
We have a right to ask for well-defined facts, taken 
from the study of successive generations of the 
inter-breeding of species known to be distinct. 
Least of all should we expect that a law, which is 
so rigid among plants and the lower animals, should 
have its main exceptions in the highest class of the 
animal kingdom, and its most extravagant violations 
in the genus Homo; for, if there are more than one 
species of man, they have become, in the main, in- 
definite by intermixture There are other 

ways of accounting for the limited productiveness 
of the mulatto, without appealing to a distinction of 
species. There are causes, independent of mixture, 
which are making the Indian to melt away before 
the white man, the Sandwich Islander and all savage 
people to sink into the ground before the power 
and energy of higher intelligence. They disappear 
like plants beneath those of stronger root and 
growth, being depressed morally, intellectually, and 
physically, contaminated by new vices, tainted vari- 
ously by foreign disease, and dwindled in all their 
hopes and aims and means of progress, through an 
overshadowing race. We have therefore reason to 
believe, from man's fertile intermixture, that he is 
one in species ; and that all organic species are di- 
vine appointments which cannot be obliterated, un- 
less by annihilating the individuals representing the 
species" (Prof. Dana, in B. S. xiv. 863 ff.).— 5. 
Their adaptation to all regions and climates. White 
men have lived and labored for years in every quar- 
ter of the globe and every extreme of temperature 
— not only in the temperate regions of Europe, 
Asia, and America, but in the torrid regions of 
Africa and on the frozen shores of Greenland. Afri- 
can negroes have dwelt for generations in the United 
States, Canada, Great Britain, &c. Men from the 
most diverse regions, and of the most diverse pre- 
vious habits, have met at the same table and lived 
together in the same way. The Jews, scattered 
among every nation under heaven, are a standing 
proof that men of one nation may go E., W., N., or 
38 



S., to all parts of the globe, and adapt themselves 
to the position and circumstances of every other 
nation. — II. Mankind are also of one parentage. 
This conclusion may be established by evidence — 1. 
From science. M. La Peyrere, in 1655, and in our 
own times Prof. Agassiz and others, have maintained 
that, while there is but one species of men, different 
races were created independently of one another. 
Prof. Agassiz seeks to remove from the philosophic 
definition of species (see above) the idea of a com- 
munity of origin, and supposes that " multiple pro- 
toplasts " (i. e. several or many originals) were cre- 
ated of one and the same species. He divides the 
terrestrial globe into eight zoological kingdoms, 
or principal centres of creation (viz. the Arctic, 
Mongolian, European, American, Negro, Hottentot, 
Malay, Australian), which he subdivides into prov- 
inces, &c. He applies this doctrine of centres of 
creation to man as well as to animals in general, 
and plants. His theory has been scientifically ex- 
amined and refuted by two eminent French profes- 
sors, A. de Quatrefages and D. A. Godron. While 
certain types of animals, &c, and certain peculiar- 
ities in genera, and especially in species, character- 
ize centres of creation that are really distinct, Prof. 
Agassiz conceives of them as something much too 
absolute. New Holland, e. g., forms a centre per- 
fectly distinct and isolated in its mammals, but not 
in its insects. It has none of the monkey-tribe ; 
nor has America any genus or species of that tribe 
which is found, at the same time, on the Eastern 
continent. Yet North America possesses a large 
number of genera and even several species of mam- 
mals which are common to both Europe and Asia ; 
while South America is almost completely separated 
in this respect from the Eastern continent. But 
while the red man of the United States is regarded 
by Prof. Agassiz as the representative man of 
America, there are found in South America men so 
much like the Asiatics that they themselves call the 
Chinese their uncles, also on the same soil men 
whiter than those of Southern Europe generally, 
and likewise natives resembling the Canarians ; so 
that while North America seems isolated in respect 
to its men from both Asia (but see below) and Eu- 
rope, South America is closely connected with Asia, 
and approaches also Europe and Africa. Wild ani- 
mals have indeed geographical limits, clearly defined 
for each species, which limits they do not pass over, 
at least of their own accord ; though several species 
perform periodical migrations. But, by the agency 
of man, domestic animals, e. g. the ox, goat, sheep, 
horse, ass, hog, dog, cat, hen, and also the rat, 
mouse, house-fly, &c, have been disseminated in all 
inhabited lands. If man has been able to modify 
the laws of zoological geography in that which re- 
spects the animals subject to his dominion, why 
may he not have done this in that which concerns 
himself? Both Quatrefages and Godron conclude 
from an extensive induction of particulars not only 
that " all men form but one species," but that " this 
species originated in one single country, and prob- 
ably that country was proportionally limited " (B. 8. 
xix. 60V ff.). — In regard to the races and varieties 
of mankind, the number of which is given different- 
ly by different naturalists, "we fail to recognize any 
typical sharpness of definition or any general or 
well-established principle in the division of the 
groups " (Humboldt, Cosmos, translated by Otte, i. 
356). Cuvier recognized three races ; Blumenbach 
five (Caucasian, Mongolian, American, Ethiopian, 
Malayan) ; Prichard seven ; Dr. Pickering (The 



594 



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Maces of Men and their Geographical Distribution, 
published by the United States Government) enu- 
merates eleven, viz. two white (the Caucasian or 
Arabian, and Abyssinian), three brown (the Mon- 
golian, Hottentot, Malay), four blackish-brown (the 
Papuan, Negrillo, Telingan or dark East Indian, and 
Ethiopian), two black (the Australian, and the Ne- 
gro). Dr. Priehard includes the American variety 
with the Mongolian, and in part with the Malay ; 
and points out the various paths by which mankind 
might have spread from an Asiatic or African centre 
over the whole globe. The best naturalists affirm 
that the differences between the various races are 
not greater than those in domestic quadrupeds, and 
consist in those very characteristics which in these 
tend to form permanent varieties ; viz. " stature ; 
general conformation of the body ; conformation of 
the skull ; quantity, texture, and color of the hairy 
covering ; psychical character, as shown in the in- 
crease of intelligence, in the acquirement of new 
methods of action, and in the disappearance of 
some of the natural instinctive propensities " (Dr. 
Carpenter, on Varieties of Mankind, in Cyclopaedia 
of Anatomy and Physiology). Dr. Bachman has 
traced all the varieties of the horse, ox, hog, sheep, 
dog, domestic fowl, turkey, goose, duck, pigeon, 
Guinea pig, Barbary dove, Canary bird, gold fish, 
&c., in the case of each animal back to an original 
stock, and maintains after a thorough examination 
that it is impossible to find any legitimate grounds 
for distinguishing one of the numerous and curious 
forms as a distinct species. Those species of ani- 
mals and plants are widely disseminated, and those 
only, which are capable of wide diffusion by ordinary 
physical agencies from an original centre of creation 
JVew Englander, viii. 553, 560 ff.). — Says Humboldt 
Cosmos, i. 358) : " While we maintain the unity of 
the human species, we at the same time repel the 
depressing assumption of superior and inferior races 
of men. There are nations more susceptible of 
cultivation, more highly civilized, more ennobled by 
mental cultivation than others, but none in them- 
selves nobler than others." Individuals from among 
the races considered most degraded have proved 
the capacity of their own race for intellectual and 
spiritual power as conclusively as Newton, or White- 
field, or any other Englishman has proved the same 
in regard to his countrymen. Rev. Lemuel Haynes, 
an illegitimate mulatto, who died in 1833, at the 
age of eighty, was for years, in spite of all the dis- 
advantages of color, birth, and lack of the ordinary 
means of improvement, an able, respected, and use- 
ful minister of the Gospel, and a theological instruc- 
tor in New England and New York State. Toussaint 
L'Ouverture, a full-blooded negro, and originally a 
slave, manifested extraordinary ability as the mili- 
tary and civil chief of St. Domingo, 1796-1802. It 
is also a well-known fact that when persons migrate 
from civilized and Christian communities, leaving 
the privileges and throwing off the restraints of their 
early years, their descendants, if not the emigrants 
themselves, often arrive at a very low point of deg- 
radation, intellectually, socially, and morally. No 
race is of itself permanently, and independently of 
moral and spiritual influences, refined, or intelligent, 
or virtuous, or excellent in any respect. — Some 
scientific men (Sir Charles Lyell, &c.) have argued 
in favor of the existence of men before the creation 
of Adam, and consequently of a different origin, 
from the fact that human remains, implements, &c, 
have been found in peat-beds and other strata of 
supposed great antiquity ; but the essential points 



to be proved in all such cases are often silently as- 
sumed, and never fully established, viz. that the re- 
mains, implements, &c, have been in the position 
where they were found ever since the original depo- 
sition of the surrounding stratum, that the rate of 
geological change has been uniform from the be- 
ginning, &c. Many eminent geologists maintain 
that the present slow rate of deposits of mud, in- 
crease of strata, and other geological changes, can- 
not be applied to the earlier periods of geological 
history (B. S. xxi. 211 ff.). We know that some- 
times as great changes have taken place in one year 
in some particular localities as there or elsewhere 
in many previous or following years. It was sup- 
posed that some pottery found in the Nile deposits 
had been buried there thirteen thousand years ; but 
subsequent investigations showed it to be of modern 
date (Ayre). The juxtaposition of human and ani- 
mal remains does not prove that the living men and 
the living animals were necessarily contemporaneous, 
until at length it is shown that the animal bones 
have been undisturbed since the death of the ani- 
mals. Again, " it is very common to find certain 
species of one geological age surviving the extinc- 
tion of their fellows and witnessing the introduc- 
tion of new races " (B. S. xxiv. 457). Noah's being 
contemporary with Seth, Methuselah, Arphaxad, 
and Terah, does not prove the two last contempo- 
raries of Seth, or antediluvians. Science favors, 
rather than opposes, the common parentage of man- 
kind. — 2. From tradition. While the authentic rec- 
ords of the most ancient nations go back only a few 
thousand years, many nations have had and have 
their traditions in respect to the origin of the race. 
"As far as I know," says Max Midler (Science of 
Language), " there has been no nation upon the 
earth, which, if it possessed any traditions on the 
origin of mankind, did not derive the human race 
from one pair, if not from one person." (Ararat ; 
Noah; Tongues, Confusion of.) — 3. From the Bible. 
Adam is abundantly declared to be the head of the 
race (Gen. i., ii. ; Rom. v. 12 ff. ; 1 Cor. xv. 22, 45, 
&c). "Eve . . . was the mother of all living" (Gen. 
iii. 20). Some have supposed a necessity for Pre- 
adamites in order to provide wives for Adam's sons 
(who evidently married their sisters ; compare Gen. 
v. 4) ; some (La Pereyre, &c.) have supposed that 
Genesis narrates the origin of the Hebrew race only, 
and that the Gentiles existed previously, &c. But 
the plain meaning of the passages is more easily 
harmonized with known facts (see above) than are 
these and other artificial interpretations. The evi- 
dence from all sources plainly supports the conclu- 
sion that " God . . . hath made of one blood all 
nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the 
earth " (Acts xvii. 26). 

Man'a-en (Gr. fr. Heb. = Menahem), one of the 
teachers and prophets in the Church at Antioch at 
the time of the appointment of Saul and Barnabas 
as missionaries to the heathen (Acts xiii. 1 only). 
The name = consoler ; and both that and his re- 
lation to Herod indicate that he was a Jew. The 
Herod with whom he was " brought up " (Gr. sun- 
trophos) must have been Herod Antipas. Since An- 
tipas was older than Archelaus, who succeeded Her- 
od the Great soon after the birth of Christ, Manaen 
must have been somewhat advanced in years in 
a. d. 44, when he appears before us in Acts 1. e. 
One of the two principal views in regard to the Gr. 
suntrophos in this passage is that it = comrade, 
associate, or, more strictly, one brought up, educated 
with another (Calvin, Grotius, Schott, Baumgarten, 



MAN 



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595 



&c). This is the more frequent sense of the word. 
The other view is that it = foster-brother, brovght 
up at the same breast, and so Manaen's mother, or 
the woman who reared him, would have been also 
Herod's nurse (A.V. margin, Kuinoel, Olshausen, De 
Wette, Alford, &c.). Walch thinks (according to 
Prof. Hackett) that Manaen was educated in Her- 
od's family along with Antipas and some of his 
other children, and at the same time stood in the 
stricter relation of foster-brother to Antipas. He 
lays particular stress on the statement of Josephus 
(xvii. 1, § 3) that the brothers Antipas and Arche- 
laus were educated in a private way at Rome. It is 
singular that Josephus (xv. 10, § 5) mentions a certain 
Manaem, who was in high repute among the Es- 
senes for wisdom and sanctity, and who foretold 
to Herod the Great, in early life, that he was des- 
tined to attain royal honors. Lightfoot surmises 
that the Manaem of Josephus may be " some very 
near relation " of the one mentioned in the Acts. 

Man'a-liath (Heb. rest, Ges.), a place named in 1 
Chr. viii. 6 only, in connection with the genealo- 
gies of the tribe of Benjamin. Of the situation 
of Manahath we know little or nothing. It is 
tempting to believe it = the Menuchah mentioned, 
according to many interpreters, in Judg. xx. 43. 
Manahath is usually identified with a place of 
similar name in Judah (Manahathites), but this 
identification is difficult to receive (so Mr. Grove). 

Man'a-hath (see above), a son of Shobal, and 
descendant of Seir the Horite (Gen. xxxvi. 23 ; 1 
Chr. i. 40). 

Man'a-heth-itcs, the. " Half the Manahethites " 
are named in the genealogies of Judah as descended 
from Shobal, the father of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. 
ii. 52), and half from Salma, the founder of Beth- 
lehem (ver. 54). Fiirst, &c, make the Hebrew 
phrase translated " half the Manahethites " in ver. 52 
the proper name of acity, as in A.V. margin " Hatsi- 
hammenuchoth " (= midst of the resting-places), and 
the corresponding phrase in ver. 54, Hatsi-ham- 
rndnackti, a patronymic = an inhabitant of this city. 
Mr. Grove supposes this place to be in Judah, not 
the Manahath of 1 Chr. viii. 6, but probably = 
Manocho, one of the eleven cities which in the 
LXX. text are inserted between ver. 59 and 60 of 
Josh. xv. 

Man-as-se'as (Gr.) = Manasseh 3, of the sons of 
Pahath-moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; compare Ezr. x. 30). 

Ma-nas'seh (Heb. who makes forget, Ges.). 1. Eld- 
est son of Joseph by his wife Asenath the Egyptian 
(Gen. xli. 51, xlvi. 20). The birth of the child was 
the first thing which had occurred since Joseph's 
banishment from Canaan to alleviate his sorrows 
and fill the void left by the father and the brother 
he so longed to behold, and it was natural that 
he should commemorate his acquisition in the name 
Manasseh, Forgetting — " For God hath-made-me- 
forget (Heb. nasJushani) all my toil and all my 
father's house." Both he and Ephraim were born 
before the commencement of the famine. Whether 
the elder of the two sons was inferior in form or 
promise to the younger, or whether there' was any 
external reason to justify the preference of Jacob, 
we are not told. It is only certain that, when the 
youths were brought before their aged grandfather 
to receive his blessing and his name, and be adopt- 
ed as foreigners into his family, Manasseh was de- 
graded, in spite of the efforts of Joseph, into the 
second place. It is the first indication of the in- 
ferior rank in the nation which the tribe descended 
from him afterward held, in relation to that of 



his more fortunate brother. But though, like his 
grand-uncle Esau, Manasseh had lost his birthright 
in favor of his younger brother, he received, as Esau 
had, a blessing only inferior to the birthright itself. 
At the time of this interview Manasseh seems to 
have been about twenty-two years of age. Whether 
he married in Egypt we are not told. It is recorded 
that the children of Machir (his son by a concu- 
bine) were embraced by Joseph before his death, 
but of the personal history of the patriarch Manas- 
seh himself no trait whatever is given in ihe Bible, 
either in the Pentateuch or in 1 Chronicles. The 
position of the tribe of Manasseh during the march 
to Canaan was with Ephraim and Benjamin on the 
W. side of the sacred Tent. The chief of the tribe 
at the time of the census at Sinai was Gamaliel, son 
of Pedabzur, and its numbers were then 32,200 
(Num. i. 10, 35, ii. 20, 21, vii. 54-59). Forty years 
later Manasseh had increased to 52,700 (xxvi. 34). 
Of the three tribes who had elected to remain on 
that side of the Jordan, Reuben and Gad had 
chosen their lot because the country was suitable 
to their pastoral possessions and tendencies. But Ma- 
chir, Jair, and Nobah, the sons of Manasseh, were 
no shepherds. They were pure warriors (xxxii. 39; 
Deut. iii. 13-15). The district which these ancient 
warriors conquered was among the most difficult, if 
not the most difficult, in the whole country. It 
embraced the hills of Gilead with their inac- 
cessible heights and impassable ravines, and the al- 
most impregnable tract of Argob, the modern Lejah. 
(Ashtaroth; Edrei; Golan.) The few person- 
ages of eminence whom we can with certainty 
identify as Manassites, such as Gideon and Jeph- 
thah — for Elijah and others may, with equal 
probability, have belonged to the neighboring tribe 
of Gad — were among the most remarkable charac- 
ters that Israel produced. But with the one excep- 
tion of Gideon the warlike tendencies of Manasseh 
seem to have been confined to the E. of the Jordan. 
There they throve exceedingly, pushing their way 
northward over the rich plains of Jaulan and Jcdur 
to the foot of Mount Hermon (1 Chr. v. 23). At the 
time of the coronation of David at Hebron, while the 
western Manasseh sent 1 8,000, and Ephraim itself 
20,800, the eastern Manasseh, with Gad and Reuben, 
mustered 120,000. But, though thus outwardly pros- 
perous, a similar fate awaited them in the end to that 
which befell Gad and Reuben ; they gradually assim- 
ilated themselves to the old inhabitants of the coun- 
try (ver. 25). They relinquished, too, the settled 
mode of life and the defined limits which befitted 
the members of a federal nation, and gradually be- 
came Bedouins of the wilderness (ver. 19, 22). On 
them first descended the inevitable consequence of 
such misdoing. They, first of all Israel, were car- 
ried away by Pul and Tiglath-pileser, and settled in 
the Assyrian territories (ver. 26). The connection, 
however, between E. and W. had been kept up to a 
certain degree. In Beth-SHEAN, the most easterly 
city of the Cis-jordanic Manasseh, the two portions 
all but joined. David had judges or officers there 
for all matters sacred and secular (xxvi. 32) ; and 
Solomon's commissariat officer, Ben-Geber, ruled 
over the towns of Jair and the whole district of 
Argob (1 K. iv. 13). The genealogies of the tribe 
are preserved in Num. xxvi. 28-34 ; Josh. xvii. 1, 
&c. ; and 1 Chr. vii. 14-19. But it seems impossible 
to unravel these so as to ascertain e. g. which of 
the families remained E. of Jordan, and which ad- 
vanced to the W. Nor is it less difficult to fix the 
exact position of the territory allotted to tne west- 



596 



MAN 



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em half. In Josh. xvii. 14-18 we find the two 
tribes of Joseph complaining that only one portion 
had been allotted to them, viz. Mount Ephraim(ver. 
15). In reply Joshua advises them to go up into 
the forest (ver. 15, A. V. " wood "), into the moun- 
tain which is a forest (ver. 18). This mountain 
clothed with forest can surely be nothing but Car- 
mel. The majority of the towns of Manasseh were 
actually on the slopes either of Carinel itself or of 
the contiguous ranges. (Dor ; En-dor ; Ibleam ; 
Megiddo; Taanach.) From the absence of any at- 
tempt to define a limit to the possessions of the 
tribe on the N., it looks as if no boundary-line had 
existed on that side. On the S. side the boundary 
between Manasseh and Ephraim may be generally 
traced with tolerable certainty. It began on the 
E. in the territory of Issachar (xvii. 10) at a place 
called Asher (ver. 7) now Yasir or Tet/Asir, twelve 
miles N. E. of Ndblus. Thence it ran to Mich- 
methah, described as facing Shechem ; then went to 
the right, i. e. apparently northward, to the spring of 
Tappuah 2 ; there it fell in with the watercourses 
of the torrent Kanah, along which it ran to the 
Mediterranean. From the indications of the his- 
tory it would appear that Manasseh took very little 
part in public affairs. They either left all that to 
Ephraim, or were so far removed from the centre of 
the nation as to have little interest in what was 
taking place. That they attended David's corona- 
tion at Hebron has already been mentioned. When 
his rule was established over all Israel, each half 
had its distinct ruler — the western, Joel son of 
Pedaiah, the eastern, Iddo son of Zechariah (1 
Chr. xxvii. 20, 21). From this time the eastern 
Manasseh fades entirely from our view, and the 
western is hardly kept before us by an occasional 
mention. Almost all the scattered notices have 
reference to the part taken by members of this tribe 
in the reforms of the good kings of Judah (2 Chr. 
xv. 9, xxx. 1, 10, 11, 18, xxxi. 1, xxxiv. 6, 9). After 
the Captivity some of Manasseh appear to have 
settled in Jerusalem (1 Chr. ix. 3). — 2, Son of Hez- 
Ekiah, and thirteenth king of Judah. (Israel, 
Kingdom of ; Judah, Kingdom op.) (In N. T. and 
Apocrypha Manasses.) The reign of this monarch 
is longer than that of any other of the house of 
David. There is none of which we know so little, 
partly, perhaps, from the character and policy of 
the man, but doubtless partly from the abhorrence 
with which the following generation looked back 
upon it as the period of lowest degradation for their 
country. The birth of Manasseh is fixed twelve 
years before Hezekiah's death (2 K. xxi. 1). We 
must, therefore, infer that there had been no heir 
to the throne up to that comparatively late period 
in his reign, or that any that had been born had 
died, or that, as sometimes happened in the succes- 
sion of Jewish and other Eastern kings, the elder 
son was passed over for the younger. Professor 
Plumptre supposes the first of these inferences the 
most probable. Hezekiah, it would seem, recover- 
ing from his sickness, anxious to avoid the danger 
that had threatened him of leaving his kingdom 
without an heir, married at or about this time 
Hephzibah (2 K. xxi. 1), the daughter of one 
of the citizens or princes of Jerusalem (Jos. x. 
3, § 1). The child born from this union is called 
Manasseh, because (so Prof. Plumptre thinks) this 
name embodied what had been for years the cher- 
ished object of Hezekiah's policy and hope. To 
take advantage of the overthrow of the rival king- 
dom by Shalmaneser, and the anarchy in which its 



provinces had been left, to gather round him the 
remnant of the population, to bring them back to 
the worship and faith of their fathers, this had 
been the second step in his great national reforma- 
tion (2 Chr. xxx. 6). It was at least partially suc- 
cessful. " Divers of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun, 
humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem." They 
were there at the great passover. The work of 
destroying idols went on in Ephraim and Manasseh 
as well as in Judah (xxxi. 1). The last twelve years 
of Hezekiah's reign were not, however, it will be 
remembered, those which were likely to influence 
for good the character of his successor. His policy 
had succeeded. He had thrown off the yoke of the 
king of Assyria, and had made himself the head of 
an independent kingdom. But he goes a step fur- 
ther. The ambition of being a great potentate con- 
tinued, and it was to the results of this ambition 
that the boy Manasseh succeeded at the age of 
twelve. His accession appears to have been the 
signal for an entire change, if not in the foreign 
policy, at any rate in the religious administration of 
the kingdom. The change which the king's meas- 
ures brought about was, after all, superficial. The 
idolatry publicly discountenanced, was practised 
privately (Is. i. 29, ii. 20, lxv. 3). It was, moreover, 
the traditional policy of " the princes of Judah " 
(compare 2 Chr. xxiv. 17), to favor foreign al- 
liances and the toleration of foreign worship, as it 
was that of the true priests and prophets to protest 
against it. It would seem, accordingly, as if they 
urged upon the young king that scheme of a close 
alliance with Babylon which Isaiah had condemned, 
and as the natural consequence of this, the adop- 
tion, as far as possible, of its worship, and that of 
other nations whom it was desirable to conciliate. 
The result was a debasement which had not been 
equalled even in the reign of Ahaz, uniting in one 
centre the abominations which elsewhere existed 
separately. Not content with sanctioning their 
presence in the Holy City, as Solomon and Reho- 
boam had done, he defiled with it the Sanctuary it- 
self (xxxiii. 4). The worship thus introduced was 
predominantly Babylonian in its character (6 ; 2 K. 
xxiii. 12; Is. lxv. 3, 11; Jer. viii. 2, xix". 13, xxxii. 
29 ; Zeph. i. 5). With this, however, there was as- 
sociated the old Molech worship of the Ammonites. 
The fires were rekindled in the valley of Hinnom. 
The Baal and Ashtaroth ritual, which had been 
imported under Solomon from the Phenicians, was 
revived with fresh splendor. (Asherah; Grove.) 
All this was accompanied by the extremest moral 
degradation. Every faith was tolerated but the old 
faith of Israel. This was abandoned and proscribed 
(2 Chr. xxxiii. 16, xxxv. 3). It is easy to imagine 
the bitter grief and burning indignation of those 
who continued faithful. They spoke out in words 
of corresponding strength. Evil was coming on 
Jerusalem which should make the ears of men to 
tingle (2 K. xxi. 12). The line of Samaria and the 
plummet of the house of Ahab should be the doom 
of the Holy City. Like a vessel that had once been 
full of precious ointment, but had afterward become 
foul, Jerusalem should be emptied and wiped out, 
and exposed to the winds of heaven till it was 
cleansed. Foremost, we may well believe, among 
those who thus bore their witness was the old 
prophet (Isaiah), now bent with the weight of fcmr- 
score years, who had in his earlier days protested 
with equal courage against the crimes of the king's 
grandfather. On him too, according to the old 
Jewish tradition, came the first shock of the perse- 



MAN 



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597 



cution. But the persecution did not stop there. It 
attacked the whole order of the true prophets, and 
those who followed them (Jos. x. 3, § 1 ; 2 K. xxi. 
16). The heart and the intellect of the nation were 
crushed out, and there seem to have been no chron- 
iclers left to record this portion of its history. Retri- 
bution came soon in the natural sequence of events. 
There are indications that the neighboring nations 
— Philistines, Moabites, Ammonites — who had been 
tributary under Hezekiah, revolted at some period 
in Manasseh's reign, and asserted their independence 
(Zeph. ii. 4-19; Jer. xlvii., xlviii., xlix.). The Baby- 
lonian alliance bore the fruits which had been pre- 
dicted. The rebellion of Merodach-baladan was 
crushed, and then the wrath of the Assyrian king 
(Esar-haddon) fell on those who had supported him. 
Judea was again overrun by the Assyrian armies, 
and this time the invasion was more successful than 
that of Sennacherib. The city apparently was taken. 
The king himself was made prisoner and carried 
off to Babylon. There his eyes were opened, and 
he repented, and his prayer was heard, and the Lord 
delivered him (2 Chr. xxxiii. 12, 13). Two ques- 
tions meet us at this point. (I.) Have we satisfac- 
tory grounds for believing that this statement is his- 
torically true? (II,) If we accept it, to what period 
in Manasseh's reign is it to be assigned ? It has 
been urged in regard to (I.) that the silence of the 
writer of the books of Kings is conclusive against 
the trustworthiness of the narrative of 2 Chronicles 
(Winer, Rosenm idler, Hitzig). But (1.) the silence 
of a writer who sums up the history of a reign of 
fifty-five years in nineteen verses as to one alleged 
event in it is surely a weak ground for refusing to 
accept that event on the authority of another his- 
torian. (2.) The omission is in part explained by 
the character of the narrative of 2 K. xxi. The 
writer deliberately turns away from the history of 
the days of shame, and not less from the personal 
biography of the king. (3.) The character of the 
writer of 2 Chronicles, obviously a Levite, and look- 
ing at the facts of the history from the Levite point 
of view, would lead him to attach greater impor- 
tance to a partial reinstatement of the old ritual and 
to the cessation of persecution. (4.) There is one 
peculiarity in the history which is, in some measure, 
of the nature of an undesigned coincidence, and so 
confirms it. The captains of the host of Assyria 
take Manasseh to Babylon. The narrative fits in, 
with the utmost accuracy, to the facts of Oriental 
history. The first attempt of Babylon to assert its 
independence of Nineveh failed. It was crushed by 
Esar-haddon, and for a time the Assyrian king held 
his court at Babylon, so as to effect more completely 
the reduction of the rebellious province. There is 
(5.) the fact of agreement with the intervention of 
the Assyrian king in 2 K. xvii. 24, just at the same 
time. The circumstance just noticed enables us to 
return an approximate answer to the other question. 
(II.) The duration of Esar-haddon's Babylonian reign 
is calculated as from B.C. 680-667 (so Prof. Plumptre ; 
but see Esar-haddon)', Manasseh's captivity must 
therefore have fallen within those limits. A Jewish 
tradition fixes the twenty-second year of his reign as 
the exact date ; and this, according as we adopt the 
earlier or the later date of his accession, would give 
b. c. 676 or 673. The period that followed is dwelt 
upon by the writer of 2 Chronicles as one of a great 
change for the better. The compassion or death of 
Esar-haddon led to his release, and he returned af- 
ter some uncertain interval of time to Jerusalem. 
The old faith of Israel was no longer persecuted. 



Foreign idolatries were no longer thrust, in all their 
foulness, into the Sanctuary itself. The altar of the 
Lord was again restored, and peace-offerings and 
thank-offerings sacrificed to Jehovah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 
15, 16). But beyond this the reformation did not 
go (17). The other facts known of Manasseh's reign 
connect themselves with the state of the world 
round him. The Assyrian monarchy was tottering 
to its fall, and the king of Judah seems to have 
thought that it was still possible for him to rule as 
the head of a strong and independent kingdom. 
He fortified Jerusalem (xxvii. 3), and put captains 
of war in all the fenced cities of Judah. There was, 
it must be remembered, a special reason. Egypt 
was become strong and aggressive under Psammet- 
ichus. About this time we find the thought of an 
Egyptian alliance again beginning to gain favor. 
The very name of Manasseh's son, Amon == the 
great sun-god of Egypt, is probably an indication 
of the gladness with which the alliance of Psammet- 
ichus was welcomed. As one of its consequences, 
it involved probably the supply of troops from Ju- 
dah to serve in the armies of the Egyptian king. In 
return for this, Manasseh, we may believe, received 
the help of the chariots and horses for which Egypt 
was always famous (Is. xxxi. 1). (Chariot; Horse.) 
If this was the close of Manasseh's reign, we can 
understand how it was that on his death he was bur- 
ied as Ahaz had been, not with the burial of a king 
in the sepulchres of the house of David, but in the 
garden of Uzza (2 K. xxi. 26), and that, long after- 
ward, in spite of his repentance, the Jews held his 
name in abhorrence. The habits of a sensuous and 
debased worship had eaten into the life of the 
people ; and though they might be repressed for a 
time by force, as in the reformation of Josiah, they 
burst out again, when the pressure was removed, 
with fresh violence, and rendered even the zeal of 
the best of the Jewish kings fruitful chiefly in hy- 
pocrisy and unreality. The intellectual life of the 
people suffered in the same degree. The persecu- 
tion cut off all who, trained in the schools of the 
prophets, were the thinkers and teachers of the 
people. But little is added by later tradition to the 
0. T. narrative of Manasseh's reign. (Manasses, the 
Prayer of.) There are reasons, however, for be- 
lieving that there existed at some time or other, a 
fuller history, more or less legendary, of Manasseh 
and his conversion. — 3. One of the descendants of 
Pahath-moab, who in Ezra's days put away his for- 
eign wife (Ezr. x. 30). — 4. One of the family of 
Hashum, who put away his foreign wife at Ezra's 
command (33). — 5. In the Hebrew and A. V. text 
of Judg. xviii. 30, the name of the priest of the 
graven image of the Banites is given as " Jonathan, 
the son of Gershom, the son of Manasseh ; " the 

last word being written in Hebrew nc->2j an( i a 
Masoretic note calling attention to the "mm sus- 
pended." The Hebrew here is read, with the nun 
(; = n\ Menashsheh = Manasseh, or, without the 
nun, Mdsheh = Moses. Basin's note upon the pas- 
sage is — " On account of the honor of Moses he 
wrote Nun to change the name ; and it is written 
suspended to signify that it was not Manasseh but 
Moses." The LXX., Peshito-Syriac, and Chaldee 
all read " Manasseh," but the Vulgate retains the 
original and undoubtedly (so Mr. Wright) the true 
reading, Moyses ( = Moses). Kennicott attributes 
the presence of the Nun to the corruption of MSS. 
by Jewish transcribers. With regard to the chrono- 
logical difficulty of accounting for the presence of 
a grandson of Moses at an apparently late period, 



598 



MAN 



MAN 



there is every reason to believe that the last five 
chapters of Judges refer to earlier events than 
those after which they are placed. In xx. 28 Phine- 
has the son of Eleazar, and therefore the grandson 
of Aaron, is said to have stood before the ark, and 
there is therefore no difficulty in supposing that a 
grandson of Moses might be alive at the same time, 
which was not long after the death of Joshua. 

Ma-nas'ses [-seezj (Gr. fr. fleb. = Manasseh). 1. 
Manasseh 4(1 Esd. ix. 33). — 2. Manasseh 2, king 
of Judah (Mat. i. 10). (Manasses, Prayer of.) — 3. 
Manasseh 1, the son of Joseph (Rev. vii. 6). — 1. A 
wealthy inhabitant of Bethulia, and husband of Ju- 
dith 2, according to the legend (Jd. viii. 2, 7, x. 3, 
xvi. 22-24). Judith, the Book of. 

Ma-nas'ses (see above), the Prayer of. 1. The 
repentance and restoration of Manasseh 2 (2 Clir. 
xxxiii. 12 ff.) furnished the subject of many legen- 
dary stories. " His prayer unto his God " was still 
preserved " in the book of the kings of Israel " when 
the Chronicles were compiled (xxxiii. 18), and, after 
this record was lost, the subject was likely to at- 
tract the notice of later writers. " The Prayer of 
Manasseh," which is found in some MSS. of the 
LXX., is the work of one who has endeavored to 
express, not without true feeling, the thoughts of 
the repentant king. 2. The Greek text is undoubt- 
edly original, and not a mere translation from the 
Hebrew (so Mr. Westcott). The writer was well 
acquainted with the LXX. But beyond this there 
is nothing to determine the date or place at which 
he lived. The allusion to the patriarchs (1, 8) ap- 
pears to fix the authorship on a Jew ; but the clear 
teaching on repentance points to a time certainly 
not long before the Christian era. 3. The earliest 
reference to the Prayer is contained in a fragment 
of Julius Africanus (about'221 a. d.), but it may be 
doubted whether the words in their original form 
clearly referred to the present composition. It is, 
however, given at length in the Apostolical Con- 
stitutions. The Prayer is found in the Alexan- 
drine MS. 4. The Prayer was never distinctly 
recognized as a canonical writing, though it was in- 
cluded in many MSS. of the LXX. and of the Latin 
version, and has been deservedly retained among 
the Apocrypha in A. V. and by Luther. The Latin 
translation which occurs in Vulgate MSS. is not by 
Jerome. 

Ma-nass'ites, the = the descendants of Manas- 
seh 1, and members of his tribe (Deut. iv. 43 ; Judg. 
xii. 4 ; 2 K. x. 33). 

Mandrakes (Heb. pi. dud&im). The dud&im are 
mentioned in Gen. xxx. 14-16, and in Cant. vii. 
13. From the former passage we learn that they 
were found in the fields of Mesopotamia, where 
Jacob and his wives were at one time living, and 
that the fruit was gathered " in the days of wheat- 
harvest," i. e. in May. From Cant. vii. 13 we learn 
that the plant in question was strong-scented, and 
that it grew in Palestine. Various conjectures have 
been made, but probably the mandrake (Alropa 
Mandragora) is the plant denoted by the Hebrew 
word. The LXX., Vulgate, Syriac, and Arabic ver- 
sions, the Targums, the most learned of the Rabbis, 
and many later commentators, favor the A. V. trans- 
lation. The mandrake is far from odoriferous, the 
whole plant being, in European estimation at all 
events, very fetid. But Oedmann, after quoting autho- 
rities to show that the mandrakes were prized by the 
Arabs for their odor, makes the following just re- 
mark : — " It is known that Orientals set an especial 
value on strongly-smelling things that to more deli- 



cate European senses are unpleasing .... The 
intoxicating qualities of the mandrake, far from 
lessening its value, would rather add to it, for every 
one knows with what relish the Orientals use all 
kinds of preparations to produce intoxication." It 




The Maodrake (Alropa Mandragora). 



is a matter of common belief in the East that this 
plant has the power to aid in the procreation of 
offspring. That the fruit was fit to be gathered at 
the time of the wheat-harvest is clear from the tes- 
timony of several travellers. Schultze found man- 
drake-apples on the 15th of May. Hasselquist saw 
them at Nazareth early in May. Thomson found 
mandrakes ripe on the lower ranges of Lebanon and 
Hermon toward the end of April. 

Ma'neh. Weights and Measures. 

Man'ger [main'jer] occurs only in connection 
with the birth of Christ, in Lk. ii." 1, 12, 16. The 
original Gr. term is phatne, which is found but once 
besides in the N. T., viz. Lk. xiii. 15, where it is 
rendered by " stall." The word in classical Greek 
undoubtedly = a manger, crib, or feeding-trough ; 
but, according to Schleusner, in the N. T. it = the 
open court-yard attached to the inn or khan, and 
enclosed by a rough fence of stones, wattle, or other 
slight material, into which the cattle would be shut 
at night, and where the poorer travellers might un- 
pack their animals and take up their lodging, when 
they were either by want of room or want of means 
excluded from the house. This conclusion is sup- 
ported by the Vulgate and Peshito-Syriac, and by 
the customs of Palestine. (Barn.) The above in- 
terpretation is of course at variance with the tradi- 
tional belief that the Nativity took place in a cave. 
Stanley (151 f., 434 ff.) has, however, shown how 
destitute of foundation this tradition is. 

Ma'ni (Gr.) = Bani 4 (1 Esd. ix. 30). 

Man li-ns, Ti'tns (both L., Manlius [i. e. born early 



MAN 



MAN 



599 



in the morning (so Pott)] denoting the Roman clan to 
which he belonged ; see Titus). In the account of the 
conclusion of the campaign of Lysias (b. c. 163) 
against the Jews given in 2 Mc. xi., four letters are 
introduced, of which the last purports to be from 
" Quintus Memmius, and Titus Manlius, ambassadors 
of the Romans " (ver. 34-38), confirming the con- 
cessions made by Lysias. There can be but little 
doubt that the letter is a fabrication. (Apocrypha. ) 
No such names occur among the many legates to 
Syria noticed by Polybius ; and there is no room for 
the mission of another embassy between two re- 
corded shortly before and after the death of Anti- 
ochus Epiphanes. If, as seems likely, the true read- 
ing is Titus Manius (not Manlius), the writer was 
probably thinking of the former embassy when Caius 
Sulpicius and Manius Sergius were sent to Syria. 

Man na (Heb. man). The most important pas- 
sages on this topic are — Ex. xvi. 14-36 ; Num. xi. 
7-9 ; Deut. viii. 3, 16 ; Josh. v. 12 ; Ps. lxxviii. 24, 
25 ; Wis. xvi. 20, 21. From these passages we 
learn that the manna came every morning except the 
Sabbath, in the form of a small round seed resem- 




French Tamarisk ( Tamarix Gallica). 



bling the hoar frost ; that it must be gathered early, 
before the sun became so hot as to melt it ; that it 
must be gathered every day except the Sabbath ; 
that the attempt to lay aside for a succeeding day, 
except on the day immediately preceding the Sab- 
bath, failed by the substance becoming wormy and 
offensive ; that it was prepared for food by grinding 
and baking ; that its taste was like fresh oil, and 
like wafers made with honey, equally agreeable to 



all palates ; that the whole nation subsisted upon it 
for forty years ; that it suddenly ceased when they 
first got the new corn of the land of Canaan ; and 
that it was always regarded as a miraculous gift 
directly from God, and not as a product of nature. 
The natural products of the Arabian deserts and 
other Oriental regions, which bear the name of 
manna, have not the qualities or uses ascribed to 
the manna of Scripture. They are all condiments or 
medicines rather than food, produced only three or 
four months in the year, in small quantities, capable 
of being kept a long time, but just as liable to de- 
teriorate on the Sabbath as on any other day, not 
supplied in double quantity on the day before the 
Sabbath, nor ceasing at once and for ever. The 
manna of Scripture we regard therefore (so Prof. 
Stowe) as wholly miraculous, and not in any respect 
a product of nature. The etymology and meaning 
of the word are best given by the LXX., Vulgate, 
and Josephus. According to all these authorities, 
with which the Syriac also agrees, the Heb. word 
man, by which this substance is always designated 
in the Hebrew Scriptures, is the neuter interrogative 
pronoun (what ?) ; and the name is derived from the 
inquiry (Heb. man hu — what is this?), which the 
Hebrews made when they first saw it upon the 
ground. The Arabian physician Avicenna thus de- 
scribes the manna which in his time was used as a 
medicine: — "Manna is a dew which falls on stones 
or bushes, becomes thick like honey, and can be 




Alhagi Maurorum. 



hardened so as to be like grains of corn." The sub- 
stance now called manna in the Arabian desert 
through which the Israelites passed, is collected in 
June from the iarfa or tamarisk shrub (Tamarix 
Gallica). According to Burckhardt it drops from 
the thorns on the sticks and leaves with which the 



eoo 



MAN 



MAO 



ground is covered, and must be gathered early in 
the day, or it will be melted by the sun. The Arabs 
cleanse and boil it, strain it through a cloth, and put 
it in leathern bottles ; and in this way it can be kept 
uninjured for several years. They use it like honey 
or butter with their unleavened bread, but never 
make it into cakes or eat it by itself. Rauwolf and 
some more recent travellers have observed that the 
dried grains of the Oriental manna were like the 
coriander-seed. Niebuhr observed that at Mardin 
in Mesopotamia, the manna lies like meal on the 
leaves of a tree called in the East ballot and afs or 
as, which he regards as a species of oak. The har- 
vest is in July and August, and much more plenti- 
ful in wet than in dry seasons. In the valley of the 
Jordan Burckhardt found manna like gum on the 
leaves and branches of the tree gharrob, which is 
as large as the olive-tree, having a leaf like the 
poplar, though somewhat broader. Two other 
shrubs which have been supposed to yield the 
manna of Scripture, are the Alhagi Maurorum, or 
Persian manna, and the Alhagi Desertoium — thorny 
plants common in Syria, and sometimes called 
earners thorn. The manna of European commerce 
comes mostly from Calabria and Sicily. It is 
gathered during the months of June and July 
from some species of ash ( Ornus Europoea and Or- 
nus rotundifolia), from which it drops in conse- 
quence of a puncture by an insect resembling the 
locust, but distinguished from it by having a sting 
under its body. The substance is fluid at night, and 
resembles the dew, but in the morning it begins to 
harden. — In allusion to the manna or " bread from 
heaven," our Saviour declares Himself " the true 
bread from heaven" ( Jn. vi. 31 ft'.). The " hidden 
manna " (Rev. ii. IV) symbolizes the enjoyments of 
the kingdom of heaven; in allusion to the manna 
laid up in the ark, of which the antitype is in the 
true temple in heaven (Ex. xvi. 33 ft. ; Rev. xi. 19; 
compare Heb. ix. 4, 11) (Rbn. N. T. Lex.). 

Ma-no'ab (Heb. a resting, rest, Ges.), the father of 
Samson ; a Danite, native of Zorah ( Judg. xiii. 2). 
The narrative of the Bible (xiii. 1-23), of the cir- 
cumstances which preceded the birth of Samson, 
supplies us with very few and faint traits of Mano- 
ah's character or habits. He seems to have had 
some occupation which separated him during part 
of the day from his wife, though that was not field- 
work, because it was in the field that his wife was 
found by the angel during his absence. He was 
hospitable, as his forefather Abraham had been be- 
fore him ; he was a worshipper of Jehovah, and 
reverent to a great degree of fear. These faint 
lineaments are brought into somewhat greater dis- 
tinctness by Josephus(v. 8, §§ 2, 3), on what author- 
ity we have no means of judging, though his account 
is doubtless founded on some ancient Jewish tradi- 
tion or record. We hear of Manoah once again in con- 
nection with the marriage of Samson to the Philis- 
tine of Timnath. His father and mother remon- 
strated with him thereon, but to no purpose (Judg. 
xiv. 2, 3). They then accompanied him to Timnath, 
both on the preliminary visit (5, 6), and to the mar- 
riage itself (9, 10). Manoah appears not to have 
survived his son (xvi. 31). 

Man'slay-er. The cases of manslaughter men- 
tioned appear to be a sufficient sample of the inten- 
tion of the lawgiver, a. Death by a blow in a sud- 
den quarrel (Num. xxxv. 22). b. Death by a stone 
or missile thrown at random (22, 23). c. By the 
blade of an axe flying from its handle (Deut. xix. 5). 
d. Whether the case of a person killed by falling 



from a roof unprovided with a parapet involved the 
guilt of manslaughter on the owner, i3 not clear ; 
but the law seems intended to prevent the imputa- 
tion of malice in any such case, by preventing as far 
as possible the occurrence of the fact itself (xxii. 8). 
In all these and the like cases the manslayer was 
allowed to retire to a city op kefuge. (Blood, 
Avenger of.) Besides these the following may be 
mentioned as cases of homicide : <z. An animal, 
not known to be vicious, causing death to a human 
being, was to be put to death, and regarded as 
unclean. But if it was known to be vicious, the 
owner also was liable to fine, and even death (Ex. 
xxi. 28, 31). b. A thief overtaken at night in 
the act might lawfully be put to death, but if the 
sun had risen the act of killing him was to be re- 
garded as murder (Ex. xxii. 2, 3). Punishments. 

Man tie, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. sSmi- 
chAh (Judg. iv. 18 only ; margin " rug," or " blank- 
et "). It denotes the thing with which Jael cov- 
ered Sisera. It may be inferred that it was some 
part of the regular furniture of the tent. The clew 
to a more exact signification is given by the Arabic 
version of the Polyglott, which renders it by alca- 
tifah, a word explained by Dozy to mean certain 
articles of a thick fabric, in shape like a plaid or 
shawl, which are commonly used for beds by the 
Arabs. — 2. Heb. mVil (1 Sam. xv. 2*7, xxviii. 14; 
Ezr. ix. 3, 5 ; Job i. 20, ii. 12 ; Ps. cix. 29), in other 
passages of the A. V. rendered "coat," "-cloak," 
and "robe." (Dress, III.) This inconsistency is 
undesirable ; but in one case only — that of Samuel 
— is it of importance. It is interesting to know 
that the garment which his mother made and 
brought to the infant prophet at her annual visit to 
the Holy Tent at Shiloh was a miniature of the of- 
ficial priestly tunic or robe ; the same that the great 
prophet wore in mature years (1 Sam. xv. 21), and 
by which he was on one occasion actually identified 
by Saul (xxviii. 14). — 3. Heb. rna'at&ph&h (Is. iii. 22 
only), apparently some article of a lady's dress; 
probably an exterior tnnic, longer and ampler than 
the internal one, and provided with sleeves (so Mr. 
Grove, after Schroeder; see Dress, III.). — 4. Heb. 
addereth (1 K. xix. 13, 19 ; 2 K. ii. 8, 13, 14); else- 
where translated "garment" (Gen. xxv. 25; Josh, 
vii. 21, 24 ; Zech. xiii. 14), once " robe " (Jon. iii. 
6). By it, and it only, is denoted the cape or wrap- 
per which, with the exception of a strip of skin or 
leather round his loins, formed, as we have every 
reason to believe, the sole garment of the prophet 
Elijah (so Mr. Grove). It was probably of sheep- 
skin, such as is worn by the modern dervishes. 
Gesenius translates the Hebrew word, a wide cloak, 
mantle, L. pallium ; Fiirst, mantle, properly the wide, 
large overcoat in which persons wrapped themselves. 
Babylonish Garment ; Dress; Girdle. 

* Man'n-scripts. Old Testament ; New Testa- 
ment. 

Ma'och (Heb. breast-band? Ges. ; a poor one, Fii.), 
the father of Achish, king of Gath, with whom Da- 
vid took refuge (1 Sam. xxvii. 2). 

Ma'on (Heb. habitation, dwelling, Ges., Fii.), a city 
in the mountains of Judah ; a member of the same 
group with Carmel and Ziph (Josh. xv. 55). In the 
" wilderness " (Desert 2) of Maon David and his 
men were lurking when the treachery of the Ziphites 
brought Saul upon them (1 Sam. xxiii. 24, 25). 
Over its pastures ranged the sheep and goats of 
Nabal (xxv. 2). Robinson identifies Maon with 
MaHn, a lofty conical hill, about seven miles S. of 
Hebron. In the genealogical records of Judah in 



MAO 



MAR 



601 



1 Chr. ii. 45, Maon appears as a descendant of He- 
bron, and in its turn the " father " or colonizer of 
Beth-zur. In the original the name of Maon is 
identical with that of the Mehunim, and before the 
conquest it ma}' possibly have been one of their 
towns. 

Ma'on-itcs (fr. Heb. = Maon), the, a people men- 
tioned in one of the addresses of Jehovah to the 
repentant Israelites (Judg. x. 12). The name = 
Mehunim ; but, as no invasion of Israel by this 
people is related before the date of the passage in 
question, various explanations and conjectures have 
been offered. The reading of the LXX. is " Mid- 
ian." 

Mara (Heb. — Marah, Ges.), the name which 
Naomi adopted in the exclamation forced from her 
by the recognition of her fellow-citizens at Bethle- 
hem (Ku. i. 20), " Call me not Naomi (pleasant), but 
call me Mara (bitter), for Shaddai (A. V. ' the Al- 
mighty ') hath dealt very bitterly with me." 

Ma'rah (Heb. bitter, bitterness, i. e. calamity, Ges.), 
a place in the wilderness of Shur or Etham, three 
days' journey distant (Ex. xv. 22-24 ; Num. xxxiii. 
8) from the place at which the Israelites crossed the 
Red Sea, and where was a spring of bitter water, 
sweetened subsequently by the casting in of a tree 
which " the Lord showed " to Moses. Burckhardt 
suggested that Moses made use of the berries of the 
plant Ghurkud. Robinson could not find that this 
or any tree was now known to the Arabs to possess 
such properties ; nor would those berries have been 
found so early in the season (two or three weeks 
after the Passover). The transaction was surely 
miraculous, and the effect would be permanent. 
Hawarah, distant sixteen and a half hours from 
Ayoun Mousa, has been by Robinson, as also by 
Burckhardt, Schubert, and Wellsted, identified with 
it, apparently because it is the bitterest water in the 
neighborhood. Winer says that a'still bitterer well 
lies E. of Marah, the claims of which Tischendorf, 
it appears, has supported. Lepsius prefers Wady 
Ghurundel. Stanley thinks that the claims may be 
left between this and Hawarah. 

Mar'a-lah (Heb. trembling, perhaps earthquake, 
Ges.), one of the landmarks on the boundary of 
Zebulun (Josh. xix. 11). 

Mar-aii-atli'a (1 Cor. xvi. 22), a Grecized form of 
the Aramaic words mdran athd = our Lord cometh. 
It appears to be " a weighty watchword," to impress 
on the disciples the truth that the Lord was at hand, 
and that they should be ready for His coming (Al- 
ford). 

Mar'ble. Like the Gr. marmaros, the Heb. shesh, 
the generic term for marble, probably = almost any 
shining stone. The so-called marble of Solomon's ar- 
chitectural works, which Josephus calls white stone, 
may thus have been limestone — (a) from near Jeru- 
salem ; (b) from Lebanon (Jura limestone), identi- 
cal with the material of the Sun Temple at Baalbec ; 
or (e) white marble from Arabia or elsewhere. There 
can be no doubt that Herod, both in the Temple 
and elsewhere, employed Parian or other marble. 
The marble pillars and tessera of various colors of 
the palace at Susa came doubtless from Persia 
itself (Esth. i. 6). Alabaster ; Architecture ; 
Colors, I. 1 ; Palestine, Geology. Porphyre. 

Mar-chesh'van [-kesh-]. Month. 

Mar ens (L. a targe hammer, Isidore of Seville ; 
among the Romans a common first name, afterward 
also a surname) = the Evangelist Mark (Col. iv. 
10 ; Phn. 24 ; 1 Pet. v. 13). 

Mar-do-che'as (L. Mardochceus, fr. Heb. = Mor- 



decai). 1. Morpecai 1, the uncle of Esther (Esth. 
x. 1, xi. 2, 12, xii. 1-6, xvi. 13; 2 Mc. xv. 36).— 2. 
Mordecai 2 (1 Esd. v. 8). 

Ma-rc'sliall (Heb. at the head, Ges. ; possession, 
Fii.). 1. A city of Judah in the low country ; named 
in the same group with Keilah and Nezib (Josh, 
xv. 44). If we may so interpret the notices of 1 
Chr. ii. 42, Hebron itself was colonized from Mare- 
shah. It was one of the cities fortified and garri- 
soned by Rehoboam after the rupture with the 
northern kingdom (2 Chr. xi. 8). The natural in- 
ference is, that it commanded some pass or position 
of approach. " In the valley of Zephathah at Ma- 
reshah " Zerah 5 was met and repulsed by Asa (xiv. 
9, 10). Mareshah is mentioned once or twice in the 
history of the Maccabean struggles. Judas prob- 
ably passed through it on his way from Hebron to 
avenge the defeat of Joseph and Azarias (1 Mc. v. 
66). A few days later it afforded a refuge to Gor- 
gias when severely wounded in the attack of Dosi- 
theus (2 Mc. xii. 35). It was burnt by Judas in his 
Idumean war, in passing from Hebron to Azotus. 
About the year 110 b. c. it was taken from the Idu- 
means by John Hyreanus. It was in ruins in the 
fourth century, when Eusebius and Jerome describe 
it as in the second mile from Eleutheropolis. A 
little over a Roman mile S. S. W. of Beit Jibrin 
(Eleutheropolis) is a site called Marash, which is 
very possibly the representative of the ancient Ma- 
rashab. It was the native place of the prophet 
Eliezer 6, and is one of the towns which Micah at- 
tempts to rouse to a sense of danger (2 Chi-, xx. 
31; Mic. i. 15). (Gath; Moresheth-gath.) — 2. 
Father of Hebron, and apparently = Mesha 2 (1 
Chr. ii. 42). — 3, In 1 Chr. iv. 21 we find Mareshah 
again named as deriving his origin from Shelah, the 
third son of Judah. 

Marl-moth (L.) = Meraioth the priest (2 Esd. i. 
2 ; compare Ezr. vii. 3). 

Mar'i-sa (Gr.) = Mareshah (2 Mc. xii. 35). 

Mark (Gr. Markos, fr. L. Marcus). Mark the 
evangelist probably = " John whose surname was 
Mark " (Acts xii. 12, 25). Grotius indeed maintains 
the contrary. But John was the Jewish name, and 
Mark = Marcus, a name of frequent use amongst 
the Romans, was adopted afterward, and gradually 
superseded the other. John Mark was the son of 
a certain Mary, who dwelt at Jerusalem, and was 
probably born in that city (xii. 12). He was the 
cousin (so Archbishop Thomson, Robinson, &c. ; 
A. V. " sister's son ") of Barnabas (Col. iv. 10). To 
Mary's house, as to a familiar haunt, Peter came af- 
ter his deliverance from prison (Acts xii. 12), and 
there found " many gathered together praying ; " 
and probably John Mark was converted by Peter 
from meeting him in his mother's house, for he 
speaks of "Marcus my son" (1 Pet. v. 13). The 
theory that he was one of the seventy disciples is 
without any warrant. Another theory, that the 
" young man having a linen cloth cast about his 
naked body," mentioned by Mark alone (xiv. 51, 
52), was the evangelist himself, has been adopted by 
Townson, Olshausen, Lange, &c. The detail of 
facts is remarkably minute, the name only is want- 
ing. Probably (so Archbishop Thomson) Mark sup- 
pressed%is own name, whilst telling a story which 
he had the best means of knowing. (Lazarus 
1.) Anxious to work for Christ, he went with 
Paul and Barnabas as their " minister " on their 
first journey ; but at Perga, turned back (Acts 
xii. 25, xiii. 13). On the second journey Paul 
would not accept him again as a companion, but 



6C2 



MAR 



MAR 



Barnabas his kinsman was more indulgent; and 
thus he became the cause of the memorable " sharp 
contention " between them (xv. 36-40). Whatever 
was the cause of Mark's vacillation, it did not sepa- 
rate him forever from Paul, for we find him by the 
side of that apostle in his first imprisonment at 
Rome (Col. iv. 10 ; Phn. 24). In the former place 
a possible journey of Mark to Asia is spoken of. 
Somewhat later he is with Peter at Babylon (1 Pet. 
v. 13). On his return to Asia he seems to have 
been with Timothy at Ephesus when Paul wrote to 
him during his second imprisonment (2 Tim. iv. 11). 
When we desert Scripture we find the facts doubtful 
and even inconsistent. The relation of Mark to 
Peter is of great importance for our view of his 
Gospel. Ancient writers with one consent make the 
evangelist the interpreter of the Apostle Peter. 
Some (Eichhorn, Bertholdt, &c.) explain this word 
to mean that the office of Mark was to translate in- 
to the Greek tongue the Aramaic discourses of the 
apostle ; whilst others (Valesius, Alford, Lange, 
&c.) adopt the more probable view that Mark wrote 
a Gospel which conformed more exactly than the 
others to Peter's preaching, and thus " interpreted " 
it to the Church at large. (Mark, Gospel of.) The 
report that Mark was the companion of Peter at 
Jtome, is no doubt of great antiquity. Sent on a 
mission to Egypt by Peter, Mark there founded the 
Church of Alexandria, and preached in various 
places, then returned to Alexandria, of which Church 
he was bishop, and suffered a martyr's death. But 
none of these later details rest on sound authority 
(so Archbishop Thomson). 

Mark (see above), Gos'pel of. The characteristics 
of this Gospel, the shortest of the four inspired rec- 
ords, will appear from the discussion of the various 
questions that have been raised about it. — I. Sources 
of this Gospel. The tradition that it gives the 
teaching of Peter rather than of the rest of the 
apostles, has been alluded to. (Mark.) John the 
Presbyter is spoken of by Papias as the interpreter 
of Peter. Irenaeus calls Mark " interpreter and 
follower of Peter," and cites the opening and the 
concluding words of the Gospel as we now possess 
them (iii., x. fi). Eusebius says, on the authority 
of Clement of Alexandria, that the hearers of Peter 
at Rome desired Mark, the follower of Peter, to 
leave with them a record of his teaching ; upon 
which Mark wrote his Gospel, which the apostle af- 
terward sanctioned with his authority, and directed 
that it should be read in the churches. Tertullian 
speaks of the Gospel of Mark as being connected 
with Peter, and so having apostolic authority. If 
the evidence of the apostle's connection with this 
Gospel rested wholly on these passages, it would not 
be sufficient, since the witnesses, though many in 
number, are not all independent of each other. But 
there are peculiarities in the Gospel which are best 
explained by the supposition that Peter in some 
way superintended its composition. Whilst there 
is hardly any part of its narrative that is not com- 
mon to it and some other Gospel, in the manner 
of the narrative there is often a marked charac- 
ter, which puts aside at once the supposition that 
we have here a mere epitome of Matthew and Luke. 
The picture of the same events is far moft vivid ; 
touches are introduced such as could only be noted 
by a vigilant eye-witness, and such as make us al- 
most eye-witnesses of the Redeemer's doings. The 
most remarkable case of this is the account of the 
Gadarene demoniac (Mk. v. 3-6). To this must be 
added that whilst Mark goes over the same ground 



for the most part as the other evangelists, and 
especially Matthew, there are many facts thrown in 
which prove that we are listening to an indepen- 
dent witness. Thus the humble origin of Peter is 
made known through him (i. 16-20), and his con- 
nection with Capernaum (i. 29) ; he tells us that 
Levi was "the son of Alpheus" (ii. 14), that Peter 
was the name given by our Lord to Simon (iii. 16), 
and Boanerges a surname added by Him to the 
names of two others (iii. 17); he assumes the ex- 
istence of another body of disciples wider than the 
Twelve (iii. 32, iv. 10, 36, viii. 34, xiv. 51, 62) : we 
owe to him the name of Jairus (v. 22), the word 
"carpenter" applied to our Lord (vi. 3), the na- 
tion of the " Syrophenician " woman (vii. 26); he 
substitutes Dalmanutha for the " Magdala " of 
Matthew (viii. 10); he names Bartimeus (x. 46); 
he alone mentions that our Lord would not suf- 
fer any man to carry any vessel through the Temple 
(xi. 16); and that Simon of Cyrene was the fa- 
ther of Alexander and Rufus (xv. 21). All these 
are tokens of an independent writer, different 
from Matthew and Luke, and in the absence of 
other traditions it is natural to look to Peter. One 
might hope that much light would be thrown on 
this question from the way in which Peter is men- 
tioned in the Gospel ; but the evidence is not so 
clear as might have been expected. On the whole, 
the internal evidence inclines us (so Archbishop 
Thomson) to accept the account that this Gospel 
has some connection with Peter. (Inspiration.) — 
II. Relation of Mark to Matthew and Luke. Up to 
this day three views are maintained with equal ar- 
dor : (a) that Mark's Gospel is the original Gospel 
out of which the other two have been developed 
(Thiersch, Herder, Storr, Ewald, &c), (b) that it 
was a compilation from the other two, and therefore 
was written last (Griesbach, De Wette, &c.) ; and (e) 
that it was copied from Matthew, and forms a link 
of transition between the other two*(iIiIgenfald). Ii 
is obvious that they refute one another : the same 
internal evidence suffices to prove that Mark is the 
first, and the last, and the intermediate. Let us re- 
turn to the facts. The Gospel of Mark contains 
scarcely any events not recited by the others. 
There are verbal coincidences with each of the 
others, and sometimes peculiar words from both 
meet together in the parallel place in Mark. On 
the other hand, there are unmistakable marks of 
independence. The hypothesis which best meets 
these facts is, that whilst the matter common to all 
three evangelists, or to two of them, is derived 
from the oral teaching of the apostles, which they 
had purposely reduced to a common form, our evan- 
gelist writes as an independent witness to the 
truth, and not as a compiler ; and that the tradition 
that the Gospel was written under the sanction of 
Peter, and its matter in some degree derived from 
him, is made probable by the evident traces of an 
eye-witness in many of the narratives. (Gospels.) 
— III. Tim Gospel written primarily for Gentiles. 
The evangelist scarcely refers to the O. T. in his 
own person. The word Law does not once occur. 
The genealogy of our Lord is likewise omitted. 
Other matters interesting chiefly to the Jews are 
likewise omitted ; e. g. the references to the 0. T. 
and Law in Mat. xii. 5-7, the reflections on the re- 
quest of the Scribes and Pharisees for a sign, Mat. 
xii. 38-45 ; the parable of the king's son, Mat. xxii. 
1-14 ; and the awful denunciation of the Scribes 
and Pharisees in Mat. xxiii. Explanations are 
given in some places, which Jews could not re- 



MAR 



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603 



quire : thus, Jordan is a " river " (Mk. i. 5 ; Mat. 
iii. 6) ; the Pharisees, &c, " used to fast " (Mk. ii. 
18 ; Mat. ix. 14), and other customs of theirs are 
described (Mk. vii. 1-4 ; Mat. xv. 1, 2) ; " the time 
of figs was not yet," i. e. at the season of the Pass- 
over (Mk. xi. 13 ; Mat. xxi. 19) ; the Sadducees' 
worst tenet is mentioned (Mk. xii. 18); the Mount 
of Olives is "over against the temple " (Mk. xiii. 3 ; 
Mat. xxiv. 3) ; at the Passover men eat " unleav- 
ened bread " (Mk. xiv. 1, 12 ; Mat. xxvi. 2, 17), and 
explanations are given which Jews would not need 
(Mk. xv. 6, 16, 42 ; Mat. xxvii. 15, 27, 57). Matter 
that might offend is omitted, as Mat. x. 5, 6, vi. 1, 
8. Passages abound in which the antagonism be- 
tween the Pharisaic legal spirit and the Gospel 
comes out strongly (Mk. i. 22, ii. 19, 22, x. 5, viii. 
15), which hold out hopes to the heathen of ad- 
mission to the kingdom of heaven even without the 
Jews (xii. 9), and which put ritual forms below the 
worship of the heart (ii. 18, iii. 1-5, vii. 5-23, xii. 
33). Mark alone preserves these words of Jesus, 
" The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for 
the Sabbath " (ii. 21). From the general testimony 
of these and other places, whatever may be objected 
to an inference from one or other amongst them, 
there is little doubt but that the Gospel was meant 
for use in the first instance amongst Gentiles. — IV. 
Time when the Gospel was written. Nothing can be 
certainly determined on this point. The traditions 
are contradictory. Irena;us says that it was written 
after the death of the Apostle Peter ; but in other 
passages (Eusebius H. E.) it is supposed to be writ- 
ten during Peter's lifetime. In the Bible there is 
nothing to decide the question. It is not likely that 
it dates before the reference to Mark in Col. iv. 10, 
where he is only introduced as a relative of Barna- 
bas, as if this were his greatest distinction ; and 
this epi6tle was written about a. d. 62. On the 
other hand it was written before the destruction of 
Jerusalem (Mk. xiii. 13, 24-30, 33, &c). Probably, 
therefore, it was written between a. d. 63 and 70. — 
V. Place where the Gospel was written. The place 
is as uncertain as the time. Clement, Eusebius, Je- 
rome, and Epiphanius, pronounce for Rome, and 
many moderns take the same view. Chrysostom 
thinks Alexandria ; but this is not confirmed by 
other testimony. — VI. Language. The Gospel was 
written in Greek ; of this there can be no doubt if 
ancient testimony is to weigh. Baronius indeed, 
on the authority of an old Syriac translation, as- 
serts that Latin was the original language. — VII. 
Genuineness of the Gospel. All ancient testimony 
makes Mark the author of a certain Gospel, and 
that this is the Gospel which has come down to us, 
there is not the least historical ground for doubt- 
ing. Owing to the very few sections peculiar to 
Mark, evidence from patristic quotation is some- 
what difficult to produce. Justin Martyr, however, 
quotes ch. ix. 44, 46, 48, xii. 30, and iii. 17, and 
Irenaeus cites both the opening and closing words 
(iii. x. 6). An important testimony in any case, but 
doubly so from the doubt that has been cast on the 
closing verses (xvi. 9-19). These verses are found 
in the Alexandrine, Ephrem, Beza, and many other 
MSS., the principal versions, &c. ; but not in the 
Vatican and Sinaitic MSS., &c. They are rejected 
by Griesbach, Rosenmuller, Schulz, Fritzsche, Wiese- 
ler, Ewald, Meyer, Tischendorf, Alford, &c. Their 
genuineness is affirmed by Simon, Bengel, Matthfei, 
Eichhorn, Hug, Kuinoel, Olshausen, Ebrard, De 
Wette, Bleek, Lachmann, Lange, &c. (Schaff in 
Lange' s Comm., Venables in Kitto, Ay re). (New 



Testament I. § 39.) With the exception of these 
few verses the genuineness of the Gospel is placed 
above the reach of reasonable doubt. (Canon.) — 
VIII. Style and Diction. The purpose of the evan- 
gelist seems to be to place before us a vivid picture 
of the earthly acts of Jesus. The style is peculiarly 
suitable to this. He uses the present tense instead 
of the Greek narrative aorist, almost in every chap- 
ter. Precise and minute details as to persons, 
places, and numbers, abound in the narrative. All 
these tend to give force and vividness to the pic- 
ture of the human life of our Lord. On the other 
side, the facts are not very exactly arranged. Its 
conciseness sometimes makes this Gospel more ob- 
scure than the others (i. 13, ix. 5, 6, iv. 10-34). 
Many peculiarities of diction may be noticed ; 
amongst them the following : — 1. Hebrew (Aramaic) 
words are used, but explained for Gentile readers 
(iii. 17, 22, v. 41, vii. 11, 34, ix. 43, x. 46, xiv. 36, 
xv. 22, 34). 2. Latin words are very frequent. 
(Army II. ; Executioner 2 ; Money ; Penny ; Preto- 
rium, &c.) 3. The substantive is often repeated 
instead of the pronoun ; as (to cite from ch. ii. only) 
ii. 16, 18, 20, 22, 27, 28. 4. The same idea is often 
repeated under another expression, as i. 42, ii. 25, 
viii. 15, xiv. 68, &c. 5. And sometimes the repe- 
tition is effected by means of the opposite, as in 
i. 22, 44, and many other places. 6. Sometimes 
emphasis is given by simple reiteration, as in ii. 15, 
19. 7. There are many words peculiar to Mark. The 
diction of Mark presents the difficulty that whilst 
it abounds in Latin words, and in expressions that 
recall Latin equivalents, it is still much more akin 
to the Hebraistic diction of Matthew than to the 
pure style of Luke. — IX. Quotations from the O. T. 
The following list of references to the 0. T. is 
nearly or quite complete : — 



Mark i. 



3 

44 



Mai. iii. 1. 
Is. xl. 3. 
Lev. xiv. 2. 
ii. 25 1 Sam. xxi. 6. 
iv. 12 Is. vi. 10. 
vii. 6 Is. xxix. 13. 
" 10 Ex. xx. 12, xxi. 17. 

ix. 44 Is. lxvi. 24. 

x. 4 Deut. xxiv. 1. 
" 7 Gen. ii. 24. 

" 19 Ex. xx. 12-17. 

xi. 17 Is. M. 7 ; Jer. vii. 11. 
Xii. 10 Ps. cxviii. 22. 

" 19 Deut. xxv. 5. 
" 26 Ex. iii. 0. 
" 29 Deut. vi. 4. 
" 31 Lev. xix. 18. 
" 36 Ps. ex. 1. 

xiii. 14 Dan. ix. 27. 
'.' 24 Is. xiii. 10. 

xiv. 27 Zecli. xiii. 7. 
" 62 Dan. vii. 13. 

xv. 28(?)Is. liii. 12. 
" 34 Ps. xxii. 1. 

— X. Contents of the Gospel. Though this Gospel 
has little historical matter which is not shared with 
some other, it would be a great error to suppose 
that the voice of Mark could have been silenced 
without injury to the divine harmony. It is the 
history of the war of Jesus against sin and evil in 
the world during the time that He dwelt as a Man 
among men. Its motto might well be, as Lange 
observes, those words of Peter : " How God 
anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the Holy Ghost 
and with power ; who went about doing good, and 
healing all that were oppressed of the devil ; for 
God was with Him " (Acts x. 38). The principal 
divisions in the Gospel are — 1. John the Baptist 
and Jesus (i. 1-13). 2. Acts of Jesus in Galilee 



604 



MAR 



MAR 



(i. 14-ix. 50). 3. Teaching in Perea, where the 
spirit of the new kingdom of the Gospel is brought 
out (x. 1-34). 4. Teaching, trials, and sufferings in 
Jerusalem. Jesus revealing Himself as Founder 
of the new kingdom (x. 35-xv. 47). 5. Resurrec- 
tion (xvi.). 

* Mar ket, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. ma- 

\~trdb = barter, traffic, also place of barter, market, 
mart, also gain from traffic, Ges. (Ez. xxvii. 13, 17, 
19, 25) ; also translated " merchandise " (ver. 9, 13 
margin, 27, 33, 34). (Commerce; Fairs.) — 2. Gr. 
agora = a place of public resort in towns and 
cities ; any open place where the people came to- 
gether for business, or to sit and converse ; in N. T. 
a place, market-place, forum, Robinson N. T. Lex. 
(Gate) (Mat. xi. 16, xx. 3, xxiii. 7, &c). See 
Athens, &c. 

Hiir in nlli = Meremoth the priest (1 Esd. viii. 
62 ; compare Ez. viii. 33). 

Ma'roth (Heb. bitternesses), one of the towns of 
the western lowland of Judah whose names are 
alluded to or played upon by Micah (i. 12). 

Mar'rlage» The topics which this subject presents 
to our consideration in connection with Biblical 
literature may be most conveniently arranged under 
the following five heads : — I. Its origin and history. 
II. The conditions under which it could be legally 
effected. III. The modes by which it was effected. 
IV. The social and domestic relations of married 
life. V. The typical and allegorical references to 
marriage. — I. The institution of marriage is founded 
on the requirements of man's nature, and dates 
from the time of his original creation. The Creator, 
seeing it " not good for man to be alone," deter- 
mined to form an " help meet for him " (Gen. ii. 
18), and accordingly completed the work by the 
addition of the female to the male (i. 27). No 
sooner was the formation of woman effected, than 
Adam recognized in that act the will of the Creator 
as to man's social condition. " Therefore shall a 
man leave his father and his mother, and shall 
cleave unto his wife : and they shall be one flesh " 
(ii. 24). From these words, coupled with the cir- 
cumstances attendant on the formation of the first 
woman, we may evolve the following principles : — 
(1.) The unity of man and wife, as implied in her 
being formed out of man, and as expressed in the 
words "one flesh;" (2.) the indissolubleness of 
the marriage bond, except on the strongest grounds 
(compare Mat. xix. 9); (3.) monogamy, as the origi- 
nal law of marriage ; (4.) the social equality of 
man and wife; (5.) the subordination of the wife to 
the husband (1 Cor. xi. 8, 9; 1 Tim. ii. 13); and 
(6.) the respective duties of man and wife. The 
introduction of sin into the world modified to a cer- 
tain extent the mutual relations of man and wife. 
As the blame of seduction to sin lay on the latter, 
the condition of subordination was turned into sub- 
jection, and it was said to her of her husband, " he 
shall rule over thee " (Gen. iii. 16). The evil effects 
of the fall were soon apparent in polygamy (iv. 19), 
and the promiscuous intermarriage of the " sons of 
God " (Sethites) with the " daughters of men " 
(Cainites) in the days preceding the flood (vi. 2). 
In the post-diluvial age the usages of marriage were 
marked with the simplicity that characterizes a 
patriarchal state of society. The rule of monogamy 
was reestablished by the example of Noah and his 
sons (vii. 13). The early patriarchs selected their 
wives from their own family (xi. 29, xxix. 4, xxviii. 
2), and the necessity for doing this on religious 
grounds superseded the prohibitions that afterward 



held good against such marriages on the score of 
kindred (xx. 12; Ex. vi. 20; compare Lev. xviii. 
9, 12). Polygamy prevailed (Gen. xvi. 4, xxv. 1, 6, 
xxviii. 9, xxix. 23, 28 ; 1 Chr. vii. 14), but to a 
great extent divested of the degradation which in 
modern times attaches to that practice. In judging 
of it we must take into regard the following consid- 
erations : — (1.) that the principle of monogamy was 
retained, even in the practice of polygamy, by the 
distinction made between the chief or original wife 
and the secondary wives (Concubine) ; (2.) that the 
motive which led to polygamy was that absorbing 
desire of progeny which is prevalent throughout 
Eastern countries, and was especially powerful 
among the Hebrews ; and (3.) that the power of a 
parent over his child, and of a master over his 
slave, was paramount even in matters of marriage, 
and led in many cases to phases of polygamy that 
are otherwise quite unintelligible, as, e. g., to the 
cases where it was adopted by the husband at the 
request of his wife, under the idea that children 
born to a slave were in the eye of the law the chil- 
dren of the mistress (Gen. xvi. 3, xxx. 4, 9) ; or, 
again, to cases where it was adopted at the instance 
of the father (xxix. 23, 28 ; Ex. xxi. 9, 10). Di- 
vorce also prevailed in the patriarchal age, though 
but one instance of it is recorded (Gen. xxi. 14). 
Of this, again, we must not judge by our own 
standard. The Mosaic Law (Law op Moses) aimed 
at mitigating rather than removing evils which were 
inseparable from the state of society in that day. 
Its enactments were directed (1.) to the discourage- 
ment of polygamy ; (2.) to obviate the injustice 
frequently consequent upon the exercise of the 
rights of a father or a master ; (3.) to bring divorce 
under some restriction ; and (4.) to enforce purity 
of life during the maintenance of the matrimonial 
bond. The practical results of these regulations 
may have been very salutary, but on this point we 
have but small opportunities of judging. The 
usages themselves, to which we have referred, re- 
mained in full force to a late period. In the post- 
Babylonian period monogamy appears to have be- 
come more prevalent than at any previous time : 
indeed we have no instance of polygamy during this 
period on record in the Bible, all the marriages no- 
ticed being with single wives (Tob. i. 9, ii. 11 ; Sus. 
29, 63 ; Mat. xviii. 25 ; Lk. i. 5 ; Acts v. 1). Dur- 
ing the same period the theory of monogamy is 
set forth in Ecclus. xxvi. 1-27. The practice of 
polygamy nevertheless still existed ; Herod the 
Great had no less than nine wives at one time. The 
abuse of divorce continued unabated. Our Lord 
and His apostles reestablished the integrity and 
sanctity of the marriage-bond by the following 
measures: — (1.) by the confirmation of the original 
charter of marriage as the basis on which all regu- 
lations were to be framed (Mat. xix. 4, 5) ; (2.) by 
the restriction of divorce to the case of fornication 
(Adultery), and prohibition of remarriage in all 
persons divorced on improper grounds (v. 32, xix. 
9; Rom. vii. 3; 1 Cor. vii. 10, 11); (3.) by the en- 
forcement of moral purity generally (Heb. xiii. 4, 
&c), and especially by the formal condemnation of 
fornication, which appears to have been classed 
among acts morally indifferent by a certain party in 
the Church (Acts xv. 20). Shortly before the 
Christian era an important change took place in the 
views entertained on the question of marriage as 
affecting the spiritual and intellectual parts of man's 
nature. Throughout the O. T. period marriage was 
regarded as the indispensable duty of every man, 



MAR 



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605 



nor was it surmised that there existed in it any 
drawback to the attainment of the highest degree 
of holiness. In the interval between the Old and 
N. T. periods, a spirit of asceticism had been 
evolved. The Essenes were the first to propound 
doubts as to the propriety of marriage : some of 
them avoided it altogether, others availed themselves 
of it under restrictions. Similar views were adopted 
by the Therapeuta? (Alexandria), and afterward 
by the Gnostics (Philosophy) ; thence they passed 
into the Christian Church, forming one of the distinct- 
ive tenets of the Encratites, and finally developing in- 
to the system of monachism. — II. The conditions of 
legal marriage are decided by the prohibitions which 
the law of any country imposes upon its citizens. 
In the Hebrew commonwealth these prohibitions 
were of two kinds, according as they regulated mar- 
riage (i.) between an Israelite and a non-Israelite, 
and(ii.) between an Israelite and one of his own 
community, i. The prohibitions relating to foreign- 
ers were based on that instinctive feeling of exclu- 
siveness, which forms one of the bonds of every 
social body, and which prevails with peculiar strength 
in a rude state of society. The only distinct pro- 
hibition in the Mosaic Law refers to the Canaanites, 
with whom the Israelites were not to marry on the 
ground that it would lead them into idolatry (Ex. 
xxxiv. 16; Deut. vii. 3,4). But beyond this, the 
legal disabilities to which the Ammonites and 
Moabites were subjected (xxiii. 3), acted as a virtual 
bar to intermarriage with them, totally preventing 
the marriage of Israelitish women with Moabites, 
but permitting that of Israelites with Moabite 
women, such as that of Mahlon with Ruth. The 
prohibition against marriages with the Edomites or 
Egyptians was less stringent, as a male of those na- 
tions received the right of marriage on his admission 
to the full citizenship in the third generation of 
proselytism (xxiii. 1, 8). There were thus three 
grades of prohibition — total in regard to the Canaan- 
ites on either side ; total on the side of the males 
in regard of the Ammonites and Moabites ; and 
temporary on the side of the males in regard of the 
Edomites and Egyptians, marriage with females in 
the two latter instances being regarded as legal. 
Marriages between Israelite women and proselyted 
foreigners were at all times of rare occurrence (Lev. 
xxiv. 10; IK. vii. 14; 1 Chr. ii. 11, 35). In the 
reverse case, viz. the marriage of Israelites with 
foreign women, probably the wives became proselytes 
after their marriage, as instanced in the case of Ruth 
(Ru. i. 16); but this was by no means invariably 
the case (1 K. xi. 4, xvi. 31 ; Ezr. ix. 2, x. 2 ; Neh. 
xiii. 23-25). Proselytism does not therefore appear 
to have been an essential prerequisite in the case 
of a wife, though it was so in the case of a husband. 
In the N. T. no special directions are given on this 
head, but the general precepts of separation be- 
tween believers and unbelievers (2 Cor. vi. 14, 11) 
would apply with special force to the case of mar- 
riage. The progeny of illegal marriages between 
Israelites and non-Israelites was described under a 
peculiar term, mamzer (A. V. " bastard ; " Deut. 
xxiii. 2). — ii. The regulations relative to marriage 
between Israelites and Israelites may be divided into 
two classes: 1. general, and 2. special. 1. The 
general regulations are based on considerations of 
relationship. The most important passage relating 
to these is Lev. xvii. 6-18, wherein we have first a 
general prohibition against marriage between a man 
and the "flesh of his flesh " (A. v. "near of kin," 
margin " remainder of his flesh "), and secondly, 



special prohibitions against marriage with a moth- 
er, stepmother, sister, or half-sister, whether " born 
at home or abroad," grand-daughter, aunt, whether 
by consanguinity on either side, or by marriage 
on the father's side, daughter-in-law, brother's wife, 
step-daughter, wife's mother, step-grand-daughter, 
or wife's sister during the life-time of the wife. 
An exception is subsequently made (Deut. xxv. 5) 
in favor of marriage with a brother's wife in 
the event of his having died childless (see be- 
low). Different degrees of guiltiness attached 
to the infringement of these prohibitions. The 
ground on which these prohibitions were enacted 
are reducible to the following three heads : — (1.) 
moral propriety; (2.) the practices of heathen na- 
tions ; and (3.) social convenience. The first of these 
grounds comes prominently forward in the expres- 
sions by which the various offences are character- 
ized, as well as in the general prohibition against 
approaching " the flesh of his flesh." The second 
motive to laying down these prohibitions was that 
the Hebrews might be preserved as a peculiar peo- 
ple, with institutions distinct from those of the 
Egyptians and Canaanites (Lev. xviii. 3), as well as 
of other heathen nations with whom they might 
come in contact. Marriages with half-sisters by the 
same father were allowed at Athens, with half-sis- 
ters by the same mother at Sparta, with full sisters 
in Egypt and Persia. The third ground of the pro- 
hibitions, social convenience, comes forward solely 
in the case of marriage with two sisters simultane- 
ously, the effect of which would be to " vex " or 
irritate the first wife, and produce domestic jars. 
A remarkable exception to these prohibitions ex- 
isted in favor of marriage with a deceased brother's 
wife, in the event of his having died childless. The 
law which regulates this has been named the "Levi- 
rate," from the Latin kvir — brother-in-law. The 
first instance of this custom occurs in the patri- 
archal period, where Onan is called upon to marry 
his brother Er's widow (Gen. xxxviii. 8). It was 
confirmed by the Mosaic law (Deut. xxv. 5-9). 
(Boaz ; Heir.) The Levirate marriage was not 
peculiar to the Jews; it has been found to exist in 
many Eastern countries, particularly in Arabia, and 
among the tribes of the Caucasus. The Levirate law 
offered numerous opportunities for the exercise of 
that spirit of casuistry, for which the Jewish teachers 
are so conspicuous. One such case is brought forward 
by the Sadducees for the sake of entangling our 
Lord, and turns upon the complications which would 
arise in the world to come (the existence of which 
the Sadducees sought to invalidate) from the circum- 
stances of the same woman having been married to 
several brothers (Mat. xxii. 23-30). The Rabbinical 
solution of this difficulty was that the wife would 
revert to the first husband : our Lord on the other 
hand subverts the hypothesis on which the difficulty 
was based, viz. that the material conditions of the 
present life were to be carried on in the world to 
come ; and thus He asserts the true character of 
marriage as a temporary and merely human institu- 
tion. Numerous difficulties are suggested, and 
minute regulations laid down by the Talmudieal 
writers, the chief authority on the subject being the 
book of the Mishna, entitled Yebamoth. From the 
prohibitions expressed in the Bible, others have been 
deduced by a process of inferential reasoning. Thus 
the Talmudists added to the Levitical relationships 
several remoter ones, which they termed secondary, 
such as grandmother and great-grandmother, great- 
grandchild, &c. : the only points in which they at all 



606 



MAR 



MAR 



touched the Levitieal degrees were, that they added 
(a) the wife of the father's uterine brother under the 
idea that in the text the brother described was only 
by the same father, and (b) the mother's brother's 
wife, for which they had no authority. Considerable 
differences of opinion have arisen as to the extent to 
which this process of reasoning should be carried ; 
and conflicting laws have been made in different coun- 
tries, professedly based on the same original author- 
ity. But first, the legislator apparently intended to 
give an exhaustive list of prohibitions ; for he not 
only gives examples of degrees of relationship, but 
specifies the prohibitions in cases strictly parallel, 
e. g. son's daughter and daughter's daughter (Lev. 
xviii. 10, compare also 17). Secondly, he evidently 
did not regard the degree as the test of the prohibi- 
tion -, for he establishes a different rule in regard to 
a brother's widow and a deceased wife's sister, 
though the degree of relationship is parallel. Third- 
ly, there must have been some tangible and even 
strong grounds for the distinctions noted in the de- 
grees of equal distance ; and it then becomes im- 
portant to ascertain whether these grounds are of 
jicrpelual force, or arise out of a peculiar state of 
society or legislation. The cases to which these 
remarks would especially apply arc, marriage with a 
deceased wife's sister, a niece, whether by blood or 
marriage, and a maternal uncle's widow. As to the 
first and third of these, we may observe that the 
Hebrews regarded the relationship between the wife 
and her husband's family as closer than that between 
the husband and his wife's family. Illustrations of 
this difference are (a.) that a husband's brother was 
subject to the Levirate law ; (b.) that the nearest 
relative on the husband's side was his widow's go'cl 
or avenger of blood; and (e.) that an heiress must 
marry a relative on her father's side. When, how- 
ever, we transplant the Levitieal regulations from 
the Hebrew to any other commonwealth, we are 
fully warranted in taking into account the temporary 
and local conditions of relationship in each, and 
in extending the prohibition, in conformity to the 
general spirit of the Law, to cases where alterations 
in the social or legal condition have taken place. 
Thus the prohibition may be extended to marriage 
with a brother's widow in all cases, as the Levirate 
law is abolished ; also from the paternal to the ma- 
ternal uncle's widow, as the peculiar differences be- 
tween relationships on the father's and mother's side 
are abolished. Marriage with a deceased wife's sis- 
ter is not only not prohibited, but actually permitted 
by the letter of the Mosaic Law ; but it remains to 
be argued (a.) whether the permission was granted 
under peculiar circumstances ; (6.) whether those or 
strictly parallel circumstances exist at the present 
day, and (c.) whether, if they do not exist, the gen- 
eral tenor of the Mosaic prohibitions would or would 
not justify extending the prohibition to such a rela- 
tionship on the authority of the Levitieal Law. We 
are here viewing the question simply in its relation 
to the Levitieal Law, and omit all notice of other 
arguments pro and con. 1 As to marriage with the 
niece, which was also permitted by the Mosaic Law, 
the Jews appear to have availed themselves of the 
privilege without scruple (Jos. xii. 4, § 6, xvii. 1, § 3, 
xviii. 5, § 1 ; see Othsiel) ; but this marriage is 
now generally regqpded as incestuous. — 2. Among 



1 The late Dr. Edward Robinson (in B. S. Series I. for 
1843, pp. 283 ff.) ably exhibits the Biblical arguments on 
this subject, and concludes that marriage with a deceased 
wife's sister was valid among the Hebrews, and is equally 
defensible among Christians. Such a marriage is legal in 



the special prohibitions we have to notice the fol- 
lowing: (1.) The high-priest was forbidden to marry 
any except a virgin selected from his own people, 
i. e. an Israelite (Lev. xxi. 13, 14). (2.) The priests 
were less restricted in their choice ; they were only 
prohibited from marrying prostitutes and divorced 
women (xxi. 7). (3.) Heiresses were prohibited 
from marrying out of their own tribe (Num. xxxvi. 
5-9 ; compare Tob. vii. 10). (4.) Persons defective 
in physical powers were not to intermarry with 
Israelites by virtue of the regulations in Deut. xxiii. 
1, (5.) In the Christian Church, bishops and dea- 
cons were prohibited from having more than one 
wife (1 Tim. iii. 2, 12), a prohibition of an am- 
biguous nature, inasmuch as it may refer (a.) to 
polygamy in the ordinary sense of the term, as ex- 
plained by Theodoret, and most of the Fathers (and 
so Doddridge, Barnes, &c.) ; (b.) to marriage after 
the decease of the first wife (so Beza, Conybeare & 
Howson); or (c.) to marriage after divorce during 
the lifetime of the first wife. The probable sense is 
second marriage of any kind whatever, including all 
the three cases alluded to, but with a special refer- 
ence to the two last, which were allowable in the 
case of the laity, while the first was equally forbid- 
den to all (so Mr. Bevan ; but Macknight, Scott, &c, 
suppose the apostle here referred to polygamy and 
the second marriage of one improperly divorced ; 
see Divorce). (6.) A similar prohibition applied to 
those who were candidates for admission into the 
ecclesiastical order of widows ( 1 Tim. v. 9 ; Widow) ; 
in this case the words " wife of one man " can be ap- 
plied but to two cases, (a.) to remarriage after the de- 
cease of the husband (so Whitby, Barnes, &c), or (b.) 
after divorce (so Conybeare & Howson; see above). 
That divorce was obtained sometimes at the instance 
of the wife, is implied in Mk. x. 12, and 1 Cor. vii. 11, 
and is alluded to by several classical writers. But 
St. Paul probably refers to the general question of 
remarriage (so Mr. Bevan). (7.) With regard to 
the general question of the remarriage of divorced 
persons, there is some difficulty in ascertaining the 
sense of Scripture. According to the Mosaic Law, a 
wife divorced at the instance of the husband might 
marry whom she liked ; but if her second husband 
died or divorced her, she could not revert to her 
first husband, on the ground that, as far as he was 
concerned, she was " defiled " (Deut. xxiv. 2-4) ; we 
may infer from the statement of the ground that 
there was no objection to the remarriage of the orig- 
inal parties, if the divorced wife had remained un- 
married in the interval. In the N. T. there are no 
direct precepts on the subject of the remarriage of 
divorced persons. All the remarks bearing upon 
the point had a primary reference to an entirely 
different subject, viz. the abuse of divorce. With 
regard to age, no restriction is pronounced in the 
Bible. Early marriage is spoken of with approval 
in several passages (Prov. ii. 17, v. 18 ; Is. lxii. 5), 
and in reducing this general statement to the more 
definite one of years, we must take into account the 
very early age at which persons arrive at puberty 
in Oriental countries. In modern Egypt marriage 
takes place in general before the bride has attained 
the age of sixteen, frequently when she is twelve or 
thirteen, and occasionally when she is only ten. The 
Talmudists forbade marriage in the case of a man 



New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, &c, but has 
been prohibited in some of the other States ; yet it would 
be regarded as valid in every State, if made in a State or 
country where no such prohibition exists. — See Kent's 
Comm. on American Law, third edition, II., 85, n. 



MAR 



MAR 



607 



under thirteen years and a day, and in the case of 
a woman under twelve years and a day. The usual 
age appears to have been higher, about eighteen 
years. Certain days were fixed for the ceremony of 
betrothal and marriage — the fourth day for virgins, 
and the fifth for widows. The more modern Jews 
similarly appoint different days for virgins and 
widows, Wednesday and Friday for the former, 
Thursday for the latter (Picart, i. 240).— III. The 
customs of the Hebrews and of Oriental nations 
generally, in regard to the preliminaries of marriage, 
as well as the ceremonies attending the rite itself, 
differ in many respects from those with which we 
are familiar. In the first place, the choice of the 
bride devolved not on the bridegroom himself, but 
on his relations or on a friend deputed by the bride- 
groom for this purpose (Gen. xxi. 21, xxiv., xxviii. 1, 
xxxviii. 6). It does not follow that the bridegroom's 
wishes were not consulted in this arrangement. As 
a general rule the proposal originated with the fam- 
ily of the bridegroom. The imaginary case of 
women soliciting husbands (Is. iv. 1) was designed 
to convey to the mind a picture of the ravages of 
war. The consent of the maiden was sometimes 
asked (Gen. xxiv. 68); but this appears to have 
been subordinate to the previous consent of the 
father and the adult brothers (xxiv. 51, xxxiv. 11). 
Occasionally the whole business of selecting the 
wife was left in the hands of a friend. The selec- 
tion of the bride was followed by the espousal, 
which was not altogether like our " engagement," 
but was a formal proceeding, undertaken by a friend 
or legal representative on the part of the bridegroom, 
and by the parents on the part of the bride : it was 
confirmed by oaths, and accompanied with presents 
to the bride and her relatives. These presents 
were described by different terms, that to the bride 
by Heb. mohar (A. V. " dowry "), and that to the 
relations by Heb. matldn. Thus Shechem offers 
"never so much dowry and gift" (Gen. xxxiv. 12), 
the former for the bride, the latter for the relations. 
Mr. Bevan, with Saalschiitz, denies, and Dr. Gins- 
burg (in Kitto), Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, affirm that the 
mohar was a price paid down to the father for the 
sale of his daughter. Such a custom undoubtedly 
prevails in certain parts of the East at the present 
day, but (so Mr. Bevan) it does not appear to have 
been the case with free women in patriarchal times 
(xxxi. 15 ; Ex. xxi. 7). It would undoubtedly be 
expected that the mohar should be proportioned 
to the position of the bride, and that a poor man 
could not on that account afford to marry a rich 
wife (1 Sam. xviii. 23). Occasionally the bride 
received a dowry from her father (Judg. i. 15 ; 
1 K. ix. 16). A "settlement," in the modern 
sense of the term, i. e. a written document se- 
curing property to the wife, did not come into use 
until the post-Babylonian period ; the only in- 
stance we have of one is in Tob. vii. 14, where it is 
described as an "instrument." The Talmudists 
styled it a ctthubah (literally a writing), and have 
laid down minute directions as to the disposal of 
the sum secured, in a treatise of the Mishna ex- 
pressly on that subject. The act of betrothal was 
celebrated by a feast, and among the more modern 
Jews it is the custom in some parts for the bride- 
groom to place a ring on the bride's finger. Some 
writers have endeavored to prove that the rings 
noticed in the 0. T. (Ex. xxxv. 22; Is. iii. 21) were 
nuptial rings, but there is not the slightest evidence 
of this. The ring was nevertheless regarded among 
the Hebrews as a token of fidelity (Gen. xli. 42), 



and of adoption into a family (Lk. xv. 22). Between 
the betrothal and the marriage an interval elapsed, 
varying from a few days in the patriarchal age (Gen. 
xxiv. 55), to a full year for virgins and a month for 
widows in later times. During this period the bride 
elect lived with her friends, and all communication 
between herself and her future husband was carried 
on through the medium of a friend deputed for the 
purpose, termed the " friend of the bridegroom " 
(Jn. iii. 29). She was now virtually regarded as 
the wife of her future husband. Hence faithless- 
ness on her part was punishable with death (Deut. 

xxii. 23, 24), the husband having, however, the 
option of "putting her away" (Mat. i. 19; Deut. 
xiv. 1 ff,). — In the wedding itself the most observ- 
able point is, that there were no definite religious 
ceremonies connected with it. It is probable, indeed, 
that some formal ratification of the espousal with an 
oath took place, as implied in some allusions to 
marriage (Ez. xvi. 8 ; Mai. ii. 14), particularly in the 
expression, "the covenant of her God" (Prov. ii. 
17), as applied to the marriage-bond, and that a 
blessing was pronounced (Gen. xxiv. 60; Ru. iv. 11, 
12), sometimes by the parents (Tob. vii. 13). But 
the essence of the marriage ceremony consisted in 
the removal of the bride from her father's house to 
that of the bridegroom or his father. The bride- 
groom prepared himself for the occasion by putting 
on a festive dress, and especially by placing on his 
head the handsome turban described by the term 
peer (Is. lxi. 10, A. V. " ornaments " ; Head-dress), 
and a nuptial crown or garland (Cant. iii. 11): he 
was redolent of myrrh and frankincense and " all 
powders of the merchant " (iii. 6). The bride pre- 
pared herself for the ceremony by taking a bath, 
generally on the day preceding the wedding. The 
notices of it in the Bible are few (Ru. iii. 3 ; Ez. 

xxiii. 40 ; Eph. v. 26, 27). The distinctive feature 
of the bride's attire was the tsa'iph, or " veil " — a 
light robe of ample dimensions, which covered not 
only the face but the whole person (Gen. xxiv. 65 ; 
compare xxxviii. 14, 15). (Dress.) This was re- 
garded as the symbol of her submission to her hus- 
band (1 Cor. xi. 10). She also wore a peculiar 
girdle, named in Heb. kishshurim, the " attire " 
(A. V.), which no bride could forget ( Jer. ii. 32) ; 
and her head was crowned with a chaplet, which 
was again so distinctive of the bride, that the Heb. 
term callah, "bride," originated from it. (Crows; 
Diadem.) If the bride were a virgin, she wore her 
hair flowing. Her robes were white (Rev. xix. 8), 
and sometimes embroidered with gold thread (Ps. 
xlv. 13, 14), and covered with perfumes (xlv. 8) ; 
she was further decked out with jewels (Is. xlix. 18, 
lxi. 10; Rev. xxi. 2). When the fixed hour arrived, 
which was generally late in the evening, the bride- 
groom set forth from his house, attended by his 
groomsmen (A. V. "companions," Judg. xiv. 11; 
"children of the bride-chamber," Mat. ix. 15), pre- 
ceded by a band of musicians or singers (Gen. xxxi. 
27 ; Jer. vii. 34, xvi. 9 ; 1 Mc. ix. 39), and accom- 
panied by persons bearing flambeaux (2 Esd. x. 2; 
Mat. xxv. 7 ; compare Jer. xxv. 10; Rev. xviii. 23, 
"the light of a candle "). (Lamp; Lantern.) Hav- 
ing reached the house of the bride, who with her 
maidens anxiously expected his arrival (Mat. xxv. 
6), he conducted the whole party back to his own 
or his father's house, with every demonstration of 
gladness (Ps. xlv. 16). On their way back they 
were joined by a party of maidens, friends of the 
bride and bridegroom, who were in waiting to catch 
the procession as it passed (Mat. xxv. 6). The in- 



608 



MAR 



MAR 



habitants of the place pressed out into the streets 
to watch the procession (Cant. iii. 11). At the 
house a feast was prepared, to which all the friends 
and neighbors were invited (Gen. xxix. 22 ; Mat. 
xxii. 1-10; Lk. xiv. 8 ; Jn. ii. 2), and the festivities 
were protracted for seven, or even fourteen days 
(Judg. xiv. 12; Tob. viii. 19). (Banquet; Meals.) 
The guests were provided by the host with fit- 
ting robes (Mat. xxii. 11), and the feast was enliv- 
ened with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12) and other amuse- 
ments. The bridegroom now entered into direct 
communication with the bride, and the joy of the 
friend was " fulfilled " at hearing the voice of the 
bridegroom (Jn. iii. 29) conversing with her, which 
he regarded as a satisfactory testimony of the suc- 
cess of his share in the work. In the case of a 
virgin, parched corn was distributed among the 
guests. The last act in the ceremonial was the con- 
ducting of the bride to the bridal-chamber (Heb. 
heder or cheder) (Judg. xv. 1 ; Joel ii. 16), where a 
canopy (Heb. hupp&h or chuppAh) was prepared (Ps. 
xix. 5 ; Joel ii. 16). The bride was still completely 
veiled, so that the deception practised on Jacob 
(Gen. xxix. 23) was very possible. A newly married 
man was exempt from military service, or from any 
public business which might draw him away from 
his home, for the space of a year (Deut. xxiv. 5) : a 
similar privilege was granted to him who was be- 
trothed (xx. 7). Among the modern Jews the mar- 
riage ceremony is performed by a Rabbi, who covers 
the bridal pair, as they stand under the canopy, 
with the talith or fringed wrapper which the bride- 
groom has on, joins their hands, pronounces over a 
cup of wine the benediction of affiance, and after 
the pair have tasted of the cup and the bridegroom 
has put on the bride's finger a plain gold ring, reads 
aloud the marriage settlement, and then pronounces 
over another cup of wine seven benedictions. The 
bridegroom and bride taste again of this cup of 
blessing, and when the glass is emptied it is put on 
the ground and the bridegroom breaks it with his 
foot, to remind them that Jerusalem is destroyed 
and trodden down of the Gentiles. With this the 
ceremony is concluded, amid the shouts May you be 
happy! (Ginsburg, in Kitto). — IV. In considering 
the social and domestic conditions of married life 
among the Hebrews, we must in the first place take 
into account the position assigned to women gener- 
ally in their social scale. There is abundant evi- 
dence that women, whether married or unmarried, 
went about with their faces unveiled (Gen. xii. 14, 
xxiv. 16, 65, xxix. 11; 1 Sam. i. 13). Women not 
unfrequently held important offices. They took 
their part in matters of public interest (Ex. xv. 20; 
1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7): in short, they enjoyed as much 
freedom in ordinary life as the women of our own 
country. If such was her general position, it is 
certain that the wife must have exercised an impor- 
tant influence in her own home. She appears to 
have taken her part in family affairs, and even to 
have enjoyed a considerable amount of indepen- 
dence (2 K. iv. 8 ; Judg. iv. 18 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 14, &c). 
(Child ; Daughter ; Vow ; Women.) The rela- 
tions of husband and wife appear to have been 
characterized by affection and tenderness. At the 
same time we cannot but think that the exceptions 
to this state of affairs were more numerous than is 
consistent with our ideas of matrimonial happiness. 
One of the evils inseparable from polygamy is the 
discomfort arising from the jealousies and quarrels 
of the several wives (Gen. xxi. 11; 1 Sam. i. 6). 
The purchase of wives, and the small amount of 



liberty allowed to daughters in the choice of bus. 
bands, must inevitably have led to unhappy unions. 
In the N. T. the mutual relations of husband and 
wife are a subject of frequent exhortation (Eph. v. 
22, 33 ; Col. iii. 18, 19 ; Tit. ii. 4, 5 ; 1 Pet. iii. 1-7). 
The duties of the wife in the Hebrew household were 
multifarious : in addition to the general superinten- 
dence of the domestic arrangements, such as cook- 
ing, from which even women of rank were not ex- 
empted (Gen. xviii. 6 ; 2 Sam. xiii. 8), and the dis- 
tribution of food at meal-times (Prov. xxxi. 15; 
Meals), the manufacture of the clothing and the va- 
rious textures required in an Eastern establishment 
devolved upon her (xxxi. 13, 21, 22 ; Dress), 
and if she were a model of activity and skill, she 
produced a surplus of fine linen shirts and girdles, 
which she sold, and so, like a well-freighted mer- 
chant-ship, brought in wealth to her husband 
from afar (xxxi. 14, 24). The Mishna thus de- 
scribes a wife's duties toward her husband : " She 
must grind corn, and bake, and wash, and cook, and 
suckle his child, make his bed, and work in wool. 
If she brought her husband one bondwoman, she 
need not grind, bake, or wash ; if two, she need not 
cook, nor suckle his child ; if three, she need not 
make his bed, nor work in wool ; if four, she may 
sit in her chair of state." Whatever money she 
earned by her labor belonged to her husband. The 
legal rights of the wife are noticed in Ex. xxi. 10, 
under the three heads of food, raiment, and duty 
of marriage or conjugal right. (Concubine; Widow.) 
— V. The allegorical and typical allusions to marriage 
have exclusive reference to one subject, viz. to ex- 
hibit the spiritual relationship between God and his 
people. The earliest form in which the image is 
implied, is in the expressions " to go a whoring," 
and " whoredom," as descriptive of the rupture of 
that relationship by acts of idolatry. These ex- 
pressions have by some writers been taken in their 
primary and literal sense, as pointing to the licen- 
tious practices of idolaters. But this destroys the 
whole point of the comparison, and is opposed to 
the plain language of Scripture. Israel is described 
as the false wife (Is. i. 21 ; Jer. iii. 1, 6, 8); Jehovah 
is the injured husband (Ps. lxxiii. 27; Jer. ii. 20; 
Hos. iv. 12, ix. 1) ; the other party in the adultery 
is specified, sometimes generally, as idols or false 
gods (Deut. xxxi. 16; Judg. ii. 17; 1 Chr. v. 25; 
Ez. xx. 30, xxiii. 30), sometimes particularly (Lev. 
xvii. 7, xx. 5, 6 ; Judg. viii. 27, 33 ; Num. xv. 39). 
The image is drawn out more at length in Ez. xxiii. 
and Hos. i., iii. The direct comparison with mar- 
riage is confined in the O. T. to the prophetic writ- 
ings, unless we regard the Canticles as an allegor- 
ical work. The actual relation between Jehovah 
and His people is generally the point of comparison 
(Is. liv. 5, lxii. 4; Jer. iii. 14; Hos. ii. 19; Mai. ii. 
11). In the N. T. the image of the bridegroom 
is transferred from Jehovah to Christ (Mat. ix. 15 ; 
Jn. iii. 29), and that of the bride to the Church (2 
Cor. xi. 2; Rev. xix. 7, xxi. 2, 9, xxii. 17), and the 
comparison thus established is converted by St. 
Paul into an illustration of the position and mutual 
duties of man and wife (Eph. v. 23-32). The breach 
of the union is, as before, described as fornication 
or whoredom in reference to the mystical Babylon 
(Rev. xvii. 1, 2, 5). Adultery ; Harlot. 
Mars' Hill. Areopagus. 

Mar'se-na (Heb. fr. Pers. = worthy man, Benfey, 
Ges.), one of the seven princes of Persia, "wise 
men which knew the times," saw the king's face 
and sat first in the kingdom (Esth. i. 14). 



MAR 



MAR 



609 



Martha (Gr. fr. Aram. fern, of mare, lord, = lady 
[so Prof. Plumptre]), a woman of Bethany, sister of 
Lazarus and Mary. The facts recorded in Lk. x. 
and Jn. xi. indicate that Martha possessed a char- 
acter devout after the customary Jewish type of 
devotion, sharing in Messianic hopes, and accepting 
Jesus as the Christ; sharing also in the popular 
belief in a resurrection (Jn. xi. 24), but not rising, 
as her sister (Mary, sister of Lazarus) did, to the 
belief that Christ was making the eternal life to 
belong, not to the future only, but to the present. 
When she first comes before us in Lk. x. 38, as re- 
ceiving her Lord into her house, she loses the calm- 
ness of her spirit, is " cumbered with much serv- 
ing," is " careful and troubled about many things." 
She needs the reproof " one thing is needful ; " but 
her love, though imperfect in its form, is yet rec- 
ognized as true, and she too, no less than Lazarus 
and Mary, has the distinction of being one whom 
Jesus loved (Jn. xi. 3). Her position here, it may 
be noticed, is obviously that of the elder sister, 
the head and manager of the household. It has 
been conjectured that she was the wife or widow of 
"Simon the leper" of Mat. xxvi. 6 and Mk. xiv. 3. 
(Simon V.) The same character shows itself in Jn. 
xi. The same spirit of complaint that she had 
shown before finds utterance again (ver. 21), but 
there is now, what there was not before, a fuller 
faith at once in His wisdom and His power (ver. 
22). And there is in that sorrow an education for 
her as well as for others. She rises from the for- 
mula of the Pharisee's creed to the confession 
which no " flesh and blood," no human traditions, 
could have revealed to her (ver. 24-27). Her name 
appears once again in the N. T. She is present at 
the supper at Bethany as " serving " (Jn. xii. 2). 
The old character shows itself still, but it has been 
freed from evil. She is no longer " cumbered," no 
longer impatient. Activity has been calmed by 
trust. When other voices are raised against her 
sister's overflowing love, hers is not heard among 
them. 

* Mar'tyr, the L. and Eng. form of the Gr. martur or 
martus, generally and literally translated " witness " 
(Mat. xviii. 16, xxvi. 65; Acts xxii. 15, &c), but 
three times " martyr " in the A. V. (xxii. 20 ; Rev. 
ii. 13, xvii. 6). The " witnesses " to the Gospel 
might have to suffer death for their testimony, and 
hence arises the ecclesiastical use of the Greek word, 
corresponding to our present sense of the English 
word " martyr." 

Ma'ry (Gr. Maria, fr. Heb. = Miriam) the Wife 
Of Cle'o-phas. So in A. V. of Jn. xix. 25, but ac- 
curately " the Mary of Clopas " or " Clopas's Mary." 
In this passage we read that " there stood by the 
cross of Jesus His mother, and His mother's sister, 
Mary of Clopas (A. V. ' Mary the wife of Cleophas '), 
and Mary Magdalene." The same group of women 
is described in Mat. xxvii. 56 as consisting of "-Mary 
Magdalene, and Mary the mother of James and 
Joses, and the mother of Zebedee's children ; " and 
in Mk. xv. 40 as " Mary Magdalene, and Mary the 
mother of James the Little (A. V. " the less ") and 
of Joses and Salome." From a comparison of 
these passages, it appears that Mary of Clopas, 
and Mary of James the Little and of Joses, are the 
same person, and the sister of Mary the Virgin. 
There is an apparent difficulty in the fact of two 
sisters seeming to bear the name of Mary. To es- 
cape this difficulty, it has been suggested (1.) that 
the two clauses "his mother's sister" and "Mary 
of Clopas " are not in apposition, but four persons 
39 



were present, viz. the mother of Jesus, her sister 
(Wieseler makes this sister = Salome), Mary of 
Clopas, Mary Magdalene ; (2.) that " sister " here = 
cousin. But the fact of two sisters having the same 
name, though unusual, is not singular. Genealogical 
tables give a pair of Antonias, and a pair of Octa- 
vias, daughters of the same father, in one case of 
different mothers, in the other of the same mother, 
also two Cleopatras. (Onias 3, 4 ; Herod Philip 1, 
2.) Miriam, the sister of Moses, may have been 
the holy woman after whom Jewish mothers called 
their daughters, just as Spanish mothers not unfre- 
quently give the name of Mary to their children, 
male and female alike, in honor of Mary the Virgin. 
This is on the hypothesis that the two names are 
identical, but on a close examination of the Greek text 
we find it is possible that this was not the case. 
Mary the Virgin is in Gr. Mariam (so Mr. Meyrick), 
her sister is Maria. Mary of Clopas was proba- 
bly elder sister of the Lord's mother, and may 
have married Clopas or Alpheus while her sister 
was still a girl. She had (so Mr. Meyrick) four 
sons, and at least three daughters. The names of 
the daughters are unknown ; those of the sons are 
James, Joses, Jude, Simon, two of whom be- 
came enrolled among the twelve apostles (but 
see James ; Jude), and a third (Simon 4) may 
have succeeded his brother in the charge of 
the Church at Jerusalem. Of Joses and the 
daughters we know nothing. Mary herself is 
brought before us for the first time on the day of 
the Crucifixion^in the parallel passages already 
quoted from Matthew, Mark, and John. In the 
evening of the same day we find her sitting deso- 
lately at the tomb with Mary Magdalene (Mat. xxvii. 
61 ; Mk. xv. 47), and at the dawn of Easter morning 
she was again there with sweet spices, which she had 
prepared on the Friday night (Mat. xxviii. 1 ; Mk. 
xvi. 1 ; Lk. xxiii. 56) (so Mr. Meyrick ; see Mary 
Magdalene), and was one of those who had "a 
vision of angels, which said that He was alive " 
(Lk. xxiv. 23). These are all the glimpses that we 
have of her. Clopas or Alpheus is not mentioned 
at all, except as designating Mary and James. Prob- 
ably he was dead before the ministry of our Lord 
commenced. Joseph, the husband of Mary the 
Virgin, was probably likewise dead ; and the two 
widowed sisters, as was natural both for comfort 
and for protection, were in the custom of living 
together in one house^- 

Ma'ry (see above) Mag-da-le'ne [as an English 
word often pronounced mag'da-lene] (see Magda- 
lene and below). Four different explanations have 
been given of this name. (1.) The most natural, 
that she came from the town of Magdala. The 
statement, that the women with whom she journeyed 
followed Jesus in Galilee (Mk. xv. 41), agrees with 
this notion. (2.) Another explanation has been 
found in the fact that the Talmudic writers in their 
calumnies against the Nazarenes make mention of a 
Miriam Megaddela, and explain it as = the twiner 
or plailer of hair. (3.) Either seriously, or with 
the patristic fondness for paronomasia, Jerome sees 
in her name, and in that of her town, the old Mig- 
dol ( — a watch-tower), the steadfastness of her faith. 
(4.) Origen sees in her name (fr. Heb. g&dal = to be 
great) a prophecy of her spiritual greatness as hav- 
ing ministered to the Lord, and been the first wit- 
ness of His resurrection. — I. She comes before us 
first in Lk. viii. 2, among the women who " minis- 
tered unto Him of their substance." All appear to 
have occupied a position of comparative wealth. 



610 



MAR 



MAR 



With all the chief motive was that of gratitude for 
their deliverance from "evil spirits and infirmities." 
Of Mary it is said specially that " seven devils 
went out of her," and the number indicates, as in 
Mat. xii. 45, and the " Legion " of the Gadarene 
demoniac (Mk. v. 9), a possessio/i of more than or- 
dinary malignity. We must think of her accord- 
ingly, as having had, in their most aggravated forms, 
some of the phenomena of mental and spiritual 
disease which we meet with in other demoniacs, the 
wretchedness of despair, the divided consciousness, 
the preternatural frenzy, the long-continued fits of 
silence. From that state of misery she had been 
set free by the presence of the Healer, and, in the 
absence, as we may infer, of other ties and duties, 
she found her safety and her blessedness in follow- 
ing Him. It will explain much that follows if we 
remember that this life of ministration must have 
brought Mary Magdalene into the closest compan- 
ionship with Salome the mother of James and 
John (Mk. xv. 40), and even also with Mary the 
mother of the Lord (Jn. xix. 25). The women who 
thus devoted themselves are not prominent in the 
history : we have no record of their mode of life, or 
abode, or hopes or fears during the few momentous 
days that preceded the crucifixion. They " stood 
afar off, beholding these things " (Lk. xxiii. 49) dur- 
ing the closing hours of the Agony on the Cross. Mary 
Magdalene, Mary the mother of the Lord, and the be- 
loved disciple were at one time not afar otf, but 
close to the cross, within hearing. The same close 
association which drew them together there is seen 
afterward. She remains by the cross till all is over, 
waits till the body is taken down, and wrapped in 
the linen-cloth and placed in the garden-sepulchre 
of Joseph of Arimathea (Mat. xxvii. 61 ; Mk. xv. 
47; Lk. xxiii. 55). The Sabbath that followed 
brought an enforced rest, but no sooner is the sun- 
set over than she, with Salome and Mary the mother 
of James, " brought sweet spices that they might 
come and anoint" the body (Mk. xvi. 1) (so Prof. 
Plumptre ; see Mart of Cleophas). The next morn- 
ing accordingly, in the earliest dawn (Mat. xxviii. 1 ; 
Mk. xvi. 2) they come with Mary the mother of 
James, to the sepulchre. Mary Magdalene had been 
to the tomb and had found it empty, had seen the 
"vision of angels" (Mat. xxviii. 5; Mk. xvi. 5). 
She went with her cry of sorrow to Peter and John, 
" they have taken away the Lord out of the sep- 
ulchre, and we know not where they have laid Him " 
(Jn. xx. 1, 2). But she returns there. She follows 
Peter and John, and remains when they go back. 
The one thought that fills her mind is still that the 
body is not there (13). This intense brooding over 
one fixed thought was, we may venture to say, to 
one who had suffered as she had suffered, full of 
special danger, and called for a special discipline. 
The utter stupor of grief is shown in her want of 
power to recognize at first either the voice or the 
form of the Lord to whom she had ministered (14, 
15). At last her own name uttered by that voice as 
she had heard it uttered, it may be, in the hour of 
hor deepest misery.'Vecalls her to consciousness ; 
and then follows the cry of recognition, with the 
strongest word of reverence which a woman of Israel 
could use, "Rabboni," and the rush forward to cling 
to His feet. That, however, is not the discipline 
she needs. Her love had been too dependent on 
the visible presence of her Master. She had the 
same lesson to learn as the other disciples. Though 
fiey had " known Christ after the flesh," they were 
" henceforth to know Him so no more." She was 



to hear that truth in its highest and sharpest form. 
" Touch Me not, for I am not yet ascended to My 
Father." For a time, till the earthly affection had 
been raised to a heavenly one, she was to hold back. 
When He had finished His work and ascended to 
the Father, there should be no barrier to the fullest 
communion that the most devoted love could crave. 
— II. What follows will show how great a contrast 
there is between the spirit in which the evangelist 
wrote and that which shows itself in the later tradi- 
tions. Out of these few facts there rise a multitude 
of wild conjectures ; and with these there has been 
constructed a whole romance of hagiology. The 
questions which meet ua connect themselves with 
the narratives in the four Gospels of women who 
came with precious ointment to anoint the feet or 
the head of Jesus. Although the opinion seems to 
have been at one time maintained, few would now 
hold that Mat. xxvi. and Mk. xiv. are reports of two 
distinct events. The supposition that there were 
three anointings found favor with Origen and Light- 
foot, but is improbable. We are left to the conclu- 
sion adopted by the great majority of interpreters, 
that the Gospels record two anointings, one in some 
city unnamed (Capernaum or Nain ?) during our 
Lord's Galilean ministry (Lk. vii.), the other at 
Bethany, before the last entry into Jerusalem (Mat. 
xxvi. ; Mk. xiv. ; Jn. xii.). We come, then, to the 
question whether in these two narratives we meet 
with one woman or with two. The one passage ad- 
duced for the former conclusion is Jn. xi. 2. There 
is but slender evidence for the assumption that the 
two anointings were the acts of one and the same 
woman, and that woman the sister of Lazarus. 
There is, if possible, still less for the identification 
of Mary Magdalene with the chief actor in either 
history. (1.) When her name appears in Lk. viii. 
3 there is not one word to connect it with the his- 
tory that immediately precedes. (2.) The belief 
that Mary of Bethany (Mary, sister of Lazarus) 
and Mary Magdalene are identical is yet more start- 
ling. Not one single circumstance, except that of 
love and reverence for their Master, is common. 
The epithet Magdalene, whatever may be its mean- 
ing, seems chosen for the express purpose of distin- 
guishing her from all other Maries. No one evan- 
gelist gives the slightest hint of identity. Nor is 
this lack of evidence in the N. T. itself compensated 
by any such weight of authority as would indicate 
a really trustworthy tradition. Two of the earliest 
writers who allude to the histories of the anointing 
— Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian — say noth- 
ing to imply that they accepted it. The language 
of Irenaeus is against it. Origen discusses the 
question fully, and rejects it. He is followed by 
the whole succession of the expositors of the East- 
ern Church. In the Western Church, however, the 
other belief began to spread. The services of the 
feast of St. Mary Magdalene were constructed on 
the assumption of its truth. Well-nigh all eccle- 
siastical writers, after Gregory the Great, take it for 
granted. The translators under James I. adopted 
the received tradition. Since that period there 
has been a gradually increasing agreement against 
it. Calvin, Grotius, Hammond, Casaubon, Bengel,' 
Lampe, Greswell, Alford, Wordsworth, Stier, Meyer, 
Ellicott, Olshausen, &c, agree in rejecting it. The 
mediaeval tradition has found defenders in Baronius, 
the writers of the Acta Sanctorum,, Maldonatus, 
Bishop Andrewes, Lightfoot, Isaac Williams, and 
Dr. Pusey. The substance of the legend is, that at 
some time before the commencement of our Lord's 



MAR- 



MAR 



611 



ministry, Mary of Bethany fell from her purity and 
sank into the depths of shame. Her life was that of 
one possessed by the " seven devils " of uncleanness. 
From the city to which she then went, or from her 
harlot-like adornments, she was known by the new 
name of Magdalene. Then she hears of the Deliv- 
erer, and repents, and loves, and is forgiven. Then 
she is received at once into the fellowship of the 
holy women and ministers to the Lord, and is re- 
ceived back again by her sister and dwells with her, 
and shows that she has chosen the good part. The 
death of Lazarus and his return to life are new 
motives to her gratitude and love ; and she shows 
them, as she had shown them before, anointing no 
longer the feet only, but the head also of her Lord. 
She watches by the cross, and witnesses the resur- 
rection. Then (the legend goes on), after some 
years of waiting, she goes with Lazarus, &c, to 
Marseilles. They land there ; and she, leaving Mar- 
tha to more active work, retires to a cave in the 
neighborhood of Aries, and there leads a life of 
penitence for thirty years. When she dies a church 
is built in her honor, and miracles are wrought at 
her tomb. Such was the full-grown form of the 
Western story. In the East there was a different 
tradition. Nicephorus states that she went to Rome 
to accuse Pilate for his unrighteous judgment ; 
Modestus, that she came to Ephesus with the Vir- 
gin and St. John, and died and was buried there. The 
Emperor Leo the Philosopher (about 890) brought 
her body from that city to Constantinople. 

Ma'ry (see above), Moth er of Mark (see Mark). 
The woman known by this description must have 
been among the earliest disciples. We learn from 
Col. iv. 10 that she was sister (or aunt ; see Mark) 
to Barnabas, and it would appear from Acts iv. 
37, xii. 12, that, while Barnabas gave up his lands 
and brought the proceeds of the sale into the com- 
mon treasury of the Church, she gave up her house 
to be used as one of its chief places of meeting. 
The fact that Peter goes to that house on his re 
lease from prison, indicates that there was some 
special intimacy between them, and this is con- 
firmed by the language which he uses toward Mark 
as being his "son" (1 Pet. v. 13). She, too, if an 
own sister or a father's sister to Barnabas, must 
have been like him of the tribe of Levi, and may 
have been connected, as he was, with Cyprus (Acts 
iv. 36). 

Ma'ry (see above), Sis'ter of Laz'a-rns (see Laza- 
rus). The facts strictly personal to her are but 
few. She and her sister Martha appear in Lk. x. 
40, as receiving Christ in their house. Mary sat 
listening eagerly for every word that fell from the 
Divine Teacher. She had chosen the good part, the 
life that has found its unity, the " one thing need- 
ful," in rising from the earthly to the heavenly, no 
longer distracted by the "many things" of earth. 
The same character shows itself in Jn. xi. Her 
grief is deeper but less active. Her first thought 
when she sees the Teacher in whose power and love 
she had trusted, is one of complaint. But the great 
joy and love which her brother's return to life calls 
up in her, pour themselves out in larger measure 
than had been seen Before. The treasured alabas- 
ter-box of ointment is brought forth at the final 
feast of Bethany (xii. 3). Of her after-history we 
know nothing. The ecclesiastical traditions about 
her are based on the unfounded hypothesis of her 
identity with Mary Magdalene. 

Ma'ry (Gr. Maria [Mat. i. 16, 18, ii. 11, &c] and 
Mariam [Mat. i. 20, xiii. 55, &c], both fr. Heb. = 



Miriam) the Vir'gln. There is no person perhaps 
in sacred or profane literature, around whom so 
many legends have been grouped as this Mary ; and 
there are few whose authentic history is more con- 
cise. We shall divide her life into three periods. 
I. The period of her childhood, up to the time of 
the birth of our Lord. II. The period of her middle 
age contemporary with the Bible record. III. The 
period subsequent to the Ascension. — I. The child- 
hood of Mary, wholly legendary. Joachim and Anna 
were both of the race of David. The abode of the 
former was Nazareth ; the latter passed her early 
years at Bethlehem. They lived piously in the sight 
of God, and faultlessly before man, dividing their 
substance into three portions, one of which they 
devoted to the service of the Temple, another to 
the poor, and the third to their own wants. And so 
twenty years of their lives passed silently away. 
But they were childless. At the end of this period 
Joachim went to Jerusalem with some others of his 
tribe, to make his usual offering at the Feast of the 
Dedication. And the high-priest scorned Joachim, 
and drove him roughly away, asking how he dared 
to present himself in company with those who had 
children, while he had none. And Joachim was 
shamed before his friends and neighbors, and he 
retired into the wilderness and fixed his tent there, 
and fasted forty days and forty nights. And at the 
end of this period an angel appeared to him, and 
told him that his wife should conceive, and should 
bring forth a daughter, and he should call her name 
Mary. Anna meantime was much distressed at her 
husband's absence, and being reproached by her 
maid Judith with her barrenness, she was overcome 
with grief of spirit. And two angels appeared to 
her, and promised her that she should have a child 
who should be spoken of in all the world. And 
Joachim returned joyfully to his home, and when 
the time was accomplished Anna brought forth a 
daughter, and they called her name Mary. Now 
the child Mary increased in strength day by day, 
and at nine months of age she walked nine steps. 
And when she was three years old her parents 
brought her to the Temple, to dedicate her to the 
Lord. Then Mary remained at the Temple until she 
was twelve or fourteen years old, ministered to by 
the angels, and advancing in perfection as in years. 
At this time the high-priest commanded all the 
virgins that were in the Temple to return to their 
homes and to be married. The legend now tells 
of the unwilling betrothal of Joseph 11 to Mary, the 
Annunciation, the marriage, and the birth of Jesus 
in a form distorted from the simple narrative of the 
Gospel (Mat. i. ; Lk. i., ii.). — II. The real history of 
Mary. We are ignorant of the name and occupa- 
tion of Mary's parents (so Mr. Meyrick). If the 
genealogy given by Luke is that of Mary (Greswell, 
&c), her father was Heli. If Jacob and Heli were 
the two sons of Matthan or Mat that, and if Joseph, 
the son of the younger brother, married his cousin, 
the daughter of the elder brother (Lord A. C. Her- 
vey), her father was Jacob. (Genealogy of Jesus 
Christ.) She was, like Joseph, of the tribe of Ju- 
dah, and of the lineage of David (Ps. exxxii. 11; 
Lk. i. 32 ; Rom. i. 3). She had a sister, named 
probably like herself, Mary (Jn. xix. 25 ; Mary of 
Cleophas), and she was connected by marriage (Lk. 
i. 36) with Elisabeth, who was of the tribe of Levi 
and of the lineage of Aaron. This is all that we 
know of her antecedents. In the summer of b. c. 
5 (Jesus Christ), Mary was living at Nazareth, 
probably at her parents' — possibly at her elder sis- 



612 



MAR 



MAR 



ter's — house, not having yet been taken by Joseph 
to his home. She was at this time betrothed to 
Joseph, and was therefore regarded by the Jewish 
law and custom as his wife, though he had not 
yet a husband's rights over her. (Marriage.) At 
this time the angel Gabriel came to her with a 
message from God, and announced to her that she 
was to be the mother of the long-expected Mes- 
siah. The scene as well as the salutation is very 
similar to that recounted in Dan. x. 18, 19. Gabriel 
proceeds to instruct Mary that by the operation of 
the Holy Ghost the everlasting Son of the Father 
should be born of her. He further informs her 
that her relative Elisabeth was within three months 
of being delivered of a child. The angel left Mary, 
and she set off to visit Elisabeth either at Hebron 
or Juttah (Lk. i. 39), where the latter lived with her 
husband Zacharias. Immediately on her entrance 
into the house she was saluted by Elisabeth as the 
mother of her Lord, and had evidence of the truth 
of the angel's saying with regard to her cousin. 
She embodied her feelings of exultation and thank- 
fulness in the hymn (Lk. i. 46-55) known under 
the name of the Magnificat (from the first word 
of it in the Vulgate [L. = "doth magnify"]). 
The hymn is founded on Hannah's song of thank- 
fulness (1 Sam. ii. 1-10). Mary returned to Naza- 
reth shortly before the birth of John the Baptist, 
and continued living at her own home. In the 
course of a few months Joseph became aware that 
she was with child, and determined on giving her a 
bill of divorcement, instead of yielding her up to 
the law to suffer the penalty which he supposed 
that she had incurred. (Adultery.) Being, how- 
ever, warned and satisfied by an angel who ap- 
peared to him in a dream, he took her to his own 
house. It was soon after this, as it would seem, 
that Augustus's decree was promulgated, and Jo- 
seph and Mary travelled to Bethlehem to have 
their names enrolled in the registers (b. c. 4) by 
way of preparation for the taxing, which, however, 
was not completed till ten years afterward (a. d. 6), 
in the governorship of Quirinus (Cyrenius). They 
reached Bethlehem, and there Mary brought forth 
the Saviour of the world, and humbly laid him in a 
manger. The visit of the shepherds, the circum- 
cision, the adoration of the wise men, and the pre- 
sentation in the Temple, are rather scenes in the 
life of Christ than in that of his mother. (Jesus 
Christ.) The presentation in the Temple might 
not take place till forty days after the birth of the 
child (Lev. xii.). The poverty of Mary and Joseph, 
it may be noted, is shown by their making the offer- 
ing of the poor. The song of Simeon and the 
thanksgiving of Anna, like the wonder of the 
shepherds and the adoration of the magi, only in- 
cidentally refer to Mary. One passage alone in 
Simeon's address is specially directed to her, " Yea 
a sword shall pierce through thy own soul also." 
These words are commonly referred to the pangs 
of grief which she experienced on witnessing the 
sufferings of her Son on the cross. In the flight 
into Egypt, Mary and the babe had the support and 
protection of Joseph, as well as in their return from 
thence, in the following year, on the death of Herod 
the Great (b. c. 3). It may be that the holy family 
at this time took up their residence in the house of 
Mary's sister, the wife of Clopas (Mary of Cleo- 
phas). Henceforward, until the beginning of our 
Lord's ministry — i. e. from b. c. 3 to a. d. 26 — we 
may picture Mary to ourselves as living in Nazareth, 
in a humble sphere of life. Two circumstances 



alone, so far as we know, broke in on the otherwise 
even flow of her life. One of these was the tempo- 
rary loss of her Son when he remained behind in 
Jerusalem, a. d. 8. The other was the death of Jo- 
seph. The exact date of this last event we cannot 
determine, but it was probably (so Mr. Meyrick, the 
original author of this article) not long after the 
other. From the time at which our Lord's minis- 
try commenced, Mary is withdrawn almost wholly 
from sight. Four times only is the veil removed 
which is thrown over her. These four occasions 
are, — 1. The marriage at Cana of Galilee (Jn. ii.). 
2. The attempt which she and his brethren made 
" to speak with him " (Mat. xii. 46 ; Mk. iii. 21, 31 ; 
Lk. viii. 19). 3. The Crucifixion. 4. The days 
succeeding the Ascension (Acts i. 14). If to these 
we add two references to her, the first by her Naza- 
rene fellow-citizens (Mat. xiii. 54, 55 ; Mk. vi. 1-3), 
the second by a woman in the multitude (Lk. xi. 27), 
we have specified every event known to us in her 
life. It is noticeable that, on every occasion of our 
Lord's addressing her, or speaking of her, there is 
a sound of reproof in his words, with the exception 
of the last words spoken to her from the cross. — 1. 
The marriage at Cana in Galilee took place in the 
three months between the baptism of Christ and 
the passover of the year 27. When Jesus was 
found by his mother and Joseph in the Temple in 
the year 8, we find him repudiating the name of 
"father" as applied to Joseph (Lk. ii. 48, 49). 
Now, in like manner, at His first miracle which in- 
augurates His ministry, He solemnly withdraws 
Himself from the authority of His earthly mother. 
— 2. Capernaum (Jn. ii. 12) and Nazareth (Mat. iv. 
13, xiii. 54; Mk. vi. 1) appear to have been the 
residence of Mary for a considerable period. The 
next time that she is brought before us we find her 
at Capernaum. It is the autumn of the year 28, 
more than a year and a half after the miracle 
wrought at the marriage-feast in Cana. Mary was 
still living with her sister, and her nephews and 
nieces (Brother ; James), James, Joses, Simon, 
Jude, and their three sisters (Mat. xiii. 55) ; and 
she and they heard of the toils which He was un- 
dergoing, and they understood that He was deny- 
ing Himself every relaxation from His labors. Their 
human affection conquered their faith. They there- 
fore sent a message, begging Him to allow them to 
speak to Him. Again He reproves. Again He re- 
fuses to admit any authority on the part of His rela- 
tives, or any privilege on account of their relation- 
ship. — 3. The next scene in Mary's life brings us to 
the foot of the cross. She was standing there with 
her sister Mary and Mary Magdalene, and Salome, 
and other women, having no doubt followed her 
Son as she was able throughout the terrible morn- 
ing of Good Friday. It was about three o'clock in 
the afternoon, and He was about to give up His 
spirit. Standing near the company of the women 
was St. John ; and, with almost His last words, 
Christ commended His mother to the care of the 
disciple whom Jesus loved. '* Woman, behold thy 
son." And from that hour St. John took her to 
his own abode (Jn. xix. 25-27). — 4. A veil is drawn 
over her sorrow and over her joy which succeeded 
that sorrow. Mediaeval imagination has supposed, 
but Scripture does not state, that her Son appeared 
to Mary after His resurrection from the dead. She 
was doubtless living at Jerusalem v/ith John, cher- 
ished with the tenderness specially needed, and un- 
doubtedly found preeminently in St. John. We 
have no record of her presence at the Ascension, 



MAR 



MAR 



013 



or at the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of 
Pentecost. We read that she remained steadfast 
in prayer in the upper room at Jerusalem with Mary 
Magdalene and Salome, and those known as the 
Lord's brothers and the apostles. This is the last 
view that we have of her. Holy Scripture leaves 
her engaged in prayer. From this point forward 
we know nothing of her. Probably the rest of her 
life was spent in Jerusalem with St. John (see Epi- 
phanius, Hcer. 78). According to one tradition the 
beloved disciple would not leave Palestine until she 
had expired in his arms. Other traditions make her 
journey with St. John to Ephesus, and there die in 
extreme old age. In the fifth century some believed 
that she was buried at Ephesus ; others, at Geth- 
semane. — 5. The character of Mary is not drawn by 
any of the evangelists, but some of its lineaments 
are incidentally manifested in the fragmentary rec- 
ord given of her. It is clear from Luke, though 
without any such intimation we might rest assured 
of the fact, that her youth had been spent in the 
study of the Holy Scriptures, and that she had set 
before her the example of the holy women of the 
0. T. as her model. This would appear from the 
Magnificat (Lk. i. 46 ff.). Her faith and humility 
exhibit themselves in her immediate surrender of 
herself to the Divine will, though ignorant how that 
will should be accomplished (i. 38) ; her energy and 
earnestness in her journey from Nazareth to Hebron 
(39); her happy thankfulness, in her song of joy 
(48) ; her silent musing thoughtfulness, in her pon- 
dering over the shepherds' visit (ii. 19), and in her 
keeping her Son's words in her heart (51), though 
she could not fully understand their import. Her 
humility is seen in her drawing back, yet without 
anger, after receiving reproof at Cana (Jn. ii. 5), and 
in the remarkable manner in which she shuns put- 
ting herself forward through the whole of her Son's 
ministry, or after His removal from earth. Once 
only does she attempt to interfere with His freedom 
of action (Mat. xii. 46; Mk. iii. 31; Lk. viii. 19); 
and even here she seems to have been roused by a 
woman's and a mother's feelings of affection and 
fear for Him whom she loved. In a word, so far as 
Mary is portrayed to us in Scripture, she is, as we 
should have expected, the most tender, the most 
faithful, humble, patient, and loving of women, but 
a woman still. — III. Her after-life, wholly legendary . 
The legends of Mary's childhood may be traced 
back as far as the third or even the second century. 
Those of her death are probably later. The chief 
legend was for a length of time considered to be a 
veritable history, written by Melito Bishop of Sardis 
in the second century. We give the substance of 
the legend : When the apostles separated in order 
to evangelize the world, Mary continued to live with 
St. John's parents in their house near the Mount of 
Olives, and every day she went out to pray at the 
tomb of Christ, and at Golgotha. Afterward she 
went and dwelt with three holy virgins at Bethle- 
hem. And in the twenty-second year after the as- 
cension of the Lord, Mary felt her heart burn with 
an inexpressible longing to be with her Son ; and 
behold an angel appeared to her, announced that 
her soul should be taken up from her body on the 
third day, placed a palm-branch from paradise in 
her hands, and desired that it should be carried be- 
fore her bier. And Mary besought that the apos- 
tles might be gathered round her before she died, 
and the angel replied that they should come. All 
the apostles, living and dead, were accordingly 
snatched away in a bright cloud, and found them- 



selves at Bethlehem. Angels and powers without 
number descended from heaven and stood round 
about the house. The people of Bethlehem brough t 
their sick to the house, and they were all healed. 
The news of these things was carried to Jerusalem, 
and the king sent to Bethlehem to seize Mary, but 
the Holy Spirit had taken her and the disciples in a 
cloud to Jerusalem. Then, on the sixth day of the 
week, the Holy Spirit commanded the apostles to 
take up Marj', and to carry her from Jerusalem to 
Gethsemane. The angel Gabriel announced that on 
the first day of the week Mary's soul should be re- 
moved from this world. On the morning of that 
day there came Eve and Anne and Elisabeth, and 
kissed Mary and told her who they were : came 
Adam, Seth, Shem, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, 
David, and the rest of the old fathers : came Enoch 
and Elias and Moses : came twelve chariots of angels 
innumerable : and then appeared the Lord Christ in 
His humanity. Mary prayed. After her prayer 
was finished her face shone with marvellous bright- 
ness, and she stretched out her hands and blessed 
them all ; and her Son put forth His hands and re-, 
ceived her pure soul, and bore it into His Father's 
treasure-house. The apostles carried her body to 
the valley of Jehoshaphat, to a place which the 
Lord had told them of, and John went before and 
carried the palm-branch. They placed her in a new 
tomb. Suddenly there appeared the Lord Christ, 
surrounded by a multitude of angels, and command- 
ed Michael the archangel to bring down Mary's soul. 
Gabriel rolled away the stone, and the Lord said, 
"Rise up, my beloved, thy body shall not suffer 
corruption in the tomb." Immediately Mary arose 
and bow r ed herself at His feet and worshipped; and 
the Lord kissed her and gave her to the angels to 
carry her to paradise. But Thomas was not pres- 
ent with the rest. He arrived just after all these 
things were accomplished, and demanded to see the 
sepulchre in which they had laid his Lady: "For 
ye know," said he, " that I am Thomas, and unless 
I see I will not believe." Then Peter arose in haste 
and wrath, and the other disciples with him, and 
they opened the sepulchre and went in ; but they 
found nothing therein save that in which her body 
had been wrapped. Then Thomas confessed that 
he too, borne in the cloud from India, had seen 
her holy body carried by the angels with great 
triumph into heaven ; and that on his crying to her 
for her blessing, she had bestowed on him her 
precious girdle, which when the apostles saw they 
were glad. Then the apostles were carried back 
each to his own place. — IV. Jewish traditions re- 
specting her. The book called Toldoth Jesv (fr. Heb. 
generations [or family history] of Jesus), proved by 
Ammon to be a composition of the thirteenth cen- 
tury, makes Mary the wife of Johanan at Bethlehem, 
deceived in the dark by Joseph Pandera, who pre- 
tended to be her husband, and afterward giving 
birth at Babylon to a son Jehoshua, who discovered 
the art of working miracles by stealing the knowl- 
edge of the sacred name from the Temple, but being 
defeated by the superior art of one Juda, was cruci- 
fied and his body hidden under a water-course (Mr. 
Hawtrey, in Kitto). In the Gospel of Nicodemus, 
otherwise called the Acts of Pilate, we find the 
Jews represented as charging our Lord with illegiti- 
mate birth. The date of this Gospel is about the 
end of the third century. Stories to the same effect 
may be found in the Talmud — not in the Mishna, 
which dates from the second century, but in the 
Gemara, which is of the fifth or sixth. — V. Moham- 



MAR 



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medan traditions. Mohammed and his followers ap- 
pear to have gathered up the floating Oriental tradi- 
tions which originated in the legends of Mary's early 
years, given above, and to have drawn from them and 
from the Bible indifferently. He is reported to have 
said that many men have arrived at perfection, but 
only four women ; and that these are, Asia the wife 
of Pharaoh, Mary the daughter of Amram (Moham- 
med appears to have confounded Miriam the sister 
of Moses with Mary the mother of our Lord), his first 
wife Khadijah, and his daughter Fatima. The Im- 
maculate Conception was a Mohammedan doctrine 
six centuries before any Christian theologians or 
schoolmen maintained it. — VI. Emblems. There 
was a time in the history of the Church when all the 
expressions used in Canticles were applied at once 
to Mary. Consequently all the Eastern metaphors 
of King Solomon have been hardened into symbols, 
and represented in pictures or sculpture, and at- 
tached to her in popular litanies. The same method 
of interpretation was applied to certain parts of 
Revelation. — VII. Worship of the Blessed Virgin. 
What was its origin ? Certainly not the Bible. 
There is not a word there from which it could be 
inferred ; nor in the Creeds ; nor in the Fathers of 
the first five centuries. Whence, then, did it arise ? 
Mr. Meyrick finds the germ of it in the apocryphal 
legends of her birth and of her death given above. 
Some of the legends of her birth are as early as the 
second or third century, the production of the 
Gnostics, and unanimously rejected by the Church 
of the first five centuries as fabulous and heretical. 
Down to the time of the Nestorian controversy the 
worship of the Blessed Virgin was apparently 
wholly external to the Church, and regarded as 
heretical. But the Nestorian controversies pro- 
duced a great change of sentiment. Nestorius 
had maintained, or at least it was the tendency 
of Nestorianism to maintain, not only that our 
Lord had two natures, the divine and the human 
(which was right), but also that He was two per- 
sons, in such sort that the child born of Mary was 
not divine, but merely an ordinary human being, 
until the divinity subsequently united itself to Him. 
This was condemned by the Council of Ephesus in 
a. n. 431 ; and the Greek title Thcotokos (= God- 
bearing), loosely translated Mother of God, was sanc- 
tioned. The object of the council and of the Anti-Nes- 
torians was not to add honor to the mother, but to 
maintain the true doctrine with respect to the Sod. 
Nevertheless the result was to magnify the mother, 
and, after a time, at the expense of the Son. 
The legends too were no longer treated so roughly 
as before. The Gnostics were not now objects of 
dread. Nestoiians, and afterward Iconoclasts, were 
objects of hatred. The old fables were winked at, 
and thus they became the mythology of Christianity, 
universally credited among the southern nations of 
Europe. From this time the worship of Mary grew 
apace. We learn the present state of the religious 
regard in which she is held throughout Southern 
Europe from St. Alfonso de' Liguori, whose every 
word is vouched for by the whole weight of his 
Church's (Roman Catholic) authority. Mary is Queen 
of Mercy and Mother of all mankind ; our Life ; 
our Protectress in death ; the Hope of all ; our only 
Refuge, Help, and Asylum ; the Propitiatory of the 
whole world ; our Patroness ; Queen of Heaven and 
Hell ; the Mediatrix of grace ; the Helper of the 
Redemption ; the Cooperator in our Justification ; 
a tender Advocate; Omnipotent; the Way of Sal- 
vation ; the Mediatrix of angels ; the Mediator ; the 



Intercessor ; the Redeemer ; the Saviour, &c. ( Glories 
of Mary, London, 1852). Thus in the worship of 
the Blessed Virgin there are two distinctly-marked 
periods. The first is that which commences with 
the apostolic times, and brings us down to the close 
of the fifth century in which the Council of Ephesus 
was held, during which time the worship of Mary 
was confined to Gnostic and Collyridian heretics. 
The second period commences with the sixth cen- 
tury, when it began to spread within the Church ; 
and, in spite of the shock given it by the Reforma- 
tion, has continued to spread (see IX. below). — 
VIII. Her Assumption or Ascent to Heaven. Not 
only religious sentiments, but facts grew up in ex- 
actly the same way. At the end of the fifth century 
there existed a book, De Transitu Virginis Maria 
(L. = Of the Transit [or Passage^ of the Virgin 
Mary), which was condemned by Pope Gelasius as 
apocryphal. This book is without doubt the oldest 
form of the legend. Down to the end of the fifth 
century the story of the Assumption was distinctly 
looked upon by the Church as belonging to the 
heretics and not to her. But then came the change 
of sentiment already referred to, consequent on the 
Nestorian controversy. About the same time, prob- 
ably, or rather later, an insertion (now recognized 
on all hands to be a forgery) was made in Eusebius's 
Chronicle, that "in the year a. r. 48 Mary the Vir- 
gin was taken up into heaven, as some wrote that 
they had had it revealed to them." The first writers 
within the Church, in whose extant writings we find 
the Assumption asserted, are Gregory of Tours in 
the sixth century, who has merely copied Melito's 
book, De Transitu ; Andrew of Crete, who prob- 
ably lived in the seventh century ; and John of 
Damascus, who lived at the beginning of the eighth 
century. The last of these authors refers to the 
Euthymiac history as stating that Marcian and Pul- 
cheria being in search of the body of St. Mary, sent 
to Juvenal of Jerusalem to inquire for it. Juvenal 
tells them the legend (see above. III.). The fact 
of the Assumption is stereotyped in the Breviary 
Services for August 15. Here again we see a legend 
originated by heretics, and remaining external to 
the Church till the close of the fifth century, creep- 
ing into the Church during the sixth and seventh 
centuries, and finally ratified by the authority both 
of Rome and Constantinople. — IX. Her Immaculate 
Concejition. Similarly with regard to the sinless- 
ness of Mary, which has issued in the dogma of the 
Immaculate Conception. Down to the close of the 
fifth century the sentiment with respect to her was 
that Mary was born' in original sin, was liable to 
actual sin, and fell into sins of infirmity. At this 
time the change of mind before referred to, as 
originated by the Nestorian controversies, was 
spreading within the Church ; and it became more 
and more the general belief that Mary was preserved 
from actual sin by the grace of God. This opinion 
had become almost universal in the twelfth century. 
And now a further step was taken. It was main- 
tained by St. Bernard that Mary was conceived in 
original sin, but that, before her birth, she was 
cleansed from it, like John the Baptist and Jere- 
miah. This was the sentiment of the thirteenth 
century Early in the fourteenth century died J. 
Duns Scotus, the first theologian or schoolman who 
threw out as a possibility the idea of an Immaculate 
Conception, which would exempt Mary from original 
as well as actual sin. From this time forward 
there was a struggle between the maculate and 
immaculate conceptionists, which led at length to 



MAR 



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C15 



the Pope's decree of December 8, 1854, that Mary 
was not conceived or born in original sin, but has 
been wholly exempt from all sin, original and ac- 
tual, in her conception and birth, throughout her 
life, and in her death. James. 

Ma'ry (Gr. Mariam in the Received Text, Maria 
in Lachmann ; see above), a Roman Christian greeted 
by St. Paul in Rom. xvi. 6 as having toiled hard for 
him. Nothing more is known of her. 

Mas'a-loth (L. fr. Heb. ; see below), a place in Ar- 
bela, which Bacchides and Alcimus besieged and 
took with great slaughter on their way from the 
north to Gilgal (1 Mc. ix. 2). The name Masaloth 
is omitted by Josephus, nor has any trace of it been 
since discovered ; but the word may, as Robinson 
suggests, be from Hebrew = steps or terraces. In 
that case it was probably a name given to the re- 
markable caverns still existing on the northern side 
of the Wady el-Ham&m, N. AV. of Tiberias, and now 
called KuVat lbn Ma'&n. 

Maschil [Jul] (Heb., see below), the title of thir- 
teen Psalms : xxxiL, xlii., xliv., xlv., lii.-lv., lxxiv., 
lxxviii., lxxxviii., Ixxxix., cxlii. Iu the Psalm in 
which it first occurs as a title, the root of the word 
is found in another form (Ps. xxxii. 8), " I will in- 
struct thee," from which circumstance, it has been 
inferred, the title was applied to the whole Psalm 
as didactic (so A. V. margin, Hengstenberg, Tho- 
luck, J. A. Alexander, &c). But since " Maschil " 
is affixed to many Psalms which would scarcely be 
classed as didactic, Gesenius (or rather Roediger) 
explains it as = any sacred song, relating to divine 
things, whose end it was to promote wisdom and 
piety. Evvald regards Ps. xlvii. 7 (A. V. " sing ye 
praises mill -understanding ; " Heb. maschil) as the 
key to the meaning of Maschil, which in his opinion 
is a musical term, denoting a melody requiring great 
skill in its execution. The objection to the explana- 
tion of Roediger is, that it is wanting in precision, 
and would allow the term " Maschil " to be applied 
to every Psalm. The suggestion of Evvald has most 
to commend it (so Mr. Wright). 

Mash (Heb. a drawing out or drawn out = Me- 
shech, Sim.), a son of Aram (Gen. x. 23); = "Me- 
shech " in 1 Chr. i. 17. As to the geographical 
position of Mash, Josephus connects the name with 
Mesene in lower Babylonia, on the shores of the 
Persian Gulf. The more probable opinion is that 
adopted by Bochart, &c, that the name Mash is rep- 
resented by the Mons Masius of classical writers, a 
range which forms the northern boundary of Meso- 
potamia, between the Tigris and Euphrates. Kalisch 
connects the names of Mash and Mysia : this is, to 
say the least, extremely doubtful. 

Ma'slial (Heb.) = Misheal or Mishal (1 Chr. vi. 
74). 

Ma-si'as (Gr.), one of Solomon's servants, whose 
descendants are said to have returned with Zorobabel 
(1 Esd. v. 34) ; not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

Mas' man (Gr.) = Shemaiah (1 Esd. viii. 43 ; com- 
pare Ezr. viii. 16). 

* Ma son. Architecture ; Handicraft ; Mortar, 
&c. 

Ma-so'ra, M:i-so'raSi. Old Testament. 

Mas'pha (Gr. = Mizpeh). 1. A place opposite 
to Jerusalem, at which Judas Maccabeus and his 
followers assembled themselves to bewail the deso- 
lation of the city and the sanctuary (1 Mc. iii. 46); 
no doubt = Mizpeh of Benjamin. — 2. One of the 
cities taken from the Ammonites by Judas Macca- 
beus in his campaign on the E. of Jordan (v. 35) ; 
probably = Mizpeh of Gilead. 



Mas're-kah (Heb. vineyard of noble vines, Ges. ; 
place of vines, Fii.), an ancient place, the native 
spot of Samlah, king of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 
36 ; 1 Chr. i. 47) ; site unknown. 

Mas'sa (Heb. a lifting up, utterance, burden, Ges.), 
a son of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 14 ; 1 Chr. i. 30). His 
descendants were not improbably the Masani, who 
are placed by Ptolemy in the east of Arabia, near 
the borders of Babylonia. 

Mas' sail (Heb. temptation), a name given to the 
spot, also called Meribah, where the Israelites 
tempted Jehovah (Ex. xvii. 7 ; Ps. xcv. 8, 9; Heb. 
iii. 8). 

Mas-si'as (Gr.) = Maaseiah 3 (1 Esd. ix. 22). 

* Mast. Ship. 

* Mas ter. Lord ; Rabbi ; Servant ; Slave. 
Mas'tich- [-tik] (fr. Gr.) tree occurs only in the 

Apocrypha (Sus. 54), where the margin of the A. V. 
has " lentisk.'' There is no doubt that the Greek 
word is correctly rendered, as is evident from the 
description of it by Theophrastus, Pliny, Dioscorides, 
and other writers. The fragrant resin known in 
the arts as " mastich," and obtained by incisions 
made in the trunk in August, is the produce of this 




Mastich (Pisiacia Lentiecus). 



tree, whose scientific name is Pisiacia Lentiscus. It 
is used with us to strengthen the teeth and gums, 
and was so applied by the ancients, by whom it was 
much prized on this account, and for its many sup- 
posed medical virtues. It is extensively used in the 
preparation of spirits, as a sweetmeat, as an an- 
tispasmodic in medicine, and as an ingredient in 
varnishes. Both Pliny and Dioscorides state that 
the best mastich comes from Chios (Scio). Tourne- 
fort says these trees are very wide-spread and cir- 
cular, ten or twelve feet tall. They are common on 
the shores of the Mediterranean. 

Math-a-ni'as (fr. Gr.) = Mattaniah, a descendant 
of Pahath-moab (1 Esd. ix. 31 ; compare Ezr. x. 
30). 

Ma-thn'sa-la (fr. Gr. form of Heb.) = Methuse- 
lah, the son of Enoch (Lk. iii. 37). 

Ma'tred (Heb. propelling, Ges.), a daughter of Me- 
zahab, and mother of Mehetabel, who was wife of 
Hadar (or Hadad) of Pau, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). 

Ma'tri (Heb. rain of Jehovah, Ges.), a family of 



616 



MAT 



MAT 



Benjamin, to which King Saul belonged (1 Sam. x. 
21). 

Mat'tan (Heb. a gift, Ges.). 1. The priest of Baal 
slain before his altars in the idol temple at Jerusa- 
lem (2 K. xi. 18 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 17). He probably 
accompanied Athaliah from Samaria. — 2. Father of 
Shephatiab (Jer. xxxviii. 1). 

Mat'ta-nah (Heb. a gift, present, Ges.), a station 
in the latter part of the wanderings of the Israelites 
(Num. xxi. 18, 19); probably S. E. of the Dead Sea, 
but not yet discovered. Wilderness of the Wan- 
dering. 

Mat-ta-ni'ali (fr. Heb. = gift of Jehovah, Ges.). 
1. The original name of Zedekiah, king of Judah, 
changed when Nebuchadnezzar placed him on the 
throne instead of his nephew Jehoiachin (2 K. xxiv. 
IV). — 2, A Levite singer of the sons of Asaph (1 
Chr. ix. 15). He is described as the sou of Micah, 
Micha (Neh. xi. 17, 22), or Michaiah (xii. 35), and 
after the return from Babylon lived in the villages 
of the Netophathites (1 Chr. ix. 16) or Netophathi 
(Neh. xii. 28), which the singers had built in the 
neighborhood of Jerusalem (29). As leader of the 
Temple-choir after its restoration (xi. 17, xii. 8) in 
the time of Nehemiah, he took part in the musical 
service at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
(xii. 25, 35). We find him among the Levites of 
the second rank, "keepers of the thresholds," an 
office which fell to the singers (compare 1 Chr. xv. 
18, 21). Mr. Wright and Dr. Alexander (in Kitto) 
suppose Mattaniah in Neh. xii. 35 should be con- 
nected with ver. 36, in which are enumerated his 
"brethren" alluded to in ver. 8. Dr. Alexander 
supposes a name omitted after " Shemaiah, the son 
of," and before " Mattaniah " in ver. 35. — 3. A de- 
scendant of Asaph, and ancestor of Jehaziel the Le- 
vite in Jehoshaphat's reign (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 4. One 
of the sons of Elam (Ezr. x. 26). He and the three 
following had married foreign wives, but put them 
away in Ezra's time. — 5. One of the sons of Zattu 
(27). (See 4.) — 6. A descendant of Pahath-moab 
(30). (See 4.)— 7. One of the sons of Bani (37). 
(See 4 above.) — 8. A Levite, father of Zaccur, 
and ancestor of Hanan who had charge of the of- 
ferings for the Levites in Nehemiah's time (Neh. 
xiii. 13). — 9. One of the fourteen sons of Heman ; 
chief of the ninth division of musicians or singers 
in the Temple-service as appointed by David (1 Chr. 
xxv. 4, 16). — 10. A descendant of Asaph, the Levite 
minstrel. He assisted in the purification of the 
Temple in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 

Mat ta-tlia (Gr. fr. Heb. = Mattithiah, Ges.), son 
of Nathan, and grandson of David in the genealogy 
of our Lord (Lk. iii. 31). 

Mat'ta-thah (Heb.= Mattithiah, Ges.), a descend- 
ant of Hashum, who put away his foreign wife in 
Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 33). 

Mat-ta-thi as (Gr. fr. Heb. = Mattithiah, Ges.). I. 
Mattithiah 4, who stood at Ezra's right hand when 
he read the Law to the people (1 Esd. ix. 43 ; com- 
pare Neh. viii. 4). — 2. Father of the Maccabees (1 
Mc. ii. 1, 14, 16, 17, 19, 24, 27, 39, 45, 49, xiv. 29). 
— 3. Son of Absalom, and captain under Jonathan 
Maccabeus ; probably brother of Jonathan 14 (xi. 
70, compare xiii. 11). — 4. Son of Simon Maccabeus; 
treacherously murdered, with his father and brother, 
by Ptolemeus, the son of Abubus (xvi. 14). — 5. One 
of the three envoys sent by Nicanor to treat with 
Judas Maccabeus (2 Mc. xiv. 19). — 6. Son of Amos, 
in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 25). — 7. 
Son of Semei, in the same catalogue (ver. 26). 

Mat'te-nai, or Mat-te-na'i (Heb. = Mattaniah, 



Ges.). 1. One of the family of Hashum, who in 
Ezra's time had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 33).— 
2. A descendant of Bani, who put away his foreign 
wife at Ezra's command (ver. 37). — 3. A priest in 
the days of Joiakim, the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 
19). 

Mat'tlian (Gr. fr. Heb. = Mattan, Rbn., JV. T. 
Lex.), son of Eleazar, and grandfather of Joseph 
"the husband of Mary" (Mat. i. 15); according to 
Lord A. C. Hervey = Matthat in Lk. iii. 24. Gen- 
ealogy of Jesus Christ. 

Mat-tha-ui'as (Gr.) = Mattaniah, one of the de- 
scendants of Elam (1 Esd. ix. 27 ; compare Ezr. x. 
26). 

Mat'that (Gr. fr. Heb. = Mattithiah, Fii.). 1. 
Son of Levi and grandfather of Joseph (Lk. iii. 24) ; 
= Matthan ? (Genealogy of Jesus Christ.)— 2. 
Also the son of a Levi, and a progenitor of Joseph 
(ver. 29). 

Mat-thc'Ias (fr. Gr.) = Maaseiah 1(1 Esd. ix. 19). 

Mat'thew [math'thu] (fr. L. Malthams ; Gr. Mal- 
thaios ; both fr. Heb. = Mattathias, Ges.), the 
Apostle and Evangelist, = Levi (Lk. v. 27-29) the 
son of a certain Alpheus (Mk. ii. 14). His call to be 
an apostle is related by all three evangelists in the 
same words, except that Mat. ix. 9 gives the former, 
and Mk. ii. 14 and Lk. v. 27 the latter name. The 
publicans, properly so called (L. publicum), were 
persons who farmed the Roman taxes, and were 
usually, in later times, Roman knights, and persons 
of wealth and credit. They employed under them 
inferior officers, natives of the province where the 
taxeswere collected, called properly portilores (h. = 
receivers of customs), to which class Matthew no 
doubt belonged. (Publican.) Eusebius mentions 
that after our Lord's ascension Matthew preached 
in Judea (some add for fifteen years), and then went 
to foreign nations. To the lot of Matthew it fell 
to visit Ethiopia, says Socrates Scholasticus. But 
Ambrose says that God opened to him the country 
of the Persians ; Isidore the Macedonians ; and 
others the Parthians, the Medes, the Persians of 
the Euphrates. Nothing whatever is really known. 
Heracleon, the disciple of Valentinus, describes him 
as dying a natural death, which Clement of Alex- 
andria, Origen, and Tertullian seem to accept: the 
tradition that he died a martyr, be it true or false, 
came in afterward. 

Matthew (see above), Gos'pel of (see Gospels). 
The Gospel which bears the name of St. Matthew 
was written by the apostle, according to the testi- 
mony of all antiquity. — I. Language in which it was 
written. We are told on the authority of Papias, 
Iremeus, Pantsenus, Origen, Eusebius, Epiphanius, 
Jerome, and many other Fathers, that the Gospel 
was first written in Hebrew, i. e. Aramaic, the vernac- 
ular language of Palestine. (Shemitic Languages.) 
(a.) Papias of Hierapolis (in the first half of the 
second century) says, " Matthew wrote the divine 
oracles in the Hebrew dialect ; and each interpreted 
them as he was able." (b.) IrenaBus says that 
" whilst Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome 
and founding the Church, Matthew put forth his 
written Gospel among the Hebrews in their own 
dialect." (c.) According to Eusebius, Pantsenus "is 
reported to have gone to the Indians " (i. e. to the 
S. of Arabia?), "where it is said that he found the 
Gospel of Matthew already among some who had 
the knowledge of Christ there, to whom Bartholo- 
mew, one of the apostles, had preached, and left 
them the Gospel of Matthew written in Hebrew, 
which was preserved till the time referred to." This 



MAT 



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617 



story reappears in two different forms : — Jerome 
and Rufinus say that Pantasnus brought back with 
him this Hebrew Gospel ; and Nicephorus asserts 
that Bartholomew dictated the Gospel of Matthew 
to the inhabitants of that country. (d.) Origen 
says, "As I have learned by tradition concerning the 
four Gospels, which alone are received without dis- 
pute by the Church of God under heaven : the first 
was written by St. Matthew, once a tax-gatherer, 
afterward an apostle of Jesus Christ who published 
it for the benefit of the Jewish converts, composed 
in the Hebrew language." (e.) Eusebius (If. E. iii. 
24) gives as his own opinion the following : " Mat- 
thew having first preached to the Hebrews, deliv- 
ered to them, when he was preparing to depart to 
other countries, his Gospel, composed in their na- 
tive language." Other passages to the same effect 
occur in Cyril, Epiphanius, Jerome, who mentions 
the Hebrew original in seven places at least of his 
works, and from Gregory of Nazianzus, Chrysostom, 
Augustine, and other later writers. From all these 
there is no doubt that the old opinion was that Mat- 
thew wrote in the Hebrew language. So far all the 
testimony is for a Hebrew original. — But there are 
arguments of no mean weight in favor of the Greek. 1. 
The numerous quotations from the O. T. in this Gospel 
are of two kinds: those introduced into the narrative 
to point out the fulfilment of prophecies, &c. ; and 
those where in the course of the narrative the per- 
sons introduced, and especially our Lord Himself, 
make use of O. T. quotations. Between these two 
classes a difference of treatment is observable. In 
the latter class, where the citations occur in dis- 
courses, the LXX. is followed. The quotations in 
the narrative, however, do not follow the LXX., but 
appear to be a translation from the Hebrew text. 
A mere translator could not have done this. But 
an independent writer, using the Greek tongue, and 
wishing to conform his narrative to the oral teach- 
ings of the apostles, might have used for the quota- 
tions the well-known Greek 0. T. used by his col- 
leagues. 2. But this difficulty is to be got over by 
assuming a high authority for this translation, as 
though made by an inspired writer ; and it has been 
suggested that this writer was Matthew himself 
(Bengel, Olshausen, Lee, &c), or at least that he 
directed it (Guericke), or that it was some other 
apostle (Gerhard), or James, the brother of the 
Lord, or John, or the general body of the a,postles, 
or that two disciples of St. Matthew wrote, from 
him, the one in Aramaic, and the other in Greek ! 
S. The original Hebrew, of which so many speak, 
no one of the witnesses ever saw (Jerome is no ex- 
ception); and so little store has the Church set upon 
it that it has utterly perished. 4. It is certain that 
a gospel, not the same as our canonical Matthew, 
sometimes usurped the apostle's name ; and some 
of the witnesses we have quoted appear to have re- 
ferred to this in one or other of its various forms 
or names. The Nazarenes and Ebionites possessed 
each a modification of the same Gospel, which no 
doubt each altered more and more as their tenets 
diverged, and which bore various names — the Gos- 
pel of the twelve apostles, the Gospel according to 
the Hebrews, the Gospel of Peter, or the Gospel 
according to Matthew. Enough is known to decide 
that the Gospel according to the Hebrews was not 
identical with our Matthew ; but it had many points 
of resemblance to the synoptical gospels, and es- 
pecially to Matthew. What was its origin it is im- 
possible to say : it may have been a description of 
the oral teachings of the apostles, corrupted by 



degrees ; it may have come in its early and pure 
form from the hand of Matthew, or it may have 
been a version of the Greek Gospel of St. Matthew, 
as the evangelist who wrote especially for Hebrews. 
Is it impossible that, when the Hebrew Matthew is 
spoken of, this questionable document, the Gospel 
of the Hebrews, was really referred to '! Observe 
that all accounts of it are at second hand (with a 
notable exception) ; no one quotes it. All that is 
certain is, that Nazarenes, or Ebionites, or both, 
boasted that they possessed the original Gospel of 
Matthew. Jerome is the exception ; and him we 
can convict of the very mistake of confounding 
the two, and almost on his own confession. Eras- 
mus, Calvin, Le Clerc, Lightfoot, Wetstein, Lardner, 
Hales, Hug, De Wette, Stuart, Fritzsche, Credner, 
Thiersch, Alford, and many others, have pronounced 
for a Greek original. Simon, Mill, Michaelis, Marsh, 
Eichhorn, Storr, Olshausen, Davidson, Tregelles, 
Westcott, &c, advocate a Hebrew original. — II. 
Style and Diction. 1. Matthew uses the expression, 
" that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the 
Lord by the prophet " (i. 22, ii. 15). In ii. 5, and 
in later passages of Matthew it is abbreviated (ii. 
17, iii. 3, iv. 14, viii. 17, xii. 17, xiii. 14, 35, xxi. 4, 
xxvi. 56, xxvii. 9). 2. The reference to the Mes- 
siah under the name "Son of David," occurs in 
Matthew eight times ; and three times each in Mark 
and Luke. 3. Jerusalem is called "the holy city," 
"the holy place" (iv. 5, xxiv. 15, xxvii. 55). 4. 
The Greek phrase sunteleia ton aidnos, A. V. " the 
end of the world," is used five times ; in the rest 
of the X. T. only once, in Heb. ix. 26. 5. The 
phrase " kingdom of heaven," about thirty-three 
times ; other writers use " kingdom of God," which 
is found also in Matthew. 6. " Heavenly Father," 
used about six times; and "Father in heaven" 
about sixteen, and without explanation, point to 
the Jewish mode of speaking in this Gospel. For 
other more minute verbal peculiarities, see Cred- 
ner, Introduction (in German). — III. Citations from 
the Old Testament. The following list is nearly com- 
plete : 



Mat. 




Mat. 




i. 23. 


Is. vii. 14. 


xvii. 


2. 


Ex. xxxiv. 29. 


ii. 6. 


Mic. v. 2. 




11. 


Mai. iii. 1, iv. 5. 


15. 


Hos. xi. 1. 


xviii. 


15. 


Lev. xix. 17 (?). 


18. 


Jer. xxxi. 15. 


xix. 


4. 


Gen. i. 27. 


iii. 3. 


Is. xl. 3. 




5. 


Gen. ii. 24. 


iv. 4. 


Deut. viii. 3. 




7. 


Deut. xxiv. 1. 


6. 


Ps. xci. 11. 




18. 


Ex. xx. 12 ; Lev. 


7. 


Deut. vi. 16. 






xix. 18. 


10. 


Deut. vi. 13. 


xxi. 


5. 


Zech. ix. 9. 


15. 


Is. viii. 23, ix. 1. 




9. 


Ps. cxviii. 25. 


v. 5. 


Ps. xxxvii. 11. 




13. 


Is. lvi. 7; Jer.vii. 


21. 


Ex. xx. 13. 






11. 


27. 


Ex. xx. 14. 




16. 


Ps. viii. 2. 


31. 


Deut. xxiv. 1. 




42. 


Ps. cxviii. 22. 


33. 


Lev. xix. 12 ; Deut. 




44. 


Is. viii. 14. 




xxiii. 23. 


xxii. 


24. 


Deut. xxv. 5. 


38. 


Ex. xxi. 24. 




32. 


Ex. iii. 6. 


43. 


Lev. xix. 18. 




37. 


Deut. vi. 5. 


viii. 4. 


Lev. xiv. 2. 




39. 


Lev. xix. IS. 


17. 


Is. !iii. 4. 




44. 


Ps. ex. 1. 


ix. 13. 


Hos. vi. 6. 


xxiii. 


35. 


Gen. iv. 8 ; 2 Chr. 


x. 35. 


Mic. vii. 6. 






xxiv. 21. 


xi. 5. 


Is. xxxv. 5, xxix. 
18. 




38. 


Ps. lxix. 25 (?). 
Jer. xii. 7, xxii. 


10. 


Mai. iii. 1. 






5(?). 


14. 


Mai. iv. 5. 




39. 


Ps. cxviii. 26. 


xii. 3. 


1 Sam. xxi. 6. 


xxiv. 15. 


Dan. ix. 27. 


5. 


Num. xxviii. 9 (?). 




29. 


Is. xiii. 10. 


7. 


Hos. vi. 6. 




37. 


Gen. vi. 11. 


18. 


Is. xiii. 1. 


xxvi. 31. 


Zech. xiii. 7. 


40. 


Jon. i. 17. 




52. 


Gen. ix. 6 (?). 


42. 


1 K. x. 1. 




64. 


Dan. vii. 13. 


xiii. 14. 


Is. vi. 9. 


xxvii. 9. 


Zech. xi. 13. 


35. 


Ps. Ixxviii. 2. 




35. 


Ps. xxii. 18. 


xv. 4. 


Ex. xx. 12, xxi. 17. 




43. 


Ps. xxii. 8. 


8. 


Is. xxix. 13. 




46. 


Ps. xxii. 1. 



618 



MAT 



MAT 



— IV. Genuineness of the Gospel. Some critics, 
admitting the apostolic antiquity of a part of the 
Gospel, apply to Matthew, as they do to Luke, the 
gratuitous supposition of a later editor or com- 
piler, who, by augmenting and altering the earlier 
document, produced our present Gospel. We are 
asked to believe that in the second century for 
two or more of the Gospels, new works, differing 
from them both in matter and compass, were sub- 
stituted for the old, and that about the end of 
the second century our present Gospels were adopt- 
ed by authority to the exclusion of all others, and 
that henceforth the copies of the older works en- 
tirely disappeared. Passages from Matthew are 
quoted by Justin Martyr, by the author of the let- 
ter to Diognetus, by Hegesippus, Irenaeus, Tatian, 
Athenagoras, Theophilus, Clement, Tertullian, and 
Origen. It is not merely from the matter but the 
manner of the quotations, from the calm appeal 
as to a settled authority, from the absence of all 
hints of doubt, that we regard it as proved that 
the book we possess had not been the subject 
of any sudden change. The citations of Justin 
Martyr, very important for this subject, liave been 
thought to indicate a source different from the 
Gospels which we now possess ; and by the Greek 
apomnemoiteumala (memoirs), he has been supposed 
to indicate that lost work. Space is not given 
here to show that the remains referred to are the 
Gospels which we possess, and not any one book ; 
and that though Justin quotes the Gospels very 
loosely, so that his words often bear but a slight 
resemblance to the original, the same is true of 
his quotations from the LXX. The genuineness 
of the two first chapters of the Gospel of Matthew 
has been questioned, but is established on satis- 
factory grounds. 1. All the old MSS. and versions 
contain them ; and they are quoted by the Fathers 
of the second and third centuries. Celsus also 
knew ch. ii. 2. Their contents would naturally 
form part of a Gospel intended primarily for the 
Jews. 3. The commencement of ch. iii. is de- 
pendent on ii. 23; and in iv. 13 there is a refer- 
ence to ii. 23. 4. In constructions and ex- 
pressions they are similar to the rest of the Gos- 
pel. Prof. Norton disputes the genuineness of 
these chapters upon the ground of tne difficulty 
of harmonizing them with Luke's narrative, and 
upon the ground that a large number of the Jew- 
ish Christians did not possess them in their ver- 
sion of the Gospel. But the difficulties in the har- 
mony are all reconcilable (Gospels), and the treat- 
ment of Luke (Luke, Gospel of, I.) by Marcion sug- 
gests how the Jewish Christians dropped out of their 
version an account which they would not accept. 
On the whole, we have for the genuineness and 
apostolic origin of our Greek Gospel of Matthew 
the best testimony that can be given (so Arch- 
bishop Thomson, original author of this article). 
(Canon ; Inspiration.) — V. Time-when the Gospel was 
written. Nothing can be said on this point with cer- 
tainty. Some of the ancients think that it was written 
in the eighth year after the Ascension (Theophylact 
and Euthymius) ; others in the fifteenth (Nicephorus); 
whilst Irenajus says, that it was written " when Peter 
and Paul were preaching in Rome," and Eusebius at 
the time when Matthew was about to leave Palestine. 
The most probable supposition is that it was written 
between a. d. 50 and 60 ; the exact year cannot even 
be guessed at. — VI. Place where it vias written. Prob- 
ably in Palestine. — VII. Purpose of the Gospel. 
The Gospel itself tells us by plain internal evidence 



that it was written for Jewish converts, to show 
them in Jesus of Nazareth the Messiah of the 0. T. 
whom they expected. Jewish converts over all the 
world seem to have been intended, and not merely 
Jews in Palestine. It is pervaded by one principle, 
the fulfilment of the Law and of the Messianic 
prophecies in the person of Jesus. — VIII. Contents 
of the Gospel. There are traces in this Gospel of 
an occasional superseding of the chronological order. 
Its principal divisions are — 1. Introduction to the 
ministry of Jesus (i.— iv.). 2. The laying down of the 
new Law for the Church in the Sermon on the Mount 
(v.-vii.). 3. Events in historical order, showing 
Him as the worker of Miracles (viii., ix.) 4. Ap- 
pointment of apostles to preach the kingdom (x.). 
5. Doubts and opposition excited by His activity — 
in John's disciples, in sundry cities, in the Pharisees 
(xi., xii.). 6. Parables on the nature of the king- 
dom (xiii.). 1. Similar to 5. Effects of His minis- 
try on His countrymen, on Herod, the people of 
Gennesaret, Scribes and Pharisees, and on multi- 
tudes whom He feeds (xiii. 53-xvi. 12). 8. Reve- 
lation >to His disciples of His sufferings. His in- 
structions to them thereupon (xvi. 13-xviii. 35). 9. 
Events of a journey to Jerusalem (xix., xx.). 10. 
Entrance into Jerusalem, and resistance to Him 
there, and denunciation of the Pharisees (xxi.-xxiii.). 
11. Last discourses ; Jesus as Lord and Judge of 
Jerusalem, and also of the world (xxiv., xxv.). 12. 
Passion and Resurrection (xxvi.-xxviii.). 

3Iat-thi'as [mat-] (Gr. and L. fr. Heb. — Matti- 
thiah, Ges.). 1. Mattathah (1 Esd. ix. 33). — i. 
The apostle elected to fill the place of the traitor 
Judas (Acts i. 26). All beyond this that we know 
of him for certainty is that he had been a constant 
attendant upon the Lord Jesus during the whole 
course of His ministry ; for such was declared by 
St. Peter to be the necessary qualification of one 
who was to be a witness of the Resurrection. After 
St. Peter's address, the whole assembled body, of 
the brethren proceeded to nominate two, viz. Joseph 
surnamed Barnabas, and Matthias, who answered 
the requirements of the apostle : the subsequent 
selection between the two was referred in prayer to 
Him who knew the hearts of men ; then Matthias 
was selected by lot. It is said that he preached 
the Gospel and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia. 
Cave believes it was rather in Cappadocia. 

Mat-ti-thi'all (fr. Heb. = gift of Jehovah, Ges., 
Fii. ; = Matthias, Mattathias, Matthew, Matthat, 
j Mattathah, &c). 1. A Levite, the first-born of Shal- 
| lum the Korhite,who presided over the offerings made 
in the pans (1 Chr. ix. 31 ; compare Lev. vi. 20, &c.).— 
2. One of the Levites of the second rank under Asaph, 
! appointed by David to minister before the ark in 
\ the musical service (1 Chr. xvi. 5) (see 4 below).— 3. 

One of the family of Nebo, who had married a 
i foreign wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 43). — 4. Proba- 
j bly a priest, who stood at the right hand of Ezra, 
when he read the Law to the people (viii. 4). — 5. A 
Levite, probably = No. 2 (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21); one 
j of Jeduthun's six sons ; leader of the fourteenth 
division of the Temple-choir (xxv. 3, 21). 

Mat'tock, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. hereb 
or chereb (2 Chr. xxxiv. 6, margin " mauls "), 
usually translated "sword." (Arms, I. 1.) Gese- 
nius and Fiirst translate the Hebrew cethib or text- 
ual reading in this verse " he searched their houses," 
instead of " with their mattocks." — 2. Heb. ma- 
haresh&h or machareshah (1 Sam. xiii. 20, 21). A 
closely-related Hebrew word (maharesheth or macha- 
resheth ) is translated " share " in verse 20 ; and the 



MAU 



MEA 



619 



Hebrew word translated " mattock " in verse 21 
may be the plural of either. Gesenius supposes 
one of them perhaps = plough-share, and the other 
= coulter. Fiirst makes this in verse 20 = sickle ; 
the kindred word (= "share" in A. V. verse 20) 
he makes = spade, mattock, coulter, and regards the 
latter as occurring also in verse 21, where the A. V. 
has " mattocks." — 3. Heb. madder = a weeding- 
hook, hoe, Ges. (Is. vii. 25). The tool used in 
Arabia for loosening the ground, described by Nie- 
buhr, answers generally to our mattock or grub- 
bing-axe, i. e. a single-headed pick-axe. The an- 
cient Egyptian hoe was of wood, and answered for 
hoe, spade, and pick. Agriculture. 




Egyptian Hoes. — (From Wilkinson.) 



Maul (i. e. a hammer ; a variation of mall, from 
L. malleus), a word employed by our translators to 
render the Hebrew mephits. The Hebrew and Eng- 
lish alike occur in Prov. xxv. 18 only. But a de- 
rivative from the same root, and differing but 
slightly in form, viz. moppets, is found in Jer. li. 20, 
and is there translated " battle-axe." Probably some 
heavy warlike instrument, a mace or club, is al- 
luded to. Arms, I. 2, e, h ; Axe ; Mattock 1. 

Ma-uz'zim (Heb. pi. — fortresses, Ges., Fii.). The 
marginal note to the A. V. of Dan. xi. 38, " the 
God of forces,' 1 '' gives, as the equivalent of the last 
word, " Mauzzim, or God's protectors, or munitions." 
The Geneva version renders the Hebrew as a proper 
name both in Dan. xi. 38 and 39, where the word 
occurs again (margin of A. V. "munitions "). The 
Greek version of Theodotion and the Vulgate treat 
it as a proper name. There can be little doubt (so 
Mr. Wright) that " Mauzzim " is to be taken in 
its literal sense of fortresses, just as in Dan. xi. 19, 
39 ; the god of fortresses being then the deity who 
presided over strongholds. But beyond this it is 
scarcely possible to connect an appellation so gen- 
eral with any special object of idolatrous worship. 
Calvin suggested that it denoted money, the strong- 
est of all powers. By others it has been supposed 
to be Mars. The opinion of Gesenius is more 
probable, that the god of fortresses = Jupiter Capi- 
tolinus, for whom Antiochus built a temple at An- 
tioch. Layard (Nin. ii. 456), after describing Hera, 
the Assyrian Venus, as " standing erect on a lion, 
and crowned with a tower or mural coronet, which, 
we learn from Lucian, was peculiar to the Semitic 
figure of the goddess," adds in a note, " May she 



be connected with the 1 El Maozem,' the deity pre- 
siding over bulwarks and fortresses, the ' god of 
forces ' of Dan. xi. 38 ? " 
Maz-i-ti'as (Gr.) = Mattithiah 3 (1 Esd. ix. 35). 

* Maz'za-loth (Heb.). See Mazzaroth. 
Maz'za-rota (Heb., see below). The margin of 

the A. V. of Job xxxviii. 32 gives " the twelve 
signs " as the equivalent of " Mazzaroth," and this 
is probably its true meaning (so Mr. Wright). The 
Peshito-Syriac renders it by " the wain " or " Great 
Bear." Fiirst understands by Mazzaroth the planet 
Jupiter, the same as the " star" of Am. v. 26. On 
referring to 2 K. xxiii. 5, we find the word mazzd- 
16th (A. V. " the planets "), differing only from 
Mazzaroth in having the liquid / for r, and rendered 
in the margin " the twelve signs," as in the Vul- 
gate. In later Jewish writings mazzdtoth are the 
signs of the Zodiac. In consequence of this, Rashi, 
and the Hebrew commentators generally, identify 
mazzaroth and mazzaloth, though their interpreta- 
tions vary. 

Mead'ow [med'do], the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Heb. dhu or dchu (Gen. xli. 2, 18). It appears to be 
an Egyptian term. Its use in Job viii. 11 (A. V. 
" flag ") seems to show that it is not a " meadow," 
but some kind of reed or water-plant. (Flag 1.) 
But as during high inundations of the Nile — such 
inundations as are the cause of fruitful years — the 
whole of the land on either side is a marsh, and as 
the cultivation extends up to the very edge of the 
river, may it not denote the herbage of the growing 
crops? 2. Heb. ma'dreh (Judg. xx. §3 only, "the 
meadows of Gibeah "). Gesenius, the Targum, and 
Kimchi translate a naked place, i. e. a field or plain 
without trees and dwellings ; Fiirst translates forest. 
The most plausible interpretation (so Mr. Grove) is 
that of the Peshito-Syriac, which by a slight differ- 
ence in the vowel-points makes the word me'drah 
= the cave. 

Dle'ah (Heb. a hundred), the Tow'er of, one of 
the towers of the wall of Jerusalem when rebuilt 
by Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39). It stood between 
the tower of Hananeel and the sheep-gate, and prob- 
ably somewhere at the N. E. part of the city. 

* Meal (Gen. xviii. 6, &c). Bread ; Corn ; Foon; 
Mill. 

Meals. Our information on this subject is but 
scanty : the early Hebrews do not seem to have 
given special names to their several meals, for the 
Hebrew terms deal and uruhdh or druchdh, trans- 
lated " dine " and " dinner " in the A. V. (Gen. 
xliii. 16 ; Prov. xv. 17), are in reality general ex- 
pressions, which might more correctly be rendered 
"eat" and "portion of food." In the N. T. we 
have the Greek terms ariston and deipnon, which the 
A. V. renders respectively "dinner" and "supper" 
(Lk. xiv. 12 ; Jn. xxi. 20, &c), but which are more 
properly " breakfast " and " dinner." The Greek 
deipnon is also translated " feast " (Mat. xxiii. 6 ; 
Mk. xii. 39 ; Lk. xx. 46). There is some uncer- 
tainty as to the hours at which the meals were 
taken : the Egyptians undoubtedly took their prin- 
cipal meal at noon (Gen. xliii. 16) : laborers took a 
light meal at that time (Ru. ii. 14 ; compare verse 
17) ; and occasionally that early hour was devoted 
to excess and revelling (1 K. xx. 16). It has been 
inferred from those passages (somewhat too hastily, 
Mr. Bevan thinks) that the principal meal generally 
took place at noon : the Egyptians still make a 
substantial meal at that time ; but there are indi- 
cations that the Jews rather followed the custom 
that prevails among the Bedouins, and made their 



620 



MEA 



MEA 



principal meal after sunset, and a lighter meal at 
about nine or ten o'clock in the morning (Gen. xix. 
1-3; Ex. xvi. 12, xviii. 12, 14; Ru. iii. 7; Jn. xxi. 
4, 12). (Passover.) Robinson, N. T. Lex., makes 
ariston — breakfast, lunch, taken about the middle 
of the day ; the principal meal being the deipnon = 
dinner, taken late in the afternoon or early in the 
evening, after the heat and business of the day 
were over. The posture at meals varied at various 
periods : there is sufficient evidence that the old 
Hebrews were in the habit of silting (Gen. xxvii. 
19 ; Judg. xix. 6; 1 Sam. xvi. 11, xx. 5, 18, 24; 1 
K. xiii. 20), but it does not hence follow that they 



sat on chairs (the chair was not unknown to the 
Hebrews) ; they may have squatted on the ground, 
as was the occasional, though not perhaps the gen- 
eral custom of the ancient Egyptians. The table 
was in this case but slightly elevated above the 
ground, as is still the case in Egypt. As luxury in- 
creased, the practice of sitting was exchanged for 
that of reclining : the first intimation of this occurs 
in Amos (iii. 12, vi. 4). The custom may have 
been borrowed from the Babylonians and Syrians, 
among whom it prevailed at an early period (Esth. 
i. 6, vii. 8). In the time of our Saviour, reclining 
was the universal custom, as is implied in th« 




Reclining at Table.— From Mcntfaucon's Antiquities.— (Fairbairn ) 



Greek terms anakeimai, katakeimai, anaklinornai, 
&c, used for " siltiny at meat," as the A. V. incor- 
rectly has it. The couch itself is only once men- 
tioned (Mk. vii. 4 ; A. V. " tables ; " Greek plural of 
Mine usually translated " bed "), but there can be 
little doubt that the Roman triclinium (see below) 
had been introduced, and that the arrangements of 
the table resembled those described by classical 
writers. Generally speaking, only three persons re- 
clined on each couch, but occasionally four or even 
five. The couches were provided with cushions on 
which the left elbow rested in support of the upper 
part of the body, while the right arm remained 
free; a room provided with these was described (in 
Greek) as estromenon, literally spread (Mk. xiv. 15, 
A- V. " furnished "). As several guests reclined on 
the same couch, each overlapped his neighbor, as it 
were, and rested his head on or near the breast of 
the one who lay behind him : he was then said to 

Middle couch. 





Lowest. 
Middle. 
Highest. 




Highest. 
Middle. 
Lowest. 


7 6 5 4 3 

8 2 

9 1 


Lowest. 
Middle. 
Highest. 



Arrangement of Couches and Places (Seats or " Rooms " A. V.) in the 7Vi- 
clinium. 

"lean on the bosom" of his neighbor (Jn. xiii. 23, 
xxi. 20 ; Abraham's Bosom). The ordinary arrange- 
ment of the couches was in three sides of a square, 



the fourth being left open for the servants to bring 
up the dishes. Some doubt attends the question 
whether the females took their meals along with 
the males. The cases of Ruth amid the reapers 
(Ru. ii. 14), of Elkanah with his wives (1 Sam. i. 
4), of Job's sons and daughters (Job i. 4), and the 
general intermixture of the sexes in daily life, make 
it more than probable that they did so join ; at the 
same time, as the duty of attending upon the guests 
devolved upon them (Lk. x. 40), they probably took 
a somewhat irregular and briefer repast. (See also 
Deut. xvi. 11, 14; Esth. i. 9; Woman.) Before 
commencing the meal, the guests washed their 
hands. This custom was founded on natural de- 




Washing before or after a meal.— (From Lane's Modem Eguj't 



corum ; not only was the hand the substitute for 
our knife and fork, but the hands of all the guests 
were dipped into one and the same dish. Another 
preliminary step was the grace or blessing, of which 
we have but one instance in the 0. T. (1 Sam. ix. 



MEA 



MEA 



621 



13), and more than one pronounced by our Lord 
Himself in the N. T. (Mat. xv. 36; Lk. ix. 16 ; Jn. 
vi. 11). The mode of taking the food differed in 
no material point from the modern usages of the 




A party at dioner or supper.— (From Lane's Modern Egyptiara.) 



East ; generally there was a single dish into which 
each guest dipped his hand (Mat. xxvi. 23) ; occa- 
sionally separate portions were served out to each 
(Gen. xliii. 34 ; Ru. ii. 14 ; 1 Sam. i. 4). A piece of bread 
was held between the thumb and two fingers of 
the right hand, and was dipped either into a bowl 
of melted grease (in which case it was termed in 
Gr. psomion = " a sop," Jn. xiii. 26), or into the 
dish of meat, whence a piece was conveyed to the 
mouth between the layers of bread. To pick out 
and hand over to a friend a delicate morsel is 
esteemed a compliment, and to refuse such an offer- 
ing is regarded as contrary to good manners. Judas 
dipping his hand in the same dish with our Lord 
was showing especial friendliness and intimacy. At 
the conclusion of the meal, grace was again said in 
conformity with Deut. viii. 10, and the hands were 
again washed. Thus far we have described the or- 
dinary meal : on state occasions more ceremony 
was used, and the meal was enlivened in various 
ways. Such occasions were numerous, in connec- 
tion partly with public (Festivals, &c), partly with 
private events. (Banquets.) On these occasions a 
sumptuous repast was prepared ; the guests were 
previously invited (Esth. v. 8 ; Mat. xxii. 3), and on 
the day of the feast a second invitation was issued 
to those that were bidden (Esth. vi. 14 ; Prov. ix. 
3 ; Mat. xxii. 3). The visitors were received with a 
kiss (Tob. vii. 6 ; Lk. vii. 45) ; water was produced 
for them to wash their feet with (vii. 44) ; the head, 
the beard, the feet, and sometimes the clothes, were 
perfumed with ointment (Ps. xxiii. 5 ; Am. vi. 6 ; 
Lk. vii. 38; Jn. xii. 3); on special occasions robes 
were provider] (Mat. xii. 11); and the head was 
decorated with wreaths (Is. xxviii. 1 ; Wis. ii. 7, 8 ; 
Jos. xix. 9, § 1). The regulation of the feast was 
under the superintendence of a special officer, named 
in Gr. architriklinos ( Jn. ii. 8, 9, A.V. " ruler of the 
feast," " governor of the feast "), whose business it 
was to taste the food and the liquors before they 
were placed on the table, and to settle about the 
toasts and amusements ; he was generally one of the 



guests (Ecclus. xxxii. 1, 2), and might therefore take 
part in the conversation. The places of the guests 
were settled according to their respective rank (Gen. 
xliii. 33 ; 1 Sam. ix. 22 ; Lk. xiv. 8 ; Mk. xii. 39 ; Jn. 
xiii. 23) ; portions of food were placed before each 
(1 Sam. i. 4 ; 2 Sam. vi. 19; 1 Chr. xvi. 3), the most 
honored guests receiving either larger (Gen. xliii. 
34 ; compare Hdt. vi. 57) or more choice (1 Sam. ix. 
24; compare Homer, 77. vii. 321) portions than the 
rest. The meal was enlivened with music, singing, 
and dancing (2 Sam. xix. 35 ; Ps. Ixix. 12 ; Is. v. 
12 ; Am. vi. 5 ; Ecclus. xxxii. 3-6 ; Mat. xiv. 6 ; Lk. 
xv. 25), or with riddles (Judg. xiv. 12); and amid 
these entertainments the festival was prolonged for 
several days (Esth. i. 3, 4). Bread ; Cooking ; 
Dish ; Drink, Strong ; Food ; Furniture ; Milk ; 
Water ; Wine. 

Mc-a'ni (fr. Gr.) = Mehunim (1 Esd. v. 31). 

Mc-a'rah (Heb., see below), a place named in Josh, 
xiii. 4 only. Its description is " Mearah, which is 
to (i. e. belongs to ; the A. V. ' beside ' is erroneous) 
the Zidonians." The word mc'drdh in Hebrew = 
a cave, and it is commonly assumed that the refer- 
ence is to some remarkable cavern in the neighbor- 
hood of Zidon or Sidon. Reland suggests that Mea- 
rah maybe = Meroth, a village named by Josephus 
(iii. 3, § 1), as forming the limit of Galilee on the W. 
Robinson (ii. 474) suggests that Mearah may be at 
'Adl&n, a ruined site about half-way between Tyre 
and Sidon, in the cliffs near which are numerous 
sepulchral grottoes. 

Meas'nres [mezh-]. Weights and Measures. 

meat. It does not appear that the word " meat" 
is used in any one instance in the A. V., of either 
the 0. or N. T., in the sense which it now almost 
exclusively bears of animal food. The latter is de- 
noted uniformly by "flesh." 1. The only possible 
exceptions to this assertion in the 0. T. are : — (a.) 
Gen. xxvii. 4, &c, " savory meat (perhaps = 
dainties);'''' (b.) xiv. 23, "corn and bread and meat 
(= foods, 'victual,' 2 Chr. xi. 23)." 2. The only 
real and inconvenient ambiguity caused by the 
change which has taken place in the meaning of the 
word is in the case of the " meat-offering," which 
consisted solely of flour, or corn, and oil. 3. Sev- 
eral Hebrew words are translated in the A. V. by 
"meat ;" but none of them present any special in- 
terest except lehem. or lech em (= "bread") (Num. 
xxviii. 24 ; 1 Sam. xx. 24, 27, 34 ; Job vi. 7, xx. 14, 
&c), and Ureph (Ps. cxi. 5, margin "prey;" Prov. 
xxxi. 15; Mai. iii. 10), usually translated "prey" 
(Gen. xlix. 9 ; Num. xxiii. 24, &c), once " spoil " 
(Job xxix. 17). 4. In the N. T. several Greek words 
are thus rendered, the most common being broma 
(Jn. iv. 34; Rom. xiv. 15, 20; 1 Cor. viii. 8, 13, 
&c), brosis (Jn. iv. 32 ; Rom. xiv. 17, &c), and 
trophe (Mat. iii. 4 ; Acts xxvii. 33 ff. ; Heb. v. 12, 
14, &c), each of which — whatever can be eaten or 
can nourish the frame. 

Mcat'-of 'fer-ing. The Heb. minh&h or minchdh 
originally = a gift of any kind ; and appears to be 
used generally = a gift from an inferior to a supe- 
rior, whether God or man. Afterward this general 
sense became attached to " Corban ; " and minh&h 
or minchdh was restricted to an unbloody offering. 
The law or ceremonial of the meat-offering is de- 
scribed in Lev. ii. and vi. 14-23. It was composed 
of fine flour, seasoned with salt, and mixed with oil 
and frankincense, but without leaven ; and generally 
accompanied by a drink-offering of wine. A por- 
tion of it, including all the frankincense, was to be 
burnt on the altar as a " memorial ; " the rest be- 



622 



MEB 



MED 



longed to the priest ; but the meat-offerings offered 
by the priests themselves were to be wholly burnt. 
Its meaning appears to be exactly expressed in the 
words of David (1 Chr. xxix. 10-14), " Of Thine 
own have we given Thee." It recognized the sov- 
ereignty of the Lord and His bounty in giving all 
earthly blessings, by dedicating to Him the best of 
His gifts. This meaning involves neither of the 
main ideas of sacrifice — the atonement for sin and 
self-dedication to God. It takes them for granted, 
and is based on them. Accordingly, the meat-offer- 
ing, properly so called, seems always to have been 
a subsidiary offering, needing to be introduced 
by the six-offering, which represented the one 
idea, and forming an appendage to the bcrnt-offer- 
ing which represented the other. The unbloody 
offerings offered alone did not properly belong to 
the regular meat-offering. They were usually sub- 
stitutes for other offerings (compare Lev. v. 11; 
Num. v. 15). Sacrifice. 

.lle-bnn'nai (Heb. a set up, erected, strong one, 
Fii.), in 2 Sam. xxiii. 27 only, the name of one of 
David's "valiant men," elsewhere called Sibbechai 
(xxi. 18 ; 1 Chr. xx. 4) or Sibbecai (xi. 29, xxvii. 
11). The reading " Sibbechai" is evidently the true 
one (so Mr. Wright). 

Me-ehe'rath-lte (fr. Heb.), the, = the native or 
inhabitant of a place called Mecherah, otherwise 
unknown (so Gesenius, Fiirst) (1 Chr. xi. 36). In 
2 Sam. xxiii. 34, the name appears, with other varia- 
tions, as " the Maachathite." Kennicott concludes 
that the latter is the more correct. 

Med'a-ba, Greek form of Medeba (1 Mc. ix. 36). 

Me'dad (fr. Heb. = love, Ges., Fii.). Eldad. 

Me dan (Heb. strife, contention), a son of Abra- 
ham and Keturaii (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32), whose 
name and descendants have not been traced beyond 
this record. It has been supposed, from the simi- 
larity of the name, that the tribe descended from 
Medan was the same as, or a portion of, Midian. 
There 13, however, no ground for this theory beyond 
its plausibility. The mention of " Ishmaelite" as a 
convertible term with " Midianite," in Gen. xxxvii. 
28, 36, is remarkable ; but the Midianite of the A. 
V. in verse 36 is Medanite in the Hebrew. 

Med'e-ba (Heb. waters of quiet), a town on the E. 
of Jordan, first alluded to in Num. xxi. 30. Here 
it seems to denote the limit of the territory of Hesh- 
bon. It next occurs in the enumeration of the 
country divided amongst the Transjordanic tribes 
(Josh. xiii. 9), as giving its name to a district called 
" the plain of Medeba." (Plain 4.) This district 
fell within the allotment of Reuben (ver. 16). At 
the time of the Conquest Medeba belonged to the 
Amorites, apparently one of the towns taken from 
Moab by them. When we next encounter it, four 
centuries later, it is again in the hands of the Moab- 
ites, or of the Ammonites (1 Chr. xix. 7). In the 
time of Ahaz Medeba was a sanctuary of Moab (Is. 
xv. 2). In the Maccabean times it had returned 
into the hands of the Amorites, who most probably 
= the Jambri in 1 Mc. ix. 36. About 110 b. c. it 
was taken after a long siege by John Hyrcanus. In 
Christian times it was a noted bishopric. Medeba 
(now Madeba) is in the pastoral district of the Belka, 
four miles S. E. of Heshbon, and like it lying on a 
rounded but rocky hill. A large tank, columns, and 
extensive foundations are still to be seen. 

* Mede [meed] (see below) = one of the Medes, 
or one from Media (Dan. xi. 1 ). 

Medes [raeedz] (Heb. Mddai ; Gr. Medoi ; L. 
Medi), one of the most powerful nations of Western 



Asia in the times anterior to the establishment of 
the kingdom of Cyrus, and one of the most impor- 
tant tribes composing that kingdom. The title by 
which they appear to have known themselves was 
Mada. — 1. Primitive History. It maybe gathered 
from the mention of the Medes (Madai) by Moses, 
among the races descended from Japheth, that they 
were a nation of very high antiquity. Berosus says 
that the Medes conquered Babylon at a very remote 
period (about b. c. 2458), and that eight Median 
monarchs reigned there consecutively 224 years. 
There are independent grounds for thinking that an 
Aryan element existed in the population of the Mes- 
opotamian valley, side by side with the Cushite 
and Shemitic elements, at a very early date. It is 
therefore not at all impossible (so Rawlinson, the 
original author of this article) that the Medes may 
have been the predominant race there for a time, as 
Berosus states, and may afterward have been over- 
powered and driven to the mountains. The term 
Aryans, applied to the Medes in the time of He- 
rodotus, connects them with the early Vedic set- 
tlers in Western Hindostan. 2. Connection with 
Assyria. The deepest obscurity hangs, however, 
over the whole history of the Medes from the time 
of their bearing sway in Babylonia (b. c. 2458- 
2234) to their first appearance in the cuneiform in- 
scriptions among the enemies of Assyria, about 
b. c. 880. They then inhabit a portion of the region 
which bore their name down to the Mohammedan con- 
quest of Persia ; but whether they were recent im- 
migrants into it, or had held it from a remote antiq- 
uity, is uncertain. However, it is certain that at 
first, and for a long series of years, they were very 
inferior in power to the great empire established 
upon their flank. They were under no general or 
centralized government, but consisted of various 
petty tribes, each ruled by its chief, whose dominion 
was over a single small town and perhaps a few vil- 
lages. The Assyrian monarchs ravaged their lands 
at pleasure, and took tribute from their chiefs ; 
while the Medes could in no way retaliate upon 
their antagonists. Media, however, was- strong 
enough, and stubborn enough, to maintain her na- 
tionality throughout the whole period of the As- 
syrian sway, and was never absorbed into the em- 
pire. — 3. Median History of Herodotus. Herodotus 
represents the decadence of Assyria as greatly ac- 
celerated by a formal revolt of the Medes, following 
upon a period of contented subjection, and places 
this revolt more than 218 years before the battle 
of Marathon, or a little before b. c. 708. Ctesias 
placed the commencement of Median independence 
as far back as b. c. 875. No one now defends this 
latter statement, which alike contradicts the He- 
brew records and the native documents. Accord- 
ing to Herodotus, the Medes, when they first shook 
off the yoke, established no government. Quarrels 
were settled by arbitration, and a certain Dei'oces, 
| having obtained a reputation in this way, contrived 
after a while to get himself elected sovereign. He 
was succeeded by his son Phraortes, an ambitious 
prince, who directly after his accession began a 
career of conquest, reduced nation after nation, and 
finally perished in an expedition against Assyria, 
after he had reigned twenty-two years. Cyaxares, 
the son of Phraortes, then mounted the throne. 
After a desperate struggle during twenty-eight years 
with the Scythians, Cyaxares succeeded in recover- 
ing his former empire, whereupon he resumed the 
projects which their invasion had made him tem- 
porarily abandon. He conquered the Assyrians, 



MED 



MED 



623 



and engaged in a war with Alyattes, king of Lydia, 
the father of Croesus, with whom he long maintained 
a stubborn contest. This war was terminated at 
length by the formation of an alliance between the 
two powers. Cyaxares, soon after this, died, having 
reigned in all forty years. He was succeeded by his 
son Astyages. — i. Its imperfections. The Median 
History of Herodotus has been accepted as authentic 
by most modern writers. That the story of Deioces 
is a romance has been acknowledged. That the 
chronological dates are improbable, and even con- 
tradictory, has been a frequent subject of com- 
plaint. Recently it has been shown (Rawlinson, 
Herodotus) that the whole scheme of dates is arti- 
ficial, and that the very names of the kings, except 
in a single instance, are unhistorical. The cuneiform 
records of Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon 
clearly show that the Median kingdom did not 
commence so early as Herodotus imagined. These 
three princes, whose reigns cover the space ex- 
tending from b. c. 720 to b. c. 660, all carried 
their arms deep into Media, and found it, not 
under the dominion of a single powerful monarch, 
but under the rule of a vast number of petty 
chieftains. It cannot have been till near the middle 
of the seventh century b. c. that the Median king- 
dom was consolidated, and became formidable to its 
neighbors. How this change was accomplished is 
uncertain : most probably about this time a fresh 
Aryan immigration took place from the countries E. 
of the Caspian, and the leader of the immigrants 
established his authority over the scattered tribes 
of his race, settled previously in the district between 
the Caspian and Mount Zagros. There is good 
reason to believe that this leader was the great 
Cyaxares. The Deioces and Phraortes of Herodo- 
tus are thus removed from the list of historical per- 
sonages altogether. — 5. Development of Median 
power, and formation of the Empire. It is evident 
that the development of Median power kept pace 
with the decline of Assyria, of which it was in part 
an effect, in part a cause. Cyaxares must have 
been contemporary with the later years of that As- 
syrian monarch who passed the greater portion of 
his time in hunting-expeditions in Susiana. In 
order to consolidate a powerful kingdom in the dis- 
trict E. of Assyria, it was necessary to bring into 
subjection a number of Scythic tribes. The struggle 
with these tribes may be the real event represented 
in Herodotus by the Scythic war of Cyaxares, or 
possibly his narrative may contain a still larger 
amount of truth. His capture of Nineveh and con- 
quest of Assyria are facts which no skepticism can 
doubt ; and the date of the capture may be fixed 
with tolerable certainty to the year b. c. 625. It 
was undoubtedly after this that Cyaxares endeavored 
to conquer Lydia. It is surprising that he failed, 
more especially as he seems to have been accom- 
panied by the forces of the Babylonians, who were 
perhaps commanded by Nebuchadnezzar on the oc- 
casion. — 6. Extent of (lie Empire. The limits of the 
Median empire cannot be definitely fixed. From N. 
to S. its extent was in no place great, since it was 
certainly confined between the Persian Gulf and the 
Euphrates on the one side, the Black and Caspian 
Seas on the other. From E. to W. it had, however, 
a wide expansion, since it reached from the Halys 
at least as far as the Caspian Gates, and possibly 
further. It comprised Persia, Media Magna (Media), 
North Media, Matieue or Media Mattiana, Assyria, 
Armenia, Cappadocia, the tract between Armenia 
and the Caucasus, the low tract along the S. W. and 



S. of the Caspian, and possibly some portion of 
Hyrcania, Parthia, and Sagartia. It was separated 
from Babylonia either by the Tigris, or more prob- 
ably by a line running about half-way between that 
river and the Euphrates. Its greatest length may 
be reckoned at 1,500 miles from N. W. to S. E., and 
its average breadth at 400 or 450 miles. Its area 
would thus be about 000,000 square miles, or some- 
what greater than that of modern Persia. — 1. Its 
cliaracter. With regard to the nature of the gov- 
ernment established by the Medes over the con- 
quered nations, we possess but little trustworthy 
evidence. Herodotus in one place compares, some- 
what vaguely, the Median with the Persian system 
(i. 134) ; but it is perhaps most probable that the 
Assyrian organization was continued by the Medes, 
the subject-nations retaining their native monarchs, 
and merely acknowledging subjection by the pay- 
ment of an annual tribute. This seems certainly to 
have been the case in Persia. The satrapial organ- 
ization was apparently a Persian invention, begun 
by Cyrus, continued by Cambyses, his son, but first 
adopted as the regular governmental system by 
Darius Hystaspis. — 8. Its duration. Of all the ancient 
Oriental monarchies the Median was the shortest in 
duration. It commenced, as we have seen, after the 
middle of the seventh century b. c, and it termi- 
nated b. c. 558. — 9. Its fnal overthrow. The con- 
quest of the Medes by a sister-Iranic race, the Per- 
sians, under their native monarch Cyrus, is another 
of those indisputable facts of remote history, which 
make the inquirer feel that he sometimes attains to 
solid ground in these difficult investigations. After 
many partial engagements, a great battle was fought 
between the two armies, and the result was the 
complete defeat of the Medes, and the capture of 
their king, Astyages, by Cyrus. — 10. Position of 
Media under Persia. The treatment of the Medes 
by the victorious Persians was not that of an ordi- 
nary conquered nation. According to some writers 
(as Herodotus and Xenophon) there was a close re- 
lationship between Cyrus and the last Median mon- 
arch, who was therefore naturally treated with more 
than common tenderness. The two nations were 
closely akin ; they had the same Aryan or Iranic ori- 
gin, the same early traditions, the same language, 
nearly the same religion, and ultimately the same 
manners and customs, dress, and general mode of 
life. Medes were advanced to stations of high 
honor and importance under Cyrus and his succes- 
sors. The Median capital (Ecbatana) was at first 
the chief royal residence. On the first convenient 
opportunity Media rebelled, elevating to the throne 
a certain Phraortes (Frawartish). Darius Hystaspis, 
in whose reign this rebellion took place, had great 
difficulty in suppressing it. — 11. Internal divisions. 
According to Herodotus the Median nation was di- 
vided into six tribes, called Busa?, the Paretaceni, 
the Struchates, the Arizanti, the Budii, and the 
Magi. It is doubtful, however, in what sense these 
are to be considered as efhnic divisions. We may 
perhaps assume, from the order of Herodotus's list, 
that the Busas, Paretaceni, Struchates, and Arizanti 
were true Medes, of genuine Aryan descent, while the 
Budii and Magi were foreigners admitted into the 
nation. — 12. Religion. The original religion of the 
Medes must have been that simple creed which is 
placed before us in the earlier portions of the Zend- 
avesta. (Persians.) Its peculiar characteristic was 
Dualism, the belief in the existence of two opposite 
principles of good and evil, nearly if not quite on a 
par with one another. Ormazd, the good demon, 



G24 



MED 



MED 



and Ahriman, the evil demon, were both self-caused 
and self-existent, both indestructible, both potent to 
work their will. Besides Orniazd, the Aryans wor- 
shipped the sun and moon, under the names of Mithra 
and Homa ; and they believed in the existence of 
numerous spirits or genii, some good, some bad, the 
subjects and ministers respectively of the two pow- 
ers of Good and Evil. Their migration brought 
them into contact with the fire-worshippers of Ar- 
menia and Mount Zagros, among whom Magianism 
had been established from a remote antiquity. (Magi.) 
The result was either a combination of the two reli- 
gions, or in some cases an actual conversion of the 
conquerors to the faith and worship of the con- 
quered. So far as can be gathered from the scanty 
materials in our possession, the latter was the case 
with the Medes. — 13. Manners, customs, and national 
character. The customs of the Medes are said to 
have nearly resembled those of their neighbors, the 
Armenians and the Persians ; but they were re- 
garded as the inventors, their neighbors as the 
copyists. They were brave and warlike, excellent 
riders, and remarkably skilful with the bow. The 
flowing robe, so well known from the Persepolitan 
sculptures, was their native dress, and was certainly 
among the points for which the Persians were be- 
holden to them. As troops they were considered 
little inferior to the native Persians, next to whom 
they were usually ranged in the battle-field. — 14. 
References to the Medes in Scripture. The references 
to the Medes in the canonical Scriptures are not 
very numerous, but striking. We first hear of cer- 
tain " cities of the Medes," in which the captive Is- 
raelites were placed by " the king of Assyria " on 
the destruction of Samaria, b. c. V21 (2 K. xvii. 6, 
xviii. 11). This implies the subjection of Media to 
Assyria at the time of Shalmaneser, orofSargon, 
his successor, and accords very closely with the ac- 
count given by the latter of certain military colonies 
which he planted in the Median country. Soon 
afterward Isaiah prophecies the part which the 
Medes shall take in the destruction of Babylon (Is. 
xiii. 17, xxi. 2); which is again still more distinctly 
declared by Jeremiah (li. 21 and 28), who sufficiently 
indicates the independence of Media in his day (xxv. 
25). Daniel relates the, fact of the Medo-Persic 
conquest (v. 28, 31), giving an account of the reign 
of Darius the Mede, who appears to have been 
made viceroy by Cyrus (vi. 1-28). In Ezra (vi. 2-5) 
we have a mention of Achmetha (Ecbatana), " the 
palace in the province of the Medes," where the 
decree of Cyrus was found — a notice which accords 
with the known facts that the Median capital was 
the seat of government under Cyrus, but a royal res- 
idence only and not the seat of government under 
Darius Hystaspis. Finally, in Esther, the high rank 
of Media under the Persian kings, yet at the same 
time its subordinate position, are marked by the 
frequent combination of the two names in phrases 
of honor, the precedency being in every case as- 
signed to the Persians. In the Apocrypha the 
Medes occupy a more prominent place. The chief 
scene of one whole book (Tobit) is Media ; and in 
another (Judith) a very striking portion of the nar- 
rative belongs to the same country. The mention 
of Rhages (Rages) in both narratives as a Median 
town and region of importance is geographically 
correct ; and it is historically true that Phraortes 
(Arphaxad 2) suffered his overthrow in theRhagian 
district. 

Me'di-a (Gr., see Medes), a country which lay N. 
W. of Persia Proper, S. and S. W. of the Caspian, 



E. of Armenia and Syria, W. and N. W. of the great 
salt desert of Iran. Its greatest length was from 
N. to S., and in this direction it extended from the 
thirty-second to the fortieth parallel, a distance of 
560 miles. In width it reached from about longi- 
tude 45° to 53° ; but its average breadth was not 
more than from 250 to 300 miles. Its area may be 
reckoned at about 150,000 square miles, or three- 
fourths of that of modern France. It comprised the 
modern provinces of Irak Ajemi, Persian Kurdistan, 
part of Luristan, Azerbijan, perhaps 1'alish and 
Ghilan, but not Mazanderan or Asterabad. The 
division of Media commonly recognized by the 
Greeks and Romans was that into Media Magna, 
and Media Atropatene. 1. Media Atropatene (so 
named from the satrap Atropates, who became in- 
dependent monarch of the province on the destruc- 
tion of the Persian empire by Alexander, b. c. 330) 
corresponded nearly to the modern Azerbijan, being 
the tract situated between the Caspian and the 
mountains which run north from Zagros, and con- 
sisting mainly of the rich and fertile basin of Lake 
Urimiych or Oroomiah, with the valleys of the Aras 
and the Seftd Rud. The ancient Atropatene may 
have included also the countries of Ghilan and 
Talish, together with the plain of Moghan at the 
mouth of the combined Kur and Aras rivers. 2. 
Media Magna ( = Great Media) lay S. and E. of 
Atropatene. It contained great part of Kurdistan 
and Luristan, with all Ardclan and Irak Ajemi. 
The character of this tract is very varied. It is in- 
dicative of the division, that there were two Ecbat- 
anas — one, the northern, at Takht-i- Suleiman; the 
Other, the southern, at Hamadan, on the flanks of 
Mount Orontes (Elwand) — respectively the capitals 
of the two districts. (Ecbatana.) Next to the two 
Ecbatanas, the chief town in Media was undoubtedly 
Rhages — the Raga of the inscriptions. (Rages.) 
The only other place of much note was Bagistana, 
the modern Bchntun (Persians, n. 1), which guarded 
the chief pass connecting Media with the Mesopo- 
tamian plain. Medes. 

Mc dl-an = one from Media. Darius, " the son 
of Ahasuerus, of the seed of the Medes" (Dan. ix. 
1) or "the Mede" (xi. 1) is thus described in Dan. 
v. 31. 

* Me'di-a-tor (L.), the A. V. translation of Gr. 

mesitcs — a go-between, mediator, one who inter- 
venes between two parties, Rbn., N. T. Lex. It is 
applied to Moses as an interpreter or mere medium 
of communication between Jehovah and the Israel- 
ites (Gal. iii. 19, 20; compare Deut. v. 5). But 
Jesus Christ is a mediator in a higher sense, i. e. an 
intercessor or reconciler. He is the " one mediator 
between God and men " (1 Tim. ii. 5), " the mediator 
of the new covenant" (Heb. xii. 24, viii. 6), or "of 
the N. T." (ix. 15), because He "gave Himself a 
ransom for all" (1 Tim. ii. 6), so that now "being 
justified by faith, we have peace with God through 
our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom also we have access 
by faith into this grace wherein we stand, and re- 
joice in hope of the glory of God " (Rom. v. 1, 2). 
Atonement ; Justification ; Saviour ; Son of God ; 
Son of Man. 

Med'i-cine [med'e-sin] (fr. L.). 1. Next to care for 
food, clothing, and shelter, the curing of hurts takes 
precedence even among savage nations. At a later 
period comes the treatment of sickness, and recog- 
nition of states of disease ; and these mark a nas- 
cent civilization. From the most ancient testimonies, 
sacred and secular, Egypt was foremost among the 
nations in this most human of studies purely physi- 



MED 



MED 



625 



cal (so Mr. Hayman, the original author of this ar- 
ticle). Egypt was the earliest home of medical and 
other skill for the region of the Mediterranean basin, 
and every Egyptian mummy of the more expensive 
and elaborate sort, involved a process of anatomy. 
(Embalming.) Still we have no trace of any philo- 
sophical or rational system of Egyptian origin ; and 
medicine in Egypt was a mere art or profession. 
Of science the Aselepiadse of Greece (i. e. the re- 
puted descendants of ^Esculapiux, the god of the heal- 
ing art) were the true originators. Hippocrates, who 
wrote a book on "Ancient Medicine," and who 
seems to have had many opportunities of access to 
foreign sources, gives no prominence to Egypt. 
Compared with the wild countries around them, at 
any rate, the Egyptians must have seemed incalcu- 
lably advanced. Representations of early Egyptian 
surgery apparently occur on some of the monu- 
ments of Beni-Hassan. Flint knives used for em- 
balming have been recovered — the " Ethiopic 
stone " of Herodotus (ii. 86 ; compare Ex. iv. 25) 
was probably either black flint or agate (knife) ; and 
those who have assisted at the opening of a mummy 
have noticed that the teeth exhibited a dentistry 
not inferior in execution to the work of the best 
modern experts. This confirms the statement of 
Herodotus that every part of the body was studied 
by a distinct practitioner. Pliny asserts tkat the 
Egyptians claimed the invention of the healing 
art, and thinks them subject to many diseases. 
Their "many medicines" are mentioned (Jer. xlvi. 
11). Athothmes II., king of the country, is said to 
have written on the subject of anatomy. The va- 
rious recipes known to have been beneficial were 
recorded, with their peculiar cases, in the memoirs 
of physic, inscribed among the laws, and deposited 
in the principal temples of the place (Wilkinson, 
iii. 396, 397). The reputation of its practitioners 
in historical times was such that both Cyrus and 
Darius sent to Egypt for physicians or surgeons. 
Of midwifery we have a distinct notice (Ex. i. 15), 
and of women as its practitioners, which fact may 
also be verified from the sculptures. The physicians 
had salaries from the public treasury, and treated 
always according to established precedents, or de- 
viated from these at their peril, in case of a fatal 
termination ; if, however, the patient died under 
accredited treatment, no blame was attached. The 
Egyptians who lived in the corn-growing region are 
said by Herodotus (ii. 77) to have been specially at- 
tentive to health. The practice of circumcision is 
traceable on monuments certainly anterior to the 
age of Joseph. Its beneficial effects in the temper- 
ature of Egypt and Syria have often been noticed, 
especially as a preservative of cleanliness, &c. The 
scrupulous attention paid to the dead was favorable 
to the health of the living. It appears that the 
Ptolemies themselves practised dissection, and that, 
at a period, when Jewish intercourse with Egypt 
was complete and reciprocal, there existed in Alex- 
andria a great zeal for anatomical study. In com- 
paring the growth of medicine in the rest of the 
ancient world, the high rank of its practitioners — 
princes and heroes — settles at once the question as 
to the esteem in which it was held in the Homeric 
and pre-Homeric period. To descend to the his- 
torical, the story of Democedes, a Greek physician, 
who, having been taken captive, acquired great 
riches and reputation at the court of Darius, illus- 
trates the practice of Greek surgery before the 
period of Hippocrates. The Dogmatic school was 
founded after the time of Hippocrates by his dis- 
40 



ciples, who departed from his eminently practical 
and inductive method, and recognized hidden causes 
of health or sickness arising from certain supposed 
principles or elements of bodies. The empirical 
school, which arose in the third century b. c. under 
the guidance of Acron of Agrigentum, Serapion of 
Alexandria, and Philinus of Cos, waited for the 
symptoms of every case, disregarding the rules of 
practice based on dogmatic principles. This school 
was opposed by the Methodic, which had arisen 
under the leading of Themison of Laodicea, about 
the period of Pompey the Great. Asclepiades, a 
native of Bithynia, who came to Borne shortly be- 
fore Cicero's time, paved the way for the " method" 
in question, finding a theoretic basis in the corpus- 
cular or atomic theory of physics which he borrowed 
from Heraelides of Pontus. He was a transitional 
link between the Dogmatic and Empiric schools, 
and this later or Methodic, which sought to rescue 
medicine from the bewildering mass of particular 
in which empiricism had plunged it. All these 
schools may have contributed to form the medical 
opinions current at the period of the N. T., and the 
two earlier among them may have influenced Rab- 
binical teaching on that subject at a much earlier 
period. — II. Having thus described the external in- 
fluences which, if any, had probably the most to do 
in forming the medical practice of the Hebrews, 
we may trace next its internal growth. The cab- 
alistic legends mix np the names of Shem and 
Heber in their fables about healing, and ascribe to 
those patriarchs a knowledge of simples and rare 
roots, with, of course, magic spells and occult 
powers. So to Abraham is ascribed a talisman, the 
touch of which healed all disease. (Amulets.) The 
only notices which Scripture affords in connection 
with the subject are the cases of difficult midwifeiy 
in the successive households of Isaac, Jacob, and 
Judah (Gen. xxv. 26, xxxv. 17, xxxviii. 27), and so, 
later, in that of Phinehas (1 Sam. iv. 19). (Mid- 
wife.) The traditional value ascribed to the man- 
drake relates to the same branch of natural medi- 
cine ; but throughout this period occurs no trace 
of any attempt to study, digest, and systematize 
the subject. As Israel grew and multiplied in 
Egypt, they derived doubtless a large mental culti- 
vation from their position until cruel policy turned 
it into bondage. But, if we admit Egyptian learn- 
ing as an ingredient, we should also notice how far 
the standard of the whole Jewish legislative fab- 
ric is exalted above that, in its exemption from the 
blemishes of sorcery and juggling pretences. Wc 
have no occult practices reserved in the hands of 
the sacred caste. (Priest.) Nor was the practice 
of physic a privilege of the Jewish priesthood. 
Any one might practise it, and this publicity must 
have kept it pure. Nay, there was no scriptural 
bar to its practice by resident aliens. AVe read of 
"physicians," "healing," &c., in Ex. xxi. 19; 2 K. 
viii. 29 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 12 ; Jer. viii. 22. At the same 
time the greater leisure of the Levites and their 
other advantages would make them the students of 
the nation, as a rule, in all science, and their con- 
stant residence in cities would give them the oppor- 
tunity, if carried out in fact, of a far wider field of 
observation. The reign of peace of Solomon's days 
must have opened, especially with renewed Egyp- 
tian intercourse, new facilities for the study. He 
himself seems to have included in his favorite nat- 
ural history some knowledge of the medicinal uses 
of the creatures. His works show him conversant 
with the notion of remedial treatment (Prov. iii. 8, 



626 



MED 



MED 



vi. 15, xii. 18, xvii. 22, xx. 30, xxix. 1 ; Eccl. iii. 3); 
and one passage (Eccl. xii. ; see below) indicates 
considerable knowledge of anatomy. His repute in 
magic is the universal theme of Eastern story. The 
dealings of various prophets with quasi-medical 
agency cannot be regarded as other than the mere 
accidental form which their miraculous gifts took 
(1 K. xiii. 6, xiv. 12, xvii. 17 ; 2 K. i. 4, xx. 7 ; Is. 
xxxviii. 21). Jewish tradition has invested Elisha, 
it would seem, with a function more largely medi- 
cinal than that of the other servants of God ; but 
the Scriptural evidence on the point is scanty, save 
that he appears to have known the proper means 
to heal the waters and temper the noxious pottage 
(2 K. ii. 21, iv. 39-41). The sickness of Ben-hadad 
2 is certainly so described as to imply treachery on 
the part of IIazael (2 K. viii. 15). Yet the obser- 
vation of Bruce, upon a cold-water cure practised 
among the people near the Red Sea, has suggested 
a view somewhat dilferent. The bed-clothes are 
soaked with cold water, and kept thoroughly wet, 
and the patient drinks cold water freely. But the 
crisis, it seems, occurs on the third day, and not 
till the fifth is it there usual to apply this treatment. 
If the chamberlain, through carelessness, ignorance, 
or treachery, precipitated the application, a fatal 
issue may have suddenly resulted. The statement 
that King Asa (2 Chr. xvi. 12) " sought not to Jeho- 
vah but to the physicians," may seem to coun- 
tenance the notion that a rivalry of actual worship, 
based on some medical fancies, had been set up. 
(Serpent, Brazen.) The captivity at Babylon 
brought the Jews in contact with a new sphere of 
thought. We know too little of the precise state 
of medicine in Babylon, Susa, and the " cities of 
tha Medes," to determine the direction in which the 
impulse so derived would have led the exiles. The 
book of Ecclesiasticds shows the increased regard 
given to the distinct study of medicine, by the re- 
peated mention of physicians, &c. The wisdom of 
prevention is recognized in Ecclus. xviii. 19, perhaps 
also in x. 10. Rank and honor are said to be the 
portion of the physician, and his office to be from 
the Lord (xxxviii. 1, 3, 12). The repeated allusions 
to sickness in vii. 35, xxx. 17, xxxi. 22, xxxvii. 30, 
xxxviii. 9, coupled with the former recognition of 
merit, have caused some to suppose that this author 
was himself a physician. In Wis. xvi. 12, a plaster 
is spoken of; anointing, as a means of healing, in 
Tob. vi. 8. In the period of the N. T., St. Luke, 
" the beloved physician," who practised at Antioch 
(so Mr. Hayman ; Ewald supposes he resided at 
Troas), whilst the body was his care, could hardly 
have failed to be conversant with all the leading 
opinions current down to his own time. The medi- 
cine and surgery of St. Luke were probably not in- 
ferior to those commonly in demand among educated 
Asiatic Greeks, and must have been, as regards 
their basis, Greek and not Jewish. Without abso- 
lute certainty as to date, we seem to have a stand- 
ard Gentile medical writer of that period in Are- 
tceus, commonly called " the Cappadocian," who 
wrote certainly after Nero's reign began, and prob- 
ably flourished shortly before and after the decade 
(a. d. 60-70) in which St. Paul reached Rome and 
Jerusalem fell. If he were of St. Luke's age, it is 
striking that he should also be perhaps the only 
ancient medical authority in favor of demoniacal 
possession as a possible account of epilepsy. (De- 
moniacs.) Assuming the date above indicated, he 
nay be taken as expounding the medical practice 
of the Asiatic Greeks in the latter half of the first 



century. There is, however, much of strongly- 
marked individuality in his work, more especially 
in the minute verbal portraiture of disease. As the 
general science of medicine and surgery of this pe- 
riod may be represented by Areta?us, so we have 
nearly a representation of its Materia Medica by 
Dioscorides, whose researches display an industry 
and skill which has remained the marvel of all sub- 
sequent commentators. He, too, was of the same 
general region — a Cilician Greek — and his first les- 
sons were probably learned at Tarsus. He has 
usually been assigned to the end of the first or be- 
ginning of the second century. — Before proceeding 
to the examination of diseases in detail, it may be 
well to observe that the question of identity, be- 
tween any ancient malady known by description 
and any modern one known by experience, is often 
doubtful. Some diseases, just as some plants and 
some animals, will exist almost anywhere ; others 
can only be produced within narrow limits depend- 
ing on the conditions of climate, habit, &c. Erup- 
tive diseases of the acute kind are more prevalent 
in the East than in colder dimes. They also run 
their course more rapidly. Disease of various kinds 
is commonly regarded as a divine infliction, or de- 
nounced as a penalty for transgression ; " the evil 
diseases of Egypt " (Plagues, the Ten ?) are es- 
pecially so characterized (Gen. xx. 18 ; Ex. xv. 26 ; 
Lev. xxvi. 16; Deut. vii. 15, xxviii. 60; 1 Cor. xi. 
30); so the emerods of the Philistines(l Sam. v. 6); 
the severe dysentery (2 Chr. xxi. 15,19) of Jehoram, 
which was also epidemic ; so the sudden deaths of 
Er, Onan (Gen. xxxviii. 7, 10), the Egyptian first- 
born (Ex. xi. 4, 5), Nabal, Bath sheba's son, and 
Jeroboam's (1 Sam. xxv. 38; 2 Sam. xii. 15; 1 K. 
xiv. 1, 5), are ascribed to the action of Jehovah im- 
mediately, or through a prophet. Pestilence (Hab. 
iii. 5) attends His path (compare 2 Sam. xxiv. 15), 
and is innoxious to those whom He shelters (Ps. 
xci. 3-10). It is by Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Amos 
associated (as historically in 2 Sam. xxiv. 13) with 
"the sword" and "famine" (Jer. xiv. 12, xv. 2, 
xxi. 7, 9, &c. ; Ez. v. 12, 17, vi. 11, 12, &c. ; Am. iv. 
6, 10). The sicknesses of the widow's son of 
Zarephath, of Ahaziah, Ben-hadad, the leprosy of 
Uzziah, the boil of Hezekiah, are also noticed as 
diseases sent bv Jehovah, or in which He interposed 
(1 K. xvii. 17, 20; 2 K. i. 3, xx. 1). In 2 Sam. iii. 
29, disease is invoked as a curse, and in Solomon's 
prayer (1 K. viii. 37 ; compare 2 Chr. xx. 9), antici- 
pated as a chastisement. Satanic agency appears 
also as procuring disease (Job ii. 7; Lk. xiii. 11, 
16). Diseases are also mentioned as ordinary ca- 
lamities (Gen. xlviii. 1 ; 1 Sam. xxx. 13 ; 2 K iv. 20, 
viii. 7, 29, xiii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 6). Among special 
diseases named in the O. T. are, ophthalmia (Gen. 
xxix. 17), which is perhaps more common in Syria 
and Egypt than anywhere else in the world ; es- 
pecially in the fig season, the juice of the newly- 
ripe fruit having the power of giving it. It may 
occasion partial or total blindness (2 K. vi. 18). 
The eye-salve (Rev. iii. 18) was a remedy common 
to Orientals, Greeks, and Romans. Other diseases 
are — barrenness of women, which mandrakes were 
supposed to have the power of correcting (Gen. xx. 
18; compare xii. 17, xxx. 1, 2, 14-16) — "consump- 
tion," and several, the names of which are derived 
from various words, signifying to burn or to be hot 
(Lev. xxvi. 16; Deut. xxviii. 22; Fever; Flux, 
Bloody). The "burning boil," or "of a boil" 
(Lev. xiii. 23), is again merely marked by the notion 
of an effect resembling that of fire, like our " car- 



MED 



MED 



627 



buncle ; " it may possibly find an equivalent in the 
Damascus boil of the present time. The " botch 
(shehin or shechin) of Egypt " (Deut. xxviii. 27) may 
be the Elephantiasis Gr&cornm (see below) ; the 
plague, as known by its attendant bubo, has been 
suggested by Scheuchzer; but Mr. Dayman thinks 
it was more probably the foul ulcer mentioned by 
Aristaeus. The same word is used to express the 
"boil" of Hezekiah. This was certainly a single 
locally-confined eruption, probably a carbuncle ; 
Dr. Mead supposes it to have been a fever terminat- 
ing in an abscess. The diseases rendered " scab " 
and " scurvy " in Lev. xxi. 20, xxii. 22, and Deut. 
xxviii. 27, may be almost any skin-disease. (Itch.) 
Some of these may be said to approach the type of 
lkprosy. The " issue " of xv. 19 may be profuse men- 
struation, or uterine hemorrhage from other causes. 
(Blood, Issue of; Issue, Running.) In Deut. xxviii. 
35, is mentioned a disease attacking the " knees 
and legs," consisting in a " sore botch which cannot 
be healed," but extended, in the sequel of the verse, 
from the " sole of the foot to the top of the head." The 
latter part of the quotation would certainly accord 
with Elephantiasis Gra>corum. On the other hand, 
a disease which affects the knees and legs, or more 
commonly one of them only — is by a mere accident 
of language known as Elephantiasis Arabum, Bucne- 
mia Tropica, or " Barbadoes Leg," from being well 
known in that island. The Elephantiasis Gracomm 
is what now passes under the name of " leprosy " 
— the lepers, e. g., of the huts near the Zion gate of 
modern Jerusalem are elephantiasiacs. It has been 
asserted that there are two kinds, one painful, the 
other painless ; but as regards Syria and the East 
this is contradicted. There the parts affected are 
quite benumbed and lose sensation. It is classed as 
a tubercular disease, not confined to the skin, but 
pervading the tissues and destroying the bones. It 
is not confined to any age or either sex. It first 
appears in general, but not always, about the face, 
as an indurated nodule (hence it is improperly called 
tubercular), which gradually enlarges, inflames, and 
ulcerates. If a joint be attacked, the ulceration 
will go on till its destruction is complete, the joints 
of finger, toe, &c, dropping off one by one. If the 
face be the chief seat of the disease, it assumes a 
leonine aspect, loathsome and hideous; the skin be- 
comes thick, rugose, and livid ; the eyes are fierce 
and staring, and the hair generally falls off from all 
the parts affected. When the throat is attacked, 
(lie voice shares the affection, and sinks to a hoarse, 
husky whisper. These two symptoms are eminently 
characteristic. It is hereditary, and may be inocu- 
lated, but does not propagate itself by the closest 
contact. It has been asserted that this, which is 
perhaps the most dreadful disease of the East, was 
Job's malady. Origen mentions, that one of the 
Greek versions gives it as the affliction which befell 
him. Wunderbar supposes it to have been the 
Tyrian leprosy, resting chiefly on the itching im- 
plied, as he supposes, by Job ii. 7, 8. Schmidt thinks 
the " sore boil " may indicate some graver disease, 
or concurrence of diseases. But there is no need 
to go beyond the statement of Scripture. The dis- 
ease of King Antiochus (2 Mc. ix. 5-10, &c.) is that 
of a boil breeding worms. There is some doubt 
whether this disease be not allied to phthiriasis, in 
which lice are bred, and cause ulcers. In Deut. 
xxviii. 65, possibly a palpitation of the heart is in- 
tended (compare Gen. xlv. 2G). In Mk. xi. 17 (com- 
pare Lk. ix. 38) we have an apparent case of epi- 
lepsy : this might easily be a form of demoniacal 



manifestation. (Demoniacs.) Besides the common 
injuries of wounding, bruising, striking out the eye, 
tooth, &c, we have in Ex. xxi. 22, the case of mis- 
carriage produced by a blow, push, &c, damaging 
the foetus. The plague of " boils and blains " is 
not said to have been fatal to man, as the murrain 
preceding was to cattle ; this alone would seem to 
contradict the notion of Shapter, that the disorder 
in question was small-pox. The expression of Ex. 
ix. 10, a " boil " flourishing, or ebullient with blains, 
may perhaps be a disease analogous to phlegmonous 
erysipelas, or even common erysipelas. The " with- 
ered hand " of Jeroboam (1 K. xiii. 4-6), and of the 
man in Mat. xii. 10-13 (compare Lk. vi. 10), is such 
an effect as is known to follow from the obliteration 
of the main artery of any member, or from paral- 
ysis of the principal nerve, either through disease 
or through injury. The case of the widow's son 
restored by Elisha (2 K. iv. 19), was probably one 
of sun-stroke. The disease of Asa " in his feet " 
which attacked him in his old age (1 K. xv. 23 ; 2 
Chr. xvi. 12) and became exceeding great, may have 
been either oedema = swelling, or podaffra = gout. 
In 1 Mc. vi. 8, occurs a mention of " sickness of 
grief;" in Eeclus. xxxvii. 30, of sickness caused by 
excess, which require only a passing mention. The 
disease of Nebuchadnezzar has been viewed by Jahn 
as a mental and purely subjective malady. It is 
not easy to see how this satisfies the plain emphatic 
statement of Dan. iv. 33, which seems to include, 
it is true, mental derangement, but to assert a de- 
graded bodily state to some extent, and a corre- 
sponding change of habits. We may regard it as 
Mead, following Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, 
does, as a species of the melancholy known as 
Lycanthropia. Persons so affected wander like 
wolves in sepulchres by night, and imitate the howl- 
i ing of a wolf or a dog. Here should be noticed the 
I mental malady of Saul. His melancholy seems to 
j have had its origin in his sin. Music, which soothed 
him for a while, has entered largely into the milder 
modern treatment of lunacy. (Lunatics.) The 
palsy meets us in the N. T. only, and in features 
too familiar to need special remark. Gangrene, or 
mortification in its various forms, is a totally dif- 
ferent disorder from the " canker " of the A. V. 
(Gr. ganggraina = cancer, Conybeare & Howson) 
in 2 Tim. ii. 17. Both gangrene and cancer were 
common in all the countries familiar to the Scrip- 
tural writers, and neither differs from the modern 
disease of the same name. In Is. xxvi. 18 and Ps. vii. 
14, there seems an allusion to false conception. 
The whole passage in Isaiah figuratively = disap- 
pointment after great effort. Poison, as a means of 
destroying life, hardly occurs in the Bible, save as 
applied to arrows (Job vi. 4). In the annals of the 
Herods poisons occur as the resource of stealthy 
murder. The bite or sting of venomous beasts can 
hardly be treated as a disease ; but in connection 
with the "fiery (i. e. venomous) serpents" of Num. 
xxi. 6, and the deliverance from death of those bit- 
ten, it deserves a notice. The brazen figure was 
symbolical only. It was customary to consecrate 
the image of the affliction, either in its cause or in its 
effect, as in the golden emerods and golden mice 
of 1 Sam. vi. 4, 8, and in the ex-votos common in 
Egypt even before the Exodus ; and these may be 
compared with this setting up of the brazen serpent. 
(Serpent, Brazen.) The scorpion and centipede 
abound in the Levant (Bev. ix. 5, 10), with a large va 
riety of serpents. (Adder ; Asp ; Palestine, Zoo- 
logy ; Serpent.) To these, according to Lichttn- 



628 MED 

stein, should be added a venomous solpuga, or large 
spider, similar to the Calabrian Tarantula. The 
disease of old age has acquired a place in Biblical 
nosology chiefly owing to the elegant allegory into 
which " The Preacher " throws the successive tokens 
of the ravage of time on man (Eccl. xii.). The 
course of decline is marked in metaphor by the 
darkening of the great lights of nature, and the 
ensuing period of life is compared to the broken 
weather of the wet season, setting in when summer 
is gone, when after every shower fresh clouds are 
in the sky, as contrasted with the showers of other 
seasons, which pass away into clearness. The 
" keepers of the house " perhaps = the ribs which 
support the frame, or the arms and shoulders which 
enwrap and protect it. The " strong men " = its 
supporters, the lower limbs " bowing themselves " 
under the weight they once so lightly bore. The 
" grinding " hardly needs to be explained of the 
teeth now become " few." The " lookers from the 
windows" = the pupils of the eyes, now "dark- 
ened." The "doors shut" represent the dulness of 
those other senses which are the portals of knowl- 
edge. The " rising up at the voice of a bird" por- 
trays the light, soon-fleeting, easily-broken slumber 
of the aged man ; or possibly, and more literally, 
actual waking in the early morning, when first the 
cock crows, may be intended. The "daughters of 
music brought low," suggest the 

'• big manly voice 

Now turned again to childish treble : " 

and also, as illustrated by Barzillai (2 Sam. xix. 35), 
the failure in the discernment and the utterance of 
musical notes. The fears of old age are next no- 
ticed : " They shall be afraid of that wliich is high ; " 
an obscure expression, perhaps, for what are popu- 
larly called " nervous " terrors, exaggerating and 
magnifying every object of alarm. " Fear in the 
way " is at first less obvious ; but we observe that 
nothing unnerves and agitates an old person more 
than the prospect of a long journey. Thus re- 
garded, it becomes a fine and subtile touch in the 
description of decrepitude. All readiness to haste 
is arrested, and a numb despondency succeeds. 
The "flourishing" of " the almond-tree" is still 
more obscure; but we observe this tree in Pales- 
tine blossoming when others show no sign of vege- 
tation, and when it is dead winter all around — no ill 
type, perhaps, of the old man who has survived his 
own contemporaries and many of his juniors. (Al- 
mond.) Youthful lusts die out, and their organs, 
of which " the grasshopper " is perhaps a figure, 
are relaxed. The " silver cord " may be that of 
nervous sensation, or motion, or even the spinal 
marrow itself. Perhaps some incapacity of reten- 
tion may be signified by the " golden bowl broken ; " 
the "pitcher broken at the well" suggests some 
vital supply stopping at the usual source — derange- 
ment, perhaps, of the digestion or of the respira- 
tion ; the " wheel shivered at the cistern," conveys, 
through the image of the water-lifting process famil- 
iar in irrigation, the notion of the blood, pumped 
as it were, through the vessels, and fertilizing the 
whole system; for " the blood is the life." (Well.) 
This careful register of the tokens of decline might 
lead us to expect great care for the preservation of 
health and strength ; and this, indeed, is found to 
mark the Mosaic system, in the regulations con- 
cerning diet, the " divers washings," and the pol- 
lution imputed to a corpse — nay, even in circum- 
cision itself. The3e served not only the ceremonial 
purpose of imparting self-consciousness to the He- 



MED 

] brew, and keeping him distinct from alien admix- 
ture, but had a sanitary aspect of rare wisdom, 
when we regard the country, the climate, and the age. 
(Clean; Unclean.) The rite of circumcision, be- 
sides its special surgical operation, deserves some 
notice in connection with the general question of 
the health, longevity, and fecundity of the race with 
whose history it is identified. Besides being a mark 
of the covenant and a symbol of purity, it was per- 
haps also a protest against the phallus-worship, 
which has a remote antiquity in the corrup- 
tion of mankind, and of which we have some trace 
in the Egyptian myth of Osiris. Its beneficial ef- 
1 fects in such a climate as that of Egypt and Syria 
have been the subject of comment to various wri- 
ters on hygiene. The operation itself consisted 
originally of a mere incision ; to which a further 
stripping-off the skin from the part and a custom 
of sucking the blood from the wound were in a later 
period added, owing to the attempts of Jews of the 
1 Maccabean period, and later (1 Mc. i. 15; compare 
1 Cor. vii. 8), to cultivate heathen practices. No 
surgical operation beyond this finds a place in Holy 
Scripture, unless, indeed, that adverted to under 
Eunuch. The Talmudists speak of two operations 
j to assist birth. Wunderbar enumerates from the 
Mishna and Talmud fifty-six surgical instruments 
I or pieces of apparatus ; of these, however, the fol- 
I lowing only are at all alluded to in Scripture : A 
i cutting instrument, supposed a "sharp stone" (Ex. 
! iv. 25). The " knife " of Josh, v 2 was probably 
i a more refined instrument for the same purpose. 

An " awl " (Ex. xxi. 6), used to bore through the 
1 ear of the bondman who refused release, is sup- 
j posed to have been a surgical instrument. A seat of 
delivery (Heb. obnayim; Ex. i. 16), A.V. "thestools." 
(Midwife.) The "roller to bind" of Ez. xxx. 21 
I was for a broken limb, as still used. A scraper, 
i for which the " potsherd" of Job was a substitute 
(Job ii. 8). Ex. xxx. 23-25 is a prescription in 
form. (Ointment.) Traces occur of some chemical 
knowledge, e. g. the calcination (?) of the gold by Mo- 
ses (Calf) ; the effect of " vinegar upon nitre" (Ex. 
xxxii. 20 ; Prov. xxv. 20 ; compare Jer. ii. 22) ; the 
; mention of" the apothecary " (Ex. xxx. 35 ; Eccl. x. 1) 
1 (Ointment), and of the merchant in " powders " (Cant, 
j iii. 6), shows that a distinct and important branch of 
trade was set up in these wares, in which, as at a 
1 modern druggist's, articles of luxury, &c, are com- 
| bined with the remedies of sickness. Among the 
most favorite of external remedies has always been 
the bath. Besides the significance of moral purity 
which it carried, the use of the bath checked the 
tendency to become unclean by violent perspirations 
from within and effluvia from without; it kept the 
porous system in play, and stopped the outset of 
much disease. In order to make the sanction of 
health more solemn, most Oriental nations have en- 
forced purificatory rites by religious mandates — and 
so the Jews. There were special occasions on which 
the bath was ceremonially enjoined. The Phari- 
sees and Essenes aimed at scrupulous strictness of 
all such rules (Mat. xv. 2 ; Mk. vii. 5 ; Lk. xi. 38). 
River-bathing was common, but houses soon began 
to include a bath-room (Lev. xv. 13; 2 K. v. 10; 2 
I Sam. xi. 2 ; Sus. 15). Vapor-baths, as among the 
Romans, were latterly included in these, as well as 
hot and cold-bath apparatus, and the use of per- 
fumes and oils after quitting it was everywhere dif- 
j fused. Aloes; Anise; Anointing; Balm; Cassia; 

Cinnamon ; Pig ; Frankincense ; Gourd ; Mustard ; 
I Oil ; Reed 4 ; Salt ; Spices ; Wine. 



MEE 



MEH 



629 



Me-e'da (fr. Gr.) = Mehida (1 Esd. v. 32). 

* Meek, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 'an&v 
or 'dndyv — oppressed, afflicted, wretched, but every- 
where with the accessory idea of humility, meek- 
ness, i. e. the humble, the meek, who prefer to suffer 
wrong rather than do wrong, and who therefore en- 
joy God's favor, Ges. (Num. xii. 3 ; Ps. xxii. 26 
[Hcb. 27], xxv. 9, xxxvii. 11, &c), also translated 
"poor" (Job xxiv. 4; Ps. ix. 18 [Heb. 19], &c.), 
" humble " (ix. 12 [Heb. 13], x. 12, 17, &c), " lowly " 
(Prov. iii. 34, xvi. 19). The kindred 'anvdh and 
\~tndvdh are translated " meekness " (Ps. xviii. 35, 
margin, xlv. 4; Zeph. ii. 3), "gentleness" (2 Sam. 
xxii. 26 ; Ps. xviii. 35), " humility " (Prov. xv. 33, 
xviii. 12, xxii. 4). — 2. Gr. praos (Mat. xi. 29) and 
praiis (v. 5, xxi. 5 ; 1 Pet. iii. 4) ; both = mtek, 
mild, gentle ; the latter form and the kindred nouns 
praotes and prautes, which are uniformly trans- 
lated "meekness" in N. T. (1 Cor. iv. 21 ; Jas. i. 
21, &c), are in LXX. = the Heorew words under 
No. 1 (Robinson, N. T. Lex.). 

Me-gid'do (Heb. place of troops ? Ges. ; place of 
God [Gad 3], Fii.) was in a very marked position 
on the southern rim of the plain of Esdr^elon, on 
the frontier-line, speaking generally, of the terri- 
tories of Issachar and Manasseh, and commanding 
one of those passes from the N. into the hill-country 
which were of such critical importance on various 
occasions in the history of Judea (Jd. iv. 7). The 
first mention occurs in Josh. xii. 21, where Megiddo 
appears as the city of one of the thirty-one " kings," 
or petty chieftains, whom Joshua defeated on the 
W. of the Jordan. The song of Deborah brings 
the place vividly before us, as the scene of the great 
conflict between Sisera and Barak. The chariots of 
Sisera were gathered " unto the river of Kishon " 
(Judg. iv. 13) ; Barak went down with his men 
" from Mount Tabor " into the plain (iv. 14) ; " then 
fought the kings of Canaan in Taanach by the 
waters of Megiddo " (v. 19). Still we do not read 
of Megiddo being firmly in the occupation of the 
Israelites, and perhaps it was not really so till the 
time of Solomon, who placed one of his commis- 
saries over Taanach, Megiddo, &c, and " built " 
(i. e. fortified) Megiddo (1 K. iv. 12, ix. 15). Here 
Ahaziah 2 died (2 K. ix. 27). But the chief his- 
torical interest of Megiddo is concentrated in Jo- 
siah's death. When Pharaoh-necho came from 
Egypt against the king of Assyria, Josiah joined 
the latter, and was slain at Megiddo (xxiii. 29), and 
his body was carried from thence to Jerusalem (ver. 
30). The story is told in more detail in 2 Chr. 
xxxv. 22-24. There the fatal action is said to have 
taken place " in the valley (or plain) of Megiddo." 
(Valley 4.) This calamity made a deep and per- 
manent impression on the Jews. Thus, in Zech. 
xii. 11, " the mourning of Hadad-rimmon in the val- 
ley of Megiddon " becomes a poetical expression for 
the deepest and most despairing grief; as in Rev. 
xvi. 16, Armageddon, in continuance of the same 
imagery, is presented as the scene of terrible and 
final conflict. The site thus associated with critical 
passages of Jewish history from Joshua to Josiah 
has been identified, beyond any reasonable doubt, 
with the modern el-Lejjun, which is undoubtedly the 
Legio of Eusebius and Jerome (Robinson, ii. 328-330, 
iii. 116-119). El-Lejjun is on the caravan-route 
from Egypt to Damascus. The remains of the an- 
cient city are not extensive. Van de Velde de- 
scribes the view of the plain as seen from the high- 
est point between it and the sea, and the huge tells 
which mark the positions of the " key-fortresses " 



of the hills and the plain, Taanuk and el-Lejjun, 
the latter being the most considerable, and having 
another called Tell-Metzellim half an hour to the 
N. W. About a month later in the same-year (April, 
1852) Robinson was there. Both writers mention 
a copious stream flowing down this gorge (March 
and April) and turning some mills before joining 
the Kishon. Here are probably the " waters of 
Megiddo " of Judg. v. 19, though it should be add- 
ed that by Stanley they are supposed rather to be 
" the pools in the bed of the Kishon " itself. The 
same author regards the " plain (or valley) of Me- 
giddo " as denoting not the whole of the Esdraelon 
level, but that broadest part of it which is imme- 
diately opposite Megiddo. 

Me-gid'don (Heb.) = Megiddo (Zech. xii. 11 only). 

Me-het'a-beel (fr. Heb. = Mehetabel), ancestor 
of Shemaiah the prophet who was hired against Ne- 
hemiah by Tobiah and Sanballat (Neh. vi. 10). 

Me-liet'a-bd (fr. Heb. = whom God does good to, 
Ges.), daughter of Matred, and wife of Hadad, or 
Hadar, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39). 

Me-lli'da (Heb. junction? Ges. ; a famous, distin- 
guished, noble one, Fii.), ancestor of a family of 
Nethinim, who returned from Babylon with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 52 ; Neh. vii. 54). 

Mc'hir (Heb. price, Ges. ; dcxteritg, ability, Fii.), 
son of Chelub, the brother of Shuah (1 Chr. iv. 
11). 

flle-ho'latli-ite (fr. Heb.), the = one belonging to a 
place called Meholah (1 Sam. xviii. 19 only) ; whether 
that was Abel-Meholah or another, is uncertain. 

Me-hn'ja-el (fr. Heb. = smitten of God? Ges. ; 
God is combat, i. e. the combating, Fii.), son of Irad, 
and fourth in descent from Cain (Gen. iv. 18). 

Sle-ha'man (Heb. faithful, then eunuch, Ges. ; old 
Persian, belonging to the great Horn [a Persian god], 
Fii.), one of the seven eunuchs (A. V. " chamber- 
lains") of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Me-lin'nim (fr. Heb. ; see below) = Mehunims 
and Meunim (Ezr. ii. 50). 

Me-hn'nims(fr. Heb. pi. Me'unim ; see below), the, 
a people against whom King Uzziah waged a suc- 
cessful war (2 Chr. xxvi. 7). Although so different 
in its English dress, the name is in the original the 
plural of Maon. Maon, or the Maonites (= Mehu- 
nim or Mehunims), probably inhabited the country 
at the back of the great range of Seir, the modern 
esh-Sherah, which forms the eastern side of the Wady 
el-^ Arabah(ARAHAn), where is still a town of the same 
name. Another notice of the Mehunims in the reign 
of Hezekiah (about b. c. 726-697) is found in 1 Chr. 
iv. 41). Here they are spoken of as a pastoral peo- 
ple, either themselves Hamites, or in alliance with 
Hamites, quiet and peaceable, dwelling in tents. 
Here, however, the A. V. treats the word as an or- 
dinary noun, and renders it " habitations." A third 
notice of the Mehunim, corroborative of those already 
mentioned, is found in 2 Chr. xx. There is every 
reason to believe (so Mr. Grove) that in ver. 1 " the 
Ammonites" should be read as "the Maonites," 
who in that case are the " men of Mount Seir " men- 
tioned in ver. 10, 22. In all these passages, includ- 
ing the last, the LXX. render the name by hoi 
Meinaioi — the Minseans — a nation of Arabia re- 
nowned for their traffic in spices, who are named by 
Strabo, Ptolemy, and other ancient geographers, and 
whose seat is now ascertained to have been the S. W. 
portion of the great Arabian peninsula, the western 
half of the modern Hadramaut. The latest appear- 
ance of the name in the Bible is in the lists of those 
who returned from the Captivity with Zerubb.ibe) 



630 



MEJ 



MEL 



(Ezr. ii. 50, A. V. "Mehunim;" Neh. vii. 52, A. 
V. " Meunim"). 

Me-jar'kon (fr. Heb. = waters of yellowness, Ges.), 
a town of Dan (Josh. xix. 46 only); named next to 
Gath-rimmon, and in the neighborhood of Joppa or 
Japho. 

Me-ko'nab (Heb. a base, basis, place, Ges.), one of 
the towns reinhabited after the Captivity by the 
men of Judah (Neh. xi. 28 only) ; probably situated 
far to the south. 

Jlel-a-ti'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah delivers, 
Ges.), a Gibeonite, who assisted in rebuilding the 
wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 7). 

Mel'chi [-ki] (Gr. fr. Heb. = my king, Rbn., N. T. 
Lex.). 1. Son of Janna, and ancestor of Joseph in 
the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 24). — 2. Son 
of Addi in the same genealogy (iii. 21). 

Mel-chi'ah (fr. Heb. = Malchiah, or Malchijah), 
a priest, father of Pashur (Jer. xsi. 1) ; = Mal- 
chiah 7 and Malchijah 1. 

Jlcl-cbi'as (Gr. = Malchiah and Malchijah). 1. 
Malchiah 2 (1 Esd. ix. 26).— 2. Malchiah 3 and 
Malchijah 4(ix. 32). — 3. Malchiah 6 (ix. 44). 

Mel'chl-el (fr. Gr. = Malchiel ?). Charmis, the 
son of Melchiel, was one of the three governors of 
Bethulia (Jd. vi. 15). 

Mcl-chis'e-dcc [-kiz-] (fr. Gr.) = Melchizedek 
(Heb. v., vi., vii.). 

Mel'chi-shn'a, or Mel-chish'n-a (fr. Heb.), son of 
Saul (1 Sam. xiv. 49, xxxi. 2) ; correctly Malchishua. 

3Icl-clliz'e-dek [-kiz-] (fr. Heb. = king of right- 
eousness, Heb. vii. 2, Ges., &c), king of Salem and 
priest of the Most High God, who met Abram in the 
valley of Shaveh, which is the King's Dale, brought 
out bread and wine, blessed Abram, and received 
tithes from him (Gen. xiv. 18-20). The other 
places in which Melchizedek is mentioned are Ps. 
ex. 4, where Messiah is described as a priest for 
ever, " after the order of Melchizedek " and Heb. v., 
vi., vii., where these two passages of the 0. T. are 
quoted, and the typical relation of Melchizedek to 
our Lord is stated at great length. There is some- 
thing surprising and mysterious in the first appear- 
ance of Melchizedek, and in the subsequent reference 
to him. Bearing a title which Jews in after-nges 
would recognize as designating their own sovereign, 
bearing gifts which recall to Christians the Lord's 
Supper, this Canaanite crosses for a moment the 
path of Abram, and is unhesitatingly recognized as 
a person of higher spiritual rank than the friend of 
God. Disappearing as suddenly as he came in, he 
is lost to the sacred writings for a thousand years. 
The faith of early ages ventured to invest his person 
with superstitious awe. Jewish tradition pronounces 
Melchizedek to be a survivor of the Deluge, the 
patriarch Shem (and so Luther, Melanchthon, Light- 
foot, &c). It should be noted that this supposition 
does not appear in the Targum of Onkelos — a pre- 
sumption that it was not received by the Jews till 
after the Christian era — nor has it found favor with 
the Fathers. Equally old, perhaps, but less widely 
diffused, is the supposition not unknown to Augus- 
tine, and ascribed by Jerome to Origen and Didy- 
mus, that Melchizedek was an angel. The Fathers 
of the fourth and fifth centuries record with repro- 
bation the tenet of the Melchizedekians that he was 
a Power, Virtue, or Influence of God, and the not 
less daring conjecture of Hieracas and his followers 
that Melchizedek was the Holy Ghost. Epiphanius 
mentions some members of the Church as holding 
that Melchizedek was the Son of God appearing in 
human form. Similar to this was a Jewish opinion 



that he was the Messiah. The way in which he is 
mentioned in Genesis would rather lead to the im- 
mediate inference that Melchizedek was of one blood 
with the children of Ham, among whom he lived, 
chief (like the king of Sodom) of a settled Canaan- 
itish tribe (so Mr. Bullock, with Josephus, most of 
the early Fathers, Carpzov, Fairbairn, Kitto, and 
most modern commentators). And as Balaam was 
a prophet, so Melchizedek was a priest among the 
corrupted heathen, not self-appointed, but consti- 
tuted by a special gift from God, and recognized as 
such by Him. " Alter the order of Melchizedek," 
in Ps. ex. 4, is explained by Gesenius and Rosen- 
miiller to mean after the manner of Melchizedek, im- 
plying likeness in official dignity, i. e. a king and 
priest. The relation between Melchizedek and 
Christ as type and antitype is made in the Epistle to 
the Hebrews to consist in the following particulars. 
Each was a priest, (1.) not of the Levitical tribe; 
(2.) superior to Abraham ; (3.) whose beginning and 
end are unknown ; (4.) who is not only a priest, but 
also a king of righteousness and peace. Aubcrlen 
(see B. S. xvi. 552) says, " Melchizedek is eternal 
priest "(Heb. vii. 3, 17; Ps. ex. 4) "in no other 
sense than are all glorified spirits. He is priest by 
virtue of his relation to God, his life in God, and his 
service of God. But this relation, life, and service 
are eternal. His priesthood is inseparable from, and 
rests entirely in, his spiritual service. He belongs 
to those kings and priests who are before the throne 
of God and serve Him day and night in His temple " 
(Rev. vii. 15). — Another fruitful source of discussion 
has been found in the site of Salem and Shaveh, 
which are assumed to be near each other in Abram's 
road from Hobah to the plain of Mamre. For the 
various theories, see Salem 1 and Shaveh. 

* Mol'coin (fr. Heb. Malcdm) = Milcom, Ges. 
(marg. of Jer. xlix. 1, 3). 

Jle'le-a (Gr. fr. Heb. = filing, full?), son of 
Menan, and ancestor of Joseph in the genealogy of 
Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 31). 

Mc'lech (Heb. king), second son of Micah, the son 
of Merib-baal or Mephibosheth (1 Chr. viii. 35, ix. 
41). 

Jlel'i-cn (Heb.) = Malluch 6 (Neh. xii. 14, comp. 
vcr. 2). 

Mel'i-ta (L. fr. Gr. = affording honey, Cruden ; 
fr. Phenician = refuge, Wr.), the modern Malta. 
This island has an illustrious place in Scripture, as 
the scene cf that shipwreck of St. Paul described in 
such minute detail in the Acts of the Apostles. (1.) 
We take St. Paul's ship in the condition in which 
we find her about a day after leaving Fair Havens, 
i. e. when she was under the lee of Clahda (Acts 
xxvii. 16), laid-to on the starboard tack, and 
strengthened with " undergirders," the boat being 
just taken on board, and the gale blowing hard 
from the E. N. E. (Eurocltdon.) (2.) Assuming 
(what every practised sailor would allow) that the 
ship's direction of drift would be about W. by N., 
and her rate of drift about a mile and half an hour, 
we come at once to the conclusion, by measuring 
the distance on the chart, that she would be brought 
to the coast of Malta on the thirteenth day (see ver. 
27). (3.) A ship drifting in this direction to the 
place traditionally known as St. Paul's Bay would 
come to that spot on the coast without touching any 
other part of the island previously. The coast, in 
fact, trends from this bay to the S. E. This maybe 
seen on consulting any map or chart of Malta. (4.) 
On Koura Point, which is the southeasterly ex- 
tremity of the bay, there must infallibly have been 



MEL 



MEL 



631 



breakers, with the wind blowing from the N. E. 
Now the alarm was certainly caused by breakers, 
for it took place in the night (ver. 27), and it does 
not appear that the passengers were at first aware 
of the danger which became sensible to the quick 



ear of the " sailors." (5.) Yet the vessel did not 
strike : and this corresponds with the position of 
the point, which would be some little distance on 
the port side, or to the left, of the vessel. (6.) Off 
this point of the coast the soundings are twenty 



15 "" ?Upp 0sirn 

KOURA POINT ---- -HOURSf 



'Z-Tm.JSHIp 




\ 



s 

27 ~ 



ST JULIAN'S BAY 



fathoms (ver. 28), and a little further, in the direction 
of the supposed drift, they are fifteen fathoms (ib.). 

Though the danger was imminent, we shall find 
from examining the chart that there would still be 
time to anchor (ver. 29) before striking on the 



Chart of part of the coast of Malta. 

rocks ahead. 



(8.) With bad holding-ground there 
would have been great risk of the ship dragging her 
anchors. The bottom of St. Paul's Bay is remark- 
ably tenacious. (9.) The other geological charac- 
teristics of the place are in harmony with the narra 




St. Paul's Bay, Malta.— From a view by G. H. Andrews.— (Fbn.) 
This view is taken from a point at the back of the bay, near the castle. The island shown as shutting in the bay is Salmonetta. 



tive, which describes the creek as having in one 
place a sandy or muddy beach (so Dr. Howson ; 
Gr. aigialos, A. V. simply " shore," ver. 39), and 
which states that the bow of the ship was held fast 
in the shore, while the stern was exposed to the 
action of the waves (ver. 41). (10.) Another point 
of local detail is of considerable interest — viz. that 
as the ship took the ground, the place was observed 
to be dithalasscs (Gr. = between two seas, A. Y. 
" where two seas met"), i. e. a connection was no- 
ticed between two apparently separate pieces of 
water. We shall see, on looking at the chart, that 
this would be the case. (11.) Malta is in the track 
of ships between Alexandria and Puteoli : and this 
corresponds with the fact that the " Castor and 
Pollux," an Alexandrian vessel which ultimately 



conveyed St. Paul to Italy, had wintered in the 
island (Acts xxviii. 11). (12.) Finally, the course 
pursued in this conclusion of the voyage, first to 
Syracuse, and then to Rhegium, contributes a last 
link to the chain of arguments by which we prove 
that Melita is Malta. Some have argued, mostly 
from the name " Adria," that the Melita where St. 
Paul was shipwrecked was the small island of that 
name, now Meleda, on the Illyrian coast of the 
Adriatic ; but the commonly received conclusion in 
favor of Malta is regarded by Dr. Howson as com- 
pletely established in 1848 by Mr. Smith, of Jordan- 
hill, in his Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. As 
regards the condition of the island of Melita, when 
St. Paul was there, it was a dependency of the 
Roman province of Sicily. Its chief officer (un 



632 



MEL 



MEM 



der the governor of Sicily) appears from inscrip- 
tions to have had the title of protos Melilaion, or 
Primus Meliteusium (Gr. and L. =: first of the Meli- 
tans or Maltese), and this is the very phrase which 
St. Luke uses (Acts xxviii. 7, A. V. "chief man of 
the island "). Melita, from its position in the Medi- 
terranean, and the excellence of its harbors, has 
always been important both in commerce and war. 
It was a settlement of the Phenicians, at an early 
perio J, and their language, in a corrupted form, con- 
tinued to be spoken there in St. Paul's day. The 
Greek colonists in Sicily are said to have taken it 
from the Phenicians ; but b. c. 402 it became sub- 
ject to the Carthaginians, and was ceded by them 
to the Romans is. c. 242. It was famous for its 
honey and fruits, cotton fabrics, building-stone, 
and a breed of dogs. A few years before St. Paul's 
visit, corsairs from Cilicia made Melita a frequent 
resort ; and through the subsequent periods of its 
history, Vandal and Arabian, it was often associated 
with piracy. The Christianity, however, introduced 
by St. Paul was never extinct. This island had a 
brilliant period (a. d. 1530-1798) under the knights 
of St. John, a military and religious fraternity to 
whom, after their expulsion from Rhodes by the 
Turks, the island of Malta was granted by the Em- 
peror Charles V. It was taken by the French under 
Bonaparte, July, 1798, and by the English in Sept., 
1800. It is still a dependency of the British crown. 

Mel ons (Heb. abattihim, or dbaltichim) are men- 
tioned only in Num. xi. 5. By the Hebrew word we 
are probably to understand both the Musk-melon 
(Cucumis Melo) and the Water-melon ( Cucurbita Ci- 
trullus), for the Arabic noun singular, batekh, which 
is identical ivith the Hebrew word, is used generi- 
cally. The water-melon is by some considered to 
be indigenous to India, from which country it may 
have been introduced into Egypt in very early 
times. The musk-mMoi ( Cucumis Melo) is culti- 




Musk-melon { Cucumis Mild). 



vated in the same places and ripens at the same 
time with the water-melon. The water-melon is 
now extensively cultivated all over India and the 
tropical parts of Africa and America, and indeed in 
hot countries generally, as well as in the United 
States. Both are too well known to need descrip- 
tion. " Nothing could be more regretted in the 
burning desert," says Thomson (ii. 261), " than I 



these delicious (water-) melons, whose exuberant 
juice is so refreshing to the thirsty pilgrim." 




Water-melon {Cucurbita Citrullus). 



Mel'zar (Heb. meltsar, probably fr. Pers. = mas- 
ter of wine, chief butler, Bohlen, Ges.). The A. V. 
is wrong in regarding Melzar as a proper name ; it 
is rather an official title, as is implied in the addi- 
tion of the article in each case where the name oc- 
curs (Dan. i. 11, 16); the marginal reading, "the 
steward," is therefore more correct. 

* Mem (Heb. mei/m, probably = water, Ges.), the 
thirteenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). 
Writing. 

Mem'mi-ns, Quin'tns (both L. ; Memmius [= Me- 
nestheus, Virgil] being the name designating a cer- 
tain Roman clan, Quintus [— fifth] a common first 
name among the Romans) (2 Mc. xi. 34). Man- 
lius, Titus. 

Mcm'phis (Gr. fr. Egyptian compounded of men 
[= foundation, station ] and nofre [= good]; va- 
riously interpreted haven [or abode] of the good, tomb 
of the good man [Osiris], gate of the blessed, &c. [so 
Dr. J. P. Thompson, the original author of this arti- 
cle]), a city of ancient Egypt, situated on the west- 
ern bank of the Nile, in latitude 30° 6' N. It is 
mentioned by Isaiah (xix. 13), Jeremiah (ii. 16, xlvi. 
14, 19), and Ezekiel (xxx. 13, 16), under the name 
of Noph ; and by Hosea (ix. 6) under the name of 
Moph in Hebrew, and Memphis in our English ver- 
sion. Though some regard Thebes as the more an- 
cient city, the monuments of Memphis are of higher 
antiquity than those of Thebes. Herodotus dates 
its foundation from Menes, the first really historical 
king of Egypt. The era of Menes is not satisfac- 
torily determined. But, indeterminate and conjec- 
tural as the early chronology of Egypt yet is, all 
agree that the known history of the empire begins 
with Menes, who founded Memphis. The city be- 
longs to the earliest periods of authentic history. 
The building of Memphis is associated by tradition 
with a stupendous work of art which has perma- 
nently changed the course of the Nile and the face 
of the Delta. Before the time of Menes, the river, 
emerging from the upper valley into the neck of the 
Delta, bent its course westward toward the hills of 
the Libyan desert, or at least discharged a large 
portion of its waters through an arm in that direc- 
tion. Here the generous flood whose yearly inun- 
dation gives life and fertility to Egypt, was largely 
absorbed in the sands of the desert, or wasted in 



MEM 

stagnant morasses. It is even conjectured that up 
to the time of Menes the whole Delta was an unin 
habitable marsh. Herodotus informs us, upon the 
authority of the Egyptian priests of his time, that 
Menes, " by banking up the river at the bend which 



MEM 633 

it forms about a hundred furlongs south of Mem- 
phis, laid the ancient channel dry, while he dug a 
new course for the stream half way between the two 
lines of hills." From his description it appears 
that, like New Orleans, Memphis was created upon 





The Sphinx and Pyramids of Memphis. 



a marsh reclaimed by the dike of Menes and 
drained by his artificial lake. The dike of Menes 
began twelve miles south of Memphis, and deflected 
the main channel of the river about two miles to 
the eastward. Upon the rise of the Nile, a canal 
still conducted a portion of its waters westward 
through the old channel, thus irrigating the plain 
beyond the city in that direction, while an inunda- 
tion was guarded against on that side by a large 
artificial lake or reservoir at Abousir. The skill in 
engineering which these works required, and which 
their remains still indicate, argues a high degree of 
material civilization, at least in the mechanic arts, 
in the earliest known period of Egyptian history. 
The climate of Memphis may be inferred from that 
of the modern Cairo — about ten miles to the N. — 
which is the most equable that Egypt affords. The 
city is said to have had a circumference of about 
nineteen miles, and the houses or inhabited quar- 
ters, as was usual in the great cities of antiquity, 
were interspersed with numerous gardens and pub- 
lic areas. Herodotus states, on the authority of the 
priests, that Menes " built the temple of Hephaes- 
tus, which stands within the city, a vast edifice, 
well worthy of mention." The divinity whom He- 
rodotus identifies with Hephaestus was Flak, " the 
creative power, the maker of all material things." 
The temple of Apis — the sacred bull (Calf) — was 
one of the most noted structures of Memphis. It 
stood opposite the southern portico of the temple 
of Ptah ; and Psammetichus, who built that gate- 
way, also erected in front of the sanctuary of Apis 
a magnificent colonnade, supported by colossal 
statues or Osiride pillars, such as may still be seen 
at the temple of Medeenet Habou at Thebes. 
Through this colonnade the Apis was led with great 
pomp upon state occasions. The place appropriated 
to the burial of the sacred bulls was a gallery some 



2,000 feet in length by 20 in height and width, 
hewn in the rock without the city. This gallery 
was divided into numerous recesses on each side ; 
and the embalmed bodies of the sacred bulls, each 
in its own sarcophagus of granite, were deposited 
in these " sepulchral stalls." At Memphis was the 
reputed burial-place of Isis ; it had also a temple 
to that " myriad-named " divinity. Memphis had 
also its Serapeium (temple of Serapis), which prob- 
ably stood in the western quarter of the city. The 
sacred cubit, and other symbols used in measuring 
the rise of the Nile, were deposited in the temple 
of Serapis. The Necropolis, adjacent to Memphis, 
was on a scale of grandeur corresponding with the 
city itself. The " city of the pyramids " is a title 
of Memphis in the hieroglyphics upon the monu- 
ments. The great field or plain of the Pyramids 
lies wholly upon the western bank of the Nile, and 
extends from Aboo-Rocish, a little to the N. W. of 
Cairo, to Meydoom, about forty miles to the S., 
and thence in a southwesterly direction about 
twenty-five miles farther, to the pyramids of Howara 
and of Biahmh in the Fayoura. But the principal 
seat of the pyramids, the Memphite Necropolis, was 
in a range of about fifteen miles from Sakkara to 
Gizch, and in the groups here remaining nearly 
thirty are probably tombs of the imperial sover- 
eigns of Memphis. The great pyramid of Gizch is 
733 feet square at the base, 456 feet in perpendicu* 
lar height, having lost about twenty-five feet of its 
original height. It is of solid stone, except a low 
core of rock, and a very small space allowed for 
chambers and passages leading to them (R. S. Poole, 
in Kitto). The Sphinx (Cherubim) measures more 
than 60 feet from the ground to the crown of the 
head, more than 100 feet around the forehead, and 
nearly 150 feet in length, all cut from the solid 
rock (Dr. J. P. Thompson, Egypt, 341). Memphis 



634 



MEM 



MEN 



long held its place as a capital ; and for centuries 
a Memphite dynasty ruled over all Egypt. Lepsius, 
Bunsen, and Brugsch, agree in regarding the 3d, 4th, 
Gth, 7th, and 8th dynasties of the Old Empire as 
Memphite, reaching through a period of about 1,000 
years. During a portion of this period, however, 
the chain was broken, or there were contemporane- 
ous dynasties in other parts of Egypt. The over- 
throw of Memphis was distinctly predicted by the 
Iljbrew prophets (Is. six. 13; Jer. xlvi. 19). The 
latest of these predictions was uttered nearly 600 
years b. c, and half a century before the invasion 
of Egypt by Cambyses (about b. c. 525). Herodotus 
informs us that Cambyses, enraged at the opposition 
he encountered at Memphis, committed many out- 
rages upon the city. The city never recovered from 
the blow inflicted by Cambyses. The rise of Alex- 
andria hastened its decline. The Caliph conquer- 
ors founded Fostat (Old Cairo) upon the opposite 
bank of the Nile, a few miles N. of Memphis, and 
brought materials from the old city to build their 
new capital (a. d. 638). At length so complete was 
the ruin of Memphis, that for a long time its very 
site was lost. 1'ococke could find no trace of it. 
Recent explorations, especially those of Messrs. Ma- 
riette and Linant, have brought to light many of its 
antiquities, which have been dispersed to the mu- 
seums of Europe and America. The dikes and 
canals of Mcnes still form the basis of the system 
of irrigation for Lower Egypt; the insignificant 
village of Meet Rahccneh occupies nearly the centre 
of the ancient capital. 

Mc-fflll cat! (Heb. fr. Pers. = flourishing in dig- 
nity or authority, Sim.), one of the seven princes of 
Persia in the reign of Ahasuerus, who " saw the 
king's face," and sat first in the kingdom (Esth. i. 
14, 16, 21). They were "wise men who knew the 
times " (skilled in the planets, according to Aben 
Ezra), and appear to have formed a council of state ; 
Josephus says that one of their offices was that of 
interpreting the laws. 

Mcu'a-liem (Heb. consoler, Ges.), son of Gadi, who 
slew the usurper Shallum and seized the vacant 
throne of Israel, b. c. 772. (Israel, Kingdom of.) 
His reign, which lasted ten years, is briefly recorded . 
in 2 K. xv. 14-22. It has been inferred from the 
expression in verse 14, " from Tirzah," that Mena- 
hem was a general under Zechariah stationed at 
Tirzah, and that he brought up his troops to Sama- 
ria and avenged the murder of his master by Shal- 
lum. He maintained the calf-worship of Jeroboam. 
The contemporary prophets, Hosea and Amos, have 
left a melancholy picture of the ungodliness, de- 
moralization, and feebleness of Israel. In the brief 
history of Menahem, his ferocious treatment of Tipii- 
s ah occupies a conspicuous place (verse 16). The 
time of the occurrence and the site of the town 
have been doubted. The act, whether perpetrated 
at the beginning of Menahem's reign or somewhat 
later, was doubtless intended to strike terror into 
the hearts of reluctant subjects. But the most re- 
markable event in Menahem's reign is the first ap- 
pearance of a hostile force of Assyrians on the K E. 
frontier of Israel. King Pul, however, withdrew, 
having been converted from an enemy into an ally 
by a timely gift of 1,000 talents of silver. Rawlin- 
son says that in an inscription the name of Mena- 
hem is given, probably by mistake of the stone-cut- 
ter, as a tributary of Tiglath-pileser. 

Me'nan (fr. Gr.), the son of Mattatha, one of the 
ancestors of Joseph in the genealogy of Jesus 
Christ (Lk. iii. 31). 



* Ble'ne, JJIc'ne, Tc'kcl, I'-phai'sin (Chal. mene, 
rnene, tekel, upliarsin = numbered, numbered, weighed, 
and dividing*, Ges.), the mysterious inscription writ- 
I ten upon the wall of Belshazzar's palace, in which 
j Daniel read the doom of the king and his dynasty 
I (Dan. v. 25 fl'.). The interpretation is given in ver. 

26-28. In ver. 28 " Peres " (a Chaldean singular 
! participle, peres — divided or broken) is substituted 
1 for " Upliarsin " (composed of the conjunction u 
and the plural participle parsin, which becomes 
pharsin when the conjunction is prefixed). There 
is in this verse a close resemblance in sound be- 
J tween the participle peres (" Peres" = divided) and 
the noun Furds (— Persia or "the Persians"). 

Mcn-e-la'ns (L. fr. Gr. = abiding [or witlislanding~\ 
people, L. & S.), a usurping high-priest who ob- 
tained the office from Antiochus Epiphanes (about 
B. c. 172) by a large bribe (2 Mc. iv. 23-25), ana 
drove out Jason, who had obtained it not long be- 
fore by similar means. He met with a violent 
death at the hands of Antiochus Eupator (about b. c. 
163), which seemed in a peculiar manner a providen- 
tial punishment of his sacrilege (xiii. 3, 4). Accord- 
ing to Josephus he was a younger brother of Jason 
4 andONiAS 3, and, like Jason, changed his proper 
name Onias (Onias 4) for a Greek name. In 2 Me. 
on the other hand, hi is called a brother of Simon 
the Benjamite (2 Mc. iv. 23.) Simon 3. 

Mc-nos'thc-ns [pron. in Gr. me-nes'thuse] (Gr. one 
who abides, L. & S.), father of Apollomius 3 (2 Mc. 
iv. 21). 

DIc'ni (Heb. mini = fate, fortune, destiny, Ges., 
Fii.). The last clause of Is. lxv. 11 is rendered in the 
A.V. " and that furnish the drink-offering unto that 
numbeiV' the marginal reading for the last word 
being " Meni." That the word so rendered is the 

I proper name of an object of idolatrous worship cul- 
tivated by the Jews in Babylon, is a supposition 
which is in accordance with the context, a-nd ha* 
every probability to recommend it. But the idei. 
tification of Meni with any known heathen god i= 
uncertain. The versions and commentators are at 
variance. In the LXX. the word is rendered " for 
tune" or " luck." (Gad 3.) The majority of com 
inentators conclude that Meni is the moon god or 
goddess, the Deus Lunus or T)ea Luna of the Ro 
mans ; masculine as regards the earth which sh< 

\ illumines, feminine with respect to the sun from 
whom she receives her light. Among those who 
have interpreted the word literally " number," may 
be reckoned Rashi and Abrabanel, who understand 

i by it the " number " of the priests who formed the 
company of revellers at the feast. Kimchi, in his 

; note on Is. lxv. 11, says of Meni, "It is a star, and 

j some interpret it of the stars which are numbered, 
and they arc the seven stars of motion," i. e. the 
planets. But Gesenius, with more probability (so 
Mr. Wright), connects Meni with mandh, one of the 
three idols worshipped by the Arabs before the time 
of Mohammed to which reference is made in the 
Koran (Sura 53), " What think ye of Allat, and AI 
Uzznh, and Martah, that other third goddess ? " Ma- 

j nah was the object of worship of " the tribes of 
Hudheyl and Khuzu'ah, who dwelt between Mecca 
and Medina, and, as some say, of the tribes of Ows, 
El-Khazraj, and Thakeek also. This idol was a 
large stone, demolished by one Saad, in the eighth 
year of the Flight, a year so fatal to the idols of 
Arabia." Meni is probably the personification of 
fate or destiny, under whatever form it was wor- 
shipped. Whether this form, as Gesenius maintains, 
was the planet Venus, known to Arabic astrologers 



MEN 



MEP 



635 



as " the lesser good fortune " (the planet Jupiter 
being the " greater "), it is impossible to say with 
certainty. 

* Men'-steal-ers — those who steal or kidnap their 
fellow-men, especially to make slaves of them (1 
Tim. i. 10). Such criminals were punished capitally, 
according to the Mosaic law (Ex. xxi. 16 ; Deut. 
xxiv. 7). Punishments ; Slave. 

* Me-nn'clia [-kah] (fr. Heb. . = place of rest, 
Ges.) (Jer. li. 59, margin). Seraiah 11. 

* Me-nn'chab (Heb. quietly, without noise or tu- 
mult, Ges.), a word (Judg. xx. 43, margin) better 
translated " with ease." Manahath. 

* Me-nu'chites (1 Chr. ii. 52, margin). Hatsi- 

HAMMENUCHOTH ; MaNAHETHITES. 

Sle-on'e-mm (Heb. pi., and see below), the Plain 
Of (Heb. elon, see Oak 3 ; Plain 7), an oak, or tere- 
binth, or other great tree, which formed a well- 
known object in central Palestine in the days of 
the Judges. It is mentioned — at least under this 
name — only in Judg. ix. 37. In what direction it 
stood with regard to Shechem we are not told. 
Meonenim, if interpreted as a Hebrew word = en- 
chanters or " observers of times," as it is elsewhere 
rendered (Deut. xviii. 10, 14 ; in Mic. v. 12 it is 
"soothsayers"). (Divination 7.) This connection 
of the name with magical arts has led to the sug- 
gestion that the tree in question is identical with 
that beneath which Jacob hid the foreign idols and 
amulets of his household, before going into the pres- 
ence of God at Bethel (Gen. xxxv. 4). But the infer- 
ence seems hardly a sound one, for me 'dnenim — not 
enchantments but enchanters, nor is there any ground 
for connecting it in any way with amulets or im- 
ages ; and there is the positive reason against the . 
identification that, while this tree seems to have 
been at a distance from the town of Shechem, that 
of Jacob was in it, or in very close proximity to it 
(so Mr. Grove). Mr. Farrar (in Kitto) suggests that 
Gaal's expression in Judg. ix. 37 may only mean that 
one company was on the road which led by the oak of 
Meonenim, that " in Shechem " may = in the district 
round the city as well as in the city itself, and that 
the name Meonenim may have originated in some 
use made of the tree by the priests and sorcerers of 
the neighboring shrine of Baal-berith (compare ver. 
46). Five trees are mentioned in connection with 
Shechem : — 1. The oak (not " plain " as in .A.V.) of 
Moreh, where Abram made his first halt and built 
his first altar in the Promised Land (Gen. xii. 6). 
2. That of Jacob, already spoken of. 3. " The oak 
v hich was in the holy place of Jehovah " (A. V. 
" an oak that was by the sanctuary of the Lord ") 
(Josh. xxiv. 26). 4. The " oak (A. V. margin, not 
' plain,' as in A. V. text) of the pillar in Shechem," 
beneath which Abimelech was made king (Judg. ix. 
6). 5. The oak of Meonenim (Mr. Grove makes 
the first four of these probably one and the same 
tree), but the oak of Meonenim (see above) a dis- 
tinct one; Mr. Farrar (in Kitto) believes the whole | 
five were the same. It is perhaps possible that I 
Meonenim may have originally been Maonim, i. e. ] 
Maonites or Mehunim. 

Me-cn'o-tliai (Heb. my dwellings, Ges.), a son of 
Othniel (1 Chr. iv. 14). 

DIepll'a-atll (Heb. splendor, or perhaps lofty place, j 
hill, Ges. ; height, eminence, Fii.), a city of the Reu- 
benites, one of the towns dependent on Heshbon 
(Josh. xiii. 18), lying in the "plain" (compare 17, 
and Jer. xlviii. 21), which probably answered to the 
modern Belka (Plain 4) ; allotted to the Merarite 
Levites (Josh. xxi. 37 ; 1 Chr. vi. 79). In Jere- 



miah's time it was occupied by the Moabites (Jer. 
xlviii. 21). Mephaath is named in the above pas- 
sages with Dibon, Jahazah, Kirjathaim, and other 
towns, which have been identified with tolerable cer- 
tainty on the N. of the Arnon ( Wady Mojeb) ; but 
no one appears yet to have discovered any name at 
all resembling it. In the time of Eusebius it was 
used as a military post. 

Hk-pllib'o-sheth (Heb. extermination of idols, Sim., 
Ges. ; utterance of Baal, or fame of Baal, Fii.), the 
name of two of Saul's family. 1. Saul's son by Riz- 
pah the daughter of Aiah, his concubine (2 Sam. xxi. 
8). He and his brother Armoni were among the 
seven victims surrendered by David to the Gibeon- 
ites, and by them crucified in sacrifice to Jehovah, 
to avert a famine from which the country was suf- 
fering. — 2. Jonathan's son and Saul's grandson 
(Merib-baal) ; nephew of the preceding. (1.) His 
life seems to have been, from beginning to end, one 
of trial and discomfort. His mother's name is un- 
known. When his father and grandfather were 
slain on Mount Gilboa he was but five years old. 
He was then living under the charge of his nurse, 
probably at Gibeah, the regular residence of Saul. 
The tidings that the army was destroyed, the king 
and his sons slain, and that the Philistines were 
sweeping all before them, reached the royal house- 
hold. The nurse fled, carrying the child on her 
shoulder. But in her panic and hurry she stumbled 
and Mephibosheth was precipitated to the ground 
with such force as to deprive him for life of the use 
of both feet (2 Sam. iv. 4). (2.) After this acci- 
dent, Mephibosheth was carried with the rest of 
his family beyond the Jordan to the mountains of 
Gilead, where he found a refuge in the house of 
Machir, the son of Ammiel, a powerful Gadite or 
Manassite chief atLo-debar, not far from Mahanaim, 
which during the reign of his uncle Ish-bosheth was 
the headquarters of his family. By Machir he was 
brought up, there he married, and there he was liv- 
ing at a later period, when David, having completed 
the subjugation of the adversaries of Israel on 
every side, had leisure to turn his attention to 
claims of other and hardly less pressing descrip- 
tions. So completely had the family of the late 
king vanished from the western side of Jordan, 
that the only person to be met with in any way re- 
lated to them was Ziba. From this man David 
learned of the existence of Mephibosheth. Royal 
messengers were sent to the house of Machir at 
Lo-debar, and by them the prince and his infant 
son Micha were brought to Jerusalem. The inter- 
view with David was marked by extreme kindness 
on the part of the king, and on that of Mephib- 
osheth by the fear and humility characteristic of 
him. He leaves the royal presence with all the 
property of his grandfather restored to him, and 
with the whole family and establishment of Ziba as 
his servants, to cultivate the land and harvest the 
produce. He himself is to be a daily guest at 
David's table. From this time forward he resided 
at Jerusalem (2 Sam. ix.). (3.) An interval of about 
seventeen years now passes, and the crisis of David's 
life arrives. Of Mephibosheth's behavior on this oc- 
casion we possess two accounts — his own (xix. 24- 
30), and that of Ziba (xvi. 1-4). They are naturally 
at variance with each other. In consequence of Ziba's 
story, that Mephibosheth was waiting in Jerusalem 
to receive from the nation his grandfather's throne, 
Ziba's loyalty and thoughtful courtesy are rewarded 
by the possessions of his master, thus once more 
reinstating him in the position from which he had 



636 



MER 



MER 



been so rudely thrust on Mephibosheth's arrival in 
Judah. Mephibosheth's story — which, however, he 
had not the opportunity of telling, until several 
days later, when he met David returning to his 
kingdom at the western bank of Jordan — was very 
different from Ziba's. He had been desirous to fly 
with his benefactor, and had ordered Ziba to make 
ready his ass ; but Ziba had deceived him, had left 
him, and in his helpless condition he had to remain 
where he was. But he had gone into the deepest 
mourning possible for his lost friend. That David 
did not disbelieve his story is shown by his revok- 
ing the judgment he had previously given. That 
he did not entirely reverse his decision, but allowed 
Ziba to retain possession of half the lands of Me- 
phibosheth, is probably due partly to weariness at 
the whole transaction, but mainly to the conciliatory 
frame of mind in which he was at that moment. 
" Shall there any man be put to death this day ? " 
is the key-note of the whole proceeding. (4.) The 
opposite view of Mephibosheth's conduct has been 
maintained with much cogency and ingenuity by the 
late Prof. Blunt in his Undesigned Coincidences. But 
when the circumstances on both sides are weighed, 
there seems to be no escape from the conclusion 
come to above (so Mr. Grove, the original author 
of this article). Mephibosheth could have had noth- 
ing to hope for from the revolution ; his story is 
throughout valid and consistent ; and the history 
states that he commenced his mourning on the very 
day of David's departure (xix. 24). Ziba, on the 
other hand, had every thing to gain and nothing to 
lose by any turn affairs might take. With regard 
to the absence of the name of Mephibosheth from 
the dying words of David, which is the main occa- 
sion of Mr. Blunt's strictures, it is natural — at any 
rate it is allowable — to suppose that, in the inter- 
val of eight years between David's return to Je- 
rusalem and his death, Mephibosh?th's painful life 
had come to an end. We may without difficulty 
believe that he did not long survive the anxieties 
a id annoyances which Ziba's treachery had brought 
upon him. 

Me'rab(Heb. increase, Ges.), the eldest daughter, 
possibly the eldest child, of King Saul (1 Sam. 
xiv. 49). She fir3t appears after the victory over 
Goliath and the Philistines, when David had be- 
come an inmate in Saul's house (xviii. 2), and im- 
mediately after the commencement of his friend- 
ship with Jonathan. In accordance with the prom 
ise which he made before the engagement with 
Goliath (xvii. 25), Saul betrothed Merab to David 
(xviii. 17). David's hesitation looks as if he did 
not much value the honor — at any rate before the 
marriage Merab's younger sister Michal had dis- 
played her attachment for David, and Merab was 
then married to Adriel the Meholathite, to whom 
she bore five sons (2 Sam. xxi. 8). The A. V. of 
this last passage is an accommodation. The He- 
brew text has " the five sons of Michal, daughter 
of Saul, which she bare to Adriel." The most 
probable solution of the difficulty is that " Michal " 
is the mistake of a transcriber for " Merab." But 
the error is very ancient. 

Me-rai'ah, or Mer-a-i'ah (Heb. rebellion against 
Jehovah, Ges.), a priest in the days of high-priest 
Joiakim, and representative of the priestly family 
of Seraiah (Nek xii. 12). 

Me-riioth [-ra'yoth] (Heb. rebellious, Ges.). 1. j 
A descendant of Eleazar the son of Aaron, and head i 
of a priestly house. It was thought by Lightfoot ! 
that he was the immediate predecessor of Eli in the 



office of high-priest. Zadok and Ezra were among 
his illustrious descendants. It is apparently an- 
: other Meraioth who comes in between Zadok and 
; Ahitub in the genealogy of Azariah (1 Chr. ix. 11 ; 
Neh. xi. 11), unless the names Ahitub and Meraioth 
are transposed, which Mr. Wright supposes not im- 
probable. — 2. The head of a priestly house which, 
in the time of high-priest Joiakim, was represented 
by Helkai (Neh. xii. 15) ; = Meremoth 3. 

Me'ran (f'r. Gr., see below). The merchants of 
Mcran and Theman are mentioned with the Ha- 
garenes (Bar. iii. 23 only) as " searchers out of 
understanding." The name is probably a corrup- 
| tion of " Medan " or " Miman." 

Me-ra'ri, or Mer'a-ri (Heb. unhappy, sorrowful, or 
my [i. e. his mother's] sorrow). 1. Third son of 
Levi, and head of the third great division of the 
Levites, viz. the Merarites, whose designation in 
; Hebrew is the same as that of their progenitor, 
only with the article prefixed. Of Merari's per- 
: sonal history, beyond the fact of his birth before 
I the descent of Jacob into Egypt, and of his being 
! one of the seventy who accompanied Jacob thither, 
' we know nothing whatever (Gen. xlvi. 8, 11). At 
the time of the Exodus, and the numbering in 
the wilderness, the Merarites consisted of two fam- 
ilies, the Mahlites and the Mushites, Mahli and 
Mushi being either the two sons, or the son and 
J grandson of Merari (1 Chr. vi. 19, 47). Their chief 
■ at that time was Zuriel, and the whole number of 
the family, from a month old and upward, was 
(5,200-; those from thirty years old to fifty were 
3,200. Their charge was the boards, bars, pillars, 
sockets, pins, and cords of the Tabernacle and the 
court, and all the tools connected with setting 
them up. In the encampment their place was to 
the N. of the Tabernacle ; and both they and the 
Gershonites were " under the hand " of Ithamar the 
son of Aaron. Owing to the heavy nature of the 
materials which they had to carry, four wagons and 
eight oxen were assigned to them ; and in the 
march both they and the Gershonites followed im- 
mediately after the standard of Judah, and before 
that of Reuben, that they might set up the Taber- 
nacle against the arrival of the Kohathites (Num. 
iii. 20, 33-37, iv. 29-33, 42-45, vii. 8, x. 17, 21). In 
the division of the land by Joshua, the Merarites 
had twelve cities assigned to them, out of Reuben, 
Gad, and Zebulun, of which one was Ramoth-gilead, 
a city of refuge, and in later times a frequent sub- 
ject of war between Israel and Syria (Josh. xxi. 7, 
34-40; 1 Chr. vi. 63, 77-81). 'in David's time 
Asaiah was their chief, and assisted with 220 of his 
family in bringing up the Ark (xv. 6). Afterward 
we find the Merarites still sharing with the two 
other Levitical families the various functions of 
their caste (xxiii. 6, 21-23, xxvi. 10, 19). In Hez- 
ekiah's time the Merarites were still flourishing, and 
Kish the son of Abdi, and Azariah the son of Je- 
halelel, took their part with their brethren of the 
two other Levitical families in promoting the ref- 
ormation, and purifying the house of the Lord (2 
Chr. xxix. 12, 15). After the return from Captiv- 
ity Shemaiah represents the sons of Merari, in 1 
Chr. ix. 14 and Neh. xi. 15. There were also at that 
time sons of Jeddtiiun under Obadiah or Abda, 
the son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. ix. 16; Neh. xi. 17). 
A little later again, when Ezra was in great want 
of Levites to accompany him on his journey from 
Babylon to Jerusalem, " a man of good under- 
standing of the sons of Mahli " was found, whose 
name, if the text here and at ver. 24 is correct, is 



MER 



MER 



637 



not given. " Jeshaiah also of the sons of Merari," I 
with twenty of his sons and brethren, came with 
him at the same time (Ezr. viii. 18, 19). But it 
seems pretty certain that Sherebiah, in ver. 18, is 
the name of the Mahlite, and both he and Hasha- 
biah as well as Jeshaiah, in ver. 19, were Levites 
of the family of Merari, and not, as the actual text 
of ver. 24 indicates, priests (so Lord A. C. Hervey). 
— 2. Father of Judith (Jd. viii. 1, xvi. 7). 

* Me-ra'ritos, or Mer'a-rites = descendants of 
Merari 1 (Num. xxvi. 57). 

Mcr-a-tha'im (fr. Heb. dual, see below), the Land 
of (Jer. 1. 21). Gesenius, &c, translate Merathaim 
as a common noun = double rebellion or contumacy, 
alluding to the country of the Chaldeans, and to the 
double captivity which first the Assyrians and then 
the Babylonians had inflicted on the nation of Israel. 
Fiirst translates Merathaim = great domination, 
violent rule ; the A. V. margin has " the rebels." 

* Mer'clian-dise, Mer'cliant. Arabia ; Commerce ; 
Fairs; Market; Money; Phenicia ; Ship, &c. 

Mer-cn'ri-us (L. = Mercury ; Gr. Hermes), prop- 
erly Hermes, the Greek deity, whom the Romans 
identified with their Mercury, the god of commerce 
and bargains. Hermes was the son of Zeus (Jupi- 
ter) and Maia the daughter of Atlas, and is con- 
stantly represented as the companion of his father 
in his wanderings upon earth. On one of these oc- 
casions they were travelling in Phrygia, and were 
refused hospitality by all save Baucis and Philemon, 
two aged peasants, of whom Ovid (Metam. viii. 620- j 
724) relates that Jupiter was so pleased with their 
hospitality that he changed their cottage into a 
magnificent temple, of which Baucis and her husband 
were made priests, and that after their death at the 
same hour, they became trees before the temple. 
This appears to have formed part of the folk-lore of 
Asia Minor, and strikingly illustrates the readiness 
with which the simple people of Lystra recognized 
in Barnabas and Paul the gods who, according to 
their wont, had come down in the likeness of men 
(Acts xiv. 11). They called Paul "Mercurius, be- 
cause he was the chief speaker;" identifying in him 
as they supposed, by this characteristic, the herald 
of the gods and of Zeus, the eloquent orator, inven- 
tor of letters, music, and the arts. He was usually 
represented as a slender, beardless youth. 

* Mer'cy (Heb. hesed or chesed, rahamim or ra- 
ch&mim ; Gr. eleos, oiklirmos) in the Scriptures is a 
development of benevolence, involving not only a 
feeling of kindness or compassion toward the needy, 
helpless, afflicted, or sinful, but also an active desire 
and endeavor to remove the evils in their case. It 
is especially an attribute of God and of the Lord 
Jesus Christ exercised toward mankind (Ex. xx. 6, 
xxxiv. 6, 7 ; 1 Tim. i. 2, &c), and is required of Chris- 
tians likewise (Lk. vi. 36 ; Col. iii. 12, &c). Atone- 
ment ; Faith ; Grace ; Justify ; Love, &c. 

jfer'cy-seat (Heb. capporeth ; Gr. hilasterion; see 
below). This appears to have been merely the lid 
of the Ark of the Covenant, not another surface 
affixed thereto. It was that whereon the blood of 
the yearly atonement was sprinkled by the high- 
priest ; and in this relation it is doubtful whether 
the sense of the word in the Hebrew is based on the 
material fact of its " covering" the Ark, or derived 
from this notion of its reference to the "covering" 
(i. e. atonement) of sin. The Greek is properly 
a neuter adjective = propitiatory, expiatory, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex. Atonement ; Atonement, Day of ; Cher- 
ubim. 

Mc'red (Heb. rebellion, Ges.), a son of Ezra, and 



descendant of Judah ; husband of Bithiah the 
daughter of Pharaoh 5 (1 Chr. iv. 17, 18). Differ- 
ent traditions identify him with Caleb and Moses. 

Mcr'e-motu (Heb. heights, Ges.). 1. Son of 
Uriah, or Urijah / the priest, of the family of Kozor 
Hakkoz, the head of the seventh course of priests 
as established by David. In Ezr. viii. 33, Meremoth 
is appointed to weigh and register the gold and sil- 
ver vessels belonging to the Temple. In rebuilding 
the wall of Jerusalem under Nehemiah we find 
Meremoth taking an active part, working between 
Jleshullam and the sons of Hassenaah who restored 
the fish-gate (Neh. iii. 4), and himself restoring the 
portion of the Temple wall on which abutted the 
house of the high-priest Eliashib (21). — 2. A layman 
of the sons of Bani, who had married a foreign wife 
(Ezr. x. 36). — 3. A priest, or more probably a fam- 
ily of priests, who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah (Neh. x. 5). In xii. 3 the name occurs, with 
many others of the same list, among those who went 
up with Zerubbabel a century before. Meraioth 2. 

Mc'rcs [-reez] (Heb. fr. Pers. = worthy, Benfey, 
Ges., Fii.), one of the seven counsellors of Ahasue- 
rus, king of Persia, " wise men which knew the 
times" (Esth. i. 14). 

Mcr'i-bah (Heb. strife, Ges.). I. In Ex. xvii. 7 
we read " he called the name of the place Massaii 
and Meribah," where the people murmured, and the 
rock was smitten. For the situation, see Rephimm. 
— 2. The name is also given to Kadesh (Num. xx. 
13, 24, xxvii. 14 ; Deut. xxii. 51, " Meribah-kadesh "), 
because there also the people, when in want of 
water, strove with God. There Moses and Aaron 
incurred the divine displeasure, because they " re- 
belled " and " sanctified not God in the midst " of 
the people. 

Mcr-ib-ba'al (Heb. contender against Baal, Ges.), 
son of Jonathan the son of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 34, ix. 
40); doubtless = Mephibosheth. For the form, 
compare Esh-baal. 

Mc-ro'daeh [-dak] (Heb. death, slaughter, Ges. ; 
bold, valiant, warlike, Fii. ; fr. Pers. = little man, as 
a term of endearment, Hitzig; man-consumer, Boh- 
len) is mentioned once only in Scripture (Jer. 1. 2). 
It has been commonly concluded from this passage 
that Bel and Merodach were separate gods ; but 
from the Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions it 
appears that this was not exactly the case. Mero- 
dach really (so Rawlinson) = the famous Babyloni- 
an Bel or Belus, the word being properly at first a 
mere epithet of the god, which by degrees super- 
seded his proper appellation. Still a certain distinc- 
tion appears to have been maintained between the 
names. The golden image in the great temple at 
Babylon seems to have been worshipped distinctly 
as Bel rather than Merodach, while other idols of 
the god may have represented him as Merodach 
rather than Bel. Astronomically Merodach = the 
planet Jupiter. 

Me-ro'daih-bal'a-dan (see Merodach and Bala- 
dan), king of Babylon in the days of Hezekiah (2 K. 
xx. 12 ; Is. xxxix. 1). In the former place he is called 
Berodach-baladan. The orthography " Merodach " 
is, however, to be preferred. The name of Mero- 
dach-baladan has been clearly recognized in the 
Assyrian inscriptions. The Canon of Ptolemy gives 
Merodach-baladan (Mardocempal) a reign of twelve 
years — from b. c. 721 to b. c. 709 — and makes him 
then succeeded by a certain Arceanus. Polyhistor 
assigns him a six months' reign, immediately before 
Elibus, or Belibus, who (according to the Canon) 
ascended the throne b. c. 702. It has commonly 



638 



MER 



MER 



been seen that these must be two different reigns, 
and that Merodach-baladan must therefore have 
been deposed in b. c. 709, and have recovered his 
throne in u. c. 702, when he had a second period of 
dominion lasting half a year. The inscriptions con- 
tain express mention of both reigns. Sargon states 
that in the twelfth year of his own reign he drove 
Merodach-baladan out of Babylon, after he had 
ruled over it for twelve years ; and Sennacherib 
tells us that in his first year he defeated and ex- 
pelled the same monarch, setting up in his place " a 
man named Belib." Putting all our notices togeth- 
er, it becomes apparent that Merodach-baladan 
was the head of the popular party, which resisted 
the Assyrian monarchs, and strove to maintain the 
independence of the country. It is uncertain 
whether he was self-raised or was the son of a for- 
mer king. In 2 K. he is styled " the son of Bala- 
dan; " but the inscriptions call him "the son of 
Yayin ;" whence it is to be presumed that Baladan 
was a more remote ancestor. There is some doubt 
as to the time at which Merodach-baladan sent his 
ambassadors to Hezekiah, for the purpose of in- 
quiring as to the astronomical marvel of which 
Judea had been the scene (2 dir. xxxii. 31). We 
prefer (so Rawlinson) to assign the embassy to Mcro- 
dach-baladan's earlier reign, and bring it within the 
period, n. c. 721-709, which the Canon assigns to 
him. Now the fourteenth year of Hezekiah, in 
which the embassy should fall (2 K, xx. 6; Is. 
xxxviii. 5), appears to have been b. c. 713. This 
was the year of Merodach-baladan's first reign. 
The real object of the mission was most likely to 
effect a league between Babylon, Judea, and Egypt 
(Is. xx. 5, 6), in order to check the growing power 
of the Assyrians. The league, however, though de- 
signed, does not seem to have taken effect. Sargon 
sent expeditions both into Syria and Babylonia — 
seized the stronghold of Ashdod in the one, and 
completely defeated Merodach-baladan in the other. 
That monarch sought safety in flight, and lived for 
eight years in exile. At last he found an opportu- 
nity to return. In b. c. 703 or 702, Babylonia was 
plunged in anarchy — the Assyrian yoke was thrown 
off, and various native leaders struggled for the 
mastery. Under these circumstances the exiled 
monarch seems to have returned, and recovered his 
throne. Merodach-baladan had obtained a body of 
troops from his ally, the king of Susiana ; but Sen- 
nacherib defeated the combined army in a pitched 
battle. Merodach-baladan fled to the " islands at 
the mouth of the Euphrates." He lost his recovered 
crown after wearing it for about six months, and 
spent the remainder of his days in exile and ob- 
scurity. 

Merom (Heb. height, high place, Ges.), the Wa'ters 
of, a place memorable in the history of the conquest 
of Palestine. Here, after Joshua had gained posses- 
sion of the southern portions of the country, a con- 
federacy of the northern chiefs assembled under the 
leadership of Jabin 1, king of Hazor (Josh, xi. 5), and 
here they were encountered by Joshua, and complete- 
ly routed (ver. 7). The name of Merom occurs no- 
where in the Bible but in this passage, nor is it 
found in Josephus. In the Onomasticon of Euse- 
bius the name is given as " Merran," and it is stated 
to be " a village twelve miles distant from Sebaste 
(Samaria), and near Dothaim." It is a remarkable 
fact that though by common consent " the waters 
of Merom " are identified with the lake through 
which the Jordan runs between Banias and the Sea 
of Galilee — theSemechonitis of Josephus, and Bahr 



] cl-Huleh of the modern Arabs — yet that identity 
' cannot be proved by any ancient record. The 
1 nearest approach to proof is an inference from the 
j statement of Josephus (v. 5, § 1), that the second 
Jabin (Judg. iv., v.) belonged to the city Asor 
! (Hazor), which lay above the Lake of Semechonitis 
| (compare Josh. vi. 5, 7, 10 ; Judg. iv. 2). The re- 
gion to which the name of Huleh 1 is attached — the 
Ard el-Huleh( = land or province of Huleh, Porter in 
Kitto) — is a depressed plain or basin, commencing 
on the N. of the foot of the slopes which lead up to 
the Merj ''Ayun and Tell el-Kddy, and extending 
southward to the bottom of the lake which bears the 
same name — Bahr el-HMeh. On the E. and W. it is 
enclosed between two parallel ranges of hills ; on 
the W. the highlands of Upper Galilee — the Jebel 
Sufat ; and on the E. a broad ridge or table land 
of basalt, thrown off by the southern base of Her- 
mon, and extending downward beyond the Huleh 
till lost in the high ground E. of the Lake of Tiberias. 
The latter rises abruptly from the low ground, but 
the hills on the western side break down more grad- 
ually, and leave a tract of undulating table-land of 
varying breadth between them and the plain. This 
basin is in all about fifteen miles long and four to five 
wide, and thus occupies an area about equal to that 
of the Lake of Tiberias. It is the receptacle for the 
drainage of the highlands on each side, but more 
especially for the waters of the Merj ' 'Ayun, an 
elevated plateau which lies above it amongst the 
roots of the great northern mountains of Palestine. 
In fact, the whole district is an enormous swamp, 
probably at one time all covered with water, and even 
now in the rainy season mostly submerged. In form 
the lake is not far from a triangle, the base being at 
the N. and the apex at the S., where the Jordan 
flows out. It measures about three miles in each 
direction. Its level is placed by Van de Velde at 
120 feet above the Mediterranean. The French ex- 
pedition in 1864 made it 469 feet above the Medi- 
terranean. (Jordan.) The lake is fed by the Jordan, 
Mi« el-Mclldhah (a large fountain near the upper 
end of its western side), and numerous other springs 
and streams. The water of the lake is clear and 
sweet; it is covered in part by abroad-leaved plant, 
and abounds in water-fowl. Owing to its triangular 
form, a considerable space is left between the lake 
and the mountains at its lower end. This appears 
to be more the case on the W. than on the E., and 
the rolling plain thus formed is very fertile, and 
cultivated to the water's edge. Supposing the lake 
to be identical with the " waters of Merom," the 
plain just spoken of on its southwestern margin is the 
only spot which could have been the site of Joshua's 
victory, though, as the Canaanites chose their own 
ground, it is difficult to imagine that they would 
have encamped in a position from which there was 
literally no escape. But this only strengthens the 
difficulty already expressed as to the identification. 
Still the district of the Huleh will always possess 
an interest for the Biblical student, from its con- 
nection with the Jordan, and from the cities of an- 
cient fame on its border — Kedesh, Hazor, Dan or 
Laish, Cesarea Philippi, &c. 

Me-ro'notli-ite (fr. Heb.), the = the native of a 
place called probably Meronoth, of which, however, 
no further traces have yet been discovered. Two 
Meronothites are named in the Bible : — Jehdeiah, 
who had the charge of the royal asses of King 



1 fit- Huleh is probably a very ancient name, derived 
from or connected w ith Hul, son of Aram (Gen. x. 23). 



MER 



MES 



639 



David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30); and 2. Jadon, one of 
those who assisted in the repair of the wall of Jeru- 
salem after the Captivity (Neh. iii. 7). 

Me'roz (Heb. probably = refuge, Ges.), a place 
mentioned only in the Song of Deborah and Barak 
in Judg. v. 23, and there denounced because its in- 
habitants had refused to take any part in the strug- 
gle with Sisera. Meroz must have been in the 
neighborhood of the Kishon, but its real position is 
not known : possibly it was destroyed in obedience 
to the curse. A place named Merrus (but Eusebius 
Merrhan) is named by Jerome ( Onom. "Merrom") 
as twelve miles N. of Sebaste, near Dothain, but this 
is too far S. to have been near the scene of the con- 
flict. Far more feasible (so Mr. Grove) is the con- 
jecture of Schwarz, that Meroz is to be found at 
Merasas — more correctly el-Murussus — a ruined site 
about four miles N. W. of Beisdn (Beth-shean). 
Wilson (ii. 89) identifies Meroz with Kefr Musr, a 
village two or three miles S. of Mount Tabor, and 
Van de Velde and Von Raumer favor this (Kitto, 
Fairbairn). 

Me'rmtk (fr. Gr.), a corruption of Immer 1 (1 Esd. 
v. 24). 

Me'sech [-sek] (fr. Ileb.) = Meshech 1 (Ps. cxx. 
5). 

Me'sha (Heb. retreat? Ges.), the name of one of 
the geographical limits of the Joktanites when they 
first settled in Arabia (Gen. x. 30). Mesha and 
Sephar (so Mr. E. S. Poole) must have fallen within 
tlie southwestern quarter of the peninsula; includ- 
ing the modem Yemen on the W., and the districts 
of 'Oman, Mahreh, Shihr, &c, as far as Hadramawt, 
on the E. If Mesha was the western limit of the 
Joktanites, it must be sought for in northwestern 
Yemen. The seaport called Moitsa or Mouza, men- 
tioned by Ptolemy, Pliny, Arrian, &c., presents the 
most probable site (so Mr. Poole, with Bochart, 
Niebuhr, and Ritter). It was a town of note in 
classical times, but has since fallen into decay, if 
the modern Moosa (situate in about 13 c 40' N. lat., 
43° 20' E. long.) be the same place. Michaelis, 
Rosenmliller, Gesenius, and Kalisch would identify 
Mesha with Mesene, once an island, now a portion 
of the delta at the mouth of the Tigris ; Knobel 
and Fiirst with the place and valley called Beisha or 
Bisha in the N. of Yemen ; Mr. Forster, with the 
Zames range or Nejd mountains running S.W. from 
near the Persian Gulf. Porter (in Kitto) favors the 
last. 

He'slia (Heb. deliverance, Ges. ; see No. 3 below). 
1. The king of Moab in the reigns of Ahab and his 
sons Ahaziah and Jehoram, kings of Israel (2 K. 
iii. 4), and tributary to the first. When Ahab had 
fallen in battle at Ramoth-gilead, Mesha seized the 
opportunity afforded by the confusion consequent 
upon this disaster, and the feeble reign of Ahaziah, 
to shake off the yoke of Israel and free himself 
from the burdensome tribute of 100,000 wethers 
(A. V. " lambs ; " see Lamb 4) and 100,000 rams 
with their wool. The country E. of the Jordan was 
rich in pasture for cattle (Num. xxxii. 1), the chief 
wealth of the Moabites consisted in their large 
flocks of sheep, and the king of this pastoral people 
is described as " a sheep-master," or owner of 
herds. (Shepherd.) When Jehoram 1 succeeded 
to the throne of Israel, one of his first acts was to 
secure the assistance of Jehoshaphat in reducing 
the Moabites to their former condition of tributaries. 
The Moabites were defeated, and the king took ref- 
use in his last stronghold and defended himself 
with the energy of despair. With 700 fighting men 



he made a vigorous attempt to cut his way through 
the beleaguering army, and when beaten back he 
withdrew to the wall of his city, and there, in sight 
of the allied host, offered his first-born son, his suc- 
cessor in the kingdom, as a burnt-offering to Che- 
mosh, the ruthless fire-god of Moab. His bloody sac- 
rifice had so far the desired effect that the besiegers 
retired from him to their own land. There appears 
to be no reason for supposing that the son of the 
king of Edom was the victim on this occasion. It 
is more natural, and renders the narrative more 
vivid and consistent, to suppose that the king of 
Moab, finding his last resource fail him, endeavored 
to avert the wrath and obtain the aid of his god by 
the most costly sacrifice in his power. — 2. Eldest 
son of Caleb the son of Hezron by his wife Azubah, 
as Kimchi conjectures ; " father " (i. e. prince or 
founder) of Ziph (1 Chr. ii. 42). (Mareshah 2.) — 
3. (Heb. retreat, Ges.). A Benjamite, son of Sha- 
haraim, by his wife Hodesh, who bare him in the 
land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 9). 

Me shatil [-shak] (fr. Pers. = guest of the Shah, 
Ges. ; properly ram, then the name of the sun-god 
of the Chaldeans, Fii.), the name given to Mishael 3, 
one of Daniel's three companions, of the blood- 
royal of Judah, chosen from among the captives to 
be taught " the learning and the tongue of the 
Chaldeans " (Dan. i. 4), so that they might be qual- 
ified to " stand before " King Nebuchadnezzar (ver. 
5) as his personal attendants and advisers (ver. 20). 
Upon Daniel's promotion, his three companions, by 
his influence, were set " over the affairs of the prov- 
ince of Babylon "(ii. 49). But notwithstanding their 
Chaldean education, these three young Hebrews 
were strongly attached to the religion of their 
fathers ; and their refusal to join in the worship of 
the image on the plain of Dura gave a handle of 
accusation to the Chaldeans. The rage of the king, 
the swift sentence of condemnation passed upon 
the three offenders, their miraculous preservation 
from the fiery furnace heated seven times hotter 
than usual, the king's acknowledgment of the God 
of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, with their 
restoration to office, are written in Dan. iii., and 
there the history leaves them. 

Mc'shccll [-shekj (Heb. a drawing out, selection, 
Sim. ; a drawing, possession, Ges.). 1. A son of 
Japheth (Gen. x. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 5), and the progenitor 
of a race frequently noticed in Scripture in connec- 
tion with Tubal, Magog, and other northern nations. 
(Tongues, Confusion of.) They appear as allies of 
Gog (Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, xxxix. 1), and as supplying the 
Tyrians with copper and slaves (xxvii. 13); in Ps. 
cxx. 5 (A. V. " Mesech "), they are noticed as one of 
the remotest, and at the same time rudest nations of 
the world. Both the name (the LXX. and Vulgate 
have Mosoch) and the associations favor the identifi- 
cation of Meshech with the Moschi, a people regarded 
on very sufficient grounds (so Rawlinson, Essay xi. in 
App. to Hdt. i.) as the ancestors of the Muscovites, 
who built Moscow, and still give name to Russia 
through the East. The position of the Moschi in the 
age of Ezekiel was probably the same as is described 
by Herodotus (iii. 94), viz. on the borders of Colchis 
and Armenia, where a mountain-chain connecting 
Anti-Taurus with Caucasus, was named after them 
the Moschici Monies, and where was also a district 
named by Strabo Moschice. The Moschi were once 
one of the most powerful nations of Western Asia, 
and not improbably occupied the whole of the dis- 
trict afterward named Cappadocia. The Assyrian 
monarchs had frequent wars with them. In the 



G40 MES 

Assyrian inscriptions the name appears under the 
form of Muskai. — 2. Mash (1 Chr! i. 17). 

Mo-sliel-e-Uli'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah repays 
or treats as a friend, Ges.), a Korhite, son of Kore, 
of the sons of Asaph, who, with his seven sons and 
his brethren, was a porter or gate-keeper of the 
house of Jehovah in David's reign (1 Chr. ix. 21, 
xxvi. 1, 2, 9) ; = Siielemiah 6. 

Mc-slicz'a-l)pel (fr. Heb. = delivered of God, Ges.). 

1. Ancestor of Meshullam 13 (Neh. iii. 4). — 2. One 
of the " heads of the people," probably a family, 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 21). — 
3. Father of Pethahiah, and descendant of Zerah 
the son of Judah (xi. 24). 

Mc-sliil'le-niith (Heb. = Meshillemoth, Ges., Fii.), 
son of Immer, a priest, and ancestor of Amashai or 
Maasiai (Neh. xi. 13), and of Pashur and Adaiah (1 
Chr. ix. 12) ; = Meshillemoth 2. 

Mo-Sllil lf-moth (Heb. those who requite, Ges. ; re- 
quital, Fii.). 1, An Ephraimite, ancestor of Bcr- 
echiab, a chief under Pekah (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). — 

2. Meshillemith (Neh. xi. 13). 

* Me-sho'bab (Heb. returned, Ges.), one of the Sim- 
eonite princes in Hezekiah's reign who smote the 
Hamites of Gedor 5 (1 Chr. iv. 34). 

Dle-shnl'lam (Heb. friend, sc. of God). 1. Ances- 
tor of Shaphan the scribe (2 K. xxii. 3). — 2. Son of 
Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19).— 3. A Gadite chief in 
Bashan in the reign of Jotham king of Judah (v. 
13). — I. A Benjamite chief, of the sons of Elpaal 
(viii. 17). — 5. A Benjamite, son of Hodaviah or 
Joed, and father of Sa'llu (ix. 7; Neh. xi. 7). — 6. A 
Benjamite chief, who lived at Jerusalem after the 
Captivity; son of Shephathiah (1 Chr. ix. 8). — T. 
The same as Shallum 6, high-priest and father of 
Hilkiah (ix. 11; Neh. xi. 11).— 8. A priest, son of 
Meshillemith (1 Chr. ix. 12). — 9. A Kohathite Le- 
vite in Josiah's reign, an overseer of the workmen in 
restoring the Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). — 10. One 
of the " heads " (A. V. " chief men ") sent by Ezra 
to Iddo, to gather together the Levites to join the 
caravan about to return to Jerusalem (Ezr. viii. 16) ; 
perhaps the same as — 11. A chief man in Ezra's 
time, probably a Levite, who assisted Jonathan and 
Jahaziah in examining the marriages which some 
of the people had contracted with foreign wives (x. 

15) . — 12. One of the descendants of Bani, who had 
married a foreign wife and put her away (x. 29). — 
13. Son of Berechiah and probably a priest, assisted 
in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem as well as the 
Temple wall, adjoining which he had his "chamber," 
and his daughter was married to Johanan, the son 
of Tobiah the Ammonite (Neh. iii. 4, 30, vi. 18) ; 
compare No. 15, 16. — 14. Son of Besodeiah: he as- 
sisted Jehoiada, the son of Paseah, in restoring the 
old gate of Jerusalem (iii. 6). — 15. One, probably a 
priest or Levite, who stood at the left hand of Ezra 
when he read the Law to the people (viii. 4) ; perhaps 
the same as — 16. A priest who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (x. 7); compare No. 13. — 17. One 
of the heads of the people who sealed the covenant 
with Nehemiah (ver. 20). — 18. A priest, chief of the 
house of Ezra, in the days of high-priest Joiakim 
(xii. 13). — 19. A priest in the days of high-priest 
Joiakim, and head of the family of Ginnethon (ver. 

16) . — 20. A porter, or family of porters (ver. 25); 
compare Shallum 8, 9. — 21. One of the princes of 
Judah, or priests (compare No. 13, 15, 16, above), 
who took part at the dedication of the wall of Je- 
rusalem (xii. 33). 

Mc-shul'le-meUl (Heb. friend, sc. of God, Ges.), 
daughter of Haruz of Jotbah ; wife of Manasseh, 



MES 

king of Judah, and mother of his successor Anion 

(2 K. xxi. 19). 

Mc-so'ba-ite (Heb. Mitsobdyah — gathering-place 
of Jehovah, Fii.), tile, a title of Jasiel (1 Chr. xi. 
47 only). The word retains strong traces of Zobah, 
one of the petty Aramite kingdoms (so Mr. Grove). 
Gesenius and Fiirst make it the name of a place 
otherwise unknown. 

Mes-O-po-ta'mia (Gr. the country between rivers) 
is the ordinary Greek and English rendering of 
Aram-naharaim or Syria of the two rivers, where- 
of we have frequent mention in the earlier books 
of Scripture (Gen. xxiv. 10; Deut. xxiii. 4; Judg. 
iii. 8, 10). (Aram.) If we look to the signification 
of the name, we must regard Mesopotamia as the 
entire country between the two rivers — the Tigris 
and the Euphrates. This is a tract nearly 700 
miles long, and from 20 to 250 miles broad, extend- 
ing in a southeasterly direction from Telek Hat. 38' 
23', long. 39 3 18') to Kumah (lat. 31% long. 47° 30'). 
The Arabian geographers term it the Island, a name 
almost literally correct, since a few miles only inter- 
vene between the source of the Tigris and the 
Euphrates at Telek. It is for the most part a vast 
plain, but is crossed about its centre by the range 
of the Sinjar hills, running nearly E. and W. from 
about Mosul to a little below Rakkeh ; and in its 
northern portion it is even mountainous, the upper 
Tigris valley being separated from the Mesopotamian 
plain by an important range, the Mom Masius of 
Strabo, which runs from Birehjik to Jezireh. This 

j district is always charming ; but the remainder of 
the region varies greatly according to circumstances. 

I (Assyria ; Babel ; Chaldea.) The region which 

' bears the name of Mesopotamia by way of eminence, 
both in Scripture and in the classical writers (so 
Rawlinson, and most scholars), is the northwestern 
portion of the tract already described, or the coun- 
try between the great bend of the Euphrates (lat. 
35' to 37° 30') and the upper Tigris. It consists 
of the mountain country extending from Birehjik to 
Jezireh upon the N. ; and upon the S. of the great 
undulating Mesopotamian plain, as far as the Sinjar 

j hills, and the river Khabour. The northern range, 
called by the Arabs Karajah Dagh toward the W., 
and Jebcl, Tur toward the E., does not attain to any 
great elevation. The streams from the N. side 
of this range are short, and fall mostly into the 
Tigris. Those from the S. flow down at very mod- 
erate intervals along the whole course of the range 
and gradually collect into two considerable rivers — 
the Belik (ancient Bilichus), and the Khabour (Habor 
or Chaboras) — which empty themselves into the 
Euphrates. S. of the mountains is the great plain 
already described, which between the Khabour and 
the Tigris is interrupted only by the Sinjar range, 
but W. of the Khabour is broken by several spurs 
from the Karajah Dagh, having a general direction 
from N. to S. Besides Orfa and Harran (Haran; 
Ur), the chief cities of modern Mesopotamia are 
Mardin and Nisibin, S. of the Jebel Tur, and Diar- 
bekr, N. of that range, upon the Tigris. Of these 
places two, Nisibin and Diarbekr, were important 
from a remote antiquity, Nisibin being then Nisibis, 
and Diarbekr, Amida. We first hear of Mesopo- 
tamia in Scripture as the country where Nahor and 
his family settled after quitting Ur of the Chaldees 
(Gen. xxiv. 10). Here lived Bethuel and Laban ; 
and hither Abraham sent his servant, to fetch Isaac 
a wife " of his own kindred " (ver. 38). Hither, 
too, a century later, came Jacob on the same er- 
rand ; and hence he returned with his two wives 



MES 



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G41 



after an absence of twenty-one years. After this 
we have no mention of Mesopotamia till the close 
of the wanderings in the wilderness (Deut. xxiii. 
4). (Balaam.) About half a century later, we find, 
for the first and last time, Mesopotamia the seat 
of a powerful monarchy (Judg. iii.). (Chushan- 
eishathaim.) Finally, the children of Ammon, hav- 
ing provoked a war with David, " sent a thousand 
talents of silver to hire them chariots and horse- 
men out of Mesopotamia, and out of Syria-maachah, 
and out of Zobah " (1 Chr. xix. 6). Mesopotamia 
is mentioned in the N. T. in Acts ii. 9, vii. 2. Ac- 
cording to the Assyrian inscriptions, Mesopotamia 
was inhabited in the early times of the empire 
(b. C. 1200-1100) by a vast number of petty tribes, 
each under its own prince, and all quite indepen- 
dent of one another. The Assyrian monarchs con- 
tended with these chiefs at great advantage, and 
by the time of Jehu (b. c. 880) had fully estab- 
lished their dominion over them. The tribes were 
all called " tribes of the Nairi," a term which 
some compare with the Naharaim of the Jews, and 
translate " tribes of the stream-lands." But this 
identification is very uncertain. It appears, how- 
ever, (1.) that Mesopotamia was independent of 
Assyria till after David's time; (2.) that the Mes- 
opotamians were warlike, and used chariots in 
battle; and (3.) that not long after David's time 
they lost their independence, their country being ab- 
sorbed by Assyria. On the destruction of the As- 
syrian empire, Mesopotamia seems to have been 
divided between the Medes and the Babylonians. 
The conquests of Cyrus brought it wholly under 
the Persian yoke; and thus it continued to 
the time of Alexander the Great At Alexan- 
der's death it fell to Seleucus, and formed a part 
of the great Syrian kingdom till wrested from An- 
tiochus V. by the Parthians, about b. c. 160. Tra- 
jan conquered it a. d. 115, and formed it into a 
Roman province ; but Adrian relinquished it A. D. 
117. It was afterward more than once reconquered 
by Rome, but reverted to the Persians, a d. 363. 
Since about a. d. 640 it has been, with various 
changes, mostly under Mohammedan sway. (Ara- 
bia.) It is now a part of the Turkish empire. — 
Dr. Beke, whose view is favored by Dr. W. L. Alex- 
ander (in Kitto), Ayre, &c, maintains that the 
" Aram-naharaim " or " Mesopotamia " and the 
" Padan-aram " of the Scriptures were in the region 
of Damascus, between the rivers Abana and Phar- 
par. Haran. 

* Mes'scn-gcr. Angel ; Apostle ; Epistle ; Foot- 
man 2 ; Messiah ; Prophet, &c. 

Mes-si'ah (fr. Heb. m&shiah or mashiach — 
anointed — Christ). This word is applicable in its 
first sense to any one anointed with the holy oil. 
(Anointing.) It is applied to the high-priest in 
Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16. The kings of Israel were called 
anointed, from the mode of their consecration (1 
Sam. ii. 10, 35, xii. 3, 5, &c). This word also re- 
fers to the expected Prince of the chosen people 
w r ho was to complete God's purposes for them, and 
to redeem them, and of whose coming the prophets 
of the old covenant in all time spoke. It is twice 
used in the N. T. of Jesus (Jn. i. 41, iv. 25, A. V. 
" Messias ") ; but the equivalent "the Christ" 
(from the Greek) is constantly applied, first with the 
article as a title = the Anointed One, later without 
the article, as a proper name, Jesus Christ. Three 
points belong to this subject: 1. The expectation 
of a Messiah among the Jews ; 2. The expectation 
of a suffering Messiah (Saviour) ; 3. The nature 
41 



and power of the expected Messiah (Son of God) 
The present article will contain a rapid survey of 
the first point only. The earliest gleam of the 
Gospel is found in the account of the fall (Gen. iii. 
15). (Adam.) Many interpreters understand by 
the seed of the woman, the Messiah only ; but it is 
easier to think with Calvin that mankind, after they 
are gathered into one army by Jesus the Christ, the 
Head of the Church, are to achieve a victory over 
evil. The blessings in store for the children of 
Shem are remarkably indicated in the words of Noah, 
" Blessed be the Lord God of Shem," or literally 
"Blessed be Jehovah the God of Shem" (ix. 26). 
Next follows the promise to Abraham, wherein the 
blessings to Shem are turned into the narrower 
channel of one family (xii. 2, 3). The promise is 
still indefinite ; but it tends to the undoing of the 
curse of Adam, by a blessing to all the earth 
through the seed of Abraham, as death had come 
on the whole earth through Adam. A great step is 
made in Gen. xlix. 10, " The sceptre shall not depart 
from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, 
until Shiloh come ; and unto him shall the gather- 
ing of the people be." This is the first case in 
which the promises distinctly centre in one person. 
The next passage usually quoted is the prophecy of 
Balaam (Num. xxiv. 17-19). The star points indeed 
to the glory, as the sceptre denotes the power 
of a king. But it is doubtful whether the proph- 
ecy is not fulfilled in David (2 Sam. viii. 2, 14) ; and 
though David is himself a type of Christ, the direct 
Messianic application of this place is by no means 
certain. The prophecy of Moses (Dent, xviii. 18) 
claims attention. Does this refer to the Messiah ? 
The reference to Moses in Jn. v. 45-47, " He wrote 
of me," seems to point to this passage. On the 
other hand, many critics would fain find here the 
divine institution of the whole prophetic order. 
Hengstenberg thinks it does promise that an order 
of prophets should be sent, but that the singular 
("a prophet") is used in direct reference to the 
greatest of the prophets, Christ Himself, without 
whom the words would not have been fulfilled. 
The passages in the Pentateuch which relate to 
" the Angel of the Lord " have been thought by 
many to bear reference to the Messiah. — The second 
period of Messianic prophecy would include the 
time of David. Passages in the Psalms are numer- 
ous which are applied to the Messiah in the N. T. ; 
e. g. Ps. ii., xvi., xxii., xl., ex. Other Psalms quoted 
in the N. T. appear to refer to the actual history of 
another king, but may have an ulterior reference to 
the Messiah ; e. g. Ps. xlv., lxviii., lxix., lxxii. The 
advance in clearness in this period is great. The 
name of Anointed, i. e. King, comes in, and the 
Messiah is to come of the lineage of David. Be is 
described in His exaltation, with His great kingdom 
that shall be spiritual rather than temporal (Ps. ii., 
xxi., xl., ex.). He is seen in suffering and humilia- 
tion (xxii., xvi., xl.). — After the time of David 
the predictions of the Messiah ceased for a time ; 
until those prophets arose whose works we possess 
in the canon of Scripture. This third period lasts 
from the reign of Uzziah to the Babylonish Captiv- 
ity. The Messiah is a king and ruler of David's 
house, who shall come to reform and restore the 
Jewish nation and purify the church, as in Is. xi., 
xl.-lxvi. The blessings of the restoration, however, 
will not be confined to Jews ; the heathen are made 
to share them fully (Is. ii., Ixvi.). Mic. v. 2 (comp. 
Mat. ii. 6) left no doubt in the mind of the Sanhe- 
drim as to the birthplace of the Messiah. The line- 



642 



MES 



MET 



age of David is again alluded to in Zech. xii. 10-14. 
The time of the second Temple is fixed by Hag. ii. 
9 for Messiah's coming ; the " seventy weeks " of 
Dan. ix. 24 tf. still more definitely pointed out the 
period (see Week) ; and the coming of the Forerun- 
ner and of the Anointed are clearly revealed in Mai. 
iii. 1, iv. 5, 6. — The fourth period (after the close of 
the canon of the 0. T.) is known to us in a great 
measure from allusions in the N. T. to the expecta- 
tion of the Jews. The Pharisees and those of the 
Jews who expected Messiah at all, looked for a tem- 
poral prince only. The apostles themselves were 
infected with this opinion, till after the Resurrection 
(Mat. xx. 20, 21 ; Lk. xxiv. 21 ; Acts i. 6). Gleams 
of a purer faith appear, Lk. ii. 30, xxiii. 42 ; Jn. iv. 
25. On the other hand there was a skeptical school 
which had discarded the expectation altogether. 
The expectation of a golden age that should return 
upon the earth, was common in heathen nations. 
This hope the Jews also shared ; but with them it 
was associated with the coming of a particular per- 
son, the Messiah. It has been asserted that in Him 
the Jews looked for an earthly king, and that the 
existence of the hope of the Messiah may thus be 
accounted for on natural grounds and without a 
divine revelation. But the prophecies refute this : 
they hold out not a Prophet only, but a King and a 
Priest, whose business it should be to set the people 
free from sin, and to teach them the ways of God, 
as in Ps. xxii., xL, ex. ; Is. ii., xi., liii. In these and 
other places too the power of the coming One reaches 
beyond the Jews and embraces all the Gentiles, 
which is contrary to the exclusive notions of Judaism. 
A fair consideration of all the passages will convince 
that the growth of the Messianic idea in the proph- 
ecies is owing to revelation from God (2 Pet. i. 19- 

21) . Inspiration ; Prophet. 

Mes-si'as (Gr.) = Messiah (Jn. i. 41 ; iv. 25). 

Metals. The Hebrews, in common with other 
ancient nations, were acquainted with nearly all the 
metals known to modern metallurgy, whether as the 
products of their own soil or the results of inter- 
course with foreigners. One of the earliest geograph- 
ical definitions is that which describes the coun- 
try of Havilah as the land which abounded in gold, 
and the gold of which was good (Gen. ii. 11, 12). 
The first artist in metals was a Cainite, Tubal Cain, 
the son of Lamech, the forger or sharpener of every 
instrument of copper (A. V. "brass") and iron (iv. 

22) . " Abram was very rich in cattle, in silver, and 
in gold" (xiii. 2); silver being the medium of com- 
merce (Money), while gold existed in the shape of 
ornaments, during the patriarchal ages. Tin is first 
mentioned among the spoils of the Midianites taken 
when Balaam was slain (Num. xxxi. 22), and lead 
is used to heighten the imagery of Moses' triumphal 
song (Ex. xv. 10). Whether the ancient Hebrews 
were acquainted with steel, properly so called, is 
uncertain; the words so rendered in the A. V. (2 
Sam. xxii. 35 ; Job xx. 24 ; Ps. xviii. 34 ; Jer. xv. 
12) are in all other passages translated brass, and 
would be more correctly copper. The " northern 
iron " of Jer. xv. 12 is believed by commentators to 
be iron hardened and tempered by some peculiar 
process, so as more nearly to correspond with what 
we call steel ; and the " flaming torches " of Nah. ii. 
3 are probably the flashing steel scythes of the war- 
chariots which should come against Nineveh. Be- 
sides the simple metals, it is supposed that the He- 
brews used the mixture of copper and tin known as 
bronze, and probably in all cases in which copper or 
" brass " is mentioned as in any way manufactured, 



bronze is to be understood as the metal indicated. 
(Amber.) With the exception of iron, gold is the 
most widely dilfused of all metals. Almost every 
country in the world has in its turn yielded a certain 
supply, and as it is found most frequently in alluvial 
soil, among the debris of rocks washed down by the 
torrents, it was known at a very early period, and 
was procured with little difficulty. We have no 
indications of gold streams or mines in Palestine. 
The Hebrews obtained their principal supply from 
Southern Arabia, and the commerce of the Persian 
Gulf. It was probably brought in form of ingots 
(Josh. vii. 21 ; A. V. "wedge," lit. tongue), and was 
rapidly converted into articles of ornament and use. 
(Ornaments, Personal, &c.) The great abun- 
dance of gold in early times is indicated by its 
entering into the composition of every article of or- 
nament and almost all of domestic use. Among the 
spoils of the Midianites taken by the Israelites in 
their bloodless victory when Balaam was slain, were 
ear-rings and jewels to the amount of 16,750 shekels 
of gold (Num. xxxi. 48-54), equal in value to about 
$150,000 of our present money. 1,700 shekels of 
gold (worth more than $15,000) in nose-jewels 
(A. V. " ear-rings ") alone were taken by Gideon's 
army from the slaughtered Midianites (Judg. viii. 
26). These numbers, though large, are not incredi- 
bly great, when we consider that the country of the 
Midianites was at that time rich in gold streams, 
since exhausted, and that like the Malays of the 
present day, and the Peruvians of the time of Pi- 
zarro, they carried most of their wealtii about them. 
But the amount of treasure accumulated by David 
from spoils taken in war, is so enormous, that we 
are tempted to conclude the numbers exaggerated. 
(Abijah 1.) From the gold shields of Hadadezer's 
army, &c, he had collected (1 Chr. xxii. 14) 100,000 
talents of gold and 1,000,000 of silver; to these 
must be added his own contribution of 3,000 talents 
of gold and 7,000 of silver (xxix. 2-4), and the ad- 
ditional offerings of the people, the total value of 
which is reckoned at nearly $4,500,000,000. The 
numbers given by Josephus (vii. 14, § 2) are only 
one-tenth of those in 1 Chronicles, but the sum 
is still enormous. Though gold was thus com- 
mon, silver appears to have been the ordinary 
medium of commerce. The first commercial trans- 
action of which we possess the details was the 
purchase of Ephron's field by Abraham for 400 
shekels of silver (Gen. xxiii. 16); and generally in 
the O. T. " money " in the A. V. is literally silver 
(xvii. 12, xx. 16, xxvii. 28, &c). The first payment 
in gold is mentioned in 1 Chr. xxi. 25, where David 
buys the threshing-floor of Araunah for 600 shekels 
of gold by weight. With this exception there is no 
case in the O. T. in which gold is alluded to as a 
medium of commerce ; the Hebrew coinage may 
have been partly gold, but we have no proof of it. 
Silver was brought into Palestine in the form of 
plates from Tarshish, with gold and ivory (1 K. x. 
22 ; 2 Chr. ix. 21 ; Jer. x. 9). The accumulation 
of wealth in the reign of Solomon was so great that 
silver was but little esteemed; "the king made sil- 
ver to be in Jerusalem as stones " (1 K. x. 21, 27). 
With the treasures brought out of Egypt, not only 
the ornaments but the ordinary metal-work of the 
tabernacle were made. (Tabernacle ; Temple.) From 
a comparison of the different amounts of gold and 
silver collected by David, it appears that the propor- 
tion of the former to the latter was one to nine nearly. 
" Brass," or more properly copper, was a native 
product of Palestine, " a land whose stones are 



MET 



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643 



iron, and out of whose hills thou mayest dig copper " 
(A. V. "brass;" Deut. viii. 9; Job xxviii. 2). It 
was so plentiful in the days of Solomon that the 
quantity employed in the Temple could not be esti- 
mated, it was so great (1 K. vii. 47). There is 
strong reason to believe that brass, a mixture of 
copper and zinc, was unknown to the ancients. To 
zinc no allusion is found. But tin was well known, 
and from the difficulty which attends the toughen- 
ing pure copper so as to render it fit for hammering, 
it is probable that the mode of deoxidizing copper by 
the admixture of small quantities of tin had been 
early discovered. Arms (2 Sam. xxi. 16; Job xx. 
24; Ps. xviii. 34) and armor (1 Sam. xvii. 5, 6, 38) 
were made of this metal, which was capable of being 
so wrought as to admit of a keen and hard edge. 
The Egyptians employed it in cutting the hardest 
granite. (Handicraft; Tool.) Iron, like copper, 
was found in the hills of Palestine. The " iron 
mountain " in the Transjordanic region is described 
by Josephus (B. J. iv. 8, § 2), and was remarkable 
for producing a particular kind of palm. Iron- 
mines are still worked by the inhabitants of Kefr 
Huneh in the ,S. of the valley Zahardni, between 
Hdsbeiya and Sidon. Tin and lead were both known 
at a very early period, though there is no distinct 
trace of them in Palestine. The former was among 
the spoils of the Midianites (Num. xxxi. 22), who 
might have obtained it in their intercourse with the 
Phenician merchants (comp. Gen. xxxvii. 25, 36), 
who themselves procured it from Tarshish (Ez. xxvii. 
12) and the tin countries of the West. Antimony 
(2 K. ix. 30; Jer. iv. 30, A. V. "painting"), in the 
form of powder, was used by the Hebrew women 
for coloring their eyelids and eyebrows. (Paint.) 
Further information will be found in the articles 
upon the several metals, and under Mines; Refiner. 

Me-te'rnSt According to 1 Esd. v. IV, " the sons 
of Meterus " (not in Ezr. and Neh.) returned with 
Zorobabel. 

Me'theg-am'mah (Heb., see below), a place which 
David took from the Philistines, apparently in his 
last war with them (2 Sam. viii. 1). In the parallel 
passage (1 Chr. xviii. 1), " Gath and her daughter- 
towns " (A. V. " towns ") is substituted for Me- 
theg-ammah. The legion of interpretations may 
be reduced to two : — 1. That adopted by Gesenius 
and Fiirst, in which Amman is taken = mother-city, 
metropolis (comp. 2 Sam. xx. 19), and Metheg-am- 
mah = the bridle of the mother city — viz. of Gath, the 
chief town of the Philistines. 2. That of Ewald, 
who, taking Ammah as = forearm, treats the words 
Metbeg-ammah (= bridle of the arm) as a metaphor 
to express the perfect manner in which David had 
smitten and humbled his foes. 

Me-thn'sa-el (fr. Heb. = man of God, Ges.), son 
of Mehujael, fourth in descent from Cain, and father 
of Lamech 1 (Gen. iv. 18). 

Me-thn'se-lah (fr. Heb. =r man of offspring, Mr. 
■ Barry; man of the dart, Ges.), son of Enoch; sixth 
in descent from Seth, and father of Lamech 2 
(Gen. v. 25-27 ; 1 Chr. i. 3). Methuselah's life is 
969 years, a period exceeding that of any other 
patriarch, and, according to the Hebrew Chronol- 
ogy, bringing his death down to the very year of the 
flood. 

Me-n'nim (Heb.) = Mehunim and Mehunims (Neh. 
vii. 52). 

Me-n'zal (Heb.) (Ez. xxvii. 19, margin). Uzal. 

Moz'a-hab (fr. Heb. water [i. e. lustre] of gold, 
Ges. ; seed [i. e. shoot] of the sun, Fii. ; what is gold ? 
Rashi), father of Matred and grandfather of Mehet- 



abel, who was wife of Hadar or Hadad, king of 
Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39 ; 1 Chr. i. 50). 

Mi'a-min (fr. Heb. = from the right hand, or = 
Benjamin, Ges. ; also written Mijamin). 1. A lay- 
man of the sons of Parosh, who had married a for- 
eign wife and put her away at the bidding of Ezra 
(Ezr. x. 25). — 2. A priest or family of priests who 
went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. xii, 
5) ; probably = Mijamin 2 and Miniamin 2. 

Mibhar (Heb. choice, Ges. ; youth, a youth, Fii.). 
" Mibhar the son of Haggeri " is the name of one 
of David's heroes in 1 Chr. xi. 38. The verse in 
which it occurs appears to be corrupt, for in 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 36 we find, instead of "Mibhar the son of 
Haggeri," " of Zobah, Bani the Gadite." It is easy 
to see, if the latter be the true reading, how the 
Heb. Bani haggddi ( = " Bani the Gadite ") could 
be corrupted into ben-haggiri ( = " son of Haggeri "). 
But that "Mibhar" is a corruption of milstsobdh 
" of Zobah," is not so clear, though not absolutely 
impossible. It would seem from the LXX. of 2 
Sam., that both readings originally coexisted. 

Mib'sam (Heb. meet odor, Ges.). 1. A son of 
Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), not elsewhere 
mentioned. The signification of his name has led 
some to propose an identification of the tribe sprung 
from him with some one of the Abrahamic tribes 
settled in Arabia aromatifera (i. e. spice-bearing 
Arabia). — 2. A son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25), per- 
haps named after the Ishmaelite Mibsan. MiSHMi 

Mib'z.tr (fr. Heb. = fortress, Ges.), one of the 
phylarchs or "dukes" of Edom (1 Chr. i. 53) or 
Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 43) after the death of Hadad or 
Hadar. 

Mi'tah (Heb. who like Jehovah ? — Micaiah, Ges.). 
1. An Israelite whose familiar story is preserved in 
Judg. xvii., xviii., furnishing us with a picture of 
the interior of a private Israelite family of the rural 
districts, which in many respects stands quite alone 
in the sacred records, and has probably no parallel 
in any literature of equal age. But apart from this 
the narrative has several points of special interest 
to students of Biblical history in the information 
which it affords as to the condition of the nation. 
We see (1.) how completely some of the most solemn 
and characteristic enactments of the Law had be- 
come a dead letter. Micah was evidently a devout 
believer in Jehovah. His one anxiety is to enjoy 
the favor of Jehovah (xvii. 13) ; the formula of 
blessing used by his mother and his priest invokes 
the same awful name (2, xviii. 6) ; and yet so com- 
pletely ignorant is he of the Law of Jehovah, that 
the mode which he adopts of honoring Him is to 
make a molten and graven image, teraphim or im- 
ages of domestic gods, and to set up an unauthor- 
ized priesthood, first in his own family (xvii. 5), and 
then in the person of a Levite not of the priestly 
line (12). (2.) The story also throws a light on the 
condition of the Levites. Here we have a Levite 
belonging to Bethlehcm-judah, a town not allotted 
to his tribe ; wandering forth to take up his abode 
wherever he could find a residence ; undertaking 
the charge of Micah's idol-chapel ; and lastly, car- 
rying off the property of his master and benefactor, 
and becoming the first priest to another system of 
false worship. But the transaction becomes still 
more remarkable when we consider (3.) that this 
was no obscure or ordinary Levite. He belonged 
to the chief family in the tribe, nay, we may say to 
the chief family of the nation, for though not him- 
self a priest, he was closely allied to the priestly 
house, and was the grandson of no less a person 



644 



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MIC 



than the great Moses himself. (Jonathan 5 ; Ma- 
nasseh 5.) (4.) The narrative gives us a most vivid 
idea of the terrible anarchy in which the country 
was placed, when " there was no king in Israel, and 
every man did what was right in his own eyes," and 
shows how urgently necessary a central authority 
had become. A body of 600 men completely armed, 
besides the train of their families and cattle, trav- 
erses the length and breadth of the land, not on 
any mission for the ruler or the nation, as on later 
occasions (2 Sam. ii. 12, &c, xx. 7, 14), but simply 
for their private ends. Entirely disregarding the 
rights of private property, they burst in wherever 
they please along their route, and plundering the 
valuables and carrying off persons, reply to all 
remonstrances by taunts and threats. As to the 
date of these events, the narrative gives us no direct 
information beyond the fact that it was before the 
beginning of the monarchy ; but we may at least 
inter that it was also before the time of Samson, 
because in this narrative (xviii. 12) we meet with 
the origin of the name Mahaneh-dan, a place which 
already bore that name in Samson's childhood (xiii. 
25). The date of the record itself may perhaps be 
more nearly arrived at. That, on the one hand, it 
was after the beginning of the monarchy is evident 
from the references to the ante-monarchical times 
(xviii. 1, xix. 1, xxi. 25). The reference to the 
establishment of the house of God in Shiloh (xviii. 
31) seems also to point to the early part of Saul's 
reign (so Mr. Grove). (Judges, Book of.) — 2. A 
descendant of Joel the Reubenite (1 Chr. v. 3). — 3. 
Son of Mephibosheth, and grandson of Jonathan 
(viii. 34, 35, ix. 40, 41); = Micha 1.— 4. A Levite 
descended from Asaph (ix. 15); = Micha 3 and 
Michaiah 2. — 5. A Kohathite Levite, eldest son of 
Uzziel (xxiii. 20); = Michah. — ti. Father of Abdon 
in Josiah's reign (2 Chr. xxxiv. 20) ; — Michaiah 
1. — 7. The sixth in order of the minor prophets, 
according to the arrangement in our present canon ; 
in the LXX. he is placed third, after Hosea and 
Amos. (Bible.) To distinguish him from Micaiah 
the son of Imlah, the contemporary of Elijah, he 
is called the Morasthite, i. e. a native of Moresheth, 
or some place of similar name, which Jerome and 
Eusebius call Morasthi and identify with a small 
village near Eleutheropolis to the E., where formerly 
the prophet's tomb was shown, though in the days 
of Jerome it had been succeeded by a church. (Mor- 
eshsth-gath.) As little is known of the circum- 
stances of Micah's life as of many of the other 
prophets. Pseudo-Epiphanius makes him, contrary 
to all probability, of the tribe of Ephraim. For 
rebuking Jehoram for his impieties, Micah, accord- 
ing to the same authority, was thrown from a preci- 
pice, and buried at Morathi in his own country, 
hard by the cemetery of Enakim, where his sep- 
ulchre was still to be seen. The period during 
which Micah exercised the prophetical office is 
stated, in the superscription to his prophecies, to 
have extended over the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, 
and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, being thus not longer 
than fifty-nine years (b. c. 756-697), from the acces- 
sion of Jotham to the death of Hezekiah, nor 
shorter than sixteen years (b. c. 742-726), from 
the death of Jotham to the accession of Heze- 
kiah. (Israel, Kingdom of.) In either case he 
would be contemporary with Hosea and Amos 
during part of their ministry in Israel, and with 
Isaiah in Judah. One of his prophecies (Mic. iii. 
12) is distinctly assigned to the reign of Hezekiah 
(Jer. xxvi. 18), and was probably delivered before 



the great passover which inaugurated the reforma- 
tion in Judah. The dates of the others are conjec- 
tural. The time assigned to the prophecies by the 
only direct evidence which we possess, agrees so 
well with their contents that it may fairly be ac- 
cepted as correct. Certain portions of Micah's 
prophecy may have been uttered in the reigns of 
Jotham and Ahaz (so Mr. Wright, original author 
of this article), and for the probability of this 
there is strong internal evidence, while they may 
have been collected as a whole in the reign of Heze- 
kiah and committed to writing. The book thus 
written may have been read in the presence of the 
king and the whole people, on some great fast or 
festival day. In the first years of Hezekiah's reign 
the idolatry which prevailed in the time of Ahaz 
was not eradicated, and in assigning the date of 
Micah's prophecy to this period there is no anach- 
ronism in the allusions to idolatrous practices. 
Wells assigns the delivery of ch. i. to the contem- 
porary reigns of Jotham, king of Judah, and of 
Pekah, king of Israel ; ii. 1-iv. 8 to those of Ahaz, 
Pekah, and Hosea ; iii. 1 2 to the last year of Ahaz, 
and the remainder of the book to the reign of Heze- 
kiah. But, at whatever time the several prophecies 
were first delivered, they appear in their present 
form as an organic whole, marked by a certain regu- 
larity of development. Three sections, omitting the 
superscription, are introduced by the same phrase, 
" hear ye," and represent three natural divisions of 
the prophecy— i., ii. ; iii.-v. ; vi., vii. — each com- 
mencing with rebukes and threatenings and closing 
with a promise. The first section opens with a 
magnificent description of the coming of Jehovah 
to judgment for the sins and idolatries of Israel and 
Judah (i. 2-4), and the sentence pronounced upon 
Samaria (5-9) by the Judge Himself. The prophet 
sees the danger which threatens his country, and 
traces in imagination the devastating march of the 
Assyrian conquerors (i. 8-16). The impending 
punishment suggests its cause, and the prophet 
denounces a woe upon the people generally for the 
corruption and violence which were rife among 
them, and upon the false prophets who led them 
astray by pandering to their appetites and luxury 
(ii. 1-11). The sentence of captivity is passed upon 
them (10), but is followed instantly by a promise of 
restoration and triumphant return (ii. 12, 13). The 
second section is addressed especially to the princes 
and heads of the people ; their avarice and rapacity 
are rebuked in strong terms ; and the judgments 
of God are denounced upon the rulers, false proph- 
ets, and priests (iii. 1-11). "Therefore shall Zion 
for your sake be ploughed as a field, and Jerusalem 
shall become heaps, and the mountain of the house " 
(= Temple) " as the high places of the forest" ( = 
the uncultivated woodland heights) (iii. 12). But 
the threatening is again succeeded by a promise of 
restoration, and in the glories of the Messianic king- 
dom the prophet loses sight of the desolation which 
is to befall his country. The predictions in this 
section form the climax of the book, and Ewald ar- 
ranges them in four strophes, consisting of from 
seven to eight verses each (iv. 1-8, iv. 9-v. 2, v. 3- 
9, v. 10-15), except the last, which is shorter. In 
the last section (vi., vii.), Jehovah, by a bold poetical 
figure, is represented as holding a controversy with 
His people, pleading with them in justification of 
His conduct toward them and the reasonableness 
of His requirements. The dialogue form in which 
ch. vi. is cast renders the picture very dramatic 
and striking. The whole concludes with a tri- 



MIC 



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645 



umphal song of joy at the great deliverance, like 
that from Egypt, which Jehovah will achieve, and a 
full acknowledgment of His mercy and faithfulness 
to His promises (16-20). The last verse is repro- 
duced in the song of Zacharias (Lk. i. 72, 73). The 
predictions uttered by Micah relate to the invasions 
of Shalmaneser (Mic. i. 6-8 ; 2 K. xvii. 4-6) and 
Sennacherib (Mic. i. 9-16 ; 2 K. xviii. 13), the de- 
struction of Jerusalem (Mic. iii. 12, vii. 13), the 
Captivity in Babylon (iv. 10), the return (iv. 1-8, 
vii. 11), the establishment of a theocratic kingdom 
in Jerusalem (iv. 8), and the Ruler who should 
spring from Bethlehem (v. 2). The destruction of 
Assyria and Babylon is supposed to be referred to 
in v. 5, 6, vii. 8, 10. It is remarkable that the 
prophecies commence with the last words recorded 
of the prophet's namesake, Micaiah the son of Im- 
lah, " Hearken, people, every one of you " (1 K. 
xxii. 28). The style of Micah has been compared 
with that of Hosea and Isaiah. His diction is vig- 
orous and forcible, sometimes obscure from the ab- 
ruptness of its transitions, but varied and rich in 
figures derived from the pastoral (Mic. i. 8, ii. 12, v. 
4, 5, 7, 8, vii. 14) and rural life of the lowland coun- 
try (i. 6, iii. 12, iv. 3, 12, 13, vi. 15), whose vines 
and olives and fig-trees were celebrated (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 27, 28), and supply the prophet with so many 
striking allusions (Mic. i. 6, iv. 3, 4, vi. 15, vii. 1, 
4) as to suggest that, like Amos, he may have been 
either a herdsman or a vine-dresser, who had heard 
the howling of the jackals (i. 8, A. V. "dragons") 
as he watched his flocks or his vines by night, and 
had seen the lions slaughtering the sheep (v. 8). 
The language of Micah is quoted in Mat. ii. 5, 6, 
and his prophecies are alluded to in Mat. x. 35, 36 ; 
Mk. xiii. 12 ; Lk. xii. 53 ; Jn. vii. 42. Inspiration ; 
Prophet. 

Mi-cai'ah [-ka'vah] (Heb. = Michaiah and Mi- 
cah), son of Imlah, a prophet of Samaria, who, in 
the last year of the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, 
predicted his defeat and death, b. c. 8'.'7. The cir- 
cumstances were as follows : — Three years after the 
great battle with Ben-hadad (1 K. xx. 29, 30), Ahab 
proposed to Jehoshaphat that they should jointly 
go up to battle against Ramoth-gilead. Jehosha- 
phat assented in cordial words to the proposal ; but 
suggested that they should first " inquire at the 
word of Jehovah." Accordingly, Ahab assembled 
400 prophets, while, in an open space at the gate 
of the city of Samaria, he and Jehoshaphat sat in 
royal robes to meet and consult them. The proph- 
ets unanimously gave a favorable response ; and 
among them, Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah made 
horns of iron as a symbol, and announced, from 
Jehovah, that with those horns Ahab would push 
the Assyrians till he consumed them. Jehoshaphat 
was dissatisfied with the answer, and asked if there 
was no other prophet of Jehovah at Samaria ? 
Ahab replied that there was yet one — Micaiah the 
son of Imlah ; but, he added, " I hate him, for he 
does not prophesy good concerning me, but evil." 
Micaiah was, nevertheless, sent for ; and after an 
attempt had in vain been made to tamper with 
him, he first expressed an ironical concurrence with 
the 400 prophets, and then openly foretold the 
defeat of Ahab's army and the death of Ahab 
himself. And in opposition to the other prophets, 
he said, that he had seen Jehovah sitting on His 
throne, and all the host of Heaven standing by Him, 
on His right hand and on His left : that Jehovah 
6aid, Who shall persuade Ahab to go up and fall at 
Ramoth-gilead ? that a spirit came forth and said 



that he would do so ; and on being asked, Where- 
with ? he answered, that he would go forth and be 
a lying spirit in the mouth of all the prophets. Ir- 
ritated by the account of the vision, Zedekiah struck 
Micaiah on the cheek, and Ahab ordered Micaiah 
to be taken to prison, and fed on bread and water 
till his return to Samaria. Josephus relates several 
details not contained in the Bible, some of which 
are probable, while others are very unlikely ; but 
for none of which does he give any authority. Thus, 
he says that Micaiah was already in prison, when 
sent for to prophesy before Ahab and Jehoshaphat, 
and that it was Micaiah who had predicted death by 
a lion to the son of a prophet, under the circum- 
stances mentioned in 1 K. xx. 35, 36, and who had re- 
buked Ahab after his brilliant victory over the 
Syrians for not putting Ben-hadad to death. The 
history of Micaiah is an exemplification in practice, 
of contradictory predictions being made by different 
prophets, the false and the true(Deut. xviii. 21, 22). 
Divination ; Idolatry ; Magic ; Prophet. 

Mi'rlia [-ka] (Heb. = Micah and Michaiah, Ges., 
Fii.). 1. Son of Mephibosheth (2 Sam. ix. 12); = 
Micah 3. — 2. A Levite, or family of Levites, who 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 11).— 
3. Father of Mattaniah, a Gershonite Levite and 
descendant of Asaph (xi. 17, 22); = Micah 4 and 
Michaiah 2. — I. A Simeonite, father of Ozias, one 
of the three governors of Bethulia in the time of 
Judith (Jd. vi. 15). 

Mi'clia-cl [usually pronounced mi'kel] (Heb. who 
like God? Ges., Fii.). 1. An Asherite, father of 
Sethur the spy (Num. xiii. 13). — 2. Son of Abihail ; 
one of the Gadites who settled in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 

13) . — 3. Another Gadite, ancestor of Abihail (ver. 

14) . — 4. A Gershonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph 
(vi. 40). — 5. One of the sons of Izrahiah, " chief 
men " of Issachar (vii. 3). (Obapiah 2.) — 6. A 
Benjamite chief, of the sons of Beriah (viii. 16). — 
7. One of the captains of the " thousands " of Ma- 
nasseh who joined David at Ziklag (xii. 20). — 8. 
The father, or ancestor, of Omri, chief of Issachar 
in David's reign (xxvii. 18). — 9. One of the sons of 
Jehoshaphat murdered by their elder brother Je- 
horam (2 Chr. xxi. 2, 4). — 10. Father or ancestor of 
Zebadiah who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 8 ; 1 
Esd. viii. 34).— 11. "One," or "the first of the 
chief princes" or archangels (Dan. x. 18; compare 
Jude 9 ; Angels ; Archangel), described in Dan. 
x. 21 as the " prince " of Israel, and in xii. 1 as 
"the great prince which standeth " in time of con- 
flict "for the children of thy people." All these 
passages in the O. T. belong to that late period of 
its Revelation, when, to the general declaration of 
the angelic office, was added the division of that 
office into parts, and the assignment of them to in- 
dividual angels. As Gabriel represents the min- 
istration of the angels toward men, so Michael is 
the type and leader of their strife, in God's name 
and His strength, against the power of Satan. In 
the O. T., therefore, he is the guardian of the Jew- 
ish people in their antagonism to godless power and 
heathenism. In the N. T. (Rev. xii. 7) he fights in 
heaven against the dragon — " that old serpent called 
the Devil and Satan, which deceiveth the whole 
world ; " and so takes part in that struggle, which is 
the work of the Church on earth. In Jude 9 (com- 
pare 2 Pet. ii. 11) we are told that "Michael the 

i archangel, when contending with the devil he dis- 
puted about the body of Moses, durst not bring 
against him a railing accusation, but said, The Lord 

! rebuke thee." The allusion (so Mr. Barry) seems 



646 



MIC 



MIC 



to be to a Jewish legend attached to Deut. xxxiv. 6. 
The Targum of Jonathan attributes the burial of 
Moses to the hands of the angels of God, and par- 
ticularly of the archangel Michael. Later traditions 
set forth how Satan disputed the burial, claiming 
for himself the dead body, because of the Egyp- 
tian's blood (Ex. ii. 12) on Moses' hands. The 
spirit of Michael's answer (fr. Zech. iii. 1) is the ref- 
erence to God's mercy alone for justification, and 
the leaving of all vengeance and rebuke to Him ; 
and in this spirit it is quoted by the apostle. Some 
have explained " the body of Moses " to be the Jew- 
ish, as " the body of Christ" is the Christian Church ; 
but the analogy is unwarrantable. The Rabbinical 
traditions about Michael are very numerous. Many 
(Luther, Hengstenberg, Dr. W. L. Alexander [in Kit- 
to], Prof. Douglas [in Fairbairn], &c.) maintain that 
Michael = the Messiah or Lord Jesus Christ (com- 
pare Dan. x. 21, xii. 1 with ix. 25 ; Rev. xii. 7 with 
1 Jn. iii. 8). " Michael designates Him," says Prof. 
Douglas, " as does also the title ' Angel ' or ' Arch- 
angel,' " not simply in His Divine essence, but in 
an official character of subordination, as the Mes- 
senger of Jehovah and the Captain of the Lord's 
host. Professor Douglas compares the answer of 
Michael in Jude 9 with those of Christ in Mat. iv. 
4, 7, 10, and remarks that the opposition of Michael 
and the devil here " is without a parallel in Scrip- 
ture, if Michael be a created angel ; whereas it is 
a very common opposition indeed, if Michael be 
Christ." 

Mi riiali (Heb. = Micah), eldest son of Uzziel (1 
Chr. xxiv. 24, 25); = Micah 5. 

Jli'chai-all [ka'yah] (Heb. who like Jehovah? Ges.). 
I. Father of Achbor, a man of high rank in the 
reign of Josiah(2 K. xxii. 12); = Micah 6. — 2. Son 
of Zaccur, a descendant of Asaph (Neh. xii. 35) ; = 
Micah 4 and Micha 3. — 3. One of the priests at 
the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (xii. 41). — 
I. Rehoboam's wife and Abijah's mother, daughter 
of Uriel of Gibeah (2 Chr. xiii. 2). (Maachah 3.) 
— 5. One of the princes whom Jehoshaphat sent to 
teach the Law in the cities of Judah (xvii. 7). — 0. 
Son of Gemariah, and grandson of Shaphan the 
scribe. After Baruch had read, in public, proph- 
ecies of Jeremiah announcing imminent calamities, 
Miehaiah went and declared them to all the princes 
assembled in King Jehoiakim's house ; and the 
princes forthwith sent for Baruch to read the 
prophecies to them (Jer. xxxvi. 11-14). 

Mi dial (Heb. = Michael, Ges.), the younger of 
King Saul's two daughters (1 Sam. xiv. 49). The 
king had proposed to oestow on David his eldest 
daughter Merab ; but apparently altering his mind, 
married her to Adriel the Meholathite (xviii. 19). 
Michal fell violently in love with the young hero. 
Saul embraced the opportunity which this afforded 
him of exposing his rival to the risk of death. 
The price fixed on Michal's hand was no less than 
the slaughter of a hundred Philistines. For these 
the usual " dowry," by which, according to the 
custom of the East (Marriage), the father is paid 
for his daughter, was relinquished. David, by a 
brilliant feat, doubled the tale of victims, and Mi- 
chal became his wife. It was not long before the 
strength of her affection was put to the proof. 
They seem to have been living at Gibeah. After 
one of Saul's attacks of frenzy, Michal learned that 
the house was being watched by the myrmidons of 
Saul, and that it was intended on the next morning 
to attack her husband as he left his door (xix. 11). 
Like a true soldier's wife, she met stratagem by 



stratagem. She first provided for David's safety by 
lowering him out of the window ; to gain time for 
him to reach the residence of Samuel, she next 
dressed up the bed as if still occupied by him : the 
teraphim, or household god, was laid in bed, its 
head enveloped, like that of a sleeper, in the usual 
net of goat's hair for protection from gnats (so Mr. 
Grove; A. V. "and put a pillow of goat's hair for 
his bolster "), the rest of the figure covered with 
the wide bcgcd or plaid (A. V. " cloth ; " see Dress, 
III. 4). She feigned that David was sick ; and pre- 
vented the king's messengers from executing the 
command to take David till the peremptory order 
was given, " Bring him up to me in the bed, that I 
may slay him." Saul's messengers forced their way 
into the inmost apartment, and there discovered the 
deception which had been played ofF upon them 
with such success. Saul's rage may be imagined : 
his fury was such that Michal was obliged to fabri- 
cate a story of David's having attempted to kill 
her. This was the last time she saw her husband 
for many years ; and when the rupture between 
Saul and David had become open and incurable, 
Michal was married to Phalti or Phaltiel of Gallim (1 
Sam. xxv. 44; 2Sam. iii. 15). After the death of her 
father and brothers at Gilboa, Michal and her new 
husband appear to have betaken themselves with 
the rest of the family of Saul to the eastern side 
of the Jordan. After Abner made his overtures to 
David, the latter sent messengers to Ish-bosheth to 
demand his lost wife (iii. 12 ff.). On the road lead- 
ing up from the Jordan valley to the Mount of 
Olives we first encounter her with her husband — 
Michal under the joint escort of David's messen- 
gers and Abner's twenty men, on the way to David 
at Hebron, the submissive Phaltiel behind, bewailing 
the wife thus torn from him. It was at least four- 
teen years since David and she had parted at Gib- 
eah, since she had watched him disappear down 
the cord into the darkness, and had perilled her 
own life for his against the rage of her insane 
father. That David's love for his absent wife had 
undergone no change in the interval seems certain 
from the eagerness with which he reclaims her as 
soon as the opportunity is afforded him. The 
meeting took place at Hebron. How Michal com- 
ported herself in the altered circumstances of Da- 
vid's household we are not told ; but it is plain 
from the subsequent occurrences that something 
had happened to alter the relations of herself and 
David. The alienation was probably mutual, and 
one outburst, probably of a petulant and jealous 
temper inherited from her father, produced the 
rupture between them which closes our knowledge 
of Michal. It was the day of David's greatest 
triumph, when he brought the Ark of Jehovah from 
its temporary resting-place to its home in the newly- 
acquired city. Michal, from the window of her 
apartments in the royal harem, watched the pro- 
cession approach ; the motions of her husband 
shocked her as undignified and indecent, " she 
despised him in her heart." After the exertions 
of the long day were over, the king was received 
by his wife with a bitter taunt which showed how 
incapable she was of appreciating either her hus- 
band's temper or the service in which he had been 
engaged. David's retort was a tremendous one, 
conveyed in words which once spoken could never 
be recalled. It gathered up all the differences be- 
tween them which made sympathy no longer pos- 
sible, and we do not need the assurance of the 
sacred writer, that " Michal had no child unto the 



MIC 



MID 



647 



day of her death," to feel quite certain that all 
intercourse between her and David must have 
ceased from that date (vi. 20 ff. ; 1 Chr. xv. 29). 
Her name appears but once again (2 Sam. xxi. 8). 
Mkrab. 

Mi-che'as (L. Michceas, fr. Heb.) = the prophet 
Micah 7 the Morasthite (2 Esd. i. 39). 

DlidTuias (Heb.) = Michmash (Ezr. ii. 27; Neh. 
vii. 31). 

Micll'masll (Heb. something hidden, Ges. ; place of 
Chemosh, Fii.), a town which is known to us almost 
solely by its connection with the Philistine war of 
Saul and Jonathan (1 Sam. xiii., xiv.). It has been 
identified with great probability in a village which 
still bears the name of Mvkhmas, and stands at about 
seven miles N. of Jerusalem, on the northern edge 
of the Wady Suweinit — in some maps Wady Fuwar 
— which forms the main pass of communication be- 
tween the central highlands on which the village 
stands, and the Jordan valley at Jericho. The place 
was thus situated in the very middle of the tribe 
of Benjamin. But though in the heart of Benja- 
min, it is not named in the list of the towns of 
that tribe (compare Josh, xviii.), but first appears 
as one of the chief points of Saul's position at the 
outbreak of the war. Michmash was soon occupied 
by the Philistines, and was their furthest eastern 
post. But it was destined to witness their sudden 
overthrow. (Jonathan 1.) Unless Makaz be Mich- 
mash — an identification for which we have only the 
authority of the LXX. — we hear nothing of the 
place from this time till the invasion of Judah by 
Sennacherib in the reign of Hezekiah (Is. x. 28). 
After the Captivity, 122 men of Michmash (" Mich- 
mas," A. V.) returned (Ezr. ii. 27; Neh. vii. 31). 
At a later date it became the residence of Jonathan 
Maccabeus, and the seat of his government (1 Mc. 
ix. 73). In the time of Eusebius and Jerome 
(Qnom. " Machmas ") it was "a very large village 
retaining its ancient name, and lying near Ramah 
in the district of JElia (Jerusalem), at nine miles 
distance therefrom." Immediately below the vil- 
lage the valley spreads out to a considerable width 
— perhaps half a mile ; and its bed is broken up 
into an intricate mass of hummocks and mounds, 
some two of which, before the torrents of 3,000 
winters had reduced and rounded their forms, 
were probably the two " sharp rocks " — the Bozez 
and Seneh of Jonathan's adventure. Right oppo- 
site is Jeba (Geba) on a curiously terraced hill. In 
the middle ages el-Bireh was believed to be Mich- 
mash. Beeroth. 

Mich'nic-thah (fr. Heb. = hiding-place? Ges., 
Fii.), a place on the boundary of the territories of 
Ephraim and Manasseh on the western side of 
Jordan. (1.) It lay "facing (A. V. 'before') 
Shechem ; " it also was the next place on the 
boundary W. of Asher 2 (Josh. xvii. 7), if, in- 
deed, the two are not the same place. The place 
must be E. of, and not far distant from, Shechem 
(so Mr. Grove). But then (2.) Michmethah fol- 
lows Beth-horon the upper, as if on its western 
or seaward side, in the description of " the border," 
apparently Ephraim's southern boundary (Josh, 
xvi. 6). " With our present data it is impossible to 
determine whether the sacred writer refers to one 
town or two. If to one only, it must have been 
near Shechem, and the meaning of Josh. xvi. 6 will 
be ' The border went out to (or along) the W. 
side ' (A. V. ' toward the sea ') ' to Michmethah on 
the N.' " (Porter, in Kitto). The site is unknown. 

Mkh'ri (Heb. price of Jehovah, Ges.), ancestor of 



Elah, a Benjamite chief after the Captivity (1 Chr. 
ix. 8). 

Midi tam (Heb., see below). This word occurs in 
the titles of six Psalms (xvi., lvi.-lx.) all of which are 
ascribed to David. The marginal reading of our A. V. 
is " a golden Psalm," while in the Geneva version it is 
described as " a certain tune." From the position 
which it occupies in the title, we may infer that 
Michtam is applied to these Psalms to denote their 
musical character, but beyond this every thing is 
obscure. The etymology is uncertain. 1. Kimchi 
and Aben Ezra trace it to the Hebrew root culham, 
as it appears in celhem, rendered in the A. V. "gold " 
(Job xxviii. 16), "pure gold" (19), "fine gold" 
(xxxi. 24); because the Psalm was to David precious 
as fine gold. They have been followed in the mar- 
gin of our version. — 2. In Syriac eathern = to slain, 
hence to defile, the primary meaning of the root be- 
ing probably to spot, mark with spots, whence the 
substantive is in common use in Rabbinical Hebrew 
= spot or mark. From this etymology the mean- 
ings have been given to Michtam of a noted song, or 
a song graven or carved upon stone, a monumental 
inscription. — 3. According to Hezel, Michtam (Ar. 
katama = to conceal, repi-ess) was a title given to 
certain Psalms, because they were written while 
David was in concealment. From the same root 
Hengstenberg attributes to them a hidden, mystical 
import. Apparently referring the word to the same 
origin, Ewald suggests that it may designate a song 
accompanied by bass instruments. — 4. But the ex- 
planation most approved by Rosenmuller and Gese- 
nius finds in Michtam the equivalent of Heb. mich- 
tub, A. V. "writing" (Is. xxxviii. 9). Hupfeld ad- 
heres to the rendering jewel, treasure (see No. 1 
above), which Luther also gives, and which is 
adopted by Hitzig and Mendelssohn. 

Mini din (Heb. measures, Ges. ; stretch, extension, 
Fii.), a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 61), one of the six 
specified as in the " wilderness " (Desert 2), on 
the western shore of the Dead Sea ; site unknown. 

Midi-ail (Heb. strife, contention, Ges.), a son of 
Abraham and Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32 1; 
progenitor of the Midianites, or Arabians dwelling 
principally in the desert N. of the peninsula of Ara- 
bia. Southward they extended along the eastern 
shore of the Gulf of Eyleh, or of 'Akabah (Sinus 
^Etaniticus) ; and northward they stretched along 
the eastern frontier of Palestine. Midian is first 
mentioned, as a people, when Hadad, king of Edom, 
" smote Midian in the field of Moab " (Gen. xxxvi. 
35). It is also mentioned, when Moses fled, having 
killed the Egyptian, to the "land of Midian" (Ex. 
ii. 15), and married a daughter of a priest of Midian 
(21). (Jetiiro.) The " land of Midian," or the por- 
tion of it specially referred to, was probably the 
peninsula of Sinai (so Mr. E. S. Poole ; but com- 
pare Ex. xviii. 1-6, 27). The name of Midian, how- 
ever (and hence the "land of Midian"), was per- 
haps often applied, as that of the most powerful of 
the northern Arab tribes, to the northern Arabs 
generally, i. e. those of Abrahamic descent (com- 
pare Gen. xxxvii. 28, 36 ; Medan ; Judg. viii. 24). 
The Midianites were mostly dwellers in tents, not 
towns ; and Sinai has not sufficient pasture to sup- 
port more than a small, or a moving people. But 
perhaps (or we may say probably) the peninsula of 
Sinai has considerably changed in its physical char- 
acter since the time of Moses. Whatever may have 
been the position of Midian in the Sinaitic peninsula, 
if we may believe the Arabian historians and geog- 
raphers, backed as their testimony is by the Greek 



648 



MID 



MID 



geographers, the city of Midian was situate on the 
opposite, or Arabian, shore of the Arabian Gulf, and 
thence northward, and spreading E. and W. we have 
the true country of the wandering Midianites. The 
next occurrence of the name of this people in the 
sacred history marks their northern settlement on 
the border of the Promised Land, " on this side 
Jordan (by) Jericho " in the plains of Moab (Num. 
xxii. 1-4), when Balak said, of Israel, to the elders 
of Midian, "Now shall this company lick up all 
(that are) round about us, as the ox lickcth up the 
grass of the field." The spoil taken in the war 
that soon followed, and more especially the mention 
of the dwellings of Midian, point to a considerable 
pastoral settlement of Midian in the Transjordanic 
country. In this case the Midianites were evidently 
tributary to the Amorites, being " dukes of Sihon, 
dwelling in the country : " this inferior position ex- 
plains their omission from Balaam's prophecy (xxiv. 
17 ff.). It was here, " on this side Jordan," that the 
chief doings of the Midianites with the Israelites 
took place. The Midianites joined with the Moabites 
in inviting Balaam to curse the Israelites (xxii. 4, 
7), and afterward seduced the Israelites in Shittim 
into idolatry and debauchery (xxv.). The influence 
of the Midianites on the Israelites wa3 clearly most 
evil. Much of its dangerous character may prob- 
ably be ascribed to the common descent from Abra- 
ham. While the Canaanitish tribes were abhorred, 
Midian might claim consanguinity, and more readily 
seduce Israel from their allegiance. The events at 
Shittim occasioned the injunction to vex the Midian- 
ites and smite them (xxv. 18). 12,000 men, 1,000 
from each tribe, went up to this war, a war in which 
all the males of the enemy were slain (xxxi.). After a 
lapse of some years, the Midianites appear again as 
the enemies of the Israelites. They had recovered 
from the devastation of the former war, probably 
by the arrival of fresh colonists from the desert 
tracts over which their tribes wandered ; and they 
now were sufficiently powerful to become the op- 
pressors of the children of Israel (Judg. vi.). Allied 
with the Amalekites, and the " children of the 
East," they drove them to make dens in the moun- 
tains and caves and strongholds, and wasted their 
crops even to Gaza, on the Mediterranean coast, in 
the land of Simeon. The judgeship of Gideon was 
the immediate consequence of these calamities ; and 
with the battle he fought in the valley of Jezreel, 
and his pursuit of the flying enemy over Jordan to 
Karkor, the power of Midian seems to have been 
broken (vii., viii.). Midian had oppressed Israel 
for seven years. As a numberless eastern horde 
they entered the land with their cattle and their 
camels. The imagination shows us the green plains 
of Palestine sprinkled with the black goats'-hair 
tents of this great Arab tribe, their flocks and herds 
and camels let loose in the standing corn, and for- 
aging parties of horsemen driving before them the 
possessions of the Israelites. The descent of Gideon 
and his servant into the camp, and the conversation 
of the Midianite watch, form a vivid picture of 
Arab life. It does more : it proves that as Gideon, 
or Phurah his servant, or both, understood the 
language of Midian, the Shemitic languages differed 
much less in the fourteenth or thirteenth century 
b. c. than they did in after-times. The stratagem 
of Gideon receives an illustration from modern 
Oriental life. Until lately the police in Cairo were 
accustomed to go their rounds with a lighted torch 
thrust into a pitcher, and the pitcher was suddenly 
withdrawn when light was required — a custom af- 



fording an exact parallel to the ancient expedient 
adopted by Gideon. The consequent panic of the 
great multitude in the valley, if it has no parallels 
in modern European history, is consistent with 
Oriental character. At the sight of the 300 torches, 
suddenly blazing round about the camp in the be- 
ginning of the middle watch, with the confused 
din of the trumpets, and the cry, " The sword of 
the Lord, and of Gideon" (vii. 20), "all the host 
ran, and cried, and fled " (21). (Lamp.) The rout 
was complete. The flight of so great a host, encum- 
bered with slow-moving camels, baggage, and cattle, 
was calamitous. All the men of Israel, out of 
Naphtali, and Asher, and Manasseh, joined in the 
pursuit ; and Gideon roused the men of Mount 
Ephraim to "take before" the Midianites "the 
waters unto Beth-barah and Jordan " (23, 24). Thus 
cut off, two princes, Oreb and Zeeb, fell into the 
hands of Ephraim. But though many joined in a 
desultory pursuit of the rabble of the Midianites, 
only the 300 men who had blown the trumpets in 
the valley of Jezreel crossed the Jordan with Gideon, 
"faint yet pursuing" (viii. 4). With this force it 
remained for the liberator to attack the enemy on 
his own ground. 15,000 men, under the "kings" 
of Midian, Zebah and Zalmunna, were at Karkor, 
the sole remains of 135,000 (10). The assurance 
of God's help encouraged the weary 300, and they 
ascended from the plain (or ghor) to the higher 
country by a ravine or torrent-bed in the hills, "and 
smote the host, for the host was secure" (11) — 
secure in that wild country, on their own ground, 
and away from the frequent haunts of man. A 
sharp pursuit seems to have followed this fresh vic- 
tory, ending in the capture of the kings and the 
final discomfiture of the Midianites. Zebah andZAL- 
mcnna were slain, and with them the name itself of 
Midian almost disappears from sacred history. — Hav- 
ing traced the history of Midian, it remains to show 
what is known of their condition and customs. 
The whole account of their doings with Israel plain- 
ly marks them as characteristically Arab. They are 
described as true Arabs — now Bedawees, or " people 
of the desert ; " anon pastoral, or settled Arabs — 
the " flock " of Jethro ; the cattle and flocks of 
Midian, in the later days of Moses ; their camels 
without number, as the sand of the sea-side for 
multitude when they oppressed Israel in the days 
of the Judges — all agree with such a description. 
Like Arabs, who are predominantly a nomadic 
people, they seem to have partially settled in the 
land of Moab (Num. xxxi. 9, 10). The only glimpse 
of their habits is found in the vigorous picture of 
the camp in the valley of Jezreel (Judg. vii. 13). 
The spoil taken in both the war of Moses and that 
of Gideon is remarkable. On the former occasion, 
the 6*75,000 sheep, 72,000 beeves, and 61,000 asses, 
show the pastoral character of the Midianites. But 
the gold, silver, brass, iron, tin, and lead (Num. 
xxxi. 22), the "jewels of gold, chains, and brace- 
lets, rings, ear-ring's, and tablets" (50) taken by 
Moses, is especially noteworthy ; and also the booty 
taken by Gideon (Judg. viii. 21, 24-26). (Metals.) 
We have here a wealthy Arab nation, living by 
plunder, delighting in finery ; and, where forays 
were impossible, carrying on the traffic southward 
into Arabia, and across to Chaldea ; or into the rich 
plains of Egypt. Midian is named authentically only 
in the Bible. It has no history elsewhere. The city 
of "Medyen (say the Arabs) is the city of the people 
of Shu'ei/b (Jethro ?), and is opposite Tabook, on 
the shore of Bohr el-Kulzum (the Red Sea) : between 



MID 



MIL 



649 



these is six days' jourcey. It (Medyen) is larger 
than Tabook; and in it is the well from which Moses 
watered the flock of Shu'eyb " (Mardsid, s. v.). El- 
Makreezee tells us that in the land of Midian were 
many cities, of which the people had disappeared, 
and the cities themselves had fallen to ruin ; that 
when he wrote (in the year 825 of the Hegira or 
Flight) forty cities remained, the names of some be- 
ing known, and of others, lost. 

* Mid'i-an-ite (fr. Heb.) = one from Midian (Gen. 
xxxvii. 28, 36; Num. x. 29, &c). 

* llid'i-au-i-tisli (adj. fr. Heb.) = of, or belonging 
to, Midian (Num. xxv. 6 fif.). 

* Mid'riff = the diaphragm (Ex. xxix. 13, mar- 
gin ; A. V. text " caul "). Caul 1. 

Midwife. Parturition in the East is usually easy. 
The office of a midwife is thus, in many Eastern 
countries, in little use, but is performed, when ne- 
cessary, by relatives. In the description of the trans- 
action mentioned in Ex. i., one expression, " upon 
the stools," receives remarkable illustration from 
modern usage. The Egyptian practice, as described 
by Mr. Lane, exactly answers to that indicated in 
Exodus. " Two or three days before the expected 
time of delivery, the Layeh (midwife) conveys to 
the house the kursee elwilddeh, a chair of peculiar 
form, upon which the patient is to be seated during 
the birth." Child ; Medicine. 

Mig'dal-el (Heb. tower of El or God, Ges., Fii.), 
one of the fortified towns of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 38 
only). If it be possible that Hurah is Horem and 
Yarun Iron, the possibility is strengthened (so Mr. 
Grove) by finding a Mujeidel at no great distance 
from them, viz. on the left bank of the Wady Ker- 
kerah, eight miles due E. of the Has en-Ndkurah 
(Ladder of Tyre), six miles W. of Hurah and eight 
of Yarun. Robinson (ii. 397) and Wilson (ii. 136, 
641) make Migdal-el probably = Magdala, the 
modern el-Mejdel, near Tiberias. Porter (in Kitto) 
favors its being at Mcjdel Selim, a village in the 
northern part of the mountains of Naphlali. 
Schwarz, reading Migdal-el and Horem as one 
word, proposes to identify it with Mejdd cl-Kerum, 
a place about twelve miles E. of 'iik 

Mig'dal-gad (Heb. tower of Gad, Ges., Fii. ; see 
below), a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 37) in the mari- 
time lowland. (Sephela.) By Eusebius and Jerome 
it appears to be mentioned as " Magdala." A vil- 
lage called el-Mejdel, identified with Migdal gad by 
Van de Velde, lies in the maritime plain, two miles 
inland from Ascalon, nine from Um L&kis (Lachish ?), 
and eleven from 'Ajl&n (Eglon). Migdal-gad was 
probably dedicated to or associated with the worship 
of the ancient deity Gad. 

Migdol (Heb. tower, Ges., Fii., R. S. Poole), proper 
name of one or two places on the eastern frontier 
of Egypt. 1. A Migdol is mentioned in the account 
of the Exodus (Ex. xiv. 2 ; Num. xxxiii. 7, 8 ; Ex- 
odds, the). We suppose that the position of the 
encampment was before or at Pi-hahiroth, behind 
which was Migdol, and on the other hand Baal- 
zephon and the sea, these places being near to- 
gether. The place of the encampment and of the 
„ passage of the sea we believe (so Mr. R. S. Poole) to 
have been not far from the Persepolitan monument, 
which is made in Linant's map the site of the Sera- 
peum. 2. A Migdol is spoken of by Jeremiah and 
Ezekiel. The latter mentions it as a boundary- 
town, evidently on the eastern border, correspond- 
ing to Seveneh, or Syene, on the S. (margin of 
Ez. xxix. 10, xxx. 6). In Jeremiah the Jews in 
Egypt are spoken of as dwelling at Migdol, Tah- 



panhes, and Noph, and in the country of Pathros 
(Jer. xliv. 1); and in foretelling, apparently, an in- 
vasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, Migdol, Noph, 
and Tahpanhes are again mentioned together (xlvi. 
14). It seems plain, from its being spoken of with 
Memphis, and from Jews dwelling there, that this 
Migdol was an important town, and not a mere fort, 
or even military settlement. After this time there 
is no notice of any place of this name in Egypt, 
excepting of Magdolus, by Hecatasus of Miletus, and 
in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in which Magdolo is 
placed twelve Roman miles S. of Pelusium, in the 
route from the Serapeum to that town. This latter 
place most probably represents the Migdol men- 
tioned by Jeremiah and Ezekiel. Its position on 
the route to Palestine would make it both strate- 
gically important and populous, neither of which 
would be the case with a town in the position of 
the Migdol of the Pentateuch. Gesenius, however, 
holds that there is but one Migdol mentioned in the 
Bible (Lex. s. v.). Lepsius distinguishes two Mig- 
dols, and considers Magdolo = the Migdol of Jere- 
miah and Ezekiel. 

Mig'rou (Heb. -precipice, Ges.), a town, or a spot 
— for there is nothing to indicate which — in the 
neighborhood of Saul's city, Gibeah, on the very 
edge of the district belonging to it (1 Sam. xiv. 2); 
distinguished by a pomegranate-tree, under which 
on the eve of a memorable event we discover Saul 
and Ahiah surrounded by the poor remnants of 
their force. Migron is presented to our view only 
once again, viz. in the list of the places disturbed 
by Sennacherib's approach to Jerusalem (Is. x. 28). 
But here its position seems a little further N. than 
that indicated in the former passage. It here oc- 
curs between Aiath — i. e. Ai — and Michmash, in 
other words (so Mr. Grove) was on the N. of the 
Wady Stcwdnit, while Gibeah was more than two 
miles to the S. thereof. In Hebrew, Migron may 
mean a. precipice, and it is not impossible, therefore, 
that two places of the same name are intended. 
Porter (in Kitto) thinks there was only one Migron, 
viz. on or close to the S. brow of the Wady Suwei- 
nU. The precise site is unknown. 

Mija-min (fr. Heb. = Miamin). 1. Chief of the 
sixth course of priests established by David (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 9). — 2. A priest, or family of priests, who 
signed the covenant with Nehemiah ; probably de- 
scended from the preceding (Neh. x. 7). Miamin 2 ; 
Miniamin 2. 

Dlik'loth (Heb. staves? Ges.; twigs, branches, or 
sticks as lots, Fii.). 1. Son of Jehiel, the father of 
Gibeon, by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 32, ix. 37, 
38). — 2. The leader of the second division of Da- 
vid's army (xxvii. 4). 

Mik-nei'ah [-nee'yah] (fr. Heb. = possession of 
Jehovah, Ges.), one of the Levites of the second 
rank, gatekeepers of the ark, appointed by David 
to play in the Temple band "with harps upon 
Sheminith " (1 Chr. xv. 18, 21). 

Mil'a-lai, or Mil-a-la'i (Heb. eloquent, Ges. ; Jahis 
elevation or promise, Fii.), probably a priest who as- 
sisted at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem 
(Neh. xii. 36). 

Mil'call (Heb. queen, or Chal. counsel, Ges.). 1. 
Daughter of Haran and wife of her uncle Nahok, 
Abraham's brother, to whom she bare eight chil- 
dren (Gen. xi. 29, xxii. 20, 23, xxiv. 15, 24, 47).— 2. 
Fourth daughter of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 33, 
xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3). 

Mil'com (Heb. little Molech, as a term of endear- 
ment, Ges.), the " abomination " of the children of 



650 



MIL 



MIL 



Amnion ; = Molech (1 K. xi. 7, &c), Melcom (mar- 
gin of Jer. xlix. 1, 3), and Malcham (Zeph. i. 5, 
margin " their king "). 

* Mil dew, the A V. translation of Hebrew yeret- 
kon = paleness, yellowness, a turning yellow from 
disease, Ges. (Deut. xxviii. 22 ; 1 K. viii. 3*7, &c.); 
once translated " paleness " sc. from fright (Jer. 
xxx. 6). It is uniformly, except in Jeremiah 1. c, 
connected with "blasting" (Heb. shiddaphon — 
blasting, blight, e. g. of grain by the east wind, Ges.). 

Mile, a Roman measure of length equal to 1,618 
English yards, the English mile being 1,760 yards. 
It is only once noticed in the Bible (Mat. v. 41), the 
usual method of reckoning both in the N. T. and in 
Josephus being by the stadium (A. V. "furlong"). 
The Roman system of measurement was fully intro- 
duced into Palestine, though probably at a later date. 
The mile of the Jews is said to have been of two 



kinds, long or short, dependent on the length of the 
pace, which varied in different parts, the long pace 
being double the short one. 

Mi-le'tns (L. fr. Gr.) (Acts xx. 15, 17), less cor- 
rectly Mi-le'tnm (2 Tim. iv. 20), a celebrated city 
near the mouth of the river Aleander. It was the 
birth-place of Thales, Anaximander, &c. ; and was 
anciently the principal sea-port for its region. St. 
Paul, on the return voyage from his third mission- 
ary journey, sent for the presbyters of Ephesus to 
meet him at Miletus (Acts xx. 17), twenty or thirty 
miles distant by land, and here he gave them a 
solemn and affectionate charge (18 ff.). In the con- 
text we have the geographical relations of Miletus 
brought out distinctly. It lay on the coast to the 
S. of Ephesus. It was a day's sail from Trogyllium 
(ver. 15). Moreover, to those who are sailing from 
the N., it is in the direct line for Cos. The site of 




General View of the Theatre and Ruins of Miletue. — From Laborde, Voyage en Orient. — (Fairbairo.) 



Miletus has now receded ten miles from the coast, 
and even in the apostle's time it must have lost its 
strictly maritime position. The passage in 2 Tim., 
where Miletus is mentioned, presents a very serious 
difficulty to the theory that there was only one Ro- 
man imprisonment. Miletus was far more famous 
500 years before St. Paul's day, than it ever became 
afterward. In early times it was the most flourish- 
ing city of the Ionian Greeks. (Ionia.) In the 
natural order of events, it was absorbed in the Per- 
sian empire. After a brief period of spirited inde- 
pendence, it received a blow from which it never re- 
covered, in the siege conducted by Alexander the 
Great, when on his Eastern campaign. But still it 
held, even through the Roman period, the rank of a 
second-rate trading-town, and Strabo mentions its 
four harbors. At this time it was politically in the 
province of Asia, though Caria was the old ethno- 
logical name of the district in which it was situated. 
The ruins of the ancient Miletus are generally sup- 
posed to be at Palatsha. Here are remains of an 
enormous theatre, an aqueduct, the site of several 
temples, including one to Apollo, a Christian church, 
and the walls. 

Milk. As an article of diet, milk holds a more 
important position in Eastern countries than with 
us. It is not a mere adjunct in cookery, or re- 
stricted to the use of the young, although it is nat- 
urally the characteristic food of childhood, both 
from its simple and nutritive qualities (1 Pet. ii. 2), 
and particularly as contrasted with meat (1 Cor. iii. 
2; Heb. v. 12): but beyond this it is regarded as 
substantial food adapted alike to all ages and classes. 
It appears as the very emblem of abundance and 



wealth, in company with honey (Ex. iii. 8; Deut 
vi. 3, xi. 9) or wine (Is. Iv. 1), or by itself (Job xxi- 
24) ; hence also to " suck the milk " of an enemy's 
land implied its complete subjection (Is. lx. 16; 
Ez. xxv. 4). Not only the milk of cows, but of 
sheep (Deut. xxxii. 14), of camels (Gen. xxxii. 15), 
and of goats (Prov. xxvii. 27) was used ; the latter 
appears to have been most highly prized. Milk was 
used sometimes in its natural state, and sometimes 
in a sour coagulated state : the former was named 
h&ldb or ehal.&b, and the latter hemah or cliem&h. In 
the A. V. the latter is rendered " butter," but Mr. 
Bevan, Gesenius, &c, think that in every case (ex- 
cept perhaps Prov. xxx. 33) the term refers to a 
preparation of milk well known in Eastern coun- 
tries under the name of leben. The method now 
pursued in its preparation is to boil the milk over a 
slow fire, adding to it a small piece of old leben or 
some other acid in order to make it coagulate. The 
refreshing draught which Jael offered " in a lordly 
dish " to Sisera (Judg. v. 25) was leben, Leben is 
still extensively used in the East : at certain seasons 
of the year the poor almost live upon it, while the 
upper classes eat it with salad or meat. It is still 
offered in hospitality to the passing stranger (Gen. 
xviii. 8). Thomson (i. 135) regards the Mosaic 
precept, " Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his moth- 
er's milk" (Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26 ; Deut. xiv. 21), 
as referring to a favorite Arab dish, prepared by 
stewing a fat and tender young kid, carefully dressed, 
in milk, generally sour, mixed with onions and hot 
spices. This is a gross, unwholesome dish, asso- 
ciated with immoderate feasting, regarded by the 
Jews as forbidden specifically in the above precept, 



MIL 



MIL 



651 




Women grinding grain i 
modern Syria. 



and was perhaps connected with idolatrous sacri- 
fices. 

Mill. The mills (Heb. dual rehayim or rechayim 
= the two millstones, Ges. ; Gr. mulon, " mill " [Mat. 
xxiv. 41] ; mulcts, "millstone") of the ancient He- 
brews probably differed but little from those at 
present in use in the East. These consist of two 
circular stones, about eighteen inches or two feet 
in diameter, the lower of which is fixed, and has its 
upper surface slightly convex, fitting into a corre- 
sponding concavity in the upper stone. The latter, 
called by the Hebrews recheb, literally " chariot," 
and by the Arabs rekkab, " rider," has a hole in it 
through which the grain passes, immediately above 

a pivot or shaft 
which rises from 
the centre of the 
lower stone, and 
about which the 
upper stone is 
turned by means 
of an upright han- 
dle fixed near 
the edge. It is 
worked by wo- 
men, sometimes 
singly and some- 
times two togeth- 
-(Ayre ) h ' ind " miu of er, who are usual- 
ly seated on the 
bare ground (Is. xlvii. 1, 2) " facing each other ; 
both have hold of the handle by which the upper 
is turned round on the ' nether ' millstone. The 
one whose right hand is disengaged throws in the 
grain as occasion requires through the hole in the 
upper stone. It is not correct to say that one 
pushes it half round, and then the other seizes the 
handle. Both retain their hold, and pull to or push 
from, as men do with the whip or crosscut saw. 
The proverb of our Saviour (Mat. xxiv. 41) is true 
to life, for women only grind. I cannot recall an 
instance in which men were at the mill " (Thom- 
son, ii. 295). The labor is very hard, and the task 
of grinding in consequence performed only by the 
lowest servants (Ex. xi. 5), and captives (Judg. xvi. 
21 ; Job xxxi. 10 ; Is. xlvii. 1, 2 ; Lam. v. 13). So 
essential were millstones for daily domestic use, 
that they were forbidden to be taken in pledge 
(Deut. xxiv. 6 ; Jos. iv. 8, § 26), in order that a 
man's family might not be deprived of the means 
of preparing their food. The sound of the mill is 
the indication of peaceful household life, and the 
absence of it is a sign of desolation and abandon- 
ment (Eccl. xii. 4 ; Jer. xxv. 10 ; Rev. xviii. 22). 
The hand-mills of the ancient Egyptians appear to 
have been of the same character as those of their 
descendants, and like them were worked by women 
(Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt., ii. p. 118, &c). " They had 
also a large mill on a very similar principle ; but 
the stones were of far greater power and dimen- 
sions ; and this could only have been turned by 
cattle or asses, like those of the ancient Romans, 
and of the modern Cairenes." It was the millstone 
of a mill of this kind, driven by an ass, which is al- 
luded to in Mat. xviii. 6 (Gr. mulos onikos). With 
the movable upper millstone of the hand-mill the 
woman of Thebez " all to brake " (i. e. completely 
or altogether broke) Abimeleeh's skull (Judg. ix. 
53). Oil. 

Millet. (Heb. dohan or dochan) (Ezr. iv. 9 only). 
Probably the grains of Panicum miliaceum and 
Iialicum, and of the Holcus Sorghum, Linn, (the 



Sorghum vulgare of modern writers), may all be 
comprehended by the Hebrew word. Dr. Royle 
maintains that the true dukhun of Arab authors is 
the Panicum miliaceum, common millet or warree, an 




Indian Millet (Sort/hum vulgare). 

annual grass, native of India, which is universally 
cultivated in the East. Its seeds are often used as 
an ingredient in making bread. The Sorghum vul- 
gare, or Indian millet, also a native of India, lcng 




Common Millet (Panicum miliaceum). 

cultivated as forage and as food for man and ani- 
mals, includes at least four varieties, viz. the broom- 



G52 



MIL 



MIN 



corn, imphee, durra, and Chinese sugar-cane. (See 
New American Cyelopcedia, articles "Millet" and 
" Sorghum "). Probably both the Sorghum vulgare 
and the Panicum miliaceum were used by the an- 
cient Hebrews and Egyptians. 

Millo (Heb., see below), a place in ancient Je- 
rusalem. Both name and thing seem to have been 
already in existence when the city was taken from 
the Jebusites by David (2 Sam. v. 9 ; 1 Chr. xi. 8). 
Its repair or restoration was one of the great works 
for which Solomon raised his "levy" (1 K. ix. 15, 
24, xi. 27); and it formed a prominent part of the 
fortifications by which Hezekiah prepared for the 
approach of the Assyrians (2 Chr. xxxii. 6). The 
last passage seems to show that Millo was part of 
the " city of David," i. e. of Zion (compare 2 K. 
xii. 20). If " Millo " be taken as a Hebrew word, 
it would be derived from a root = to fill or to be 
full. This notion has been applied by the inter- 
preters after their custom in the most various and 
opposite ways: — a mound, rampart, so called as 
filled in with stones and earth ; hence fortress, 
castle ; especially a part of the citadel of Jerusalem, 
probably the rampart, intrenckmenl, Ges. ; a bastion, 
FiL ; an open space used for assemblies, and there- 
fore often filled with people ; a ditch or valley ; 
even a trench filled with water. But none of these 
guesses enable us to ascertain what Millo really 
was, and it would probably be nearer the truth — it 
is certainly safer (so Mr. Grove) — to look on the 
name as an ancient term, Jebusite, or possibly even 
still older, adopted by the Israelites when they took 
the town, and incorporated into their own nomen- 
clature. The LXX. render in every case (ex- 
cepting only 2 Chr. xxxii. 5) fie akra, a word which 
they employ nowhere else in the 0. T. Now the 
Gr. he akra — the citadel, and is the word used 
throughout the Books of Maccabees for the fortress 
on Mount Zion (so Mr. Grove, but see Jerusalem, 
pp. 452-3, 459, 461-2). Millo, the House op. 

Mil lo (Heb., see above), the House of. 1. Ap- 
parently a family or clan, mentioned in Judg. ix. 6, 
20 only, in connection with the men or lords of 
Shechem. — 2. The " house of Millo that goeth down 
to Silla " was the spot at which King Joash was 
murdered by his servants (2 K. xii. 20). There is 
nothing to lead us to suppose that the murder was 
not committed in Jerusalem, and in that case the 
spot must be connected with the ancient Millo. 

* Hi mi (L.) (Lk. xix. 13 margin). Money. 

* Min cing, the A.V. translation of Heb. infinitive 
taphoph — to take short and quick steps, to trip, with 
reference to the affected gait of coquettish females, 
Ges. (Is. iii. 16 only). 

Mines, Mi'ning. " Surely there is a source for 
the silver, and a place for the gold which they re- 
fine. Iron is taken out of the soil, and stone man 
melts for copper. He hath put an end to darkness, 
and to all perfection (i. e. most thoroughly), he 
searcheth the stone of thick darkness and of the 
shadow of death. He hath sunk a shaft far from 
the wanderer ; they that are forgotten of the foot 
are suspended, away from man they waver to and 
fro. (As for) the earth, from her cometh forth bread, 
yet her nethermost parts are upturned as (by) fire. 
The place of sapphire (are) her stones, and dust of 
gold is his. A track which the bird of prey hath 
not known, nor the eye of the falcon glared upon ; 
which the sons of pride (i. e. wild beasts) have not 
trodden, nor the roaring lion gone over ; in the 
flint man hath thrust his hand, he hath overturned 
mountains from the root ; in the rocks he hath 



cleft channels, and every rare thing hath his eye 
seen ; the streams hath he bound that they weep 
not, and that which is hid he bringeth forth to 
light" (so Mr. AVright translates Job xxviii. 1-11). 
Such is the highly poetical description given by the 
author of the Book of Job of the operations of 
mining as known in his day, the only record of 
the kind from the ancient Hebrews. It may be 
fairly inferred from the description that a dis- 
tinction is made between gold obtained in the 
manner indicated, and that found in the natural 
state in the alluvial soil, among the debris washed 
down by the torrents. This appears to be implied 
in the expression " the gold they refine," which pre- 
supposes a process by which the pure gold is ex- 
tracted from the ore, and separated from the silver 
or copper with which it may have been mixed. 
What is said of gold may be equally applied to sil- 
ver, for the two metals are associated in almost 
every allusion to the process of refining. In the pas- 
sage quoted, so far as can be made out, the natural 
order of mining operations is observed in the de- 
scription. The poet might have had before him the 
copper-mines of the Sinaitic peninsula. In the Wady 
Maghdrah (= the valley of the Cave), about forty 
miles N. W. of Mount Sinai, are still traces of the 
Egyptian colony of miners who settled there for the 
purpose of extracting copper from the freestone 
rocks, and left their hieroglyphic inscriptions upon 
the face of the cliff. The ancient furnaces are still 
to be seen, and on the coast of the Red Sea are found 
the piers and wharves whence the miners shipped 
their metal in the harbor of Abu Zelimeh. The cop- 
per-mines of Pha3no in Idumea, according to Jerome, 
were between Zoar and Petra : in the persecution 
of Diocletian the Christians were condemned to 
work them. (Punon.) The gold-mines of Egypt in 
the Bisharee desert have been discovered within a 
few years by M. Linant and Mr. Bonomi. Ruins 
of the miners' huts still remain as at Surdbit el- 
Khadim, in the Sinaitic peninsula. According to 
the account given by Diodorus Siculus, the mines 
were worked by gangs of convicts and captives in 
fetters, who were kept day and night to their task 
by the soldiers set to guard them. The work was 
superintended by an engineer, who selected the 
stone and pointed it out to the miners. The harder 
rock was split by the application of fire, but the 
softer was broken up with picks and chisels. The 
miners were quite naked, their bodies being painted 
according to the color of the rock they were work- 
ing, and in order to see in the dark passages of the 
mine they carried lamps upon their heads. The 
stone as it fell was carried off by boys, it was then 
pounded in stone mortars with iron pestles by those 
who were over thirty years of age till it was reduced 
to the size of a lentil. The women and old men 
afterward ground it in mills to a fine powder. The 
final process of separating the gold from the pound- 
ed stone was intrusted to the engineers who super- 
intended the work. They spread this powder upon 
a broad slightly-inclined table, and rubbed it gently 
with the hand, pouring water upon it from time to 
time so as to carry away all the earthy matter, leav- 
ing the heavier particles on the board. This was 
repeated several times ; at first with the hand and 
afterward with fine sponges gently pressed upon the 
earthy substance, till nothing but the gold was left. 
It was then collected by other workmen, and placed 
in earthen crucibles with a mixture of lead and salt 
in certain proportions, together with a little tin and 
some barley bran. The crucibles were covered and 



MIN 



MIN 



653 



carefully closed with clay, and in this condition 
baked in a furnace for five days and nights without 
intermission. Of the three methods employed for 
refining gold and silver, (1.) by exposing the fused 
metal to a current of air; (2.) by keeping the alloy 
in a state of fusion and throwing nitre upon it; and 
(3.) by mixing the alloy with lead, exposing the 
whole to fusion upon a vessel of bone-ashes or 
earth, and blowing upon it with bellows or other 
blast ; the third appears most nearly to coincide 
with the description of Diodorus. To this, known 
as the cupelling process (Lead), there seems to be a 
reference in Ps. xii. 6 ; Jer. vi. 28-30; Ez. xxii. 18- 
22, and from it Mr. Napier deduces a striking illus- 
tration of Mai. iii. 2, 3, " he shall sit as a refiner and 
purifier of silver," &c. When the alloy is melted 
upon a cupel, and the air blown upon it, the sur- 
face has a deep orange red color, with a kind of 
flickering wave passing over the surface. As the 
process proceeds, the heat is increased, and the re- 
finer watches the operation, either standing or sit- 
ting, with the greatest earnestness, until all the 
orange color and shading disappears, and the refiner 
may see himself as in a looking-glass. — Silver-mines 
are mentioned by Diodorus with those of gold, iron, 
and copper, in the island of Meroe. But the chief 
supply of silver in the ancient world appears to have 
been brought from Spain. The mines of that coun- 
try were ce'.ebrated (1 Mc. viii. 3). Mount Orospeda, 
from which the Guadalquivir, the ancient Baltes, 
takes its vise, was formerly called " the silver moun- 
tain," from the silver mines in it. But the largest 
silver-mines in Spain were in the neighborhood of 
Carthago Nova (modern Carthagena). The process 
of separating the silver from the lead is abridged by 
Strabo from Polybius. The lumps of ore were first 
pounded, and then sifted through sieves into water. 
The sediment was again pounded, and again filtered, 
and after this process had been repeated five times 
the water was drawn off, the remainder of the ore 
melted, the lead poured away and the silver left 
pure. If Tartessus be the Tarshish of Scripture, 
the metal workers of Spain in those days must have 
possessed the art of hammering silver into sheets, 
for we find in Jer. x. 9, "silver spread into plates 
is brought from Tarshish, and gold from Uphaz." 
We have no means of knowing whether the gold of 
Ophir was obtained from mines or from the wash- 
ing of gold-streams. Probably the greater part of 
the gold which came into the hands of the Pheni- 
cians and Hebrews was obtained from streams ; its 
great abundance seems to indicate this. As gold is 
seldom if ever found entirely free from silver, the 
quantity of the latter varying from two per cent, to 
thirty per cent, it has been supposed that the an- 
cient metallurgists were acquainted with some means 
of parting them, an operation performed in modern 
times by boiling the metal in nitric or sulphuric 
acid. To some process of this kind reference is 
supposed to be made in Prov. xvii. 3, " The fining- 
pot is for silver, and the fvrnace for gold ; " and 
again in xxvii. 21. A strong proof of the acquaint- 
ance possessed by the ancient Hebrews with the 
manipulation of metals is found by some in the de- 
struction of the golden calf in the desert by Moses, 
which they have unscientifically supposed was ef- 
fected by calcination, &c. "And he took the calf 
which they had made, and burnt it in the fire, and 
ground it to powder, and strawed it upon the water, 
and made the children of Israel drink" (Ex. xxxii. 
20). The whole difficulty (so Mr. Wright) appears 
to have arisen from a desire to find too much in the 



text. The main object of the destruction of the 
calf was to prove its worthlessness and to throw 
contempt upon idolatry, and all this might have 
been done without any refined chemical process like 
that referred to. How far the ancient Hebrews 
were acquainted with the processes at present in 
use for extracting copper from the ore it is impossi- 
ble to assert, as there are no references in Scripture 
to anything of the kind except in the passage of 
Job already quoted. Copper-smelting, however, is 
in some cases attended with comparatively small 
difficulties, which the ancients had evidently the 
skill to overcome. Some means of toughening the 
metal so as to render it fit for manufacture must 
have been known to the Hebrews as to other an- 
cient nations. The Egyptians evidently possessed 
the art of working bronze in great perfection at a 
very early time, and much of the knowledge of 
metals which the Israelites had must have been 
acquired during their residence among them. Of 
tin there appears to have been no trace in Palestine. 
That the Phenicians obtained their supplies from 
the mines of Spain and Cornwall there can be no 
doubt. The lead-mines of Gebel e' Hossass, near the 
coast of the Red Sea, about latitude 25° N., may 
have supplied the Hebrews with that metal, of which 
there were no mines in their own country, or it 
may have been obtained from the rocks in the 
neighborhood of Sinai. The hills of Palestine are 
rich in iron, and the mines are still worked there, 
though in a very simple rude manner, like that of 
the ancient Samothracians ; of the method employed 
by the Egyptians and Hebrews we have no certain 
information. It may have been similar to that in 
use throughout India from very early times, which 
is thus described by Dr. Ure : — " The furnace or 
bloomery in which the ore is smelted is from four 
to five feet high ; it is somewhat pear-shaped, being 
about five feet wide at the bottom and one foot at 

the top. It is built entirely of clay There is 

an opening in front about a foot or more in height, 
which is built up with clay at the commencement and 
broken down at the end of each smelting operation. 

The bellows are usually made of goat's skin 

The bamboo nozzles of the bellows are inserted into 

tubes of clay, which pass into the furnace 

The furnace is filled with charcoal, and a lighted 
coal being introduced before the nozzles, the mass 
in the interior is soon kindled. As soon as this is 
accomplished, a small portion of the ore, previously 
moistened with water to prevent it from running 
through the charcoal, but without any flux what- 
ever, is laid on the top of the coals and covered with 
charcoal to fill up the furnace. In this manner ore 
and fuel are supplied, and the bellows are urged for 
three or four hours. When the process is stopped 
and the temporary wall in front broken down, the 
bloom is removed with a pair of tongs from the 
bottom of the furnace." It has seemed necessary 
to give this account of a very ancient method of 
iron-smelting, because, from the difficulties which 
attend it, and the intense heat required to separate 
the metal from the ore, it has been asserted that the 
allusions to iron and iron manufacture in the 0. T. 
are anachronisms. But if it were possible among 
the ancient Indians in a very primitive state of civil- 
ization, it might have been known to the Hebrews, 
who may have acquired their knowledge by working 
as slaves in the iron furnaces of Egypt (compare 
Deut. iv. 20). Furnace ; Handicraft ; Metals. 

Mingled Pco'plc. This phrase (Heb. hdcreb), in 
Jer. xxv. 20, and Ez. xxx. 5, like that of " the mixed 



654 



MIN 



MIN 



multitude," which the Hebrew closely resembles, 
= the miscellaneous foreign population of Egypt 
and its frontier-tribes, including every one, says 
Jerome, who was not a native Egyptian, but was 
resident there. It is difficult to identify with the 
mingled people any particular race of which we 
have knowledge. " The kings of the mingled peo- 
ple that dwell in the deserts " are the same appar- 
ently as the tributary kings (A. V. " kings of 
Arabia") who brought presents to Solomon (1 K. x. 
15); the Hebrew in the two cases is identical. The 
"mingled people" in the midst of Babylon (Jer. 1. 
37) were probably the foreign soldiers or mercenary 
troops, who lived among the native population, as 
the Targum takes it. 

Min'i-a-min (Heb. = Miamin, Mijamin, Ges.). 1. 
A Levite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxi. 15). 
— 2. A priest, probably = Miamin 2 and Mijamin 
2 (Neh. xii. 17). — 3. One of the priests at the dedi- 
cation of the wall of Jerusalem (xii. 41). 

Min'ni (Heb. division, allotment? Ges.), a portion 
of Armenia mentioned in connection with Ararat 
and Ashchenaz (Jer. li. 27). 

Min'is-ter — an attendant or servant, one who 
acts in subordination or obedience to another. This 
term is used in the A. V. to describe various offi- 
cials of a religious and civil character. In the 
O. T. it answers to the Heb. mcshdreth, which is 
applied, (1.) to an attendant upon a person of high 
rank (Ex. xxiv. 13; Josh. i. 1; 2 K. iv. 43, A. V. 
"servitors;" Ex. xxxiii. 11, A. V. "servant," &c); 
(2.) to the attaches of a royal court (1 K. x. 5; 2 
Chr. xxii. 8 ; comp. Ps. civ. 4), distinguished from 
the " servants " or officials of higher rank ; (3.) to 
the priests and Levites (Is. lxi. 6; Ez. xliv. 11; 
Joel i. 9, 13 ; Ezr. viii. 17 ; Neh. x. 36). In the 
N. T. we have three Greek terms, each with its dis- 
tinctive meaning — leitourgos, huperetcs, and diakonos. 
The first answers most nearly to the Heb. meshdrelh 
and is usually employed in the LXX. as its equiva- 
lent. It betokens a subordinate public administra- 
tor (Rom. xiiL 6, xv. 16 ; Heb. viii. 2). In all these 
instances the original and special meaning of the 
word, as used by the Athenians of one who performs 
certain gratuitous public services, is preserved. In 
Heb. i. 7 it is used of the angels. In Ecclus. x. 2 
it is translated " officer." The second Greek term 
differs from the two others in containing the idea 
of actual and personal attendance on a superior. 
Thus it is used of the attendant in the synagogue, 
the hazzdn or chazzdn of the Talmudists (Lk. iv. 20), 
whose duty it was to open and close the building, 
to produce and replace the books employed in the 
service, and generally to wait on the officiating priest 
or teacher. The idea of personal attendance comes 
prominently forward in Lk. i. 2 and Acts xxvi. 16. It 
is frequently translated " officer" (Mat. v. 25, &c.) 
and " servant" (xxvi. 58, &c). In all these cases 
the etymological sense of the word (literally a sub- 
rower, one who rows under the command of the 
steersman) comes out. The third Greek term, 
often = "servant" in general (Mat. xxii. 13; Jn. 
ii. 5, 9, xii. 26, &c), is employed in a general sense 
for any Christian teacher (Preacher), as Paul and 
Apollos (1 Cor. iii. 5, &c), Tychicus (Eph. vi. 21 ; 
Col. iv. 7), Epaphras (i. 7), Timothy (1 Th. iii. 2), 
and Christ Himself (Rom. xv. 8; Gal. ii. 17); and 
in a special sense, for which see Deacon. Servant. 

Mia nith (Heb. = Minni ?), a place on the east 
of the Jordan, to which Jephthah's slaughter of 
the Ammonites extended (Judg. xi. 33). Minnith 
was in the neighborhood of Abel-Ceramim. A site 



bearing the name Menjah, is marked in Van de 
Velde's map, at seven Roman miles E. of Heshbon, 
on a road to Ammdn (Rabbah), though not on the 
frequented track. The " wheat of Minnith " is 
mentioned in Ez. xxvii. 17, as supplied by Judah 
and Israel to Tyre ; but there is nothing to indicate 
that the same place is intended, and indeed the 
word is thought by some not to be a proper name. 

Minstrel. The Heb. word in 2 K. iii. 15 (menag- 
gen) properly signifies a player upon a stringed in- 
strument like the harp, on which David played be- 
fore Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 16, xviii. 10, xix. 9), and 
which the harlots of the great cities used to carry 
with them as they walked to attract notice (Is. xxiii. 
16). The passage in which it occurs has given rise 
to much conjecture; Elisha, upon being consulted 
by Jehoram as to the issue of the war with Moab, 
at first indignantly refuses to answer, and is only 
induced to do so by the presence of Jehoshaphat. 
He calls for a harper, apparently a camp-follower ; 
" and it came to pass as the harper harped that the 
hand of Jehovah was on him." Other instances of 
the same Divine influence or impulse connected with 
music, are seen in the case of Saul and the young 
prophets in 1 Sam. x. 5, 6, 10, 11. In the present 
passage the reason of Elisha's appeal is variously 
explained. According to Keil, " Elisha calls for a 
minstrel, in order to gather in his thoughts by the 
soft tones of music from the impression of the outer 
world and by repressing the life of self and of the 
world to be transferred into the state of internal 
vision, by which his spirit would be prepared to re- 
ceive the Divine revelation." This, in effect, is the 
view taken by Josephus, Maimonides, &c. The 
" minstrels " in Mat. ix. 23 (Gr. pi. of aulctes, trans- 
lated " pipers " in Rev. xviii. 22), were the flute- 
players who were employed as professional mourn- 
ers to whom frequent allusion is made (Eccl. xii. 5 ; 
2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Jer. ix. 17-20). Mourning ; Music. 

Mint (Gr. heduosmon) occurs only in Mat. xxiii. 
23, and Lk. xi. 42, as one of those herbs, the tithe 
of which the Jews were most scrupulously exact in 
j paying. The A. V. is undoubtedly correct in the 
translation of the Greek word, and all the old ver- 
sions are agreed in understanding some species of 
mint {Mentha) by it. Mint was used by the Greeks 




Horse-mint (Mentha eylvestfie'). 



and Romans both as a carminative in medicine and 
a condiment in cookery. The woodcut represents 



MIP 



MIR 



655 



the horse-mint (Mentha sylvestris) which is common 
in Syria, and, according to Russell, found in the 
gardens at Aleppo ; Mentha sativa is generally sup- 
posed to be only a variety of Mentha arvensis, an- 
other widely-diffused species (popularly called field- 
mint or corn-mint) ; perhaps all these were known 
to the ancients. There are numerous species of 
this genus, having similar properties, usually grow- 
ing in moist situations, and yielding a powerful 
odor, especially when bruised. Spearmint (Mentha 
viridis) and peppermint (Mentha piperita) are well 
known in the United States. 

Miph'kad (Heb. review, appointment, appointed 
place, Ges.), the Gate, one of the gates of Jerusalem 
at the time of the rebuilding of the wall after the 
Captivity (Neh. iii. 31). It was probably not in 
the wall of Jerusalem proper, but in that enclosing 
the Temple, and somewhere near to the junction of 
the two on the northern side. 

Mir'a-clcs. The word " miracle " (fr. L. miracu- 
lum = any thing wonderful or strange) is a common 
translation in our A. V. of the Gr. semeion (Lk. 

xxiii. 8; Jn. ii. 11, &c), often translated literally 
"sign" (Mat. xii. 38, 39, xvi. 1 ff., &c), once "to- 
ken" (2 Th. iii. IV), thrice "wonder" (Rev. xii. 1, 
3, xiiL 13) ; also of the Gr. dunamis (Mk. ix. 39 ; 
Acts ii. 22, viii. 13, xix. 11 ; 1 Cor. xii. 10, 28, 29 
["workers of miracles"] ; Gal. iii. 5 ; Heb. ii. 4), 
oftener literally " power " (Mat. vi. 13, xxii. 29, &c), 
also " mighty work " (xi. 20 ff., &c). It is also the 
A. V. translation of the Heb. 6th twice (Num. xiv. 
22; Deut. xi. 3), usually translated " sign " (Gen. i. 
14; Ex. iv. 8, 9, &c); Heb. mopheth twice (vii. 9 ; 
Deut, xxix. 3, Heb. 2), usually translated "wonder" 

Ex. iv. 21, vii. 3, &c); Heb. pi. niphlAolh once 
Judg. vi. 13), elsewhere " wonders " (Ex. iii. 20, 
&c), " marvels " (xxxiv. 10), " wondrous works," 
" wondrous things," " marvellous works," " marvel- 
lous things," &c. The Gr. teras, occurring only in 
the pi. and uniformly translated " wonders " (Mat. 

xxiv. 24, &c), deserves mention here as expressing 
one of the prominent ideas of a " miracle." Our trans- 
lators did not borrow " miracle " from the Vulgate, 
but apparently from their English predecessors, Tyn- I 
dale, Coverdale, &c. ; and it had, probably before 
their time, acquired a fixed technical import in I 
theological language, which is not directly sug- 
gested by its etymology. It will perhaps be found 
(so Bishop Fitzgerald, the original author of this 
article) that the habitual use of the term " miracle " 
has tended to fix attention too much on the phys- 
ical strangeness of the facts thus described, and to 
divert attention from what may be called their 
signality. In reality, the practical importance of 
the strangeness of miraculous facts consists in this, 
that it is one of the circumstances which, taken to- 
gether, make it reasonable to understand the phe- 
nomenon as a mark, seal, or attestation of the Di- 
vine sanction to something else. And if we suppose 
the Divine intention established that a given phe- 
nomenon is to be taken as a mark or sign of Di- 
vine attestation, theories concerning the mode in 
which that phenomenon was produced become of 
comparatively little practical value, and are only 
serviceable as helping our conceptions. In many 
cases the phenomenon which constitutes a Divine 
sign may be one not, in itself, at all varying from 
the known course of nature. This is the common 
case of prophecy : in which the fulfilment of the 
prophecy, which constitutes the sign of the proph- 
et's commission, may be the result of ordinary 
causes, and yet, from being incapable of having 



been anticipated by human sagacity, it may be an 
adequate mark or sign of the Divine sanction. In 
such cases, the miraculous or wonderful element is 
to be sought not in the fulfilment, but in the pre- 
diction. (Prophet.) It would appear, indeed, that 
in almost all cases of signs or evidential miracles 
something prophetic is involved. In the common 
case, e. g. of healing sickness by a word or touch, 
the word or gesture maybe regarded as a, prediction 
of the cure ; and then, if the whole circumstances 
be such as to exclude just suspicion of (1.) a natu- 
ral anticipation of the event, and (2.) a casual co- 
incidence, it will be indifferent to the signality of 
the cure whether we regard it as effected by the 
operation of ordinary causes, or by an immediate 
interposition of the Deity reversing the course of 
nature. Hypotheses by which such cures are at- 
tempted to be accounted for by ordinary causes are 
indeed generally wild, improbable, and arbitrary, 
and are, on that ground, justly open to objection ; 
but, if the miraculous character of the predictive 
antecedent be admitted, they do not tend to de- 
prive the phenomenon of its signality: and there 
are minds who, from particular associations, find it 
easier to conceive a miraculous agency operating in 
the region of mind, than one operating in the re- 
gion of matter. A " miracle," in the Scriptural 
sense, has been defined as " some wonderful event, 
such as requires Divine power to perform, and 
which may therefore be regarded as a sign or indi- 
cation of Divine presence or agency (Prof. J. Haven 
in B. S. xix. 333). The peculiar improbability of 
Miracles is resolved by Hume, in his famous Essay, 
into the circumstance that they are " contrary to 
experience." This expression is, as has often been 
pointed out, strictly speaking, incorrect. In strict- 
ness, that only can be said to be contrary to ex- 
perience, which is contradicted by the immediate 
perceptions of persons present at the time when 
the fact is alleged to have occurred. But the terms 
" contrary to experience " are used for " contrary 
to the analogy of our experience ; " and it must be 
admitted that, in this latter, less strict sense, mir- 
acles are contrary to general experience, so far as 
their mere physical circumstances, visible to us, are con- 
cerned. This should not only be admitted, but 
strongly insisted upon, by the maintainers of mir- 
acles, because it is an essential element of their 
signal character. And this leads us to notice one 
grand difference between Divine Miracles and other 
alleged facts that seem to vary from the ordinary 
course of nature. It is manifest that there is an 
essential difference between alleging a casein which, 
all the real antecedents or causes being similar to 
those which we have daily opportunities of observ- 
ing, a consequence is said to have ensued quite dif- 
ferent from that which general experience finds to 
be uniformly conjoined with them, and alleging a 
case in which there is supposed and indicated by all 
the circumstances, the intervention of an invisible 
antecedent, or cause, which we know to exist, and 
to be adequate to the production of such result; 
for the special operation of which, in this case, we 
can assign probable reasons, and also for its not 
generally operating in a similar manner. This latter 
is the case of the Scripture-miracles. They are 
wrought under a solemn appeal to God, in proof 
of a revelation worthy of Him, the scheme of which 
may be shown to bear a striking analogy to the 
constitution and order of nature ; and it is mani- 
fest that, in order to make them fit signs for attest- 
ing a revelation, they ought to be phenomena ca- 



656 



MIR 



MIR 



pable of being shown by a full induction to vary 
from what is known to us as the ordinary course of 
nature. Even if we do not regard the existence of 
Gon, in the proper sense of that term, as proved by 
the course of nature, still if we admit His existence 
to be in any degree probable, or even possible, the 
occurrence of miracles will not be incredible. For 
it is surely going too far to say that, because the 
ordinary course of nature leaves us in doubt 
whether the author of it be able or unable to alter 
it, or of such a character as to be disposed to alter 
it for some great purpose, it is therefore incredible 
that He should ever have actually altered it. — Some 
popular forms of expression tend greatly to in- 
crease, in many minds, the natural prejudice against 
miracles. One of these is the usual description of 
a miracle, as, " a violation of the laws of nature." 
This metaphorical expression suggests directly the 
idea of natural agents breaking, of their own ac- 
cord, some rule which has the authority and sanc- 
tity of a law to them. Such a figure can only be 
applicable to the case of a supposed causeless and 
arbitrary variation from the uniform order of se- 
quence in natural things, and is wholly inapplicable 
to a change in that order caused by God Himself. 
The word " law," when applied to material things, 
ought only to be understood as denoting a number 
of observed and anticipated sequences of phenom- 
ena, taking place with such a resemblance or anal- 
ogy to each other as if a rule had been laid down, 
which those phenomena were constantly observing. 
But the rule, in this case, is nothing different from 
the actual order itself; and there is no cause of 
these sequences but the will of God choosing to 
produce those phenomena, and choosing to produce 
them in a certain order. Again, the term " nature " 
suggests to many persons the idea of a great system 
of things endowed with powers and forces of its 
own — a sort of machine, set a-going originally by 
a first cause, but continuing its motions of itself 
Hence we are apt to imagine that a change in the 
motion or operation of any part of it by God, would 
produce the same disturbance of the other parts, 
as such a change would be likely to produce in 
them, if made by us, or any other natural agent. 
But if the motions and operations of material things 
be produced really by the Divine will, then His 
choosing to change, for a special purpose, the ordi- 
nary motion of one part, does not necessarily, or 
probably, infer His choosing to change the ordinary 
motions of other parts in a way not at all requisite 
for the accomplishment of that special purpose. 
It is as easy for Him to continue the ordinary course 
of the rest, with the change of one part, as of all 
the phenomena without any change at all. Thus, 
though the stoppage of the motion of the earth in 
the ordinary course of nature would be attended 
with terrible convulsions, the stoppage of the earth 
miraculously, for a special purpose to be served by 
that only, would not of itself be followed by any 
such consequences. From the same conception of 
nature, as a machine, we are apt to think of inter- 
ferences with the ordinary course of nature as im- 
plying some imperfection in it. But this is a false 
analogy ; for, the reason why machines are made is, 
to save us trouble ; and, therefore, they are more 
perfect in proportion as they answer this purpose. 
But no one can seriously imagine that the universe 
is a machine for the purpose of saving trouble to 
the Almighty. Again, when miracles are described 
as "interferences with the laws of nature," this de- 
scription makes them appear improbable to many 



minds, from their not sufficiently considering that 
the laws of nature interfere with one another ; and 
that we cannot get rid of " interferences " upon any 
hypothesis consistent with experience. Further- 
more, whatever ends may be contemplated by the 
Deity for the laws of nature in reference to the rest 
of the universe, we know that, in respect of us, 
they answer discernible moral ends — that they place 
us practically under government, conducted in the 
way of rewards and punishment — a government of 
which the tendency is to encourage virtue and re- 
press vice — and to form in us a certain character 
by discipline ; which character our moral nature 
compels us to consider as the highest and worthiest 
object which we can pursue. Since, therefore, the 
laws of nature have, in reference to us, moral pur- 
poses to answer, which, as far as we can judge, 
they have not to serve in other respects, it seems 
not incredible that these peculiar purposes should 
occasionally require modifications of those laws in 
relation to us, which are not necessary in relation 
to other parts of the universe. — After all deductions 
and abatements have been made, however, it must 
be allowed that a certain antecedent improbability 
must always attach to miracles, considered as events 
varying from the ordinary experience of mankind as 
known to us ; because likelihood, verisimilitude or 
resemblance to what we know to have occurred, is, 
by the constitution of our minds, the very ground 
of probability ; and, though we can perceive reasons, 
from the moral character of God, for thinking it 
likely that He may have wrought miracles, yet we 
know too little of His ultimate designs, and of the 
best mode of accomplishing them, to argue con- 
fidently from His character to His acts, except 
where the connection between the character and the 
acts is demonstrably indissoluble, as in the case of 
acts rendered necessary by the attributes of veraci- 
ty and justice. Miracles are, indeed, in the notion 
of them, no breach of the high generalization that 
" similar antecedents have similar consequents ; " 
nor, necessarily, of the maxim that " God works by 
general laws ; " because we can see some laws of 
miracles (as e. g. that they are infrequent, and that 
they are used as attesting signs of, or in conjunction 
with, revelations) and may suppose more ; but they 
do vary, when taken apart from their proper evi- 
dence, from this rule, that "what a general ex- 
perience would lead us to regard as similar ante- 
cedents are similar antecedents ; " because the only 
assignable specific difference observable by us in the 
antecedents in the case of miracles, and in the case 
of the experiments from the analogy of which they 
vary in their physical phenomena, consists in the 
moral antecedents ; and these, in cases of physical 
phenomena, we generally throw out of the account ; 
nor have we grounds a priori for concluding with 
confidence that these are not to be thrown out of 
the account here also, although we can see that the 
moral antecedents here (such as the fitness for at- 
testing a revelation like the Christian) are, in many 
important respects, different from those which the 
analogy of experience teaches us to disregard in 
estimating the probability of physical events. — But, 
in order to form a fair judgment, we must take in 
all the circumstances of the case, and, amongst the 
rest, the testimony on which the miracle is reported 
to us. Our belief, indeed, in human testimony 
seems to rest upon the same sort of instinct on 
which our belief in the testimony (as it may be 
called) of nature is built, and is to be checked, 
modified, and confirmed by a process of experience 



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657 



similar to that which is applied in the other case. 
As we learn, by extended observation of nature and 
the comparison of analogies, to distinguish the real 
laws of physical sequences from the casual conjunc- 
tions of phenomena, so are we taught in the same 
jpanner to distinguish the circumstances under 
which human testimony is certain or incredible, 
probable or suspicious. The circumstances of our 
condition force us daily to make continual observa- 
tions upon the phenomena of human testimony ; 
and it is a matter upon which we can make such 
experiments with peculiar advantage, because every 
man carries within his own breast the whole sum 
of the ultimate motives which can influence human 
testimony. Hence arises the aptitude of human 
testimony for overcoming, and more than overcom- 
ing, almost any antecedent improbability in the 
thing reported. So manifest, indeed, is this in- 
herent power of testimony to overcome antecedent 
improbabilities, that Hume is obliged to allow 
that testimony may be so circumstanced as to 
require us to believe, in some cases, the occurrence 
of things quite at variance with general experience ; 
but he pretends to show that testimony to such 
facts when connected with religion can never be so 
circumstanced. — Over and above the direct testi- 
mony of human witnesses to the Bible-miracles, we 
have also what may be called the indirect testimony 
of events confirming the former, and raising a dis- 
tinct presumption that some such miracles must 
have been wrought. Thus, e. g., we know, by a 
copious induction, that, in no nation of the ancient 
world, and in no nation of the modern world unac- 
quainted with the Jewish or Christian revelation, 
has the knowledge of the one true God as the Cre- 
ator and Governor of the world, and the public 
worship of Him, been kept up by the mere light 
of nature, or formed the groundwork of such re- 
ligions as men have devised for themselves. Yet 
we do find that, in the Jewish people, though no 
way distinguished above others by mental power or 
high civilization, and with as strong natural ten- 
dencies to idolatry as others, this knowledge and 
worship was kept up from a very early period of 
their history, and, according to their uniform his- 
torical tradition, kept up by revelation attested by 
undeniable miracles. Again, the existence of the 
Christian religion, as the belief of the most con- 
siderable and intelligent part of the world, is an un- 
disputed fact ; and it is also certain that this reli- 
gion originated (as far as human means are con- 
cerned) with a handful of Jewish peasants, who 
went about preaching, on the very spot where 
Jesus was crucified, that He had risen from the 
dead, and had been seen by, and had conversed 
with them, and afterward ascended into heaven. 
This miracle, attested by them as eyewitnesses, was 
the very ground and foundation of the religion 
which they preached, and it was plainly one so cir- 
cumstanced that, if it had been false, it could easily 
have been proved to be false. Yet, though the 
preachers of it were everywhere persecuted, they 
had gathered, before they died, large churches in 
the country where the facts were best known, and 
through Asia Minor, Greece, Egypt, and Italy ; and 
these churches, notwithstanding the severest perse- 
cutions, went on increasing till, in about 300 years 
after, this religion — i. e. a religion which taught the 
worship of a Jewish peasant (Jesus Christ) who 
had been ignominiously executed as a malefactor — 
became the established religion of the Roman em- 
pire ; and has ever since continued to be the prc- 
42 



vailing religion of the civilized world. — It is mani- 
fest that, if the miraculous facts of Christianity did 
not really occur, the stories about them must have 
originated either in fraud or in fancy. The coarse 
explanation of them by the hypothesis of unlimited 
fraud, has been generally abandoned -in modern 
times : but, in Germany especially, many persons of 
great acuteness have long labored to account for 
them by referring them to fancy. Of these there 
have been two principal schools — the Naturalistic, 
and the Mythic. 1. The Naturalists suppose the 
miracles to have been natural events, more or less 
unusual, that were mistaken for miracles, through 
ignorance or enthusiastic excitement. But the re- 
sult of their labors in detail has been to turn the 
N. T., as interpreted by them, into a narrative far 
less credible than any narrative of miracles could 
be. " Some infidels," says Archbishop Whately, 
" have labored to prove concerning some one of our 
Lord's miracles that it might have been the result 
of an accidental conjuncture of natural circum- 
stances ; and they endeavor to prove the same con- 
cerning another, and so on ; and thence infer that 
all of them, occurring as a series, might have been 
so. They might argue, in like manner, that, be- 
cause it is not very improbable one may throw sixes 
in any one out of 100 throws, therefore it is no more 
improbable that one may throw sixes 100 times run- 
ning." The truth is, that every thing that is im- 
probable in the mere physical strangeness of miracles 
applies to such a series of odd events as these ex- 
planations assume: while the hypothesis of their 
non-miraculous character deprives us of the means 
of accounting for them by the extraordinary inter- 
position of the Deity. 2. The Mythic theory sup- 
poses the N. T. Scripture-narratives to have been 
legends, not stating the grounds of men's belief 
in Christianity, but springing out of that belief, 
and embodying the idea of what Jesus, if He were 
the Messiah, must have been conceived to have done 
in order to fulfil that character, and was therefore 
supposed to have done. But this leaves the origin 
of the belief, that a man, who did not fulfil the idea 
of the Messiah in any one remarkable particular, 
was the Messiah, wholly unaccounted for. Besides, 
all the arguments for the genuineness and authen- 
ticity of the writings of the N. T. bring them up to 
a date when the memory of Christ's real history 
was so recent, as to make the substitution of a set 
of mere legends in its place utterly incredible ; and 
the gravity, simplicity, historical decorum, and con- 
sistency with what we know of the circumstances 
of the times in which the events are said to have 
occurred, observable in the narratives of the N. T., 
make it impossible reasonably to accept them as 
mere myths. In the early ages, the fact that extraor- 
dinary miracles were wrought by Jesus and His 
apostles, does not seem to have been generally de- 
nied by the opponents of Christianity. They seem 
always to have preferred adopting the expedient of 
ascribing them to art magic and the power of evil 
spirits. We are not to suppose, however, that this 
solution would have been preferred, if the facts 
could have been plausibly denied. We know that 
in two instances, in the Gospel narrative, the cure 
of the man born blind and the Resurrection, the 
Jewish priests were unable to pretend such a solu- 
tion, and were driven to maintain unsuccessfully a 
charge of fraud ; and the circumstances of the 
Christian miracles were, in almost all respects, so 
utterly unlike those of any pretended instances of 
magical wonders, that the apologists have little dif- 



658 



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ficulty in refuting this plea. This they do generally 
from the following considerations: (1.) The great- 
ness, number, completeness, and publicity of the 
miracles. (2.) The natural beneficial tendency of 
the doctrine they attested. (3.) The connection of 
them witlua whole scheme of revelation extending 
from the first origin of the human race to the time 
of Christ. This evasion of the force of the Chris- 
tian miracles, by referring them to the power of 
evil spirits, has seldom been seriously recurred to 
in modern times ; but the English infidels of the last 
century employed it as a kind of argumentum ad 
hominem (L. =: argument to a man, i. e. one derived 
from his own principles), to tease and embarrass 
their opponents — contending that, as the Bible 
speaks of " lying wonders " of Antichrist, and re- 
lates a long contest of apparent miracles between 
Moses and the Egyptian magicians, Christians could 
not, on their own principles, have any certainty that 
miracles were not wrought by evil spirits. But (1.) 
The light of nature gives us no reason to believe 
that there are any evil spirits having power to in- 
terfere with the course of nature. (2.) It shows us 
that, if there be, they are continually controlled 
from exercising such power. (3.) The supposed 
records in the Bible of such an exercise show us 
the power there spoken of, as exerted completely 
under the control of God, and in such a manner as 
to make it evident where the advantage lay. (4.) 
The number, greatness, beneficence, and variety of 
the Bible-miracles — their connection with prophecy 
and a scheme of things extending from the crea- 
tion down — the character of Christ and His apostles 
— and the manifest tendency of the Christian reli- 
gion to serve the cause of truth and virtue — make 
it incredible that the miracles attesting it should 
have been wrought by evil beings. — Particular the- 
ories as to the manner in which miracles have been 
wrought are matters rather curious than practically 
useful. In all such cases we must bear in mind the 
great maxim the subtlety of nature far surpasses the 
subtlety of the human mind. Another question more 
curious than practical, is that respecting the precise 
period when miracles ceased in the Christian Church. 
It is plain, that whenever they ceased in point of 
fact, they ceased relatively to us whenever a sufficient 
attestation of them to our faith fails to be supplied. 
A real miracle may indeed be imperfectly reported 
to us, and we may, therefore, possibly reject accounts 
of real miracles ; but this is an inconvenience at- 
tending probable evidence from its very nature. — In 
the case of the Scripture-miracles, we must be care- 
ful to distinguish the particular occasions upon 
which they were wrought, from their general pur- 
pose and design ; yet not so as to overlook the con- 
nection between these two things. There are but 
few miracles recorded in Scripture of which the 
whole character was merely evidential — few, i. e., 
that were merely displays of a supernatural power 
made for the sole purpose of attesting a Divine 
Revelation. Of this character were the change of 
Moses' rod into a serpent at the burning bush (Ex. 
iv.), the burning bush itself (iii.), the going back- 
ward of the shadow upon the sun-dial of Ahaz (2 
K. xx. 9-1 1 ; Is. xxxviii. 8), and some others. In 
general, however, the miracles recorded in Scripture 
have, beside the ultimate purpose of affording evi- 
dence of a Divine interposition, some immediate tem- 
porary purposes which they were apparently wrought 
to serve — such as the curing of diseases, the feed- 
ing of the hungry, the relief of innocent, or the 
punishment of guilty persons. These immediate 



temporary ends are not without value in reference 
to the ultimate and general design of miracles, as 
providing evidence of the truth of revelation. And, 
in some cases it would appear that miraculous works 
of a particular kind (e. g. the cure of bodily dis- 
eases, the gift of tongues, the casting out of demons) 
were selected as emblematic or typical of some 
characteristic of the revelation which they were in- 
tended to attest. In this point of view, Christian 
miracles may be fitly regarded as specimens of a 
Divine Power, alleged to be present. In this sense, 
they seem to be called the manifestation or exhibi- 
tion of the Spirit (1 Cor. xii. *7 ?). In the case of 
the 0. T. miracles, again, in order fully to understand 
their evidential character, we must consider the 
general nature and design of the dispensation with 
which they were connected. The general design of 
that dispensation appears to have been to keep up 
in one particular race a knowledge of the one true 
God, and of the promise of a Messiah in whom " all 
the families of the earth " should be " blessed." 
And in order to this end, it appears to have been 
necessary that, for some time, God should have 
assumed the character of the local tutelary Deity 
and Prince of that particular people. (Jehovah.) 
And from this peculiar relation in which He stood 
to the Jewish people (aptly called by Josephus a 
Theocracy) resulted the necessity of frequent mir- 
acles, to manifest and make sensibly perceptible His 
actual presence among and government over them. 
The miracles, therefore, of the 0. T. are to be re- 
garded as evidential of the theocratic government; 
and this again is to be conceived of as subordinate 
to the further purpose of preparing the way for 
Christianity, by keeping up in the world a knowl- 
edge of the true God and of His promise of a Re- 
deemer. With respect to the character of the 0. T. 
miracles, we must also remember that the whole 
structure of the Jewish economy had reference to 
the peculiar exigency of the circumstances of a 
people imperfectly civilized, and is so distinctly de- 
scribed in the N. T., as dealing with men according 
to the " hardness of their hearts," and being a sys- 
tem of " weak and beggarly elements," and a rudi- 
mentary instruction for " children " who were in 
the condition of " servants." — It has been often 
made a topic of complaint against Hume that, in 
dealing with testimony as a medium for proving 
miracles, he has resolved its force entirely into our 
experience of its veracity, and omitted to notice that, 
antecedently to all experience, we are predisposed 
to give it credit by a kind of natural instinct. The 
argument, indeed, in Hume's celebrated Essay on 
Miracles, was very far from being a new one. The 
restatement of it, however, by a person of Hume's 
abilities, was of service in putting men upon a more 
accurate examination of the true nature and meas- 
ure of probability. Even in the pages of Bishop 
Butler we may perhaps detect a misconception of 
this subject. " There is," he observes, " a very 
strong presumption against common speculative 
truths, and against the most ordinary fads, before 
the proof of them, which yet is overcome by almost 
any proof There is a presumption of millions to 
one against the story of Cesar or of any other man. 
For, suppose a number of common facts so and so 
circumstanced, of which one had no kind of proof, 
should happen to come into one's thoughts ; every 
one would, without any possible doubt, conclude 
them to be false. And the like may be said of a 
single common fact. And from hence it appears 
that the question of importance, as to the matter 



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659 



before us, is concerning the degree of the peculiar 
presumption against miracles ; not whether there 
be any peculiar presumption at all against them. 
For if there be a presumption of mil/ions to one 
against the most common facts, what can a small pre- 
sumption, additional to this, amount to, though it 
be peculiar ? It cannot be estimated, and is as 
nothing " (Analogy, part ii., ch. ii.). It is plain that, 
in this passage, Butler lays no stress upon the pecu- 
liarities of the story of Cesar, which he casually 
mentions. For he expressly adds, " or of any other 
man ; " and repeatedly explains that what he says 
applies equally to any ordinary facts, or to a single 
fact. And the way in which he proposes to esti- 
mate the presumption against ordinary facts is, by 
considering the likelihood of their being anticipated 
beforehand by a person guessing at random. But, 
surely, this is not a measure of the likelihood of the 
facts considered in themselves, but of the likelihood 
of the coincidence of the facts with a rash and arbi- 
trary anticipation. The case of a person guessing 
beforehand, and the case of a witness reporting 
what has occurred, are essentially different. The 
truth is, that the chances to which Butler seems to 
refer as a presumption against ordinary events, are 
not in ordinary cases overcome by testimony at all. 
The testimony has nothing to do with them ; be- 
cause they are chances against the event considered 
as the subject of a random vaticination, not as the 
subject of a report made by an actual observer. 
But it should be noticed that what we commonly 
call the chances against an ordinary event are not 
specific, but particular. They are chances against 
this event, not against this kind of event. The 
chances, in the case of casting a die, are the chances 
against the coming of a particular face ; not against 
the coming up of some face. " Hume ignores the 
fact of a supernatural moral government over the 

world of nature and of men Nature is only a 

part of a more comprehensive system. Nature is an 
instrument, not an end. The moral administration 
of God is superior and all-comprehensive. The 
fixed order of Nature is appointed to promote the 
ends of wisdom and goodness. The same motive 
which dictated the establishment of this order may 
prescribe a deviation for it ; or rather may have 
originally determined that the natural order should 
at certain points give way to supernatural manifes- 
tation Introduce the fact of a personal God, 

a moral government, and a wise and benevolent end 
to be subserved through miraculous interposition, 
and Hume's reasoning is emptied of all its force " 
(Prof. G. P. Fisher, in New Englander, xxiv. 14— 17). 
— The Ecclesiastical Miracles are not delivered to us 
by inspired historians ; nor do they seem to form 
any part of the same series of events as the mira- 
cles of the N. T. The miracles of the N. T. (setting 
aside those wrought by Christ Himself) appear to 
have been worked by a power conferred upon par- 
ticular persons according to a regular law, in virtue 
of which that power was ordinarily transmitted from 
one person to another, and the only persons privi- 
leged thus to transmit that power were the apostles. 
The only exceptions to this rule were, (1.) the apos- 
tles themselves, and (2.) the family of Cornelius, who 
were the first-fruits of the Gentiles. In all other 
cases, miraculous gifts were conferred only by the 
laying on of the apostles' hands. By this arrange- 
ment, it is evident that a provision was made for 
the total ceasing of that miraculous dispensation 
within a limited period : because, on the death of the 
last of the apostles, the ordinary channels would be 



all stopped through which such gifts were transmit- 
ted in the Church. One passage has, indeed, been ap- 
pealed to as seeming to indicate the permanent res- 
idence of miraculous powers in the Christian Church 
through all ages (Mk. xvi. IT, 18). But— (1.) That 
passage itself is of doubtful authority, since it was 
omitted in most of the Greek MSS. which Eusebius 
was able to examine in the fourth century ; and it 
is still wanting in some of the most important that 
remain to us. (Maek, GosPEr- of.) (2.) It does 
not necessarily imply more than a promise that 
such miraculous powers should exhibit themselves 
among the immediate converts of the apostles. 
And (3.) this latter interpretation is supported by 
what follows — " And they went forth, and preached 
everywhere, the Lord working with them, and con- 
firming the word with the accompanying signs.'' It 
is, indeed, confessed by the latest and ablest defend- 
ers of the ecclesiastical miracles that the great mass 
of them were essentially a new dispensation ; but it 
is contended, that by those who believe in the 
Scripture-miracles, no strong antecedent improba- 
bility against such a dispensation can be reason- 
ably entertained ; because, for them, the Scripture- 
miracles have already " borne the brunt " of the 
infidel objection, and " broken the ice." But this 
is wholly to mistake the matter. If the only objec- 
tion antecedently to proof against the ecclesiastical 
miracles were a presumption of their impossibility or 
incredibility — simply as miracles, this allegation 
might be pertinent; because he that admits that a 
miracle has taken place, cannot consistently hold 
that a miracle as such is impossible or incredible. 
But the antecedent presumption against the eccle- 
siastical miracles rises upon four distinct grounds, 
no one of which can be properly called a ground of 
infidel objection. (1.) It arises from the very nature 
of probability, and the constitution of the human 
mind, which compels us to take the analogy of 
general experience as a measure of likelihood. And 
this presumption is neither religious nor irreligious, 
but antecedent to, and involved in, all probable rea- 
soning. (2.) This general antecedent presumption 
against miracles, as varying from the analogy of 
general experience, cannot be denied without shak- 
ing the basis of all probable evidence, whether for 
or against religion. Nor does the admission of the 
existence of the Deity, or the admission of the 
actual occurrence of the Christian miracles, tend to 
remove this antecedent improbability against mira- 
cles circumstanced as the ecclesiastical miracles 
generally are. The true presumption agoinst mira- 
cles is not against their possibility, but their prob- 
ability. Christianity has indeed revealed to us the 
permanent operation of a supernatural order of 
things, actually going on around us. But there is 
nothing in the notion of such a supernatural system 
as the Christian dispensation is, to lead us to ex- 
pect continual interferences with the common course 
of nature. (3.) It is acknowledged by the ablest 
defenders of the ecclesiastical miracles that, for the 
most part, they belong to those classes of miracles 
which are described as ambiguous and tentative, i. e. 
they are cases in which the effect, if it occurred at 
all, may have been the result of natural causes, and 
where, upon the application of the same means, the 
desired effect was only sometimes produced. (4.) 
Though it is not true that the Scripture-miracles 
have so " borne the brunt " of the a priori objection 
to miracles (i. e. the objection from the analogy of 
general experience) as to remove all peculiar pre- 
sumption against them as improbable events, there 



660 



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MIR 



is a sense in which they have prepared the way for 
those of the ecclesiastical legends. But it is one 
which aggravates, instead of extenuating, their im- 
probability. The narratives of the Scripture-mir- 
acles may very probably have tended to raise an ex- 
pectation of miracles in the minds of weak and 
credulous persons, and to encourage designing men 
to attempt an imitation of them. And those in- 
stances of Scripture-miracles which are most easily 
imitable by fraud, or most apt to strike a wild and 
mythical fancy, seem to be the types which, with ex- 
travagant exaggeration and distortion, are princi- 
pally copied in the ecclesiastical miracles. In this 
sense it may be said that the Scripture narratives 
" broke the ice," and prepared the way for a whole 
succession of legends. On the whole, we may con- 
clude that the mass of the ecclesiastical miracles do 
not form any part of the same series as those re- 
lated in Scripture, which latter are, therefore, un- 
affected by any decision we may come to with re- 
spect to the former ; and that they are pressed by 
the weight of three distinct presumptions against 
them — being improbable (1.) as varying from the 
analogy of nature; (2.) as varying from the analogy 
of the Scripture-miracles ; (3.) as resembling those 
legendary stories which are the known product of 
the credulity or imposture of mankind. — Leslie, in 
his Short and Easy Mctlwd wi'h the Deists, laid down 
four rules which attest the miracles of Moses and 
of Christ, viz. (1.) That the matter of fact be such as 
men's outward senses can judge of; (2.) That it be 
done publicly in the face of the world; (3.) That 
memorials and observances be kept up in commemo- 
ration of it; (4.) That such memorials and observ- 
ances commence from the fact. Thus the Passover, 
Lord's Day, &c, prove the reality of the miracles 
connected with their origin. There may be facts in 
favor of which these four criteria cannot be found ; 
but that which has the four is thereby substantia- 
ted. See also Creation ; Demoniacs ; Inspiration ; 
Magic; Tongues, Confusion op, &c. 

Mir Nam (Heb. their rebellion, Stl. ; rebellion, Ges. ; 
thick, fat, strong one, Fii.). 1. Miriam, the sister of 
Moses, was the eldest of that sacred family ; and she 
first appears probably as a young girl, watching her 
infant brother's cradle in the Nile, and suggesting 
her mother as a nurse (Ex. ii. 4, 7). The indepen- 
dent and high position given by her superiority of 
age she never lost. " The sister of Aaron " is her 
Biblical distinction (xv. 20). In Num. xii. 1 she is 
placed before Aaron ; and in Mic. vi. 4 reckoned as 
amongst the Three Deliverers. She is the first per- 
sonage in that household to whom the prophetic 
gifts are directly ascribed — " Miriam the Prophet- 
ess " is her acknowledged title (Ex. xv. 20). The 
prophetic power showed itself in her under the same 
form as in the days of Samuel and David — poetry, 
accompanied with music and processions. The only 
instance of this prophetic gift is when, after the pas- 
sage of the Red Sea, she takes a cymbal in her 
hand, and goes forth, like the Hebrew maidens in 
later times after a victory ( Judg. v. 1, xi. 34 ; 1 
Sam. xviii. 6; Ps. lxviii. 11, 25), followed by the 
whole female population of Israel, also beating their j 
cymbals and striking their guitars (A. V. " dances "). 
It does not appear how far they joined in the whole 
song (Ex. xv. 1-19) ; but the opening words are re- 
peated by Miriam herself at the close. (Prophet.) 
She took the lead, with Aaron, in the complaint 
against Moses for his marriage with a Cushite. 
(Zipporah.) "Hath Jehovah spoken by Moses? 
Hath He not also spoken by us? " (Num. xii. 1, 2). 



A stern rebuke was administered in front of the 
sacred Tent to both Aaron and Miriam. But the 
punishment fell on Miriam, as the chief offender. 
The hateful Egyptian leprosy, of which for a mo- 
ment the sign had been seen on the hand of her 
younger brother, broke out over the whole person 
of the proud prophetess. How grand was her posi- 
tion, and how heavy the blow, is implied in the cry 
of anguish which goes up from both her brothers. 
And it is not less evident in the silent grief of the 
nation (10-15). This stroke, and its removal, which 
took place at Hazeroth, form the last public event 
of Miriam's life. She died toward the close of the 
wanderings at Kadesh, and was buried there (xx. 1). 
Her tomb was shown near Petra in the days of 
Jerome. According to Josephus, she was married 
to the famous Hur, and through him, was grand- 
mother of the architect Bezaleel. (Mary thk 
Vi rgin.) — 2« A man or woman mentioned in the 
genealogies of the tribe of Judah and house of Caleb 
(1 Chr. iv. 17). 

Mir'ma (Heb. deceit, fraud, Ges.; height, Fii.), a 
Benjamite chief, son of Shaharaim by his wife Ho- 
desh; born in the land of Moab (1 Chr. viii. 10). 

Mir ror. The two Hebrew words, mardh (Ex. 
xxxviii. 8), and rei (Job xxxvii. 18), are rendered 
" looking-glass " in the A. V., but from the context 
evidently denote a mirror of polished metal. In the 
N. T. the Gr. esoptron is translated " glass," i. e. mir- 
ror, in 1 Cor. xiii. 12 ; Jas. i. 23 ; and the plural par- 
ticiple kaloplrizomenoi is translated " beholding as in 
a glass " (= mirror) in 2 Cor. iii. 18. The Hebrew 
women on coming out of Egypt probably brought 
with them mirrors like those used by the Egyptians, 
and made of a mixed metal, chiefly copper, wrought 
with such admirable skill, says Sir G. Wilkinson 
(Ane. Eg. iii. 384), that they were " susceptible of a 
lustre, which has even been partially revived at the 




4 



Ancient Mirrora, or " Looking-glasses," of bronze.— From the British 
Museum. — (Fairbairn.) 3-4, Egyptian Mirrora. 5, Assyrian Mirror. 

present day, in some of those discovered at Thebes, 
though buried in the earth for many centuries. The 
mirror itself was nearly round, inserted into a handle 
of wood, stone, or metal, whose form varied accord- 
ing to the taste of the owner. Some presented the 
figure of a female, a flower, a column, or a rod orna- 
mented with the head of Athor, a bird, or a fancy de- 
vice ; and sometimes the face of a Typhonian monster 
was introduced to support the mirror, serving as a 
contrast to the features whose beauty was displayed 



MIS 



MIX 



661 



within it." The metal of which the mirrors were 
composed, being liable to rust and tarnish, required 
to be constantly kept bright (Wis. vii. 26 ; Ecclus. 
xii. 11). This was done by means of pounded 
pumice-stone, rubbed on with a sponge, which was 
generally suspended from the mirror. The obscure 
image produced by a tarnished or imperfect mirror, 
appears to be alluded to in 1 Cor. xiii. 12. The 
obscure Heb. pi. gi/yonim (Is. iii. 23), rendered 
" glasses " (i. e. mirrors) in the A. V. after the Vul- 
gate, Targum, Gesenius, and the best authorities, is 
explained by Schroeder to signify transparent dresses 
of fine linen. 

Mis'a-el, or Sli'sa-el (Gr. = Mishael). 1. Mish- 
ael 2 (1 Esd. ix. 44 ; compare Neh. viii. 4). — 2. 
Mishael 3 = Meshach (Song of the Three Holy 
Children 66). 

Mis'gab (Heb. heiglti, Ges.), a place in Moab 
named in company with Nebo and Kiriathaim in 
the denunciation of Jeremiah (xlviii. 1). It appears 
to be mentioned also in Is. xxv. 1 2, though there 
rendered in the A. V. " high fort." It possibly = 
" Mizpeh of Moab," named only in 1 Sam. xxii. 3. 
Mizpah 2. 

Mish'a-el, or Mi'sha-el (Heb. who is what God is ? 
Ges.). 1, A son of Uzziel, the uncle of Aaron and 
Moses (Ex. vi. 22). When Nadab and Abihu were 
struck dead for offering strange fire, Mishael and 
his brother Elzaphan, at the command of Moses, 
removed their bodies from the sanctuary, and buried 
them without the camp, their loose-fitting tunics 
serving for winding-sheets (Lev. x. 4, 5). — 2. One, 
probably a priest or Levite, who stood at Ezra's 
left hand when he read the Law to the people (Neh. 
viii. 4). — 3. One of Daniel's three companions 
(Dan. i. 6, 7, 11, 19, ii. 17); = Meshach. 

* Mi'shal (Heb.) = Misheal (Josh. xxi. 30). 

Mi sham (Heb. swift-going, Ges.), a Benjamite, son 
of Elpaal, and descendant of Shaharaim (1 Chr. 
viii. 12). 

Mi'she-al, or Mish'e-al (Heb. entreaty, Ges.), a city 
of Asher ( Josh. xix. 26), allotted to the Gershonite 
Levites (xxi. 30, A. V. " Mishal ; " 1 Chr. vi. 74, 
A. V. " Mashal "). 

Mishma (Heb. a hearing, Ges.). 1. Son of Ish- 
mael and brother of Mibsam 1 (Gen. xxv. 14; 1 
Chr. i. 30). The Masamani of Ptolemy may repre- 
sent the tribe of Mishma. — 2. Son of Simeon (1 Chr. 
iv. 25), brother of Mibsam 2. These brothers were 
perhaps named after the older brothers, Mishma 1 
and Mibsam 1. 

Misll-man'nah (Heb. fatness, Ges.), the fourth of. 
the twelve lion-faced Gadites who joined David at 
Ziklag(l Chr. xii. 10). 

Mish'ra-ites (fr. Heb. = people from Mishra 
[slippery place /]), a town or place otherwise un- 
known, Ges.), the, the fourth of the four " families 
of Kirjath-jearim," i. e. colonies proceeding there- 
from and founding towns (1 Chr. ii. 53). 

* Mis'par (Heb.). Mizpar and Mispereth. 
Mis'pe-retll (Heb. number, Ges.), one of those who 

returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua from Babylon 
(Neh. vii. 7); called Mizpar (or Mispar) in Ezr. ii. 
2, and Aspharasus in 1 Esd. v. 8. 

Misre-photh-maim (Heb., see below), a place in 
northern Palestine, in close connection with Zidon- 
rabbah, i. e. Sidon (Josh. xi. 8). The name occurs 
again in the enumeration of the districts remaining 
to be conquered (xiii. 6). Taken as Hebrew, the 
literal meaning of the name is burnings of waters, 
and accordingly it is taken by the old interpreters 
to mean warm waters, whether natural, i. e. hot 



baths or springs — or artificial, i. e. salt, glass, or 
smelting works ; more probably = burnings by the 
waters, either lime-kilns or smelting-furnaces situ- 
ated near water (Gesenius). Probably here, as in 
many other cases (so Mr. Grove), a meaning has 
been forced on a name originally belonging to an- 
other language, and therefore unintelligible to the 
later occupiers of the country. Thomson makes 
Misrephoth-maim = a collection of springs called 
'Ain Musheirifeh, on the sea-shore, close under the 
Has en-Nakhura ; but this has the disadvantage of 
being very far from Sidon. May it not rather be 
Zarephath ? 

* Mist, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. id = 
vapor, mist, rising from the earth and forming 
clouds, Ges. (Gen. ii. 6), translated "vapor" once 
(Job xxxvi. 27) ; not found elsewhere. — 2. Gr. 
achlus = a mist before the eyes, Rbn. N. T. Lex. 
(Acts xiii. 11 only). — 3. Gr. zophos = darkness, 
blackness, thick gloom, Kbn. N. T. Lex. (2 Pet. ii. 
17), twice translated "darkness" (4; Jude 6), and 
once " blackness " (Jude 13). Cloud ; Dew ; Rain, 
&c. 

Mite (Gr. lepton), a coin current in Palestine in 
the time of our Lord (Mk. xii. 41-44; Lk. xxi. 1-4). 
It seems in Palestine to have been the smallest piece 
of money, being the half of the "farthing" 1, and 
therefore = three-sixteenths of a cent. Perhaps the 
" farthing " was the more common coin. Money. 

Mith'cah (Heb. sweetness, Ges.), an unknown desert 
encampment of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 28, 29). 
Wilderness of the Wandering. 

Mith'nite (fr. Heb. = one from a place or tribe 
named Methen, otherwise unknown), the, the desig- 
nation of Joshaphat, one of David's " valiant men" 
(1 Chr. xi. 43). 

Mitll're-dath (Heb. fr. Pers. = given by Mithra, 
the sun-god, Ges., Fii., &c. ; given to Mithra, Sir 
Henry Rawlinson). 1. The treasurer of Cyrus, king 
of Persia, to whom the king gave the vessels of the 
Temple, to be by him transferred to the hands of 
Sheshbazzar (Ez. i. 8). — 2. A Persian officer at Sa- 
maria, in the reign of Artaxerxes, or Smerdis the 
Magian ; one of those leagued together to hinder the 
rebuilding of the Temple (Ezr. iv. 7). 

Mith-ri-da'tes [-teez] (Gr. and L. fr. Pers. = Mith- 
redath). 1. Mithredath 1 (1 Esd. ii. 11). — 2. Mith- 
redath 2 (ii. 16). 

Mitre. Crown. 

Mit-y-Ic'ne (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so some] from its 
founder's daughter, or [so others] from its restorer, 
Schl.), the chief town of Lesbos, and situated on 
the east coast of the island. At Mitylene St. Paul 
stopped for the night between Assos and Chios 
(Acts xx. 14, 15). It may be gathered from the cir- 
cumstances of this voyage that the wind was blow- 
ing from the N. W. ; and it is worth while to notice 
that in the harbor or roadstead of Mitylene the ship 
would be sheltered from that wind. The town it- 
self was celebrated in Roman times for the beauty 
of its buildings. The poetess Sappho and poet 
Alcajus, the physician Theophrastus, the sage Pit- 
tacus, &c, were natives of Mitylene. In St. Paul's 
day it had the privileges of a free city. It is one 
of the few cities of the iEgean which have contin- 
ued without intermission to flourish till the present 
day. It has given its name to the whole island, 
and is itself now called sometimes Castro, some- 
times Mifylen. 

Mixed Elul'ti-tnde. With the Israelites who jour- 
neyed from Rameses to Succoth, the first stage of 
the Exodus from Egypt, there went up (Ex. xii. 38) 



662 



MIZ 



MIZ 



" a mixed multitude " (Heb. 'ere b rab, margin " a 
great mixture "), who have not hitherto been iden- 
tified. Aben Ezra says it signifies the Egyptians 
who were mixed with them. Rashi on Num. xi. 4 
(where the Heb. asapksuph is thus translated) iden- 
tifies the " mixed multitude " of Numbers and Ex- 
odus. During their residence in Egypt marriages 
were naturally contracted between the Israelites and 
the natives (Lev. xxiv. 11). This hybrid race is 
evidently alluded to by llashi and Aben Ezra, and 
is most probably that to which reference is made in 
Exodus. That the " mixed multitude " is a general 
term including all those who were not of pure Is- 
raelite blood is evident ; more than this cannot be 
positively asserted. In Exodus and Numbers it 
probably denoted the miscellaneous hangers-on of 
the Hebrew camp, whether they were the issue of 
spurious marriages with Egyptians, or were them- 
selves Egyptians or belonging to other nations. 
The Heb. 'ereb is translated by itself "mixed mul- 
titude" in Neh. xiii. 3 (compare 23-30), after the 
return from Babylon. Gesenius defines it " a mixed 
multitude, mingled mass, of strangers and foreigners 
who follow a migrating people or an army." Min- 
gled People. 

Mi'zar (fr. Heb. = smallness, hence small, little, 
Ges.), tlic Ilill (Heb. liar), a mountain apparently in 
the northern part of Transjordanic Palestine, from 
which the author of Ps. xlii. utters his pathetic ap- 
peal (ver. 6). The name appears nowhere else. 
Gesenius, &c, suppose it a summit probably in the 
ridge of Anti-Lebanon or Hermon. Hill 2. 

Miz'pal), and Hi/, poll (both fr. Heb. = watch- 
tower*, lofty place, Ges.), the name borne by several 
places in ancient Palestine. — 1 . The " Mizpah " first 
mentioned, is the heap of stones piled up by Jacob 
and Laban (Gen. xxxi. 48) on Mount Gilead (25), to 
serve both as a witness to the covenant then entered 
into, and also as a landmark of the boundary be- 
tween them (52). This heap received a name from 
each of the two chief actors in the transaction — 
Galeed and Jegar-sahadutha. Its third name, Miz- 
pah, it seems from the narrative to have derived 
from neither party, but to have possessed already. 
The name remained attached to the ancient meet- 
ing-place of Jacob and Laban, and the spot where 
their conference had been held became a sanctuary 
of Jehovah, and a place for solemn conclave and 
deliberation in times of difficulty long after. On 
this natural " watch-tower," when the last touch had 
been put to their misery by the threatened attack 
of the Ammonites, did the children of Israel as- 
semble for the choice of a leader (Judg. x. 17, com- 
pare 16); and when the outlawed Jephthah had 
been prevailed on to leave his exile and take the 
head of his people, his first act was to go to " the 
Mizpah," and on that consecrated ground utter all 
his words " before Jehovah." At Mizpah he seems 
to have henceforward resided ; there the fatal meet- 
ing took place with his daughter on his return from 
the war (xi. 34), and we can hardly doubt that on 
the altar of that sanctuary the father's terrible vow 
was consummated. Most probably the " Mizpeh of 
Gilead " mentioned here only = the Mizpah of the 
other parts of the narrative ; and both probably =: 
the Ramath-mizpeh and Ramoth-gilead, so famous 
in the later history (so Mr. Grove and most author- 
ities). Mr. Grove is disposed to regard this Mizpah as 
the place at which the great assembly of the people 
was held to decide on the measures to be taken against 
Gibeah after the outrage on the Levite and his concu- 
bine (Judg. xx. 1, 3, xxi. 1, 5, 8). Robinson (i. 460), 



Porter (in Kitto), Prof. Douglas (in Fairbairn), &c, 
regard this " Mizpeh " as = No. 6 below. Prof. 
Douglas also considers the " Mizpah " of Judg. x. 
17, xi. 11, 34 as = No. 6, and different from "Miz- 
peh of Gilead " in xi. 29. Porter supposes the Miz- 
pah of Genesis a different place from any mentioned 
in Judges, and perhaps on some hill-top N. of Gera- 
sa. (Mahanaim.) Mizpah still retained its name in 
the days of the Maccabees, by whom it was besieged 
and taken with the other cities of Gilead (1 Mc. v. 
35, A. V. " Maspha"). — 2. A second Mizpeh, on the 
E. of Jordan, was the " Mizpeh of Moab," where 
the king of that nation was living when David com- 
mitted his parents to his care (1 Sam. xxii. 3). The 
name does not occur again, nor is there any clew to 
the situation of the place. It may have been Kir 
of Moab, the modern Kerak, or even the great 
Mount Pisgah. — 3. A third was " the land of Miz- 
peh," or more accurately " of Mizpah," the residence 
of the Hivites who joined the northern confederacy 
against Israel, headed by Jabin, king of Hazor (Josh, 
xi. 3). No other mention is found of this district 
in the Bible, unless it be identical with — 4. " The 
Valley of Mizpeh," to which the discomfited hosts 
of the same confederacy were chased by Joshua (xi. 
8). It lay eastward from Misrephoth-maim ; but the 
situation of the latter place is by no means certain. 
If we may rely on the peculiar term (Heb. bik'dh) 
here rendered " valley," then we may accept the 
" land of Mizpah " or " the valley of Mizpeh " as = 
Coelesyria (Celosyria), the Bukd'a alike of the mod- 
ern Arabs and of the ancient Hebrews. But this 
is only a probable inference. — 5. "Mizpeh," a city 
of Judah (Josh. xv. 38); in the "valley" (No. 
5), or maritime lowland. Van de Velde suggests 
its identity with the present Tell es-Stlftye/i, the 
Blanchegarde of the Crusaders, and this conjecture 
is favored by Mr. Grove, Knobel, Keil, &c. Porter 
(in Kitto) regards this site as too far N. (Gath.) 
— 6. " Mizpeh," in Joshua and Samuel; elsewhere 
"Mizpah," a "city" of Benjamin, named between 
Beeroth and Chephirah, and in apparent proximity 
to Ramah and Gibeon (Josh, xviii. 26). Its connec- 
tion with the two last-named towns is also implied 
in the later history (1 K. xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; 
Neh. iii. 7). It was one of the places fortified by 
Asa against the incursions of the kings of Israel (1 
K. xv. 22 ; 2 Chr. xvi. 6 ; Jer. xli. 9) ; and after the 
destruction of Jerusalem it became the residence 
of the superintendent appointed by the king of Baby- 
lon (Jer. xl. 7, &c. ; Gedaliah 1), and the scene of 
his murder and of the romantic incidents connected 
with the name of Ishmael the son of Nethaniah. 
But Mizpah was more than this. In the earlier periods 
of the history of Israel, at the first foundation of the 
monarchy, it was the great sanctuary of Jehovah, 
the special resort of the people in times of difficulty 
and solemn deliberation. It was one of the three 
holy cities which Samuel visited in turn as judge of 
the people (vii. 6, 16), the other two being Bethel 
and Gilgal. Probably this is the Mizpah of Neh. 
iii. 7, 15, 19. (See also No. 1 above.) With the 
conquest of Jerusalem and the establishment there 
of the Ark, the sanctity of Mizpah, or at least its 
reputation, seems to have declined. We hear of no 
religious act in connection with it till that affecting 
assembly called together thither, as to the ancient 
sanctuary of their forefathers, by Judas Maccabeus, 
" when the Israelites assembled themselves together 
and came to Maspha over against Jerusalem ; for 
in Maspha was there aforetime a place of prayer 
for Israel " (1 Mc. iii. 46). The expression " over 



MIZ 



HOA 



663 



against,* no less than the circumstances of the 
story, seems to require that from Mizpah the City 
or the Temple was visible. These conditions are 
satisfied by the position of Scopus, the broad ridge 
which forms the continuation of the Mount of Olives 
to the N. and E., from which the traveller gains, 
like Titus, his first view, and takes his last farewell, 
of the domes, walls, and towers of the Holy City 
(so Mr. Grove, with Stanley and Bonar). Robinson 
(i. 460) regards Neby SamwU ( = Prophet Samuel), 
five miles N. W. of Jerusalem, as the probable site 
of Mizpah of Benjamin ; and this identification is 
accepted by Wilson (ii. 36 ff.), Porter (Handbook, 
and in Kitto), and generally (so Prof. Douglas, in 
Fairbairn). Neby SamwU is the most conspicuous 
object in the whole region, rising 500 or 600 feet 
above the plain of Gibeon, is well cultivated in ter- 
races, and has on its top a large dilapidated mosque, 
formerly a church, and a little village (see cut under 
Gibeon). The " Mizpah " of Hos. v. 1 may be Mizpah 
of Benjamin, but Porter (in Kitto) prefers " Mizpeh 
of Gilead." 

Miz'par (fr. Heb. = number, Ges.), properly Mis- 
par, as in the A. V. of 1611 and the Geneva ver- 
sion; = Mispereth (Ezr. ii. 2). 

Miz poll. Mizpah. 

Miz ra-im, an English form of the Heb. mitsrayim, 
the usual name of Egypt in the O. T., the dual of 
Eeb. M&tsor, which is less frequently employed. 
If the etymology be sought in Hebrew it might sig- 
nify a mound, bulwark, or citadel, or distress ; but 
no one of these meanings is apposite. Mr. R. S. 
Poole prefers, with Geseuius, to look to the Arabic. 
In the Kdmoos, one of the meanings given to Misr, 
the corresponding Arabic word, is red earth or mud, 
and this Mr. Poole believes is the true one, from its 
correspondence to the Egyptian name of the coun- 
try, Kem, which signifies black, and was given to it 
for the blackness of its alluvial soil. Gesenius ac- 
cepts another meaning of the Arabic word, viz. limit, 
border. — Mizraim first occurs in the account of the 
Hamites in Gen. x., where we read, " And the sons of 
Ham ; Cush, and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan " 
(ver. 6 ; compare 1 Chr. i. 8). If the names be in or- 
der of seniority, we can form no theory as to their 
settlements from their places ; but if the arrange- 
ment be geographical, the placing may afford a clew 
to the positions of the Hamite lands. CtfSH would 
stand first as the most widely-spread of these peoples, 
extending from Babylon to the upper Nile ; the terri- 
tory of Mizraim would be the next to the N., em- 
bracing Egypt and its colonies on the N. W. and N.E. ; 
Phut as dependent on Egypt might follow Mizraim ; 
and Canaan as the northernmost would end the 
list. Egypt, the "land of Ham," may have been 
the primitive seat of these four stocks. In the 
enumeration of the Mizraites, though we have tribes 
extending far beyond Egypt, we may suppose that 
they all had their first seat in Mizraim, and spread 
thence, as is distinctly said of the Philistines. Here 
the order seems to be geographical, though the 
same is not so clear of the Canaanites. The list is 
thus given in Gen. x. : — " And Mizraim begat Lddim, 
and Anamim, and Lehabim, and Naphtdhim, and 
Pathrusim, and Casluhim (out of whom came 
Philistim), and Caphtorim " (13, 14 ; compare 1 Chr. 
i. 11, 12). Mizraim, therefore, like Cush, and per- 
haps Ham, geographically represents a centre 
whence colonies went forth in the remotest period 
of post-diluvian history. Mr. Poole regards the dis- 
tribution of the Mizraites as showing that their colo- 
nies were but a part of the great migration that gave 



the Cushites the command of the Indian Ocean, 
and which explains the affinity the Egyptian monu- 
ments show us between the pre-Hellenic Cretans 
and Carians (the latter no doubt the Leleges of the 
Greek writers) and the Philistines. In the use of 
the singular and dual Hebrew names for Egypt 
there can be no doubt that the dual indicates the 
two regions into which the country has always been 
divided by nature as well as by its inhabitants. It 
has been supposed that the singular, as distinct 
from the dual, signifies Lower Egypt ; but this con- 
jecture cannot be maintained (so Mr. Poole). 

Miz'zah (Heb. fear, Ges.), a " duke " of Edom ; 
son of Reuel and grandson of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 
17 ; 1 Chr. i. 37). 

Mna'son [na-] (Gr. remembering, Schl.), an "old 
disciple," mentioned as one of the hosts of the 
Apostle Paul (Acts xxi. 16). Probably his residence 
at this time was not Cesarea, but Jerusalem. He 
was a Cyprian (Cyprus) by birth, and may have 
been a friend of Barnabas (Acts iv. 36), and pos- 
sibly brought to the knowledge of Christianity by 
him. 

Mo' alt (Heb. = from my father, LXX., Jos., De 
Wette, &c. ; going in of the father, Hiller, Sim. ; seed 
of the father, Ros., Ges., &c. ; a wished-for, longed- 
for one, Fii.), son of Lot's eldest daughter, and 
elder brother of Ben-Ammi, the progenitor of the 
Ammonites (Gen. xix. 37) ; also the nation descended 
from him. Zoar was the cradle of the race of 
Lot. From this centre the brother-tribes spread 
themselves. Ammon, whose disposition seems 
throughout to have been more roving and unsettled, 
went to the N. E. Moab, whose habits were more 
settled and peaceful, remained nearer their original 
seat. The rich highlands which crown the eastern 
side of the chasm of the Dead Sea, and extend 
northward as far as the foot of the mountains of 
Gilead, appear at that early date to have borne a 
name which in its Hebrew form is presented to us 
as Shaveh-kiriathaim, and to have been inhabited 
by a branch of the Rephaim. This ancient people, 
the Emim, gradually became extinct before the 
Moabites, who thus obtained possession of the whole 
of the rich elevated tract referred to. With the 
highlands they occupied also the lowlands at their 
feet. Of the valuable district of the highlands they 
were not allowed to retain entire possession. The 
warlike Amorites crossed the Jordan and overran 
the richer portion of the territory on the N., driving 
Moab back to his original position behind the nat- 
ural bulwark of the Arnon. The plain of the 
Jordan valley appears to have remained in the 
power of Moab. When Israel reached the boundary 
of the country, this contest had only very recently 
occurred. Sihon, the Amorite king, under whose 
command Heshbon had been taken, was still reign- 
ing there : the ballads commemorating the event 
were still fresh in the popular mouth (Num. xxi. 
27-30). Of these events we obtain the above out- 
line only from the fragments of ancient documents 
(xxi. 26-30; Deut. ii. 10, 11). The position into 
which the Moabites were driven by the incursion of 
the Amorites was a very circumscribed one, in ex- 
tent not half that which they had lost. But on the 
other hand it was much more secure, and was well 
suited for the occupation of a people whose dispo- 
sition was not so warlike as that of their neighbors. 
The territory occupied by Moab at the period of its 
greatest extent, before the invasion of the Amorites, 
divided itself naturally into three distinct and in- 
dependent portions. Each of these portions appears 



664 



MO A 



MOA 



to have had its name by which it is almost invari- 
ably designated. (1.) The enclosed corner or can- 
ton S. of the Arnon was the " field of Moab " (Heb. 
sddeh, A. V. " country ; " Ru. i. 1, 2, 6, &c). (2.) 
The more open rolling country N. of the Arnon, 
opposite Jericho, and up to the hills of Gilead, was 
the " land of Moab " (Heb. erels [see Earth] ; Deut. 
i. 5, xxxii. 49, &c). (3.) The sunk district in the 
tropical depths of the Jordan valley, taking its 
name from that of the great valley itself — the 
Arabah — was the 'Arboih-Moilb = (he dry regions, 
in the A. V " plains of Moab " (Num. xxii. 1, 
&c). Outside of the hills, which enclosed the " field 
of Moab " or Moab proper, on the S. E., lay the 
vast pasture-grounds of the waste, uncultivated 
country (A. V. " wilderness ; " see Desert 2) which 
is described as "facing Moab" on the E. (A. V. 
" before Moab, toward the sun-rising," Num. xxi. 
11). Through this latter district Israel appears to 
have approached the Promised Land. Some com- 
munication had evidently taken place, though of 
what nature it is impossible clearly to ascertain 
(Deut. ii. 28, 29, xxiii. 4 ; Judg. xi. 17). But what- 
ever the communication may have been, the result 
was that Israel did not traverse Moab, but turning 
to the right passed outside the mountains, through 
the " wilderness," by the eastern side of the terri- 
tory above described (Deut. ii. 8 ; Judg. xi. 18), and 
finally took up their position in the country N. of 
the Arnon, from which Moab had so lately been 
ejected. Here the headquarters of the nation re- 
mained for a considerable time while the conquest 
of Bashan was being effected. It was during this 
period that the visit of Balaam took place. The 
whole of the country E. of the Jordan, except the 
little corner occupied by Moab, was in possession 
of the invaders, and although at the period in 
question the main body had descended from the 
upper level to the plains of Shittim, the ' 'Arboth- 
Modb, in the Jordan valley, yet a great number 
must have remained on the upper level, and the 
towns up to the very edge of the ravine of the Ar- 
non were still occupied by their settlements (Num. 
xxi. 24; Judg. xi. 26). It was a situation full of 
alarm for a nation which had already suffered so 
severely. The account of the whole of these trans- 
actions in Numbers perhaps hardly conveys an 
adequate idea of the extremity in which Balak 
found himself in his unexpected encounter with 
the new nation and their mighty Divinity. The 
connection of Moab with Midian, and the compara- 
tively inoffensive character of the former, are shown 
in the narrative of the events which followed the 
departure of Balaam. The latest date at which 
the two names appear in conjunction, is found in 
the notice of the defeat of Midian " in the field of 
Moab " by the Edomite King Hadad the son of 
Bedad, which occurred five generations before the 
establishment of the monarchy of Israel (Gen. xxxvi. 
35 ; 1 Chr. i. 46). After the conquest of Canaan 
the relations of Moab with Israel were of a mixed 
character. With the tribe of Benjamin, whose 
possessions at their eastern end were separated from 
those of Moab only by the Jordan, they had at 
least one severe struggle, in union with their kindred 
the Ammonites, and also for this time only, the wild 
Amalekites from the S. (Judg. iii. 12-30). (Eglon; 
Ehud 2.) The feud continued with true Oriental 
pertinacity to the time of Saul. Of his slaughter 
of the Ammonites we have full details in 1 Sam. xi., 
and among his other conquests Moab is especially 
mentioned (xiv. 47). But while such were their 



relations to the tribe of Benjamin, the story of 
Ruth, on the other hand, testifies to the existence 
of a friendly intercourse between Moab and Beth- 
lehem, one of the towns of Judah. By his descent 
from Ruth, David may be said to have had Moabite 
blood in his veins. The relationship was sufficient, 
especially when combined with the blood-feud be- 
tween Moab and Benjamin, already alluded to, to 
warrant his visiting the land of his ancestress, and 
committing his parents to the protection of the 
king of Moab, when hard pressed by Saul (xxii. 
3, 4). But here all friendly relation stops for- 
ever. The next time the name is mentioned is in 
the account of David's war, at least twenty years 
after the last-mentioned event. Two-thirds of the 
people were put to death ; the remainder became 
bondmen, and were subjected to an annual tribute. 
The spoils went to swell the treasures which David 
was amassing for the future Temple (2 Sam. viii. 2, 
11, 12; 1 Chr. xviiu 2, 11). So signal a vengeance 
can only have been occasioned by some act of per- 
fidy or insult, like that which brought down a simi- 
lar treatment on the Ammonites (2 Sam. x.). It 
has been conjectured that the king of Moab be- 
trayed the trust which David reposed in him, and 
either himself killed Jesse and his wife, or sur- 
rendered them to Saul. But this, though not im- 
probable, is nothing more than conjecture. It must 
have been a considerable time before Moab recov- 
ered from so severe a blow. At the disruption of 
the kingdom, Moab seems to have fallen to the 
northern realm. At the death of Ahab, eighty 
years later, we find Moab paying him the enormous 
tribute, apparently annual, of 100,000 rams, and 
the same number of wethers (Lamb 4) with their 
fleeces. It is not surprising that the Moabites 
should have seized the moment of Ahab's dea.th to 
throw off so burdensome a yoke ; but it is surpris- 
ing that, notwithstanding such a drain on their re- 
sources, they were ready to incur the risk and ex- 
pense of a war with a state in every respect far 
their superior. Their first step, after asserting their 
independence, was to attack the kingdom of Judah 
(2 Chr. xx.). The army was a huge heterogeneous 
horde of ill-assorted elements, and the expedition 
contained within itself the elements of its own de- 
struction. Dissensions arose, and the army of Je- 
hoshaphat had only to watch the extermination of 
one-half the huge host by the other half, and to 
seize the prodigious booty left on the field. As a 
natural consequence of the late events, Israel, Ju- 
dah, and Edom united in an attack on Moab. The 
three confederate armies approached not as usual 
by the N., but round the southern end of the Dead 
Sea, through the parched valleys of Upper Edom. 
As the host came near, the king of Moab, doubtless 
the same Mesha 1 who threw off the yoke of Ahab, 
assembled the whole of his people on the boundary 
of his territory. Here they remained all night on 
the watch. With the approach of morning the sun 
rose suddenly above the horizon of the rolling 
plain, and shone with a blood-red glare on a multi- 
tude of pools in the bed of the wady at their feet. 
To them the conclusion was inevitable. The army 
had, like their own on the late occasion, fallen out 
in the night ; these red pools were the blood of the 
slain ; those who were not killed had fled, and noth- 
ing stood between them and the pillage of the 
camp. The cry " Moab to the spoil ! " was raised. 
Down the slopes they rushed in headlong disorder. 
Then occurred one of those scenes of carnage which 
can happen but once or twice in the existence of a 



MOA 



MOA 



665 



nation. The Moabites fled back in confusion, fol- 
lowed and cut down at every step by their enemies. 
Far inward did the pursuit reach, among the cities, 
and farms, and orchards, of that rich district : nor 
when the slaughter was over was the horrid work 
of destruction done. The towns were demolished, 
and the stones strewed over the tilled fields. The 
fountains of water were choked, and all good timber 
felled. At last the struggle collected itself at Kir- 
haraseth. Here Mesha took refuge with his family 
and with the remnants of his army. The heights 
around were covered with slingers, who discharged 
their volleys of stones on the town. At length, 
Mesha, collecting round him 700 of his best war- 
riors, made a desperate sally, with the intention of 
cutting his way through to his special foe, the king 
of Edom. But he was driven back. And then an 
awful spectacle amazed and horrified the besiegers. 
The king and his eldest son, the heir to the throne, 
mounted the wall, and, in the sight of the thou- 
sands who covered the sides of that vast amphi- 
theatre, the father killed and burnt his child as a 
propitiatory sacrifice to the cruel gods of his country. 
Shortly afterward we hear of " bands " — i. e. pil- 
laging, marauding parties — of the Moabites making 
their incursions into Israel in the spring, as if to 
spoil the early corn before it was fit to cut (2 K. 
xiii. 20). A king of Edom seems to have been killed 
and burnt by Moab (Am. ii. 1). In the " Burden 
of Moab " (Is. xv., xvi.), we possess a document 
full of interesting details as to the condition of the 
nation at the death of Ahaz, king of Judah (b. c. 
726). Moab has regained more than his former 
prosperity, and has besides extended himself over 
the district which he originally occupied, and which 
was less vacant at the removal of Reuben to As- 
syria (1 Chr. v. 25, 26). This passage of Isaiah 
cannot be considered apart from Jer. xlviii. The 
latter was pronounced more than a century later, 
about b. c. 600, ten or twelve years before the in- 
vasion of Nebuchadnezzar, by which Jerusalem was 
destroyed. The difficulty of so many of the towns 
of Reuben being mentioned, as already in the pos- 
session of Moab, may perhaps be explained by re- 
membering that the idolatry of the neighboring na- 
tions — and therefore of Moab — had been adopted by 
the Transjordanic tribes for some time previously 
to the final deportation by Tiglath-pileser (1 Chr. v. 
25), and that many of the sanctuaries were prob- 
ably even at the date of the original delivery of the 
denunciation in the hands of the priests of Chejiosh 
and Milcom. On the other hand, the calamities 
which Jeremiah describes may have been inflicted 
in any one of the numerous visitations from the As- 
syrian army, under which these unhappy countries 
suffered at the period of his prophecy in rapid suc- 
cession. The allusions in these prophetic denunci- 
ations to the condition of Moab bear the evident 
stamp of portraiture by artists who knew their sub- 
ject thoroughly. The nation appears in them as 
high-spirited, wealthy, populous, and even to a cer- 
tain extent civilized, enjoying a wide reputation and 
popularity. And we may safely conclude that they 
are not merely temporary circumstances, but were 
the enduring characteristics of the people. In this 
case there can be no doubt that among the pastoral 
people of Syria, Moab stood next to Israel in all 
matters of material wealth and civilization. Half 
the allusions of Isaiah and Jeremiah in the passages 
referred to must forever remain obscure. Many 
expressions, also, such as the " weeping of Jazer," 
the "heifer of three years old," the " shadow of 



Heshbon," the "lions," must be unintelligible. But 
nothing can obscure or render obsolete the tone of 
tenderness and affection which makes itself felt in 
a hundred expressions throughout these precious 
documents. Isaiah refers to the subject in another 
passage of extraordinary force, and of fiercer char- 
acter than before (xxv. 10-12). Here the extermi- 
nation, the utter annihilation, of Moab, is contem- 
plated by the prophet with triumph, as one of the 
first results of the reestablishment of Jehovah on 
Mount Zion. Between the time of Isaiah's denun- 
ciation and the destruction of Jerusalem, we have 
hardly a reference to Moab. Zephaniah, writing in 
the reign of Josiah, reproaches them (ii. 8-10) for 
their taunts against the people of Jehovah, but no 
acts of hostility are recorded either on the one side 
or the other. From one passage in Jeremiah (xxv. 
9-21) delivered in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, just 
before the first appearance of Nebuchadnezzar, it is 
apparent that it was the belief of the prophet that 
the nations surrounding Israel — and Moab among 
the rest — were on the eve of devastation by the 
Chaldeans and of a captivity for seventy years (see 
ver. 11), from which, however, they should eventual- 
ly be restored to their own country (12, xlviii. 4V). 
From another record of the events of the same 
period or of one only just subsequent (2 K. xxiv. 2), 
it would appear, however, that Moab made terms 
with the Chaldeans, and for the time acted in con- 
cert with them in harassing and plundering the 
kingdom of Jehoiakim. Four or five years later, in 
the first year of Zedekiah (Jer. xxvii. 1), these hos- 
tilities must have ceased, for there was then a regu- 
lar intercourse between Moab and the court at Je- 
rusalem (3), possibly, as Bunsen suggests, negotiat- 
ing a combined resistance to the common enemy. 
The brunt of the storm must have fallen on Judah 
and Jerusalem. In Ezekiel's time, the cities of 
Moab were still flourishing, " the glory of the coun- 
try," destined to become at a future day a prey to 
the "men of the East " — the Bedouins of the great 
desert of the Euphrates (Ez. xxv. 8-11). After the 
return from the Captivity, a Moabite, Sanballat of 
Horonaim, took the chief part in annoying and en- 
deavoring to hinder the operations of the rebuilders 
of Jerusalem (Neh. ii. 19, iv. 1, vi. 1, &c). During 
the interval since the return of the first caravan 
from Babylon, the illegal practice of marriages be- 
tween the Jews and the other people around, Moab 
amongst the rest, had become frequent. Even 
among the families of Israel who returned from the 
Captivity was one bearing the name of Pahath- 
moab (Ezr. ii. 6, viii. 4; Neh. iii. 11, &c), a name 
which must certainly denote a Moabite connection. 
In Judith (iv. 3), the scene of which is laid shortly 
after the return from Captivity, Moabites and Am- 
monites are represented as dwelling in their ancient 
seats, and as obeying the call of the Assyrian gen- 
eral. In the time of Eusebius, i. e. about a. d. 380, 
the name appears to have been attached to the 
district, as well as to the town of Rabbath (Ar), 
both being called Moab. It also lingered for some 
time in the name of the ancient Kir of Moab, which, 
as Charakmoba, is mentioned by Ptolemy, and as late 
as the Council of Jerusalem, a. n. 536, formed the 
see of a bishop under the same title. Since that time 
the modern name Kerak has superseded the older 
one, and no trace of Moab has been found either in 
records or in the country itself. Like the other coun- 
tries E. of Jordan, Moab has been very little visited 
by Europeans, and beyond its general characteristics 
hardly any thing is known of it. Seetzen (1806-7), 



666 



MO A 



MOL 



Burckhardt (1812), Irby and Mangles (1818), and 
De Saulcy (1851), have passed through Moab Proper, 
from Wady Mojeb to Kerak. In one thing all agree, 
the extraordinary number of ruins scattered over the 
country. The whole country is undulating, and, 
after the general level of the plateau is reached, 
without any serious inequalities or conspicuous 
vegetation. The language of the Moabites was per- 
haps a dialect of Hebrew. In the few communica- 
tions recorded as taking place between them and 
Israelites no interpreter is mentioned (Ru. ; 1 Sam. 
xxii. 3, 4, &c). For the religion of the Moabites, see 
Cheseosh, Moleuh, Peor. Of their habits and cus- 
toms we have hardly a trace. Hair. 

* Mo'ab-ite = descendant of Moab, or one from 
Moab (Deut. ii. 9, 11, 29, xxiii. 3, &c). 

* Mo ab-i-tess (i as in Moabile) = a female de- 
scendant of Moab, or woman of 5Ioab(Ru. i. 22 ; 2 
Chr. xxiv. 26, &c). 

* Mo'ab-i-tisli, adj. = of or belonging to Moab 
(Ru. ii. 6). 

Mo-a-di'ah (fr. Heb. = festival of Jehovah, Ges.), 
a priest, or family of priests, who returned with 
Zerubbabel; = Maadiah. The chief of the house 
in the time of high-priest Joiakim was Piltai (Neh. 
xii. 17). 

Moell innr [mok-] (fr. Gr. form of Heb. = boiling, 
foaming, Sim., Grove?), tile Brook, a torrent, i. e. a 
wady, mentioned only in Jd. vii. 18. The torrent 
Mochmur may be either the Wady Makfwiyeh, on 
the northern slopes of which 'Akrabeh stands, or 
the Wady Ahmar, which is the eastern continuation 
of the former toward the Wady Fasail and the 
Jordan. 

31 i din (L. fr. Heb.), a place not mentioned in 
either Old or N. T., though rendered immortal by 
its connection with the history of the Jews in the 
interval between the two. It was the native city 
of the Maccabean family (1 Mc. xiii. 25 ; Maccabees), 
and as a necessary consequence contained their an- 
cestral sepulchre (ii. 70, ix. 19). It was here that 
Mattathias struck the first blow of resistance. Mat- 
tathias himself, and subsequently his sons Judas 
and Jonathan, were buried in the family tomb, and 
over them Simon erected a structure which is mi- 
nutely described in 1 Mc. xiii. 25-30, and, with less 
detail, by Josephus. At Modin the Maccabean 
armies encamped on the eves of two of their most 
memorable victories — that of Judas over Antioehus 
Eupator (2 Mc. xiii. 14), and that of Simon over 
Cendebeus (1 Mc. xvi. 4), the last battle of the vet- 
eran chief before his assassination. The only indi- 
cation of the position of the place to be gathered 
from the above notices is contained in the last, from 
which we may infer that it was near " the plain," 
i. e. the great maritime lowland of Philistia (ver. 5). 
By Eusebius and Jerome it is specified as near 
Diospolis, i. e. Lydda ; while the notice in the Mish- 
na, and the comments of Bartenora and Maimoni- 
des, state that it was fifteen (Roman) miles from Je- 
rusalem. At the same time the description of the 
monument seems to imply that the spot was so lofty 
as to be visible from the sea, and so near that even 
the details of the sculpture were discernible there- 
from. All these conditions, excepting the last, are 
tolerably fulfilled in either of the two sites called 
Lalron, and Kuhdb. The former, favored by Robin- 
son, Porter, Thomson, &c, is fifteen Roman miles 
W. N. W. of Jerusalem, about eight English miles 
from Lydd, fifteen from the Mediterranean, with ex- 
tensive ancient remains on the top of the hill. The 
latter is two miles further from Jerusalem on the 



most westerly spur of the hills of Benjamin. The 
medieval and modern tradition places Modin at 
Soba, an eminence S. of Km-iel el-Enab (Kirjath- 
jearim) ; but this being not more than seven miles 
from Jerusalem, while it is as much as twenty-five 
from Lydda and thirty from the sea, and also far 
removed from the plain of Philistia, is at variance 
with every one of the conditions implied in the rec- 
ords. The monuments are said by Eusebius to have 
been still shown when he wrote, about a. d. 320. 
Any restoration of the structure from so imperfect 
an account as that given in 1 Mc. and by Josephus 
can never be any thing more than eonjeclure. 

Mo'ctli (Gr.). In 1 Esd. viii. 63, "JSMVdiah the 
son of Binnui " (Ezr. viii. 33), a Levite, is called 
" Moeth the son of Sabban." 

Mol'a-dail (Heb. birth, lineage, Ges.), a city in the 
south of Judah, given to Simeon (Josh. xv. 26, xix. 
2). In the latter tribe it remained at any rate till 
the reign of David (1 Chr. iv. 28), but afterward it 
seems to have come back into the hands of Judah, 
by whom it was reinhabited after the Captivity 
I Neh. xi. 26). In the OnomasUcon a place named 
Malatha is spoken of as in the interior of Daroma; 
and further it is mentioned as four miles from Arad 
and twenty from Hebron. Ptolemy also speaks of 
a Maliattha as near Elusa. The requirements of 
these notices are all very fairly answered by the 
position of the modern eUMllh, a site of ruins, with 
two large wells, about four English miles from Tell 
'Arad, seventeen or eighteen from Hebron, and nine 
or ten due E. of Beer-sheba. 

Mole, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. linshemelh, 
occurring in the list of unclean birds in Lev. xi. 
18; Deut. xiv. 16 (A. V. "swan"), and in Lev. xi. 
30 (A. V., LXX., Vulg., &c, " mole "). Bochart has 
argued with much force in behalf of the " chame- 
leon " being the tinshemelh. The only clew to an 
identification is to be found in the etymology, and 
in the context. Bochart conjectures that the Heb. 
root nasharn, to breathe, from which tinshemelh is 
derived, has reference to a vulgar opinion amongst 
the ancients that the chameleon lived on air. 
Probably the animals mentioned in Lev. xi. 30 are 
different kinds of lizards ; perhaps therefore, since 
the etymology of the word is favorable to that view, 
the chameleon may be the animal intended by 
tinshemelh in Lev. xi. 30. The chameleon's lung is 
very large, and when filled with air it renders the 
body semi-transparent ; from the creature's power 
of abstinence, no doubt arose the fable that it lived 
on air. Numerous theories have been proposed to 
account for the changes of color in its skin. It 
lives on trees, its five toes being in two groups for 
grasping ; its tail is also fitted for grasping ; it seizes 
its insect prey by darting out its long tongue, to the 
viscous tip of which the insect adheres ; its eyes act 
independently of one another. The chameleons con- 
stitute a peculiar genus of saurians or lizard-like 
reptiles, which inhabit Asia and Africa, and the 
South of Europe ; the Chameleo vulgaris is the 
species mentioned in the Bible. Mr. Gosse (in 
Fairbairn) supposes the tinshemelh may be the blind 
mole-rat (Aspalax tuphlus), which inhabits Eastern 
Europe and Western Asia. Hasselquist describes 
the burrows of these animals as abundant on the 
plains of Sharon. The name " mole " is popularly 
applied to many small insectivorous burrowing 
quadrupeds belonging to the family lalpidee. Moles 
have no external ears, very small eyes, and soft 
compact fur. The common European mole is 
Talpa Europaa; the most common American spe- 



MOL 



MOL 



667 



cies are of the genus Scalops. — 2. Heb. kephor (or 
chephor) per 6th (= the digging of rah, i. e. rats' holes, 




Chameleon (Chameleo vulgaris). — (Fbn.) 



better read as one plural word = rats, Ges.), trans- 
lated " moles " by the A. V. and Vulgate in Is. ii. 
20. Perhaps no reference is made by the Hebrew 




Blind Mole rat {Aspalax typhlvs). — (Fbn.) 



words to any particular animal, but to the holes and 
burrows of rats, mice, &c, which we know frequent 
ruins and deserted places. 

Molech (Heb. dominion, rule, Fii. ; see below). 
The fire-god Molech was the tutelary deity of the 
children of Ammon, and essentially identical with 
the Moabitish Chemosh. Fire-gods appear to have 
been common to all the Canaanite, Syrian, and Arab 
tribes, who worshipped the destructive element un- 
der an outward symbol, with the most inhuman 
rites. Among, these were human sacrifices, purifi- 
cations and ordeals by fire, devoting of the first- 
born, mutilation, and vows of perpetual celibacy and 
virginity. To this class of divinities belonged the 
old Canaanitish Molech. The root of the word 
Molech is the same as that of melech, or " king," 
and hence he is identified with Malcham (" their 
king") in 2 Sam. xii. 30 and Zeph. i. 5, the title by 
which he was known to the Israelites, as invested 
with regal honors in his character of a tutelary 
deity, the lord and master of his people. Our 
translators have recognized this identity in their 
rendering of Am. v. 26 (where "your Moloch" is 
literally "your king," as in the margin), following 
the Greek in the speech of Stephen, in Acts vii. 34. 
The first direct historical allusion to Molech-worship 
is in the description of Solomon's idolatry in his old 
age (IK. xi. 7). In ver. 5 the same deity is called 



I Milcom. Most of the Jewish interpreters say that 
in the worship of Molech the children were net 
burnt, but made to pass between two burning pyres, 
as a purificatory rite. But the allusions to the 
actual slaughter are too plain to be mistaken ; and 
Aben Ezra, in his note on Lev. xviii. 21, says that 
" to cause to pass through " = " to burn." Compare 
Deut. xii. 31 ; 2 K. xxiii. 10, 13; 2 Chr. xxviii. 3; 
Ps. cvi. 3*7, 38 ; Jer. vii. 31, xix. 5, xxxii. 35 ; Ez. 
xvi. 20, 21, xxiii. 37. The worship of Molech is 
evidently alluded to, though not expressly men- 
tioned, in connection with star-worship and the wor- 
ship of Baal in 2 K. xvii. 16, 17, xxi. 5, 6, which seems 
to show that Molech, the flame-god, and Baal, the 
j sun-god, whatever their distinctive attributes, and 
whether or not the latter is a general appellation 
! including the former, were worshipped with the 
same rites. The sacrifice of children is said by 
j Movers to have been not so much an expiatory as 
' a purificatory rite, by which the victims were purged 
from the dross of the body and attained union with 
the deity. But the sacrifice of Mesha, king of 
Moab, when, in despair at failing to cut his way 
through the overwhelming forces of Judah, Israel, 
and Edom, he offered up his eldest son a burnt- 
offering, probably to Chemosh, his national divinity, 
has more of the character of an expiatory rite to 
appease an angry deity than of a ceremonial purifi- 
cation. According to Jewish tradition, from what 
source we know not, the image of Molech was of 
brass, hollow within, and was situated without Jeru- 
salem. Kimchi (on 2 K. xxiii. 10) describes it as 
" set within seven chapels, and whoso offered fine 
flour they open to him one of them ; (whoso offered) 
turtle-doves or young pigeons they open to him two ; 
a lamb, they open to him three ; a ram, they open to 
him four ; a calf, they open to him five ; an ox, they 
i open to him six ; and so whoever offered his son 
1 they open to him seven. And his face was (that) of 
: a calf, and his hands stretched forth like a man who 
opens his hands to receive (something) of his neigh- 
bor. And they kindled it with fire, and the priests took 
the babe and put it into the hands of Molech, and 
the babe gave up the ghost. And why was it called 
Tophet and Hinnom ? Because they used to make 
a noise with drums (Heb. ioph) that the father 
might not hear the cry of his child and have pity 
upon him, and return to him. Hinnom, because the 
babe wailed (menahem), and the noise of his wail- 
ing went up. Another opinion (is that it was called) 
Hinnom because the priests used to say, 'May it 
profit thee ! may it be sweet to thee ! may it be of 
sweet savor to thee ! ' " All this detail is probably 
as fictitious as the etymologies are unsound, but we 
have nothing to supply its place. By these chapels 
Lightfoot explains the allusion in Am. v. 26 and Acts 
vii. 43, " to the tabernacle of Moloch." It was 
more probably a shrine or ark in which the figure 
of the god was carried in processions (compare Is. 
xlvi. 1 ; Bar. vi. 4), or which contained, as Movers 
conjectures, the bones of children who had been 
sacrificed and were used for magical purposes. 
Many instances of human sacrifices are found in an- 
cient writers, which may be compared with the de- 
scriptions in the O. T. of the manner in which Mo- 
lech was worshipped. The Carthaginians, accord- 
ing to Augustine, offered children to Saturn. Among 
the Rhodians a man was offered to Kronos (Saturn) 
on the 6th July. According to Manetho, Amosis 
abolished the same practice in Egypt at Heliopolis 
sacred to Juno. Sanchoniatho relates that the Phe- 
nicians, on the occasion of any great calamity, saci i- 



668 



MOL 



MON 



ficed to Saturn one of their relatives. Diodorus 
Siculus records that the Carthaginians, when be- 
sieged by Agathocles, tyrant of Sicily, offered in 
public sacrifice to Saturn 200 of their noblest chil- 
dren, while others voluntarily devoted themselves 
to the number of 300. His description of the statue 
of the god differs but slightly from that of Molech, 
which has been quoted. Molech, " the king," was 
the lord and master of the Ammonites ; their coun- 
try was his possession (Jer. xlix. 1), as Moab was 
the heritage of Chemosh ; the princes of the land 
were the princes of Malcham (xlix. 3 ; Am. i. 15). 
His priests were men of rank (Jer. xlix. 3), taking 
precedence of the princes. So the priest of Her- 
cules at Tyre was second to the king, and like Mo- 
lech, the god himself is Melkart, " the king of the 
city." The priests of Molech, like those of other 
idols, were called Chemariu (2 K. xxxiii. 5 ; Hos. xi. 
5 ; Zeph. i. 4). 

Mo'li (fr. Gr.) = Mahli, the son of Merari (1 Esd. 
viii. 47 ; compare Ezr. viii. 18). 

Sto lid (Heb. begetter, Ges.), son of Abishur by his 
wife Abihail, and descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. 
ii. 29). 

Mo'loch [-lok] (Gr. fr. Heb. = Molech). The 
Hebrew corresponding to "your Moloch" in the 
A. V. of Am. v. 26 is malcchem, " your king," as in 
the margin. From the Greek of Acts vii. 43, and 
the LXX. of Amos, our translators adopted this 
form of Molech. 

* Jlol'ten Im age, i. e. melted image. Idol 21, 22. 

Mom dis (fr. Gr.) = Maauai, of the sons of Bani 
(1 Esd. ix. 34 ; compare Ezr. x. 34). 

Mon'ey [mun'ne]. This article (originally by Mr. 
R. S. Poole) treats of two principal matters, the un- 
coined money and the coined money mentioned in 
the Bible. I. Uncoined Money, 1. Uncoined Monet/ in 
general. It is well known that ancient nations that 
were without a coinage weighed the precious metals, 
a practice represented on the Egyptian monuments, 
on which gold and silver are shown to have been 
kept in the form of rings. The gold rings found in 
the Celtic countries have been held to have had the 
same use. We have no certain record of the use 
of ring-money or other uncoined money in antiquity 
excepting among the Egyptians. It can scarcely be 
doubted that the Assyrians and Babylonians adopted, 
if they did not originate, this custom ; and prob- 
ably therefore it existed in Palestine. — 2. The An- 
tiquity of Coined Money. Respecting the origin of 
coinage there are two accounts seemingly at vari- 
ance: some saying that Phidon, king of Argos, first 
struck money, and according to Ephorus, in ^Egina ; 
but Herodotus ascribing its invention to the Lydians. 
The former statement probably refers to the origin 
of the coinage of European Greece, the latter to 
that of Asiatic Greece. On the whole it seems rea- 
sonable to carry up Greek coinage to the eighth 
century u. c. Purely Asiatic coinage cannot be 
taken up to so early a date. The more archaic 
Persian coins seem to be of the time of Darius Hys- 
taspis, or possibly Cyrus, and certainly not much 
older ; and there is no Asiatic money, not of Greek 
cities, that can be reasonably assigned to an earlier 
period. Coined money may therefore have been 
known in Palestine as early as the fall of Samaria, but 
only through commerce with the Greeks, and we can- 
not suppose it was then current there. — 3. Notices of 
Uncoined Money in the O. T. There is no distinct 
mention of coined money in the books of the 0. T. 
written before the return from Babylon. In the his- 
tory of Abraham we read that Abimelech gave the 



patriarch " a thousand (pieces) of silver," apparently 
to purchase veils for Sarah and her attendants ; but 
the passage is extremely difficult (Gen. xx. 16). 
The narrative of the purchase of the burial-place 
from Ephron says, " Abraham weighed . . . 400 
shekels of silver, current (money) with the mer- 
chant" (xxiii. 3, 9, 16). Here a currency is clearly 
indicated like that which the monuments of Egypt 
show to have been there used in a very remote age. 
A similar purchase is recorded of Jacob, who bought 
a parcel of a field at Shalem for 100 kesitalts (A. V. 
"pieces," margin "lambs," xxxiii. 18, 19). But 
what is the kesitdh ? The old interpreters supposed 
it to mean a lamb, and it has been imagined to have 
been a coin bearing the figure of a lamb. There is no 
known etymological ground for this meaning. Gese- 
nius, Fiirst, &c, make it literally something weighed 
out. Throughout the history of Joseph we find evi- 
dence of the constant use of money in preference to 
barter (xliii. 21,xlvii. 13-16). At the time of the Ex- 
odus, money seems to have been still weighed, the 
ransom being " half a shekel after the shekel of the 
sanctuary (of) twenty gerahs the shekel" (Ex. xxx. 
13). Here the shekel is evidently a weight, and of 
a special system of which the standard examples 
were probably kept by the priests. Throughout the 
Law money is spoken of as in ordinary use; but 
only silver money, gold being mentioned as valuable, 
but not clearly as used in the same manner. (Met- 
als.) We may thus sum up our results respecting 
the money mentioned in the books of Scripture 
written before the return from Babylon. From the 
time of Abraham silver money appears to have been 
in general use in Egypt and Canaan. This money 
was weighed when its value had to be determined, 
and we may therefore conclude that it was not of a 
settled system of weights. Since the money of 
Egypt and that of Canaan are spoken of together, 
we may reasonably suppose they were of the same 
kind. Probably the form in both cases was similar 
or the same, since the ring-money of Egypt resem- 
bles the ordinary ring-money of the Celts, among 
whom it was probably first introduced by the Phe- 
nician traders. We find no evidence in the Bible 
of the use of coined money by the Jews before the 
time of Ezra. — II. Coined Money. 1. The Principal 
Monetary Systems of Antiquity. Some notice of the 
principal monetary systems of antiquity, as deter- 
mined by the joint evidence of the coins and of an- 
cient writers, is necessary to render the next section 
comprehensible. The earliest Greek coins, by which 
we here intend those struck in the age before the 

j Persian War, are of three talents or standards : the 
Attic, the ^Eginetan, and the Macedonian or earlier 

I Phenician. The oldest coins of Athens, of yEgina, 
and of Macedon and Thrace, we should select as 
typical respectively of these standards ; obtaining 

i as the weight of the Attic drachm about 67 5 grains 
troy (depreciating to about 65'5 under Alexander, 

| and about 55 under the early Cesars) ; of the JEgi- 
netan, about 96 ; and of the Macedonian, about 58, 
or 116, if its drachm be what is now generally held 
to be the didrachm. (Weights and Measures.) 
The electrum coinage (Amber) of Asia Minor prob- 
ably affords examples of the use by the Greeks of 
a fourth talent, which may be called the later Phe- 
nician, if we hold the staters to have been tetra- 
drachms, for their full weight is about 248 grains ; 
but it is possible that the pure gold which they 
contain, about 186 grains, should alone be taken in- 
to account, in which case they would be didrachms 
on the ^Eginetan standard. The Euboic talent of 



MON 



MON 



669 



the writers we recognize nowhere in the coinage. 
We must now briefly trace the history of these tal- 
ents, (a.) The Attic talent was from a very early 
period the standard of Athens. If Solon really re- 
duced the weight, we have no money of the city of 
the older currency. Corinth followed the same sys- 
tem ; and its use was diffused by the great influence 
of these two leading cities. In Sicily and Italy, af- 
ter a limited use of the JJginetan talent in the 
former, the Attic weight became universal. After 
Alexander's time the other talents were partly re- 
stored, but the Attic always remained the chief. 
(b.) The jEginetan talent was mainly used in 
Greece Proper and the islands, and seems to have 
been annihilated by Alexander, or by the general 
issue of a coin equally assignable to it or the Attic 
standard as one-half or two-thirds of a drachm, (c.) 
The Macedonian talent, besides being used in Mace- 
don and in some Thracian cities before Alexander, 
was the standard of the great Phenician cities un- 
der Persian rule, and was afterward restored in most 
of them. It was adopted in Egypt by the first Ptol- 
emy, &c. (d.) The later Phenician talent was al- 
ways used for the official coinage of the Persian 
kings and commanders, and after the earliest period 
was very general in the Persian empire. After Alex- 
ander it was scarcely used except in coast-towns of 
Asia Minor, at Carthage, and in Aradus (Arvad). 
Respecting the Roman coinage it is only necessary 
here to state that the origin of the weights of its 
gold and silver money is undoubtedly Greek, and 
that the denarius (Penny), the chief silver coin, un- 
der the early emperors = the Attic drachm, then 
greatly depreciated. It is a common opinion among 
scholars that modern prices of articles are about 
ten times as high as those of ancient Greece (B. 8. 
xv. 184). — 2. Coined Money mentioned in the Bible. 
The earliest distinct mention of coins in the Bible 
is held to refer to the Persian money. In Ezr. ii. 
69, viii. 27 and Neh. vii. 70- "72 current gold coins 
are spoken of, probably = Persian darics. (Dram.) 
The Apocrypha contains the earliest distinct allu- 
sion to the coining of Jewish money, where it is 
narrated, in 1 Mc. xv. 6, that Antiochus VII. granted 
to Simon the Maccabee permission to coin money 
with his own stamp, as well as other privileges. 
This was in the fourth year of Simon's pontificate, 
b. c. 140. The earliest Jewish coins were until lately 
considered to have been struck by Simon on receiv- 
ing the permission of Antiochus VII. The follow- 
ing cuts are specimens : 




Dark. Obv. : King of Persin to the right, kneeling, bearing how and 
javelin. R^v. : Irregular incuse square.— (British Museum.) 




Obv. : ^pmn (Heh. hutsi [or ch«tsi\ hash-shelcel — half the shekel). 

Vase, above which (Heb. aleph = Year 1). Rev^pm^p n^DlT 1 
(Yerushulaim kidoshoh — . Jerusalem the holy). Branch bearing three 
flowers. AR. (=» silver). 



The average weight of the silver coins is about 220 
grains troy for the shekel, and 110 for the half- 
shekel. The shekel corresponds almost exactly to 
the tetradrachm or didrachm of the earlier Phe- 
nician talent in use in the cities of Phenicia under 




Obv.. p>3"^TDl ^plD (Heb. shekel Yisrael = shekel of Israel). Same tyje, 
above which is jirj (i. e. Heb. shinaih g'tmel ^ year 3). Rev. : rpDnp 
D'OTyH" 1 (Heb. Yerfohulayim kidvshuh — Jerusalem the holy). AR. 
silver) 

Persian rule, and after Alexander's Hme at Tyre 
Sidon, and Berytus, as well as in Egypt. It is rep- 
resented in the LXX. by didrachm, a rendering 
which has occasioned great difficulty to numisnia- 




demption of Zion). A fruit. M. ( = brass or coj'per). 



tists. The natural explanation seems to us to be 
that the Alexandrian Jews adopted for the "shekel " 
the term didrachm as the common name of the coin 
corresponding in weight to it, and that it thus be- 




Obv. : (on the right) as above, omitting rebia' — quarter. A sheaf between 
two fruits! Rev. : (on the left) as above. Vase. M. (=- brass or copptr). 

came in Hebraistic Greek the equivalent of " shekel." 
There is no ground for supposing a difference in use 
in the LXX. and N. T. The fabric of the silver 
coins above described is so different from that of 
any other ancient money, that it is extremely hard 
to base any argument on it alone, and the cases of 
other special classes, as the ancient money of Cy- 
prus, show the danger of such reasoning. Some 
consider it as proving that these coins cannot be 
later than the time of Nehemiah, others will not 
admit it to be later than Alexander's time, while 
some still hold that it is not too archaic for the Mac- 
cabean period. The inscriptions of these coins, and 
all the other Hebrew inscriptions of Jewish coins, 
are in a character of which there are few other ex- 
amples. As Gesenius has observed, it bears a strong 
resemblance to the Samaritan and Phenician, and 
we may add to the Aramean of coins which must 



670 



MON 



be carefully distinguished from the Aramean of the 
papyri found in Egypt. The meaning of the inscrip- 
tions does not offer matter for controversy. Their 
nature would indicate a period of Jewish freedom 
from Greek influence as well as independence, and 
the use of an era dating from its commencement. 
The old explanation of the meaning of the types of 
the shekels and half-shekels, that they represent 
the pot of manna and Aaron's rod that budded, 
seems to us remarkably consistent with the inscrip- 
tions and with what we should expect. Cavedoni 
has suggested, however, that the one type is simply 
a vase of the Temple, and the other a lily, arguing 
against the old explanation of the former that the 
pot of manna had a cover, whieh this vase has not. 
The copper coins form an important guide in judging 
of the age of the silver. That they really belong to 
the same time is not to be doubted. Every thing 
but the style proves this. We may lay down the 
following particulars as a basis for the attribution 
of this class: — (1.) The shekels, half-shekels, and 
corresponding copper coins may be on the evidence 
of fabric and inscriptions of any age from Alex- 
ander's time until the earlier period of the Macca- 
bees. (2.) They must belong to a time of indepen- 
dence, and one at which Greek influence was ex- 
cluded. (3.) They date from an era of Jewish 
independence. M. de Saulcy, struck by the ancient 
appearance of the silver coins, and disregarding the 
difference in style of the copper, has conjectured 
that the whole class was struck at some early period 
of prosperity. He fixes upon the pontificate of 
Jaddua, and supposes them to have been first issued 
when Alexander granted great privileges to the 
Jews; but the style, and the suppression by Alex- 
ander of all the varying weights of money in his 
empire except the Attic, are serious difficulties in 
the way of this supposition. The basis we have 
laid down is in entire accordance with the old 
theory, that this class of coins was issued by Simon 
the Maccabee. M. de Saulcy, however, has attrib- 
uted small copper coins, all of one and the same 
class, to Judas the Maccabee, Jonathan, and John 
Hyrcanus, and would infer that the very dissimilar 
coins hitherto attributed to Simon, must be of an- 
other period. If these attributions be correct, his 
deduction is perfectly sound; but the circumstance 
that Simon alone is unrepresented in the series, 
whereas we have most reason to look for coins of 
him, is extremely suspicious. We shall, however, 
show in discussing this class, that we have discov- 
ered evidence which seems to us sufficient to induce 
us to abandon M. de Saulcy's classification of cop- 
per coins to Judas and Jonathan, and to commence 
the series with those of John Hyrcanus. For the 
present, therefore, we adhere to the old attribution 
of the shekels, half shekels, and similar copper 
coins, to Simon the Maccabee. — We now give a list 
of all the principal copper coins of a later date 
than those of the class described above and anterior 
to Herod, according to M. de Saulcy's arrangement: 
— Copper Coins. (1.) Judas Jfaccabeus. (2.) Jon- 
athan. (3.) Simon (wanting). (4.) John Hyrcanus. 
(5.) Judas- Aristobulus and Antigonus. (6.) Alex- 
ander Janna>us. Alexandra. Hyrcanus (no coins). 
Aristobulus (no coins). Hyrcanus (no coins). Oli- 
garchy (no coins). Aristobulus and Alexander (no 
coins). Hyrcanus again restored (no coins). An- 
tigoius. This arrangement is certainly the most 
satisfactory that has been yet proposed, but it pre- 
sents serious difficulties. The most obvious of 
these is the absence of coins of Simon, for whose 



money we have more reason to look than for that 
of any other Jewish ruler. A second difficulty is that 
the series of small copper coins, havfng the same, 
or essentially the same, reverse-type, commences 
with Judas, and should rather commence with Si- 
mon. A third difficulty is that Judas bears the 
title of priest, and probably of high-priest. A 
fourth and more formidable objection is that these 
small copper coins have for the main part of their 
reverse-type a Greek symbol, the united horns of 
plenty, and they therefore distinctly belong to a 
period of Greek influence. Is it possible that Judas 
the Maccabee, the restorer of the Jewish worship, 
and the sworn enemy of all heathen customs, could 
have struck money with a type derived from the 
heathen ? It seems to us that this is an impossi- 
bility, and that the use of such a type points to the 
time when prosperity had corrupted the ruling fam- 
ily, and Greek usages once more were powerful in 
their influence. This period may be considered to 
commence in the rule of John Hyrcanus. On these 
and other grounds we maintain Bayer's opinion 
that the Jewish coinage begins with Simon, we trans- 
fer the coins of Jonathan the high-priest to Alex- 
ander Jannacus, and propose the following arrange- 
ment of the known money of the princes of the 
period we have been just considering : — John Hyr- 
canus, b. c. 135-106. Copper coins, with Hebrew 
inscription, " John the high-priest ; " on some "A," 
marking alliance with Antiochus VII., Sidetes. — 
Aristobulus and Antigonus, b. c. 106-105 (probable 
attribution). Copper coins with Hebrew inscription, 
" Judah the high (?) priest ; " copper coins with 
Greek inscription, " Judah the king," and " A." for 
Antigonus (?). M. de Saulcy supposes that Aristo- 
bulus bore the Hebrew name Judah, and there is 
certainly some probability in the conjecture, though 
the classification of these coins cannot be regarded 
as more than tentative. — Alexander Janna>us, b. c. 
105-78. First coinage : copper coins with bilingual 
inscriptions — Greek, "Alexander the king;" He- 
brew, " Jonathan the king." Second coinage : cop- 
per coins with Hebrew inscription, " Jonathan the 
high-priest ; " and copper coins with Greek inscrip- 
tion, "Alexander the king." (The assigning of 
these latter two to the same ruler is confirmed by 
the occurrence of Hebrew coins of " Judah the 
high-priest," and Greek ones of " Judas the king," 
which there is good reason to attribute to one and 
the same person.) Alexandra, b. c. 78-69. The 
coin assigned to Alexandra by M. de Saulcy may be 
of this sovereign, but those of Alexander are so 
frequently blundered that we are not certain that 
it was not struck by him. — Hyrcanus, b. c. 69-66 
(no coins). — Aristobulus, B. c. 66-63 (no coins). — 
Hyrcanus restored, b. c. 63-57 (no coins). — Oligarchy, 
B. c. 57-47 (no coins). — Aristobulus and Alexander, 
B. C. 49 (no coins). — Hyrcanus again, b. c. 47-40 (no 
coins). — Antigonus b. c. 40-37. Copper coins with 
bilingual inscriptions (Greek and Hebrew). — It is 
not necessary to describe in detail the money of the 
time commencing with the reign of Herod and clo- 
sing under Hadrian. The money of Herod is abun- 
dant, but of inferior interest to the earlier coinage, 
from its generally having a thoroughly Greek char- 
acter. It is of copper only, and seems to be of 
three denominations, the smallest being apparently 
a piece of brass, the next larger its double, and the 
largest its triple, as M. de Saulcy has ingeniously 
suggested. The smallest is the commonest, and 
appears to be the " farthing " of the N. T. The 
coin engraved below is of the smallest denomina,- 



MON 

tion of these. The money of Herod Archelaus, and 
the similar coinage of the Greek Imperial class, 
of Roman rulers with Greek inscriptions, present 
no remarkable peculiarities, nor do the coins attri- 




Obv.:HPwA BACI (i- «• Gr. Herodou Basilem = of King Herod) 
Anchor. Rev. : Two cornuu copies (L. =- horns of plenty), within which a 
caduceus (L. .= herald's [Mercury's] wand) degraded from pomegranate. 

buted by M. de Saulcy to Agrippa I., but possibly 
of Agrippa II. Of the last a specimen is here given. 
— There are several passages in the Gospels which 
throw light upon the coinage of the time. When the 




Obv.: BASIAEwC ArPITIA (=0/ King Agrippa). State Umbrella. 
Rev. : Three ears of bearded wheat on one stalk. |_S (■- year 6.) iE. 

twelve were sent forth, our Lord thus commanded 
them, " Provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in 
your purses "(literally "girdles," Mat. x. 9). The par- 
allel passages are Mk. vi. 8 and Lk. ix. 3. Of these, in 
Mark copper alone is mentioned for money, the Pal- 
estinian currency being mainly of this metal, although 
silver was coined by some cities of Phenicia and 
Syria, and gold and silver Roman money was also 
in use: Luke, however, uses the term "money," 
which may be accounted for by his less Hebraistic 
style. — The coins mentioned by the evangelists, and 
first those of silver, are the following: — The stater 
is spoken of in the account of the miracle of the 
tribute-money. The receivers of didrachms de- 
manded the tribute, but St. Peter found in the fish 
a stater, which he paid for our Lord and himself 
(Mat xvii. 24-27, margin ; see Taxes). This stater 




0bT - : D^DW n1~irib ( Het >- laharM [or laehurith] Yiruehilaim = of 
the deliveranee of Jerusalem), Bunch of fruits ! Rev. : ^1^?^^ (Heb. 
Shim'eon <=* Simeon). TetraBtyle lemple ; above which star. AR. 

was therefore a tetradrachm, and it is very note- 
worthy that at this period almost the only Greek 
Imperial silver coin in the East was a tetradrachm, 
the didrachm being probably unknown, or very 
little coined. The didrachm is mentioned as a 
money of account in the passage above cited, as 
the equivalent of the Hebrew shekel. The denarius, 
or Roman penny, as well as the Greek drachm, then 



MON 671 

of about the same weight, are spoken of as current 
coins (xxii. 15-21 ; Lk. xx. 19-25). Of copper 
coins the farthing and its half, the mite, are spoken 
of, and these probably formed the chief native cur- 
rency. The proper Jewish series closes with the 
money of the famous Bar-cochab or Bar-cochba, 
who headed the revolt in the time of Hadrian. (Je- 
rusalem.) His most important coins are shekels, 
of which we here engrave one. (For other coins 
and medals, see Alexander III. ; Antiochus III., 
IV. ; Augustus ; Castor and Pollux ; Cyprus ; 
Diana; Jerusalem; Tiberius.) 

Mon'cy-chan-gers [mun'ne-chain-jerz] (Gr. pi. of 
kollubvstes ; Mat. xxi. 12; Mk. xi. 15; Jn. ii. 15, 
A. V. " changers : " Gr. pi. of kermatistes, Jn. ii. 14, 
A. V. " changers of money "). According to Ex. 
xxx. 13-15, every Israelite who had reached or 
passed the age of twenty must pay into the sacred 
treasury, whenever the nation was numbered, a 
half-shekel (= thirty cents in the time of Christ) 
as an offering to Jehovah. The money-changers 
whom Christ, for their impiety, avarice, and fraudu- 
lent dealing, expelled from the Temple, were the 
dealers who supplied half-shekels, for such a pre- 
mium as they might be able to exact, to the Jews 
from all parts of the world, who assembled at Je- 
rusalem during the great festivals, and were re- 
quired to pay their tribute or ransom money in the 
Hebrew coin. " Exchangers " (Gr. trapezilai), in 
Mat. xxv. 27, is a general term for bankers or bro- 
kers. Bank ; Loan ; Money ; Table 6 ; Usury. 

Month (Heb.. hodesh or chodesli, yerah or yerach ; 
Gr. men). The terms for "month" and "moon" 
have the same close connection in the Hebrew lan- 
guage, as in our own and in the Indo-European lan 
guages generally. The most important point in 
connection with the month of the Hebrews is its 
length, and the mode by which it was calculated. 
The difficulties attending this inquiry are consider- 
able in consequence of the scantiness of the data. 
Though it may fairly be presumed from the terms 
used that the month originally corresponded to a 
lunation, no reliance can be placed on the mere 
verbal argument to prove the exact length of the 
month in historical times. The word appears even 
in the earliest times to have passed into its second- 
ary sense, as describing a period approaching to a 
lunation; for, in Gen. vii. 11, viii. 4, where we first 
meet with it, equal periods of 30 days are described, 
the interval between the 17th days of the second 
and the seventh months being equal to 150 clays 
(Gen. vii. 11, viii. 3, 4). We have therefore in this 
instance an approximation to the solar month. 
(Chronology 1 ; Year.) From the time of the in- 
stitution of the Mosaic law downward, the month 
appears to have been a lunar one. The cycle of 
religious feasts commencing with the Passover, de- 
pended not simply on the month, but on the moon ; 
the 14th of Abib was coincident with the full 
moon ; and the new moons themselves were the oc- 
casions of regular festivals (Num. x. 10, xxviii. 11- 
14). The commencement of the month was gen- 
erally decided by observation of the new moon, 
which may be detected aboi*t 40 hours after the 
period of its conjunction with the sun. According 
to the Rabbinical rule, however, there must at all 
times have been a little uncertainty beforehand as 
to the exact day on which the month would begin ; 
for it depended not only on the appearance, but on 
the announcement ; if the important word Mekud- 
dash (Heb. = consecrated) were not pronounced un- 
til after dark, the following day was the first of the 



672 



MON 



MOO 



month ; if before dark, then that day. (New Moon.) 
But we can hardly suppose that such a strict rule 
of observation prevailed in early times, nor was it 
in any way necessary ; the recurrence of the new 
moon can be predicted with considerable accuracy. 
The length of the month by observation would be 
alternately 29 and 30 days, nor was it allowed by 
the Talmudists that a month should fall short of 
the former or exceed the latter number, whatever 
might be the state of the weather. — The usual 
number of months in a year was twelve, as implied 
in 1 K. iv. 7 and 1 Chr. xxvii. 1-15 ; but inasmuch as 
the Hebrew months coincided, as we shall presently 
show, with the seasons, it follows, as a matter of 
course, that an additional month must have been 
inserted about every third year, which would bring 
the number up to thirteen. No notice, however, is 
taken of this month in the Bible. In the modern 
Jewish calendar the intercalary month is introduced 
seven times in every 19 years, according to the Me- 
tonic cycle, which was adopted by the Jews about 
a n. 360. The usual method of designating the 
months was by their numeral order, e. g. "the 
second month " (Gen. vii. 11), " the fourth month " 
(2 K. xxv. 3) ; and this was generally retained even 
when the names were given, e. g. " in the month 
Zif, which is the second month" (1 K. vi. 1), " in 
the third month, i. e. the month Sivan " (Esth. viii. 
9). An exception occurs, however, in regard to 
Abib in the early portion of the Bible (Ex. xiii. 4, 
xxiii. 15; Deut. xvi. 1), which is always mentioned 
by name alone. The practice of the writers of 
the post-Babylonian period in this respect varied : 
Ezra, Esther, and Zechariah specify both the names 
and the numerical order; Nehemiah only the 
former ; Daniel and Haggai only the latter. — The 
names of the months belong to two distinctperiods ; 
in the first place we have those peculiar to the 
period of Jewish independence, of which four only, 
even including Abib, which we hardly regard as a 
proper name, are mentioned, viz. : Abib (Hcb. = 
an ear of grain, a green ear, Ges.), in which the 
Passover fell (Ex. xiii. 4, xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18 ; Deut. 
xvi. 1), and which was established as the first month 
in commemoration of the Exodus (Ex. xii. 2) ; Zif 
(Heb. ziv = brightness, beauty, especially of flowers, 
i. e. flower-month, Ges.), the second month (1 K. vi. 
1, 3V) ; Bui (Heb. lit. rain, i. e. rainy month, Ges.), 
the eighth (1 K. vi. 38); and Ethanim (Heb. peren- 
nial, sc. brooks, i. e. the month of flowing brooks, 
Ges.), the seventh (1 K. viii. 2). In the second 
place we have the names which prevailed subse- 
quently to the Babylonish Captivity ; of these the 
following seven appear in the Bible : — Nisan (Heb. 
month of flowers ; more probably [so Benfey] from 
Pers. = new day, Ges.), the first, in which the Pass- 
over was held (Neb. ii. 1 ; Esth. iii. 7); Sivan (Heb. 
probably from Persian name of a deity, Benfey, Ges., 
Fii. ; from Assyrian name of the moon, Rln.), the 
third (Esth. viii. 9; Bar. i. 8); Elul (Heb. probably 
fr. a root denoting to glean, sc. the vine ; the name 
of a Syrian and Pheniclan deity, Fii.), the sixth (Neb. 
vi. 15 ; 1 Mc. xiv. 27) ;! Chisleu (Heb. probably from 
an Aram, name of Ofion or Mars, Fii.), the ninth 
(Neh. i. 1 ; Zech. vii. I; 1 Mc. i. 54); Tebeth (Heb. 
probably from Sansc. = winter, the cold time of the 
year, Fii.), the tenth (Esth. ii. 16); Sebat (Heb. 
probably from the name of some heathen deity, 
Fii.), the eleventh (Zech. i. 7 ; 1 Mc. xvi. 14) ; and 
Adar (Heb. fr. Pers. = fire? Ges. ; from the name 
of an old Syrian and Persian fire-god, Fii.), the 
twelfth (Esth. iii. 7, viii. 12 ; 2 Mc. xv. 36). The 



names of the remaining five occur in the Talmud 
and other works ; they were Iyar (probably from 
Syriac), the second (Targum, 2 Chr. xxx. 2) ; Tam- 
muz (from the Syrian god Tammuz), the fourth ; Ab, 
the fifth, and Tisri (both names probably from 
Syriac), the seventh ; and Marcheshvan (Heb. rain- 
month, Kimchi), the eighth. The name of the in- 
tercalary month was Veadar, i. e. the additional 
Adar. Subsequently to the establishment of the 
Syro-Macedonian empire, the use of the Macedonian 
calendar was gradually adopted for the purpose of 
literature or intercommunication with other coun- 
tries. The only instance in which the Macedonian 
names appear in the Bible is in 2 Mc. xi. 30, 33, 38, 
where we have notice of Xanthicus in combination 
with another named Dioscorinthius (ver. 21), which 
does not appear in the Macedonian calendar. It is 
most probable that the author of 2 Mc. or a copyist 
was familiar with the Cretan calendar, which con- 
tained a month named Dioscurus, holding the same 
place in the calendar as the Macedonian Dystrus, 
i. e. immediately before Xanthicus, and that he sub- 
stituted one for the other. The identification of 
the Jewish months with our own cannot be effected 
with precision on account of the variations that 
must inevitably exist between the lunar and the 
solar month. At present Nisan answers to March, 
but in early times it coincided with April. Zif or 
Iyar would correspond with May, Sivan with June, 
Tammuz with July, Ab with August, Elul with 
September, Ethanim or Tisri with October, Bui or 
Marcheshvan with November, Chisleu with Decem- 
ber, Tebeth with January, Sebat with February, and 
Adar with March (so Mr. Bevan). 

* Month ly Prog-nes'ti-ca-tors (Is. xlvii. 13) = 
those who predict at the new moons. Magic. 

* Moll u-nients, the A. V. translation (Is. lxv. 4 
only) of Heb. pi. participle netsurim = kept from 
view, hidden, secret places, Ges. ; watch-houses, watch- 
towers, which stand alone in the fields, and in which 
idolatry was practised, Fii. 

Moon (Hcb. masc. ydrcah or ydreach, so called 
from its paleness ; and fern. Icb&n&h, literally the 
white ; Gr. fem. selene). The moon held an impor- 
tant place in the kingdom of nature, as known to 
the Hebrews. In the history of the creation (Gen. 
i. 14-16), it appears simultaneously with the sun. 
Conjointly with the sun, it was appointed " for signs 
and for seasons, and for days and years ; " though 
in this respect it exercised a more important influ- 
ence, if by the "seasons" we understand the great 
religious festivals of the Jews, as is particularly 
stated in Ps. civ. 19, and more at length in Ecclus. 
xliii. 6, 7. Besides this, it had its special office in 
the distribution of light ; it was appointed " to rule 
over the night," as the sun over the day, and thus 
the appearance of the two founts of light served 
" to divide the day from the night." To enter fully 
into this idea, we must remember both the greater 
brilliancy of the moon in Eastern countries, and the 
larger amount of work, especially travelling, that is 
carried on by its aid. The appeals to sun and moon 
conjointly are hence frequent (Josh. x. 12; Ps. 
lxxii. 5, 7, 17 ; Eccl. xii. 2 ; Is. xxiv. 23, &c.) ; 
sometimes, indeed, the moon receives more atten- 
tion than the sun (e. g. Ps. viii. 3, lxxxix. 37). 
The inferiority of its light is occasionally noticed, as 
in Gen. i. 16; in Cant. vi. 10, and in Is. xxx. 26. 
The coldness of the night-dews is prejudicial to the 
health, and particularly to the eyes of those who are 
exposed to it, and the idea expressed in Ps. exxi. 6 
("the moon shall not smite thee by night") may 



MOO 



MOR 



673 



have reference to the general or the particular evil 
effect. (Blindness; Lunatic.) The worship of 
the moon was extensively practised by the nations 
of the East, and under a variety of aspects. In 
Egypt it was honored under the form of Isis, and 
was one of the only two deities which commanded 
the reverence of all the Egyptians. In Syria it was 
represented by that one of the Ashtaroth, surnamed 
" Karnaim." (Ashtoreth, &c.) There are indica- 
tions of a very early introduction into the countries 
adjacent to Palestine of a species of worship distinct 
from any that we have hitherto noticed, viz. of the 
direct homage of the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, 
and stars, which is the characteristic of Sabianism. 
(Idolatry.) The first notice of this is in Job(xxxi. 
26, 27), and it is observable that the warning of 
Moses (Deut. iv. 19) is directed against this nature- 
worship, rather than against the form of moon-wor- 
ship, which the Israelites must have witnessed in 
Egypt. At a later period, however, the worship of 
the moon in its grosser form of idol-worship was in- 
troduced from Syria. In the figurative language 
of Scripture the moon is frequently noticed as pre- 
saging events of the greatest importance through 
the temporary or permanent withdrawal of its light 
(Is. xiiL 10; Joel ii. 31; Mat. xxiv. 29; Mk. xiii. 
24). Darkness; Eclipse; Heaven; New Moon. 
Moon, New. New Moon. 

Mo-O-si'as (Gr.), apparently = Maaseiah 4 (1 Esd. 
ix. 31 ; compare Ezr. x. 30). 

*Mo'rad (Heb. descent, declivity, Ges.), a name 
found only in Josh, vii/5, margin, in the account of 
the defeat of the Israelites by the men of Ai ; prob- 
ably better translated in the text "going down." 

Mor'as-tilitc (fr. Heb.), the = the native of a 
place named Moresheth. It occurs twice ( Jer. xxvi. 
18; Mic. L 1), each time as the description of the 
prophet Micah 

Mor'dc-cai (Heb. fr. Pers. = little man, or wor- 
shipper of Merodach, i. e. Mars, Ges.). 1. The deliv- 
erer, under Divine Providence, of the Jews from the 
destruction plotted against them by Haman, the 
chief minister of Ahasuerus 3 (Xerxes) ; the insti- 
tutor of the feast of Porim (Esth. ii. 5-x. 3). He 
was a Benjamite, and one of the Captivity, residing 
in Shushan. From the time of Esther being queen 
he was one of those " who sat in the king's gate." 
In this situation he saved the king's life by discov- 
ering the conspiracy of two of the eunuchs to kill 
him. When the decree for the massacre of all the 
Jews in the empire was known, Esther, at his ear- 
nest advice and exhortation, undertook the perilous 
task of interceding with the king on their behalf. 
Whether, as some think, his refusal to bow before 
Haman arose from religious scruples, as if such 
salutation as was practised in Persia, were akin to 
idolatry, or whether, as seems far more probable, he 
refused from a stern unwillingness as a Jew to bow 
before an Amalekite, in either case the affront put 
by him upon Haman was the immediate cause of the 
fatal decree. The concurrence of Esther's favorable 
reception by the king with the providential reading 
to him from the Medo-Persian chronicles of Morde- 
cai's fidelity in disclosing the conspiracy ; Hainan's 
coming then to ask leave to hang Mordecai, and 
being made the instrument of doing honor to his 
most hated adversary, which he rightly interpreted 
as the presage of his own downfall ; and finally, the 
hanging of Haman and his sons on the very gallows 
which he had reared for Mordecai, while Mordecai 
occupied Haman's post as vizier of the Persian mon- 
archy, are well-known incidents. (Esther, Book 
43 



OF.) — Mordecai's date in sacred history is pointed out 
with great particularity not only by the years of the 
king's reign, but by his own genealogy in Esth. ii. 
5, 6. Some have understood this passage as stating 
that Mordecai himself was taken captive with Jeco- 
niah ; but both the chronology and the grammatical 
construction forbid such an interpretation. Three 
things are here predicated of Mordecai : (1.) that he 
lived in Shushan ; (2.) that his name was Mordecai, 
son of Jair, son of Shimei, son of Kish the Ben- 
jamite, who was taken captive with Jehoiachin ; 
(3.) that he brought up Esther. Mordecai, then, was 
great-grandson of a contemporary of Jehoiachin. 
Now, four generations cover 120 years — and 120 
years from b. c. 599 bring us to b. c. 479, i. e. to 
the sixth year of the reign of Xerxes. And now it 
would seem both possible and probable that the 
Mordecai mentioned in Ezr. ii. 2 and Neh. viii. 7, as 
one of the leaders of the captives who returned from 
time to time from Babylon to Judea, was the same 
as the Mordecai of the book of Esther (so Lord A. C. 
Hervey). — As regards his place in profane history, 
the domestic annals of the reign of Xerxes are so 
scanty, that it would not surprise us to find no men- 
tion of Mordecai. But there is a person named by 
Ctesias, who probably saw the very chronicles of 
the kings of Media and Persia referred to in Esth. 
x. 2, whose name and character present some points 
of resemblance with Mordecai, viz. Matacas or Nat- 
acas, whom he describes as Xerxes' chief favorite, 
and the most powerful of them all. He relates of 
him, that when Xerxes after his return from Greece 
had commissioned Megabyzus to go and plunder the 
temple of Apollo at Delphi, upon his refusal, he 
sent Matacas the eunuch, to insult the god, and to 
plunder his property, which Matacas did, and re- 
turned to Xerxes. The known hatred of Xerxes to 
idol-worship makes his selection of a Jew for his 
prime minister very probable, and there are strong 
points of resemblance in what is thus related of Mat- 
acas, and what we know from Scripture of Morde- 
cai. Again, that Mordecai was, what Matacas is re- 
lated to have been, a eunuch, seems not improbable 
from his having neither wife nor child, from his 
bringing up his cousin Esther in his own house, 
from his situation in the king's gate, from his access 
to the court of the women, and from his being raised 
to the highest post of power by the king, which we 
know from Persian history was so often the case 
with the king's eunuchs. — The most plausible ety- 
mology usually given for the name Mordecai is that 
favored by Gesenius, who connects it with Merodach, 
the Babylonian idol, called Mardok in the cuneiform 
inscriptions. But it is improbable (so Lord A. C. 
Hervey) that the name of a Babylonian idol should 
have been given to him under the Persian dynasty, 
or that Mordecai should have been taken into the 
king's service before the commencement of the Per- 
sian dynasty. If, then, we suppose the original form 
of the name was Matacai, it would easily in the Chal- 
dee orthography become Mordecai. — As regards his 
place in Rabbinical estimation, Mordecai, as is nat- 
ural, stands very high. The interpolations in the 
Greek book of Esther are one indication of his 
popularity with his countrymen. The Targum (of 
late date) shows that this increased rather than di- 
minished with the lapse of centuries. It is said of 
Mordecai that he knew the seventy languages, i. e. the 
languages of all the nations mentioned in Gen. x., 
which the Jews count as seventy nations, and that 
his age exceeded 400 years. He is continually des- 
ignated by the appellation " the Just." Benjamin 



674 



MOR 



MOR 



of Tudela places the tomb of Mordecai and Esther 
at Hamadan or Ecbatana, where is now shown in 
the Jewish quarter a building professedly erected 
about 1,10"> years ago as their tomb. Others, how- 




Reputed Tomb of Esther and Mordecai at Hamadan (the southern Ecbata- 
na).— From Flandin, Voyage en Pew.— <Fbn.) 



ever, place the tomb of Mordecai in Susa. — 2. One 
of the leaders of the captive Jews who returned with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7); supposed by 
Lord A. C. Hervey = No. 1 ; but according to Prof. 
Douglas (in Fairbairn), Kitto, &c, a different person 
from No. 1. 

Mo'reli (Heb. teacher, Ges., Fii.). 1. The " plain " 
or " plains " (or, as it should rather be rendered, 
the oak or oaks) " of Moreh." The Oak of Moreh 
was the first recorded halting-place of Abram after 
his entrance into Canaan (Gen. xii. 6). (Abraham.) 
It was at the " place of Shechem " (xii. 6), close to 
the mountains of Ebal and Gerizim (Deut. xi. 30). 
(Meonenim.) Mr. Grove supposes that this place may 
have been also the scene of the offering of Isaac, on 
a mountain in " the land of Moriah." Whether the 
oaks of Moreh had any connection with — 2. " The 
Hill of Moreh," at the foot of which the Midianitea 
and Amalekites were encamped before Gideon's at- 
tack upon them (Judg. vii. 1), seems, to say the 
least, most uncertain. Copious as are the details 
furnished of that great event of Jewish history, those 
which enable us to judge of its precise situation are 
very scanty But a comparison of Judg. vi. 33 with 
vii. 1 makes it evident that it lay in the valley of 
Jezreel (Esdr^elon), rather on the N. side of the 
valley, and N. also of the eminence on which Gid- 
eon's little band of heroes was clustered. These 
conditions are most accurately fulfilled if we assume 
Jebel ed-Duhy, the " Little Hermon " of the modern 
travellers, to be Moreh, the 'Ain Jalud to be the 
spring of Harod, and Gideon's position to have been 
on the N. E. slope of Jebel Fukua (Mount Gilboa), 
between the village of Nuris and the last-men- 
tioned spring. 

Mor'esli-eth-gatli (Heb. possession of Galh, Ges., 
Fii.), a place named by the prophet Micah only 
(Mic. i. 14) in company with Lachish, Achzib, Mare- 
shah, and other towns of the lowland district of | 



Judah. Micah was himself the native of a place 
called Moresheth. (Morasthite.) Eusebius and 
Jerome describe Morasthi as a moderate-sized vil- 
lage near Eleutheropolis, to the E. Gath ; Mabe- 
shah 1. 

Mo-ri'ah (fr. Heb. = shown by Jehovah, or the 
chosen of Jehovah ; see below). 1. " The Land of 
Moriah." On " one of the mountains " in this dis- 
trict took place the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. xxii. 2). 
What the name of the mountain was we are not 
told ; but it was a conspicuous one, visible from 
"afar off" (ver. 4). Nor does the narrative afford 
any data for ascertaining its position. After the 
deliverance of Isaac, Abraham, with a play on the 
name of Moriah impossible to convey in English, 
called the spot Jehovah-jireh, " Jehovah sees " 
(i. e. provides), and thus originated a proverb refer 
ring to the providential and opportune interference 
of God. " In the mount of Jehovah, He will be 
seen." Mr. Grove, with Stanley, Michaeb's, &c, is 
disposed to take the " land of Moriah " as the same 
district with that in which the " Oak (A. V. ' plain ') 
of Moreh " was situated, and not as that which con- 
tains Jerusalem, as the modern tradition, which 
would identify the Moriah of Gen. xxii. and that of 
2 Chr. iii. 1 (see below), affirms. (Gerizim.) — 2. 
" Mount Moriah." The name ascribed, in 2 Chr. iii. 
1 only, to the eminence on which Solomon built the 
Temple ; " where He appenred to David his father, 
in a place which David prepared in the threshing- 
floor of Aradnah the Jebusite." From the mention 
of Araunah, the inference is natural that the " ap- 
pearance" alluded to occurred at the time of the 
purchase of the threshing-floor by David, and his 
erection thereon of the altar (2 Sam. xxiv. ; 1 Chr. 
xxi.). But nothing is said in the narratives of that 
event of any " appearance " of Jehovah. (Compare, 
however, Gen. xviii., xix., and Angel.) A tradition 
which first appears in a definite shape in Josephas, 
and is now almost universally accepted, asserts 
that the " Mount Moriah " of the Chronicles is iden- 
tical with the " mountain " in " the land of Moriah " 
of Genesis, and that the spot on which Jehovah ap- 
peared to David, and on which the Temple was 
built, was the very spot of the sacrifice of Isaac. 
Mr. Grove, with others (see No. 1 above), disputes 
this identity, and claims that Jerusalem has no part 
in the history of Israel till the establishment of the 
monarchy, and that to make No. 1 = No. 2 is in- 
compatible with the circumstances of the narrative 
of Gen. xxii., because — (1.) The Temple mount can- 
not be spoken of as a conspicuous eminence. It is 
not visible till the traveller is close upon it at the 
southern edge of the valley of Hinnom, from whence 
he looks down upon it as on a lower eminence. (2.) 
If Salem was Jerusalem, then the trial of Abraham's 
faith, instead of taking place in the lonely and deso- 
late spot implied by the narrative, where not even 
fire was to be obtained, and where no help but that 
of the Almighty was nigh, actually took place un- 
der the very walls of the city of Melchizedek. — But 
apparently Abraham did not see the place till he 
was near enough to walk to it with his son, bearing 
on his back the load of wood (Gen. xxii. 4—6) ; and 
sometimes the outside of fenced cities — where a 
deep ravine runs between the wall and the suburb — 
is one of the loneliest spots in the world (so H. R. 
R., in Kitto). Hengstenberg accounts for the 
rarity of the name Moriah from the fact that Je- 
rusalem remained a heathen city till David's time, 
while Bethel, Peniel, Mahanaim, &c, being actually 
in possession of the Israelites from Joshua's lime, 



MOR 



MOS 



675 



had tlieir patriarchal names familiarized and per- 
petuated. The common view that the Moriah of 
Gen. xxii. is the Moriah of 2 Chr. iii. is accepted by 
Gesenius, Fiirst, Winer, Evvald, Knobel, Prof. Doug- 
las (in Fairbairn), Ay re, &c, &c. 

* Morn ing. Day. 

* Morn'ing Star. Heaven ; Lucifer ; Star. 
Mor'tar. 1. A wide-mouthed utensil for pounding 

grain, &c. The simplest and probably most ancient 
method of preparing corn for food was by pound- 
ing it between two stones. Convenience suggested 
that the lower of the two stones should be hollowed, 
that the corn might not escape, and that the upper 
should be shaped so as to be convenient for holding. 
(Mill.) The pestle and mortar must have existed 
from a very early period. The Israelites in the 
desert appear to have possessed mortars and hand- 
mills among their necessary domestic utensils. 
When the manna fell they gathered it, and either 
ground it in the mill or pounded it in the mortar 
(Heb. medoc/idh) till it was fit for use (Num. xi. 8). 
So in the present day stone mortars are used by the 
Arabs to pound wheat for their national dish kibby. 
Another Hebrew word, rnachtesh (Prov. xxvii. 22), 
probably denotes a mortar of a larger kind in which 
corn was pounded. "Though thou bray the fool 
in the mortar among the bruised corn (A. V. 
" wheat") with the pestle, yet will not his folly de- 
part from him." Grain may be separated from its 
husk and all its good properties preserved by such 
an operation, but the fool's folly is so essential a 
part of himself that no analogous process can re- 
move it from him. Such seems the natural inter- 
pretation of this remarkable proverb. The lan- 
guage is intentionally exaggerated, and there is no 
necessity for supposing an allusion to a mode of 
punishment by which criminals were put to death, 
by being pounded in a mortar. A custom of this 
kind existed among the Turks, but there is no dis- 
tinct trace of it among the Hebrews. Such, how- 
ever, is supposed to be the reference in the proverb 
by Mr. Roberts ( Oriental Illustrations of the Scrip- 
tures), who illustrates it from the fact that in India 
persons have been punished capitally by being 
pounded to death in the large mortars used for sep- 
arating the rice from the husk. — 2. A cement for 
bricks, stones, &c. For this we find two Hebrew 
words — (1.) Homer or chomer (Gen. xi. 3; Ex. i. 
14; Is. xli. 25; Nah. iii. 14). (Clay 2.)— (2.) 
'Aphdr (Lev. xiv. 42, 45), literally and usually 
translated " dust." The Heb. tdpMl ( = lime, hence 
mortar, plaster, or rather whitewash, as spread upon 
walls, Ges.) is in the A. V " untempered (mortar) " 
in Ez. xiii. 10, 11, 14, 15, xxii. 28.— The various 
compacting substances used in Oriental buildings 
appear to be — 1. bitumen, as in the Babylonian 
structures (Slime) ; 2. common mud or moistened 
clay ; 3. a very firm cement compounded of sand, 
ashes, and lime, in the proportions respectively of 
1, 2, 3, well pounded, sometimes mixed and some- 
times coated with oil, so as to form a surface almost 
impenetrable to wet or the weather. In Assyrian, 
and also Egyptian brick buildings stubble or straw, 
as hair or wool among ourselves, was added to in- 
crease the tenacity. Architecture; Handicraft; 
House ; Lime ; Plaster. 

* Mor'ter in some copies of the A. V. = Mor- 
tar 2. 

Mo-sc'ra (Deut. x. 6), apparently = Mo-sc'roth 
(Num. xxxiii. 30), its plural form (Heb. = bonds, 
bands, Ges.), the name of a place near Mount Hor. j 
Hengstenberg thinks it lay in the Arabah, where | 



that mountain overhangs it. Burckhardt itnprob- 
ably suggests that possibly Wady Musa, near Petra 
and Mount Hor, may contain a corruption of Mo- 
sera. Deuteronomy B. (I. 5); Wilderness of the 
Wandering. 

Moses [-zez] (a Gr. and L. form of Heb. Mosheh 
— drawn ; see below), the legislator of the Hebrew 
people, and in a certain sense the founder of the 
Jewish religion. The materials for his life are— (I.) 
The details preserved in the Pentateuch. (II.) 
The allusions in the Prophets and Psalms. (III.) 
The Jewish traditions preserved in the N. T. (Acts 
vii. 20-38 ; 2 Tim. iii. 8, 9 ; Heb. xi. 23-28 ; Jude 
9) ; and in Josephus, Philo, and Clement of Alex- 
andria. (IV.) The heathen traditions of Manetho, 
Lysimachus, and Chseremon, preserved in Josephus, 
of Artapanus and others in Eusebius, and of Heca- 
tseus. (V.) The Mussulman traditions in the Koran, 
and the Arabian legends. (VI.) Apocryphal Books 
of Moses : — (1.) Prayers of Moses. (2.) Apocalypse 
of Moses. (3.) Ascension of Moses. (VII.) In mod- 
ern times his career and legislation have been 
treated by Warburton, Micha.elis, Ewald, and Bun- 
sen. — His life, in the later period of the Jewish his- 
tory, was divided into three equal portions of forty 
years each (Acts vii. 23, 30, 36). I. His birth and 
education. The immediate pedigree of Moses is as 
follows : — 

Levi 



Gershon Kohath Merari 
Amram = Jochebed 



Hur = Miriam Aaron = Elisheba MOSES = Zipporah. 



Nadab Abihu Eleazar Ithamar Gershom Eliezer 
I I 
Phinehas Jonathan 

The fact that he was of the tribe of Levi no doubt 
contributed to the selection of that tribe as the 
sacred caste. The Levitical parentage and the 
Egyptian origin both appear in the family names. 
Gershom, Eleazar, are both repeated in the younger 
generations. Moses and Phinehas are Egyptian (so 
Dean Stanley, original author of this article). Moses 
was born, according to Manetho, at Heliopolis, at 
the time of the deepest depression of his nation in 
the Egyptian servitude. (Chronology.) His birth 
(according to Josephus) had been foretold to Pha- 
raoh by the Egyptian magicians, and to his father 
Amram by a dream. The story of his birth is thor- 
oughly Egyptian in its scene. The beauty of the 
new-born babe — in the later versions of the story 
amplified into a beauty and size almost divine — in- 
duced the mother to make extraordinary efforts for 
its preservation from the general destruction of the 
male children of Israel. (Pharaoh 3.) For three 
months the child was concealed in the house. Then 
his mother placed him in a small boat or basket of 
papyrus (Reed 2), closed against the water by bitu- 
men. (Pitch.) This was placed among the aquatic 
vegetation by the side of one of the canals of the 
Nile. The mother (Jochebed) departed as if unable 
to bear the sight. The sister (Miriam) lingered to 
watch his fate. The Egyptian princess (whom Jewish 
traditions named Therrnvthis ; Artapanus, 3/errhis; 
and Arabic traditions, Asiai) came down, after the 
Homeric simplicity of the age, to bathe in the 
sacred river, or (Jos. ii. 9, § 5) to play by its side. 
Her attendant slaves followed her. She saw the 



/ 



676 



MOS 



MOS 



basket in the flags, or (Jos. ib.) borne down the 
stream, and despatched divers after it. The divers, 
or one of the female slaves, brought it. It was 
opened, and the cry of the child moved the princess 
to compassion. She determined to rear it as her 
own. The child (Jos. ib.) refused the milk of Egyp- 
tian nurses. The sister was then at hand to recom- 
mend a Hebrew nurse. The child was brought up 
as the princess's son, and the memory of the inci- 
dent was long cherished in the name given to the 
foundling of the water's side — whether according to 
its Hebrew or Egyptian form. Its Hebrew form is 
Mosheh, from mdshdh, to draw out — " because I have 
drawn him out of the water." But this is probably 
the Hebrew form given to a foreign word. In Cop- 
tic, mo — water, and ushe — saved. This is the 
explanation given by Josephus. The child was 
adopted by the princess. Tradition describes its 
beauty as so great that passers-by stood fixed to 
look at it, and laborers left their work to steal a 
glance (Jos. ii. 9, § 6). From this time for many 
years Moses must be considered as an Egyptian. In 
the Pentateuch this period is a blank, but in the 
N. T. he is represented as " educated in all the wis- 
dom of the Egyptians" (Egypt), and as "mighty in 
words and deeds " (Acts vii. 22). The following is 
a brief summary of the Jewish and Egyptian tradi- 
tions which fill up the silence of the sacred writer. 
He was educated at Heliopolis (compare Str. xvii. 
1), and grew up there as a priest, under his Egyp- 
tian name of Osarsiph or Tisithen. He was taught 
the whole range of Greek, Chaldee, and Assyrian 
literature. From the Egyptians especially he learned 
mathematics, to train his mind for the unprejudiced 
reception of truth (Philo, V. M. i. 5). "He in- 
vented boats and engines for building — instruments 
of war and hydraulics — hieroglyphics — division of 
lands " (Artapanus, in Euseb. Prcep. Evang. ix. 27). 
( Writing.) He taught Orpheus, and was hence called 
by the Greeks Musajus (ib. ), and by the Egyptians Her- 
mes (ib.). He taught grammar to the Jews, whence it 
spread to Phenicia and Greece (Eupolemus, in Clem. 
Alex. Strom.). He was sent on an expedition against 
the Ethiopians. He got rid of the serpents of the 
country to be traversed by turning baskets full of 
ibises upon them (Jos. ii. 10, § 2), and founded the 
city of Hermopolis to commemorate his victory (Ar- 
tapanus, in Euseb. 1. e.). He advanced to Saba, 
the capital of Ethiopia, and gave it the name of 
Meroe, from his adopted mother Merrhis, whom he 
buried there (ib.). Tharbis, the daughter of the 
king of Ethiopia, fell in love with him, and he re- 



turned in triumph to Egypt with her as his wife iocky ground. This tree (but see Bush 1) became 

(Jos. ii.). — II. The nurture of his mother is prob- (the symbol of the Divine Presence : a flame of fire 



ably spoken of as the link which bound him to his 
own people, and the time had at last arrived when 
he was resolved to reclaim his nationality. Here 
again the N. T. preserves the tradition in a distincter 
form than the account in the Pentateuch (Heb. xi. 
24-26). According to Philo he led an ascetic life, 
in order to pursue his high philosophic speculations. 
According to the Egyptian tradition, although a 
priest of Heliopolis, he always performed his prayers 
according to the custom of his fathers, outside the 
walls of the city, in the open air, turning toward 
the sun-rising (Jos. Ap. ii. 2). The king was excited 
to anger by the priests of Egypt, who foresaw their 
destroyer (ib.), or by his own envy (Artapanus, I.e.). 
Various plots of assassination were contrived against 
him, which failed. The last was after he had already 
escaped across the Nile from Memphis, warned by 
his brother Aaron, and when pursued by the assas- 



sin he killed him (ib.). The same general account 
of conspiracies against his life appears in Josephus 
(ii. 10). All that remains of these traditions in the 
sacred narrative is the simple and natural incident, 
that seeing an Israelite suffering the bastinado from 
an Egyptian (so Stanley, A. V. " an Egyptian smiting 
an Hebrew, one of his brethren " [i. e. smiting him 
fatally, killing him ; the Hebrew is a participle of 
the verb translated " slew " in the next verse] ; see 
Blood, Avenger of ; also compare " prince " in ver. 
14 with ver. 10), and thinking that they were alone, 
he slew the Egyptian, and buried the corpse in the 
sand. The fire of patriotism which thus turned him 
into a deliverer from the oppressors, turns him in 
the same story into the peace-maker of the op- 
pressed. It is characteristic of the faithfulness of 
the Jewish records that his flight is there occasioned 
rather by the malignity of his countrymen than by 
the enmity of the Egyptians (compare Acts vii. 25— 
35). He fled into Midian. Beyond the fact that it 
was in or near the peninsula of Sinai, its precise 
situation is unknown. There was a famous well 
(" the well," Ex. ii. 15) surrounded by tanks for the 
watering of the flocks of the Bedouin herdsmen. 
By this well the fugitive seated himself, and watched 
the gathering of the sheep. There were the Arabian 
shepherds, and there were also seven maidens, 
whom the shepherds rudely drove away from the 
water. The chivalrous spirit which had already 
broken forth in behalf of his oppressed country- 
men, broke forth again in behalf of the distressed 
maidens. They returned unusually soon to thfiir 
father (Jethro), and told him of their adventure. 
Moses, who up to this time had been " an Egyp- 
tian " (Ex. ii. 19), now became for forty years (Acts 
vii. 30) an Arabian. He married Zipporah, daugh- 
ter of his host, to whom he also became the servant 
and shepherd (Ex. ii. 21, iii. 1). In the seclusion 
and simplicity of his shepherd-life he received his 
call as a prophet. The traditional scene of this 
great event is in the valley of Shoayb, or Hobab, 
on the N. side of Jcbcl Musa. Its exact spot is 
marked by the convent of St. Catharine, of which 
the altar is said to stand on the site of the Burning 
Bush. The original indications are too slight to 
enable us to fix the spot with any certainty. It was 
at " the back " of the " wilderness " at Horeb (Ex. 
iii. 1) : to which the Hebrew adds, whilst the LXX. 
omits, " the mountain of God." Upon the moun- 
tain was a well-known acacia (shittah-it.ee), the 
thorn-tree of the desert, spreading out its tangled 
branches, thick set with white thorns, over the 



in the midst of it, in which the dry branches would 
naturally have crackled and burnt in a moment, but 
which played round it without consuming it. The 
rocky ground at once became " holy," and the 
shepherd's sandal was to be taken off no less than 
on the threshold of a palace or a temple (compare 
Acts vii. 29-33). The call or revelation was two- 
fold — 1. The declaration of the Sacred Name ex- 
presses the eternal self-existence of the One God. 
(Jehovah.) 2. The mission was given to Moses to 
deliver his people. The two signs are characteristic 
— the one of his past Egyptian life — the other of 
his active shepherd-life. In the rush of leprosy 
into his hand is the link between him and the peo- 
ple whom the Egyptians called a nation of lepers. 
In the transformation of his shepherd's staff is the 
glorification of the simple pastoral life, of which 
that staff was the symbol, into the great career 



MOS 



MOS 



677 



which lay before it. He returns to Egypt from his 
exile. His Arabian wife and her two infant sons are 
with him. She is seated with them on the ass. He 
apparently walks by their side with his shepherd's 
staff. On the journey back to Egypt a mysterious 
incident occurred in the family (Ex. iv. 24-26). The 
most probable explanation seems to be, that at the 
caravanserai either Moses or Gershom was struck 
with what seemed to be a mortal illness. In some 
way this illness was connected by Zipporah with the 
fact that her son had not been circumcised. She 
instantly performed the rite, and threw the sharp 
instrument, stained with the fresh blood, at the 
feet of her husband, exclaiming in the agony of a 
mother's anxiety for the life of her child — " A 
bloody husband thou art, to cause the death of my 
son." Then, when the recovery from the illness took 
place, she exclaims again, " A bloody husband still 
thou art, but not so as to cause the child's death, 
but only to bring about his circumcision." Prob- 
ably in consequence of this event, whatever it was, 
the wife and her children were sent back to Jethro, 
and remained with him till Moses joined them at 
Rephidim (xviii. 2-6). After this parting he ad- 
vanced into the desert, and at the same spot where 
he had had his vision encountered Aaron (iv. 27). 
From that meeting and cooperation we have the 
first distinct indication of his personal appearance 
and character. But beyond the slight glance at his 
infantine beauty, no hint of this grand personality 
is given in the Bible. What is described is rather 
the reverse. The only point there brought out is a 
singular and unlooked-for infirmity. " I am slow 
of speech and of a slow tongue." In the solution 
of this difficulty which Moses offers — " Send, I pray 
Thee, by the hand of him whom Thou wilt send " 
(i. e. make any one Thy apostle rather than me) — 
we read both the disinterestedness, which is the 
most distinct trait of his personal character, and 
the future relation of the two brothers. Aaron 
spoke and acted for Moses, and was the permanent 
inheritor of the sacred staff of power. But Moses 
was the inspiring soul behind. — III. The history of 
Moses henceforth is the history of Israel for forty 
years. (Egypt; Exodus, the; Inspiration; Job; 
Korah 4; Law of Moses ; Miracles; Passover; 
Pharaoh 4 ; Plagues, the Ten ; Serpent, the Bra- 
zen ; Sinai : Wilderness of the Wandering.) It 
is important to trace his relation to his immediate 
circle of followers. In the Exodus, he takes the 
decisive lead on the night of the flight. Up to that 
point lie and Aaron appear almost on an equality. 
But after -that, Moses is usually mentioned alone. 
Aaron still held the second place. Another, nearly 
equal to Aaron, is Hur, of the tribe of Judah. His 
servant was Hoshea (afterward Joshua). Miriam 
always held the independent position to which her 
age entitled her. Her part was to supply the voice 
and song to her brother's prophetic power. But 
Moses is incontestably the chief personage of the 
history, in a sense in which no one else is described 
before or since. In the traditions of the desert, 
whether late or early, his name predominates over 
that of every one else. Of the " Books of Moses" 
(Genesis; Exodus; Leviticus; Numbers; Deuter- 
onomy) he is the chief subject. The very name " Mo- 
saic" has been in later times applied to the whole 
religion. It has sometimes been attempted to reduce 
this great character into a mere passive instrument of 
the Divine Will, as though he had himself borne no 
conscious part in the actions in which he figures, 
or the messages which he delivers. This, however, 



is as incompatible with the general tenor of the 
Scriptural account, as it is with the common lan- 
guage in which he has been described by the Church 
in all ages. He must be considered, like all the 
saints and heroes of the Bible, as a man of marvel- 
lous gifts, raised up by Divine Providence for a spe- 
cial purpose ; but led into a closer communion with 
the invisible world than was vouchsafed to any other 
in the 0. T. There are two main characters in 
which he appears, as a Leader, and as a Prophet. 
1. As a Leader, his life divides itself into the three 
epochs — of the march to Sinai ; the march from 
Sinai to Kadesh ; and the conquest of the Trans- 
jordanic kingdoms. Of his natural gifts in this 
capacity we have but few means of judging. The 
two main difficulties which he encountered were the 
reluctance of the people to submit to his guidance, 
and the impracticable nature of the country which 
they had to traverse. The incidents with which his 
name was specially connected both in the sacred 
narrative, and in the Jewish, Arabian, and heathen 
traditions, were those of supplying water when most 
wanted. In the Pentateuch these supplies of water 
take place at Marah, at Horeb, at Kadesh, and in 
the land of Moab. The route through the wilder- 
ness is described as having been made under his 
guidance. The particular spot of the encampment 
is fixed by the cloudy pillar. But the direction of 
the people first to the Red Sea, and then to Mount 
Sinai, is communicated through Moses, or given by 
him. On approaching Palestine, the office of the 
leader becomes blended with that of the general or 
the conqueror. By Moses the spies were sent to 
explore the country. Against his advice took place 
the first disastrous battle at Hormah. To his guid- 
ance is ascribed the circuitous route by which the 
nation approached Palestine from the E., and to his 
generalship the two successful campaigns in which 
Sihon and Og were defeated. The narrative is told 
so shortly, that we are in danger of forgetting that 
at this last stage of his life Moses must have been 
as much a conqueror and victorious soldier as 
Joshua. 2. His character as a Prophet is, from 
the nature of the case, more distinctly brought out. 
He is the first as he is the greatest example of a 
prophet in the O. T. In a certain sense, he appears 
as the centre of a prophetic circle, now for the first 
time named. His brother and sister were both en- 
dowed with prophetic gifts. The seventy elders, 
and Eldad and Medad also, all " prophesied " (Num. 
xi. 25-2'7). But Moses rose high above all these. 
With him the Divine revelations were made, "mouth 
to mouth, even apparently, and not in dark speeches, 
and the similitude of Jehovah shall he behold " 
(xii. 8). Of the especial modes of this more direct 
communication four great examples are given, cor- 
responding to four critical epochs in his historical 
career. (1.) The appearance of the Divine presence 
in the flaming " bush " has been already noticed. 
No form is described. " The Angel," or " Messen- 
ger is spoken of as being "in the flame" (Ex. iii. 
2_6). (2.) In the giving of the Law from Mount 
Sinai, the outward form of the revelation was a 
thick darkness as of a thunder-cloud, out of which 
proceeded a voice (xix. 19, xx. 21). The revelation 
on this occasion was especially of the Name of Je- 
hovah. On two occasions he is described as having 
penetrated within the darkness, and remained there, 
successively, for two periods of forty days, of 
which the second was spent in absolute seclusion 
and fasting (xxiv. 18, xxxiv. 28). Each of these 
periods was concluded by the production of the 



/ 



678 MOS 

two slabs or tables of granite, containing the suc- 
cessive editions of the Ten Commandments ; the first 
the writing of God, the second of Moses. (3.) 
Nearly at the close of those communications in the 
mountains of Sinai an especial revelation was made 
to him personally. In the despondency produced 
by the apostasy of the molten calk, he besought 
Jehovah to show him " His glory." But the Divine 
answer which granted his request in part, announced 
that an actual vision of God was impossible. 
" Thou canst not see my face ; for there shall no 
man see my face and live." He was commanded to 
hew two blocks of stone, like those which he had 
destroyed. He was to come absolutely alone. He 
took his place on a well-known or prominent rock 
("the rock," xxxiii. 21). The cloud passed by 
(xxxiv. 5, xxxiii. 22). A voice proclaimed the two 
immutable attributes of God, Justice and Love — in 
words which became part of the religious creed of 
Israel and of the world (xxxiv. 6, 7). (4.) The 
fourth mode of Divine manifestation was that which 
is described as commencing at this juncture, and 
which continued with more or less continuity 
through the rest of his career. Immediately after 
the catastrophe of the worship of the calf, and ap- 
parently in consequence of it, Moses removed the 
chief tent outside the carap, and invested it with a 
sacred character under the name of " the Tent or 
Tabernacle of the Congregation " (xxxiii. 7). This 
tent became henceforth the chief scene of his com- 
munications with God. During these communi- 
cations a peculiarity is mentioned apparently not 
seen before. On his final descent from Mount Sinai, 
after his second long seclusion, a splendor shone on 
his face, as if from the glory of the Divine Pres- 
ence. — There is another form of the prophetic gift 
in which Moses more nearly resembles the later 
prophets, viz. the poetical form of composition 
which characterizes the Jewish prophecy generally. 
These poetical utterances, whether connected with 
Moses by ascription or by actual authorship (Penta- 
teuch), enter so largely into the full Biblical con 
ception of his character, that they must be here 
mentioned, (a.) " The song which Moses and the 
children of Israel sang" (after the passage of the 
Red Sea, Ex. xv. 1-19). To this probably allusion 
is made in Rev. xv. 2, 3 — "the song of Moses the 
servant of God." (b.) A fragment of a war-song 
against Amalek (Ex. xvii. 16). (e.) A fragment of 
a lyrical burst of indignation (xxxii. 18). (d.) The 
fragments of war-songs in Num. xxi. 14, 15, 27-30, 
preserved in the " book of the wars of Jehovah " 
(Num. xxi. 14) ; and the address to the well (xxi. 16- 
18). (f.) The song of Moses (Deut. xxxii. 1-43) 
setting forth the greatness and the failings of Is- 
rael. (/.) The blessing of Mose3 on the tribes 
(xxxiii. 1-29). (g.) The 90th Psalm, "A prayer of 
Moses, the man of God." (Psalms, Book of.) How 
far the gradual development of these revelations or 
prophetic utterances had any connection with his 
own character and history, the materials are not 
such as to justify any decisive judgment. His 
Egyptian education must, on the one hand, have 
supplied him with much of the ritual of the Israel- 
ite worship. The coincidences between the arrange 
ments of the priesthood, the dress, the sacrifices, 
the ark, in the 'two countries, are decisive. On the 
other hand, the proclamation of the Unity of God 
implies distinct antagonism, almost a conscious re- 
coil, against the Egyptian system. And the absence 
of the doctrine of a future state proves at least a 
remarkable independence of the Egyptian theology, 



MOS 

I in which that great doctrine held so prominent a 
' place. The prophetic office of Moses can only be 
| fully considered in connection with his whole char- 
acter and appearance (Hos. xii. 13). He was in a 
sense peculiar to himself the founder and repre- 
I sentative of his people. And, in accordance with 
] this complete identification of himself with his 
nation, is the only strong personal trait which we are 
able to gather from his history (Num. xii. 3). The 
word "meek" is hardly an adequate reading of the 
Hebrew term, which should be rather muck endur- 
ing. It represents what we should now designate 
disinterested. All that is told of him indicates a 
withdrawal of himself, a preference of the cause of 
his nation to his own interests, which makes him 
the most complete example of Jewish patriotism 
(Ex. ii. 11, 14, iv. 13, v. 4, xxxii. 10, 32; Num. xi. 
29). His sons (Eliezer 2; Gershom 1) were not 
raised to honor. The leadership of the people 
passed, after his death, to another tribe. In the 
books which bear his name, Abraham, and not him- 
self, appears as the real father of the nation. In 
exact conformity with his life is the account of his 
end. Deuteronomy describes, and is, the long, last 
farewell of the prophet to his people. It takes 
place on the first day of the eleventh month of the 
fortieth year of the wanderings, in the plains of 
Moab (Deut. I. 3, 5). (Abel-shittim.) He is de- 
scribed as 120 years of age, but with his sight and 
his freshness of strength unabated (xxxiv. 7). The 
address from ch. i. to ch. xxx. contains the recapit- 
ulation of the Law. Joshua is then appointed his 
successor. The Law is written out, and ordered to 
be deposited in the Ark (xxxi.). The song and the 
blessing of the tribes conclude the farewell (xxxii., 

xxxiii. ). And then comes the mysterious close. As 
if to carry out to the last the idea that the prophet 
was to live not for himself, but for his people, he is 
told that he is to see the good land beyond the 
Jordan, but not to possess it himself. The sin for 
which this penalty was imposed on the prophet was 
because he and Aaron rebelled against Jehovah, and 
"believed Him not to sanctify Him," in the murmur- 
ings at Kadesh (Num. xx. 12, xxvii. 14 ; Deut. xxxii. 
21), or (Ps. cvi. 33) because he spoke unadvisedly 
with his lips. It seems to have been a feeling of 
distrust (Num. xx. 10). He ascends a mountain in 
the range which rises above the Jordan valley. The 
mountain-tract was known by the general name of 
." the pisgah." Its summits apparently were dedi- 
cated to different divinities (Num. xxiii. 14). On 
one of these, consecrated to Nebo, Moses took his 
stand, and surveyed the four great masses of Pales- 
tine W. of the Jordan — so far as it could be dis- 
cerned from that height. The view has passed into 
a proverb for all nations. " So Moses the servant 
of Jehovah died there in the land of Moab, accord- 
ing to the word of Jehovah, and He buried him in a 
' ravine ' in the land of Moab, ' before ' Beth-peor — 
but no man knoweth of his sepulchre unto this 
day .... And the children of Israel wept for 
Moses in the plains of Moab thirty days " (Deut. 

xxxiv. 5-8). This is all that is said in the sacred 
record. Jewish, Arabian, and Christian traditions 
have labored to fill up the detail. His grave, though 
studiously concealed in the sacred narrative, is 
shown by the Mussulmans on the west (and there- 
fore the wrong) side of the Jordan, between the 
Dead Sea and St. Saba. In the 0. T. the name of 
Moses does not occur so frequently, after the close 
of the Pentateuch, as might be expected. (Manas- 
seh 5.) In the Psalms and the Prophets, however, 



MOS 



MOU 



679 



he is frequently named as the chief of the proph- 
ets. In the N. T. he is referred to partly as 
the representative of the Law (e. g. Mat. xix. 7, 8 ; 
Mk. x. 3, &c), and in the vision of the Transfigura- 
tion, where he appears side by side with Elijah. As 
the author of the Law he is contrasted with Christ, 
the Author of the Gospel : " The law was given by 
Moses " (Jn. i. 17). The ambiguity and transitory 
' nature of his glory is set against the permanence 
and clearness of Christianity (2 Cor. iii. 13-18), and 
his mediatorial character against the unbroken com- 
munication of God in Christ (Gal. iii. 19). His 
"service" of God is contrasted with Christ's son- 
ship (Heb. iii. 5, 6). But he is also spoken of as a 
likeness of Christ; and, as this is a point of view 
which has been almost lost in the Church, compared 
with the more familiar comparisons of Christ to 
Adam, David, Joshua, and yet has as firm a basis 
in fact as any of them, it may be well to draw it 
out in detail. (1st.) Moses is, as it would seem, the 
only character of the 0. T. to whom Christ expressly 
likens Himself — "Moses wrote of me" (Jn. v. 46), 
i. e. in Deut. xviii. 15, 18, 19. This suggests three 
main points of likeness: — (a.) Christ was, like 
Moses, the great Prophet of the people — the last, 
as Moses was the first (compare 1 Cor. x. 2). (b.) 
Christ, like Moses, is a Lawgiver: "Him shall ye 
hear." (c.) Christ, like Moses, was a Prophet, out 
of the midst of the nation — " from their brethren." 
As Moses was the entire representative of his 
people, feeling for them more than for himself, ab- 
sorbed in their interests, hopes, and fears, so, with 
reverence be it said, was Christ. (2d.) In Heb. iii. 
1-19, xii. 24-29, and Acts vii. 37, Christ is described, 
though more obscurely, as the Moses of the new 
dispensation — as the Apostle, or Messenger, or 
Mediator, of God to the people — as the Controller 
and Leader of the flock or household of God. (3d.) 
The details of their lives are sometimes, though 
not often, compared (Acts vii. 24-28, 35). In Jude 
9 is an allusion to an altercation between Michael 
and Satan over the body of Moses. It probably 
refers to a lost apocryphal book, mentioned by 
Origen, called the " Ascension, or Assumption of 
Moses," and to the concealment of the body to pre- 
vent idolatry. 

* Mo'ses, Books of. Pentateuch. 

Mo-sol lam (fr. Gr.) = Meshdllam 11 (1 Esd. ix. 
14 ; compare Ezr. x. 15). 

Mo-soI'la-mon (fr. Gr.) = Meshdllam 10 (1 Esd. 
viii. 44 ; compare Ezr. viii. 16). 

* Mote, the A. V. translation of Gr. karphos (lit- 
erally something dry, i. e. any small dry particle, as 
of chaff, wood, &c, a twig, mote, put as the emblem 
of lesser faults, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) (Mat. vii. 3-5 ; 
Lk. vi. 41, 42). 

Moth (Heb. 'Ash ; Gr. ses). By the Hebrew and 
Greek words we are certainly to understand some 
species of clothes-moth {Tinea). Reference to the 
destructive habits of the clothes-moth is made in 
Job xiii. 28 ; Ps. xxxix. 11; Is. 1. 9, li. 8 ; Hos. v. 
12; Mat. vi. 19, 20; Lk. xii. 33; Jas. v. 2; and in 
Ecclus. xix. 3, xlii. 13; indeed in nearly every in- 
stance where mention of this insect is made, it is 
in reference to its destroying garments. In Job iv. 19 
the A. V. has "(which) are crushed before the moth," 
i. e. (so Mr. Barnes) the most feeble of all objects 
may crush man ; but Gesenius translates they are 
crushed as by the moth, i. e. as if moth-eaten. In 
Job xxvii. 18, " He buildeth his house as a moth," 
allusion is made either to the well-known case of 
the Tinea pellionella, or some allied species, or else 



to the leaf-building larvse of some other member of 
the order Lepidoptera. Dress ; Worm 1. 




Clothes-moth (Tinea pellimella). 

a. Larva in a case constructed out of the substance on which it is feeding-. 

b. Case cut at the ends. 

c. Case cut open by the larva for enlarging it. 

d. e. The perfect insect. 



Motll'cr (Heb. em ; Gr. meter). The superiority 
of the Hebrew over all contemporaneous systems 
of legislation and of morals is strongly shown in 
the higher estimation of the mother in the Jewish 
family, as contrasted with modern Oriental, as well 
as ancient Oriental and classical usage. The " king's 
mother," as appears in the case of Bath-sheba, was 
treated with especial honor (1 K. ii. 19 ; Ex. xx. 12; 
Lev. xix. 3 ; Deut. v. 16, xxi. 18, 21 ; Prov. x. 1, xv. 
20, xvii. 25, xxix. 15, xxxi. 1, 30). Child; Cook 
ing ; Daughter ; Dress ; Education ; Father ; 
Kindred ; Marriage ; Queen ; Women. 

*Monld'y [ou as o in note], the A. V. translation, 
after the LXX., Kimchi, &c. (Josh. ix. 5, 12 only) 
of Heb. mikkudim ( — crumbs of bread, Ges., Fii.), 
once translated " cracknels." 

Monnt, Moun tain, properly, an eminence higher 
than a hill. In the 0. T. our translators have em- 
ployed this word to represent — (1.) the Heb. har, 
with its derivative or kindred hardr or herer ; and 
(2.) the Chal. ivtr (Dan. ii. 35, 45 only). In the N. 
T. it is confined almost exclusively to representing 
the Gr. oros. The Heb. har, like the Eng. " moun- 
tain," is employed both for single eminences more 
or less isolated, e. g. Sinai, Gerizim, Ebal, Zion, 
and Olivet, and for ranges, e. g. Lebanon. It is 
also applied to a mountainous country or district, 
as the " mountain (or ' mountains ') of Judah " (Josh, 
xi. 21, xx. 7), "Mount Ephraim " (2 Chr. xv. 8). 
The various eminences or mountain-districts to which 
the word har is applied in the O. T. are : — Abarim ; 
Amana ; of the Amalekites ; Mountain of the Amo- 
rites ; Ararat ; Baalah; Baal-hermon ; Bashan ; 
Bethel ; Bether ; Carmel ; Corruption ; Ebal ; 
Ephraim ; Ephron ; Esau ; Ga ash ; Gerizim ; Gilboa ; 
Gilead ; Halak ; Heres ; Hermon ; Hor(2.); Ho- 
reb ; of Israel ; Jearim ; Judah ; Lebanon ; Oli- 
vet, or of Olives ; Mizar ; Moriah ; Naphtali ; 
Nebo ; Paran ; Perazim ; Samaria ; Seir ; Sephar ; 
Sinai ; Sion, Sirion, or Shenir (all names for Her- 
mon) ; Shapher ; Tabor ; Zalmon ; Zemaraim ; Zion. 
The " Mount of the Valley " was a district on the 
E. of Jordan, within the territory allotted to Reu- 
ben (Josh. xiii. 19), containing a number of towns. 
The frequent occurrence throughout the Scriptures 
of personification of the natural features of the 
country is very remarkable. The following are, it 
is believed, all the words used with this object in 
relation to mountains or hills : — 1. Head (Heb. rosh), 
Gen. viii. 5 ; Ex. xix. 20 ; Deut. xxxiv. 1 ; 1 K. xviii. 



680 



MOU 



MOU 



42 (A. V. " top "). 2. Ears (Heb. azndlh), Aznoth- | 
Tabor, Josh. xix. 34 : possibly in allusion to some 
projection on the top of the mountain. 3. Shoulder 
(Heb. c&lheph), Deut. xxxiii. 12; Josh. xv. 8, and 

xviii. 16 ("side"). 4. Side (Heb. tsad), used in 
reference to a mountain in 1 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 2 Sam. 
xiii. 34. 5. Loins or flanks (Heb. cisldlh), Chisloth- 
Tabor, Josh. xix. 12; also in the name of a village, 
probably situated on this part of the mountain, 
Chesulloth, i. e. the loins (Josh. xix. 18). 6. Rib 
(Heb. (seltV), used once, in speaking of the Mount 
of Olives, 2 Sam. xvi. 13, and there translated 
" side." 7. Back (Heb. shechem), possibly the root 
of the name of the town Shechem, from its situa- 
tion, as it were, on the back of Gerizim. 8. Thigh 
(Heb. yaruhdh), applied to Mount Ephraim, Judg. 

xix. 1, 18 ; and to Lebanon, 2 K. xix. 23 ; Is. xxxvii. 
24 ; used also for the " sides " of a cave, 1 Sam. 
xxiv. 3. 9. The Hebrew word translated " covert " 
in 1 Sam. xxv. 20 is aether, from sdthar, to hide, and 
probably refers to the shrubbery or thicket through 
which Abigail's path lay. In this passage " hill " 
should be " mountain." The dial, iur is the name 
still given to the Mount of Olives, the Jebel et-Tur. 
— Sermon on the Mount ; see Jesus Christ. — See 
also High Places. 

Mount = a mound or bulwark anciently used in 
military operations ; the A. V. translation of Heb. 
rnulstsdb (Is. xxix. 3), and soleldh (Jer. vi. 6, &c). 
The latter is sometimes translated " bank " (2 Sam. 

xx. 15, &c). War. 

Monn'tiiin of the Am'o-ritcs, specifically mentioned 
Deut. i. 19, 20 (compare 44). It seems to be the 
range about eighty or ninety miles nearly S. from 
Hebron, which rises abruptly from the plateau ofet- 
Tih, running from a little S. of W. to the N. of E., 
and of which the extremities are the Jebel 'Ardif 
en-Ndkah westward, and the Jebel el-Mukrdh east- 
ward, and from which line the country continues 
mountainous all the way to Hebron. Wilderness 
of the Wandering. 

Monrn ing. The number of words (about eleven 
Hebrew and as many Greek) employed in Scripture 
to express the various actions characteristic of 
mourning, shows in a great degree the nature of the 
Jewish customs in this respect. They appear to 
have consisted chiefly in the following particulars : 
— 1. Beating the breast or other parts of the body. 
2. Weeping and screaming in an excessive degree. 
3: Wearing sad-colored garments. 4. Songs of 
lamentation. 5. Funeral feasts. 6. Employment 
of persons, especially women, to lament. — I. One 
marked feature of Oriental mourning is what may 
be called its studied publicity, and the careful ob- 
servance of the prescribed ceremonies (Gen. xxiii. 
2 ; Job i. 20, ii. 8 ; Is. xv. 3, &c.). — II. Among the 
particular forms observed may be mentioned — a. 
Rending the clothes (Gen. xxxvii. 29, 34, xliv. 13, 
&c.). (Dress.) b. Dressing in sackcloth (Gen. xxxvii. 
34; 2 Sam. iii. 31, xxi. 10, &c.). c. Ashes, dust, or 
earth sprinkled on the person (2 Sam. xiii. 19, xv. 32, 
&c). d. Black or sad-colored garments (2 Sam. xiv. 
2; Jer. viii. 21, &c). e. Removal of ornaments or 
neglect of person (Deut. xxi. 12, 13; 2 Sam. xix. 
24, &c.). (Anointing; Nail.) /. Shaving the 
head, plucking out the hair of the head or beard 
(Lev. x. 6 ; 2 Sam. xix. 24, &c). g. Laying bare 
some part of the body (Is. xx. 2, xlvii. 2, &c.). h. 
Fasting or abstinence in meat and drink (2 Sam. i. 
12, iii. 35, xii. 16, 22, &c). (Fasts.) i. In the same 
direction may be mentioned diminution in offerings 
to God, and prohibition to partake in sacrificial food 



(Lev. vii. 20 ; Deut. xxvi. 14, &c). k. Covering the 
" upper lip," i. e. the lower part of the face, and 
sometimes the head, in token of silence (Lev. xiii. 
45 ; 2 Sam. xv. 30, xix. 4, &c.). /. Cutting the flesh 
(Jer. xvi. 6, 7, xli. 5). (Cuttings in the Flesh.) 
Beating the body (Ez. xxi. 12; Jer. xxxi. 19). m. 
Employment of persons hired for the purpose of 
mourning (Eccl. xii. 5; Jer. ix. 17 ; Am. v. 16; Mat. 
ix. 23). (Minstrel.) u. Akin to this usage the 
custom for friends or passers-by to join in the lam- 
entations of bereaved or afflicted persons (Gen. 1. 
3; Judg. xi. 40; Job ii. 11, xxx. 25, &c). o. The 
sitting or lying posture in silence indicative of grief 
(Gen. xxiii. 3 ; Judg. xx. 26, &c). p. Mourning 
feast and cup of consolation (Jer. xvi. 7, 8). The 
period of mourning varied. In the case of Jacob it 
was seventy days (Gen. 1. 3); of Aaron (Num. xx. 
29), and Moses (Deut. xxxiv. 8), thirty. A further 
period of seven days in Jacob's case (Gen. 1. 10). 
Seven days for Saul, which may have been an 
abridged period in time of national danger (1 Sam. 
xxxi. 13). — III. Similar practices are noticed in the 
Apocryphal books. — IV. In Jewish writings not 
Scriptural, these notices are in the main confirmed, 
and in some cases enlarged. — V. In the last place 
we may mention — a. the idolatrous "mourning for 
Tammuz " (Ez. viii. 14), as indicating identity of 
practice in certain cases among Jews and heathens; 
and the custom in later days of offerings of food at 
graves (Ecclus. xxx. 18). b. The prohibition, both 
to the high-priest and to Nazarites, against going 
into mourning even for a father or mother (Lev. xxi. 
10, 11 ; Num. vi. 7). The inferior priests were lim- 
ited to the cases of their near relatives (Lev. xxi. 1, 
2, 4). c. The food eaten during the time of mourn- 
ing was regarded as impure (Deut. xxvi. 14 ; Jer. 
xvi. 5, 7; Ez. xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4).— VI. When we 
turn to heathen writers we find similar usages pre- 
vailing among various nations of antiquity (Egyp- 
tians, Greeks, Romans, &c.). — VII. With the prac- 
tices above mentioned, Oriental and other customs, 
ancient and modern, in great measure agree. D'Ar- 
vieux says, Arab men are silent in grief, but the 
women scream, tear their hair, hands, and face, and 
throw earth or sand on their heads. The older 
women wear a blue veil and an old abba by way of 
mourning-garments. They also sing the praises of 
the deceased. Niebuhr says both Mohammedans and 
Christians in Egypt hire wailing-women, and wail at 
stated times. Burckhardt says the women of At- 
bara in Nubia shave their heads on the death of 
their nearest relatives — a custom prevalent also 
among several of the peasant-tribes of Upper Egypt. 
He also mentions wailing-women, and a man in dis- 
tress besmearing his face with dirt and dust in 
token of grief. In the Arabian Nights are frequent 
allusions to similar practices. They also mention 
ten days and forty days as periods of mourning. 
Lane, speaking of the modern Egyptians, says, 
"After death the women of the family raise cries 
of lamentation called wclwcleh or wilicdl, uttering 
the most piercing shrieks, and calling upon the 
name of the deceased, ' O, my master ! O, my re- 
source ! O, my misfortune ! 0, my glory ! ' (see Jer. 
xxii. 18). The females of the neighborhood come 
to join with them in this conclamation : generally, 
also, the family send for two or more nedddbehs, or 
public wailing-women. Each brings a tambourine, 
and beating them they exclaim, ' Alas for him ! ' 
The female relatives, domestics, and friends, with 
their hair dishevelled, and sometimes with rent 
clothes, beating their faces, cry in like manner, 



MOU 



MUL 



681 



' Alas for him ! ' These make no alteration in dress, 
but women, in some cases, dye their shirts, head- 
veils, and handkerchiefs of a dark-blue color. They 
visit the tombs at stated periods " (Mod. Eg. iii. 152, 
171, 195). One of the most remarkable instances 
of traditional customary lamentation is found in the 
weekly wailing of the Jews at Jerusalem at a spot 
as near to the Temple as could be obtained. (Buri- 
al; Tomb.) Spiritual mourning, or that sorrow in 
view of sin which is connected with true repentance, 
appears to be especially meant in Mat. v. 4 ; Jas. 
iv. 9, and some other passages (compare 2 Cor. vii. 
10). 

Mouse (Heb. 'achbar) occurs in Lev. xi. 29 ; 1 
Sam. vi. 4, 5; Is. lxvi. IV. The Hebrew word is 
probably generic, and not intended to denote any 
particular species of mouse. The original word de- 
notes a field-ravager, and may therefore comprehend 
any destructive rodent. Probably, however, in 1 
Sam. vi. 5, " the mice that mar the land " may in- 
clude and more particularly refer to the short-tailed 
field-mice (Arvicola agrcstis, Flem.), which Kitto 
says cause great destruction to the corn-lands of 
Syria. About fifty years ago, some of the English 
royal forests were threatened with total destruction 
by thi.-? animal. In one, Dean Forest, nearly 30,000 
short-tailed field-mice were caught in traps and pits 
in 1813, and probably a far greater number de- 
stroyed by weasels, owls, and other predatory crea- 
tures. In New Forest, also, many thousands were 
taken and destroyed that year in the same way. 

* Month (Heb. usually peh ; Gr. stoma) is used 
in the Scriptures both literally of men and beasts 
(Gen. viii. 11, xxv. 28, margin; Ex. iv. 11 ff. ; Ps. 
xxii. 21 ; Mat. xv. 11, &c), and figuratively of God 
(2 Chr. xxxv. 22; Mat. iv. 4, &c), of inanimate 
things (Gen. iv. 11, xxix. 2 ff., xlii. 27, &c), &c. It 
is put by metonymy for a speaker (Ex. iv. 16, &e.), 
speech or words (Ps. xlix. 13, margin, &c), command 
(Gen. xlv. 21, margin; Num. iii. 16, margin, &c), 
&c. To " speak with one mouth to mouth " (Num. 
xii. 8) = to speak in person, without mediator or 
interpreter. "With one mouth" (1 K. xxii. 13, 
&c.) = with one voice or accord. To " put worse 
in one's mouth" (Ex. iv. 15, &c.) = to suggest 
what one shall say. The law is " in one's mouth " 
(Ex. xiii. 9), L e. is often spoken of. To " lay one's 
hand upon his mouth " (Judg. xviii. 19, &c.) denotes 
silence. See further in Ges. Heb. Lex., Rbn. N. T. 
Lex. 

Mow'ing [mo-]. As the great heat of (he climate 
in Palestine and other similarly situated countries 
soon dries up the herbage itself, hay-making in our 
sense of the term is not in use. The " king's mow- 
ings" (Am. vii. 1), i. e. mown grass (Ps. lxxii. 6), 
may perhaps refer to some royal right of early pas- 
turage for the use of cavalry (compare 1 K. xviii. 5). 
Agriculture ; Grass ; Hay ; Taxes. 

Mo'za (fr. Heb. = a going forth, fountain, Ges. ; 
origin, descent, Fii.). 1. Son of Caleb the son of 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 46). — 2t Son of Zimri, and de- 
scendant of Saul (viii. 36, 37, ix. 42, 43). 

Mo'zah (fr. Heb. = Moza ? Ges. ; place of reeds, 
Fii. ; see below), a city of Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 26 
only), named between Chephirah and Rekem ; site 
unknown. Interpreting the name according to its 
Hebrew derivation, it may = the spring-head — the 
place at which the water of a spring gushes out 
(Stanley). A place of this name is mentioned in 
the Mishna as follows : — " There was a place below 
Jerusalem named Motsa ; thither they descended 
and gathered willow-branches," i. e. for the " Feast 



of Tabernacles " so called. To this the Gemara 
adds, "the place was a Colonia, i. e. exempt from 
the king's tribute." Schwarz would identify Mo- 
zah with the present Kulonieh, a village about four 
miles W. of Jerusalem on the Jaffa road, at the 
entrance of the great Wady Beit Haninah. 

* Mufflers, the A. V. translation of Heb. pi. 
rValoth = veils, as a female ornament, so called 
from their tremulous or fluttering motion, Ges., Fii. 
(Is. iii. 19). 

Mul'ber-ry-trees (Heb. bechdim, pi. of bdehd) oc- 
curs only in 2 Sam. v. 23, 24, and 1 Chr. xiv. 14. Mr. 
Houghton, the original author of the present ar- 
ticle, considers it impossible to determine the 
kind of tree denoted by the Hebrew word. The 
Jewish Rabbis, with several modern versions, make 
the Heb. bdehd = the mulberry-tree ; others retain 
the Hebrew word. Celsius (Hierob. i. 335) believes 
the Heb. bdehd = a tree of similar name mentioned 
in a MS. work of the Arabic botanical writer Abu'l 
Fadli, viz. some species of Amyris or Balsamoden- 
dron. Dr. Royle refers the Heb. bdehd to the Ar. 
Shajrat-al-bak, the gnat-tree, which he identifies with 
some species of poplar. Rosenmiiller follows the 
LXX. of 1 Chr. xiv. 14, and believes pear-trees are 
signified. As to the claim of the mulberry-tree to 
represent the bechdim of Scripture, it is difficult to 
see any foundation for such an interpretation. The 
tree of which Abu'l Fadli speaks, and which Spren- 
gel identifies with Amyris Gileadcnsis, Lin. (Spice), 
cannot denote the bdehd of the Hebrew Bible ; for 
plants of this family are tropical shrubs, and never 
could have grown in the valley of Rephaim. The 
explanation given by Royle, that some poplar is 
signified, is untenable; for the Heb. bdehd and the 
Ar. baka are clearly distinct both in form and signi- 
fication. Though there is no evidence to show that 
the mulberry-tree occurs in the Hebrew Bible, yet 
the fruit of this tree is mentioned in 1 Mc. vi. 34 
(Gr. moron), the " blood "(juice) of grapes and mul- 
berries having been shown to the elephants of An- 
tiochus Eupator, in order to irritate them and make 
them more formidable opponents to the army of the 
Jews. It is well known that many animals are en- 
raged when they see blood or any thing of its color. 
Sycamine-tree. 

Mule, the mixed offspring of the horse and ass; 
the A.V. translation of the following Hebrew words : 
— 1. Pered, Pirddh, the common and fern. Hebrew 
nouns to express the " mule ; " the first of which 
occurs in numerous passages of the Bible, the lat- 
ter only in 1 K. i. 33, 38, 44. It is an interesting 
fact that we do not read of mules till the time of 
David, just at the time when the Israelites were be- 
coming well acquainted with horses. After this 
time horses and mules are in Scripture often men- 
tioned together. In Ezr. ii. 66 and Neh. vii. 68, we 
read of 245 mules ; in 2 Sam. xiii. 29, all the king's 
sons had mules. Absalom rode on a mule in the 
battle of the wood of Ephraim, when the animal 
went away from under him and so caused his death. 
Mules were among the presents brought to Solomon 
year by year (1 K. x. 25). The Levitieal law for- 
bade the coupling together of animals of different 
species (Lev. xix. 19), hence the mules were prob- 
ably imported. The Tyrians, after Solomon's time, 
were supplied with horses and mules from Armenia 
(Togarmah) (Ez. xxvii. 14). Michaelis conjectures 
that the Israelites first became acquainted with 
mules in the war which David carried on with the 
king of Nisibis (Zobah) (2 Sam. viii. 3, 4). In Solo- 
mon's time it is possible that mules from Egypt oc- 



682 



MUP 



MUS 



casionally accompanied the horses which we know 
the king of Israel obtained from that country ; for 
though the mule is not of frequent occurrence in 
the monuments of Egypt, yet it is not easy to be- 
lieve that the Egyptians were not well acquainted 
with this animal. It would appear that only kings 
and great men rode on mules. We do not read of 
mules at all in the N. T., perhaps, therefore, they 
had ceased to be imported. — 2. Rechesh (Dromedary 
2). — 3. Yemiia is found only in Gen. xxxvi. 24, 
where the A. V. has " mules " as the rendering of 
the word. The passage is one concerning which 
various explanations have been attempted. What- 
ever may be the proper translation of the passage, 
it is quite certain that the A. V. is incorrect in its 
rendering: — " This was that Anah that found the 
mules in the wilderness as he fed the asses of Zibeon 
his father." The most probable explanation is that 
which interprets yemiin = warm spring*, as the 
Vulgate has it. The celebrated hot springs of Cal- 
lirhoe (Lasha ?) are on the eastern side of the Dead 
Sea, in Wady Zerka Main. Camel 4; Drome- 
dary 3. 

Muppim (Heb. darknesses, i. e. .sorrow, misery, 
Fii.), a Benjamite, and one of the fourteen descend- 
ants of Rachel who belonged to the original colony 
of the sons of Jacob in Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 21). Com- 
mentators generally consider Muppim = Siiupham 
in Num. xxvi. 39, and Shephuphan in 1 dir. viii. 5. 
Many also with Lord A. C. Hervey consider Muppim 
= Shuppim in 1 Chr. vii. 12, 15 ; but Dr. P. Holmes 
(in Kitto) regards Muppim as the grandson of Ben- 
jamin and son of Bela, and concludes that Shuppim 
was a nephew of Muppim. 

Murder. The principle on which the act of 
taking the life of a human being was regarded by 
the Almighty as a capital offence is stated on its 
highest ground as an outrage on the likeness of 
God in man, to be punished even when caused by 
an animal (Gen. ix. 5, 6 ; see also Jn. viii. 44 ; 1 Jn. 
iii. 12, 15). Its secondary or social ground appears 
to be implied in the direction to replenish the earth 
which immediately follows (Gen. ix. 7). The post- 
diluvian command was limited by the Law of Mo- 
ses, which, while it protected the accidental homi- 
cide, defined with additional strictness the crime of 
murder. It prohibited compensation or reprieve of 
the murderer, or his protection if he took refuge in 
the refuge city, or even at the altar of Jehovah (Ex. 
xxi. 12, 14; Lev. xxiv. IV, 21; 1 K. ii. 5,6, 31; 
Blood ; City of Refuge.) Bloodshed even in war- 
fare was held to involve pollution (Num. xxxv. 33, 
34 ; Dcut. xxi. 1, 9 ; 1 Chr. xxviii. 3). It is not 
certain whether a master who killed his slave was 
punished with death (Ex. xxi. 20). No punishment 
is mentioned for suicide attempted, nor does any 
special restriction appear to have attached to the 
property of the suicide (2 Sam. xvii. 23). Striking 
a pregnant woman so as to cause her death was 
punishable with death (Ex. xxi. 23). If an animal 
known to be vicious caused the death of any one, 
not only was the animal destroyed, but the owner 
also, if he had taken no steps to restrain it, was 
held guilty of murder (ver. 29, 31). The duty of 
executing punishment on the murderer is in the 
Law expressly laid on the " revenger of blood ; " 
but the question of guilt was to be previously de- 
cided by the Levitical tribunal. (Blood, Avenger 
of; Manslayer; Punishments.) In regal times 
the duty of execution of justice on a murderer 
seems to have been assumed to some extent by the 
sovereign, as well as the privilege of pardon (2 Sam. 



xiii. 39, xiv. 1,11; 1 K. ii. 34). It was lawful to 
kill a burglar taken at night in the act, but unlaw- 
ful to do so after sunrise (Ex. xxii. 2, 3). 

* Mur rain — a plague or pestilence among cattle ; 
the A. V. translation of Heb. deber in Ex. ix. 3 and 
margin of Ps. lxxviii. 50 ; elsewhere translated 
" pestilence " or " plague." Plague, note 1 ; Plagues, 
the Ten. 

Mn'slli (Heb. probably = felt out by Jehovah, Ges. ; 
the one withdrawn from men, Fii.), son of Merari, 
the son of Levi (Ex. vi. 19; Num. iii. 20; 1 Chr. 
vi. 19, 47, xxiii. 21, 23, xxiv. 26, 30). 

* Mu'siiitcs = descendants of Mushi ; a family 
of Merarite Levites (Num. iii. 33, xxvi. 58). 

Mn'sic. The inventor of musical instruments, 
like the first poet and the first forger of metals, was 
a Cainite. According to Gen. iv., Jubal the son of 
Lamech was " the father of all such as handle the 
harp and organ," i. e. of all players upon stringed 
and wind instruments. The first mention of music 
in the times after the Deluge is in the narrative of 
Laban's interview with Jacob (" with songs, with 
tabret, and with harp ; " Gen. xxxi. 27). (Hymn; 
Timbrel.) So that, in whatever way it was pre- 
served, the practice of music existed in the upland 
country of Syria, and of the three possible kinds 
of musical instruments, two were known and em- 
ployed to accompany the song. The three kinds 
are alluded to in Job xxi. 12. On the banks of the 
Red Sea sang Moses and the children of Israel their 
triumphal song of deliverance from the hosts of 
Egypt ; and Miriam, in celebration of the same 
event, exercised one of her functions as a prophetess 
by leading a procession of the women of the camp, 
chanting in chorus the burden to the song of Moses, 
" Sing ye to Jehovah, for He hath triumphed glori- 
ously ; the horse and his rider hath He thrown into 
the sea" (Ex. xv. 21). (Dance 2.) The triumphal 
hymn of Moses had unquestionably a religious char- 
acter about it, but the employment of a rude kind 
of music in religious service, though idolatrous, is 
more distinctly marked in the festivities at the 
erection of the golden calf (xxxii. 17, 18). The 
silver trumpets made by the metal workers of the 
Tabernacle, and used to direct the movements of 
the camp, point to music of a very simple kind 
(Num. x. 1-10 ; Cornet). The song of Deborah 
and Barak (Judg. v.) is cast in a distinctly metrical 
form, and was probably intended to be sung with a 
musical accompaniment as one of the people's songs 
(compare xi. 34). The simpler impromptu with 
which the women from the cities of Israel greeted 
David after the slaughter of the Philistine, was ap- 
parently struck off on the spur of the moment, 
under the influence of the wild joy with which they 
welcomed their national champion, "the darling of 
the songs of Israel " (1 Sam. xviii. 6, 7). Up to 
this time we meet with nothing like a systematic 
cultivation of music among the Hebrews, but the 
establishment of the schools of the prophets ap- 
pears to have supplied this want. Whatever the 
students of these schools may have been taught, 
music was an essential part of their practice. 
(Prophet.) Professional musicians soon became 
attached to the court. David seems to have gath- 
ered round him " singing men and singing women " 
(2 Sam. xix. 35). Solomon did the same (Eccl. ii. 
8), adding to the luxury of his court by his patron- 
age of art, and obtaining a reputation himself as no 
mean composer (IK. iv. 32). — But the Temple was 
the great school of music, and it was consecrated to its 
highest service in the worship of Jehovah. Before, 



MUS 



MUS 



683 



however, the elaborate arrangements had been made 
by David for the temple choir, there must have 
been a considerable body of musicians throughout 
the country (2 Sam. vi. 5), and in the procession 
which accompanied the Ark from the house of Obed- 
edom, the Levites, with Chenaniah at their head, 
who had acquired skill from previous training, 
played on psalteries, harps, and cymbals, to the 
words of the psalm of thanksgiving which David 
had composed for the occasion (1 Chr. xv., xvi.). 
It may be that the Levites all along had practised 
music, and that some musical service was part of the 
worship of the Tabernacle. The position which 
they occupied among the other tribes naturally fa- 
vored the cultivation of an art which is essentially 
characteristic of a leisurely and peaceful life. The 
three great divisions of the tribe had each a repre- 
sentative family in the choir. (Asaph ; Heman ; 
Jeduthun.) Asaph himself appears to have played 
on the cymbals (xvi. 5 ; Cymbal), and this was the 
case with the other leaders (xv. 19), perhaps to 
mark the time more distinctly, while the rest of the 
band played on psalteries and harps. The singers 
were distinct from both, as is evident in Ps. Ixviii. 
25, " the singers went before, the players on instru- 
ments followed after, in the midst of the damsels 
playing with timbrels ; " unless the " singers" here = 
the cymbal-players, like Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, 
who, in 1 Chr. xv. 19, are called " singers," and per- 
haps, while giving the time with their cymbals, led the 
choir with their voices. The " players on instru- 
ments" (Heb. nogenim) were the performers upon 
stringed instruments, like the psaltery and harp. 
The " players on instruments " (Heb. holelim or 
choleUni) in Ps. lxxxvii. 7, were different from these 
last, and were properly pipers or performers on per- 
forated wind-instruments (1 K. i. 40). " The dam- 
sels playing with timbrels " (compare 1 Chr. xiii. 8) 
seem to indicate that women took part in the Temple 
choir (xxv. 5, 6 ; Ezr. ii. 65). The trumpets, men- 
tioned among the instruments played before the 
Ark (1 Chr. xiii. 8), appear to have been reserved 
for the priests alone (xv. 24, xvi. 6). As they were 
also used in royal proclamations (2 K. xi. 14), they 
were probably intended to set forth by way of sym- 
bol the royalty of Jehovah, the theocratic King of 
His people, as well as to sound the alarm against 
His enemies (2 Chr. xiii. 12). The altar was the 
table of Jehovah (Mai. i. V), and the sacrifices were 
His feasts (Ex. xxiii. 18), so the solemn music of 
the Levites corresponded to the melody by which 
the banquets of earthly monarchs were accompanied 
(2 Chr. v. 12, 13, vii. 6, xxix. 27, 28). The Temple 
was His palace, and as the Levite sentries watched 
the gates by night they chanted the songs of Zion ; 
one of these is probably Ps. exxxiv. The relative 
numbers of the instruments in the temple band, ac- 
cording to the traditions of Jewish writers, were: — 
of psalteries, from two to six; of flutes, two to 
twelve ; of trumpets, from two upward without 
limit ; of harps or citherns, from nine upward ; of 
cymbals, only one pair (Forkel). — In the private 
as well as in the religious life of the Hebrews 
music held a prominent place. The kings had 
their court musicians (Eccl. ii. 8), who bewailed 
their death (2 Chr. xxxv. 25), and in the luxurious 
times of the later monarchy the effeminate gallants 
of Israel, reeking with perfumes and stretched upon 
their couches of ivory, were wont at their banquets 
to accompany the song with the tinkling of the 
psaltery or guitar (Am. vi. 4-6), and amused them- 
selves with devising musical instruments while their 



nation was perishing (compare Is. v. 11, 12). But 
while music was thus made to minister to de- 
bauchery and excess, it was the legitimate expres- 
sion of mirth and gladness, and the indication of 
peace and prosperity. It was only when a curse 
was upon the land that the prophet could say, 
" The mirth of tabrets ceaseth, the noise of them 
that rejoice endeth, the joy of the harp ceaseth, 
they shall not drink wine with a song " (Is. xxiv. 
8, 9, compare Ps. exxxvii.). The bridal processions 
as they passed through the streets were accom- 
panied with music and song(Jer. vii. 34), and these 
ceased only when the land was desolate (Ez. xxvi. 
13). (Marriage.) The music of the banquets was 
accompanied with songs and dancing (Lk. xv. 25 ; 
Ecclus. xxxii., xlix. I). The triumphal processions 
which celebrated a victory were enlivened by min- 
strels and singers (Ex. xv. 1, 20 ; Judg. v. 1, xi. 
34 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6, xxi. 11 ; 2 Chr. xx. 28 ; Jd. xv. 
12, 13), and on extraordinary occasions they even 
accompanied armies to battle (2 K. iii. 15 ; 2 Chr. 
xiii. 12, 14). (Minstrel.) Besides songs of tri- 
umph there were also religious songs (Is. xxx. 29; 
Am. v. 23 ; Jas. v. 13), "songs of the Temple" (Am. 
viii. 3), and songs in idolatrous worship (Ex. xxxii. 
18). Love-songs are alluded to in Ps. xlv. title, 
and Is. v. 1. There were also the doleful songs 
of the funeral procession, and the wailing chant 
of the mourners who went about the streets, the 
professional " cunning " of those who were skilful 
in lamentation (2 Chr. xxxv. 25 ; Eccl. xii. 5 ; Jer. 
fx. 17-20; Am. v. 16). The grape-gatherers sang 
as they gathered in the vintage, and the wine- 
presses were trodden with the shout of a song (Is. 
xvi. 10 ; Jer. xlviii. 33) ; the women sang as they 
toiled at the mill, and on every occasion the land 
of the Hebrews during their national prosperity was 
a land of music and melody. There is one class 
of musicians to which allusion is casually made 
(Ecclus. ix. 4), and who were probably foreigners, 
the harlots who frequented the streets of great 
cities and attracted notice by singing and playing 
the guitar (Is. xxiii. 15, 16 ; Harlot). — There are 
two aspects in which music appears, and about 
which little satisfactory can be said : the mysteri- 
ous influence which it had in driving out the evil 
spirit from Saul, and its intimate connection with 
prophecy and prophetical inspiration. From the 
instances in which it occurs, it is evident that the 
same Heb. root (ndbcl) is used to denote the inspira- 
tion under which the prophets spoke and the min- 
strels sang. All that can be safely concluded (so 
Mr. Wright) is that in their external manifestations 
the effect of music in exciting the emotions of the 
sensitive Hebrews, the frenzy of Saul's madness (1 
Sam. xviii. 10), and the religious enthusiasm of the 
prophets, whether of Baal or Jehovah, were so 
nearly alike as to be described by the same word. 
The case of Saul is more difficult still. We cannot 
be admitted to the secret of his dark malady. Two 
turning-points in his history are the two interviews 
with Samuel : — the first, when Samuel foretold his 
meeting with the company of prophets, with their 
minstrelsy, the external means by which the spirit 
of Jehovah should come upon him, and he should 
be changed into another man (x. 5), — and the other 
(the last, if we except that dread encounter which 
the despairing monarch challenged before the fatal 
day of Gilboa), upon the occasion of Saul's dis- 
obedience in sparing the Amalekites, for which he 
was rejected from being king (xv. 26). Immediately 
after this we are told the Spirit of Jehovah de- 



684 



MUS 



MUS 



parted from Saul, and an " evil spirit from Jehovah 
troubled him" (xvi. 14); and his attendants, who 
had perhaps witnessed the strange transformation 
wrought upon him by the music of the prophets, 
suggested that the same means should be employed 
for his restoration (xvi. 16, 23). But on two oc- 
casions, when anger and jealousy supervened, the 
remedy which had soothed the frenzy of insanity 
had lost its charm (xviii. 10, 11, xix. 9, 10). Aue- 

1. kth-shahar; Alamoth; Al-taschith ; Degrees, 
Songs of ; Gittith ; Higgaion ; Jonath-elem-recho- 
kim : Mahalath; Mahalath Leannoth ; Maschil ; 
Michtam; Musical Instruments; Musician*, the 
Chief; Muth-labben ; Neginah ; Neginoth ; Ne- 
iiiloth ; Selaii ; Sheminith ; Siiiggaion ; Shushan- 
eduth. 

Mn'si-cal In'strn-ments are of three kinds : stringed- 
instruments (HARP ; PSALTERY Or VIOL ; SACKBUT ?) ; 
wind-instruments (cornet; dulcimer?; flute; 
horn; organ; pipe; trumpet) ; instruments of per- 
cussion (bells; cymbal; dance 2?; tabret or 
timbrel). In addition to the instruments of music 
which have been represented in our version by some 
modern word, and are treated under their respective 
titles (see above; also Gittith; Mahalath), there 
are other terms which are vaguely or generally ren- 
dered. These are — 1. Chal. daluivan or dachavAn, 
translated "instruments of music" in Dan. vi. 18, 
marg. " or table, perhaps literally concubines." The 
last-mentioned rendering is that approved by Gese- 
nius, and seems most probable (so Mr. Wright). — 

2. Heb. minnim, rendered with great probability 
" stringed-instruments " in Ps. cl. 4. It appears to 
be a general term, but beyond this nothing is known 
of it. In Ps. xlv. 8 the Heb. minni is translated 
" whereby;" but Gesenius and most of the moderns 
follow Sebastian Schmid in translating "out of the 
ivory-palaces the stringed-instruments make thee 
glad." — 3. Heb. '«$<">•, " an instrument of ten 
strings" (Ps. xcii. 3). The full Hebrew phrase is 
nebel ''dsor = a ten-stringed psaltery, as in Ps. xxxiii. 
2, cxliv. 9 ; and the true rendering of the first-men- 
tioned passage would be " upon an instrument of 
ten strings, even upon the psaltery." — 4. Heb. 
shidddh veshidddth in Eccl. ii. 8 only, " I gat me 
men-singers and women-singers, and the delights of 
the sons of men, musical instruments, and that of all 
sorts." The words thus rendered have received a 
great variety of meanings — drinking-vcssels (Aquila, 
Vulg.); cup-bearers (LXX., Peshito, Jerome, Ar.); 
baths (Chal.); musical instruments (David Kimchi, 
Luther, A. V., and many commentators ; wife and 
wives, i. e. a queen with other wives and concubines 
(Ges.), or wives in abundance (Fii.). But the most 
probable interpretation (so Mr. Wright) is that sug- 
gested by a usage of the Talmud, where shiddh = 
a palanquin or litter for women. — 5. Heb. shdlishim, 
translated " instruments of music " in the A. V. of 
1 Sam. xviii. 6, marg. " three-stringed instruments." 
Roediger translates triangles, which are said to have 
been invented in Syria. We have no means of deci- 
ding which is the more correct. The LXX. and Syriac 
give cymbals ; the Vulgate sistra = Egyptian metal- 
lic rattles. Music. 

* Mii-si cian [-zish'an], the Chief, the A. V. trans- 
lation of Heb. mmatslseah or menatstseach (= leader, 
precentor, chief musician, Ges., after Kimchi, Rashi, 
Aben Ezra, &c), a term found in the titles of fifty- 
three psalms (iv., v., vi., &c), and in Hab. iii. 19 
(A. V. " chief singer "). " To the chief musician " 
denotes that the psalm is to be performed under his 
direction. Music. 



Mns'tard (Gr. sinapi) occurs in Mat. xiii. 31, xvii. 
20; Mk. iv. 31; Lk. xiii. 19, xvii. 6. The subject 
of the mustard-tree of Scripture has of late years 
been a matter of considerable controversy, the com- 
mon mustard-plant being supposed unable to fulfil 
the demands of the Biblical allusion. In a paper 
by the late Dr. Royle, read before the Royal Asiatic 
Society, and published in number xv. of their jour 
nal (1844), entitled, "On the Identification of the 
Mustard-tree of Scripture," the author concludes 
that the Salvadora Persica, a large shrub or tree of 
moderate size, with small pungent seeds, is what is 
meant in the Scriptures. He supposes the Salva- 
dora Persica to be the same as the tree called 
Kliardal (the Arabic for mustard), seeds of which are 
employed throughout Syria as a substitute for mus- 
tard, of which they have the taste and properties. 
This tree, according to the statement of Mr. Ameuny, 
a Syrian, quoted by Dr. Royle, is found all along 
the banks of the Jordan, near the Lake of Tiberias, 
and near Damascus, and is said to be generally rec- 




Mtutnrd-tree ! (Salvador! Fcrska). 



ognized in Syria as the mustard-tree of Scripture. 
But Dr. J. D. Hooker says this is a very rare plant in 
Syria ; and Mr. Houghton is disposed, with Hiller, 
Celsius, Rosenmiiller, Lambert, Erasmus, Grotius, 
&c, to believe that some common mustard-plant (<S<w- 
apis) is. the mustard-tree of the parable. Theobjection 
commonly made against any Sinapis being the plant 
of the parable is, that the seed grew into " a tree," 
or, as St. Luke has it, " a great tree," in the branches 
of which the fowls of the air are said to come and 
lodge. Now, in answer to the above objection, it is 
urged with great truth, that the expression is figura- 
tive and Oriental, and that in a proverbial simile no 
literal accuracy is to be expected. It is an error, 
for which the language of Scripture is not account- 
able, to assert, as Dr. Royle and some others have 
done, that the passage implies that birds " built their 
nests " in the tree ; the Greek word has no such 
meaning, the word merely = to settle or rest upon, 
any thing for a longer or shorter time ; nor is there 
any occasion to suppose that the expression " fowls 



MUT 



MYR 



685 



of the air " denotes any other than the smaller in- 
sessorial kinds, linnets, finches, &c. Hiller's ex- 
planation is probably correct; that the birds came 
and settled on the mustard-plant for the sake of the 
seed, of which they are very fond. Again, what- 




Black Mustard (Sliiapts nigra). 



ever the " mustard " may be, it is expressly said to be 
an herb, or more properly " a garden herb." Irby and 
Mangles mention the large size which the mustard- 
plant attains in Palestine. In their journey from 
Beisan to Ajlun, in the Jordan valley, they crossed 
a small plain very thickly covered with herbage, 
particularly the mustard-plant, which reached as 
high as their horses' heads. Thomson (ii. 100) also 
says he has seen the Wild Mustard on the rich plain 
of Akkdr, N. of Tripolis, as tall as the horse and 
the rider. If, then, the wild plant on the rich plain 
of Akkdr grows as high as a man on horseback, it 
might attain to the same or a greater height when 
in a cultivated garden. The expression " which is 
indeed the least of all seeds " is probably hyperbol- 
ical, to denote a very small seed indeed, as there 
are many seeds which are smaller than mustard. 
" The Lord in His popular teaching," says Trench 
(Notes on Parables, 108), " adhered to the popular 
language ; " and the mustard-seed was used pro- 
verbially to denote any thing very minute. The 
parable of the mustard-plant may be thus para- 
phrased : — " The Gospel dispensation is like a grain 
of mustard-seed which a man sowed in his garden, 
which indeed is one of the least of all seeds ; but 
which, when it springs up, becomes a tall-branched 
plant, on the branches of which the birds come and 
settle seeking their food." 

Muth-labben (Heb., see below). " To the chief 
musician upon Muth-labben," is the title of Ps. ix., 
which has given rise to infinite conjecture. Two 
difficulties in connection with it have to be resolved ; 
first, to determine the true reading of the Hebrew, 
and then to ascertain its meaning. Neither of these 
points has been satisfactorily explained. If the 
reading of Vulgate and LXX. be correct with regard 
to the consonants, the Hebrew words answering to 



"upon Muth" might be read 'al , alam6ih = " upon 
Alamoth," as in the title of Ps. xlvi., and the " lab- 
ben " is possibly a fragment of libney Korah = " for 
the sons of Korah," which appears in the same 
title. But if the Masoretic reading be the true one, 
it is hard to attach any meaning to it. The Targum 
renders the title of the psalm — " on the death of 
the man who came forth from between the camps," 
alluding to Goliath, the Philistine champion (1 Sam. 
xvii. 4). Others render it " on the death of the 
son," and apply it to Absalom. Rashi's words are 
— " but I say that this song is of the future to come, 
when the childhood and youth of Israel shall be 
made white, and their righteousness be revealed and 
their salvation draw nigh, when Esau and his seed 
shall be blotted out." Donesh supposes that labbcn 
was the name of a man who warred with David in 
those days, and to whom reference is made as "the 
wicked " in ver. 5. Arama (quoted by Dr. Gill in 
his Exposition) identifies him with Saul. As a last 
resource Kimchi suggests that the title was intended 
to convey instructions to the Levite minstrel Ben 
(1 Chr. xv. 18). Delitzsch conjectures that Muth- 
labben denotes the tone or melody with the words 
of the song associated with it ; Hupfeld that it was 
the commencement of an old song, either signifying 
" die for the son," or " death to the son." Others 
suppose it was a musical instrument. Prof. J. A. 
Alexander (on Ps. ix.) supposes it the title, or the 
first words, or a prominent expression, of some 
other poem, in the style, or to the air of which, this 
psalm was composed. 

* Mnz'zle [-zl]. Agriculture ; Ox. 

Myn'dus (L. fr. Gr.), a commercial town on the 
coast of Caria, between Miletus and Halicarnas- 
sus. We find in 1 Mc. xv. 23 that it was the resi- 
dence of a Jewish population. The name still lin- 
gers in the modern Mentesche, though the remains 
of the city are probably at Gnrnishhi. 

My'ra (L. fr. Gr. = flowing, pouring, Schl.), an 
important maritime town in Lycia, and interesting 
to us as the place where St. Paul, on his voyage to 
Rome (Acts xxvii. 5), was removed from the Adra- 
myttian ship which had brought him from Cesarea, 
and entered the Alexandrian ship in which he was 
wrecked on the coast of Malta. The harbor of Myra 
was strictly Andriace, between two and three miles 
distant, but the river was navigable to the city. 
Myra (called Dembra by the Greeks) is remarkable 
still for its remains of various periods of history. 
The tombs, enriched with ornament, and many of 
them having inscriptions in the ancient Lycian char- 
acter, show that it must have been wealthy in early 
times. Its enormous theatre attests its consider- 
able population in what may be called its Greek 
age. In the deep gorge which leads into the moun- 
tains is a large Byzantine church, a relic of the 
Christianity which may have begun with St. Paul's 
visit. 

Myrrh [mur], the representative in the A. V. of 
— 1 Heb. mor, mentioned in Ex. xxx. 23, as one of 
the ingredients of the "oil of holy ointment;" in 
Esth. ii. 12, as one of the substances used in the 
purification of women ; in Ps. xlv. 8, and in Prov. vii. 
17, and several passages in Canticles, as a perfume. 
The Gr. smurna (A. V. " myrrh ") occurs in Mat. ii. 
11 amongst the gifts brought by the wise men to 
the infant Jesus, and in Mk. xv. 23, it is said that 
"wine mingled with myrrh" was offered to, but re- 
fused by, our Lord on the cross. Myrrh was also 
used for embalming (Jn. xix. 39). Various conjec- 
tures have been made as to the real nature of the 



686 



MYR 



MYR 



substance denoted by the Heb. mdr, and much 
doubt has existed as to the countries in which it is 




Myrrh-tree (Dalsamodendron Myrrha). 



produced. According to Herodotus, Dioscorides, 
Tlicophrastus, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Pliny, &c, 




Cretan Rock-rose (Cielus Creticue). 



the tree which produces myrrh grows in Arabia. 
Forskal mentions two myrrh-producing trees, Amyris 



Kataf and Amyris Kafal, as occurring near Haes in 
Arabia Felix. The myrrh-tree which Ehrenberg 
and Hemprich found in the borders of Arabia Felix 
and that which Mr. Johnson saw in Abyssinia are 
believed to be identical ; the tree is the Bahamodeti- 
dron Myrrha, " a low thorny ragged-looking tree, 
with bright trifoliate leaves : " it is probably the 
Murr of Abu '1 Fadli, of which he says, " murr is 
the Arabic name of a thorny tree like an acacia, 
from which flows a white liquid, which thickens and 
becomes a gum." The Balsamodendron Myrrha, 
which produces the myrrh of commerce, has a wood 
and bark which emit a strong odor ; the gum which 
exudes from the bark is at first oily, but becomes 
hard by exposure to the air : it belongs to the nat- 
ural order Terebinlhacece (comp. Spice 1). For 
the " wine mingled with myrrh," see Crucifixion ; 
Gall. — 2. Heb. lot, erroneously translated " myrrh " 
in the A. V. in Gen. xxxvii. 25, xliii. 11, the only 
passages where the word is found, is generally con- 
sidered to denote the odorous resin which exudes 
from the branches of the Cistus Crcticus, known by 
the name of ladanum or labdanum. It is clear that 
lot cannot signify " myrrh," which is not produced 
in Palestine, yet the Scriptural passages in Genesis 
speak of this substance as being exported from 
Gilead into Egypt. There are several species of 
Cistus, all of which are believed to yield the gum 
ladanum ; but the species mentioned by Dioscorides 
is probably identical with the one found in Pales- 
tine, viz. the Cistus Cretieus. There can be no doubt 
that the Heb. lot, the Arabic ladan, the Gr. ledanon, 
the Latin and Eng. ladanum, are identical. The 
Cistus belongs to the natural order Cistacea?, the 
Rock-rose family. 

Myr'tle, Myr'tle-tree (Heb. hadas). There is no 
doubt that the A. V. is correct in its translation of 
the Hebrew word, for all the old versions are agreed 
upon the point, and the identical noun occurs in 
Arabic as the name of the "myrtle." Mention of 




Common Myrtle (Myrtug communis). 



the myrtle is made in Neh. viii. 15; Is. xli. 19, lv. 
13 ; Zech. i. 8, 10, 11. The modern Jews still adorn 
with myrtle the booths and sheds at the Feast of 
Tabernacles. Formerly, as we learn from Nehemiah 
(viii. 15), myrtles grew on the hills about Jerusa- 



MYS 



NAA 



687 



lem. " On Olivet," says Stanley, " nothing is now 
to be seen but the olive and the fig-tree : " on some 
of the hills, however, near Jerusalem, Hasselquist 
observed the myrtle. Dr. Hooker says it is not un- 
common in Samaria and Galilee. There are several 
species of the genus Myrtus, but the ilyrtus com- 
munis is the only one denoted by the Heb. hadas. 
" With its pure starry blossoms shining through its 
dark foliage, with its leaves so delightfully scented, 
and with flexible sprays which so readily twist into 
garlands, there is no wonder that every nation 
familiar with it has loved this exquisite evergreen " 
(Dr. J. Hamilton, in Fairbairn). Among the an- 
cient Greeks and Romans it was sacred to Venus. 
Its berries are sometimes used as a substitute for 
spices, and from them a wine has been made. It is 
a common shrub or tree in Southern Europe, North- 
ern Africa, and Syria (Dr. Royle, in Kitto). 

My'si-a [mish'e-a] (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so StraboJ 
from a Lydian word musos [beech-tree~\, i. e. the beech- 
tree country). The exact limits of this northwest- 
ern district of Asia Minor are not easily fixed. It 
is mentioned only once in the N. T. (Acts xvi. 7, 8), 
and that cursorily and in reference to a passing 
journey of St. Paul in his second missionary cir- 
cuit. The best description that can be given of 
Mysia at this time is that it was the region about 
the frontier of the provinces of Asia and Bithynia. 
The term is evidently used in an ethnological, not 
a political sense. Assos and Adramyttium were 
both in Mysia. Immediately opposite was the isl- 
and of Lesbos. (Mitylene.) Troas had a small 
district of its own which was politically separate. 

* Mys'tc-ry, the uniform A. V. representation in 
the N. T. of the Gr. musterion, which in classic 
Greek == a mystery or revealed secret, used mostly in 
the plural to denote certain religious celebrations, 
which only the initiated might attend ; probably 
shows or scenic representations of mythical legends 
(L. & S.). In the N. T. the word (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
is used of facts, doctrines, principles, not fully re- 
vealed. Thus the " mysteries of the kingdom of 
heaven" (Mat. xiii. 11, &c.) were made known to 
the disciples more fully than to the multitude. The 
"mystery of iniquity" (2 Th. ii. 7) = the hidden 
wickedness, as yet unknown to Christians. The 
term is used of the Gospel or Christian dispensation, 
or particular parts of it, as having been long hidden 
and first revealed in later times (Rom. xi. 25, xvi. 
25 ; 1 Cor. ii. 7, xv. 51, &c). But neither Judaism 
nor Christianity has any mysteries, corresponding 
to those of the ancient heathen, to be made known 
only to a particular class of initiated persons. An- 
tichrist ; Babylon ; Kingdom. 

N 

Na'am (Heb. pleasantne.% Ges.), a son of Caleb 
the son of Jephunneh (1 Chr. iv. 15). 

Na'a-mall (Heb. pleasant, Ges.). 1. One of the 
four women whose names are preserved in the rec- 
ords of the world before the Flood ; all except Eve 
being Cainites. She was daughter of Lamech 1 by 
his wife Zillah, and sister, as is expressly mentioned, 
to Tubal-cain (Gen. iv. 22 only). — 2. Mother of King 
Rehoboam (1 K. xiv. 21, 31 ; 2 Chr. xii. 13). On 
each occasion she is distinguished by the title " the 
Ammonite " (A. V. " an Ammonitess "). She was 
therefore one of the foreign women whom Solomon 
took into his establishment (IK. xi. 1). In the 
LXX. (1 K. xii. 24, answering to xiv. 31 of the He- 



brew text) she is stated to have been the " daughter 
of Ana (i. e. Hanun) the son of Nahash." 

Na'a-mall (see above), a town of Judah in the 
lowland district ("valley " 5), named with Makke- 
pah, Lachish, &c. (Josh. xv. 41) ; site unknown. 
Naamathite. 

Na'a-man (Heb. pleasantness, Ges.). 1. "Naaman 
the Syrian," an Aramite warrior, a remarkable in- 
cident in whose life is preserved to us through his 
connection with the prophet Elisha (2 K. v.). Of 
Naaman the Syrian there is no mention in the Bible 
except in this connection. But a Jewish tradition, 
at least as old as the time of Josephus (viii. 15, 
§ 5), and which may very well be a genuine one, 
identifies him with the archer whose arrow, whether 
at random or not, struck Ahab with his mortal 
wound, and thus " gave deliverance to Syria." The 
expression is remarkable — "because that, by him 
Jehovah had given deliverance to Syria." The 
most natural explanation perhaps is that Naaman, 
in delivering his country, had killed one who was 
the enemy of Jehovah not less than he was of Syria. 
Whatever the particular exploit referred to was, it 
had given Naaman a great position at the court of 
Ben-hadad. He was commander-in-chief of the 
arm) 1 , and was nearest to the person of the king, 
whom he accompanied officially, and supported, 
when he went to worship in the temple of Rimmon 
(ver. 18). He was afflicted with a leprosy of the 
white kind (ver. 27), which had hitherto defied cure. 
The circumstances of his visit to Elisha have been 
drawn out under Elisha. His request to be allowed 
to take away two mules' burden of earth is not 
easy to understand. The natural explanation is 
that, with a feeling akin to that which prompted 
the Pisan invaders to take away the earth of Acel- 
dama for the Campo Santo at Pisa, the grateful con- 
vert to Jehovah wished to take away some of the 
earth of His country, to form an altar for the burnt- 
offering and sacrifice which he intended thenceforth 
to dedicate to Jehovah only. But in the narrative 
there is no mention of an altar. How long Naa- 
man lived to continue a worshipper of Jehovah 
while assisting officially at the worship of Rimmon, 
we are not told. His case is quoted by our Lord 
(Lk. iv. 27) as an instance of mercy to one not of 
Israel. — 2. One of the family of Benjamin who came 
down to Egypt with Jacob (Gen. xlvi. 21). Accord- 
ing to the LXX. version of that passage he was the 
son of Bela, which is the parentage assigned to him 
in Num. xxvi. 40, where, in the enumeration of the 
sons of Benjamin, he is said to be the son of Bela, 
and head of the family of the Naamites. He is also 
reckoned among the sons of Bela in 1 Chr. viii. 3, 
4. Lord A. C. Hervey supposes the name repeated 
in ver. 7 by a copyist's error. Compare Ahiah 3 ; 
Ard ; Gera. 

Na'a-math-ite (fr. Heb., derived from a place 
called Naamah, probably on the Arabian borders 
of Syria), the gentilic name of one of Job's friends, 
"Zophar the Naamathite" (Job ii. 11, xi. 1, xx. 1, 
xlii. 9). 

Na'a-mites (fr. Heb.), the = the family descended 
from Naaman 2, the grandson of Benjamin (Num. 
xxvi. 40 only). 

Jla'a-rall (Heb. a girl, maiden, handmaid, Ges.), 
second wife of Ashur, a descendant of Judah (1 
Chr. iv. 5, 6). 

Jfa'a-rai (Heb. = Neariah?), one of David's 
"valiant men;" son of Ezbai (1 Chr. xi. 37). Pa- 
arai. 

Sfa'a-ran (Heb. boyish, juvenile, Ges.), a city of 



688 



NAA 



NAD 



Ephraim, mentioned in a very ancient record (1 Chr. 
vii. 2S) as the eastern limit of the tribe ; probably = 
Naarath. 

Na'a-rath (fr. Heb. = Naarah), a place named 
(Josh. xvi. 7 only) as one of the landmarks on the 
(southern) boundary of Ephraim ; apparently be- 
tween Atarotu and Jericho. If Ataroth be the 
present 'Atdra, then Naarah was probably some- 
where lower down the wady. Eusebius and Jerome 
speak of it as if well known to them — " Naorath, 
a small village of the Jews five miles from Jericho." 
Schwarz fixes it at "Neania," also " five miles from 
Jericho," meaning perhaps Wady Nawd'imeh, the 
name of the lower part of Wady Mutyah or el-Asas. 

5(a-asli'on, or Na'a-sbon (fr. Heb.) = Nahshon 
(Ex. vi. 23). 

Bla-as'son (Gr.) = Nahshon (Mat. i. 4 ; Lk. iii. 

32). 

IVa'a-thus (L. fr. Gr.), one of the family of Addi 
(1 Esd. ix. 31); not in Ezr. x. 30. 

Nabal (Heb. fool, Stl. ; foolish, wicked, Ges.), one 
of the characters introduced to us in David's wan- 
derings, apparently to give one detailed glimpse of 
his whole state of life at that time (1 Sam. xxv.). 
He was a sheepmaster on the confines of Judea and 
the desert, in that part of the country which bore 
from its great conqueror the name of Caleb (xxx. 
14, xxv. 3). He was himself, according to Josephus, 
a Ziphite, and his residence Emmaus, a place of that 
name not otherwise known, on the southern Car- 
mel in the pasture-lands of Maon. His wealth, 
as might be expected from his abode, consisted 
chiefly of 3,000 sheep and 1,000 goats, which, as in 
Palestine at the time of the Christian era (Mat. xxv.) 
and at the present day, fed together. It was the 
custom of the shepherds to drive them into the wild 
pastures on the slopes of Carrael ; and it was whilst 
they were on one of these excursions for grazing, that 
they met a band of outlaws, who showed them un- 
expected kindness, protecting them by day and 
night, and never themselves committing any depre- 
dations (xxv. 7, 15, 16). Once a year there was a 
grand banquet, on Carmel, " like the feast of a 
king" (xxv. 2, 4, 36). It was on one of these oc- 
casions that Nabal came across the path of the man 
to whom he owes his place in history. Ten youths 
from the chief of the freebooters approached him 
with a triple salutation — enumerated the services of 
their master, and ended by claiming, with a mixture 
of courtesy and defiance, characteristic of the East, 
" whatsoever cometh into thy hand for thy servants 
and for thy son David." The great sheepmaster 
was not disposed to recognize this unexpected pa- 
rental relation. He was notorious for his obstinacy 
(A. V. " churlish ") and for his general low conduct 
(" evil in his doings " — " a man of Belial ; " xxv. 3, 
17). On hearing the demand of the ten petitioners, 
he sprang up (LXX.), and broke out into fury, " Who 
is David ? and who is the son of Jesse ? " — " What 
runaway slaves are these to interfere with my own 
domestic arrangements ?" (xxv. 10, 11). The mo- 
ment that the messengers were gone, the shepherds 
that stood by perceived the danger that their mas- 
ter and themselves would incur. To Nabal himself 
they durst not speak (xxv. 17). To his wife (Abi- 
gail), as to the good angel of the household, one 
of the shepherds told the state of affairs. She, with 
the offerings usual on such occasions (xxv. 18, com- 
pare xxx. 11 ; 2 Sam. xvi. 1 ; 1 Chr. xii. 40), loaded 
the asses of Nabal's large establishment — herself 
mounted one of them, and, with her attendants run- 
ning before her, rode down the hill toward David's 



encampment. David had already made the fatal 
vow of extermination (1 Sam. xxv. 22). At this 
moment, as it would seem, Abigail appeared, threw 
herself on her face before him, and poured forth her 
petition in language which both in form and expres- 
sion almost assumes the tone of poetry. She returns 
with the news of David's recantation of his vow. 
Nabal is then in at the height of his orgies ("very 
drunken "), and his wife dared not communicate to 
him either his danger or his escape (xxv. 36). At 
break of day she told him both. The stupid revel- 
ler was suddenly roused to a sense of that which 
impended over him. " His heart died within him, 
and he became as a stone." It was as if a stroke 
of apoplexy or paralysis had fallen upon him. Ten 
days he lingered, " and the Lord smote Nabal, and 
he died" (xxv. 37, 38). Arms, I. 4. 

Nab-a-ri'as (Gr.), apparently a corruption of 
Zechariah (1 Esd. x. 44; compare Neh. viii. 4). 

fta'batb-ites, the = the descendants of Nebaiotii 
(1 Mc. v. 25, ix. 35). 

Na both (Heb. fruit, produce, Ges. ; prominence, 
distinction, Fii.), victim of Ahab and Jezebel. He 
was a Jezreelite, and the owner of a small portion 
of ground (2 K. ix. 25, 26) that lay on the eastern 
slope of the hill of Jezreel. He had also a vine- 
yard, of which the situation is not quite certain. 
According to the Hebrew text (1 K xxi. 1) it was in 
Jezreel, but the LXX. render the whole clause dif- 
ferently. The royal palace of Ahab was close upon 
the city wall at Jezreel. According to both texts it 
immediately adjoined the vineyard (1 K. xxi. 1, 2, 
Heb. ; 1 K. xxi. 2, LXX. ; 2 K. ix. 30, 36), and it 
thus became an object of desire to the king who of- 
fered an equivalent in money, or another vineyard, 
in exchange for this. Naboth, in the independent 
spirit of a Jewish landholder, refused. " Jehovah 
forbid it to me that I should give the inheritance of 
my fathers unto thee." Ahab was cowed by this 
reply; but the proud spirit of Jezebel was roused. 
She took the matter into her own hands. A solemn 
fast was proclaimed as on the announcement of 
some great calamity. Naboth was " set on high " 
in the public place of Samaria : two men of worth- 
less character accused him of having " cursed God 
and the king." He and his children (2 K. ix. 26) 
were dragged out of the city and dispatched the 
same night. The place of execution there was by 
the large tank or reservoir, which still remains on 
the slope of the hill of Samaria, immediately out- 
side the walls. The usual punishment for blasphemy 
was enforced. Naboth and his sons were stoned ; 
and the blood from their wounds ran down into the 
waters of the tank below. Elijah ; Jehu. 

Nab-n-cho-don'o-sor (Gr.) = Nebuchadnezzar, 
king of Babylon (1 Esd. i. 40, 41, 45, 48 ; Tob. xiv. 
15 ; Jd. i. 1, 5, 7, 11, 12, ii. 1, 4, 19, iii. 2, 8, iv. 1, 
vi. 2, 4, xi. 7, 23, xii. 13, xiii. 18). 

Na'chon's [-konz] (Heb. nachon = prepared, Ges.) 
Thresh'ing-Floor, the place at which the Ark had 
arrived in its progress from Kirjath-jearim to Jeru- 
salem, when Uzzah lost his life in his too hasty zeal 
for its safety (2 Sam. vi. 6) ; = Chidon. 

Na'fhor (Gr., L., and an Eng. form of Heb. = 
Nahor). 1. Brother of Abraham (Josh. xxiv. 2); 
= Nahor 2. — 2. Grandfather of Abraham (Lk. iii. 
34) ; =: Nahor 1. 

Na dab (Heb. spontaneous, liberal, Ges.). 1, Eldest 
son of Aaron and Elisheba (Ex. vi. 23 ; Num. iii. 
2). He, his father and brother, and seventy el- 
ders of Israel were led out from the midst of the 
assembled people (Ex. xxiv. 1), and were command- 



NAD 



NAH 



689 



ed to stay and worship God " afar off," below the 
lofty summit of Sinai, where Moses alone was to 
come near to the Lord. Subsequently (Lev. x. 1) 
Nadab and his brother were struck dead before the 
sanctuary by fire from the Lord. Their offence was 
kindling the incense in their censers with " strange " 
fire, i. e. not taken from that which burned per- 
petually (vi. 13) on the altar. — 2. King Jeroboam's 
son (Jeroboam 1), who succeeded to the throne of 
Israel b. c. 954, and reigned two years (IK. xv. 25- 
31). (Israel, Kingdom of.) At the siege of Gib- 
bethon a conspiracy broke out in the midst of the 
army, and the king was slain at Gibbethon by 
Baasha, a man of Issachar. — 3. ton of Shammai 
(1 Chr. ii. 28), of the tribe of Judah — i. Son of 
Gibeon (viii. 30, ix. 36), of the tribe of Benjamin. 

JVa-dab'a-tha (fr. Gr.), a place from which the 
bride was being conducted by the children of Jam- 
bri, when Jonathan and Simon attacked them (1 
Mc. ix. 37) ; probably on the E. of Jordan, and pos- 
sibly connected with Nebo or Nabathea. Nebaioih. 

Kag'ge (L. fr. Heb. Nogah), one of the ancestors 
of Christ (Lk. iii. 25). Nagge must have lived 
about the time of Onias I. and the commencement 
of the Macedonian dynasty. 

jYa'lia-Ial (Heb. pasture, Ges.), a city of Zebulun, 
given with its " suburbs " to the Merarite Levites 
(Josh. xxi. 35) = Nahallal and Nahalol. The 
Jerusalem Talmud asserts that Nahalal was in 
post-biblical times called Mahlul ; and this Schwarz 
identifies with the modern Malul, a village in the 
plain of Esdreelon under the mountains which en- 
close the plain on the N., four miles W. of Nazareth, 
and tw o of Japhia. 

Ma-ha li-el (Heb. torrent [or valley] of God ; see 
Brook 4, &c), one of the halting-places of Israel 
in the latter part of their progress to Canaan (Num. 
xxi. 19). It lay " beyond," i. e. N. of the Anion 
(ver. 13), and between Mattanah and Bamoth, the 
next after Bamoth being Pisgah. Its name seems 
to imply that it was a stream or wady, and it is not 
impossibly preserved in that of the Wady Encheyle, 
which runs into the Mojeb (ancient Arnon), a short 
distance E. of the place at which the road between 
Rabba (As.) and Aroer crosses the ravine of the 
Mojeb. 

Na-hal'Ial (fr. Heb.) = Nahalal (Josh. xix. 15). 

Na'ha-lol (Heb.) — Nahalal (Judg. i. 30). 

JVa'liam (Heb. consolation, Ges.), brother of Ho- 
diah, or Jehudijah, wife of Ezra (1 Chr. iv. 19). 

Na-ha-ma'ni (Heb. compassionate, Ges.), a chief 
man among those who returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. vii. 7). 

Na'ha-rai, or IVa-har'a-i (Heb. snorer, Ges.), Joab's 
armor-bearer, called in the A. V. of 2 Sam. xxiii. 37, 
Nahari. He was a native of Beeroth (1 Chr. xi. 39). 

]Ya'ha-ri(Heb ) — Nahaeai (2 Sam. xxiii. 37). In 
the A. V. of 1611 the name is printed " Naharai 
the Berothite." 

Nahash (Heb. serpent). 1. " Nahash the Ammon- 
ite," king of the Ammonites (Ammon) at the foun- 
dation of the monarchy in Israel, who dictated to 
the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead that cruel alter- 
native of the loss of their right eyes or slavery, 
which roused the swift wrath of Saul, and caused 
the destruction of the Ammonite force (1 Sam. xi. 
1, 2-11). " Nahash " may have been the title of the 
king of the Ammonites rather than the name of an 
individual. Nahash, the father of Hanun 1, had 
rendered David some special and valuable service, 
which David was anxious to requite (2 Sam. x. 2). 
The Jewish traditions affirm that it consisted in his i 
44 



having afforded protection to one of David's broth- 
ers, who escaped alone when his family were mas- 
sacred by the treacherous king of Moab, to whose 
care they had been intrusted by David (1 Sam. xxii. 
3, 4), " and who found an asylum with Nahash. 
" Shobi the son of Nahash of Rabbah of the chil- 
dren of Ammon " (2 Sam. xvii. 27) was among 
those who brought supplies to David at Mahanaim. 
— 2. A person mentioned once only (xvii. 25) in 
stating that Amasa, the commander-in-chief of 
Absalom's army, was the son of a certain Ithra, by 
Abigail, " daughter of Nahash, and sister to Zer- 
uiah." From 1 Chr. ii. 16 it appears that Zeruiah 
and Abigail were sisters of David and the other 
children of Jesse. The question then arises, How 
could Abigail have been at the same time daughter 
of Nahash and sister to the children of Jesse ? To 
this three answers may be given : — 1. The universal 
tradition of the Rabbis that Nahash and Jesse were 
identical. 2. The explanation of Stanley that Na- 
hash was the king of the Ammonites, and that the 
same woman had first been his wife or concubine — 
in which capacity she had given birth to Abigail 
and Zeruiah — and afterward wife to Jesse, and the 
mother of his children. Or (so Fairbairn) Nahash 
may have been the first husband of Jesse's wife, 
but probably not the same as Nahash the Ammon- 
ite. 3. Nahash may possibly have been the name 
not of Jesse, nor of a former husband of his wife, 
but of his wife herself. 

* Na hash, the Cit y of, = Ir-nahash (1 Chr. iv. 12, 
margin). 

Na'liath (Heb. a letting doicn, rest, Ges.). 1. A 
" duke " or phylarch of Edom, eldest son of Reuel 
the son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13, 17; 1 Chr. i. 37). 
— 2. A Kohathite Levite, son of Zophai (vi. 26) ; = 
Toah and Tohu ? — 3. A Levite in Hezekiah's reign ; 
an overseer of tithes, &c. (2 Chr. xxxi. 13). 

Naii'bi (Heb. hidden, Ges.), son of Vophsi ; a 
Naphtalite, and one of the twelve spies (Num. xiii. 
14). 

Sfa'hor (Heb. snorting, snoring, Ges.), the name 
of two persons in the family of Abraham, both also 
written Nachor. 1. His grandfather ; the son of 
Ferug and father of Terah (Gen. xi. 22-25).— 2. 
Grandson of No. 1 , son of Terah and brother of 
Abraham and Haran (xi. 26, 27). The order of 
the ages of Terah's family is not improbably in- 
verted in the narrative ; in which case Nahor was 
older than Abraham. He married Milcah, the 
daughter of his brother Haran ; and when Abraham 
and Lot migrated to Canaan, Nahor remained be- 
hind in the land of his birth (Nahor, the City of ; 
Ur), on the eastern side of the Euphrates, and gath- 
ered his family around him at the sepulchre of his 
father (compare 2 Sam. xix. 37). (Idolatry.) Like 
Jacob, and Ishmael, Nahor was the father of twelve 
sons, and further, as in Jacob's case, eight of them 
were the children of his wife, and four of a concu- 
bine (Gen. xxii. 21-24). Special care is taken in 
speaking of the legitimate branch to specify its de- 
scent from Milcah — " the son of Milcah, which she 
bare unto Nahor." It was to this pure and unsul- 
lied race that Abraham and Rebekah in turn had 
recourse for wives for their sons. But with Jacob's 
flight from Haran the intercourse ceased. 

Na'hor, the Cit'y of (Gen. xxv. 10) = Haran (com- 
pare xxvii. 43). Nahor 2. 

Nah'shon (Heb. enchanter, Ges.), also written Naas- 
son andNAASHON ; son of Amminadab, and prince of 
the children of Judah (as he is styled in the geneal- 
| ogy of Judah, 1 Chr. ii. 10) at the first numbering 



690 



NAH 



NAH 



in the wilderness (Ex. vi. 23 ; Num. i. 7, &c). His 
sister, Elisheba, was wife to Aaron, and his son, 
Salmon, was husband to Rahab after the taking of 
Jericho. In the encampment, in the offerings of 
the princes, and in the order of march, the first 
place is assigned to Nahshon the son of Amminadab 
as captain of the host of Judah. He died in the 
wilderness according to Num. xxvi. 64, 65, but no 
further particulars of his life are given. 

Na'huin (Heb. consolation, Ges.). " The book of 
the vision of Nahum the Elkoshite " stands seventh 
in order among the minor prophets in the present 
arrangement of the Canon. Of the author himself 
we have only the knowledge afforded us by the title 
of his book, which gives no indication whatever of 
his date, and leaves his origin obscure. The site 
of Elkosh, his native place, is disputed, some placing 
it in Galilee, others in Assyria. Those who main- 
tain the latter view assume that the prophet's par- 
ents were carried into Captivity by Tiglath-pileser, 
and that the prophet was born at the village of At 
kAsh or JUlkush, E. of the Tigris, and N. of Mosul. 
Ewald is of opinion that the prophecy was written 
there at a time when Nineveh was threatened from 
without. The arguments in favor of an Assyrian 
locality for the prophet are supported by the occur- 
rence of what are presumed to be Assyrian words. 
But there is nothing in the prophecy of Nahum to 
indicate that it was written in the immediate neigh- 
borhood of Nineveh, and in full view of the scenes 
depicted, nor i3 the language that of an exile in an 
enemy's country. No allusion is made to the Cap- 
tivity; while, on the other hand, the imagery is 
such as would be natural to an inhabitant of Pales- 
tine (i. 4), to whom the rich pastures of Bashan, 
the vineyards of Carmel, and the blossom of Leba- 
non, were emblems of all that was luxuriant and 
fertile. The language in i. 15, ii. 2, is appropriate 
to one who wrote for his countrymen in their native 
land (so Mr. Wright, with Prof. B. B. Edwards, Dr. 
W. L. Alexander, Henderson, Davidson, &c, &c). 
Mr. Wright thinks the sole origin of the theory that 
Nahum flourished in Assyria is the name of the 
village containing his supposed tomb, and apparent- 
ly selected by mediseval tradition as a shrine for 
pilgrims from its similarity to Elkosh. According 
to Pseudo-Epiphanius, Nahum was of the tribe of 
Simeon. — The date of Nahum's prophecy can be 
determined with as little precision as his birthplace. 
In the Seder Olam Rabba he is made contemporary 
with Joel and Habakkuk, in the reign of Manasseh. 
Syncellus places him with Hosea, Amos, and Jonah, 
in the reign of Joash, king of Israel, more than a 
century earlier; while, according to Eutychius, he 
was contemporary with Haggai, Zechariah, and 
Malachi, and prophesied in the fifth year after the 
destruction of Jerusalem. Josephus mentions him 
as living in the latter part of the reign of Jotham. 
Carpzov concluded that Nahum prophesied in the 
beginning of the reign of Ahaz, about b. c. 742. 
Bertholdt thinks it probable that the prophet es- 
caped into Judah when the ten tribes were carried 
captive, and wrote in the reign of Hezekiah. Keil 
places him in the latter half of Hezekiah's reign, 
after the invasion of Sennacherib. Vitringa was of 
the like opinion, and the same view is taken by De 
Wette and Knobel. Junius and Tremellius place 
his prophesying in the last years of Josiah. The 
arguments by which Strauss endeavors to prove 
that the prophecy belongs to the time at which Ma- 
nasseh was in captivity at Babylon, i. e. between 
680 and 667 b. c, are not convincing. That the 



prophecy was written before the final downfall of 
Nineveh, and its capture by the Medes and Chal- 
deans (about b. c. 625), will be admitted. The allu- 
sions to the Assyrian power imply that ii was still 
unbroken (i. 12, ii. 13, 14, iii. 15-17). That Pales- 
tine was suffering from the effects of Assyrian in- 
vasion at the time of Nahum's writing seems prob- 
able from the allusions in i. 11-13, ii. 2, and the 
vivid description of the Assyrian armament in ii. 3, 
4. At such a time the prophecy would be appro- 
priate, and if i. 14 refers to the death of Sennache- 
rib in the house of Nisroch, it must have been • 
written before that event. These circumstances 
seem to determine the fourteenth year of Hezekiah 
(b. c. 712) as the period before which the prophecy 
of Nahum could not have been written. The con- 
dition of Assyria in the reign of Sennacherib would 
correspond with the state of things implied in the 
prophecy, and it is on all accounts most probable 
that Nahum flourished in the latter half of the reign 
of Hezekiah, and wrote his prophecy soon after the 
date above-mentioned, either in Jerusalem or its 
neighborhood (so Mr. Wright, with the majority of 
critics). — The subject of the prophecy is, in 
accordance with the superscription, " the burden 
of Nineveh." The three chapters into which it is 
divided form a consecutive whole. Ch. i. is intro- 
ductory. It commences with a declaration of the 
character of Jehovah, " a God jealous and aven- 
ging," as exhibited in His dealings with His enemies, 
and the swift and terrible vengeance with which He 
pursues them (i. 2-6), while to those that trust in 
Him He is "good, a stronghold in the day of 
trouble " (i. 7), in contrast with the overwhelming 
flood which shall sweep away His foes (i. 8). The 
language of the prophet now becomes more spe- 
cial, and points to the destruction which awaited 
the hosts of Assyria who had just gone up out 
of Judah (i. 9-11). In the verses that follow, 
the intention of Jehovah is still more fully de- 
clared, and addressed first to Judah (i. 12, 13) 
and then to the monarch of Assyria (i. 14). And 
now the vision grows more distinct. The mes- 
senger of glad tidings, the news of Nineveh's down- 
fall, trod the mountains about Jerusalem (i. 15), 
and proclaimed to Judah the accomplishment of 
her vows. But round the doomed city gathered 
the destroying armies ; " the breaker in pieces " had 
gone up, and Jehovah mustered His hosts to the 
battle to avenge His people (ii. 1, 2). The prophet's 
mind in vision sees the burnished bronze shields of 
the scarlet-clad warriors of the besieging army, the 
flashing steel scythes of the war-chariots as they are 
drawn up in battle array, and the quivering cypress- 
shafts of their spears (ii. 3). The Assyrians hasten 
to the defence : their chariots rush madly through 
the streets, and run to and fro like the lightning in 
the broad ways, which glare with their bright armor 
like torches. But a panic has seized their mighty 
ones ; their ranks are broken as they march, and 
they hurry to the wall only to see the covered bat- 
tering-rams of .the besiegers ready for the attack 
(ii. 4, 5). The crisis hastens on with terrible rapid- 
ity. The river gates are broken in, and the royal 
palace is in the hands of the victors (ii. 6). And 
then comes the end ; the city is taken and carried 
captive, and her maidens " moan as with the voice 
of doves," beating their breasts with sorrow (ii. 7). 
The flight becomes general, and the leaders in vain 
endeavor to stem the torrent of fugitives (ii. 8). 
The wealth of the city and its accumulated treas- 
ures become the spoil of the captors, and the con- 



NAI 



NAN 



691 



quered suffer all the horrors that follow the assault 
and storm (ii. 9, 10). Over the charred and black- 
ened ruins the prophet, as the mouth-piece of Jeho- 
vah, exclaims in triumph, " Where is the lair of the 
lions, the feeding-place of the young lions, where 
walked the lion, lioness, lion's whelp, and none 
made (them) afraid ? " (ii. 11, 12). But for all this 
the downfall of Nineveh was certain, for " behold ! 
I am against thee, saith Jehovah of Hosts" (ii. 12). 
The vision ends, and the prophet, recalled from the 
scenes of the future to the realities of the present, 
collects himself as it were for one final outburst of 
withering denunciation against the Assyrian city, 
not now threatened by her Median and Chaldean 
conquerors, but in the full tide of prosperity, the 
oppressor and corrupter of nations. Mingled with 
this woe there is no touch of sadness or compassion 
for her fate : she will fall unpitied and unlamented, 
and with terrible calmness the prophet pronounces 
her final doom : " all that hear the bruit of thee 
shall clap the hands over thee: for upon whom has 
not thy wickedness passed continually ?" (iii. 19). 
As a poet, Nahum occupies a high place in the first 
rank of Hebrew literature. In proof of this it is 
only necessary to refer to the opening verses of his 
prophecy (i. 2-6), and to the magnificent description 
of the siege and destruction of Nineveh in chapter 

ii. His style is clear and uninvolved, though preg- 
nant and forcible ; his diction sonorous and rhyth- 
mical, the words reechoing to the sense (comp. ii. 4, 

iii. 3). For illustrations of Nahum's prophecy, see 
Nineveh ; War. Canon ; Inspiration ; Prophet. 

Na'i-dus (fr. Gr.) = Benaiah 8 b. (1 Esd. ix. 31). 

Nail. I. (of finger) (Chal. tephar ; Heb. tsippo- 
ren). — 1. A nail or claw of man or animal (Deut. 
xxi. 12; Dan. iv. 33, vii. 19). 2. A point or style, 
e. g. for writing (Jer. xvii. 1, marg.). Tsippdrcn 
occurs in Deut. xxi. 12, in connection with the verb 
'dscth = to make (A. V. "pare," but in margin 
" dress," " suffer to grow "). Much controversy has 
arisen on the meaning of this passage ; one set of 
interpreters, including Josephus and Philo, regard- 
ing the action as indicative of mourning, while 
others refer it to the laying aside of mourning. 
Some, who would thus belong to the latter class, 
refer it to the practice of staining the nails with 
henneh. The word 'dsdh = make, is used both of 
dressing, i. e. making clean the feet, and also of 
trimming, i. e. combing and making neat the beard, 
in the case of Mephibosheth (2 Sam. xix. 24). The 
captive's head was probably shaved at the com- 
mencement of the month, and during that period 
her nails were to be allowed to grow in token of 
natural sorrow and consequent personal neglect. — 
II.— 1. Heb. yathed. A " nail " (Is. xxii. 23, 25), a 
" stake " (xxxiii. 20), also a tent-peg (Judg. iv. 21, 
&c). (Jael ; Tent.) Tent-pegs are usually of 
wood and of large size, but sometimes, as was the 
case with those used to fasten the curtains of the 
Tabernacle, of metal (A. V. " pin ; " Ex. xxvii. 19, 
xxxviii. 20, &c). 2. (Heb. masmer ; Gr. helos ; 
proseloo " to nail "). A nail, primarily a point. 
We are told that David prepared iron for the nails 
to be used in the Temple ; and as the Holy of Holies 
was plated with gold, the nails also for fastening the 
plates were probably of gold (1 Chr. xxii. 3 ; 2 Chr. 
iii. 9). The nails of the cross are alluded to in Jn. 
xx. 25 and Col. ii. 14. 

Na'in (Gr. fr. Heb. = grass-plot, pasture-ground, 
Sim., Wr. ; the lovely, Van Oosterzee [in Lange] on 
Lk. vii. 1 1), a village of Galilee, the gate of which is 
made illustrious by the raising of the widow's son 



(Lk. vii. 11 ff.). The site of the village is certainly 
known ; and there can be no doubt as to the ap- 
proach by which our Saviour was coming when He 
| met the funeral. The modern Nein is situated on 
' the northwestern edge of the " Little Hermon," or 
Jebel ed-Duhy, where the ground falls into the plain 
of Esdraelon. Again, the entrance to the place 
must probably always have been up the steep ascent 
from the plain ; and here, on the west side of the 
village, the rock is full of sepulchral caves. 

Nai'oth [na'yoth] (Heb., see below), or more 
fully, "Naioth in Ramah;" a place in which Samuel 
and David took refuge together, after the latter had 
made his escape from the jealous fury of Saul (1 
Sam. xix. 18, 19, 22, 23, xx. 1). It is evident from 
ver. 18, that Naioth was not actually in Ramah, 
Samuel's habitual residence. The Hebrew word = 
habitations, and from an early date has been inter- 
preted to mean the huts or dwellings of a school or 
college of prophets over which Samuel presided, as 
Elisha did over those at Gilgal and Jericho. This 
interpretation was unknown to Josephus, but is now 
generally accepted by lexicographers and commen- 
tators. Mr. Rowlands (in Fairbairn) supposes 
Naioth was at the village Beit Haninah, about four 
miles N. N. W. of Jerusalem. But see Ramah 2. 

* Na'ked. Dress, III. 1. 

* Name (Heb. shem ; Gr. onoma), in the Scriptures 
not only = that by which a person is designated, 
but frequently = all that is known to belong to the 
person having this designation, and the person him- 
self. Thus " the name of God " or " of Jehovah," 
&c, indicates His authority (Deut. xviii. 20; Mat. 
xxi. 9, &c), His dignity and glory (Is. xlviii. 9, &c), 
His protection and favor (Prov. xviii. 10, &c), His 
character (Ex. xxxiv. 5, 14, comp. 6, 7, &c), His 
divine attributes in general (Mat. vi. 9, &c), &c. The 
Lord is said to set or put His name where the rev- 
elation or manifestation of His perfections is made 
(Deut. xii. 5, xiv. 24, &c). To believe in or on the 
name of Christ is to receive and treat him in accord- 
ance with the revelation which the Scriptures make 
of Him (Jn. i. 12, ii. 23), &c. — Proper names among 
the ancient nations, Hebrews, Greeks, &c, were all 
significant, often expressive of religious feeling 
(comp. Johanan, Jonathan, Daniel, Theophilus, 
&c). Usually among the Hebrews a person had 
only one name (e. g. David, Isaac, &c), but some- 
times two or more (e. g. Jacob and Israel, &c). 
The Egyptians, Syrians, Persians, Greeks, usually 
had only one name. The Romans likewise had 
originally but one name for each person, but in the 
refinement of N. T. times they had three names 
each. (1.) the pra>nomen, i. e. the first or personal 
name, by which the individual was distinguished 
from others of the same family; (2.) the nomen or 
name which designated the gens or clan ; (3.) the 
cognomen, or surname, or family name. Thus 
Marcus was the first or personal name, Tullius the 
gentile name, or name of his clan, and Cicero the 
surname, or family name of the great Roman orator, 
Marcus Tullius Cicero. Our English ancestors had 
at first only one name each ; afterward came the 
surname as an addition to the Christian or personal 
name. 

Na-nc'a (L- fr- Gr. Nanaia). The last act of 
Antiochds Epiphanes was his attempt to plunder 
the temple of Nanea at Elymais, which had been 
enriched by the gifts and trophies of Alexander the 
Great (1 Mc. vi. 1-4 ; 2 Mc. i. 13-16). The Persian 
goddess Nanea is apparently the Moon-goddess, of 
whom the Greek Artemis (Diana) was the nearest 



692 



NAO 



NAP 



representative in Polybius (quoted by Josephus xii. 
9, § 1). Elphinstone in 1811 found coins of the Sas- 
sanians with the inscription NANAIA, and on the 
reverse a figure with nimbus and lotus-flower. In 
consequence of a confusion between the Greek and 
Eastern mythologies, Nanea has been identified with 
Artemis and Aphrodite (Roman Venus), the prob- 
ability being that she corresponds with the Tauric 
or Ephesian Artemis, who was invested with the 
attributes of Aphrodite, and represented the pro- 
ductive power of nature. 

Na'o-ini, or Na-o'mi (fr. Heb. = my pleasantness, 
Gas.), the wife of Elimelech, and mother-in-law 
of Roth (Ru. i. 2 ff., ii. 1 ff., iii. 1, iv. 3 ff.). 
Having buried her husband and her sons Mahlon 
and Chilion in the land of Moab, she returned to 
Bethlehem with Ruth, leaving Orpah in Moab. The 
significance of the name contributes to the point of 
the paronomasia in i. 20, 21, though the passage con- 
tains also a play on the mere sound of the name: — 
" Call me not Naomi (pleasant), call me Mara (bitter) 
.... why call ye me Naomi when Jehovah hath 
testified against me ? " 

jVa'pllisli (Heb. recreated, refreshed, Ges.), the last 
but one of the sons of Ishmael (Gen. xxv. 15 ; 1 
Chr. i. 31). The tribe descended from Nodab was 
subdued by the Reubenites, Gadites, and half-tribe 
of Manasseh, when " they made war with the Hagar- 
ites, with Jetor (Iturea), and Nephish and No- 
dab" (1 Chr. v. 19). The tribe is not again found 
in the sacred records, nor is it mentioned by later 
writers. It has not been identified with any Arabian 
tribe. 

Napb'i-si (Gr.) = Nephusim (1 Esd. v. 31). 

Siapll'ta-li (Heb. my wrestling, A. V. marg., Ges. ; 
wrestling o f Jah, Fii. ; see below), in N. T. Neph- 
thalim, fifth son of Jacob ; the second child borne 
to him by Bilhah, Rachel's handmaid. His birth 
and the bestowal of his name are recorded in Gen. 
xxx. 8 : — " and Rachel said ' wrestlings of God (A. 
V. ' with great wrestlings') have I wrestled with my 
sister and I have prevailed.' And she called his 
name Naphtali." By his birth Naphtali was thus 
allied to Dan (xxxv. 25). At the migration to Egypt 
four sons are attributed to Naphtali (xlvi. 24; Ex. 
i. 4; 1 Chr. vii. 13). When the census was taken 
at Mount Sinai the tribe numbered no less than 
53,400 fighting men (Num. i. 43, ii. 30), having five 
tribes above it in numbers, and six below. But when 
the borders of the Promised Land were reached, its 
numbers were reduced to 45,400, with four only be- 
low it in the scale (xxvi. 48-50, comp. 37). During 
the march through the wilderness Naphtali occupied 
a position on the north of the Sacred Tent with Dan 
and Asher (ii. 25-31). In the apportionment of the 
land, the lot of Naphtali was drawn the last but one. 
Its territory was enclosed on three sides by those 
of other tribes. On the W. lay Asher ; on the S. 
Zebulun ; and on the E. the Transjordanic Manas- 
seh. The N. terminated with the ravines of the 
Litany or Leontes, and opened into the splendid 
valley which separates the two ranges of Lebanon. 
(Celostria). According to Josephus (v. 1, § 22) 
its E. side reached as far as Damascus, but of this, 
though not impossible in the early times before the 
Syrian monarchy, there is no indication in the Bible. 
The S. boundary was probably very much the same 
as that which at a later time separated Upper from 
Lower Galilee, and which ran from or about the 
town of 'Akka to the upper part of the Sea of 
Gennesaret. Thus Naphtali was cut off from the 
great plain of Esdreelon by the mass of the moun- 



tains of Nazareth ; while on the E. it had a commu- 
nication with the Sea of Galilee, the rich district of 
the Ard el-Huleh and the Merj 'Ayun, and all the 
splendidly watered country about Bdnias and Hds- 
beiya, the springs of the Jordan (comp. Deut. xxxiii. 
23). But the capabilities of these plains and of the 
access to the lake were not destined to be developed 
while they were in the keeping of the tribe of Naph- 
tali. It was the mountainous country (Josh. xx. 7) 
which formed the chief part of their inheritance, 
that impressed or brought out the qualities for 
which Naphtali was remarkable at the one remark- 
able period of its history. This district, the modern 
Bel&d-Bcsh&rah, or" land of good tidings," comprises 
some of the most beautiful scenery and some of the 
most fert ile soil in Palestine, forests surpassing those 
of the renowned Carmel itself; as rich in noble and 
ever-varying prospects as any country in the world. 
Its three Lcvitical cities were Kedesh (or " Kedesh 
in Galilee "), Hammoth-dor, and Kartan. Naph- 
tali had its share in those incursions and molesta- 
tions by the surrounding heathen, which were the 
common lot of all the tribes (Judah perhaps alone 
excepted) during the first centuries after the con- 
quest. One of these, apparently the severest strug- 
gle of all, fell with special violence on the north of 
the country, and the leader by whom the invasion 
was repelled — Barak of Kedesh-naphtali — was the 
one great hero whom Naphtali is recorded to have 
produced. Gilead and Reuben lingered beyond the 
Jordan amongst their flocks ; Dan and Asher pre- 
ferred the luxurious calm of their hot lowlands to 
the free air and fierce strife of the mountains ; Issa- 
char with characteristic sluggishness seems to have 
moved slowly if he moved at all ; but Zebulun and 
Naphtali on the summits of their native highlands 
devoted themselves to death, even to an extravagant 
pitch of heroism and self-devotion (Judg. v. 18). 
The mention of Naphtali by Jacob in Gen. xlix. 21 
— " Naphtali is a hind let loose ; he giveth goodly 
words " — probably has reference to this event. After 
this burst of heroism, the Naphtalites appear to 
have resigned themselves to the intercourse with 
the heathen, which was the bane of the northern 
tribes in general, and of which there are already in- 
dications in Judg. i. 33. At length in the reign of 
Pekah, king of Israel (about b. c. 730), Tiglath- 
pileser overran the whole of the north of Israel, 
swept off the population, and bore them away to 
Assyria. But though the history of the tribe of 
Naphtali ends here, yet under the title of Galilee 
the district which they had formerly occupied was 
destined to become in every way far more important 
than it had ever before been. Capernaum. 

IVaph'ta-li (see above), Mount, = the mountainous 
district which formed the main part of the inherit- 
ance of Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7), answering to 
" Mount Ephraim " in the centre and " Mount 
Judah " in the south of Palestine. 

Jfaph'thar (fr. Gr. nephthar = naphtha ? according 
ing to 2 Mc. i. 36 = a cleaning [a copyist's error ?]), 
the name said to have been given by Nehemiah to 
the substance which after the return from Babylon 
was discovered in the dry pit in which at the destruc- 
tion of the Temple the sacred Fire of the altar had 
been hidden (2 Mc. i. 36, comp. 19). It was either the 
same as or closely allied to the naphtha of modern 
commerce (Petroleum). The place from which this 
combustible "water "was taken was enclosed by 
the " king of Persia " (Artaxerxes Longimanus), 
and converted into a sanctuary (ver. 34). In mod- 
ern times it has been identified with the large well 



NAP 



NAT 



C93 



called by the Arabs Bir Eyub {well of Joab or of 
Job, situated beneath Jerusalem, at the confluence 
of the valleys of Kidron and Hinnom with the Wady 
en-Nar (or valley of the fire). At present it would 
be an equally unsuitable spot either to store fire or 
to seek for naphtha. 

Naph'tn-liim (Heb. fr. Egyptian ; see below), a 
Mizraite nation or tribe, mentioned only in the ac- 
count of the descendants of Noah (Gen. x. 13; 1 
Chr. i. 11). If we may judge from their position in 
the list of the Mizraites, the Naphtuhim were prob- 
ably settled at first, or at the time when Gen. v. 
was written, either in Egypt or immediately to the 
W. of it. In Coptic the city of Marea and the 
neighboring territory is called niphaiat or niphaiad. 
In hieroglyphics mention is made of a nation or 
confederacy of tribes conquered by the Egyptians 
called the Nine £ows (the Nine Peoples, Brugsch), 
a name which Champollion read Naphit, or, as Mr. 
K. S. Poole would write it, Na-Petu, the lows. Ge- 
senius supposes Naphtuhim = border people, prob- 
ably dwelling on the Red Sea. Furst makes them 
the inhabitants of middle Egypt, with its metropolis 
Memphis, and derives the name from the god Ptah 
or Phlach ( = the productive, generating world- 
power) there worshipped. 

* Nap kin. Handkerchief. 

Kar-cis'sus [-sis ] (L. fr. Gr. — the narcissus plant 
or flower), a dweller at Rome (Rom. xvi. 11), some 
members of whose household were known as Chris- 
tians to St. Paul. Some persons have assumed the 
identity of this Narcissus with the secretary of the 
Emperor Claudius, a wealthy freedman who died in 
prison, a. d. 54-5, about three years before this 
epistle was written (so Mr. Bullock). Another Nar- 
cissus, an associate of Nero, was put to an ignomin- 
ious death a. n. 68. His name, however, was at 
that time too common in Rome to give any prob- 
ability to the guess that he was the Narcissus men- 
tioned by St. Paul. An improbable tradition makes 
Narcissus one of the seventy disciples and bishop 
of Athens. 

Nard. Spikenard. 

Kas'bas (Gr.), Tobit's nephew who came with 
Achiacharus to the wedding of Tobias (Tob. xi. 18). 

Na'sith (Gr.) = Neziah (1 Esd. v. 32). 

Na'sor (Gr. — Hazor, with N prefixed by a copy- 
ist's error from the preceding Greek word), the Plain 
of, the scene of an action between Jonathan the 
Maccabee and the forces of Demetrius (1 Mc. xi. 
67, compare 63); = Hazor. 

Jfa'than (Heb. given, sc. of God, Ges.). 1. An 
eminent Hebrew prophet in the reigns of David and 
Solomon. If the expression " first and last," in 2 
Chr. ix. 29, is to be taken literally, he must have 
lived late into the life of Solomon, and have been 
considerably younger than David. He first appears 
in the consultation with David about the building 
of the Temple (2 Sam. vii. 2, 3, IV). He next comes 
forward as the reprover of David for the sin with 
Bath-sheba ; and his famous apologue (Parable) on 
the rich man and the ewe lamb, which is the only 
direct example of his prophetic power, shows it to 
have been of a very high order (xii. 1-12). On the 
birth of Solomon he was either specially charged 
with giving him his name, Jedidiah, or else with 
his education (xii. 25). At any rate, in the last 
years of David, it is Nathan who, by taking the side 
of Solomon, turned the scale in his favor. (Adoni- 
Jah.) He advised Bath-sheba ; he himself ventured 
to enter the royal presence with a remonstrance 
against the king's apathy ; and at David's request 



he assisted in the inauguration of Solomon (1 K. i. 
8 ff.). This is the last time that we hear directly of 
his intervention in the history. His son Zabcd was 
the " king's friend." He left two works behind him 
— a Life of David (1 Chr. xxix. 29), and a Life of 
Solomon (2 Chr. ix. 29). The last of these may have 
been incomplete, as we cannot be sure that he out- 
lived Solomon. But the biography of David by- 
Nathan is, of all the losses which antiquity, sacred 
or profane, has sustained, the most deplorable. His 
grave is shown at Ualhul near Hebron. — 2. A son 
of David ; one of the four borne to him by Bath- 
sheba (1 Chr. iii. 5 ; compare xiv. 4, and 2 Sam. v. 
14). Nathan appears to have taken no part in the 
events of his father's or his brother's reigns. He is 
interesting to us from his appearing as one of the 
forefathers of Joseph in the Genealogy op Jesus 
Christ (Lk. iii. 31). — 3. Son, or brother, of one of 
David's " valiant men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 36 ; 1 Chr. xi. 

38) . — 4. One of the head men who returned from 
Babylon with Ezra on his second expedition (Ezr. 
viii. 16 ; 1 Esd. viii. 44) ; not impossibly = the " son 
of Bani," who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 

39) . 

Ha-than'a-el (Gr. and L.= given of God = Nethan- 
eel, Ges.). 1. A disciple of Jesus Christ concern- 
ing whom, under that name at least, we learn from 
Scripture little more than his birthplace, Cana of 
Galilee (Jn. xxi. 2), and his simple truthful charac- 
ter (i. 4*7). The name does not occur in the first 
three Gospels. St. John (i. 46-51), however, tells 
us of his first interview with Jesus, in company with 
Philip, on the only occasion on which he appears 
prominently in the history. Nathanael seems to 
have heard the announcement of the Messiah's ap- 
pearance with some distrust at first, as doub'ting 
whether any good could come out of Nazareth, yet 
readily accepted Philip's invitation to go and satis- 
fy himself by his own observation. On his approach 
to Jesus he is saluted by Him as " an Israelite in- 
deed, in whom is no guile" — a true child of Abra- 
ham, and not simply according to the flesh. Learn- 
ing now how Jesus knew him — " before that Philip 
called thee, when thou wast under the fig-tree I saw 
thee " — Nathanael at once confessed, " Rabbi, thou 
art the Son of God ; thou art the King of Israel." 
The name of Nathanael occurs but once again in the 
Gospel narrative, and then simply as one of the 
small company of disciples to whom Jesus showed 
Himself at the Sea of Tiberias after His resurrec- 
tion. It is very commonly believed that Nathanael 
and Bartholomew are the same person. The evi- 
dence for that belief is as follows: — St. John, who 
twice mentions Nathanael, never introduces the 
name of Bartholomew at all. Mat. x. 3 ; Mk. iii. 
18 ; and Lk. vi. 14, all speak of Bartholomew, but 
never of Nathanael. It may be, however, that Na- 
thanael was the proper name, and Bartholomew (son 
of Tholmai) the surname of the same disciple, just 
as Simon was called Bar-jona, and Joses, Barnabas. 
It was Philip who first brought Nathanael to Jesus, 
just as Andrew had brought his brother Simon ; and 
Bartholomew is named by each of the first three 
evangelists immediately after Philip, while by St. 
Luke he is coupled with Philip precisely in the same 
way as Simon with his brother Andrew, and James 
with his brother John. — 2. Nethaneel 1 (1 Esd. i. 
9).— 3. Nethaneel 8 (ix. 22). — 4. Son of Samael ; 
ancestor of Judith (Jd. viii. 1), and therefore a 
Simeonite (ix. 2V 

Nath-a-ni'as (Gr. = Nethaniah) = Nathan of 
the sons of Bani (1 Esd. ix. 34 ; compare Ezr. x. 39). 



C94 



NAT 



NAZ 



Na'than-me'leeh [-lek] (Heb. placed, i. e. appointed, 
by the king, Ges.), a eunuch (A. V. "chamberlain") 
in the court of Josiah (2 K. xxiii. 11). 

* Na'tiou [-shun], Nations [-shunzj. Gentiles ; 
Heathen ; Tongues, Confusion of. 

Na um (fr. Gr. form — Nahum), son of Bsli and 
father of Amos, in the genealogy of Christ (Lk. iii. 
25), about contemporary with the high-priest Jason 
and King Antiochus Epiphanes. 

Nave = the central part of a wheel. The Heb. 
gav conveys the notion of convexity or protuberance. 
It is rendered in the A. V. " boss " of a shield (Job 
xv. 26), the " eyebrow " (Lev. xiv. 9), " an eminent 
place " (Ez. xvi. 31), once only in plural " naves " (1 
K. vii. 33); but in Ez. i. 18 twice "rings," margin 
" strakes." Chariot ; Laver. 

Na've (L. fr. Gr. Naue, which in the LXX. = 
Nun), Joshua's father, Nun (Ecclus. xlvi. 1). 

* Sfav-i-ga'tioQ. Ship. 

* Na'vy. Commerce ; Ship. 

Naz-a-reue' [-reen] (fr. Gr.) = an inhabitant of 
Nazareth. This appellative is found in the N. T. 
applied to Jesus in many passages (Mk. i. 24 ; Lk. 



I iv. 34, &c). Its application to Jesus, in conse- 
quence of the providential arrangements by which 
His parents were led to take up their abode in Naz- 
areth, was the filling out of the predictions in which 
the promised Messiah is described as a Netser (Heb. ; 
A. V. "branch"), i. e. a shoot, .sprout, of Jesse, a 
humble and despised descendant of the decayed 
royal family (so Prof. G. E. Day, with Rbn. N. T. 
Lex., Hengstenberg, De Wette, Meyer, &c. ; see the 
etymology of Nazareth). Whenever men spoke 
of Jesus as the Nazarene, they either consciously or 
unconsciously pronounced one of the names of the 
predicted Messiah, a name indicative both of llis 
royal descent and His humble condition. Once (Acts 
xxiv. 5) the term " Nazarenes " is applied to the fol- 
lowers of Jesus by way of contempt. The name 
still exists in Arabic as the ordinary designation of 
Christians. 

Naz a-retll (Gr. through Aram. fr. Heb. netser = 
shoot, sprout, Rbn. iV. T. Lex., &c. ; compare Naza- 
rene), a " city " of Galilee, not mentioned in the 
0. T. or in Josephus, but found first in Mat. ii. 23. 
It derives its celebrity almost entirely from its con- 




nection with the history of Christ, and in that re- 
spect has a hold on the imagination and feelings of 
men which it shares only with Jerusalem and Beth- 
lehem. It is situated among the hills which consti- 
tute the south ridge of Lebanon, just before they 
sink down into the Plain of Esdrcelon. The name 
of the present village, with which Nazareth is iden- 
tified, is en-NAzirah ; it is on the lower declivities 
of a hill or mountain (Lk. iv. 29); it is within the 
limits of the province of Galilee (Mk. i. 9) ; it is 
near Cana (Jn. ii. 1, 2, 11); a precipice exists in the 
neighborhood (Lk. iv. 29); and a series of testi- 
monies reaching back to Eusebius represent the 
place as having occupied the same position. The 
modern Nazareth belongs to the better class of 
Eastern villages. Its population is 3,000 or 4,000 ; 
a few are Mohammedans, the rest Latin and Greek 



Christians. Most of the houses are well built of 
stone, and appear neat and comfortable. The streets 
or lanes are narrow and crooked, and after rain are 
so full of mud and mire as to be almost impassable. 
The tomb of Neby Ismail, on a hill behind the town, 
commands an extensive and magnificent prospect, 
including Lebanon and Hermon, Carmel and Tabor, 
the plain of Esdrselon, the Mediterranean and 'Ak/ca, 
the mountains and villages of Samaria and Galilee, 
&c. At Nazareth Joseph and Mary lived (Lk. ii. 
39) ; here the angel announced to the Virgin the 
Messiah's birth (i. 26 fif.) ; to Nazareth the holy fam- 
ily returned after the flight into Egypt (Mat. ii. 23); 
here Jesus lived from infancy to manhood (Lk. iv. 
16); here He taught in the synagogue, and was 
twice rejected by His townsmen, who attempted on 
the last occasion to cast Him down from " the brow 



NAZ 



NAZ 



695 



of the hill on which the city was built " (Mat. xiii. 
54 ff. ; Lk. iv. 16 ff.). The title on the cross desig- 
nated Him as " Jesus of Nazareth " (Jesus Christ ; 
Jn. xix. 19, &c. ; compare Acts xxii. 8) The origin 
of the disrepute In which Nazareth stood (Jn. i. 47) 
is not certainly known. All the inhabitants of Gal- 
ilee were looked upon with contempt by the people 
of Judea because they spoke a ruder dialect, were 
less cultivated, and were more exposed by their posi- 
tion to contact with the heathen. But Nazareth 
labored under a special opprobrium, for it was a 
Galilean and not a southern Jew who asked the re- 
proachful question whether " any good thing " could 
come from that source. It has been suggested that 
the inhabitants of Nazareth may have had a bad 
name among their neighbors for irreligion or some 
laxity of morals. At the "Fountain of the Vir- 
gin," situated at the northeastern extremity of the 
town, according to one tradition, the mother of Je- 
sus received the angel's salutation (Lk. i. 28). A 
prevalent, but improbable, opinion of the country 
has transferred the scene of the attempted precipi- 
tation of Jesus (Lk. iv. 29) to a hill about two miles 
S. E. of the town. Above the bulk of the town are 
several rocky ledges over which a person could not 
be thrown without almost certain destruction. But 
Prof. Hackett, with Robinson, Stanley, &c, supposes 
one very remarkable precipice, almost perpendicular 
and forty or fifty feet high, near the Maronite church, 
to be the identical one over which His infuriated 
townsmen attempted to hurl Jesus. The principal 
building at Nazareth is the Latin Convent of the 
Annunciation. 

Naz'a-rite (fr. Heb. nazir \_— one consecrated, de- 
voted, Ges., Fii. ; the crowned one, Ginsburg, in Kit- 
to] and nezir elohim [ = one consecrated to God, 
Ges.]) = one of either sex who was bound by avow 
of a peculiar kind to be set apart from others for 
the service of God. The obligation was either for 
life or for a defined time. I. There is no notice in 
the Pentateuch of Nazarites for life ; but the regu- 
lations for the vow of a Nazarite of days are given 
Num. vi. 1-21. The Nazarite, during the term of 
his consecration, was bound to abstain from wine, 
grapes, with every production of the vine, and from 
every kind of intoxicating drink. He was forbidden 
to cut the hair of his head, or to approach any dead 
body, even that of his nearest relation. When the 
period of his vow was fulfilled, he was brought to 
the door of the Tabernacle and was required to 
offer a he-lamb for a burnt-offering, a ewe lamb for a 
sin-offering, and a ram for a peace-offering, with the 
usual accompaniments of peace-offerings (Lev. vii. 
12, 13) and of the offering made at the consecration 
of priests (Ex. xxix. 2), "a basket of unleavened 
bread, cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, and wafers 
of unleavened bread anointed with oil " (Num. vi. 
15). He brought also a meat-offering and a drink- 
offering, which appear to have been presented by 
themselves as a distinct act of service (ver. 17). He 
was to cut off the hair of " the head of his separa- 
tion " (i. e. the hair which had grown during the 
period of his consecration) at the door of the Tab- 
ernacle, and to put it into the fire under the sacri- 
fice on the altar. The priest then placed upon his 
hands the sodden left shoulder of the ram, with one 
of the unleavened cakes and one of the wafers, and 
then took them again and waved them for a wave- 
offering. These, as well as the breast and the heave, 
or right shoulder (to which he was entitled in the 
case of ordinary peace-offerings, Lev. vii. 32-34), 
were the perquisite of the priest. The Nazarite also 



gave him a present proportioned to his circum- 
stances (ver. 21). If a Nazarite incurred defilement 
by accidentally touching a dead body, he had to un- 
dergo certain rites of purification, and to recom- 
mence the full period of his consecration. On the * 
seventh day of his uncleanness he was " to cut off 
his hair, and on the next day to bring two turtle- 
doves or two young pigeons to the priest for a sin- 
offering and burnt-offering. He then hallowed his 
head, offered a lamb of the first year as a trespass- 
offering, and renewed his vow as at first. There is 
nothing whatever said in the 0. T. of the duration 
of the period of the vow of the Nazarite of days. 
According to the Mishna the usual time was thirty 
days, but double vows for sixty days, and treble vows 
for a hundred days were sometimes made. Some 
other particulars given in the Mishna are curious as 
showing how the institution was regarded in later 
times. — II. Of the Nazarites for life three are men- 
tioned in the Scriptures : Samson, Samuel, and John 
the Baptist. The only one of these actually called 
a Nazarite is Samson. We are but imperfectly in- 
formed of the difference between the observances 
of the Nazarite for life and those of the Nazarite 
for days. The later Rabbis slightly notice this 
point. We do not know whether the vow for life 
was ever voluntarily taken by the individual. In 
all the cases mentioned in the sacred history, it 
was made by the parents before the birth of the 
Nazarite himself. The Mishna makes a distinction 
between the ordinary Nazarite for life and the 
Samson-Nazarite. — III. The consecration of the Naz- 
arite bore a striking resemblance to that of the 
high-priest (Lev. xxi. 10-12). In one particular, 
this is brought out more plainly in the Hebrew text 
than it is in our version, in the LXX., or in the Vul- 
gate. One word (nezer), derived from the same root 
as Nazarite, is used for the long hair of the Naza- 
rite (Num. vi. 19), where the A. V. has " hair of his 
separation," and for the anointed head of the high- 
priest (Lev. xxi. 12), where it is rendered "crown." 
Perhaps the half sacerdotal character of Samuel 
might have been connected with his prerogative as 
a Nazarite. — IV. Of the two vows recorded of St. 
Paul, that in Acts xviii. 18 certainly cannot be re- 
garded as a regular Nazarite vow (so Mr. Clark, with 
Conybeare & Howson, and Prof. Murphy [in Fair- 
bairn] ; but Dr. Ginsburg [in Kitto] regards it as a 
regular Nazarite vow). All that we are told of it is 
that, on his way from Corinth to Jerusalem, he 
" shaved his head in Cenchrea, for he had a vow." 
Probably it was a sort of vow, modified from the 
proper Nazarite vow, which had come into use at 
this time amongst the religious Jews who had been 
visited by sickness, or any other calamity. The 
other reference to a vow taken by St. Paul is in 
Acts xxi. 24, where we find the brethren at Jeru- 
salem exhorting him to take part with four Chris- 
tians who had a vow on them, to sanctify (not 
" purify," as in A. V.) himself with them, and to be 
at charges with them, that they might shave their 
heads. It cannot be doubted that this was a strict- 
ly legal Nazarite vow. — V. That the institution of 
Nazaritism existed and had become a matter of 
course among the Hebrews before the time of Mo- 
ses, is beyond a doubt. The legislator appears to 
have done no more than ordain such regulations 
for the vow of the Nazarite of days as brought it 
under the cognizance of the priest, and into har- 
mony with the general system of religious observ- 
ance. Probably the consecration of the Nazarite 
for life was of at least equal antiquity. But it is 



696 



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NEA 



doubted in regard to Nazaritism in general, whether 
it was of native or foreign origin. Ewald supposes 
that Nazarites for life were numerous in very early 
times, and that they multiplied in periods of great 
political and religious excitement. The only ones, 
however, expressly named in the 0. T. are Samson 
and Samuel. When Amos wrote, the Nazarites, as 
well as the prophets, suffered from the persecution 
and contempt of the ungodly (Am. ii. 11, 12). In the 
time of Judas Maccabeus we find the devout Jews, 
when they were bringing their gifts to the priests, 
stirring up the Nazarites of days who had com- 
pleted the time of their consecration to make the 
accustomed offerings (1 Mc. iii. 49). From this in- 
cident we may infer that the number of Nazarites 
must have been very considerable during the two 
and a half centuries before the destruction of Je- 
rusalem. — VI. The word rulzir occurs in three pas- 
sages of the 0. T., in which it appears to mean one 
separated from others as a prince. Two of them 
refer to Joseph ; one in Jacob's benediction of his 
sons (A. V. " separate," Gen. xlix. 26), the other 
in Moses' benediction of the tribes (A. V. " separ- 
ated," Deut. xxxiii. 16). The third passage is in 
the prophet's mourning over the departed pros- 
perity and beauty of Zion (A. V. [with the LXX., 
Vulgate, Henderson, &c] " Nazarites," Lam. iv. 7, 
8). In the A. V. the words are, " Her Nazarites were 
purer than snow," &c. But Gesenius, De VVette, 
Piirst, &c, think that it refers to the young princes of 
Israel. — VII. The vow of the Nazarite of days must 
have been a self-imposed discipline, undertaken 
with a specific purpose. The Jewish writers mostly 
regarded it as a kind of penance. The Nazarite of 
days might have fulfilled his vow without attracting 
much notice ; but the Nazarite for life, on the other 
hand, must have been, with his flowing hair and per- 
sistent refusal of strong drink, a marked man. 
Whether, in any other particular his daily life was 
peculiar is uncertain. But without our resting on 
any thing that may be called in question, he must 
have been a public witness for the idea of legal 
strictness and of whatever else Nazaritism was in- 
tended to express. The meaning of the Nazarite 
vow has been regarded in different lights. Some 
consider it as a symbolical expression of the Divine 
nature working in man, and deny that it involved 
any thing of a strictly ascetic character ; others see 
in it the principle of stoicism, and imagine that it 
was intended to cultivate, and bear witness for, the 
sovereignty of the will over the lower tendencies of 
human nature ; while some regard it wholly in the 
light of a sacrifice of the person to God. Several 
of the Jewish writers have taken the first view 
more or less completely. But the philosophical 
Jewish doctors, for the most part, seem to have 
preferred the second. Philo has taken the deeper 
view of the subject. Ewald, following in the same 
line of thought, has treated the vow of the Nazarite 
as an act of self-sacrifice. That it was essentially 
a sacrifice of the person to the Lord is obviously in 
accordance with the terms of the Law (Num. vi. 2 ; 
so Mr. Clark ; see below). As the Nazarite was a 
witness for the straitness of the Law, as distinguish- 
ed from the freedom of the Gospel, his sacrifice of 
himself was a submission to the letter of a rule. Its 
outward manifestations were restraints and eccen- 
tricities. The man was separated from his brethren 
that he might be peculiarly devoted to the Lord. 
This was consistent with the purpose of Divine wis- 
dom for the time for which it was ordained. Prof. 
Murphy (in Fairbairn) says : " The idea of sacrifice 



j proper does not seem to be imaged forth by any 
I part of the Nazarite vow. This rather symbolizes 
j separation from sin and consecration to God as the 
j two sides of the same act." Dr. Ginsburg (in Kit- 
i to) considers Nazaritism " a consecration to the 
; Lord in the highest sense, and after the loftiest 
' model of priestly piety." 

NVall (Heb. motion, perhaps earthquake, Gcs. ; 
settlement, Fii.), a place on the boundary of Zebulun 
(Josh. xix. 13 only). Porter (in Kitto) suggests that 
' 'Ain, the name of a little village three miles N. W. 
of Nazareth, may be a corruption of Neah and oc- 
cupy its position. 

Nc-ap'o-lis (Gr. new city). 1, The place in North- 
ern Greece where Paul and his associates first land- 
ed in Europe (Acts xvi. 11); where, no doubt, he 
landed also on his second visit to Macedonia (xx. 1), 
and whence certainly he embarked on his last 
journey through that province to Troas and Jeru- 
salem (xx. 6). Philippi being an inland town, Ne- 
apolis was evidently the port. It has been made a 
question whether this harbor occupied the site of 
the present Kavalla, a Turkish commercial town on 
the coast of Roumclia, or should be sought at some 
other place. Cousinery and Tafel maintain, against 
the common opinion, that Luke's Neapolis was not 
at Kavalla, which has a population of 5,000 or 6,000, 
but at a deserted harbor ten or twelve miles further 
W., known as Eski (or Old) Kavalla, Prof. Hackett, 
the original author of this article, urges the follow- 
ing reasons to prove that Kavalla should be re- 
garded as the ancient Neapolis. (1.) The Roman 
and Greek ruins at Kavalla prove that a port ex- 
isted there in ancient times. Neapolis, wherever it 
was, formed the point of contact between Northern 
Greece and Asia Minor, at a period of great com- 
mercial activity, and would be expected to have left 
vestiges of its former importance. The antiquities 
(ancient aqueducts, columns, &c.) found still at 
Kavalla fulfil entirely that presumption. On the 
contrary, no ruins which are unmistakably ancient 
have been found at Eski Kavalla (also called Pale- 
opoli). No remains of walls, no inscriptions, and 
no indications of any thoroughfare leading thence 
to Philippi, are reported to exist there. (2.) The 
advantages of the position render Kavalla the prob- 
able site of Neapolis. It is the first convenient 
harbor S. of the Hellespont, on coming from the E. 
It lies open somewhat to the S. and S. W., but is 
otherwise well sheltered. (3.) The facility of inter- 
course between this port and Philippi shows that 
Kavalla — Neapolis. The distance is ten miles, 
and hence not greater than Corinth was from Cen- 
chrea, and Ostia from Rome. The distance between 
Philippi and Eski Kavalla must be nearly twice as 
great. (4.) The notices of the ancient writers lead 
us to adopt the same view. Thus Dio Cassius says 
that Neapolis was opposite Thasos, and that is the 
situation of Kavalla. (5.) The ancient Itineraries 
support entirely the identification in question. Both 
the Itinerary of Antoninus and the Itinerary of Je- 
rusalem show that the Egnatian Way passed through 
Philippi. They mention Philippi and Neapolis as 
next to each other in the order of succession ; and 
since the line of travel which these Itineraries 
sketch led from the W. to Byzantium, or Constanti- 
nople, it is reasonable to suppose that the road, 
after leaving Philippi, would pursue the most con- 
venient and direct course to theE. which the nature 
of the country allows. If the road, therefore, wa« 
constructed on this obvious principle, it would fol- 
low the track of the present Turkish road, and th« 



NEA 



NEB 



697 



next station, consequently, would be Neapolis, or 
Kavalla, on the coast, at the termination of the 
only natural defile across the intervening moun- 
tains. Neapolis, therefore, like the present Kavalla, 
was on a high rocky promontory which juts out 
into the jEgean. The harbor, a mile and a half 
wide at the entrance, and half a mile broad, lies on 
the western side. — 2. The Greek name of Shechem, 
now Nabulus (not in the Scriptures). 

JVe-a-ri'ah (fr. Heb. — servant of Jehovah, Ges.). 
1. One of the six sons of Shemaiah in the line of 
the royal family of Judah after the Captivity (1 Chr. 
iii. 22, 23). — 2. A son of Ishi, and a captain of the 
500 Simeonites who, in the days of Hezekiah, drove 
out the Amalekites from Mount Seir (iv. 42). 

Ne'bai, or Ncba-i(fr. Heb. = fruit-bearer? Ges.; 
either the marroviy, having the vigor of life, or pro- 
jecting, Fu.), one of the " chief of the people" 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 
19). 

Nc-bai oth [-ba'yoth], Ne-ba'joth (both fr. Heb. 
Nebdydth = heights, Ges.), the " first-born of Ish- 
niael " (Gen. xxv. 13; 1 Chr. i. 29), and father of a 
pastoral tribe named after him, the " rams of Ne- 
baioth" being mentioned by Isaiah (lx. 7) with the 
flocks of Kedar. From the days of Jerome this 
people had been identified with the Nabatheans, 
until M. Quatremere first investigated the origin of 
the latter, their language, religion, and history. 
From the works of Arab authors, M. Quatremere 
proved the existence of a nation called Nabal, or 
Nabeet, pi. Anb&t, reputed to be of ancient origin, 
of whom scattered remnants existed in Arab times, 
after the Hegira. The Nabat, in the days of their 
early prosperity, inhabited the country chiefly be- 
tween the Euphrates and the Tigris, Beyn en-Nah- 
reyn and El-Irak (the Mesopotamia and Chaldea of 
the classics). That this was their chief seat, and 
that they were Arameans, or more accurately Syro- 
Chaldeans, seems, in the present state of the in- 
quiry, to be a safe conclusion. The Arabs loosely 
apply the name Nabal to the Syrians, or especially 
the Eastern Syrians, to the Syro-Chaldeans, &c. 
Quatremere introduced to the notice of the learned 
world the most important relic of that people's lit- 
erature, a treatise on Nabat agriculture. A study 
of an imperfect copy of that work induced him to 
date it about the time of Nebuchadnezzar, or about 
b. c. 600. M. Chwolson, professor of Oriental lan- 
guages at St. Petersburg, has since made that book 
a subject of special study ; and in his Remains of 
Ancient Babylonian Literature in Arabic Transla- 
tions, 1859, he has published the results of his in- 
quiry. Those results, while they establish all M. 
Quatremere had advanced respecting the existence 
of the Nabat, go far beyond him both in the anti- 
quity and the importance M. Chwolson claims for 
that people. But Ewald, in 1857 and 1859, stated 
some grave causes for doubting this antiquity. M. 
Renan followed on the same side (1860), and more 
recently Alfred von Gutschmid has attacked the 
whole theory. The remains of the literature of the 
Nabat consist of four works, one of them a frag- 
ment : the " Book of Nabal Agriculture " (already 
mentioned) ; the " Book of Poisons ; " the " Book 
of Tenkeloosha the Babylonian ; " and the " Book of 
the Secrets of the Sun and Moon." They purport to 
have been translated in the year 904, by Aboo-Bekr 
Ahmad Ibn-'Alee the Chaldean of Kissen, better 
known as lbn- Wahsheeyeh. The " Book of Nabal Agri- 
culture " was, according to the Arab translator, com- 
menced by Daghreeth, continued by Yanbushadh, 



and completed by Kuthamee. Chwolson, disregarding 
the dates assigned to these authors by the translator, 
thinks that the earliest lived some 2,500 years b. c, 
the second some 300 or 400 yeais later, and Kutha- 
mee, to whom he ascribes the chief authorship (Ibn- 
Wahsheeyeh says he was little more than editor), 
at the earliest under the sixth king of a Canaanite 
dynasty mentioned in the book, which dynasty 
Chwolson — with Bunsen — makes the same as the 
fifth (or Arabian) dynasty of Berosus, or of the 
thirteenth century b. c. But in examining the work 
we encounter formidable intrinsic difficulties. It 
contains mentions of personages bearing names close- 
ly resembling those of Adam, Seth, Enoch, Noah, 
Shem, Nimrod, and Abraham ; and M. Chwolson 
himself is forced to confess that the particulars re- 
lated of them are in some respects similar to those 
recorded of the Biblical patriarchs. If this diffi- 
culty proves insurmountable, it shows that the 
author borrowed from the Bible, or from late Jews, 
and destroys the claim of an extreme antiquity. 
Other apparent evidences of the 1 same kind are the 
occurrence of the names of Greek divinities, the 
mention of the Greeks as neighbors to the Canaan- 
ites, the mention of Bertaniya (= Britannia, or 
Britain), and other anachronisms, &c. It is even 
a question whether the work should not be dated 
several centuries after the commencement of our 
era. Thus, if M. Chwolson's results are accepted, 
the Book of Nabat Agriculture exhibits to us an 
ancient civilization before that of the Greeks, and 
at least as old as that of the Egyptians, of a great 
and powerful nation of remote antiquity. But until 
the original text of Kuthamee's treatise is published, 
we must withhold our acceptance of facts so start- 
ling, and regard the antiquity ascribed to it even by 
Quatremere as extremely doubtful (so Mr. E. S. 
Poole, original author of this article). There is little 
doubt that the " Book of Nabat Agriculture," &c„ 
were forgeries of the pretended translator (see an 
article by Prof. Hadley in the New Englander, xxi. 
505 ff.). — It remains for us to state the grounds for 
connecting the Nabat with the Nabatheans. As the 
Arabs speak of the Nabat as Syrians, so conversely 
the Greeks and Romans knew the Nabatheans as 
Arabs. The Nabatheans bordered the well-known 
Egyptian and Syrian provinces. The nation was 
famous for its wealth and commerce. Even when, 
by the decline of its trade, diverted through Egypt, 
its prosperity waned, Petra is still mentioned as a 
centre of the trade both of the Sabeans of South- 
ern Arabia and the Gerrheans on the Persian Gulf. 
Josephus speaks of Nabatea as embracing the coun- 
try from the Euphrates to the Red Sea — i. e. Arabia 
Petrsea and all the desert E. of it. The Nabat of 
the Arabs, however, are described as famed for agri- 
culture and science ; in these respects contrasting 
with the Nabatheans of Petra who were dwellers in 
tents. Mr. Poole agrees with M. Quatremere that 
the civilization of the Nabatheans of Petra is not 
easily explained, except by supposing them to be a 
different people from those Arabs. A remarkable 
confirmation of this supposition is found in the 
character of the buildings of Petra, which are un- 
like any thing constructed by a purely Shemitic race. 
(EnoM ; Sela.) Further, the subjects of the liter- 
ature of the Nabal, which are scientific and indus- 
trial, are not such as are found in the writings of 
pure Shemites or Aryans. From most of these and 
other considerations we think there is no reasonable 
doubt that the Nabatheans of Arabia Petroea were 
the same people as the Nabat of Chaldea, though at 



698 



NEB 



NEB 



what ancient epoch the western settlement was 
formed remains unknown. The Nabatheans were 
allies of the Jews after the Captivity ; and Judas 
the Maccabee, with Jonathan, while at war with the 
Edomites, came on them three days S. of Jordan (1 
Mc. v. 3, 24, &c), and afterward " Jonathan had 
sent his brother John, a captain of the people, to 
pray his friends the Nabathites that they might 
leave with them their carriage, which was much " 
(ix. 35, 36). Diodorus Siculus and Strabo give much 
information regarding them. Lastly, did the Naba- 
theans, or Nabat, derive their name, and were they 
in part descended, from Nebaioth, son of Ishmael ? 
Josephus says that Nabatea was inhabited by the 
twelve sons of Ishmael. The Arabs call Nebaioth N&- 
bit, and do not connect him with the Nabat, to whom 
they give a different descent. But we hesitate to 
deny a relationship between peoples, whose names 
are strikingly similar, dwelling in the same tract. 
It is possible that Nebaioth went to the far east, to 
the country of his grandfather Abraham, intermar- 
ried with the Chaldeans, and gave birth to a mixed 
race, the Nabat. It is, however, safest to leave un- 
settled the identification of Nebaioth and Nabat un- 
til another link be added to the chain that at present 
seems to connect them (so Mr. Poole). 

Nc-bal'lat (Heb. secretly foolish? Ges. ; hard, firm 
soil, Fii.), a town of Benjamin, which the Benjamites 
reoccupied after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 34) ; named 
with Zeboim, Lon, and Ono. Lod is Lydda, the 
modern Ludd, and Ono possibly Kefr 'Auna, four 
miles N. of it. E. of these, and forming nearly an 
equilateral triangle with them, is Beit Nebdla, which 
may be (so Mr. Grove, with Robinson, Wilson, Por- 
ter [in Kitto]) the representative of the ancient vil- 
lage. Another place of very nearly the same name, 
Bir Nebdla, lies also in Benjamin, to the E. of el-Jib 
(Gibeon), and within half a mile of it. 

Ne bat (Heb. look, Ges.), father of Jeroboam I., 
whose name is only preserved in connection with 
that of his distinguished son (1 K. xi. 26, xii. 2, 15, 
&c). He is described as an Ephrathite, or Ephra- 
imite, of Zereda. A Jewish tradition identifies him 
with the Benjamite Shimei of Gera. 

Jfe'bo (Heb., perhaps so named from the worship 
of Mercury [see Nebo, second article below], or bet- 
ter = height, Ges.), Monnt, the mountain from which 
Moses took his first and last view of the Promised 
Land (Deut. xxxii. 49, xxxiv. 1). It is minutely de- 
scribed as in the land of Moab, facing Jericho, the 
head or summit of a mountain called the Pisgah, 
which again seems to have formed a portion of the 
general range of the " mountains of Abarim." Its 
position is further denoted by the mention of the 
valley (or perhaps more correctly, the ravine) in 
which Moses was buried, and which was apparently 
one of the clefts of the mount itself (xxxii. 50)— 
" the ravine in the land of Moab facing Beth-peor " 
(xxxiv. 6). Seetzen suggested the Jebel 'AUdrus 
(between the Wady Zerka McHin and the Arnon, 
three miles below the former, and ten or twelve 
S. of Heshbon) as the Nebo of Moses. The Jebel 
1 'Osha, or Ausha\ or Jebel el-JU'dd, near es-Sall, 
about fifteen miles further N. than Jericho, is the 
highest point in all the eastern mountains. But 
these eminences are not, like the Nebo of the Scrip- 
ture, "facing Jericho." Tristram (535 ff.) would 
identify Nebo with a mountain " brow," probably 
4,500 feet high, about three miles S. W. from Hesh- 
bon, from the summit of which he enjoyed a mag- 
nificent view of the country both E. of the Jordan 
to Hermon and the Haur&n, and W. of it from the 



S. end of the Dead Sea with Hebron and central 
Judea and the plain of Esdrselon to the Mediterra- 
nean beyond Carmel. See No. 1 below. 

Ne bo (see above). I. A town on the eastern side 
| of Jordan, in the pastoral country (Num. xxxii. 3), 
j one of those rebuilt by the tribe of Reuben (ver. 
38). In these lists it is associated with Kirjathaim 
and Baal-meon or Beon ; and in another record ( 1 
Chr. v. 8) with Aroer. In Is. xv. 2 and Jer. xlviii. 
1, 22, Nebo is mentioned in the same connection as 
before, but in the hands of Moab. The notices of 
Eusebius and Jerome are confused, but at least de- 
note that Mount Nebo (see the article above) and 
the town were distinct, and distant from each other. 
The town they identify with Nobah or Kenath, 
and place it eight miles S. of Heshbon, where the 
ruins of el-Habis appear to stand at present. — 2. The 
children of Nebo returned from Babylon with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 29 ; Neh. vii. 33). Seven of them 
had foreign wives, whom they were compelled to 
discard (Ezr. x. 43). The name occurs between 
Bethel and Ai, and Lydda, which implies that it was 
in Benjamin to the N. W. of Jerusalem. This is 
possibly the modern Beit Nubah, about twelve miles 
N. W. by W. of Jerusalem, eight from Lydda. 

Kc'bo (Heb. = interpreter of the gods, Ges. ; the 
invisible, Fii. ; see below), which occurs in Is. xlvi. 1 
and Jer. xlviii. 1 as the name of a Chaldean god, 
was the god of learning and letters among the Baby- 




Nebo. — Assyrian Statne in British Museum. — (Fbn.) 

lonians and Assyrians. The original native name 
was, in Hamitic Babylonian, Nabiu, in Shemitic 
! Babylonian and Assyrian, Nabu (so Rawlinson). 
His general character corresponds to that of the 
Egyptian Thoth, the Greek Hermes, and the Latin 
Mercury. Astronomically he is identified with the 
planet nearest the sun, called Nebo also by the Men- 
daeans, and Tir by the ancient Persians. Nebo was 



NEB 



NEB 



699 



of Babylonian rather than of Assyrian origin. In 
the early Assyrian Pantheon he occupies a very in- 
ferior position. The king supposed to be Pul first 
brings him prominently forward in Assyria. A 
statue of Nebo, set up by this monarch at Calah 
(Nimrud), is now in the British Museum. In Baby- 
lonia Nebo held a prominent place from an early 
time. Borsippa was especially under his protection, 
and the great temple there (the modern Birs-Nim- 
rud ; see Babel, Tower of) was dedicated to him 
from a very remote age. He was the tutelar god of 
the most important Babylonian kings, in whose 
names the word Nabu, or Nebo, appears as an ele- 
ment. 

Neb-u-cbad-nezzar, or Neb-n-cbad-rez'zar (both 
Heb. fr. Chat. ; see below), the greatest and most 
powerful of the Babylonian kings. (Babel.) His 
name, according to the native orthography, is read 
as Nabu-kuduri-utsur = N(bo is the protector against 
misfortune (so Rawlinson). Nebuchadnezzar was 
the son and successor of Nabopolassar, the founder 
of the Babylonian empire. He appears to have 
been of marriageable age at the time of his father's 
rebellion against Assyria, b. c. 625 ; for, according 
to Abydenus, the alliance between Nabopolassar 
and the Median king was cemented by the betrothal 
of Amuhia, daughter of the latter, to Nebuchad- 
nezzar. It is suspected, rather than proved, that 
he was the leader of a Babylonian contingent which 
accompanied C3 T axares (Medes) in his Lydian war, 
by whose interposition, on the occasion of an eclipse, 
that war was brought to a close, b. c. 610. At any 
rate, a few years later, he was placed at the head 
of a Babylonian army, and sent by his father, who 
was now old and infirm, to chastise the insolence of 
Pharaoh-necho, king of Egypt. Nebuchadnezzar 
(b. c. 605) led an army against him, defeated him at 
Carchemish in a great battle (Jer. xlvi. 2-12), re- 
covered Celosyria, Phenicia, and Palestine, took 
Jerusalem (Dan. i. 1, 2 ; Captivity), pressed for- 
ward to Egypt, and was engaged in that country or 
upon its borders when intelligence arrived that 
Nabopolassar, after reigning twenty-one years, had 
died. There is no reason (so Rawlinson) to think 
that Nebuchadnezzar, though he appeared to be 
" king of Babylon " to the Jews, had really been 
associated with his father as king. In some alarm 
about the succession he hurried back to the capital, 
accompanied only by his light troops ; and crossing 
the desert, probably by way of Tadmor or Palmyra, 
reached Babylon before any disturbance had arisen, 
and entered peaceably on his kingdom (b. c. 604). 
The bulk of the army with the captives — Pheni- 
cians, Syrians, Egyptians, and Jews (Daniel 4 ; 
Shadrach, &c.) — returned by the ordinary route, 
which skirted instead of crossing the desert. With- 
in three years of Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition 
into Syria and Palestine, disaffection again showed 
itself in those countries. Jehoiakim, who, although 
threatened at first with captivity (2 Chr. xxxvi. 6), 
had been finally maintained on the throne as a Bab- 
ylonian vassal, after three years of service "turned 
and rebelled," probably trusting to be supported by 
Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 1). Not long afterward Phenicia 
seems to have broken into revolt ; and the Chaldean 
monarch, who had previously endeavored to subdue 
the disaffected by his generals (ver. 2), once more 
took the field in person, and marched first of all 
against Tyre. Having invested that city in the 
seventh year of his reign (Jos. Ap. i. 21), and left a 
portion of his army there to continue the siege, he 
proceeded against Jerusalem, which submitted with- 



out a struggle. According to Josephus (x. 6, § 3 ; 
compare Jer. xxii. 18, 19, and xxxvi. 30) Nebuchad- 
nezzar punished Jehoiakim with death, but placed 
his son Jehoiachin upon the throne. Jehoiachin 
reigned only three months ; for, on his showing 
symptoms of disaffection, Nebuchadnezzar came up 
against Jerusalem for the third time, deposed the 
young prince (whom he carried to Babylon, with a 
large portion of the population of the city, and the 
chief of the Temple treasures), and made his uncle, 
Zedekiah, king in his room. Tyre still held out ; 
and it was not till the thirteenth year from its first 
investment that the city of merchants fell (b. c. 
585). Ere this happened, Jerusalem had been to- 
tally destroyed. This consummation was owing to 
the folly of Zedekiah, who, despite the warnings 
of Jeremiah, made a treaty with Apries (Hophra), 
king of Egypt (Ez. xvii. 15), and on the strength of 
this alliance renounced his allegiance to the king 
of Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar commenced the final 
siege of Jerusalem in the ninth year of Zedekiah — 
his own seventeenth year (b. c. 588) — and took it 
two years later (b. c. 586). One effort to carry out 
the treaty seems to have been made by Apries. An 
Egyptian army crossed the frontier, and began its 
march toward Jerusalem ; upon which Nebuchad- 
nezzar raised the siege, and set off to meet the new 
foe. According to Josephus (x. 7, § 3) a battle was 
fought, in which Apries was completely defeated : 
but the Scriptural account seems rather to imply 
that the Egyptians retired on the advance of Nebu- 
chadnezzar, and recrossed the frontier without risk- 
ing an engagement (Jer. xxxvii. 5-8). After an 
eighteen months' siege, Jerusalem fell. Zedekiah 
escaped from the city, but was captured near Jeri- 
cho (xxxix. 5) and brought to Nebuchadnezzar at 
Riblah, where his eyes were put out by the king's 
order, while his sons and his chief nobles were slain. 
Nebuchadnezzar then returned to Babylon with Zed- 
ekiah, whom he imprisoned for the remainder of his 
life ; leaving Nebuzar-adan, the captain of his 
guard, to complete the destruction of the city and 
the pacification of Judea. Gedaliah, a Jew, was 
appointed governor, but he was soon murdered, and 
the rest of the Jews either fled to Egypt, or were 
carried by Nebuzar-adan to Babylon. The military 
successes of Nebuchadnezzar cannot be traced mi- 
nutely beyond this point. It may be gathered, from 
the prophetical Scriptures and from Josephus, that 
the conquest of Jerusalem was rapidly followed by 
the fall of Tyre and the complete submission of 
Phenicia (Ez. xxvi.-xxviii. ; Jos. Ap. i. 21); after 
which the Babylonians carried their arms into 
Egypt, 'and inflicted severe injuries on that fertile 
country (Jer. xlvi. 13-26; Ez. xxix. 2-20; Jos. x. 
9, § 1). But we have no account, on which we can 
depend, of these campaigns. We are told by Bero- 
sus (in Jos. x. 11, § 1) that the first care of Nebu- 
chadnezzar, on obtaining quiet possession of his 
kingdom, after the first Syrian expedition, was to 
rebuild the temple of Bel {Bel-Merodach) at Baby- 
lon out of the spoils of the Syrian war. He next 
proceeded to strengthen and beautify the city, which 
he renovated throughout, and surrounded with sev- 
eral lines of fortification, himself adding one en- 
tirely new quarter. Having finished the walls and 
adorned the gates magnificently, he constructed a 
new palace. In the grounds of this palace he formed 
the celebrated " hanging garden." This complete 
renovation of Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, which 
Berosus asserts, is confirmed to us in every possible 
way (Dan. iv. 30). (Babel.) But Nebuchadnezzar 



700 



NEB 



NED 



did not confine his efforts to the ornamentation and 
improvement of his capital. Throughout the em- 
pire, at Borsippa, Sippara, Cutha, Chilmad, Duraba, 
Teredon, &c, &c, he built or rebuilt cities, repaired 
temples, constructed quays, reservoirs, canals, and 
aqueducts, on a scale of grandeur and magnificence 
surpassing every thing of the kind recorded in his- 
tory, unless it be the constructions of one or two of 
the greatest Egyptian monarchs. (Chaldea.) The 
wealth, greatness, and general prosperity of Nebu- 
chadnezzar are strikingly placed before us in Dan. 
ii. 37, iii. 1 ff., iv. 10-12, &c. Toward the close of 
his reign the glory of Nebuchadnezzar suffered a 
temporary eclipse. For his pride and vanity, that 
strange madness was sent upon him called lycan- 
thropy (from Gr., wolf-man), wherein the sufferer 
imagines himself a beast, and quitting the haunts of 
men, insists on leading the life of a beast (Dan. iv. 
33). (Medicine.) Nebuchadnezzar himself in his 
Standard Inscription appears to allude to it, although 
in a studied ambiguity of phrase which renders the 
passage very difficult of translation. After describ- 
ing the construction of the most important of his 
great works, he appears to say — " For four years 
(?)... the seat of my kingdom . . . did not re- 
joice my heart. In all my dominions I did not build 
a high place of power, the precious treasures of my 
kingdom I did not lay up. In Babylon, buildings 
for myself and for the honor of my kingdom I did 
not lay out. In the worship of Merodach, my lord, 
the joy of my heart, in Babylon the city of his sover- 
eignty, and the seat of my empire, I did not sing his 
praises, I did not furnish his altars with victims, nor 
did I clear out the canals" (Rln. Hdt. ii. 586). It 
has often been remarked that Herodotus ascribes to 
a queen, Nitocris, several of the important works, 
which other writers (Berosus, Abydenus) assign to 
Nebuchadnezzar. The conjecture naturally arises 
that Nitocris was Nebuchadnezzar's queen, and that, 
as she carried on his constructions during his in- 
capacity, they were by some considered to be hers. 
After an interval of four, or perhaps seven years 
(Dan. iv. 16), Nebuchadnezzar's malady left hira. 
As we are told in Scripture that " his reason re- 
turned, and for the glory of his kingdom his honor 
and brightness returned ; " and he " was established 
in his kingdom, and excellent majesty was added to 
him " (iv. 36), so we find in the Standard Inscrip- 
tion that he resumed his great works after a period 
of suspension, and added fresh "wonders" in his 
old age to the marvellous constructions of his man- 
hood. He died b. c. 561, at an advanced age (eighty- 
three or eighty-four), having reigned forty-three 
years. A son, Evil-Merodach, succeeded him. Nebu- 
chadnezzar had grave faults (pride, cruelty, &c.) as 
well as genius and grandeur. We observe in the cunei- 
form inscriptions as peculiar to Nebuchadnezzar a 
disposition to rest his fame on his great works rather 
than on his military achievements, and a strong re- 
ligious spirit, manifesting itself especially in a de- 
votion, which is almost exclusive, to one particular 
god. Merodach was to him " the supreme chief of 
the gods," " the most ancient," " the king of the 
heavens and the earth." It was his image or sym- 
bol, undoubtedly, which was " set up " to be wor- 
shipped in the " plain of Dura " (Dan. iii. 1), and his 
house in which the sacred vessels of the Temple were 
treasured (i. 2). Nebuchadnezzar seems at some 
times to have identified this, his supreme god, with 
the God of the Jews (iv.) ; at others, to have re- 
garded the Jewish God as one of the local and in- 
inferior deities (iii.) over whom Merodach ruled. 



* Neb-n-chad-rez'zar = Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 
xxi. 2, 7, &c). 

Neb-u-shas'ban (Heb. adherent o/Nebo or Mer- 
cury, Ges., Fii.), one of the officers of Nebuchadnez- 
zar at the time of the capture of Jerusalem. He 
was Rab-saris, i. e. chief of the eunuchs (Jer. xxxix. 
13). He and Nebuzar-adan (chief of the body- 
guard), and Nergal-sharezer (Rab-mag, i. e. chief 
of the magicians), the most important officers then 
present, were probably the highest dignitaries of 
the Babylonian court. Nebushasban's office and 
title were the same as those of Ashpenaz (Dan. i. 
3), whom he probably succeeded. 

Neb-u-zar'-a-dan (Heb. chief whom Nebo [or Mer- 
cur y] favors, Ges. ; chief ciitter-off by Ncbo, Fii.), the 
chief of the slaughterers (A. V. "captain of the 
guard ;" see Guard 1), a high officer in the court 
of Nebuchadnezzar, apparently the next to the per- 
son of the monarch. He appears not to have been 
present during the siege of Jerusalem ; probably he 
was occupied at the more important operations at 
Tyre, but as soon as the city was actually in the 
hands of the Babylonians he arrived, and from that 
moment every thing was completely directed by 
him (2 K. xxv. 8 ff.). One act only is referred di- 
rectly to Nebuchadnezzar, the appointment of the 
governor or superintendent of the conquered dis- 
trict. All this Nebuzar-adan seems to have carried 
out with wisdom and moderation. His conduct to 
Jeremiah, to whom his attention had been directed 
by his master (Jer. xxxix. 11), is marked by even 
higher qualities than these, and the prophet has 
preserved (xl. 2-5) Nebuzar-adan's speech on liber- 
ating him from his chains at Ramah, which contains 
expressions truly remarkable in a heathen. He 
seems to have left Judea for this time when he took 
down the chief people of Jerusalem to his master at 
Riblah (2 K. xxv. 18-20). In four years he again 
appeared. Nebuchadnezzar in his twenty-third year 
made a descent on the regions E. of the Jordan, in- 
cluding the Ammonites and Moabites, who escaped 
when Jerusalem was destroyed. Thence he pro- 
ceeded to Egypt, and, either on the way thither or 
on the return, Nebuzar-adan again passed through 
the country and carried off 745 more captives (Jer. 
Hi. 30). 

Xe'cho [-ko] (Heb. fr. Egyptian) = Pharaoii- 
necho (2 Chr. xxxv. 20, 22, xxxvi. 4). Pharaoh 9. 

* Neck (Heb. usually 'oreph or Isavv&r ; Gr. trache- 
los) is used both literally (Gen. xxvii. 16 ; Lev. v. 8 ; 
Lk. xv. 20, &c.) and figuratively in the Scriptures. 
To put the feet on the neck of the conquered de- 
noted complete victory and triumph (Josh. x. 24). 
(Foot ; War.) To have the hand in or on an ene- 
my's neck (Gen. xlix. 8), or to take one by the neck 
(Job xvi. 12), was to seize and secure him. Burdens, 
yokes, &c, are borne on the neck (Gen. xxvii. 40 ; 
Deut. xxviii. 48, &c.) ; hence to stiffen the neck (2 
Chr. xxxvi. 13), or to be stiff-necked = to be stub- 
born, obstinate, or rebellious. Necklace ; Yoke. 

* Neck'Iace. Chain ; Ornaments, Personal ; 
Tablets. 

Ke-co'dan (fr. Gr. form) = Nekoda (1 Esd. v. 37; 
comp. Ezr. ii. 60). 

* Jfec'ro-man-cer (Deut. xviii. 11). Divination; 
Magic. 

Ned-a-bi'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah impels, 
! Ges.), apparently a son of Jeconiah, or Jehoiachin, 
! king of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 18). Lord A. C. Hervey, 
| however, contends that this list contains the order 
of succession and not of lineal descent, and that 
i Nedabiah and his brothers were sons of Neri. 



NEE 



NEH 



701 



* Kee'dlc-work [-dl-wurk]. Embroiderer. 
Jfe-e-mi'as (Gr. form) = Nehemiah, the son of 

Hachaliah (Ecclus. xlix. 13; 2 Mc. i. 18, 20, 21, 23, 
31, 36, ii. 13). 

* Ne'geb, a Hebrew word translated " the South," 
" the South Country." Judah. 

Kcg'L-nah (Heb., the text now has niginath ; see 
below) occurs in the title of Ps. lxi., "to the chief 
musician upon Neginath." The LXX. and Vulgate 
evidently read " Neginoth" in the plural, which is 
perhaps the true reading. Whether the word be 
singular or plural, it is the general term by which 
all stringed-instruments are described. The Heb. 
singular has the derived sense of a song swig to the 
accompaniment of a stringed-instrument, and gen- 
erally of a taunting character (A. V. " song ; " Job 
xxx. 9 ; Ps. lxix. 12 ; Lam. iii. 14). Poetry, He- 
brew. 

JYeg'i-noth (Heb. neginoth, pi. of ntginah ; see 
above and below). This word is found in the titles 
of Ps. ivt, vi., liv., lv., lxvii., lxxvi., and the margin 
of Hab. iii. 19 (A. V. text " stringed-instruments"), 
and there seems but little doubt that it is the gen- 
eral term denoting all stringed-instruments whatso- 
ever, whether played with the hand, like the harp 
and guitar, or with a plectrum. " The chief musi- 
cian on Neginoth " was therefore the conductor of 
that portion of the Temple-choir who played upon 
the stringed-instruments, and who are mentioned in 
Ps. lxviii. 25. Music ; Musical Instruments. 

Ne'lie-lam-itc (fr. Heb. ; probably = descendant 
ofNchelam [i. e. a strong one, Fii.], Ges., Fii.), the, the 
designation of Shemaiah, a false prophet, who went 
with the Captivity to Babylon (Jer. xxix. 24, 31, 32). 

•Ke-he-nji'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah cemforts, 
Ges.). 1. Son of Hachaliah, and apparently of the 
tribe of Judah, since his fathers were buried at Je- 
rusalem, and Hanani his kinsman seems to have 
been of that tribe (Neh. i. 2, ii. 3, vii. 2). All that we 
know certainly concerning this eminent man is con- 
tained in the book which bears his name. (Nehe- 
miah, Book of.) His autobiography first finds him 
at Shushan, the winter residence of the kings of 
Persia, in high office as the cupbearer of King 
Artaxerxes Longimanus (so Lord A. C. Hervey, 
original author of this article ; see Artaxerxes 
2). In the twentieth year of the king's reign, i. e. 
b. c. 445, certain Jews, one of whom was a near 
kinsman of Nehemiah's, arrived from Judea, and 
gave Nehemiah a deplorable account of the state of 
Jerusalem, and of the residents in Judea. He im- 
mediately conceived the idea of going to Jeru- 
salem to endeavor to better their state. After three 
or four months (from Chisleu to Nisan), in which he 
earnestly sought God's blessing by frequent prayer 
and fasting, an opportunity presented itself of ob- 
taining the king's consent to his mission. Having 
received his appointment as governor of Judea, a 
troop of cavalry, and letters from the king to the 
different satraps through whose provinces he was to 
pass, as well as to Asaph, the keeper of the king's 
forests, to supply him with timber, he started upon 
his journey, being under promise to return to Per- 
sia within a given time. Nehemiah's great work 
was the rebuilding, for the first time since their 
destruction by Nebuzar-adan, the walls of Jerusalem, 
and restoring that city to its former state and dig- 
nity, as a fortified town. It is impossible to over- 
estimate the importance to the future political and 
ecclesiastical prosperity of the Jewish nation of this 
great achievement of their patriotic governor. How 
low the community of the Palestine Jews had fallen, 



is apparent from the fact that from the sixth of 
Darius to the seventh of Artaxerxes, there is no 
history of them whatever ; and that they were in a 
state of abject " affliction and reproach " in the 
twentieth of Artaxerxes. The one step which could 
resuscitate the nation, preserve the Mosaic institu- 
tions, and lay the foundation of future independence, 
was the restoration of the city walls. To this great 
object therefore Nehemiah directed his whole ener- 
gies without an hour's unnecessary delay. In a 
wonderfully short time the walls seemed to emerge 
from the heaps of burnt rubbish, and to encircle the 
city as of old. The gateways also were rebuilt, and 
ready for the doors to be hung upon them. But it 
soon became apparent how wisely Nehemiah had 
acted in hastening on the work. On his very first 
arrival, as governor, Sanballat and Tobiah had given 
unequivocal proof of their mortification at his ap- 
pointment. But when the restoration was seen to 
be rapidly progressing, their indignation knew no 
bounds. They not only poured out a torrent of abuse 
and contempt on all engaged in the work, but ac- 
tually made a great conspiracy to fall upon the 
builders with an armed force and put a stop to the 
undertaking. The project was defeated by the 
vigilance and prudence of Nehemiah, who main- 
tained an armed attitude from that day forward. 
Various stratagems were then employed to get Ne- 
hemiah away from Jerusalem, and if possible to take 
his life. But that which most nearly succeeded was 
the attempt to bring him into suspicion with the 
king of Persia, as if he intended to set himself up as 
an independent king, as soon as the walls were com- 
pleted, and also to frighten the Jews by the accusa- 
tion of rebellion, &c. The artful letter of Sanballat 
so far wrought upon Artaxerxes, that he issued a 
decree stopping the work till further orders. Prob- 
ably at the same time he recalled Nehemiah, or per- 
haps Nehemiah's leave of absence had previously 
expired ; in either case had the Tirshatha been less 
upright and less wise, and had he fallen into the 
trap laid for him, his life might have been in great 
danger. The sequel, however, shows that his per- 
fect integrity was apparent to the king. For after 
a delay, perhaps of several years, he was permitted 
to return to Jerusalem, and to crown his work by 
repairing the Temple, and dedicating the walls. 
Owing to his wise haste and steadfast perseverance, 
the designs of his enemies were frustrated. The 
walls were actually finished and ready to receive the 
gates, before the king's decree for suspending the 
work arrived. Nehemiah does not indeed mention 
this adverse decree, which may have arrived during 
his absence, or give us any clew to the time of his 
return ; nor should we have suspected his absence 
at all from Jerusalem, but for the incidental allusion 
in eh. ii. 6, xiii. 6, coupled with the long interval 
between the earlier and later chapters of the book. 
But the interval between the close of ch. vi. and the 
beginning of ch. vii. is the only place where we can 
suppose a considerable gap in time, either from the 
appearance of the text, or the nature of the events 
narrated. It seems to suit both well to suppose 
that Nehemiah returned to Persia, and the work 
stopped immediately after the events narrated in 
vi. 16-19, and that chapter vii. goes on to relate 
the measures adopted by him upon his return with 
fresh powers. These were, the setting up the doors 
in the gates of the city, giving a special charge as to 
opening and shutting them, and above all providing 
for duly peopling the city and rebuilding its many 
decayed houses. Then followed a census, a large 



702 



NEH 



NEH 



collection of funds for the repair of the Temple, the 
public reading of the Law by Ezra, a celebration of 
the Feast of Tabernacles, such as had not been 
seen since Joshua's time, and a no less solemn 
keeping of the Day of Atonement with a solemn en- 
tering into covenant with God. It may have been 
after another considerable interval of time, and not 
improbably after another absence of the Tirshatha 
from his government, that the next event of interest 
in Nchemiah's life occurred, viz. the dedication of 
the walls of Jerusalem, including, if we may believe 
2 Mc. i., supported by several indications in Nehe- 
miah, that of the Temple after its repair by means 
of the funds collected from the whole population. 
This great and good governor firmly repressed the 
exactions of the nobles, and the usury of the rich, 
and rescued the poor Jews from spoliation and 
slavery. He refused to receive his lawful allowance 
as governor from the people, in consideration of 
their poverty, during the whole twelve years that 
he was in office, but kept at his own charge a table 
for 150 Jews, at which any who returned from 
captivity were welcome. He made most careful 
provision for the maintenance of the ministering 
priests and Levites, and for the due and constant 
celebration of Divine worship. He insisted upon 
the sanctity of the precincts of the Temple being 
preserved inviolable, and peremptorily ejected the 
powerful Tobiah from one of the chambers which 
Eliashib had assigned to him. He then replaced 
the stores and vessels which had been removed to 
make room for him, and appointed proper Levitical 
officers to superintend and distribute them. With 
no less firmness and impartiality he expelled from 
all sacred functions those of the high-priest's family 
who had contracted heathen marriages, and rebuked 
and punished those of the common people who had 
likewise intermarried with foreigners ; and lastly, he 
provided for keeping holy the Sabbath day, which 
was shamefully profaned by many, both Jews and 
foreign merchants, and by his resolute conduct suc- 
ceeded in repressing the lawless traffic on the day 
of rest. Beyond the thirty-second year of Artaxer- 
xes, to which Nehemiah's own narrative leads us, 
we have no account of him whatever. Probably he 
returned to Persia and died there. For pure and 
disinterested patriotism he stands unrivalled. All 
he did was noble, generous, high-minded, coura- 
geous, and to the highest degree upright. To stern 
integrity he united great humility and kindness, and 
a princely hospitality. As a statesman he combined 
forethought, prudence, and sagacity in counsel with 
vigor, promptitude, and decision in action. But in 
nothing was he more remarkable than for his piety, 
and the singleness of eye with which he walked before 
God. — 2. One of the leaders of the first expedition 
from Babylon to Jerusalem under Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 2; Neh. vii. 7). — 3. Son of Azbuk, and ruler of 
the half " part " of Beth-zur, who helped to repair 
the wall of Jerusalem (iii. 16). 

Ke-lie-mi'ali (see above), Boot of, the latest of all 
the historical books of Scripture. This book, like 
the preceding one of Ezra, is clearly and certainly 
not all by the same hand. By far the principal 
portion, indeed, is the work of Nehemiah 1 ; but 
other portions are either extracts from various 
chronicles and registers, or supplementary narra- 
tives and reflections, some apparently by Ezra, others, 
perhaps, the work of the same person who inserted 
the latest genealogical extracts from the public 
chronicles (so Lord A. C. Hervey, the original author 
of this article ; see below). — 1. The main history 



| contained in Nehemiah covers about twelve years, 
viz. from the twentieth to the thirty-second year of 

! Artaxerxes Longimanus, i. e. from b. c. 445 to 433. 
The whole narrative gives us a graphic and interest- 
ing account of the state of Jerusalem and the return- 
ed captives in the writer's times, and, incidentally, of 
the nature of the Persian government and the con- 
dition of its remote provinces. The documents ap- 
pended to it also give some further information as 
to the times of Zerubbabel on the one hand, and as 
to the continuation of the genealogical registers and 
the succession of the high-priesthood to the close 
of the Persian empire on the other. The view given 
of the rise of two factions among the Jews — the one 
the strict religious party ; the other, the gentiliz- 
ing party, sets before us the germ of much that we 
meet with in a more developed state in later Jew- 
ish history. Again, in this history, as well as in 
Ezra, we see the bitter enmity between the Jews 
and Samaritans acquiring strength and definitive 
form on both religious and political grounds. The 
book also throws much light upon the domestic in- 
stitutions of the Jews. Some of its details give us 
incidentally information of great historical impor- 
tance, (a.) The account of the building and dedi- 
cation of the wall, iii., xii., contains the most valu- 
able materials for settling the topography of Jeru- 
salem to be found in Scripture. (6.) The list of re- 
turned captives who came under different leaders 
from the time of Zerubbabel to that of Nehemiah 
(amounting in all to only 42,3G0 adult males and 
7,337 servants), which is given in chapter vii., con- 
veys a faithful picture of the political weakness of 

-the Jewish nation as compared with the times when 
Judah alone numbered 470,000 fighting men (1 Chr. 
xxi. 5). It is an important aid, too, in understand- 
ing the subsequent history and appreciating the 
patriotism and valor by which they attained their 
independence under the Maccabees, (e.) The lists 
of leaders, priests, Levites, and of those who signed 
the covenant, reveal incidentally much of the 
national spirit as well as of the social habits of 
the captives, derived from older times. Thus the 
fact that twelve leaders are named in Nehemiah vii. 
7, indicates the feeling of the captives that they 
represented the twelve tribes, a feeling further evi- 
denced in the expression, " the men of the people 
of Israel." The enumeration of twenty-one and 
twenty-two, or, if Zidkijah stands for the head of 
the house of Zadok, twenty-three chief priests in x. 
1-8, xii. 1-7, of whom nine bear the names of those 
who were heads of courses in David's time (1 Chr. 

xxiv. ), shows how, even in their wasted and reduced 
numbers, they struggled to preserve these ancient 
institutions, and also supplies the reason of the 
mention of these particular twenty-two or twenty- 
three names. But it does more than this. Taken in 
conjunction with the list of those who sealed (Neh. 
x. 1-27), it proves the existence of a social custom of 
calling chiefs by the name of the clan or house of 
which they were chiefs, (d.) Other miscellaneous 
information contained in this book, embraces the 
hereditary crafts practised by certain priestly fam- 
ilies, e. g. the apothecaries, or makers of the sacred 
ointments and incense (iii. 8), and the goldsmiths, 
whose business it probably was to repair the sacred 
vessels (iii. 8) ; the situation of the garden of the 
kings of Judah by which Zedekiah escaped (2 K. 

xxv. 4), as seen Neh. iii. 15 ; statistics, &c. The only 
real historical difficulty in the narrative is to 
determine the time of the dedication of the wall, 
whether in the thirty -second year of Artaxerxes or 



NEH 



NEH 



703 



before. The expression in Neh. xiii. 1, " On that 
day," seems to fix the reading of the Law to the 
same day as the dedication (xii. 43). But if so, the 
dedication must have been after Nehemiah's return 
from Babylon (mentioned xiii. 7). Then, if the 
wall only took fifty-two days to complete (vi. 15), 
and was begun as soon as Nehemiah entered upon 
his government, how came the dedication to be de- 
ferred till twelve years afterward ? The answer to 
this probably is that, in the first place, the fifty-two 
days are to be reckoned from the resumption of the 
work after iv. 15, and a time exceeding two years 
may have elapsed from the commencement of the 
building. But even then it would not be ready for 
dedication. There were the gates to be hung, per- 
haps much rubbish to be removed, and the ruined 
houses in the immediate vicinity of the walls to be 
repaired. Still even these causes would not be 
adequate to account for a delay of twelve years. 
But Nehemiah's leave of absence from the Persian 
court, mentioned ii. 6, may have drawn to a close 
shortly after the completion of the wall, and before 
the other above-named works were complete. And 
this is rendered yet more probable by the circum- 
stance that, in the thirty-second year of Artaxerxes 
we know he was with the king (xiii. 6). Other cir- 
cumstances, too, may have concurred to make it 
imperative for him to return to Persia without de- 
lay. The last words of ch. vi. point to some new 
effort of Tobiah to interrupt his work, apparently 
by the threat of his being considered as a rebel by 
the king. If he could make it appear that Arta- 
xerxes was suspicious of his fidelity, then Nehemiah 
might feel it matter of necessity to go to the Per- 
sian court to clear himself of the charge. And this 
view both receives a remarkable confirmation from, 
and throws quite a new light upon, Ezr. iv. 7-23. 
Now, if we compare Neh. vi. 6, 7, with the letter of 
the heathen nations mentioned in Ezr. iv., and also 
recollect that the only time when, as far as we 
know, the walls of Jerusalem were attempted to be 
rebuilt, was when Nehemiah was governor, it is 
difficult to resist the conclusion that Ezr. iv. 7-23 
relates to the time of Nehemiah's government, and 
explains the otherwise unaccountable circumstance 
that twelve years elapsed before the dedication of 
the walls was completed. Nehemiah may have 
started on his journey on receiving the letters from 
Persia (if such they were) sent him by Tobiah, 
leaving his lieutenants to carry on the works, and 
after his departure Rehum and Shimshai and their 
companions may have come up to Jerusalem with 
the king's decree and obliged them to desist. It 
seems, however, that at Nehemiah's arrival in Per- 
sia, he was able to satisfy the king of his perfect 
integrity, and he was permitted to return to his 
government in Judea. His leave of absence may 
again have been of limited duration, and the busi- 
ness of the census, ofrepeopling Jerusalem, setting 
up the city gates, rebuilding the ruined houses, and 
repairing the Temple, may have occupied his whole 
time till his second return to the king. During this 
second absence another evil arose — the gentilizing 
party recovered strength, and the intrigues with 
Tobiah (Neh. vi. 17), begun before his first depar- 
ture, were more actively carried on, and led so far 
that Eliashib the high-priest actually assigned one 
of the store-chambers in the Temple to Tobiah's 
use. This we are not told of till xiii. 4-7, when 
Nehemiah relates the steps he took on his return. 
But this very circumstance suggests that Nehemiah 
does not relate the events which happened in his 



absence, and would account for his silence in regard 
to Rehum and Shimshai. We may thus, then, ac- 
count for ten or eleven years having elapsed before 
the dedication of the walls took place. In fact, it 
did not take place till the last year of his govern- 
ment ; and this leads to the right interpretation of 
ch. xiii. 6, and brings it into harmony with v. 14, 
which obviously imports that Nehemiah's govern- 
ment of Judea lasted only twelve years, viz. from 
the twentieth to the thirty-second of Artaxerxes. 
The dedication of the walls and the other reforms 
named in ch. xiii. were the closing acts of his ad- 
ministration. Josephus detaches Neh. viii. from its 
context, and appends the narratives contained in it 
to the times of Ezra. He makes Ezra die before 
Nehemiah came to Jerusalem as governor, and con- 
sequently ignores any part taken by him in con- 
junction with Nehemiah. He makes no mention 
of Sanballat in the events of Nehemiah's govern- 
ment, but places him in the time of Jaddua and 
Alexander the Great. All attempts to reconcile Jo- 
sephus with Nehemiah must be lost labor. His 
authority must yield to that of Nehemiah. In ap- 
pending the history in Neh. viii. to the times of 
Ezra, we know that he was guided by the Apoc- 
ryphal 1 Esd., as he had been in the whole story of 
Zerubbabel and Darius. Probably in all the points 
in which he differs from Nehemiah, he followed 
Apocryphal Jewish writings. 2. As regards the 
authorship of the book, it is admitted by all critics 
that it is, as to its main parts, the genuine work of 
Nehemiah. But it is no less certain (so Lord A. C. 
Hervey)that interpolations and additions have been 
made in it since his time ; and there is considerable 
diversity of opinion as to what are the portions so 
added (see below). From i. 1 to vii. 6, no doubt or 
difficulty occurs. Again, from xii. 31 to the end of 
the book (except xii. 44-47), the narrative is con- 
tinuous, and the use of the first person singular 
constant (xii. 30, 38, 40, xiii. 6, 7, &c). It is there- 
fore only in the intermediate chapters (vii. 6 to 
xii. 36, and xii. 44-47), that we have to inquire 
into the question of authorship, and this we will do 
by sections : — (a.) The first section begins at Neh. 
vii. 6, and ends in the first half of viii. 1, at the 
words " one man." This section is identical with 
Ezr. ii. 1 — iii. 1 (Ezra, Book of), word for word, and 
letter for letter, except in two points, viz. the num- 
bers repeatedly vary ; and there is a difference in 
the'aceount of the offerings made by the governor, 
the nobles, and the people. The heading, the con- 
tents, the narrative about the sons of Barzillai, the 
fact of the offerings, the dwelling in their cities, 
the coming of the seventh month, the gathering of 
all the people to Jerusalem as one man, are in words 
and in sense the very self-same passage. The idea 
that the very same words, extending to seventy 
verses, describe different events, is simply absurd and 
irrational. The numbers, therefore, must originally 
have been the same in both books. But when we 
examine the varying numbers, we see the following 
particular proofs that the variations are corruptions 
of the original text. Though the items vary, the 
sum total, 42,360, is the same (Ezr. ii. 64 ; Neh. vii. 
66). In like manner the totals of the servants, the 
singing men and women, the horses, mules, and 
asses, are all the same, except that Ezra has 200, 
instead of 245, singing men and women. The num- 
bers of the priests and the Levites are the same in 
both, except that the singers, the sons of Asaph, 
are 128 in Ezra, against 148 in Nehemiah, and the 
porters 139 against 138. Then in each particular 



704 



NEH 



NEH 



case, when the numbers differ, we see plainly that 
the difference might arise from a copyist's error. 
To turn next to the offerings. Ezra (ii. 68, 69) 
merely gives the sum total, as follows: 61,000 
drams of gold, 5,000 pounds of silver, and 100 
priests' garments. Nehemiah gives no sum total, 
but gives the following items (vii. 72) : The Tir- 
shatha gave 1,20) drams of gold, 50 basins, 530 
priests' garments. The chief of the fathers gave 
20,000 drams of gold, and 2,200 pounds of silver. 
The rest of the people gave 20,000 drams of gold, 
2,000 pounds of silver, and 6V priests' garments. 
Here, then, we learn that these offerings were made 
in three shares, by three distinct parties : the gov- 
ernor, the chief fathers, the people. The sum total 
of drams of gold we learn from Ezra was 61,000. 
The shares, we learn from Nehemiah, were 20,000 
in two out of the three donors, but 1,000 in the 
case of the third and chief donor ! Is it not quite 
evident that in the case of Nehemiah the 20 has 
slipped out of the text (as in 1 Esd. v. 45, 60,000 
has), and that his real contribution was 21,000? his 
generosity prompting him to give in excess of his 
third. Next, the sum total of the pounds of silver 
was, according to Ezra, 5,000. The shares were, 
according to Nehemiah, 2,200 pounds from the 
chiefs, and 2,000 from the people. But the LXX. 
give 2,300 for the chiefs, and 2,200 for the people, 
making 4,500 in all, and so leaving a deficiency of 
500 pounds as compared with Ezra's total of 5,000, 
and ascribing no silver offering to the Tirshatha. 
The sum total of the priests' garments, as given in 
both the Hebrew and Greek text of Ezra, and in 1 
Esd., is 100. The items as given in Neh. vii. 70 are 
530 4- 67 = 597. But the LXX. give 30 + 67 = 
97, and that this is nearly correct is apparent from 
the numbers themselves. For the total being 100, 
33 is the nearest whole number to J -^ a , and 67 is 
ttie nearest whole number to 5 of 100. So that we 
cannot doubt that the Tirshatha gave 33 priests' 
garments, and the rest of the people gave 67, prob- 
ably in two gifts of 34 and 33, making in all 100. 
But how came the 500 to be added on to the Tir- 
shatha's tale of garments ? Clearly it is a frag- 
ment of the missing 500 pounds of silver, which, 
with the 50 bowls, made up theTirshatha's donation 
of silver. So that Neh. vii. 70 ought to be read 
thus, " Tlie Tirshatha gave to the treasure 21,000 
drams of gold, 50 basins, 500 pounds of silver, and 
33 priests' garments." The offerings, then, as well 
as the numbers in the lists, were once identical in 
both books, and we learn from Ezr. ii. 68 what was 
the purpose of this liberal contribution, viz. " to set 
up the House of God in his place." From this 
phrase occurring in Ezr. ii. just before the account 
of the building of the Temple by Zerubbabel, it 
has usually been understood as referring to the re- 
building ; but the phrase properly implies restora- 
tion and preservation (compare 2 Chr. xxiv. 13). It 
follows, from what has been said, that the section 
under consideration is in its right place in Nehe- 
miah, and was inserted subsequently in Ezra out of 
its chronological order. But one or two additional 
proofs of this must be mentioned. The most con- 
vincing and palpable of these is perhaps the men- 
tion of the Tirshatha in Ezr. ii. 63 and Neh. vii. 65. 
Another proof is the mention of Ezra as taking 
part in that assembly of the people of Jerusalem 
described in Ezr. iii. 1 and Neh. viii. 1 ; for Ezra did 
not come to Jerusalem till the reign of Artaxerxes 
(Ezr. vii.). Another is the mention of Nehemiah 
as one of the leaders under whom the captives 



enumerated in the census came up (Ezr. ii. 2 ; Neh. 

vii. 7): in both which passages the juxtaposition of 
Nehemiah with Seraiah, when compared with Neh. 
x. 1, 2, greatly strengthens the conclusion that Ne- 
hemiah the Tirshatha is meant. Then, again, that 
Nehemiah should summon all the families of Israel 
to Jerusalem to take their census, and that, having 
done so at great cost of time and trouble, he, or 
whoever was employed by him, should merely tran- 
scribe an old census taken nearly 100 years before, 
instead of recording the result of his own labors, is 
so improbable that nothing but the plainest neces- 
sity could make one believe it. Nehemiah's own 
new register begins with vii. 7. He doubtless made 
use of the old register as an authority by which to 
decide the genealogies of the present generation. 
Hence he refused to admit the sons of Barziliai to 
the priestly office, but made a note of their claim, 
that it might be decided whenever a competent au- 
thority should arise. From all which it is abun- 
dantly clear (so Lord A. C. Hervey) that this section 
belongs properly to Nehemiah. — Prof. Douglas (in 
Fairbairn) prefers to think " that Ezra, drawing 
from original documents, has given that list as it 
appeared at first ; and that Nehemiah, who took it 
as the basis of a new census, has given it in the 
form to which it was brought by subsequent cor- 
rections." Thus Ezra gives 652 persons whose gen- 
ealogy could not be traced, but Nehemiah 642, prob- 
ably because 10 had determined their place in the 
registers by prolonged investigations. So the dis- 
crepancies in the accounts of gifts to the Temple- 
service Prof. Douglas would explain on the same 
principle of an original list with subsequent altera- 
tions. — It does not follow (so Lord A. C. Hervey) 
that this section was written in its present form by 
Nehemiah. Probably ch.*vii., from ver. 7, contains 
the substance of what was found in this part of Nehe- 
miah's narrative, but abridged, and in the form of 
an abstract, which may account for the difficulty of 
separating Nehemiah's register from Zerubbabel's, 
and also for the very abrupt mention of the gifts 
of the Tirshatha and the people at the end of the 
chapter, (b.) The next section commences Neh. 

viii. , latter part of ver. 1, and ends Neh. xi. 3. Lord 
A. C. Hervey favors the opinion advocated by Haver- 
nick and Kleinert, that this section is the work of 
Ezra (see below). It is not necessary to suppose that 
Ezra himself inserted this or any other part of the 
present book of Nehemiah in the midst of the Tir- 
shatha's history. But if there were extant an ac- 
count of these transactions by Ezra, it may have 
been thus incorporated with Nehemiah's history by 
the last editor of Scripture, (c.) The third section, 
ch. xi. 3-36, contains a list of the families of Judah, 
Benjamin, and Levi (priests and Levites), who took 
up their abode at Jerusalem, in accordance with the 
resolution of the volunteers, and the decision of the 
lot, mentioned in xi. 1, 2. This list forms a kind of 
supplement to that in vii. 8-60, as appears by the 
allusion in xi. 3 to that previous document. This 
list is an extract from the official roll preserved in 
the national archives, only somewhat abbreviated 
(compare 1 Chr. ix.). The nature of the informa- 
tion in this section, and the parallel passage in 1 
Chr., would rather indicate a Levitical hand. It 
might or might not have been the same which in- 
serted the preceding section. If written later, it is 
perhaps the work of the same person who inserted 
xii. 1-30, 44-47. (d.) From xii. 1 to 26 is clearly 
(see below) an abstract from the official lists made 
and inserted here long after Nehemiah's time, and 



NEH 



NEH 



705 



after the destruction of the Persian dynasty by 
Alexander the Great, as is plainly indicated by the 
expression " Darius the Persian," as well as by the 
mention of Jaddua. The allusion to Jeshua, and 
to Nehemiah and Ezra, in ver. 26, is also such as 
would be made long posterior to their lifetime, (e.) 
xii. 44-47 is an explanatory interpolation, made in 
later times, probably by the last reviser of the book 
(but see below). That it is so is evident not only 
from the sudden change from the first person to the 
third, and the dropping of the personal narrative 
(though the matter is one in which Nehemiah neces- 
sarily took the lead), but from the fact that it de- 
scribes the identical transaction described in xiii. 
10-13 by Nehemiah himself. Though, however, it 
is not difficult thus to point out those passages of 
the book which were not part of Nehemiah's own 
work, it is not easy, by cutting them out, to restore 
that work to its integrity. For Neh. xii. 31 does 
not fit on well to any part of ch. vii., or, in other 
words, the latter portion of Nehemiah's work does 
not join on to the former. Probably we have only 
the first and last parts of Nehemiah's work, and for 
some reason the intermediate portion has been dis- 
placed to make room for the narrative and docu- 
ments from Neh. vii. 7 to xii. 27. And we are greatly 
confirmed in this supposition by observing that at 
the close of ch. vii. we have an account of the offer- 
ings made by the governor, the chiefs, and the peo- 
ple ; but we are not even told for what purpose 
these offerings were made. Obviously, therefore, 
the original work must have contained an account 
of some transactions connected with repairing or 
beautifying the Temple, which led to these contribu- 
tions being made. 2 Mc. ii. 13 lends considerable 
support to the theory that the middle portion of Ne- 
hemiah's work was cut out, and that there was sub- 
stituted for it partly an abridged abstract, and partly 
Ezra's narrative and other appended documents. 
We may then affirm with tolerable certainty (so Lord 
A. C. Hervey) that the first six chapters of Nehemiah 
and part of the seventh, and the last chapter and half, 
were alone written by him, the intermediate portion 
being inserted by those who had authority to do so, 
in order to complete the history of the transactions 
of those times (see below). — As regards the time 
when the Book of Nehemiah was put into its present 
form, we have only the following data to guide us. 
The latest high-priest mentioned, Jaddua, was doubt- 
less still alive when his name was added. The 
descriptive addition to the name of Darius (Neh. xii. 
22) " the Persian," indicates that the Persian rule 
had ceased, and the Greek rule had begun. (Darius 
3.) Jaddua's name, therefore, and the clause at 
the end of ver. 22, were inserted each in the reign 
of Alexander the Great. But it appears that the 
registers of the Levites, entered into the Chronicles, 
did not come down lower than the time of Johanan 
(ver. 23). The close of the Persian dominion, and the 
beginning of the Greek, is the time indicated when 
the latest additions were made (so Lord A. C. Her- 
vey). — Prof. Douglas (in Fairbairn) endeavors " to 
show that Nehemiah is one consecutive memoir, writ- 
ten by the person whose name it bears, according to 
the common opinion of both the Jewish and the 
Christian Church from age to age, in opposition to 
some popular notions of recent critics. ... Of course 
different subjects are not described in the self-same 
words or style ; and this diversity illustrates the 
working of Nehemiah's mind as that of a man deeply 
interested in the affairs in which he took an active 
part. It is only a perverted ingenuity which would 
45 



make these differences an evidence that chs. viii.- 
x. have come from a different author (see Keil's In- 
troduction, to the 0. T.). The preeminent position 
assigned to Ezra (in this part of the book) neces- 
sarily threw even Nehemiah somewhat into the 
background, and led him to speak of himself in the 
third person instead of in the first, as in the rest of 
his book. . . . The only passages throwing real dif- 
ficulties in the way of the common belief that Ne- 
hemiah wrote the book as we have it occur in ch. 

xii. (10, 11, 22, 23). . . 'Jaddua' is said by Josephus 
to have been the high-priest at the time of Alex- 
ander the Great ; and ' Darius the Persian ' (Da- 
rius 3) might naturally be identified with Darius 
Codomannus, the last Persian king, whom Alexan- 
der conquered ; but such a date is altogether beyond 
the time to which we can suppose Nehemiah's life 
extended. . . . Vitringa [and] several [other] sober- 
minded believing critics . . . think these four verses 
are to be regarded as notes or explanatory remarks 
added by the men who closed the canon of 0. T. 
Scripture (Synagogue, the Great), as the parting 
assurance of these witnesses that the Word of God 
and the worship and ordinances of His house were 
preserved intact until the time at which they lived. 
But we are not compelled to fall back upon such an 
hypothesis, nor . . . even to suppose that Josephus 
is mistaken in making Jaddua the contemporary of 
Alexander. . . . We have only to reject the unsup- 
ported supposition that Darius is the third king of 
that name, and to identify him with the second, 
Darius Nothus. . . . There is nothing in the four 
verses quoted above which need bring their compo- 
sition, and that of the book of which they form a 
part, down to the period of Alexander or his suc- 
cessors. . . . For it is assumed on the other side 
that these verses speak of Jaddua as in possession 
of the high-priesthood. Were this assumption cor- 
rect, there is nothing absurd in our assuming, in 
turn, that Nehemiah was under thirty when he was 
sent to Jerusalem in the twentieth year of Artaxer- 
xes, b. c. 445, and that God was pleased to lengthen 
out his life till b. c. 351 (the date given by Ewald 
for Jaddua's becoming high-priest). . . . But it is a 
mere assumption that Jaddua is here spoken of as 
actual high-priest ; nay, we are persuaded that it is 
a mistake. . . . There is not even the semblance of 
a difficulty about Nehemiah writing these verses, if 
they present merely a genealogy. For we read (ch. 

xiii. 28) that Nehemiah chased away a younger son 
of Joiada, because he had profaned the priesthood 
by a heathenish marriage. . . . Jaddua was probably 
already born, as being the eldest son of the eldest 
brother among Joiada's children." Prof. Douglas 
suggests the danger that this apostate priest, gen- 
erally understood to be the founder of the Samaritan 
worship at Gerizim, might succeed to the high- 
priesthood at Jerusalem and overturn the whole 
theocratic constitution which Ezra and Nehemiah 
had devoted themselves to establishing ; and regards 
this danger as a peculiar reason for Nehemiah's 
tracing the high-priestly line as far as the children 
were born, and thus recording how Providence had 
furnished visible security for the continuance of the 
high-priesthood in the line of pure descent by grant- 
ing Eliashib descendants to the third generation. 
" And this gives point and value to the statements 
of xii. 22, 23, that the Levites, the heads of the 
fathers, and the priests in their courses, were all 
recorded in the national chronicles, not in four suc- 
cessive generations, as those imagine who suppose 
that Eliashib, Joiada, Johanan, and Jaddua, are 



706 



NEH 



NEP 



mentioned as successively actual high-priests, but 
at that one time when God's special Providence gave 
to the Church the strong assurance of stability, ow- 
ing to the fact of four generations of the high- 
priestly family being alive at the same moment. 
This point of time would, then, exactly correspond 
with that other, ' to the reign of Darius the Persian,' 
which might equally be translated at or under this 
reign. . . . Ewald's table . . . exhibits Darius No- 
thus ascending the throne b. c. 424, and Eliashib 
surviving his accession for five years, and then suc- 
ceeded by Joiada, b. c. 419. If we understand that 
Nehemiah wrote of these five years, these four 
verses, which have proved a stumbling-block to 
many critics, appear most natural, exact, and im- 
portant in their meaning." Prof. Douglas regards 
chs. x. and xii. as giving lists of the chief-priests, 
or heads of the twenty-four courses, at three sev- 
eral times, under the three successive high-priests, 
Jeshua (xii. 1-7), Joiakim (12-21), and Eliashib (x. 
1-8). (High-priest.) — 3. In respect to language 
and style, this book is very similar to 1 and 2 
Chronicles and Ezra. Nehemiah has, it is true, 
quite his own manner, and certain phrases and 
modes of expression peculiar to himself. He has 
also some few words and forms not found elsewhere 
in Scripture ; but the general Hebrew style is ex- 
actly that of the books purporting to be of the same 
age. Some words occur in 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, 
and Nehemiah, but nowhere else. The text of Ne- 
hemiah is generally pure and free from corruption, 
except in the proper names, in which there is con- 
siderable fluctuation in the orthography, both as 
compared with other parts of the same book and 
with the same names in other parts of Scripture ; 
and also in numerals. Many various readings are 
also indicated by the LXX. version. — 4. Nehemiah 
has always had an undisputed place in the Canon 
(Bible ; Inspiration), being included by the He- 
brews under the general head of the Book of Ezra, 
and, as Jerome tells us, by the Greeks and Latins 
under the name of the second Book of Ezra. (Es- 
dras, first Book of.) There is no quotation from it 
in the N. T., and it has been comparatively neglected 
by both the Greek and Latin fathers. 

flfe-he-mi'as (L. form of Nehemiah). 1. Nehe- 
miah 2 (1 Esd. v. 8).— 2. Nehemiah 1 (v. 40). 

Ne'hi-loth (Heb. nehiloth or nechiloth; see below). 
The title of Ps. v. in the A. V. is " to the chief mu- 
sician upon Nehiloth." It is most likely, as Gese- 
nius and others explain, that it is derived from the 
root hdlal or chdlal = to bore, perforate, whence 
hdlil or chdlil — a flute or pipe (1 Sam. x. 5 ; IK. 
i. 40), so that Nehiloth is the general term for per- 
forated wind-instruments of all kinds, as Neginoth 
denotes all manner of stringed-instruments. The 
title of Ps. v. is therefore addressed to the con- 
ductor of that portion of the Temple-choir who 
played upon flutes and the like, and are directly 
alluded to in Ps. lxxxvii. 7, where holelim or cholelim, 
" the players upon instruments " who are associated 
with the singers, are properly " pipers " or " flute- 
players." Music ; Musical Instruments. 

Nc'hum (Heb. comfort, Fii. ; probably an error 
for Rehum, Ges.), one of those who returned from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7) ; = Re- 
hum 1. 

Jfc-hush'ta (Heb. b7-ass, Ges.), daughter of Elna- 
than of Jerusalem ; wife of Jehoiakim, and mother 
of Jehoiachin, kings of Judah (2 K. xxiv. 8). 

IVe-Iinsh'tan (Heb. the brazen, Ges. ; brass-image, 
Fii.). One of the first acts of Hezekiah, upon com- 



ing to the throne of Judah, was to destroy all traces 
of the idolatrous rites which had gained such a fast 
hold upon the people during the reign of his father 
Ahaz. Among other objects of superstitious rever- 
ence and worship was the brazen serpent, made by 
Moses in the wilderness (Num. xxi. 9), which was 
preserved throughout the wanderings of the Israel- 
ites, probably as a memorial of their deliverance, 
and according to a late tradition was placed in the 
Temple. The name by which the brazen serpent 
was known at this time, and by which it had been 
worshipped, was Nehushtan (2 K. xviii. 4). It is 
evident that our translators by their rendering, " and 
he called it Nehushtan," understood, with the LXX., 
Vulgate, and many commentators, that Hezekiah, 
when he destroyed the brazen serpent, gave it the 
name Nehushtan = a brazen thing, in token of his 
utter contempt, and to impress upon the people the 
idea of its worthlessness. But it is better (so Mr. 
Wright) to understand the Hebrew as referring to 
the name by which the serpent was generally known, 
the subject of the verb being indefinite — "and one 
called it 'Nehushtan ' " = "and they (i. e. people) 
called it ' Nehushtan.' " This is the view taken in 
the Targum of Jonathan, and the Peshito-Syriac, 
also by Buxtorf, Luther, and most modern commen- 
tators. Serpent, Brazen. 

Jfe-i'el, or Nc'i-cl (Heb. = Jeiel? Ges., Fii.; 
dwelling-place of God, Fii.), a place on the boundary 
of Asher (Josh. xLx. 27 only). It occurs between 
Jiphthah-el and Cabul. If the former be identi- 
fied with Jefdi, and the latter with Kabul, eight or 
nine miles E. S. E. of ''Akka, then Neiel may pos- 
sibly be represented by Mi'ar, a village conspicu- 
ously placed on a lofty mountain-brow, just half-way 
between the two. 

Ne'keb (Heb. a cavern, Ges.), a town on the boun- 
dary of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). It occurs between 
Adami and Jabneel 2. A great number of com- 
mentators have taken this name as being connected 
with the preceding (i. e. = Adami-Nekeb). In the 
Talmud the post-biblical name of Nekeb is Tsiada- 
thah. Of this more modern name Schwarz suggests 
that a trace is to be found in "Hazedhi," three Eng- 
lish miles N. from al Chatti. 

IVe-ko'da (Heb. distinguished, Ges. ; s/iepherd, Fii.). 

1. The "children of Nekoda" returned among the 
Nethinim after the Captivity (Ezr. ii. 48 ; Neh. vii. 
50). — 2. The " children of Nekoda " were among 
those who. went up after the Captivity from Tel- 
melah, Tel-harsa, &c, but were unable to prove 
their descent from Israel (Ezr. ii. 60; Neh. vii. 62). 

Nem'n-el (Heb. = Jemuel? Ges.). 1. AReuben- 
ite, son of Eliab, and eldest brother of Dathan and 
Abiram (Num. xxvi. 9). — 2. Eldest son of Simeon 
(xxvi. 12 ; 1 Chr. iv. 24), from whom descended the 
family of the Nemuelites ; = Jemuel. 

Nem'n-el-itcs (fr. Heb.), the — the descendants 
of Nemuel the first-born of Simeon (Num. xxvi. 
12). 

Ne'pheg (Heb. sprout, Ges.). 1. A Kohathite, 
son of Izhar and brother of Korah (Ex. vi. 21). — 

2. One of David's sons born in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 
v. 15 ; 1 Chr. iii. 7, xiv. 6). 

* flfeph'cw (Heb. neched = progeny, Ges. ; once 
beney bdnim = sons' sons ; Gr. pi. ekgona = de- 
scendants), in the A. V. as in Old English writers 
= grandson, in plural grandsons or grandchildren 
(Judg. xii. 14, margin " son's sons ; " Job xviii. 19 ; 
Is. xiv. 22 ; 1 Tim. v. 4). In Gen. xxi. 23 the Heb. 
neched is translated " son's son." 

Ne'phi (L.) — Naphthar (2 Mc. i. 36). 



NEP 



NER 



707 



Ne'phis (fr. Gr.). In the corrupt list of 1 Esd. v. 
21, "the sons of Nephis " apparently = "the chil- 
dren of Nebo " in Ezr. ii. 29, or else the name is a 
corruption of Magbish. 

Ne'phish (fr. Heb.) = Naphish (1 Chr. v. 19 
only). 

Nc-phish'e-sim (Heb. = Nephusim, Ges., Fii.). 
The children of Nephishesim were among the Nethi- 
nim who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 52). 
Naphisi ; Nephusim. 

Neph'tlia-li (L.) = Naphtali (Tob. i. 1, 2, 4, 5). 

]Veph'tlia-lim (L.) = Naphtali (Tob. vii. 3 ; Mat. 
iv. 13, 15; Rev. vii. 6). 

flfepli-to'ah (Heb. opening, Ges.), the Wa ter of. 
The spring or source of the water or waters of 
Nephtoah was one of the landmarks in the boun- 
dary-line between Judah and Benjamin (Josh. xv. 
9, xviii. 15). It lay N. W. of Jerusalem, in which 
direction it seems to have been satisfactorily iden- 
tified in 'Ain Li/la, a spring situated a little distance 
above the village of the same name, and about two 
and a half miles from Jerusalem (so Mr. Grove, with 
Stewart, Barclay, and Tobler). Nephtoah was for- 
merly identified with various springs — the spring of 
St. Philip ('Ain Haniyeh) in the Wady el Werd, four 
miles S. W. of Jerusalem ; the 'Ain Ydlo in the 
same valley, but one mile nearer Jerusalem ; the 
'Ain Karim, or Fountain of the Virgin of mediasval 
times, about four miles W. from Jerusalem ; and 
even the so-called Well of Job at the western end 
of the Wady 'Aly, and near Ydlo (ancient Ajalon). 
Robinson (Phys. Geog. 45, 240) and Mr. Rowlands 
(in Fairbairn) favor 'Ain Karim ; Porter (in Kitto) 
favors 'Ain Ydlo as answering to Nephtoah. 

Pfe-phu'sim (Heb. expansions, Ges., Fii.) = Ne- 
phishesim (Ezr. ii. 50). 

Ner (Heb. a light, lamp, Ges.), a Benjamite, son 
of Jehiel (1 Chr. ix. 36); according to 1 Chr. viii. 
33 and ix. 39, father of Kish, and grandfather 
of King Saul. In 1 Sam. ix. 1, Kish is said to 
be " the son (i. e. grandson) of Abiel ; " hence 
most suppose Abiel = Jehiel. Abner is uniformly 
styled "the son of Ner; " 1 Sam. xiv. 50 has "Ab- 
ner, the son of Ner, Saul's uncle;" and ver. 51 
says " Ner the father of Abner (was) the son of 
Abiel." Lord A. C. Hervey maintains that Abner 
was Saul's uncle, and brother of Kish. Others 
maintain that Ner, Abner's father, was Saul's uncle, 
and consequently that Abner was Saul's cousin. 
This supposes two named Ner (father and grand- 
father of Abner), unless there is some copyist's mis- 
take. Compare Kish, 1, 2. 

Ne're-us [L. and Gr. pronounced ne'ruse] (Gr. 
and L., the name of an ancient sea-god), a Christian 
at Rome, saluted by St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 15). Origen 
conjectures that he belonged to the household of 
Philologus and Julia. A legendary account of him 
is given in Acta Sanctorum, from which may be 
gathered the tradition that he was beheaded at Ter- 
racina, probably in the reign of Nerva. 

Ner'gal (Heb., see below), one. of the chief As- 
syrian and Babylonian deities, seems to have corre- 
sponded closely to the classical Mars. He was of 
Babylonian origin, and his name (so Rawlinson) sig- 
nifies, in the early Cushite dialect of that country, 
the great man, or the great hero. His monumental 
titles are — " the storm-ruler," " the king of battle," 
" the champion of the gods," " the male principle " 
(or " the strong begetter"), "the tutelar god of 
Babylonia," and " the god of the chase." It is con- 
jectured that he may represent the deified Nimrod. 
The only express mention of Nergal contained in 



the Scriptures is in 2 K. xvii. 30. He appears to 
have been worshipped under the symbol of the 
" Man-Lion." Nineveh. 

Sler'gal-sha-re'zer (Heb. ; see below, also Nergal 
and Sharezer) occurs only in Jer. xxxix. 3 and 13. 
There appear to have been two persons of the name 
among the " princes of the king of Babylon," who 
accompanied Nebuchadnezzar on his last expedition 
against Jerusalem. One of these is not marked 
by any additional title ; but the other has the hon- 
orable distinction of Rab-mag, and it is to him 
alone that any particular interest attaches. In 
sacred Scripture he appears among the persons 
who, by command of Nebuchadnezzar, released 
Jeremiah from prison ; profane history gives us 
reason to believe that he was a personage of great 
importance, who not long afterward mounted the 
Babylonian throne (so Rawlinson). This identifica- 
tion depends in part upon the exact resemblance 
of name, which is found on Babylonian bricks in 
the form of Nergal-shar-uzur ; but mainly it rests 
upon the title of Rubu-emga, or Rab-mag, which 
this king bears in his inscriptions. Assuming on 
these grounds the identity of the Scriptural " Ner- 
gal-sharezer, Rab-mag," with the monumental " Ner- 
gal-shar-vzur, Rubu-emga," we may learn something 
of his history from profane authors. There cannot 
be a doubt that he was a monarch called Neriglissar 
or Neriglissoor by Berosus (Josephus, Ap. i. 20), 
who murdered Evil-merodach, Nebuchadnezzar's 
son, and succeeded him upon the throne. This 
prince was married to a daughter of Nebuchadnez- 
zar, and was thus the brother-in-law of his predeces- 
sor, whom he put to death. His reign lasted between 
three and four years. He appears to have died a nat- 
ural death, and certainly left his crown to a young 
son, Laborosoarchod, who was murdered after a reign 
of nine months. There is abundant reason to be- 
lieve from his name and his office that he was a 
native Babylonian — a grandee of high rank under 
Nebuchadnezzar, who regarded him as a fitting 
match for one of his daughters. His reign pre- 
ceded that of the Median Darius by seventeen years. 
It lasted from b. c. 559 to b. c. 556. A palace, 
built by Neriglissar at Babylon, is the only build- 
ing of any extent on the right bank of the Euphrates 
(see plan in article Babel). 

Ne'ri (Gr. fr. Heb. = Neriah), son of Melchi, and 
father of Salathiel, in the Genealogy op Jesus 
Christ (Lk. iii. 27). 

Ne-ri'ah (fr. Heb. = lamp of Jehovah, Ges.), son 
of Maaseiah, and father of Baruch (Jer. xxxii. 12, 
xxxvi. 4, xliii. 3), and Seraiah (li. 59). 

Ne-ri'as (Gr. fr. Heb. = Neriah (Bar. i. 1). 

* Ne'ro (L., a Roman family name of Sabine 
origin = brave), a Roman emperor, originally named 
Lucius Domitius Ahenobardus, born at Antium, a. d. 
37, adopted a. d. 50 by his grand-uncle Claudius 
who had married his mother, and then named Nero 
Claudius Ca;sar Drusus Germanicus. He became 
emperor a. d. 54 on the murder of Claudius, and 
though he reigned well for the first five years, was 
a monster of profligacy and cruelty. He was gen- 
erally supposed to have set Rome on fire a. d. 64, 
but he charged the crime upon the Christians, some 
of whom he caused to be torn in pieces by dogs, 
and others to be burned at night to light the im- 
perial gardens. The Apostles Paul and Peter suf- 
fered martyrdom in his reign. An insurrection broke 
out ; he was declared an enemy of the state, and 
committed suicide, to avoid being put to death, a. d. 
68. He is frequently mentioned in the N. T. as 



708 



NES 



NET 



" Cesar" (Acts xxv. 8 ff., xxvi. 32, xxviii. 19 ; Phil, 
iv. 22), sometimes as " Augustus " (Acts xxv. 21, 
25), but not as " Nero " except in the spurious sub- 
scription to 2 Tim. See cut under Ephesus ; Ro- 
man Empire ; Rome. 

* IVest(Heb. ken ; Gr. kataskenosis ; Heb. k&nan = 
to "make one's nest") in the Scriptures denotes the 
structure itself (Job xxxix. 27; Mat. viii. 20, &c), 
also with the eggs or young birds in it (Deut. xxii. 
6, &c), sometimes a dwelling, especially on a high 
rock like an eagle's nest (Num. xxiv. 21, &c), or as 
being pleasant and comfortable (Job xxix. 18). The 
Hebrew word in Gen. vi. 14 denotes (so Gesenius) 
cells, or chambers, in the Ark (A. V. " rooms," mar- 
gin " nests "). Bird. 

Net. The various terms applied by the Hebrews 
to nets {machmor, michmdr, michmdreth, sebdchdh, 



sebach, herem or cherem, rndtsod, mStsoddh, mets&ddh, 
resheth) had reference either to the construction of 




Egyptian Landing-net. — (Wilkinson.) 

the article, or to its use and objects. What distinc- 
tion there may have been between the various nets 





Egyptian Net-trBps for birds. — From Beni Hassan. — (R&wlinson'a Herodottti, it 110.) 



NET 



NET 



709 



xxi. 6 ff.). The net was used for fishing and hunt- 
ing. The Egyptians constructed their nets of flax- 
string : the netting-needle was made of wood, and 
in shape closely resembled our own (Wilkinson, ii. 
95). The nets varied in form according to their 
use ; the accompanying sketch represents the land- 
ing-net. As the nets of Egypt were well known to 
the early Jews (Is. xix. 8), it is not improbable that 
the material and form were the same in each coun- 
try. The nets used for birds in Egypt were of two 
kinds, clap-nets and traps. The net-trap consisted of 
net-work strained over a frame of wood, which was 
so constructed that the sides would collapse by pull- 
ing a string and catch any birds that might have 
alighted on it while open. The clap-net was made 
on the same principle, consisting of a double frame 
with the net-work strained over it, which might be 
caused to collapse by pulling a string. — Net is often 
used metaphorically. It was an appropriate image 
of the subtle devices of God's enemies (Ps. ix. 15, 
xxv. 15, xxxi. 4, &c), and of the unavertable ven- 
geance of God (Lam. i. 13 ; Ez. xii. 13 ; Hos. vii. 
12, &c), &c. The Heb. sebach, fem. sebdchdh, in 
architecture (A. V. " net," " net-work," " checker," 
" wreathen-work, &c.) = (so Gesenius) lattice, lat- 
tice-work, balustrade, especially on or round the 
capitals of columns (1 K. vii. 17, ff. ; 2 K. xxv. 17, 
&c). 

Ne-than'e-el (Heb. given of God, Ges. ; = Nathan- 
ael). 1. Son of Zuar, and prince of Issachar at 
the Exodus (Num. i. 8, ii. 5, vii. 18, 23, x. 15). — 2. 
Fourth son of Jesse, and brother of David (1 Chr. 

ii. 14). — 3i A priest in David's reign, who blew the 
trumpet before the Ark (xv. 24). — 4. A Levite, father 
of Shemaiah the scribe (xxiv. 6). — 5. Fifth son of 
Obed-edom (xxvi. 4). — G. One of the princes of Ju- 
dah, sent by Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of 
Judah (2 Chr. xvii. V).— 7. A chief Levite who took 
part in Josiah's solemn Passover (xxxv. 9). — 8. A 
priest of the family of Pashur in Ezra's time who 
had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 22).— 9. The 
representative of a priestly family of Jedaiah in 
the time of high-priest Joiakim (Neh. xii. 21). — 10. 
A Levite, of the sons of Asaph, who took part in 
the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem (ver. 36). 

Jfeth-a-ni'all (fr. Heb. — given of Jehovah, Ges.). 
1. Son of Elishama, and father of the Ishmael who 
murdered Gedaliah (2 K. xxv. 23, 25 ; Jer. xl. 8, 14, 
15, xii. 1 IF.). He was of the royal family of Judah. 
— 2» Son of Asaph the minstrel, and chief of the 
fifth course of the Temple-choir (1 Chr. xxv. 2, 12). 
■ — 3. One of the Levites sent by Jehoshaphat to 
teach the Law in the cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 
8). — 4. Father of Jehudi (Jer. xxxvi. 14). 

IVeth'I-nim, JVeth'i-nims (Heb. pi. nethinim. = the 
given, Ges.). As applied specifically to a distinct 
body of men connected with the services of the 
Temple, this name first meets us in the later books 
of the 0. T. ; in 1 Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. 
The Hebrew word, and the ideas embodied in it ma}', 
however, be traced to a much earlier period. As 
derived from the verb n&than (= to give, set apart, 
dedicate) it was applied to those who were specially 
appointed to the liturgical offices of the Tabernacle, 
Thus the Levites were given to Aaron and his sons, 
i. e. to the priests as an order for this service (Num. 

iii. 9, viii. 19). At first they were the only attend- 
ants, and their work must have been laborious 
enough. The first conquests, however, brought 
them their share of the captive Midianites, and 320 
were given to them as having charge of the Taber- 
nacle (xxxi. 4J), while 32 only were assigned spe- 



cially to the priests (ver. 40). This disposition to 
devolve the more laborious offices of their ritual 
upon servants of another race showed itself again 
in the treatment of the Gibeonites. They, too, 
were given (A. V. " made ") to be " hewers of wood 
and drawers of water " for the house of God (Josh, 
ix. 27). No addition to the number thus employed 
appears to have been made during the period of the 
Judges, and they continued to be known by their 
old name as the Gibeonites. Either the massacre 
at Nob had involved the Gibeonites as well as the 
priests (1 Sam. xxii. 19), or else they had fallen vic- 
tims to some other outburst of Saul's fury, and, 
though there were survivors (2 Sam. xxi. 2), the 
number was likely to be quite inadequate for the 
greater stateliness of the new worship at Jerusalem. 
It is to this period accordingly that the origin of 
the class bearing this name may be traced. The 
Nethinim were those " whom David and the princes 
appointed (Heb. gave) for the service of the Le- 
vites " (Ezr. viii. 20). Analogy would lead us to 
conclude that, in this as in the former instances, 
these were either prisoners taken in war, or else 
some of the remnant of the Canaanites. From this 
time the Nethinim probably lived within the pre- 
cincts of the Temple, doing its rougher work, and 
so enabling the Levites to take a higher position as 
the religious representatives and instructors of the 
people. The example set by David was followed 
by his successor. (Solomon's Servants.) Assum- 
ing, as is probable, that the later Rabbinic teaching 
represents the traditions of an earlier period, the 
Nethinim appear never to have lost the stigma of 
their Canaanite origin. They were all along a ser- 
vile and subject caste. The only period at which 
they rise into any thing like prominence is that of 
the return from the Captivity. In that return the 
priests were conspicuous and numerous, but the 
Levites, for some reason unknown to us, hung back. 
The services of the Nethinim were consequently of 
more importance (Ezr. viii. 17), but in their case 
also, the small number of those that joined (392 
under Zerubbabel, 220 under Ezra, including " Solo- 
mon's servants ") indicates that many preferred re- 
maining in the land of their exile to returning to 
their old service. Those that did come were con- 
sequently thought worthy of special mention. The 
names of their families were registered (Ezr. ii. 43- 
88). They were admitted, in conformity to Deut. 
xxix. 11, to join in the great covenant (Neh. x. 28). 
They, like the priests and Levites, were exempted 
from taxation by the Persian satraps (Ezr. vii. 24). 
They were under a chief of their own body (ii. 43 ; 
Neh. vii. 46). They took an active part in rebuild- 
ing the city (iii. 26), and the tower of Ophel, near 
the Temple, was assigned to some of them as a 
residence (xi. 21), while others dwelt with the Le- 
vites in their cities (ii. 70). They took their place 
in the chronicles of the times after the Israelites, 
priests, and Levites (1 Chr. ix. 2). The Mishna 
gives the order of social precedence thus : priests, 
Levites, Israelites, " bastards," the Nethinim, pros- 
elytes, manumitted slaves (Ginsburg, in Kitto). 
Neither in the Apocrypha, nor in the N. T., nor yet 
in Josephus, do we find any additional information 
about the Nethinim. t 

JYe-to'pliah (Heb. distillation, Ges.), a town named 
only in the catalogue of those who returned with 
Zerubbabel from the Captivity (Ezr. ii. 22 ; Neh. vii. 
26; 1 Esd. v. 18). But, though not directly men- 
tioned till so late a period, Netophah was really a 
much older place. Two of David's " valiant men " 



710 



NET 



NEW 



and captains, Maharai, and Heleb or Heldai (1 
Chr. xxvii. 13, 15), were Netophathites, and it was 
the native place of at least one of the captains who 
remained under arms near Jerusalem after its de- 
struction by Nebuchadnezzar (compare 2 K. xxv. 
23 with Jer. xl. 8). The " villages of the Netopha- 
thites" were the residence of the Levites who were 
singers (1 Chr. ix. 16 ; Neh. xii. 28). That Netophah 
belonged to Judah appears from the fact that the 
two heroes above mentioned belonged, the one to 
the Zarhites, and the other to Othniel, the son-in- 
law of Caleb. To judge from Neh. vii. 26 it was 
near or closely connected with Bethlehem. It is 
not mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, and al- 
though in the Mishna reference is made to the " oil 
of Netophah," and to the " valley of Beth-Neto- 
phah," nothing is said as to the situation of the 
place. The latter may well be the present village 
of BeitNeltif, which stands on a high ridge near the 
Wady es Sumt, about fifteen miles S. W. from Je- 
rusalem, but can hardly be the Netophah of the 
Bible, since it is not near Bethlehem. The only 
name in the neighborhood of Bethlehem sugges- 
tive of Netophah is that which appears in Van de 
Velde's map as Antubeh, and in Tobler as Om Tuba, 
attached to a village about two miles N. E. of Beth- 
lehem, and a wady which falls therefrom into the 
Wady eu-Nar, or Kidron (so Mr. Grove). 

Nc-toph'a-thi (Heb.), the same word (Neh. xii. 28) 
which in other passages is rendered " the Netopha- 
thite," or " the Netophathites." 

Ble-to'pha-thite, or Ne-toph'a-tliite (fr. Heb. netd- 
ph&thi — one from Netophah), the (2 Sam. xxiii. 
28, 29; 2 K. xxv. 23; 1 Chr. xi. 30, xxvii. 13, 15; 
Jer. xl. 8). The Eng. pi., " the Netophathites " (the 
Heb. word being the same as above) occurs in 1 
Chr. ii. 54, ix. 16. 

Nettle, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. hdrul 
or ch&rul (Job xxx. 7; Prov. xxiv. 31). There is 
very great uncertainty as to the meaning of the 
Hebrew word, and numerous are the plants which 
commentators have sought to identify with it: bram- 
bles, sea-orache, butcher's broom, thistles, have all 
been proposed. The generality of critics and some 
modern versions are in favor of the nettle. Nettles 
(Urlica) are of rapid growth in neglected spots, 
and some of the species are well known for their 
power of stinging, their minute tubular hairs or 
prickles transmitting a poisonous fluid when pressed. 
Celsius believes the plant meant is the Christ- 
thorn {Ziz.yph.us Paliurus) — the Paliurus aculeatus 
of modern botanists — but his identification appears 
to be forbidden by the passage in Proverbs (1. c). 
(Thorns and Thistles.) Dr. Royle has argued in 
favor of some species of wild mustard, and Mr. 
Houghton is inclined to adopt Dr. Royle's opinion. 
2. Heb. kimmosh or kimosh (Is. xxxiv. 13 ; Hos. ix. 
6) = the nettle (Vulgate, Arius Montanus, Luther, 
A. V., &c.). Another form of the same word, Jcim- 
meshonim (" thorns," A. V.), occurs in Prov. xxiv. 
31. Modern commentators are generally agreed 
upon the signification of this term, which may well 
denote some species of nettle (Urtica). 

New Moon. The first day of the lunar month 
was observed as a holy day. In addition to the 
daily sacrifice there were offered two young bul- 
locks, a ram, and seven lambs of the first year as a 
burnt-offering, with the proper meat-offerings and 
drink-offerings, and a kid as a sin-offering (Num. 
xxviii. 11-15). As on the Sabbath, trade and handi- 
craftwork were stopped (Am. viii. 5), the Temple 
was opened for public worship (Ez. xlvi. 3 ; Is. lxvi. 



23). The trumpets were blown at the offering of 
the special sacrifices for the day, as on the solemn 
festivals (Num. x. 10; Ps. lxxxi. 3). It was an oc- 
casion for state-banquets (1 Sam. xx. 5-24). In 
later, if not in earlier times, fasting was intermitted 
at the new moons (Jd. viii. 6). The new moons are 
generally mentioned so as to show that they were 
regarded as a peculiar class of holy days, distin- 
guished from the solemn feasts and the Sabbaths 
(Ez. xlv. 17; 1 Chr. xxiii. 31; 2 Chr. ii. 4, viii. 13, 
xxxi. 3 ; Ezr. iii. 5 ; Neh. x. 33). The seventh new 
moon of the religious year, being that of Tisri, 
commenced the civil year, and had a significance 
and rites of its own. (Trumpets, Feast of.) By 
what method the commencement of the month was 
ascertained in the time of Moses is uncertain. The 
Mishna describes the manner in which it was de- 
termined seven times in the year by observing the 
first appearance of the moon, which, according to 
Maimonides, derived its origin by tradition from 
Moses, and continued in use as long as the Sanhe- 
drim existed. On the thirtieth day of the month 
watchmen were placed on commanding heights 
round Jerusalem to watch the sky. As soon as 
each of them detected the moon he hastened to a 
house in the city, which was kept for the pur- 
pose, and was there examined by the president 
of the Sanhedrim. When the evidence of the ap- 
pearance was deemed satisfactory, the president 
rose up and formally announced it, uttering the 
words, " It is consecrated." The information was 
immediately sent throughout the land from the 
Mount of Olives, by beacon-fires on the tops of 
the hills. The religious observance of the day of 
the new moon may plainly be regarded as the 
consecration of a natural division of time. Month ; 
Moon. 

New Tes'ta-ment (see Testament). The origin, 
history, and characteristics of the constituent books 
and of the great versions of the N. T., the mutual 
relations of the Gospels, and the formation of the 
Canon, are discussed in other articles. (Bible; 
Versions ; and articles on the various books.) The 
present article (originally by Mr. Westcott) is on 
the text of the N. T. The subject naturally divides 
itself into the following heads, which will be ex- 
amined in succession : — 

I. T/ie History of the Written Text. 
§§1-11. The earliest history of the Text. Autographs. 

Corruptions. The text of Clement and Origen. 
§§12-15. Theories of recensions of the Text, 
f § 16-25. External characteristics of MSS. 
§§26-29. Enumeration of MSS. §28. Uncial. §29. 

Cursive. 

§§ 30-40. Classification oi various readings. 

IT. The History of the Printed Text. 
§ 1. The great periods. 

§§2-5. §2. The Complutensian Polyglott. §3. The 
editions of Erasmus. § 4. The editions of Stephens. 
§ 5. Beza and Elzevir (English version). 

§§6-10. § 6. Walton ; Curcelteus ; Mill. §7. Bent- 
ley. §8. 6. v. Maestricht; Wetstein. §9. Gries- 
bach; Matthaei. §10. Scholz. 

§§11-13. §11. Lachmann. §12. Tischendorf. §13. 
Tregelles ; Alford. 

HI. Principles of Textual Criticism. 
§§ 1-9. External evidence. 
§§ 10-13. Internal evidence. 

IV. The Language of Vie Neio Testament. 

I. The History of the Written Text. 1. The early 
history of the apostolic writings offers no points of 
distinguishing literary interest. Externally, as far 
as it can be traced, it is the same as that of other con- 



NEW 



NEW 



711 



temporary books. St. Paul, like Cicero or Pliny, 
often employed the services of an amanuensis, to 
whom he dictated his letters, affixing the salutation 
"with his own hand" (1 Cor. xvi. 21 ; 2Th. iii. 17 ; 
Col. iv. 18). In one case the scribe has added a 
clause in his own name (Rom. xvi. 22). Once, in 
writing to the Galatians, the apostle appears to 
apologize for the rudeness of the autograph which 
he addressed to them, as if from defective sight 
(Gal. vi. 11). If we pass onward one step, it does 
not appear that any special care was taken in the 
first age to preserve the books of the N. T. from the 
various injuries of time, or to insure perfect accuracy 
of transcription. They were given as a heritage to 
man, and it was some time before men felt the full 
value of the gift. The original copies seem to have 
soon perished. It is certainly remarkable that in 
the controversies at the close of the second cen- 
tury, which often turned upon disputed readings of 
Scripture, no appeal was made to the apostolic 
originals. — 2. In the natural course of things the 
apostolic autographs would be likely to perish soon. 
The material commonly used for letters, the papy- 
rus-paper to which St. John incidentally alludes (2 
Jn. 12; comp. 3 Jn. 13), was singularly fragile, and 
even the stouter kinds, likely to be used for the his- 
torical books, were not fitted to bear constant use. 
The papyrus fragments which have come down to 
the present time have been preserved under peculiar 
circumstances, as at the Herculaneum or in Egyptian 
tombs. (Reed 2.) Parchment (2 Tim. iv. 13), which 
was more durable, was proportionately rarer and 
more costly. (Writing.) And yet more than this. In 
the first age, the written word of the apostles occupied 
no authoritative position above their spoken word, 
and the vivid memory of their personal teaching. 
And when the true value of the apostolic writings was 
afterward revealed by the progress of the Church, 
these collections of " the divine oracles " would be 
chiefly sought for among Christians. On all ac- 
counts it seems reasonable to conclude that the 
autographs perished during that solemn pause which 
followed the apostolic age, in which the idea of a 
Christian Canon, parallel and supplementary to the 
Jewish Canon, was first distinctly realized. — 3. In 
the time of the Diocletian persecution (a. d. 303) 
copies of the Christian Scriptures were sufficiently 
numerous to furnish a special object for persecutors, 
and a characteristic name (Latin traditores, from 
which comes our word traitors) to renegades who 
saved themselves by surrendering the sacred books. 
Partly, perhaps, owing to the destruction thus 
caused, but still more from the natural effects of 
time, no MS. of the N. T. of the first three cen- 
turies remains. Some of the oldest extant were 
certainly copied from others which dated from 
within this period, but as yet no one can be placed 
further back than the time of Constantine. But 
though no fragment of the N. T. of the first cen- 
tury still remains, the Italian and Egyptian papyri, 
which are of that date, give a clear notion of the 
caligraphy of the period. In these the text is writ- 
ten in columns, rudely divided, in somewhat awk- 
ward capital letters (uncials), without any punctua- 
tion or division of words. The Gr. iota, which was 
afterward subscribed (i. e. written under another 
vowel, cJ, e, or o, of an improper diphthong), is com- 
monly, but not always, adscribed (i. e. written after 
this vowel) ; and there is no trace of accents or 
breathings. — 4. In addition to the later MSS., the 
earliest versions and patristic quotations give very 
important testimony to the character and history 



of the ante-Nicene text. Express statements of 
readings which are found in some of the most ancient 
Christian writers are, indeed, the first direct evi- 
dence which we have, and are consequently of the 
highest importance. But till the last quarter of the 
second century this source of information fails us. 
Not only are the remains of Christian literature up 
to that time extremely scanty, but the practice of 
verbal quotation from the N. T. was not yet preva- 
lent. The evangelic citations in the apostolic Fathers 
and in Justin Martyr show that the oral tradition 
was still as widely current as the written Gospels, 
and there is not in those writers one express verbal 
citation from the other apostolic books. This latter 
phenomenon is in a great measure to be explained 
by the nature of their writings. As soon as definite 
controversies arose among Christians, the text of 
the N. T. assumed its true importance. The earliest 
monuments of these remain in the works of Irenseus, 
Hippolytus (Pseudo-Origen), and Tertullian, who 
quote many of the arguments of the leading adver- 
saries of the Church. Charges of corrupting the 
sacred text are urged on both sides with great acri- 
mony. Wilful interpolations or changes are ex- 
tremely rare, if they exist at all, except in the case 
of Marcion. (Luke, Gospel of.) His mode of 
dealing with the writings of the N. T., in which he 
was followed by his school, was, as Tertullian says, 
to use the knife rather than subtlety of interpreta- 
tion. But after making some fundamental changes 
he seems to have adhered scrupulously to the text 
which he found. In the isolated readings which he 
is said to have altered, it happens not unfrequently 
that he has retained the right reading, and that his 
opponents are in error. — 5. Several very important 
conclusions follow from this earliest appearance of 
textual criticism, (a.) It is evident that various 
readings existed in the books of the N. T. at a time 
prior to all extant authorities. History affords no 
trace of the pure apostolic originals, (b.) From the 
preservation of the first variations noticed, which 
are often extremely minute, in one or more of the 
primary documents still left, we may be certain that 
no important changes have been made in the sacred 
text which we cannot now detect, (c.) From the 
minuteness of some of the variations which are 
urged in controversy, it is obvious that the words 
of the N. T. were watched with the most jealous 
care, and that the least differences of phrase were 
guarded with scrupulous and faithful piety. — 6. 
Passing from these isolated quotations we find the 
first great witnesses to the apostolic text in the 
early Syriac and Latin versions (Versions, Ancient), 
and in the rich quotations of Clement of Alexandria 
(f about a. d. 220) and Origen (a. d. 184-254). 
From the extant works of Origen alone no incon- 
siderable portion of the whole N. T. might be 
transcribed. — 7. The evangelic text of Clement of 
Alexandria is far from pure. Two chief causes con- 
tributed especially to corrupt the text of the Gos- 
pels : the attempts to harmonize parallel narratives, 
and the influence of tradition. The former assumed 
a special importance from the Diatessaron of Tatian 
(about A. d. 170), and the latter, which was very 
great in the time of Justin Martyr (see § 2 above), 
still lingered. — 8. But Origen stands as far first of 
all the ante-Nicene Fathers in critical authority as 
he does in commanding genius, and his writings are 
an almost inexhaustible storehouse for the history 
of the text. — 9. In thirteen cases Origen has ex- 
pressly noticed varieties of reading in the Gospels 
(Mat. viii. 28, xvi. 20, xviii. 1, xxi. 5, xxi. 9, 15, xxvii. 



712 



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17; Mk. iii. 18; Lk. i. 46, ix. 48, xiv. 19, xxiii. 45; 
Jn. i. 3, 4, 28). In three of these passages the 
variations which he notices are no longer found in 
our Greek copies (Mat. xxi. 9 or 15 ; Mk. iii. 18 [ii. j 
14] ; Lk. i. 46); in seven our copies are still di- ! 
vided ; in two (Mat. viii. 28 ; Jn. i. 28) the reading 
which was only found in a few MSS. is now widely 
spread: in the remaining place (Mat. xxvii. 17), a 
few copies of no great age retain the interpolation 
which was found in his time "in very ancient 
copies." — 10. The evangelic quotations of Origen 
are not wholly free from the admixture of traditional 
glosses which have been noticed in Clement of Alex- 
andria, and often present a confusion of parallel pas- 
sages ; but there is little difficulty in separating his 
genuine text from these natural corruptions. — 1 L 
In the Epistles Origen once notices a striking varia- 
tion in Heb. ii. 9, choris theou (Gr. = without God) 
for chariti theou (A. V. " through the grace of God "), 
which is still attested ; but, apart from the specific 
reference to variations, it is evident that he himself 
used MSS. at different times which varied in many 
details. There can be no doubt that in Origen's 
time the variations in the N. T. MSS were begin- 
ning to lead to the formation of specific groups of 
copies. — 12. The most ancient MSS. and versions 
now extant exhibit the characteristic differences 
which have been found to exist in different parts of 
the works of Origen. These cannot have had their 
source later than the beginning of the third century, 
and probably were much earlier. Bengel was the 
first (1734) who pointed out the affinity of certain 
groups of MSS., which, as he remarks, must have 
arisen before the first versions were made. Origi- 
nally he distinguished three families, of which the 
Codex Alexandrinus (i. e. the Alexandrine MS. 
known as A), the Greek-Latin MSS., and the mass 
of the more recent MSS. were respectively the 
types (see §28 below). At a later time (1737) he 
adopted the simpler division of " two nations," the 
Asiatic and the African. In the latter he included 
Codex Alexandrinus (the Alexandrine MS.), the 
Greek-Latin MSS., the Ethiopic, Coptic (Memphitic), 
and Latin versions: the mass of the remaining 
authorities formed the Asiatic class. The honor of 
carefully determining the relations of critical au- 
thorities for the N. T. text belongs to Griesbach. 
According to him two different recensions of the Gos- 
pels existed at the beginning of the third century : 
the Alexandrine, represented by the MSS. known as 
B, C, L, 1, 13, 33, 69, 106, the Coptic, Ethiopic, 
Armenian, and later Syrian versions, and the quota- 
tions of Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius, 
Cyril of Alexandria, Isidore of Pelusium ; and the 
Western, represented by D, and in part by 1, 13, 69, 
the ancient Latin version and Fathers, and some- 
times by the Syriac and Arabic versions. Codex 
A lexandrinus was to be regarded as giving a more 
recent (Constantinopolitan) text in the Gospels. — 
13. The chief object of Griesbach in propounding 
his theory of recensions was to destroy the weight 
of mere numbers. Others carried on the investiga- 
tion from the point where he left it. Hug endeav- 
ored, with much ingenuity, but on slender external 
proof, to place the theory on an historical basis. 
According to him, the text of the N. T. fell into a 
state of considerable corruption during the second 
century. To this form he applied the term koine 
ekdosis (Gr. = common edition). In the course of 
the third century this text, he supposed, underwent 
a threefold revision, by Hesychius in Egypt, by Lu- 
cian at Antioch, and by Origen in Palestine. So that 



our existing documents represent four classes : (1.) 
The unrevised, 1), 1, 13, 69, in the Gospels; D, E 3 
in the Acts ; D 2 , F 2 , G 2 , in the Pauline Epistles : 
the old Latin and Thebaic, and in part the Peshito 
Syriac ; and the quotations of Clement of Alexandria 
and Origen. (2.) The Egyptian recension of Hesy- 
chius ; B, C, L, in Gospels; A, B, C, 17, in the 
Pauline Epistles ; A, B, C, Acts and Catholic Epis- 
tles ; A, C, in the Apocalypse : the Memphitic ver- 
sion ; and the quotations of Cyril of Alexandria 
and Athanasius. (3.) The Asiatic (Antioch-Con- 
stantinople) recension of Lucian ; E, F, G, H, S, V, 
and the recent MSS. generally ; the Gothic and 
Slavonic versions and the quotations of Theophylact. 
(4.) The supposed Palestinian recension of Origen 
(of the Gospels) ; A, K, M ; the Philoxenian Syriac; 
the quotations of Theodoret and Chrysostom. Hug 
showed that the line of demarcation between the 
Alexandrine and Western families of Griesbach was 
practically an imaginary one. — 14. Little remains to 
be said of later theories. Eichhorn accepted Hug's 
classification. Scholz, returning to a simpler ar- 
rangement, divided the authorities into two classes, 
Alexandrine and Constantinopolitan. Lachmann, 
who accepted only ancient authorities, simply di- 
vided them into Eastern (Alexandrine) and Western. 
Tischendorf, with some reserve, proposes two great 
classes, each consisting of two pairs, the Alexan- 
drine and Latin, the Asiatic and Byzantine. Tre- 
gelles, discarding all theories of recension as his- 
toric facts, insists on the general accordance of an- 
cient authorities as giving an ancient text in contrast 
with the recent text of the more modern copies. 
At the same time he points out what we may sup- 
pose to be the " genealogy of the text." This he 
exhibits in the following form : 

D N B Z 

C L S 1 33 

P Q T R A 

X (A) 69 K M H 

E F G S IT, &c. 

15. The fundamental error of the recension theories 
is the assumption either of an actual recension or of 
a pure text of one type, which was variously modi- 
fied in later times, while the fact seems to be ex- 
actly the converse. Groups of copies spring not 
from the imperfect reproduction of the character of 
one typical exemplar, but from the multiplication 
of characteristic variations. They are the results 
of a tendency, and not of a fact. They advance tow- 
ard and do not lead from that form of text which 
we regard as their standard. A pure Alexandrine 
or Western text is simply a fiction. The tendency 
at Alexandria or Carthage was in a certain direction, 
and necessarily influenced the character of the cur- 
rent text with accumulative force as far as it was 
unchecked by other influences. This is a general 
law, and the history of the apostolic books is no 
exception to it. All experience shows that certain 
types of variation propagate and perpetuate them- 
selves, and existing documents prove that it was so 
with the copies of the N. T. Many of the links in 
the genealogical table of our MSS. may be wanting, 
but the specific relations between the groups, and 
their comparative antiquity of origin, are clear. 
This antiquity is determined, not by the demonstra- 
tion of the immediate dependence of particular 
copies upon one another, but by reference to a com- 
mon standard. The varieties in our documents are 
the result of slow and natural growth, and not of 
violent change. — 16. From the consideration of the 



1. Brit Mus.— Pap. 98. 




TlQTQYTHrtOlKQYxLGrhk H-hYTIHHo 
T O mo ) TPOTUA)) 6 A rk KCXp/tc 

2. Brit. Mus.— Corf. Aiex.— (St. John i. 15.) 

N A j> V tt H n dxoroc I< Al OXO roch ' 
Tl f»OCTO NONKAI 6CHNOXO PO C • 

oyro G HNeNX|»x Hiifocro n 
ttxntx^ i vy rove re n ero km 
pe iCNYToye re N6Tooy\ee m 

Ore rO m G n6n A.Y Vcu 2; cju m m t-j 
KA i m Z co m h ki-tOCI) U)Ctu>mxnwm 
KA I TO cj) CUC C r ^ Tri C KOTix<±> Al 

Me i ka I h c KOTiAAYTOoyiaTe 

AABe M • 

3- Brit. Mus.— Add. 17, 211— (St. Luke xx 9.10.) 

cp Y Te Y c eH 

j^a^fis? cu n v 



J- 




IS 




P UJ 



SPECIMENS OF GREEK MSS. FROM THE 1st TO THE VI th CENTURY. 



NEW 



NEW 



713 



earliest history of the N. T. text we now pass to 
the era of MSS. The quotations of Dionysius Alex- 
andrinus (f a. d. 264), Petrus Alexandrinus (f about 
A. d. 312), Methodius (f a. d. 311), and Eusebius 
(■(• a. d. 340), confirm the prevalence of the ancient 
type of text ; but the public establishment of Chris- 
tianity in the Roman empire necessarily led to im- 
portant changes. Not only were more copies of 
the N. T. required for public use (compare § 3), but 
the nominal or real adherence of the higher ranks 
to the Christian faith must have largely increased 
the demand for costly MSS. As a natural conse- 
quence the rude Hellenistic forms gave way before 
the current Greek, and at the same time it is rea- 
sonable to believe that smoother and fuller con- 
structions were substituted for the rougher turns 
of the apostolic language. In this way the foun- 
dation of the Byzantine text was laid. Meanwhile 
the multiplication of copies in Africa and Syria 
was checked by Mohammedan conquests. The 
Greek language ceased to be current in the West. 
The progress of the Alexandrine and Occidental 
families of MSS. was thus checked ; and the mass 
of recent copies necessarily represent the accumu- 
lated results of one tendency. — 17. The appearance 
of the oldest MSS. has been already described (§3). 
The MSS. of the fourth century, of which Codex 
Vaticanus (i. e. the Vatican MS. known as B) may 
be taken as a type, present a close resemblance to 
these. The writing is in elegant continuous (capi- 
tals) uncials, in three columns, without initial letters 
or iota subscript, or aseript. A small interval serves 
as a simple punctuation ; and there are no accents 
or breathings by the hand of the first writer, though 
these have been added subsequently. Uncial wri- 
ting continued in general use till the middle of the 
tenth century. From the eleventh century down- 
ward cursive writing prevailed, but .this passed 
through several forms sufficiently distinct to fix the 
date of a MS. with tolerable certainty. The earliest 
cursive Biblical MS. is dated 964 a. d. The MSS. of 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries abound in the 
contractions which afterward passed into the early 
printed books. The oldest MSS. are written on the 
thinnest and finest vellum ; in later copies the 
parchment is thick and coarse. Papyrus was very 
rarely used after the ninth century. In the tenth 
century cotton paper was generally employed in 
Europe ; and one example at least occurs of its use 
in the ninth century. In the twelfth century the 
common linen or rag paper came into use. One 
other kind of material requires notice, redressed 
parchment. Even at a very early period the original 
text of a parchment MS. was often erased, that the 
material might be used afresh. In lapse of time 
the original writing frequently reappears in faint 
lines below the later text, and in this way many 
precious fragments of Biblical MSS., once obliterated 
for the transcription of other works (and hence 
called palimpsests fr. Gc — scratched, or scraped 
again), have been recovered. The earliest Biblical 
palimpsest is not older than the fifth century (Plate 
i. fig. 3). — 18. In uncial MSS. the contractions are 
usually limited to a few very common forms 
(6C, IC, nHP, AAA, &c, i. e. theos[God], Iesous 
[Jesus], pater [father], Daueid [David], &c). A 
few more occur in later uncial copies, in which 
there are also some examples of the aseript iota. 
Accents are not found in MSS. older than the eighth 
century. Breathings (the rough ' [= English h], 
and the smooth '), and the apostrophe ' marking 
the omission of a short vowel at the end of a word 



occur somewhat earlier. The oldest punctuation, 
after the simple interval, is a stop like the modern 
Greek colon (•). The present Greek note of interro- 
gation (;) came into use in the ninth century. — 19. 
A very ingenious attempt was made to supply an 
effectual system of punctuation for public reading, 
by Euthalius, who published an arrangement of St. 
Paul's Epistles in clauses or lines (Gr. stichoi), in 
458, and another of the Acts and Catholic Epistles, 
in 490. The same arrangement was applied to the 
Gospels by some unknown hand, and probably at 
an earlier date. — 20. The earliest extant division of 
the N. T. into sections occurs in Codex B (the Vati- 
can MS. ; see below § 28). This division is else- 
where found only in the palimpsest fragment of St. 
Luke, 2. In the Acts and the Epistles there is a 
double division in B, one of which is by a later 
hand. The Epistles of St. Paul are treated as one 
unbroken book divided into ninety-three sections, 
in which Hebrews originally stood between Galatians 
and Ephesians. — 21. Two other divisions of the Gos- 
pels must be noticed. The first of these was a di- 
vision into "chapters" (Gr. kephalaia, iitloi, L. 
b}-eves), which correspond with distinct sections of 
the narrative, and are, on an average, a little more 
than twice as long as the sections in B (see § 28). 
This division is found in A, C, R, Z, and must there- 
fore have come into general use some time before 
the fifth century. The other division was con- 
structed with a view to a harmony of the Gospels. 
It owes its origin to Ammonius of Alexandria, a 
scholar of the third century, who constructed a 
Harmony of the Evangelists, taking Matthew as 
the basis round which he grouped the parallel pas- 
sages from the other Gospels. Eusebius of Cesarea 
completed his labor with great ingenuity, and con- 
structed a notation and a series of tables, which in- 
dicate at a glance the parallels which exist to any 
passage in one or more of the other Gospels, and 
the passages which are peculiar to each. — 22. The 
division of the Acts and Epistles into chapters came 
into use at a later time. It is commonly referred 
to Euthalius, who, however, says that he borrowed 
the divisions of the Pauline Epistles from an earlier 
Father ; and there is reason to believe that the di- 
vision of the Acts and Catholic Epistles which he 
published was originally the work of Pamphilus 
the Martyr. The Apocalypse was divided into sec- 
tions by Andreas of' Cesarea, about a. p. 500. — 23. 
The titles of the sacred books are from their nature 
additions to the original text. The distinct names 
of the Gospels imply a collection, and the titles of 
the Epistles are notes by the possessors, and not 
addresses by the writers. In their earliest form 
they are quite simple, According to Matthew, &c. ; 
To the Romans, &c. ; First of Peter, &c. ; Acts of 
Apostles ; Apocali/pse. These headings were grad- 
ually amplified till they assumed such forms as The 
holy Gospel according to John ; The first Catholic 
Epistle of the holy and all-praiseworthy Peter, &c. In 
the same way the original subscriptions, which were 
merely repetitions of the titles, gave way to vague 
traditions as to the dates, &c, of the books. Those 
appended to the EpistleS, which have been trans- 
lated in the A. V., are attributed to Euthalius, and 
their singular inaccuracy is a valuable proof of the 
utter absence of historical criticism at the time 
when they could find currency. — 24. Very few MSS. 
contain the whole N. T., twenty-seven in all out of 
the vast mass of extant documents. Besides the 
MSS. of the N. T., or of parts of it, there are also 
Lectionaries, which contain extracts from the Gos- 



714 



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pels, or from the Gospels and Acts, or rarely from 
the Gospels and Epistles, arranged for the Church- 
services. — 25. When a MS. was completed it was 
commonly submitted, at least in early times, to a 
careful revision. Two Greek terms occur in de- 
scribing this process, ho anii ballon (= the one who 
throws against or compares) and diorthotes (= one who 
makes straight, a corrector). It has been suggested 
that the work of the former answered to that of the 
" corrector of the press," while that of the latter 
was more critical. Possibly, however, the words 
only describe two parts of the same work. Besides 
this official correction at the time of transcription, 
MSS. were often corrected by different hands in 
later times. — 26. The number of uncial MSS. re- 
maining, though great when compared with the an- 
cient MSS. extant of other writings, is inconsider- 
able. Tischendorf reckons forty in the Gospels, to 
which must be added three others, with six ad- 
ditional fragments, in all forty-nine. Of these six 
are entire, four nearly entire, ten contain very 
considerable portions, twenty-nine contain only 
fragments, some very small, others more or 
less considerable. In the Acts there are ten, 
three being entire, one nearly entire, four large 
fragments, two small fragments. In the Catholic 
Epistles six, five entire. In the Pauline Epistles 
fifteen, one entire, two nearly entire. In the Apoc- 
alypse four, three entire, one nearly entire. — 27. 
According to date these MSS. (see § 28) are classed 
as follows : — Fourth century : B. Fifth century: 
A, C, and some fragments including Q, T. Sixth 
century : D, P, R, Z, E 2 , D 2 , H 3 , and four smaller 
fragments. Seventh century : Some fragments in- 
cluding 9. Eighth century : E, L, A, S, B 2 and 
some fragments. Ninth century : F, K, M, X, T, 
A, H 2 , G Q = L 2 , F 2 , G 2 , K 5 , M 2 , and fragments. 
Tenth century: G, H,'S, U (E 3 ).— 28. A complete 
description of these MSS. is given in the great crit- 
ical editions of the N. T. : here those only can be 
briefly noticed which are of primary importance. — 
A (i.) Primary Uncials of the Gospels. ^ [= Aleph] 
( Codex Sinaiticus [the Sinai MS.] = Codex Friderico- 
Augustanus [the Frederic-Augustas MS.] of LXX.), 
at St. Petersburg, obtained by Tischendorf from the 
convent of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai, in 1859, and 
since published in fac-simile at the expense of the 
emperor of Russia. The N. T. is entire, and the 
Epistle of Barnabas and parts of the Shepherd of 
Hermas are added. It is probably the oldest of the 
MSS. of the N. T., and of the fourth centm-y. — A 
(Codex Alexandrinus [the Alexandrine MS.], British 
Museum), a MS. of the entire Greek Bible (Septua- 
gint), with the Epistles of Clement added. It was 
given by Cyril Lucar, patriarch of Constantinople, 
to King Charles I. of England, in 1628. It contains 
the whole N. T., with some chasms. It was prob- 
ably written in the first half of the fifth century 
(Plate i. fig. 2). — B (Codex Vaticatius [the Vatican 
MS.], 1209), a MS. of the entire Greek Bible, which 
seems to have been in the Vatican Library almost 
from its commencement (about a. d. 1450). It 
contains the N. T. entire to Heb. ix. 14 : the rest 
of the Hebrews, the Pastoral Epistles, and Revela- 
tion were added in the fifteenth century. The MS. 
is assigned to the fourth century. — C ( Codex Ephra- 
emi rescriptus = the rewritten MS. of Fphrein], No. 9 
in the Imperial Library, Paris), a palimpsest MS. 
which contains fragments of the LXX. and of every 
part of the N. T. In the twelfth century the original 
writing was effaced and some Greek writings of 
Ephraem Syrus ( — St. Ephrem the Syrian) were 



written over it. The MS. was brought to Florence 
from the East at the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, and came thence to Paris with Catherine 
de' Medici. The only entire books which have per- 
ished are 2 Thessalonians and 2 John, but lacuna? 
of greater or less extent occur constantly. It is of 
about the same date as Codex Alexandrinus. — D 
(Codex Beza; [= Beztfs MS.], University Library, 
Cambridge, England), a Greek-Latin MS. of the 
Gospels and Acts with a small fragment of 3 John, 
presented to the University of Cambridge by Beza in 
1581. The text is very remarkable, and, especially 
in the Acts, abounds in singular interpolations. 
The MS. is referred to the sixth century. — L (Paris, 
Codex Imperialis [= Imperial MS.] 62), one of the 
most important of the late uncial MSS. It contains 
the four Gospels, except Mat. iv. 22-v. 14, xxviii. 
17-20; Mk. x. 16-20, xv. 2-20; Jn. xxi. 15-25. 
The text agrees in a remarkable manner with B and 
Origen. It is of the eighth century. — R (British 
Museum Additions 17,211), a very valuable palimp- 
sest, brought to England in 1847 from the convent of 
St. Mary Deipara in the Nitrian desert. The original 
text is covered by Syrian writing of the ninth or 
tenth century. About 585 verses of Luke were de- 
ciphered by Tregelles in 1854, and Tischendorf in 
1855. It is assigned to the sixth century (Plate i. 
fig. 3). — X (Codex Monaccnsis[ — Munich MS.]) in 
the University Library at Munich ; formerly at In- 
golstadt, and afterward at Landshut. It contains 
fragments of the four Gospels. Of the tenth cen- 
tury. — Z (Codex D ublinensis rescriptus [= Dublin 
rescript MS.], in the Library of Trinity College, 
Dublin), a palimpsest containing large portions of 
Matthew. It is- assigned to the sixth century. — A 
[= delta] (Codex Sangalleusis [= St. Gall MS.]), a 
MS. of the Gospels, with an interlinear Latin trans- 
lation, in the Library of St. Gall (see G 3 below). — 
2 [— xi\ (Codex Zacynthius [= Zante MS.]), a pal- 
impsest in possession of the Bible Society, London, 
containing important fragments of Luke. It is 
probably of the eighth century, and is accompanied 
by a Catena.. — The following are important frag- 
ments : — I (Tischendorf), various fragments of the 
Gospels (Acts, Pauline Epistles). — N (Codex Cotton. 
[= Cotton MS.]), (formerly J, N), twelve leaves of 
purple vellum, the writing being in silver. Four 
leaves are in the British Museum ; six in the Vatican ; 
two in the Imperial Library at Vienna. Tischendorf 
has recently found thirty-three other leaves, con- 
taining about one-third of Mk. (Davidson, in Kitto). 
Sixth century. — N b (British Museum Additions, 17, 
136), a palimpsest. Century fourth, fifth. — P, Q 
( Codd. Guelphcrbytani [= MSS. in the Ducal Library 
at Wolfenbuttel]), two palimpsests, respectively of 
the fifth and sixth centuries. — T (Codex Borgianux 
[= Borgian MS.], Library of the Propaganda at 
Rome), of the fifth century. — Y ( Codex Barberini 
[= Barberinian MS.], 225, Rome). Eighth century. 
— 6 [ = lhela~\ (Codex Tisc :endorf, i., Leipsic). Sev- 
enth century. — (ii.) The Secondary Uncials are in 
the Gospels : — E (Basileensis [= MS. in the Public 
Library at Basle], K. iv. 35). Eighth century. — F 
(Rhenortrajectinus [= in the Library at Utrecht], for- 
merly Borecli [i. e. Boreel's MS.]). Ninth century. — 
G (British Museum, Harleian, 5684). Century ninth, 
tenth. — H (Hamburgemis Seidelii [— Seidel's MS., 
in the Public Library at Hamburg]). Ninth century. 
— K (Codex Cyprius [— Cyprian MS.], in the Impe- 
rial Library, Paris, No. 63). Ninth century. — M ( Co- 
dex Campianus [= MS. of Abbe des Camps], in the 
Imperial Library, Paris, No. 48). Tenth century. — S 



I.Brit. Mus-Hiu-I. 4598. -(» John i. 1,5.) _ r _ 1 r 

fj .n 



TkHi K/MK/ T HAG •'• 

? Brit. M.1S.-AAI. ».008._(Aot. xiii. 18 SO.) 

^ Brit. Mm-Hut SMO -<8t. John i. 14.) 

•Tet^^MTOvfey#)» <Sro-ve cu p(XDg\ cr - ecu-sou 
■fcBrtt. Mm— Buimy K._<8t- John i. 14.) ^ 

*TOl/0ij.lxcueorwu 

1 * ' * « ~ > ■ ** 

SPECIMENS Or GREEK M8S. FROM THE Xth TO THE XlVth CENTURY 

Am. Photo- Lithographic Co. N .Y.(Olh*orn*'j Procejj) 




NEW 



NEW 



715 



(Vaticatmt [= in the Vatican Library, No. 354]). 
Tenth century. — U (Codex Nanianus, now in St. 
Mark's Library, Venice). Tenth century. — V (Mos- 
quensis, in the Library of the Holy Synod at Mos- 
cow). Ninth century. — r [ — gamma] (Bodlcianus 
t= in the Bodleian Library]). Ninth century. — A 
[= lambda] (Codex Tischendorf, iii., Bodleian). Cen- 
tury eighth, ninth. — 2 [= sigma] (St. Petersburg). 
Century eighth, ninth (?). — B (i.). Primary Uncials 
of the Acts and Catholic Epistles. ^, A, B, C, D, (see 
above A i.). E 2 ( Codex Laudianus [— MS. of Laud], 
35), a Greek-Latin MS. of the Acts, probably brought 
to England by Theodore of Tarsus, 668, and used 
by Bede. It was given to the University of Oxford 
by Archbishop Laud, in 1636. Century sixth, 
seventh. — (ii.) The Secondary Uncials are — G 2 — 
L 2 ( Codex Avgelicus [Passionei], named from Car- 
dinal Passionei, its former owner ; a MS. in the 
Library of the Augustine monks, Rome) ; it contains 
most of the Acts and the Catholic and Pauline Epis- 
tles. Ninth century. — H 2 (Codex Mutinensis, in the 
Ducal Library of Modena), of the Acts. Ninth cen- 
tury. — K 2 (Mosgvensis [= of Moscow]), of the Cath- 
olic Epistles. Ninth century.— C (i.). Primary Un- 
cials of the Pauline Epistles : 54, A, B, C (see A i.). 
D 2 (Codex Claromontanus [i. e. from Clermont, near 
Beauvais], Paris, Imperial Library, No. 107), a 
Greek-Latin MS. of the Pauline Epistles, once (like 
D) in the possession of Beza. It passed to the 
Royal Library at Paris in 1707, where it has since 
remained. The MS. is entire except Rom. i. 1-7. 
The passages Rom. i. 27-30 (in Latin, i. 24-27) 
were added at the close of the sixth century, and 1 
Cor. xiv. 13-32 by another ancient hand. The MS. 
is of the middle of the sixth century. — F 2 ( Codex 
Augiensis [— Augian MS.], in the Library of Trin- 
ity College, Cambridge, B, 17, 1), a Greek-Latin 
MS. of St. Paul's Epistles, bought by Bentley from 
the Monastery of Reichenau (in L. Augia Major), 
Switzerland, in 1718, and left to Trinity College by his 
nephew in 1786. It is assigned to the ninth century. — 
G s (Codex Bozmerianus [named from Dr. Boerner, 
formerly its owner] ; now in the Royal Library, 
Dresden), a Greek-Latin MS. of the Pauline Epis- 
tles, originally a part of the same volume with A 
(delta above) ; derived from the same Greek original 
as P 2 but widely different in the Latin version. — 
The following fragments are of great value : — H 3 
(Codex Coislinianus [named from De Cambout- 
Coislin, bishop of Metz, in the seventeenth century, 
once its owner] ; now in the Imperial Library, Paris, 
No. 202), part of a stichometrical MS. of the sixth 
century, consisting of twelve leaves from the Paul- 
ine Epistles : two more are at St. Petersburg. — 
M, (Hamburg ; London), containing Heb. i. 1-iv. 
3; xii. 20-end, and 1 Cor. xv. 52-2 Cor. i. 15; 
2 Cor. x. 13-xii. 5, written in bright red ink 
in the tenth century. — (ii.) The Secondary Uncials 
are : — K 2 , L 2 [see above B (ii.)]. — E 2 ( Codex Sanger- 
manensis, named from the Abbey of St. Germain 
des Prez, Paris, where it was long preserved [Tre- 
gelles, in Home's Introduction] ; now at St. Peters- 
burg), a Greek-Latin MS. of the Pauline Epistles, 
of which the Greek text was badly copied from 
D 2 after it had been thrice corrected, and is of no 
value. The Latin text is of some slight value, but 
has not been well examined. — D (i.). The Primary 
Uncials of the Apocalypse. ^, A, C [see above A 
(i.)]. (ii.). The Secondary Uncial is — B 2 ( Codex 
Vaticanus [Basilianus], 2,066) ; formerly belonging 
to the Basilian monastery, Rome ; now in the Vati- 
can Library ; containing homilies of Basil and Greg- 



ory of Nyssa, with Revelation entire (Tregelles, in 
Home's Introduction). — 29. The number of the 
cursive MSS. (minuscules) in existence cannot be 
accurately calculated. Tischendorf catalogues about 
500 of the Gospels, 200 of the Acts and Catholic 
Epistles, 250 of the Pauline Epistles, and a little 
less than 100 of the Apocalypse (exclusive of lec- 
tionaries) ; but this enumeration is only a rough ap- 
proximation. Mr. Scrivener adds more than 150 
to Tischendorf 's number. Some of the cursive MSS. 
are well known and of great value; but only a few 
out of this whole number have been thoroughly 
collated ; many are known only by old references ; 
still more have been " inspected " most cursorily. — 
30. Having surveyed in outline the history of the 
transmission of the written text, and the chief char- 
acteristics of the MSS. in which it is preserved, we 
are in a position to consider the extent and nature 
of the variations in different copies. It is impos- 
sible to estimate the number of these exactly, but 
they cannot be less than 120,000 in all, though of 
these a very large proportion consist of differences 
of spelling and isolated aberrations of scribes, and 
of the remainder comparatively few alterations are 
sufficiently well supported to create reasonable 
doubt as to the final judgment. Probably there 
are not more than 1,600 to 2,000 places in which 
the true reading is a matter of uncertainty, even if 
we include in this questions of order, inflection, and 
orthography : the doubtful readings by which the 
sense is in any way affected are much fewer, and 
those of dogmatic importance can be easily num- 
bered. — 31. Various readings are due to different 
causes : some arose from accidental, others from in- 
tentional alterations of the original text, (i.) Ac- 
cidental variations or errata, are by far the most 
numerous class, and admit of being referred to sev- 
eral obvious sources, (a.) Some are errors of sound. 
The most frequent form of this error is called Ita- 
cism, a confusion of different varieties of the I- 
sound, by which (oi, u) e, i, ei, e, &c, are constantly 
interchanged. Other vowel-changes, as of o and 6, 
011 and 6, &c, occur, but less frequently. Very few 
MSS. are wholly free from mistakes of this kind, 
but some abound in them. — 32. (b.) Other variations 
are due to errors of sight. These arise commonly 
from the confusion of similar letters, or from the 
repetition or omission of the same letters, or from 
the recurrence of a similar ending in consecutive 
clauses which often causes one to be passed over 
when the eye mechanically returns to the copy. To 
these may be added the false division of words in 
transcribing the text from the continuous uncial 
writing. — 33. (c.) Other variations may be described 
as errors of impression or memory. The copyist 
after reading a sentence from the text before him 
often failed to reproduce it exactly. He transposed 
the words, or substituted a synonym for some very 
common term, or gave a direct personal turn to 
what was objective before. Variations of order are 
the most frequent, and very commonly the most 
puzzling questions of textual criticism. Examples 
occur in every page, almost in every verse of the 
N. T. — 34. (ii.) Of intentional changes some affect 
the expression, others the substance of the passage. 
(a.) The intentional changes in language are partly 
changes of Hellenistic forms for those in common 
use, and partly modifications of harsh construc- 
tions. Imperfect constructions are completed in 
different ways. Apparent solecisms are corrected. 
Variations in the orthography of proper names 
ought probably to be placed under this head. — 35. 



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(b.) The changes introduced into the substance of 
the text are generally additions, borrowed either 
from parallel passages or from marginal glosses. 
The first kind of addition is particularly frequent 
in the Gospels. Glosses are of more partial occur- 
rence. Of all Greek MSS. Codex Bezce (D) is the 
most remarkable for the variety and singularity of 
the glosses which it contains (see § 28 above ; Acts 
op the Apostles). — 36. (c.) Many of the glosses in- 
troduced into the text spring from the ecclesiastical 
use of the N. T., just as in the Gospels of the Epis- 
copal Prayer-Book introductory clauses have been 
inserted here and there. These additions are com- 
monly notes of person or place. Sometimes an em- 
phatic clause is added. But the most remarkable 
liturgical insertion is the doxology in the Lord's 
Prayer, Mat. vi. 13; and it is probable that the in- 
terpolated verse, Acts viii. 37, is due to a similar 
cause. — 37. (rf.) Sometimes, though rarely, various 
readings noted on the margin are incorporated in 
the text — 38. (e.) The number of readings which 
seem to have been altered for distinctly dogmatic 
reasons is extremely small. In spite of the great 
revolutions in thought, feeling, and practice through 
which the Christian Church passed in fifteen cen- 
turies, the copyists of the N. T. faithfully preserved, 
according to their ability, the sacred trust committed 
to them. There is not any trace of intentional revi- 
sion designed to give support to current opinions 
(Mat. xvii. 21; Mk. ix. 29; 1 Cor. vii. 5, need 
scarcely be noticed). The utmost that can be urged 
is that internal considerations may have decided the 
choice of readings. But the general effect of these 
variations is scarcely appreciable, nor are the cor- 
rections of assumed historical and geographical er- 
rors much more numerous. — 39. The great mass of 
various readings are simply variations in form. 
There are, however, one or two greater variations 
of a different character. The most important of 
these are Jn. vii. 53— viii. 12; Mk. xvi. 9-end; Rom. 
xvi. 25-27. The first stands quite by itself ; and 
there seems to be little doubt that it contains an 
authentic narrative, but not by the hand of St. John. 
(John, Gospel of.) The two others, taken in con- 
nection with the last chapter of John, suggest the 
possibility that the apostolic writings may have un- 
dergone in some cases authoritative revision. (Mark, 
Gospel of; Romans, Epistle to the.) — 40. MSS., 
it must be remembered, are but one of the three 
sources of textual criticism. The versions and 
patristic quotations, though themselves liable to 
corruption, are scarcely less important in doubtful 
cases. 

II. The History of the Printed 'Jext.—l. The his- 
tory of the printed text of the N. T. may be divided 
into three periods. The first of these extends from 
the labors of the Complutensian editors to those of 
Mill : the second from Mill to Scholz : the third from 
Lachmann to the present time. The criticism of the 
first period was necessarily tentative and partial : 
the materials available for the construction of the 
text were few, and imperfectly known ; the relative 
value of various witnesses was as yet undetermined ; 
and however highly we may rate the scholarship of 
Erasmus or Beza, this could not supersede the 
teaching of long experience in the sacred writings 
any more than in the writings of classical authors. 
The second period marks a great progress : the evi- 
dence of MSS., of versions, of Fathers, was collected 
with the greatest diligence and success : authorities 
were compared and classified : principles of observa- 
tion and judgment were laid down. But the influence 



of the former period still lingered. The old " re- 
ceived " text was supposed to have some prescrip- 
tive right on the ground of its prior publication, and 
not on the ground of its merits. The third period 
was introduced by the declaration of a new and 
sounder law. It was laid down that no right of 
possession could be pleaded against evidence. The 
" received " text, as such, was allowed no weight 
whatever. Its authority, on this view, must depend 
solely on critical worth. From first to last, in mi- 
nute details of order and orthography, as well as 
in graver questions of substantial alteration, the 
text must be formed by a free and unfettered judg- 
ment — on a critical and not on a conventional basis. 
Each period will now be noticed more in detail. — 
(i.) From the Complutensian Polyglot to Mill. — 2. 
The Complutensian Polyglot. The Latin Vulgate 
and the Hebrew text of the Old Testament had 
been published some time before any part of the 
original Greek of the N. T. The Hymns of Zacha- 
rias and the Virgin (Lk. i. 42-56, 68-80) were ap- 
pended to a Venetian edition of a Psalter in 1486. 
This was the first part of the N. T. which was printed 
in Greek. In 1504, chs. i.-vi. of John were added 
to an edition of the poems of Gregory of Nazianzus, 
published by Aldus. But the glory of printing the 
first Greek Testament is due to the princely Car- 
dinal Ximenes. ' This great prelate as early as 1502 
engaged the services of a number of scholars to 
superintend an edition of the whole Bible in the 
original Hebrew and Greek, with the addition of 
the Chaldee Targum of Onkelos, the LXX. version, 
and the Vulgate. The work was executed at Alcala 
(in L. Comjo/wfem), where he had founded a university. 
The volume containing the N. T. was printed first, 
and was completed on January 10, 1514. The 
whole work was not finished till July 10, 1517, 
about four months before the death of the Cardinal. 
Various obstacles still delayed the publication, and 
it was not generally circulated till 1522. The im- 
pression was limited to 600 copies. The most cele- 
brated men who were engaged on the N. T., which 
forms the fifth volume of the entire work, were 
Lebrixa (Nebrissensis) and Stunica. Considerable 
discussion has been raised as to the MSS. which 
they used. The editors describe these generally as 
"copies of the greatest accuracy and antiquity," 
sent from the Papal Library at Rome ; and in the 
dedication to Leo acknowledgment is made of his 
generosity in sending MSS. of both " the Old and 
N. T." The whole question, however, is now rather 
of bibliographical than of critical interest. There 
can be no doubt that the copies, from whatever 
source they came, were of late date, and of the 
common type. The chief editions which follow the 
Complutensian in the main, are those of (Plantin) 
Antwerp, 1564-1612; Geneva, 1609-1632; Mainz, 
1753. — 3. The editions of Erasmus. The history of 
the edition of Erasmus, which was the first published 
edition of the N. T., is happily free from all obscu- 
rity. Erasmus had paid considerable attention to 
the study of the N. T. when he received an applica- 
tion from Froben, a printer of Basle with whom he 
was acquainted, to prepare a Greek text for the 
press. Froben was anxious to anticipate the pub- 
lication of the Complutensian edition, and the haste 
with which the work of Erasmus was completed 
shows that little consideration was paid to the ex- 
igencies of textual criticism. The request was made 
April 17, 1515, while Erasmus was in England. The 
details of the printing were not settled in September 
in the same year, and the whole work was finished 



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in February, 1516. The work, as Erasmus after- 
ward confessed, was done in reckless haste, and that 
too in the midst of other heavy literary labors. The 
MSS. which formed the basis of his edition are still, 
with one exception, preserved at Basle ; and two 
which he used for the press contain the corrections 
of Erasmus and the printer's marks. The one is a 
MS. of the Gospels of the sixteenth century of the 
ordinary late type (marked 2 Gosp.): the other 
a MS. of the Acts and the Epistles (2 Acts, Epp.), 
somewhat older but of the same general character. 
Erasmus also made some use of two other Basle 
MSS. (1 Gosp. ; 4 Acts, Epp.) ; the former of these 
is of great value, but the important variations from 
the common text which it offers, made him suspect 
that it had been altered from the Latin. For the 
Apocalypse he had only an imperfect MS. which be- 
longed to Reuchlin. The last six verses were want- 
ing, and these he translated from the Latin, a pro- 
cess which he adopted in other places where it was 
less excusable. The received text contains two 
memorable instances of this bold interpolation (Acts 
viii. 37, ix. 5, 6). But he did not insert the testi- 
mony of the heavenly witnesses (1 Jn. v. 7), an act 
of critical faithfulness which exposed him to the 
attacks of enemies. After his first edition was pub- 
lished Erasmus continued his labors on the N. T. ; 
and in March, 1519, a second edition appeared which 
was altered in about 400 places, of which Mill reck- 
ons that 330 were improvements. But his chief 
labor seems to have been spent upon the Latin ver- 
sion, and in exposing the " solecisms " of the common 
Vulgate, the value of which he completely misun- 
derstood. These two editions consisted of 3,300 
copies, and a third edition was required in 1522, 
when the Complutensian Polyglot also came into 
circulation. In this edition 1 Jn. v. 7 was inserted 
for the first time on the authority of the " Codex 
Britannicus " (i. e. Codex Montfortianus, a cursive 
MS. written by different hands in the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries [so Tregelles], once owned by 
Dr. Montfort, and now in the library of Trinity Col- 
lege, Dublin), in a form which obviously betrays its 
origin as a clumsy translation from the Vulgate. 
The text was altered in about 118 places. Of these 
corrections thirty-six were borrowed from an edition 
published at Venice in the office of Aldus, 1518, 
which was taken in the main from the first edition 
of Erasmus, even so as to preserve errors of the 
press, but yet differed from it in about 200 places, 
partly from error and partly from MS. authority. 
This edition is further remarkable as giving a few 
(nineteen) various readings. Three other early edi- 
tions give a text formed from the second edition 
of Erasmus and the Aldine, those of Hagenau, 1521, 
of Cephalseus at Strasburg, 1524, of Bebelius at 
Basle, 1531. Erasmus at length obtained a copy of 
the Complutensian text, and in his fourth edition in 
1527, gave some various readings from it in addition 
to those which he had already noted, and used it to 
correct his own text in the Apocalypse in ninety 
places, while elsewhere he introduced only sixteen 
changes. His fifth and last edition (1535) differs 
only in four places from the fourth, and the fourth 
edition afterward became the basis of the received 
text. — 4. The editions of Stephens. The scene of 
our history now changes from Basle to Paris. In 
1543, Simon de Colines (in L. Colina?m) published 
a Greek text of the N. T., corrected in about 150 
places on fresh MS. authority. Not long after it 
appeared, R. Estienne (i. e. Robert Stephens; L. 
Stephanus) published his first edition (1546), which 



was based on a collation of MSS. in the Royal Li- 
brary with the Complutensian text. He gives no 
detailed description of the MSS. used, and their 
character can only be discovered by the quotation 
of their readings, which is given in the third edi- 
tion A second edition very closely resembling the 
first both in form and text, having the same pref- 
ace and the same number of pages and lines, was 
published in 1549 ; but the great edition of Stephens 
is that known as the Rcgia ( = Royal), published 
in 1550. Of the authorities which he quoted most 
have been since identified. They were the Complu- 
tensian text, ten MSS. of the Gospels, eight of the 
Acts, seven of the Catholic Epistles, eight of the Paul- 
ine Epistles, two of the Apocalypse, in all fifteen dis- 
tinct MSS. One of these was the Codex Bezae (D). Two 
have not yet been recognized. The collations were 
made by his son Henry Stephens. Less than thirty 
changes were made on MS. authority ; and except in 
the Apocalypse, which follows the Complutensian 
text most closely, " it hardly ever deserts the last edi- 
tion of Erasmus" (Tregelles). Numerous instances 
occur in which Stephens deserts his former text and 
all his MSS. to restore an Erasmian reading. Stephens 
published a fourth edition in 1557 (Geneva), which 
is only remarkable as giving for the first time the 
present division into verses. — 5. The editions of 
Beza and Elzevir. Nothing can illustrate more 
clearly the deficiency among scholars of the first 
elements of the textual criticism of the N. T. than 
the annotations of Beza (1556). This great divine 
obtained from H. Stephens a copy of the N. T. in 
which he had noted down various readings from 
about twenty-five MSS. and from the early editions, 
but he used the collection rather for exegetical than 
for critical purposes. The Greek text of Beza 
(dedicated to Queen Elizabeth) was printed by H. 
Stephens in 1565, and again in 1576 ; but his chief 
edition was the third, printed in 1582, which con- 
tained readings from the Codices Bezai and Claro- 
montanus (D and D 2 ; see above, I. § 28). Other 
editions by Beza appeared in 1588-9, 1598, and his 
(third) text found a wide currency. Among other 
editions wholly or in part based upon it, those of 
the Elzevirs alone require to be noticed. The first 
of these editions, famous for the beauty of their ex- 
ecution, was published at Leyden in 1624. It is not 
known who acted as editor, but the text is mainly 
that of the third edition of Stephens. Including 
every minute variation in orthography, it differs 
from this in 278 places. In these cases it generally 
agrees with Beza, more rarely it differs from both, 
either by typographical errors, or perhaps by manu- 
script authority. In the second edition (Leydeu, 
1633) it was announced that the text was that which 
was universally received. From this time the 
Elzevirian text was generally reprinted on the Con- 
tinent, and that of the third edition of Stephens in 
England, till quite recent times, as the Received Text 
(Latin Textus Receptus). — ii. From Mill to Scholz. 
— 6. The second period of the history of the printed 
text may be treated with less detail. The first im- 
portant collection of various readings was given by 
Walton in the sixth volume of his Polyglot (Lon- 
don, 1657). The Syriac, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Per- 
sian versions of the N. T., together with the read- 
ings of Codex Alexandrinus, were printed in the fifth 
volume together with the text of Stephens. To 
these were added in the sixth the readings collected 
by Stephens, others from an edition by Wechel at 
Frankfort (1597), the readings of the Codices Bezce 
and Claromontanus, and of fourteen other MSS. 



718 



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which had been collated under the care of Arch- 
bishop Usher. A few more MS. readings were 
given by Curcellteus (de Courcelles) in an edition 
published at Amsterdam, 1638, &c, but the great 
names of this period continue to be those of Eng- 
lishmen. The readings of the Coptic and Gothic 
versions were first given in the edition of (Bishop 
Fell) Oxford, 1675 ; reprinted by Gregory, 1703 ; but 
Fell's greatest service to the criticism of the N. T. 
was the liberal encouragement which he gave to 
Dr. John Mill. The work of Mitl (Oxford, 1707 ; 
Rotterdam, reprinted by Kiister, 1710; other copies 
have on the title-page 1723, 1746, &c.) marks an 
epoch in the history of the N. T. text. Much in 
it will not bear the test of historical inquiry, much 
is imperfect in the materials, much is crude and 
capricious in criticism, but when every drawback 
has been made,' the edition remains a splendid 
monument of the labors of a life. The work occu- 
pied Mill about thirty years, and was finished only 
a fortnight before his death. One great merit of 
Mill was that he recognized the importance of each 
element of critical evidence, the testimony of MSS., 
versions and citations, as well as internal evidence. 
In particular he asserted the claims of the Latin 
version, and maintained, against much opposition, 
even from his patron, Bishop Fell, the great value 
of patristic quotations. He had also a clear view 
of the necessity of forming a general estimate of the 
character of each authority, and described in detail 
those of which he made use. But he did not intro- 
duce any changes into the printed text. He re- 
peated the Stephanie text of 1550 without any in- 
tentional change. — 7. Among those who had known 
and valued Mill was Richard Bentley, the greatest 
of English scholars. In his earliest work, in 1691, 
Bentley had expressed generous admiration of the 
labors of Mill, and afterward, in 1713, in his Re- 
marks, triumphantly refuted the charges of impietv 
with which they were assailed. But Mill had only 
" accumulated various readings as a promptuarv to 
the judicious and critical reader;" Bentley would 
" make use of that promptuarv .... and not leave 
the reader in doubt and suspense " (Answer to Re- 
marks, iii. 503). With this view he announced, in 
1716, his intention of publishing an edition of the 
Greek Testament on the authority of the oldest 
Greek and Latin MSS., " exactly as it was in the 
best examples at the time of the Council of Nice, so 
that there shall not be twenty words nor even par- 
ticles' difference " (iii. 477 to Archbishop Wake). 
Bentley continued his labors till 1729. After that 
time they seem to have ceased. The troubles in 
which he was involved render it unnecessary to seek 
for any other explanation of the suspension of his 
work. — 8. The conception of Bentley was in advance 
both of the spirit of his age and of the materials at 
his command. Textual criticism was forced to un- 
dergo a long discipline before it was prepared to 
follow out his principles. During this time Ger- 
man scholars held the first place. Foremost among 
these was Bengel (1687-1752), who was led to study 
the variations of the N. T. from a devout sense of 
the infinite value of every divine word. His merit 
in discsrning the existence of families of documents 
has been already noticed (I. § 12); but the evidence 
before him was not sufficient to show the paramount 
authority of the most ancient witnesses. The labors 
of Wetstein ( 1693-17541 formed an important epoch 
in the history of the N. T. His Greek Testament 
appeared in 1751-2 at Amsterdam. The great ser- 
vice which Wetstein rendered to sacred criticism 



was by the collection of materials. He made nearly 
as great an advance on Mill as Mill had made on 
those who preceded him. But in the use of his 
materials he showed little critical tact. — 9. It was 
the work of Griesbach (1745-1812) to place the 
comparative value of existing documents in a clearer 
light. His first editions (Synopsis, 1774 ; JV. T. ed. 
1, 1777-5), were based for the most part on the 
critical collections of Wetstein. Not long afterward 
Matthcei published an edition based on the accurate 
collation of Moscow MSS. These new materials 
were further increased bv the collections of Alter 
(1786-7), Birch, Adler, 'and Moldenhawer (1788- 
1801), as well as by the labors of Griesbach him- 
self. And when Griesbach published his second 
edition (1796-1806, 2d ed. of vol. i. by D. Schulz, 
1827) he made a noble use of the materials thus 
placed in his hands. His chief error was that he 
altered the received text instead of constructing the 
text afresh ; but in acuteness, vigor, and candor he 
stands below no editor of the N. T., and his judg- 
ment will always retain a peculiar value. — 10. The 
edition of Schulz contributed more in appearance 
than reality to the furtherance of criticism (1830- 
1836). This laborious scholar collected a greater 
mass of various readings than had been brought 
together before, but his work is very inaccurate, 
and his own collations singularly superficial. — iii. 
From Lachrnann to the present time. — 11. In the 
year after the publication of the first volume of 
Scholz's N. T. a small edition appeared in a series 
of classical texts, prepared by Lachrnann (\ 1851). 
In this the admitted principles of scholarship were 
for the first time applied throughout to the con- 
struction of the text of the N. T. The prescrip- 
tive right of the textus receptus was wholly set aside, 
and the text in every part was regulated by ancient 
authority. He published a small edition at Berlin, 
1831. The first volume of his larger edition, with 
both Latin and Greek texts, appeared in 1842; the 
second, printed in 1845, was published in 1850. The 
Greek authorities for this, limited to the primary 
uncial MSS. (I. § 28), and the quotations of Irenseus 
.and Origen, were arranged by the younger Buttmann. 
Lachruaun himself prepared the Latin evidence, and 
revised both texts. Lachrnann delighted to quote 
Bentley as his great precursor (§ 7) ; but there was 
an important difference in their immediate aims. 
Bentley believed that it would be possible to obtain 
the true text directly by a comparison of the oldest 
Greek authorities with the oldest MSS. of the Vul- 
gate. Afterward very important remains of the 
earlier Latin versions were discovered, and the 
whole question was complicated by the collection 
of fresh documents. Lachrnann therefore wished 
in the first instance only to give the current text 
of the fourth century, which might then become 
the basis of further criticism. This at least was a 
great step toward the truth, though it must not be 
accepted as a final one. But Lachmann's edition, 
great as its merits are as a first appeal to ancient 
evidence, is not without serious faults. The mate- 
rials on which it was based were imperfect. The 
range of patristic citations was limited arbitrarily. 
The exclusion of the Oriental versions, however 
necessary at the time, left a wide margin for later 
change. The neglect of primary cursives often 
necessitated absolute confidence on slender MS. 
authority. — 12. The chief defects of Lachmann's 
edition arise from deficiency of authorities. Another 
German scholar, Tischendorf, has devoted twenty 
years to enlarging our accurate knowledge of an- 



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dent MSS. The first edition of Teschendorf (1841) 
has now no special claims for notice. In his second 
(Leipsic) edition (1849) he fully accepted the great 
principle of Lachmann, that the text " must be 
sought solely from ancient authorities, and not from 
the so-called received edition," and gave many of 
the results of his own laborious and valuable colla- 
tions. During the next few years Tischendorf 
prosecuted his labors on MSS. with unwearied dili- 
gence, and in 1855-9 he published his third (seventh) 
critical edition. In this he has given the authorities 
for and against each reading in considerable detail, 
and included the chief results of his later discoveries. 
The whole critical apparatus is extremely valuable, 
and absolutely indispensable to the student. The 
text, except in details of orthography, exhibits gen- 
erally a retrograde movement from the most ancient 
testimony. The Prolegomena are copious and full 
of interest. — 13. Meanwhile the sound study of 
sacred criticism had revived in England. In 1844 
Tregelies published an edition of the Apocalypse in 
Greek and English, and announced an edition of the 
N. T. The first part, containing Matthew and Mark, 
appeared in 1857 ; the second, completing the Gos- 
pels, in 1861. This edition of Tregelies differs from 
that of Lachmann by the greater width of its criti- 
cal foundation ; and from that of Tischendorf by a 
more constant adherence to ancient evidence. The 
editions of Knapp (1797, &c), Vater (1824), Titt- 
mann (1820, &c), and Hahn (1840, &c), have no 
peculiar critical value. Meyer (1829, &c.) paid 
greater attention to the revision of the text which 
accompanies his great commentary ; but his critical 
notes are often arbitrary and unsatisfactory. In the 
Greek Testament of Alford, as in that of Meyer, the 
text is subsidiary to the commentary ; but it is im- 
possible not to notice the important advance made 
by the editor in true principles of criticism during 
the course of its publication. Other annotated edi- 
tions of the Greek Testament, valuable for special 
merits, may be passed over as having little bearing 
on the history of the text. — 14. Besides the critical 
editions of the text of the N. T. various collections 
of readings have been published separately, which 
cannot be wholly omitted. In addition to those 
already mentioned (§ 9) the most important are by 
Rinck, Lucubratio Criiica, 1830; Eeiche, Codicum 
MSS. N. T. Gr. aliquot insigniorum in Bibl. Reg., 
Paris . . . collalio [—Collation of some of the more 
important Greek N. T. MSS. in the Royal Library 
of Paris), 1847 ; Scrivener, A Collation of about 
twenty Greek MSS. of the Holy Gospels . . . 1853; 
A Transcript of the Cod. Aug. (F 2 ; see I. § 28), 
with a full Collation of Fifty MSS., 1859 ; and E. 
de Muralt, of Russian MSS. (N. T. 1848). 

III. Principles of Textual Criticism. The work 
,of the critic can never be shaped by definite rules. 
The formal enunciation of principles is but the first 
step in the process of revision. If there is need any- 
where for the most free and devout exercise of every 
faculty, it must be in tracing out the very words of 
the apostles and of the Lord Himself. Canons of 
criticism are more frequently corollaries than laws 
of procedure, not without use in marking the course 
to be followed, but intended only to guide and not 
to dispense with the exercise of tact and scholarship. 
What appears to be the only sound system of criti- 
cism will be seen from the rules which follow. — I. 
The text must throughout be determined by evidence, 
without alloiving any prescriptive right to printed edi- 
tions. The received text may or may not be correct 
in any particular case, but this must be determined 



solely by an appeal to the original authorities. Nor 
is it right even to assume the received text as our 
basis. The question before us is not What is to be 
changed? but, What is to be read ? — 2. Every element 
of evidence must be taken into account before a decision 
is made. Some uncertainty must necessarily re- 
main ; for, when it is said that the text must rest 
upon evidence, it is implied that it must rest on an 
examination of the whole evidence. But it can 
never be said that the mines of criticism are ex- 
hausted. To exclude remote chances of error it is 
necessary to take account of every testimony. No 
arbitrary line can be drawn excluding MSS., ver- 
sions or quotations below a certain date. The true 
text must (as a rule) explain all variations, and the 
most recent forms may illustrate the original one. 
— 3. The relative weight of the several classes of evi- 
dence is modified by their generic character. MSS., 
versions, and citations, the three great classes of 
external authorities for the text, are obviously open 
to characteristic errors. The first are peculiarly 
liable to errors from transcription (comp. I. § 31 ft'.). 
The last two are liable to this cause of corruption 
and also to others. The genius of the language 
into which the translation is made may require the 
introduction of connecting particles or words of 
reference, as can be seen from the italicized words 
in the A. V. Glosses or marginal additions are 
more likely to pass into the text in the process of 
translation than in that of transcription. Quota- 
tions, on the other hand, are often partial or from 
memory, and long use may give a traditional fixity 
to a slight confusion or adaptation of passages of 
Scripture. These grounds of inaccuracy are, how- 
ever, easily determined, and there is generally little 
difficulty in deciding whether the rendering of a 
version or the testimony of a Father can be fairly 
quoted. It is a far more serious obstacle to the 
critical use of these authorities that the texts of the 
versions and Fathers generally are in a very imper- 
fect state. As a general rule the evidence of both 
may be trusted where they differ from the late text 
of the N. T., but where they agree with this against 
other early authorities, there is reason to entertain 
a suspicion of corruption. The evidence of ver- 
sions may show at once that a MS. reading is a 
transcriptural error ; and the absence of their sup- 
port throws doubt upon readings otherwise of the 
highest probability. The testimony of an early 
Father is again sufficient to give preponderating 
weight to slight MS. authority : and since versions 
and Fathers go back to a time anterior to any ex- 
isting MSS., they furnish a standard by which we 
may measure the conformity of any MS. with the 
most ancient text. — 4. The mere preponderance of 
numbers is in itself of no weight. If the multiplica- 
tion of copies of the N. T. had been uniform, it is 
evident that the number of later copies preserved 
from the accidents of time would have far exceeded 
that of the earlier, yet no one would have preferred 
the fuller testimony of the thirteenth to the scantier 
documents of the fourth century. Some changes 
are necessarily introduced in the most careful copy- 
ing, and these are rapidly multiplied. A recent 
MS. may have been copied (but rarely) from one of 
great antiquity. But the body of later copies was 
made under one influence — from Byzantium or Con- 
stantinople (see I. § 16). — 5. The more ancient read- 
ing is generally preferable. This principle seems to 
be almost a truism. — 6. The more ancient reading is 
generally the reading of the more ancient MSS. This 
proposition is fully established by a comparison of 



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explicit early testimony with the text of the oldest 
copies. It would be strange, indeed, if it were 
otherwise. — 7. The ancient text is often preserved sub- 
stantially in recent copies. While the most ancient 
copies, as a whole, give the most ancient text, yet 
it is by no means confined exclusively to them. 
The text of D (see I. § 28) in the Gospels, however 
much it has been interpolated, preserves in several 
cases almost alone the true reading. Other MSS. 
exist of almost every date, which contain in the 
main the oldest text. The importance of the best 
cursives (see I. § 29) has been strangely neglected. 
— 8. The agreement of ancient MSS., or of MSS. 
containing an ancient text with all the earliest versions 
and citations, marks a certain reading. The final ar- 
gument in favor of the text of the most ancient 
copies lies in the combined support which they re- 
ceive in characteristic passages from the most an- 
cient versions and patristic citations. The reading 
of the oldest MSS. is, as a general rule, upheld by 
the true reading of Versions and the certain testi- 
mony of the Fathers, where this can be ascertained. 
The later reading is with equal constancy repeated 
in the corrupted text of the Versions, and often in 
inferior MSS. of Fathers. — 9. The disagreement of 
the most ancient authorities often marks the existence 
of a corruption anterior to them. But it happens 
by no means rarely that the most ancient author- 
ities are divided. In this case it is necessary to 
recognize an alternative reading, or one to which a 
slight change in the balance of evidence would give 
the preponderance. — 10. The argument from internal 
evidence is always precarious. If a reading is in ac- 
cordance with the .general style of the writer, it 
may be said on the one side that this fact is in its 
favor, and on the other that an acute copyist prob- 
ably changed the exceptional expression for the 
more usual one. If a reading is more emphatic, it 
may be urged that the sense is improved by its 
adoption ; if less emphatic, that scribes were habit- 
ually inclined to prefer stronger terms. — 11. The 
more difficult reading is preferable to the simpler. Ex- 
cept in cases of obvious corruption this canon prob- 
ably holds good without exception, in questions of 
language, construction, and sense. — 12. The shorter 
reading is generally preferable to the longer. This 
canon is very often coincident with the former one ; 
but it admits also of a wider application. Except 
in very rare cases copyists never omitted intention- 
ally, while they constantly introduced into the text 
marginal glosses, and even various readings (see I. 
§ 35). — 13. That reading is preferable which explains 
the origin of the others. This rule is chiefly of use 
in cases of great complication, as in Mk. ii. 22, A.V. 
" the wine is spilled, and the bottles will be marred " 
(compare Mat. ix. 17); but one important MS. (L) 
reads " the wine is spilled and the bottles ; " an- 
other (D) " the wine and bottles will perish " (= 
" be marred ") ; another (B) " the wine perishes and 
the bottles." Here the text of B may have been 
changed into the common text, but cannot have 
arisen out of it. 

IV. Tlie Language of the New Testament. — 1. The 
Eastern conquests of Alexander the Great opened 
a new field for the development of the Greek lan- 
guage. It may be reasonably doubted whether a 
specific Macedonian dialect is not a mere fiction of 
grammarians ; but increased freedom, both in form 
and construction, was a necessary consequence of 
the wide diffusion of Greek. Even in Aristotle 
there is a great declension from the classical stand- 
ard of purity, though the Attic formed the basis 



of his language ; and the rise of the common or 
Grecian dialect is dated from his time. — 2. At no 
place could the corruption have been greater or 
more rapid than at Alexandria, where a motley 
population, engaged in active commerce, adopted 
Greek as their common medium of communication. 
And it is in Alexandria that we must look for the 
origin of the language of the N. T. Two distinct 
elements were combined in this marvellous dialect 
which was destined to preserve for ever the fullest 
tidings of the Gospel. On the one side there was 
Hebrew conception, on the other Greek expression. 
The thoughts of the East were wedded to the words 
of the West. This was accomplished by the gradual 
translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into the ver- 
nacular Greek. (Hellenist ; Septuagint.) — 3. The 
Greek of the LXX., like the English of the A. V., 
or the German of Luther, naturally determined the 
Greek dialect of the mass of the Jews. It is more 
correct to call the N. T. dialect Hellenistic than 
Alexandrine, though the form by which it is char- 
acterized may have been peculiarly Alexandrine at 
first. — 4. The position of Palestine was peculiar. 
The Aramaic (Syro-Chaldaic), which was the na- 
tional dialect after the Return, existed side by side 
with the Greek. (Money.) Both languages seem 
to have been generally understood, though, if we 
may judge from other instances of bilingual coun- 
tries, the Aramaic would be the chosen language for 
the common intercourse of Jews (2 Mc. vii. 8, 21, 
27). It was in this language, we may believe, that 
our Lord was accustomed to teach the people ; and 
it appears that He used the same in the more pri- 
vate acts of His life (Mk. iii. 17, v. 41, vii. 34 ; Mat. 
xxvii. 46; Jn. i. 43, compare xx. 16). But the 
habitual use of the LXX. is a sufficient proof of the 
familiarity of the Palestinian Jews with the Greek 
dialect ; and the judicial proceedings before Pilate 
must have been conducted in Greek. — 5. The Roman 
occupation of Syria was not altogether without in- 
fluence upon the language. A considerable num- 
ber of Latin words, chiefly referring to acts of gov- 
ernment, occur in the Greek N. T., and are probably 
only a sample of larger innovations (e. g. Census, 
" centurion," " denarius," " legion," " Libertines," 
" Pretorium," &c.). Other words in common use 
were of Shemitic (" corban," " Rabbi," &c), Persian 
(magi, " paradise," &c), or Egyptian origin (e. g. Gr. 
baton, A. V. "branches" in Jn. xii. 13). — 6. The 
language moulded under these various influences 
presents many peculiarities, both philological and 
exegetical, which have not yet been placed in a 
clear light. For a long time it has been most 
strangely assumed that the linguistic forms pre- 
served in the oldest M?S. are Alexandrine, and not 
in the widest sense Hellenistic, and on the other 
hand that the Aramaic modifications of the N. T. 
phraseology remove it from the sphere of strict 
grammatical analysis. These errors are necessarily 
fatal to all real advance in the accurate study of the 
words or sense of the apostolic writings. But much 
has been done lately by Tischendorf, Winer, and the 
later commentators (Fritzsche, Liicke, Bleek, Meyer, 
Alford), to open the way to a sounder understand- 
ing both of the form and of the substance of the 
N. T. In detail comparatively little remains to be 
done, but a philosophical view of the N. T. lan- 
guage as a whole is yet to be desired. — 7. The for- 
mal differences of the Greek of the N. T. f rom clas- 
sical Greek are partly differences of vocabulary 
and partly differences of construction. Old words 
are changed in orthography or in inflection, new 



NEW 



NIC 



721 



words and rare or novel constructions are intro- 
duced. But the language of the N. T., both as to 
its lexicography and as to its grammar, is based on 
the language of the LXX. — 8. The peculiarities of 
the N. T. language hitherto mentioned have only a 
rare and remote connection with interpretation. 
They illustrate more or less the general history of 
the decay of a language. Other peculiarities have 
a more important bearing on the sense. These are 
in part Hebraisms (Aramaisms) in (1.) expression 
or (2.) construction, and in part (3.) modifications 
of language resulting from the substance of the 
Christian revelation. (1.) The general character- 
istic of Hebraic expression is vividness, as sim- 
plicity is of Hebraic syntax. Hence there is found 
constantly in the N. T. a personality of language 
(if the phrase may be used) which is foreign to 
classical Greek. At one time this occurs in the 
substitution of a pregnant metaphor for a simple 
word ; at another time in the use of prepositions in 
place of cases; at another in the use of a vivid 
phrase for a preposition ; and sometimes the one 
personal act is used to describe the whole spirit and 
temper. (2.) The chief peculiarities of the syntax 
of the N. T. lie in the reproduction of Hebrew 
forms. Two great features, by which it is distin- 
guished from classical syntax, may be specially sin- 
gled out. It is markedly deficient in the use of 
particles and of oblique and participial construc- 
tions. Sentences are more frequently coordinated 
than subordinated. One clause follows another 
rather in the way of constructive parallelism than 
by distinct logical sequence. Only the simplest 
words of connection are used in place of the subtle 
varieties of expression by which Attic writers ex- 
hibit the interdependence of numerous ideas. Calm 
emphasis, solemn repetition, grave simplicity, the 
gradual accumulation of truths, give to the lan- 
guage of Holy Scripture a depth and permanence 
of effect found nowhere else. Constructions which 
are most distinctly Hebraic are not those which give 
the deepest Hebrew coloring to the N. T. diction, 
but rather that pervading monotony of form which, 
though correct in individual clauses, is wholly foreign 
to the vigor and elasticity of classical Greek. The 
character of the style lies in its total effect and 
not in separable elements. (3.) The purely Chris- 
tian element in the' N. T. requires the most care- 
ful handling. Words and phrases already partially 
current were transfigured by embodying new truths, 
and for ever consecrated to their service. To trace 
the history of these is a delicate question of lexi- 
cography which has not yet been thoroughly exam- 
ined. There is a danger of confounding the apos- 
tolic usage on the one side with earlier Jewish 
usage, and on the other with later ecclesiastical ter- 
minology. — 9. The language of the N. T. calls for 
the exercise of the most rigorous criticism. The 
complexity of the elements which it involves makes 
the inquiry wider and deeper, but does not set it 
aside. The overwhelming importance, the manifold 
expression, the gradual development of the mes- 
sage which it conveys, call for more intense devo- 
tion in the use of every faculty trained in other 
schools, but do not suppress inquiry. The Gospel 
is for the whole nature of man, and is sufficient to 
satisfy the reason as well as the spirit. The literal 
sense of the apostolic writings must be gained in 
the same way as the literal sense of any other wri- 
tings, by the fullest use of every appliance of schol- 
arship, and the most complete confidence in the 
necessary and absolute connection of words and | 
43 



thoughts. No variation of phrase, no peculiarity 
of idiom, no change of tense, no change of order, 
can be neglected. The truth lies in the whole ex- 
pression, and no one can presume to set aside any 
part as trivial or indifferent. — 10. The importance 
of investigating most patiently and most faithfully 
the literal meaning of the sacred text must be felt 
with tenfold force, when it is remembered that the 
literal sense is the outward embodiment of a spirit- 
ual sense, which lies beneath and quickens every 
part of Holy Scripture. Old Testament. 

JYew Year. Trumpets, Feast of. 

Se-zi'ah (fr. Heb. = illustrious, Ges.), ancestor 
of certain Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 54 ; Neh. vii. 56). 

Nc'zib (fr. Heb. = Garrison 2), a city in the low- 
land (" valley" 5) district of Judah (Josh. xv. 43 
only), in the same group with Keilah and Mare- 
shah. Eusebius and Jerome place it on the road 
between Eleutheropolis and Hebron, seven, or nine 
(Eusebius), miles from the former, and there it is 
identified with the ruins of Beit Nitsib, or Chirbeh 
Nasib, two hours and a quarter from Beit Jibrin, on 
a rising ground at the southern end of the Wady es- 
Sur. The place is in the low hilly ground between 
the mountains and the plain. 

Mb liaz (Heb., see below), a deity of the Avites, 
introduced by them into Samaria in the time of 
Shalmaneser (2 K. xvii. 31). There is no certain 
information as to the character of the deity, or the 
form of the idol so named. The Rabbins derived 
the name from a Hebrew root ndbach, to bark, and 
hence assigned to it the figure of a dog, or a dog- 
headed man. There is no obvious improbability in 
this : the Egyptians worshipped the dog. Some in- 
dications of the worship of the dog have been found 
in Syria, a colossal figure of a dog having formerly 
existed between Berytus (Beirut) and Tripolis. On 
one of the slabs found at Khorsabad and represented 
by Botta, we have the front of a temple depicted 
with an animal near the entrance, evidently a bitch 
suckling a puppy, the head of the animal having, 
however, disappeared. The worship of idols rep- 
resenting the human body with the head of an 
animal (compare Nisroch) was common among the 
Assyrians. According to another equally unsatis- 
factory theory, Nibhaz = the god of the nether 
world of the Sabian worship (Gesenius). 

IVib'slian (Heb. light soil, Ges. ; a furnace, Fii.), 
one of the six cities in the " wilderness " of Judah 
(Josh. xv. 62), i. e. on the western shore of the Dead 
Sea ; site unknown. Desert 2 ; En-gedi. 

flfi-ca'nor (L. fr. Gr. = conqueror or victorious, 
Cruden). 1. Son of Patroclus (2 Mc. viii. 9); a 
general engaged in the Jewish wars under Antiochus 
Epiphanes and Demetrius I. He took part in the 
first expedition of Lysias, b. c. 166 (1 Mc. iii. 38), 
and was defeated with his fellow-commander at Em- 
maus (iv. ; compare 2 Mc. viii. 9 ff.). After the 
death of Antiochus Eupator and Lysias, he stood 
high in the favor of Demetrius (1 Mc. vii. 26), who 
appointed him governor of Judea (2 Mc. xiv. 12), a 
command which he readily undertook as one " who 
bare deadly hate unto Israel" (1 Mc. vii. 26). At 
first he seems to have endeavored to win the con- 
fidence of Judas (Maccabees), but when his treach- 
erous designs were discovered he had recourse to 
violence. A battle took place at Capharsalama, 
which was indecisive in its results ; but shortly after 
Judas met him at Adasa (b. c. 161), and Nicanor 
fell " first in the battle." A general rout followed ; 
and the thirteenth of Adar, on which the engagement 



722 



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NIC 



took place, " the day before Mardocheus' day," was 
ordained to be kept for ever as a festival (vii. 49 ; 
2 Mc. xv. 36). There are some discrepancies be- 
tween the narratives in 1 and 2 Maccabees as to 
Nicanor. Internal evidence is decidedly in favor 
of 1 Maccabees.— 2. One of the first seven deacons 
(Acts vi. 5). According to the Pseudo-Hippolytus 
he was one of the seventy disciples, and " died at 
the time of Stephen's martyrdom." Deacon. 

* Nich'o-las (in some copies) = Nicolas. 

Jiic-O-de'mus (L. fr. Gr. = conqueror of the people, 
Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; fr. Heb. = innocent of blood, i. e. 
free from iniquity, upright, Wetstein), a Pharisee, a 
ruler of the Jews, and teacher of Israel (Jri*. iii. 1, 
10), whose secret visit to our Lord was the occasion 
of the discourse recorded only by St. John (1-21). 
The high station of Nicodemus as a member of the 
Jewish Sanhedrim, and the avowed scorn under 
which the rulers concealed their inward conviction 
(2^ that Jesus was a teacher sent from God, are 
sufficient to account for the secrecy of the inter- 
view. A constitutional timidity is discernible in the 
character of the inquiring Pharisee. Thus the few 
words which he interposed against the rash injustice 
of his colleagues are cautiously rested on a general 
principle (vii. 50), and betray no indication of his 
faith in the Galilean whom his sect despised. And 
even when the power of Christ's love, manifested 
on the cross, had made the most timid disciples 
bold, Nicodemus does not come forward with his 
splendid gifts of affection until the example had 
been set by one of his own rank, and wealth, and 
station in society (xix. 39). In these three notices 
of Nicodemus a noble candor and a simple love of 
truth shine out in the midst of hesitation and fear 
of man. We can therefore easily believe the tradi- 
tion that after the resurrection he became a pro- 
fessed disciple of Christ, and received baptism at 
the hands of Peter and John. All the rest that is 
recorded of him is highly uncertain. It is said that 
the Jews, in revenge for his conversion, deprived 
him of his office, beat him cruelly, and drove him 
from Jerusalem ; that Gamaliel, his kinsman, hos- 
pitably sheltered him till his death in a country- 
house, and gave him honorable burial near the body 
of Stephen, where Gamaliel himself was afterward 
interred. The three bodies are said to have been 
discovered, August 3, 415, which day was set apart 
by the Roman Catholics in honor of the event. If 
the Nicodemus of St. John's Gospel be identical 
with the Nicodemus Ben Gorion of the Talmud, he 
must have lived till the fall of Jerusalem, which is 
not impossible, since the term " old," in Jn. iii. 4, 
may not be intended to apply to Nicodemus himself. 
" The Gospel of Nicodemus," also called " the Acts 
of Pilate," is undoubtedly spurious, and of very 
little value. 

Moo-la'i-tancs, or IVie-o-la'i-tans (fr. Gr., literally 
= followers of Nicolas, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; see be- 
low). On the question how far the sect mentioned 
by this name in Rev. ii. 6, 15, was connected with 
the Nicolas of Acts vi. 5, and the traditions that 
have gathered round his name, see Nicolas. It will 
here be considered how far we can get at any distinct 
notion of what the sect itself was, and in what re- 
lation it stood to the life of the Apostolic age. It 
has been suggested as one step toward this result 
that the name before us was symbolic rather than 
historical. The Greek Nikolaos is, it has been said, 
an approximate equivalent to the Hebrew Balaam, 
the lord, or, according to another derivation, the 
devourer of the people (compare Rev. ii. 14, 15, with 



Jude 10 ff. and 2 Pet. ii. 10 ff.). If we accept this 
explanation we have to deal with one sect instead 
of two. The sect itself comes before us as pre- 
senting the ultimate phase of a great controversy 
which threatened at one time to destroy the unity 
of the Church, and afterward to taint its purity. 
The controversy itself was inevitable as soon as the 
Gentiles were admitted in any large numbers into 
the Cliurch of Christ. Were the new converts to 
be brought into subjection to the whole Mosaic law '{ 
The apostles and elders at Jerusalem met the ques 
tion calmly and wisely. (Paul.) The burden of the 
Law was not to be imposed on the Gentile disciples. 
They were to abstain, among other things, from 
" meats offered to idols " and from " fornication " 
(Acts xv. 20, 29), and this decree was welcomed as 
the great charter of the Church's freedom. Strange 
as the close union of the moral and the positive 
commands may seem to us, it did not seem so to 
the synod at Jerusalem. The two sins were very 
closely allied, often even in the closest proximity of 
time and place. The messages to the Churches of 
Asia and the later Apostolic Epistles (2 Peter and 
Jude) indicate that the two evils appeared at that 
period also in close alliance. The teachers of the 
Cliurch branded them with a name which expressed 
their true character. The men who did and taught 
such things were followers of Balaam (2 Pet. ii. 
15; Jude 11). They, like the false prophet of 
Pethor, united brave words with evil deeds. In a 
time of persecution, when the eating or not eating 
of things sacrificed to idols was more than ever a 
crucial test of faithfulness, they persuaded men 
more than ever that it was a thing indifferent 
(Rev. ii. 13, 14). This was bad enough, but there 
was a yet worse evil. Mingling themselves in the 
orgies of idolatrous feasts, they brought the im- 
purities of those feasts into the meetings of the 
Christian Church. (Feasts of Charity.) And all 
this was done, it must be remembered, not simply 
as an indulgence of appetite, but as part of a sys- 
tem supported by a " doctrine," accompanied by 
the boast of a prophetic illumination (2 Pet. ii. 1 ). 
These were the characteristics of the followers of 
Balaam, and, worthless as most of the traditions 
about Nicolas may be, they point to the same dis- 
tinctive evils (so Prof. Plumptre). It confirms the 
view which has been taken of their character to find 
that stress is laid in the first instance on the 
" deeds " of the Nicolaitans. To hate those deeds 
is a sign of life in a Church that otherwise is weak 
and faithless (Rev. ii. 6). To tolerate them is well- 
nigh to forfeit the glory of having been faithful un- 
der persecution (14, 15). 

ftic'o-las (fr. Gr. == conqueror of the people, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex.), a native of Antioch, and a proselyte to 
the Jewish faith. When the Church was still con- 
fined to Jerusalem he became a convert; and be- 
ing a man of honest report, full of the Holy Ghost 
and of wisdom, he was chosen (Acts vi. 5) by the 
whole multitude of the disciples to be one of the first 
seven deacons. (Deacon.) A sect of Nicolaitans 
is mentioned in Rev. ii. 6, 15 ; and it has been ques- 
tioned whether this Nicolas was connected with 
them, and if so, how closely. The Nicolaitans 
themselves, at least as early as the time of Irenaeus, 
claimed him as their founder. Epiphanius, an inac- 
curate writer, relates some details of the life of 
Nicolas the deacon, and describes him as gradually 
sinking into the grossest impurity, and becoming 
the originator of the Nicolaitans and other immoral 
sects. The same account is believed, at least to 



NIC 



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723 



some extent, by Jerome and other writers in the 
fourth century ; but it is irreconcilable with the 
traditionary account of the character of Nicolas 
given by Clement of Alexandria, an earlier and more 
discriminating writer than Epiphanius (so Mr. Bul- 
lock). He states that Nicolas led a chaste life and 
brought up his children in purity ; that on a certain 
occasion, having been sharply reproved by the 
apostles as a jealous husband, he repelled the 
charge by offering to allow his wife to become the 
wife of any other person ; and that he was in the 
habit of repeating a saying which is ascribed to the 
Apostle Matthias also — that, it is cur duty to fight 
against the flesh and to abuse it. His words were 
perversely interpreted by the Nicolaitans as author- 
ity for their immoral practices. Theodoret, in his 
account of the sect, repeats the foregoing statement 
of Clement ; and charges the Nicolaitans with false 
dealing in borrowing the name of the deacon. Tille- 
mont (and so Grotius) concludes that if not the ac- 
tual founder, he was so unfortunate as to give occa- 
sion to the formation of the sect. Neander held 
that some other Nicolas was the founder. Prof. 
Schaff (History of the Apostolic Church, § 169) re- 
gards the Nicolaitans as having sprung from the 
Nicolas of Acts vi. 8, " who apostatized from the 
truth and became the founder of an Antinomian 
Gnostic sect." Dr. Alford also (on Rev. ii. 6) be- 
lieves the associate of the apostles made shipwreck 
of faith and a good conscience. 

Ni-cop'o-lis (Gr. city of victory). 1. In Tit. iii. 12, 
the place where, at the time of writing the Epistle, St. 
Paul was intending to pass the coming winter, and 
where he wished Titus, then in Crete, to meet him. 
Nothing is found in the Epistle itself to determine 
which Nicopolis (in Asia, Africa, or Europe) is here 
intended. One Nicopolis was in Thrace, near the 
borders of Macedonia. The subscription (which, 
however, is of no authority) fixes on this place, 
calling it the Macedonian Nicopolis, and such is the 
view of Chrysostom and Theodoret. Another Ni- 
copolis was in Cilicia — and Schrader pronounces for 
this ; but this opinion is connected with a peculiar 
theory regarding the apostle's journeys. Dr. How- 
son believes that Jerome's view is correct, and that 
the Pauline Nicopolis was the celebrated city of 
Epirus, built by Augustus in memory of the battle 
of Actium, and on the ground which his army oc- 
cupied before the engagement. In the apostle's 
time it was the chief city of Western Greece. Pos- 
sibly St. Paul was arrested here, and taken thence 
to Rome for his final trial (so Dr. Howson). Nicop- 
olis was on a peninsula to the W. of the bay of 
Actium, in a low and unhealthy situation. Its re- 
mains are extensive, three miles N. of the modern 
town of Prcvesa.—i, A post-biblical name of Em- 
maus 2. 

Ni'ger (L. black), is the additional or distinctive 
name given to Simeon 6 (Acts xiii. 1). He is not 
known except in that passage. 

Night [nite]. The period of darkness, from 
sunset to sunrise, including the morning and eve- 
ning twilight, was called by the Hebrews layil, or 
layeldh (A. V. almost uniformly translated " night," 
sometimes " night season " [Job xxx. 17, &c] ; Gr. 
nux). It is opposed to " day," the period of light 
(Gen. i. 5, 14, &c). Following the Oriental sunset 
is the brief evening twilight (Heb. nesheph, Job xxiv. 
15, rendered " night" in Is. v. 11, xxi. 4, lix. 10), when 
the stars appeared (Job iii. 9). This is also called 
" evening " (Heb. Vre6, Prov. vii. 9 ; translated 
" night " in Gen. xlix. 27, Job vii. 4), but the Hebrew 



term which especially denotes the evening twilight is 
'alatah (Gen. xv. 17, A. V. " dark ; " Ez. xii. 6, 7, 12). 
This period of the day must also be that which is de- 
scribed as " night " when Boaz winnowed his barley 
in the evening breeze (Ru. iii. 2). The time of mid- 
night (iii. 7 ; Ex. xi. 4) or greatest darkness is called 
in Prov. vii. 9 " the pupil of night " (A. V. " black 
night "). The period between midnight and the 
morning twilight was generally selected for attack- 
ing an enemy by surprise (Judg. vii. 19). The morn- 
ing twilight is denoted by the same term (nesluph) 
as the evening twilight, and is unmistakably intend- 
ed in 1 Sam. xxx. 17; Job vii. 4, A. V. "dawning 
of the day; " Ps. cxix. 147, A. V. " dawning of the 
morning ; " possibly also in Is. v. 11, A. V. " night." 
" Night " figuratively (so Gesenius, Robinson, &c.) 
= calamity, adversity, misery (Job xxxv. 10 ; Is. 
xxi. 11 ; Mic. iii. 6, &c.) ; moral and spiritual dark- 
ness, or ignorance and sin (Rom. xiii. 12; 1 Th. v. 
5); death (Jn. ix. 4, &c). Chronology I. ; Dark- 
ness ; Watches or Night. 

IVigllt'-Lawk (Heb. tahmas or tachm&s). Bochart, 
whom Gesenius and Rosenmiiller follow, has en- 
deavored to prove that the Hebrew word, which oc- 
curs only (Lev. xi. 16; Deut. xiv. 15) in the list of 
unclean birds, denotes the male ostrich. The ety- 
mology of the word points to some bird of prey, 
though there is great uncertainty as to the particu- 
lar species indicated. The LXX., Vulgate, and per- 
haps Onkelos, understand some kind of owl ; most 
of the Jewish doctors translate indefinitely a rapa- 
cious bird. Michaelis believes some kind of swallow 
(Hirundo) is intended. The rendering of the A. V. 
is countenanced by Col. C. H. Smith (in Kitto), and 
Mr. Gosse (in Fairbairn). The night-hawk or night- 
jar of Europe ( Caprimulgus Europceus), or a closely 
allied species, is a native of Syria, and belongs to a 
genus closely connected with superstitions in all 
countries. It is migratory, appears only in the twi- 
light, preys on the wing upon insects, has bright 
eyes, and a wide mouth, and makes a peculiar jar- 
ring sound. As the LXX. and Vulgate are agreed 
that the Hebrew denotes some kind of owl, we be- 
lieve it is safer to follow these versions than modern 
commentators (so Mr. Houghton). The Gr. glaux, 
by which the LXX. translates the Hebrew, is used 
by Aristotle for some common species of owl, prob- 
ably for the Slrix flammea (white owl) or the Syr- 
niurn stridula (tawny owl). Probably the Hebrew 
word may denote the Strix flammea or the Athene 
meridionalis, which is extremely common in Pales- 
tine and Egypt. Owl 4. 

* Night'-mcn'ster. Owl 5. 

Nile. 1. Names of the Nile. The Hebrew names 
of the Nile, excepting one that is of ancient Egyp- 
tian origin, all distinguish it from other rivers. The 
word Nile nowhere occurs in the A. V. The Hebrew 
names are — (a.) Shihor or shichor = the black. 
(Shihor or Egypt ; Sihor.) The idea of blackness 
conveyed by this word has, as we should expect in 
Hebrew, a wide sense (Colors) ; but apparently in- 
dicates a very dark color, (b.) Yior is the same as 
the ancient Egyptian atvr, aur, and the Coptic eiero 
or iaro. Yeor, in the singular, is used of the Nile 
alone (Gen. xli. ; Ex. i. 22, ii. 3, 5 ; Am. viii. 8, ix. 
5, A. V. " flood " in both, &c), except in Dan. xii. 
5-7, where another river, perhaps the Tigris (com- 
pare x. 4), is intended by it. In the plural this 
name is applied to the branches and canals of the 
Nile (Ps. lxxviii. 44 ; Ez. xxix. 3 flf., xxx. 12) ; but 
it is also used of streams or channels, in a general 
sense, when no particular ones are indicated (see Is. 



NIL 



NIL 



xxxiii. 21 ; Job xxviii. 10). (River 3.) (c.) Nehar 
Mitsrayim, A. V. " the river op Egypt " (Gen. xv. 
18). (River 1.) (d.) Nahal or nachal Mitsrayirn, 
A. V. " the river of Egypt," is generally under- 
stood to mean " the torrent " or " brook of Egypt," 
and to designate a desert stream at Rhinocorura, 
now El-Arish, on the eastern border. This name 
was supposed by Mr. R. S. Poole to signify the Nile, 
for it occurs in cases parallel to those where Shiiior 
is employed (Num. xxxiv. 5 ; Josh. xv. 4, 47 ; 1 K. 
viii. 65; 2 K. xxiv. 7; Is. xxvii. 12). (Brook 4; 
River 2.) (e.) Naharey Cush = the rivers of Cash, 
A. V. " rivers of Ethiopia," mentioned only in the 
extremely ditticult prophecy contained in Is. xviii. 
From the use of the plural we must suppose them 
to be the confluents or tributaries of the Nile. (See 
also Sea 4.) — The Nile is called by the Arabs Bahr 
en-Ned — the river Nile, the word bahr being ap- 
plied to seas and the greatest rivers. The Egyptians 
call it Bahr, or the river alone ; and call the inunda- 
tion en-Neel, or the Nile. — With the ancient Egyp- 
tians the river was sacred, and had, besides its or- 
dinary name already given, a sacred name, under 
which it was worshipped, Hapee, or Hapee-mu, the 
abyss, or the abyss of voters, or the hidden. Cor- 
responding to the two regions of Egypt, the Upper 
Country and the Lower, the Nile was called Hapce-rcs 
(the Southern Nik), and Hapee-mtheet (the Northern 
Nile), the former name applying to the river in Nubia 
as well as in Upper Egypt. The god Nilus (L. = 
Nile) was one of the lesser divinities. He is repre- 
sented as a stout man having woman's brea=ts. 
(Idolatry.) — 2. Description of the Nile. The dis- 
covery of the sources of the Nile has been for ages 
one of the great problems of geography. Ptolemy 
(second century a. c.) says that its sources are in 
two lakes, one situated in 6" south latitude and 57' 
east longitude, the other in 7° south latitude and 65 ' 
east longitude, these lakes being fed by streams from 
the snow-clad " Mountains of the Moon," a range re- 
ported to extend from E. to W. in 12£° south latitude. 
These statements, long regarded as true, but after- 
ward rejected, have been confirmed in the main by re- 
cent discoveries. The English expeditions of Captains 
Burton and Speke in 1856-8, of Captains Speke and 
Grant in 1860-63, and of Mr. (afterward Sir Samuel 
W.) Baker and his wife in 1861-5, have established 
the conclusion that the White Nile, called in Ar. 
Bahr el-Abyad (= the white sea or white river), the 
western of the two branches of the Nile that unite at 
Khartoom, proceeds from two great lakes lying un- 
der the equator and directly S. of Egypt. Of these, 
the eastern lake, called by the natives Ukerewe and 
by its discoverers the Victoria N'yanza (= lake), 
was discovered August 3, 1858, by Captain J. H. 
Speke, who suggested that the Nile issues from its 
northern extremity, which he could not then visit. 
In July, 1862, Captain Speke found that the Victoria 
N'yanza, which is perhaps 250 miles E. to W., and 
200 miles from N. to S., and lies mostly S. of the 
equator, pours itself into the Nile over the Ripon 
Falls, which are about twelve feet high, 400 to 500 
feet broad, and 3,300 feet above the level of the sea. 
The Kitangule, which he regards as an important 
affluent of the Nile, was discovered in January, 
1862, falls into the Victoria Lake on the W. side, 
has an average breadth of about eighty yards, and a 
current of three or four miles an hour. The Nile 
thus rolls over 34° of latitude, or more than 2,300 
miles, measured in a direct line, and the windings 
of the river increase this length several hundred 
miles, making the Nile longer than the Amazon, 



I the Mississippi, or the Missouri, and surpassed only 
by the entire course of the Missouri-Mississippi from 
the Rocky Mountains to the Gulf of Mexico. The sec- 
ond or western of the two lakes, the Luta N'zige, or 
M'wootan N'zige, of the natives, the Albert N'yanza 
or Albert Lake, of Baker, was discovered by him, 
March 14, 1864, and is supposed to extend from 
nearly 8° north latitude to between 1° and 2° south 
latitude, where its upper part turns to the W., its 
further extent being unknown. It may be there- 
fore 300 or 400 miles long, and 50 to 100 miles 
wide. Its elevation above the sea level is reckoned 
by Baker at 2.720 feet. The Victoria Nile or Somer- 
set River of Speke, which issues from the northern 
end of the Victoria Lake at Ripon Falls, passes over 
Karuma Falls (five feet high), Murchison Falls (120 
feet high), and rapids of miles in length, and after a 
course N. W. and W. of more than 200 miles, enters 
the Albert Lake near its northern end. On the W. 
side of Albert Lake are the Blue Mountains, which 
rise about 7,000 feet above the lake level. The lake 
indeed is from 500 to 2,000 feet or more above the 
general level of the surrounding country. " The ac- 
tual basin of the Nile," says Baker, "is included be- 
tween about 22° and 39° east longitude, and from 3° 
south to 18' north latitude. The drainage of that vast 
area is monopolized by the Egyptian river. The 
Victoria and Albert Lakes, the two great equatorial 
reservoirs, are the recipients of all affluents S. of the 
equator ; the Albert Lake being the grand reservoir 
in which are concentrated the entire waters from 
the south, in addition to tributaries from the Blue 

Mountains, from the N. of the equator The 

Victoria gathers all the waters on the E. side, and 
sheds them into the northern extremity of the Al- 
bert." The White Nile issues from the northern 
end of the Albert Lake, and is navigable for some 
distance, but rushes down several cataracts before 
it reaches Gondokoro (4° 55' north latitude), to 
which place — a station of the ivory and .-lave 
traders, occupied only about two months during 
the year — steamers have ascended from the Medi- 
l terranean. Khartoom, the chief depot of the Soo- 
dan slave-trade, is a town of 30,000 inhabitants, in 
north latitude 15° 29', a "miserable, filthy, and un- 
healthy spot." The tribes that dwell on the White 
Nile and about its sources are for the most part 
negroes, only partially clothed or entirely naked, 
I brutal, degraded, and heathenish, some of them can- 
nibals, almost constantly engaged in wars, utterly 
untrustworthy, suspicious of strangers, and disposed 
to throw all possible obstacles in the way of intelli- 
gent, philanthropic, or Christian enterprise. Much 
has been indeed accomplished by travellers in spite 
of all these obstacles and the innumerable dangers 
to which they were exposed ; but much still re- 
mains to be done before these dark regions will have 
been fully explored, and " Ethiopia shall stretch out 
her hands unto God " (see B. 8. xxi. 425 fF. ; North 
American Review, No. 214, for January, 1867; 
Baker's Albert N'yanza, &c). Though the White 
j Nile is the longer of the two chief confluents of the 
! Nile, and brings down a larger quantity of water than 
i the other, yet it is the shorter (the Bahr el-Azrak, or 
Blue River) which brings down the decayed vege- 
I table matter and alluvial soil that make the Nile 
the great fertilizer of Egypt and Nubia. The Bahr 
j el-Azrak rises in the mountains of Abyssinia. The 
. two streams form a junction at Khartoom, now the 
seat of government of Soodan, or the Black Country 
under Egyptian rule. Further to the north another 
great river, the Atbara, rising, like the Bahr el- 



NIL 



NIL 



725 



Azrak, in Abyssinia, falls into the main stream, ] 
which, for the remainder of its course, does not re- j 
ceive one tributary more. Throughout the rest of 
the valley, the Nile does not greatly vary, excepting 
that in Lower Nubia, through the fall of its level 
by the giving way of a barrier in ancient times, it 
does not inundate the valley on either hand. From 
time to time its course is impeded by cataracts or 
rapids, sometimes extending many miles, until, at 
the First Cataract, the boundary of Egypt, it sur- 
mounts the last obstacle. After a course of about 
550 miles, at a short distance below Cairo and the j 
Pyramids, the river parts into two great branches, ! 
which water the Delta, nearly forming its bound- 
aries to the E. and W., and flowing into the shallow 
Mediterranean. — The references to the Nile in the 
Scriptures are mainly to its characteristics in Egypt. 
There above the Delta, its average breadth may be 
put at from one-half to three-fourths of a mile, except 
where large islands increase the distance. In the 
Delta its branches are usually narrower. The water 
is extremely sweet, especially at the season when it 
is turbid. It is said by the people that those who 
have drunk of it and left the country, must return to 
drink of it again. The great annual phenomenon 
of the Nile is the inundation, the failure of which 
produces a famine, for Egypt is virtually without 
rain (see Deut. xi. 10-12; Zech. xiv. 17, 18). At 
Khartoom the increase of the river is observed early 
in April, but in Egypt the first signs of rising occur 
about the summer solstice, and generally the regu- 
lar increase does not begin until some days after, 
the inundation commencing about two months after 
the solstice. The river then pours, through canals 
and cuttings in the bank, which are a little higher 
than the rest of the soil, over the valley, which it 
covers with sheets of water (Jer. xlvi. 7, 8, xlvii. 
1,2; Am. viii. 7, 8, ix. 5). It attains to its greatest 
height about, or not long after, the autumnal equi- 
nox, and then falling more slowly than it had risen, 
sinks to its lowest point at the end of nine months, 
there remaining stationary for a few days before it 
again begins to rise. The inundations are very 
various, and when they are but a few feet deficient 
or excessive cause great damage and distress. The 
rise of a good inundation is about forty feet at the 
First Cataract, twenty-four to twenty-seven at Cairo, 
and about four feet at the Rosetta and Damietta 
mouths. (Famine.) The Nile in Egypt is always 
charged with alluvium, especially during the inunda- 
tion ; bnt the annual deposit, excepting under ex- 
traordinary circumstances, is very small in compar- 
ison with what would be conjectured by any one un- 
acquainted with subjects of this nature. Inquirers 
have come to different results as to the rate, but the 
discrepancy does not generally exceed an inch in a 
century. The ordinary average increase of the soil 
in Egypt is about four and a half inches in a century. 
(Man.) The cultivable soil of Egypt is wholly the 
deposit of the Nile, but it is obviously impossible to 
calculate, from its present depth, when the river 
first began to flow in the rocky bed now so deeply 
covered with the rich alluvium. In Upper Egypt 
the Nile is a very broad stream, flowing rapidly be- 
tween high, steep mud-banks, scarped by the con- 
stant rush of the water, which from time to time 
washes portions away, and stratified by the regular 
deposit. On either side rise the bare yellow moun- 
tains, usually a few hundred feet high, rarely a 
thousand, looking from the river like cliffs, and often 
honeycombed with the entrances of tombs. Fre- 
quently the mountain on either side approaches the 



river in a rounded promontory. Rarely both moun- 
tains confine the river in a narrow bed, rising steeply 
on either side from a deep rock-cut channel through 
which the water pours with a rapid current (Job 
xxviii. 10, 11 ?). In Lower Egypt the chief differ- 
ences are that the view is spread out in one rich 
plain, only bounded on the E. and W. by the desert, 
of which the edge is low and sandy, unlike the 
mountains above, though essentially the same, and 
that the two branches of the river are narrower 
than the undivided stream. On either bank, during 
Low Nile, extend fields of wheat and barley, and 
near the river-side stretch long groves of palm- 
trees. The villages rise from the level plain, stand- 
ing upon mounds, often ancient sites, and surrounded 
by palm-groves, and yet higher dark-brown mounds 
mark where of old stood towns, with which often 
"their memorial is perished " (Ps. ix. 6). The vil- 
lages are connected by dikes, along which pass the 
chief roads. The banks of the river are enlivened 
by the women who come down to draw water, and, 
like Pharaoh's daughter, to bathe, and the herds of 
kine and buffaloes which are driven down to drink 
and wash, or to graze on the grass of the swamps, 
like the good kine that Pharaoh saw in his dream 
as "he stood by the river," which were "coming 
up out of the river," and " fed in the marsh-grass " 
(A. V. " meadow," Gen. xli. 1, 2). The river itself 
abounds in fish, which anciently formed a chief 
means of sustenance to the inhabitants of the coun- 
try. The Israelites in the desert looked back with 
regret to the fish of Egypt : " We remember the 
fish, which we did eat in Egypt freely " (Num. xi. 
5). In the Thebais crocodiles are found, and during 
Low Nile they may be seen basking in the sun 
upon the sand-banks. The crocodile is constantly 
spoken of in the Bible as the emblem of Pharaoh, 
especially in Ezekiel. (Dragon 2 ; Leviathan.) 
The great difference between the Nile of Egypt in 
the present day and in ancient times is caused by 
the failure of some of its branches (Is. xix. 5 ; Ez. 
xxx. 12), and the ceasing of some of its chief vege- 
table products ; and the chief change in the aspect 
of the cultivable land, as dependent on the Nile, is 
the result of the ruin of the fish-pools and their con- 
duits, and the consequent decline of the fisheries 
(Is. xix. 8, 10 ; Fish). The river was famous for 
its seven branches, and under the Roman dominion 
eleven were counted, of which, however, there were 
but seven principal ones. Herodotus notices that 
there were seven, of which he says that two, the 
present Damietta and Rosetta branches, were origi- 
nally artificial, and he therefore speaks of " the five 
mouths " (Hdt. ii. 10). Now, as for a long period 
past, there are no navigable and unobstructed 
branches but these two that Herodotus distinguishes 
as originally works of man. The monuments and 
the narratives of ancient writers show us in the Nile 
of Egypt in old times a stream bordered by flags and 
reeds, the covert of abundant wild-fowl, and bearing 
on its waters the fragrant flowers of the various- 
colored lotus. Now in Egypt scarcely any reeds or 
water-plants — the famous papyrus (Reed 2) being 
nearly if not quite extinct, and the lotus almost un- 
known — are to be seen, excepting in the marshes 
near the Mediterranean (Is. xix. 7). Of old the 
great river must have shown a more fair and busy 
scene than now. Boats of many kinds were ever 
passing along it, by the painted walls of temples, 
and the gardens that extended around the light 
summer pavilions, from the pleasure-galley, with 
one great square sail, white, or with variegated pat- 



726 



NIM 



NIM 



tern, and many oars, to the little papyrus skiff 
(Egypt), dancing on the water, and carrying the 
seekers of pleasure where they could shoot with 
arrows, or knock down with the throw-stick, the 
wild-fowl that abounded among the reeds, or engage 
in the dangerous chase of the hippopotamus (Be- 
hemoth) or the crocodile. The Nile is constantly 
before us in the history of Israel in Egypt. Into it ! 
the male children were cast ; in it, or rather in some 
canal or pool, was the ark of Moses put, and found 
by Pharaoh's daughter when she went down to 
bathe. When the plagues were sent, the sacred 
river — a main support of the people — and its waters 
everywhere, were turned into blood. Memphis ; On ; 
Plagues, the Ten ; Thebes. 

> i ill rah (Heb. limpid and sweet water, Ges.), a 
place mentioned (Num. xxxii. 3 only) among those 
in the " land of Jazer and the land of Gilead." If 
it — Beth-nimrah (ver. 36), it belonged to the tribe 
of Gad. By Eusebius, however, it is cited as a 
" city of Reuben in Gilead." A wady and a town, 
both called Nimreh, have been met with in Beth- 
eniyeh, E. of the Lejah, and five miles N. W. of 
Kunawdt. On the other hand the name of Nimrin is 
said to be attached to a watercourse and site of ruins 
in the Jordan valley, two miles E. of the river, near 
the mouth of the Wady S/ia'ib, N. N. E. from Jericho. 
Robinson (i. 551 ; Phys. Geog. 87), Porter (in Kitto), 
&c, make these ruins = the site of Nimrah or Beth- 
nimrah, and the copious springs near them = " the 
waters of Nimp.im." 

.Mm rim (Heb. limpid and sweet waters, Ges.), the 
Waters of, a stream or brook within the country 
of Moab, which is mentioned in Isaiah xv. 6, and 
Jeremiah xlviii. 34). We should perhaps look for 
the site of Nimrim in Moab Proper, i. e. on the 
southeastern shoulder of the Dead Sea (so Mr. 
Grove). A name resembling Nimrim still exists in 
the Wady en-Nemcirah and Burj en-Nemeirah, which 
are situated on the beach, about half-way between 
the southern extremity and the promontory of el- 
Lisdn. Eusebius places it N. of Soora, i. e. Zoar. 
Nimrah. 

Mm rod (Heb. a rebel ? Ges. ; the hero or valiant 
one, Fii.), a son of Cush and grandson of Ham. The 
events of his life are recorded in a passage (Gen. x. 
8 ff.) which, from the conciseness of its language, is 
involved in considerable uncertainty, a. We may 
notice the Heb. terms gibbor (ver. 8 ; Giants 2), and 
gibbor tsayid liphney Ychovdh (ver. 9), translated in 
the A. V. " mighty " and " mighty hunter before the 
Lord." The idea of any moral qualities being con- 
veyed by these expressions may be at once rejected. 
They may be regarded as betokening personal prow- 
ess with the accessory notion of gigantic stature. 
It is somewhat doubtful whether the prowess of 
Nimrod rested on his achievements as a hunter or 
as a conqueror. The literal rendering of the He- 
brew words would undoubtedly apply to the former, 
but they may be regarded as a translation of a pro- 
verbial expression originally current in the land of 
Nimrod, where the terms significant of " hunter " 
and " hunting " appear to have been applied to the 
forays of the sovereigns against the surrounding na- ; 
tions. But the context certainly favors the special i 
application of the term to the case of conquest. — b. ' 
The next point to be noticed is the expression in ! 
ver. 10, " The beginning of his kingdom," taken in j 
connection with the commencement of ver. 11, which 
admits of the double sense : " Out of that land went 
forth Asshur," as in the text of the A. V., and " out j 
of that land he went forth to Assyria," as in the | 



margin. These two passages mutually react on 
each other ; for if the words " beginning of his 
kingdom " mean, as we believe to be the case, " his 
jirst kingdom," or, as Gesenius renders it, " trie ter- 
ritory of which it was at first composed," then the 
expression implies a subsequent extension of his 
kingdom, in other words, that " he went forth to 
Assyria " (so Mr. Bevan, with the Targums of Onke- 
los and Jonathan, Bochart, Keil, Delitzsch, Knobel, 
Kalisch, Murphy, Eadie [in Fairbairn], &c). If, 
however, the sense of ver. 11 be, "out of that land 
went forth Asshur " (so A. V., with the LXX., Vul- 
gate, Syriac, Luther, Calvin, Grotius, Michaelis, J. 
P. Smith [in Kitto], &c), then no other sense can 
be given to ver. 10 than that " the capital of his 
kingdom was Babylon," though the expression must 
be equally applied to the towns subsequently men- 
tioned. This rendering appears untenable in all 
respects (so Mr. Bevan), and the expression may 
therefore be cited in support of the marginal render- 
ing of ver. 11. With regard to the latter passage, 
either sense is permissible in point of grammatical 
construction. Authorities, both ancient and mod- 
ern, are divided on the subject, but the most weighty 
names of modern times support the marginal ren- 
dering, as it stems best to accord with historical 
truth. — The chief events in the life of Nimrod, then, 
are (1.) that he was a Cushite; (2.) that he estab- 
lished an empire in Shinar (the classical Babylonia), 
the chief towns being Babel, Erech, Accad, and 
Calneh : and (3.) that he extended this empire 
northward along the course of the Tigris over As- 
syria, where he founded a second group of capitals, 
Nineveh, Rehoboth, Calah, and Resen. These 
events correspond to and may be held to represent 
the salient historical facts connected with the earliest 
stages of the great Babylonian empire. (1.) There 
is abundant evidence that the race that first held 
sway in the Lower Babylonian plain was of Cushite 
or Hamitic extraction. The name Cush itself was 
preserved in Babylonia and the adjacent countries 
under the forms of Cossa;i, Cissia, Cuthah, and 
Susiana or Chuzistan. The earliest written language 
of Babylonia, as known to us from existing inscrip- 
tions, bears a strong resemblance to that of Egypt 
and Ethiopia. Even the name Nimrod appears in the 
list of the Egyptian kings of the twenty-second dy- 
nasty, but there are reasons for thinking that dynasty 
to have been of Assyrian extraction. — (2.) The ear- 
liest seat of empire was in the south part of the Baby- 
lonian plain. The large mounds, which for many 
centuries have covered the ruins of ancient cities, 
have already yielded some evidences of the dates 
and names of their founders, and we can assign the 
highest antiquity to the towns represented by the 
mounds of Niffer (perhaps the early Babel, though 
also identified with Calneh), Warka (the Biblical 
Erech), Mugheir (Ur), and Sfnkereh (Ellasar), while 
the name of Accad is preserved in the title Kinzi- 
Akkad, by which the founder and embellisher of 
those towns was distinguished. The date of their 
foundation may be placed at about b. c. 2200. — (3.) 
The Babylonian empire extended its sway north- 
ward along the course of the Tigris at a period long 
anterior to the rise of the Assyrian empire in the 
thirteenth century b. c. The existence of Nineveh 
itself can be traced up by the aid of Egyptian mon- 
uments to about the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury b. c. Our present information does not per- 
mit us to identify Nimrod with any personage 
known to us either from inscriptions or from classi- 
cal writers. Josephus makes him the violent and 



NIM 



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727 



insolent builder of the Tower of Babel. The Ori- 
entals identify him with the constellation Orion. 
Arab tradition makes him an idolater and persecu- 
tor of Abraham. To him the modern Arabs ascribe 
all the great works of ancient times, e. g. the Birs 
Nimrud (Babel, Tower of), Tel Nimrud near Bag- 
dad, the dam of Suhr Nimrud across the Tigris 
below Mosul, and the mound of Nimrud in the 
same neighborhood. Nineveh. 

Nim'shi (Heb. drawn out, saved, Ges. ; Jah is Re- 
vealer, Fii.), grandfather of Jehu, who is generally 
called "the son of Nimshi" (1 K. xix. 16; 2 K. ix. 
2, 14, 20 ; 2 Chr. xxii. 7). 

* Siill'«-ve, a Latin form of Nineveh (Mat. xii. 41 ; 
Lk. xi. 32). 

Mn'e-veta (Heb. city [or abode] of Ninus, Schl. ; 
see below), in N. T. Nineve, the capital of the 
ancient kingdom and empire of Assyria ; a city of 
great power, size, and renown, usually included 
among the most ancient cities of which there is 
any historical record (so Mr. Layard, the original 
author of this article). The name appears to be 
compounded from that of an Assyrian deity, Nin, 
corresponding, it is conjectured, with the Greek 
Hercules, and occurring in the names of several 
Assyrian kings, as in Ni?ius, the mythic founder, 
according to- Greek tradition, of the city. In the 
Assyrian inscriptions Nineveh is also supposed to 
be called the city of Bel. Nineveh is first mentioned 
in the 0. T. in connection with the primitive dis- 
persement and migrations of the human race. 
Asshur, or, according to the marginal reading which 
is generally preferred, Nimrod, is there described 
(Gen. x. 11) as extending his kingdom from the 
land of Shinar, or Babylonia, in the south, to As- 
syria in the north, and founding four cities, of which 
the most famous was Nineveh. Hence Assyria was 
subsequently known to the Jews as " the land of 
Nimrod " (compare Mic. v. 6), and was believed to 
have been first peopled by a colony from Babylon. 
The kingdom of Assyria and of the Assyrians is re- 
ferred to in the 0. T. as connected with the Jews at 
a very early period (Num. xxiv. 22, 24 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 
8, &c): but after the notice of the foundation of 
Nineveh in Genesis no further mention is made of 
the city until the time of the book of Jonah, or the 
eighth century b. c, supposing we accept the earliest 
date for that narrative, which, however, according 
to some critics, must be brought down to the fifth 
century b. c. In this book neither Assyria nor the 
Assyrians are mentioned, the king to whom the 
prophet was sent being termed the " king of Nine- 
veh," and his subjects " the people of Nineveh." 
Assyria is first called a kingdom in the time of Men- 
ahem, about b. c. 770. Nahdm (?b. c. 645) directs 
his prophecies against Nineveh ; only once against 
the king of Assyria (ch. iii. 18). In 2 K. xix. 36 
and Is. xxxvii. 37 the city is first distinctly men- 
tioned as the residence of the monarch. Sennache- 
rib was slain there when worshipping in the temple 
of Nisroch his god. In 2 Chr. xxxii. 21, where the 
same event is described, the name of the place 
where it occurred is omitted. Zephaniah, about 
b. c. 630, couples the capital and the kingdom to- 
gether (ch. ii. 13) ; and this is the last mention of 
Nineveh as an existing city. Ez. xxxi. mentions the 
nation as ruined. Jer. xxv., enumerating " all the 
kingdoms of the world," omits the nation and city. 
It has therefore been generally assumed that the de- 
struction of Nineveh and the extinction of the em- 
pire took place between the time of Zephaniah and 
that of Ezekiel and Jeremiah. The exact period of 



these events has consequently been fixed, with a 
certain amount of concurrent evidence derived from 
classical history, at b. c. 606. It may have occurred 
twenty years earlier. (Medes.) The city was then 
laid waste, its monuments destroyed, and its in- 
habitants soattered or carried away into captivity. 
It never rose again from its ruins. This total dis- 
appearance of Nineveh is fully confirmed by pro- 
fane history. Herodotus (i. 193) speaks of the Tigris 
as " the river upon which the town of Nineveh for- 
merly stood." Xenophon, with the 10,000 Greeks, 
encamped during his retreat on, or very near, its 
site (b. c. 401), but does not mention its name. The 
historians of Alexander, except Arrian, do not even 
allude to the city, over the ruins of which the con- 
queror must have actually marched. His great vic- 
tory over Darius (b. c. 331) was won almost in sight 
of them. It is evident that the later Greek and 
Roman writers, e. g. Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pliny, 
could only have derived any independent knowledge 
they possessed of Nineveh from traditions of no 
authority. They concur, however, in placing it on 
the eastern bank of the Tigris. During the Roman 
period, a small castle, or fortified town, appears to 
have stood on some part of the site of the ancient 
city. It appears to have borne the ancient tradition- 
al name of Nineve, as well as its corrupted form of 
Ninos and Ninus. The Roman settlement appears 
to have been in its turn abandoned, for there is no 
mention of it when Heraclius gained the great vic- 
tory over the Persians in the battle of Nineveh, 
fought on the very site of the ancient city, a. d. 
627. After the Arab conquest, a fort on the east 
bank of the Tigris bore the name of " Ninawi." 
Benjamin of Tudela, in the twelfth century, men- 
tions the site of Nineveh as occupied by numerous 
inhabited villages and small townships. The name 
remained attached to the ruins during the Middle 
Ages. Tribes of Turcomans and sedentary Arabs, 
and Chaldean and Syrian Christians, dwell in small 
mud-built villages, and cultivate the soil in the 
country round the ruins ; and occasionally a tribe 
of wandering Kurds, or of Bedouins from the desert, 
will pitch their tents amongst them. After the 
Arab conquest of the west of Asia, Mosul, at one 
time the flourishing capital of an independent king- 
dom, rose on the opposite or western bank of the 
Tigris. Traditions of the unrivalled size and mag- 
nificence of Nineveh were equally familiar to the 
Greek and Roman writers, and to the Arab geog- 
raphers. Diodorus Siculus asserts that the city 
formed a quadrangle of 150 stadia by 90, or alto- 
gether of 480 stadia ( = 60 miles), and was sur- 
rounded by walls 100 feet high, broad enough for 
three chariots to drive abreast upon them, and de- 
fended by 1,500 towers, each 200 feet in height. 
According to Strabo it was larger than Babylon, 
which was 385 stadia in circuit. In the O. T. we 
only find vague allusions to the splendor and wealth 
of the city (Jon. iii. 2, 3, iv. 11). It is obvious that 
the accounts of Diodorus are for the most part ab- 
surd exaggerations founded upon fabulous tradi- 
tions, for which existing remains afford no warrant. 
The political history of Nineveh is that of Assyria. 
It has been observed that the territory included 
within the boundaries of the kingdom of Assyria 
proper was comparatively limited in extent, and 
that almost within the immediate neighborhood of 
the capital petty kings appear to have ruled over 
semi-independent states, owning allegiance and pay- 
ing tribute to the great Lord of the Empire, "the 
King of Kings," according to his Oriental title, 



728 



NIN 



NIN 



who dwelt at Nineveh. The fall of the capital was 
the signal for universal disruption. — Tlie Ruins. 
Previous to recent excavations and researches, the 
ruins which occupied the presumed site of Nineveh 
seemed to consist of mere shapeless heaps or 



mounds of earth and rubbish. Unlike the vast 
masses of brick masonry which mark the site of 
Babylon, they showed externally no signs of arti- 
ficial construction, except perhaps here and there 
the traces of a rude wall of sun-dried bricks. Some 




Thifl Map 13 taken from Fairbalrn'fl Imperial Bible-Dictumary. 



of these mounds were of enormous dimensions — 
looking in the distance rather like natural eleva- 
tions than the work of men's hands. Upon and 
around them, however, were scattered innumerable 
fragments of pottery. Some had been chosen by 
the scattered population of the land as sites for vil- 
lages, or for small mud-built forts. The summits 
of others were sown with corn or barley. During 
the spring months they were covered with grass 
and flowers, bred by the winter rains. The Arabs 
call these mounds Tel, the Turcomans and Turks 
Teppeh, both words being equally applied to natural 
hills and elevations. They differ greatly in form, 
size, and height. Some are mere conical heaps, 
varying from 50 to 150 feet high; others have a 
broad flat summit, and very precipitous cliff-like 



sides, furrowed by deep ravines worn by the winter 
rains. Such mounds are especially numerous in the 
region to the E. of the Tigris, in which Nineveh 
stood, and some of them must mark the ruins of 
the Assyrian capital. The only difficulty is to de- 
termine which ruins are to be comprised within the 
actual limits of the ancient city. The northern ex- 
tremity of the principal collection of mounds on 
the eastern bank of the Tigris may be fixed at the 
Shereef Khan, and the southern at Nimroud, about 
six and a half miles from the junction of that river 
with the great Zab, the ancient Lycus. Eastward 
they extend to Khorsabad, about ten miles N. by 
E. of Shereef Khan, and to Karamless, about fifteen 
miles N. E. of Nimroud. Within the area of this 
irregular quadrangle are to be found, in every direc- 



NIN 

tion, traces of ancient edifices and of former popu- 
lation. It comprises various separate and distinct 
groups of ruins, four of which, if not more, are the 



NIN 729 

remains of fortified enclosures or strongholds, de- 
fended by walls and ditches, towers and ramparts. 
The principal are— (1.) the group immediately op- 




Nebbi Yunut, Kouyu:ijik,an& Ruins opposite Miml— (From Layard's Nineveh, i. 123.) 

posite Mosul, including the great mounds of Kou- 
yunjik (also called by the Arabs, Armousheeyah) 
and Nebbi Yunus ; (2.) that near the junction of 




VARUS 

Plan of Kouyuniik and Nebbi Yuniu. 



the Tigris and Zab, comprising the mounds of Nim- 
roud and Athur; (3.) Khorsabad, about ten miles 
E. of the former river ; (4.) Shereef Khan, about 
five and a half miles N. of Kouyunjik ; 
and (5.) Selamiyah, three miles N. of 
Nimroud (see map). — (1.) The ruins oppo- 
site Mosul consist of an enclosure formed 
by a continuous line of mounds, resembling 
a vast embankment of earth, but marking 
the remains of a wall, the western face of 
which is interrupted by the two great 
mounds of Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus. 
E. of this enclosure are the remains of an 
extensive line of defences, consisting of 
moats and ramparts. The inner wall forms 
an irregular quadrangle with very unequal 
sides — the northern being 2,333 yards, the 
western, or the river face, 4,533, the east- 
ern (where the wall is almost the segment 
of a circle) 5,300 yards, and the southern 
but little more than 1,000 ; altogether 
13,200 yards, or H English miles. The 
present height of this earthen wall is be- 
tween 40 and 50 feet. Here and there a 
mound more lofty than the rest covers the 
remains of a tower or a gateway. The walls 
appear to have been originally faced, at 
least to a certain height, with stone- 
masonry, some remains of which have been 
discovered. The mound of Kouyunjik is 
of irregular form, being nearly square at the 
S. W. corner, and ending almost in a point 
at the N. E. It is about 1,300 yards in 



730 



NIN 



NIN 



length, by 500 in its greatest width ; its greatest height 
is 96 feet, and its sides are precipitous, with occasional 
deep ravines or watercourses. The summit is nearly 
flat, but falls from the W. to the E. A small village, 
now abandoned, formerly stood upon it. The Khosr, 
a narrow, but deep and sluggish stream, sweeps 
round the S. side of the mound on its way to the 
Tigris. Anciently dividing itself into two branches, 
it completely surrounded Kouyunjik. Nebbi Yunus 
is considerably smaller than Kouyunjik, being about 
530 yards, by 430, and occupying an area of about 
40 acres. In height it is about the same. Upon it 
is a Turcoman village containing the apocryphal 
tomb of Jonah, and a burial-ground held in great 
sanctity by Mohammedans. Remains of entrances 
or gateways have been discovered in the N. and E. 
walls. The Tigris, now about one mile distant, 
formerly ran beneath the western wall (a), and at 
the foot of the two great mounds. The northern 
(b) and southern (d) faces were strengthened by 
deep and broad moats. The eastern (c) being most 




The Great Mound of Nimroud.— (Ayre., 

accessible to an enemy, was most strongly fortitied. 
The Khosr, before entering the enclosure, which it 
divides into two nearly equal parts, ran for some 
distance almost parallel to it (/). The remainder 
of the wall was protected by two wide moats (h), 
fed by the stream. In addition there were a ram- 
part or ramparts of earth, and a moat between the 
inner walls and the Khosr. S. of this stream a 
third ditch, about 200 feet broad, excavated in the 
rock, extended almost the whole length of the 
eastern face, joining the moat on the S. An enor- 



mous outer rampart of earth, still in some parts 
above 80 feet high (/), completed the defences on 
this side. A few mounds outside the ramparts 
probably mark the sites of detached towers or for- 
tified posts. It is remarkable that within the en- 
closure, with the exception of Kouyunjik and Nebbi 
Yunus, no mounds or irregularities in the surface 
of the soil denote ruins of any size. — (2.) Nimroud 
consists of a similar enclosure of consecutive mounds 
— the remains of ancient walls. The system of de- 
fences is, however, very inferior in importance and 
completeness to that of Kouyunjik. The indica- 
tions of towers occur at regular intervals ; 108 may 
still be traced on the N. and E. sides. The area 
forms an irregular square about 2,331 yards by 
2,095, containing about 1,000 acres. The N. and 
E. sides were defended by moats, the W. and S. walls 
by the river, which once flowed immediately beneath 
them. On the S. W. face is a great mound, 700 
yards by 400, and covering about 60 acres, with a 
cone or pyramid of earth, about 140 feet high, ris- 
ing in the N. W. corner of it. At 
the S. E. angle of the enclosure is a 
group of lofty mounds, called by the 
Arabs, after Nimrod's lieutenant, 
Athur (compare Gen. x. 11). — (3.) 
The enclosure-walls of Khorsabad 
form a square of about 2,000 yards. 
They show the remains of towers and 
gateways. There are apparently no 
traces of moats or ditches. The mound 
which gives its name to this group of 
ruins rises on the N. W. face. It may 
be divided into two parts or stages, 
the upper about 650 feet square, and 
30 feet high, and the lower adjoining 
it, about 1,350 by 300. Its summit 
was formerly occupied by an Arab vil- 
lage. In one corner is a pyramid or cone, like 
that at Nimroud, but much smaller. Within the 
interior are a few mounds, but no traces of con- 
siderable buildings. — (4.) Shereef Khan, so called 
from a small village in the neighborhood, consists 
of a group of mounds of no great size when 
compared with other Assyrian ruins, and without 
traces of an outer wall. — (5.) Selamiyah is an 
enclosure of irregular form, situated upon a high 
bank overlooking the Tigris, about 5,000 yards 
in circuit, and containing an area of about 410 




Khortabad. — View of the Mounds. — From Botta'a Nineve, — (Fbn.) 



NIN 



NIN 



731 



acres, apparently once surrounded by a ditch or 
moat. It contains no mound or ruin, and even the 
rampart has in many places nearly disappeared. 
The name is derived from an Arab town once of 
some importance, but now reduced to a miserable 
Turcoman village. — The greater part of the dis- 
coveries which of late have thrown so much light 
upon the history and condition of the ancient in- 
habitants of Nineveh were made in the ruins of 
Nimroud, Kouyunjilc, and Khorsabad. The first 
traveller who carefully examined the supposed site 
of the city was Mr. Rich, formerly political agent 
for the East India Company at Bagdad ; but his 
investigations were almost entirely confined to 
Kouyunjik and the surrounding mounds, of which 
he made a survey in 1820. From them he obtained 
a few relics, such as inscribed pottery and bricks, 
cylinders and gems. He subsequently visited the 
mound of Nimroud, of which, however, he was un- 
able to make more than a hasty examination. Sev- 
eral travellers described the ruins after Mr. Rich, 
but no attempt was made to explore them system- 
atically until M. Botta was appointed French consul 
at Mosul in 1843. The French government, having 
given the necessary funds, the ruins of Khorsabad 
were fully explored. They consisted of the lower 
part of a number of halls, rooms, and passages, for 
the most part wainscoted with slabs of coarse gray 
alabaster, sculptured with figures in relief, the prin- 
cipal entrances being formed by colossal human- 
headed winged bulls. No remains of exterior ar- 
chitecture of any great importance were discovered. 
The calcined limestone and the great accumulation 
of charred wood and charcoal showed that the build- 
ing had been destroyed by fire. Its upper part had 
entirely disappeared, and its general plan could only 
be restored by the remains of the lower story. The 
collection of Assyrian sculptures in the Louvre, 
Paris, came from these ruins. M. Botta's discov- 
eries at Khorsabad were followed by those of Mr. 
Layard at Nimroud and Kouyunjik, made between 
1845 and 1850. The mound of Nimroud was found 
to contain the ruins of several distinct edifices, 
erected at different periods. The most ancient 
stood at the N. W. corner of the platform, the most 
recent at the S. E. In general plan and in con- 
struction they resembled the ruins at Khorsabad — 
consisting of a number of halls, chambers, and 
galleries, panelled with sculptured and inscribed 
alabaster slabs, and opening one into the other by 
doorways generally formed by pairs of colossal 
human-headed winged bulls or lions. The exterior 
architecture could not be traced. The lofty cone 
or pyramid of earth adjoining this edifice covered 
the ruins of a building the basement or which was 
a square of 165 feet, and consisted, to the height 
of 20 feet, of a solid mass of sun-dried bricks, 
faced on the four sides by blocks of stone carefully 
squared, bevelled, and adjusted. Upon this solid 
substructure there probably rose, as in the Babylo- 
nian temples, a succession of platforms or stages, 
diminishing in size, the highest having a shrine or 
altar upon it. (Babel, Tower of.) A vaulted 
chamber or gallery, 100 feet long, 6 broad, and 12 
high, crossed the centre of the mound on a level 
with the summit of the stone-masonry. It had evi- 
dently been broken into and rifled of its contents 
at some remote period, and may have been a royal 
sepulchre — the tomb of Ninus, or Sardanapalus, 
which stood at the entrance of Nineveh. It ap- 
pears to have been raised by the son of the king 
who built the N. W. palace, and whose name in the 



cuneiform inscriptions is supposed = Sardanapalus. 
Shalmanubar or Shalmaneser, the builder of this 
tomb or tower, also erected in the centre of the 
great mound a second palace, which appears to 
have been destroyed to furnish materials for later 
buildings. The black obelisk, now in the British 
Museum, was found among its ruins. On the W. 




face of the mound, and adjoining the centre palace, 
are the remains of a third edifice, built by the grand- 
son of Shalmanubar, whose name is read Iva-Lush, 



732 



NIN 



NIN 



and who is believed to be the Pul of the Hebrew 
Scriptures. Esar-haddon raised (about b. c. 680) 
at the S. W. corner of the platform another royal 
abode of considerable extent, but constructed prin- 
cipally with materials brought from his predeces- 
sor's palaces. In the opposite or S. E. corner are 
the ruins of a still later palace built by his grand- 
son Ashur-emit-ili, very inferior in size and in splen- 
dor to other Assyrian edifices. At the S. W. corner 
of the mound of Kouyunjik stood a palace built 
by Sennacherib (about b. c. 700), exceeding in size 
and in magnificence of decoration all others hither- 
to explored. It occupied nearly 100 acres. Though 
but partially examined, about 60 courts, halls (some 
nearly 150 feet square), rooms, and passages (one 
200 feet long), have been discovered, all panelled 
with sculptured slabs of alabaster. The entrances 
to the edifice and to the principal chambers were 
flanked by groups of winged human-headed lions 
and bulls of colossal proportions — some nearly 20 
feet in height; 27 portals thus formed were exca- 
vated by Mr. Layard. A second palace was erected 
on the same platform by the son of Esar-haddon, 
Sardanapalus III. In it were discovered sculptures 
of great interest and beauty, but no propyla;a or 
detached buildings. At Shereef Khan are the 
ruins of a temple, but no sculptured slabs have 
been dug up there. It was founded by Sennacherib, 
and added to by his grandson. At Selamiyah no 
remains of buildings nor any fragments of sculpture 
or inscriptions have been discovered. — The Assyrian 
edifices were so nearly alike in general plan, con- 
struction, and decoration, that one description will 
suffice for alL They were built upon artificial 
mounds or platforms, varying in height, but gener- 
ally from 30 to 50 feet above the level of the sur- 
rounding country, and solidly constructed of regular 
layers of sun-dried bricks, as at Nimroud, or con- 
sisting merely of earth and rubbish heaped up, as 
at Kouyunjik. This platform was probably faced 
with stone-masonry, remains of which were dis- 
covered at Nimroud, and broad flights of steps or 
inclined ways led up to its summit. Although only 
the general plan of the ground-floor can now be 
traced, it is evident that the palaces had several 
stories built of wood and sun-dried bricks, which, 
when the building was deserted and allowed to fall 
to decay, gradually buried the lower chambers with 
their ruins, and protected the sculptured slabs from 
the effects of the weather. The depth of soil and 
rubbish above the alabaster slabs varied from a few 
inches to about 20 feet. To this accumulation of rub- 
bish above them, the bas-reliefs owe their extraor- 
dinary preservation. The portions of the edifices 
still remaining consist of halls, chambers, and gal- 
leries, opening for the most part into large uncov- 
ered courts. The partition-walls vary from 6 to 15 
feet in thickness, and are solidly built of sun-dried 
bricks, against which is placed the panelling or 
skirting of alabaster slabs. No windows have hith- 
erto been discovered, and probably in most of the 
smaller chambers light was only admitted through 
the doors. The wall, above the wainscoting of ala- 
baster, was plastered, and painted with figures and 
ornaments. The pavement was formed either of 
inscribed slabs of alabaster, or large flat kiln-burnt 
bricks. It rested upon layers of bitumen and fine 
sand. Of nearly similar construction are the mod- 
ern houses of Mosul. The upper part and the ex- 
ternal architecture of the Assyrian palaces, both of 
which have entirely disappeared, can only be re- 
stored conjecturally, from a comparison of monu- 



ments represented in the bas-reliefs, and of edifices 
built by nations, such as the Persians, who took 
their arts from the Assyrians. By such means Mr. 
Fergusson (The Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis 
restored) has, with much ingenuity, attempted to re- 
construct a palace of Nineveh. — The sculptures, 
except the human-headed lions and bulls, were, for 
the most part, in low relief. The colossal figures 
usually represent the king, hjs attendants, and the 
gods ; the smaller sculptures, which either cover 
the whole face of the slab, or are divided into two 
compartments by bands of inscriptions, represent 
battles, sieges, the chase, single combats with wild 
beasts, religious ceremonies, &c, &c. All refer to 
public or national events ; the hunting-scenes evi- 
dently recording the prowess and personal valor of 
the king as the head of the people — " the mighty 
hunter before the Lord." The sculptures appear 
to have been painted — remains of color having been 
found on most of them. Thus decorated, without 
and within, the Assyrian palaces must have dis- 
played a barbaric magnificence, not, however, de- 
void of a certain grandeur and beauty, which no 
ancient or modern edifice has probably exceeded. 
These great edifices, the depositories of the national 
records, appear to have been at the same time the 
abode of the king and the temple of the gods. No 
building has yet been discovered which possesses 
any distinguishing features to mark it specially as 
a temple. They are all precisely similar in general 
plan and construction. Most probably a part of 
the palace was set apart for religious worship and 
ceremonies. — Site of the City. Much diversity of 
opinion exists as to the identification of the ruins 
which may be properly included within the site of 
ancient Nineveh. According to Sir H. Rawlinson, 
and those who concur in his interpretation of the 
cuneiform characters, each group of mounds we 
have described represents a separate and distinct 
city. The name applied in the inscriptions to Nim- 
roud is supposed to read " Kalkhu," and the ruins 
are consequently identified with those of the Calah 
of Gen. x. 11; Khorsabad is Sargina, as founded 
by Sargon, the name having been retained in that 
j of Sarghun, or Saraoun, by which the ruins were 
I known to the Arab geographers ; Shereef Khan is 
! Tarbisi. Selamiyah has not yet been identified, no 
J inscription having been found in the ruins. The 
j name of Nineveh is limited to the mounds opposite 
Mosul, including Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus. Sir 
; H. Rawlinson was at one time inclined to exclude 
even the former mound from the precincts of the 
city. Furthermore, the ancient and primitive capi- 
tal of Assyria is supposed to have been not Nine- 
veh, but a city named Asshur, whose ruins have 
been discovered at Kalah Sherghat, a mound on 
the W. bank of the Tigris, about 60 miles S. of 
Mosul. It need scarcely be observed that this 
theory rests entirely upon the presumed accuracy 
! of the interpretation of the cuneiform inscriptions, 
j and that it is totally at variance with the accounts 
and traditions preserved by sacred and classical 
history of the antiquity, size, and importance of 
Nineveh. The area of the enclosure of Kouyun- 
jik, about 1,800 acres, was far too small for the 
site of the city. If Kouyunjik represents Nineveh, 
and Nimroud Calah, where are we to place Resen, 
"a great city" between the two (Gen. x. 1 2) V 
' Scarcely at Selamiyah. On the other hand, it has 
j been conjectured that these groups of mounds are 
j not ruins of separate cities, but of fortified royal 
residences, each combining palaces, temples, propy- 



NIN 



NIN 



733 



tea, gardens, and parks, and having its peculiar 
name ; and that they all formed part of one great 
city built and added to at different periods, and con- 
sisting of distinct quarters scattered over a very 
large area, and frequently very distant one from the 
other. Nineveh might thus be compared with Da- 
mascus, Ispahan, or perhaps more appropriately 
with Delhi. Only thus can the ancient descriptions 
of Nineveh, if any value whatever is to be attached 
to them, be reconciled with existing remains. As 
at Babylon, no great consecutive wall of enclosure, 
comprising all the ruins, such as that described by 
Diodorus, has been discovered at Nineveh, and no 
such wall ever existed. The river Gomel, the mod- 
ern Ghazir-Su, may have formed the eastern boun- 
dary or defence of the city. As to the claims of 
the mound of Kalah Sherghat to represent the site 
of the primitive capital of Assyria called Asshur, 
they must rest entirely on the interpretation of the 
inscriptions. The city was founded, or added to, 
they are supposed to declare, by one Shamas-Iva, 
the son and viceroy, or satrap, of Ismi-Dagon, king 
of Babylon, who reigned, it is conjectured, about b. c. 
1840. Assyria and its capital remained subject to 
Babylonia until b. c. 1273, when an independent 
Assyrian dynasty was founded, of which fourteen 
kings, or more, reigned at Kalah Sherghat. About 
b. c. 930 the seat of government, it is asserted, was 
transferred by Sardanapalus (the second of the 
name, and the Sardanapalus of the Greeks) to the 
city of Kalkhu or Calah (Nimroud), which had been 
founded by an earlier monarch named Shalmanubar. 
There it continued about 250 years, when Sennache- 
rib made Nineveh the capital of the empire. These 
assumptions seem to rest upon very slender grounds, 
and Dr. Hincks altogether rejects the theory of the 
Babylonian character of these early kings, believ- 
ing them to be Assyrian. It is believed that on an 
inscribed terra-cotta cylinder found at Kalah Sher- 
ghat, the foundation of a temple is attributed to 
this Shamas-Iva. A royal name, similar to that of 
his father, Ismi Dagon, is read on a brick from some 
ruins in S. Babylonia, and the two kings are pre- 
sumed to be identical, though there is no other evi- 
dence of the fact (Rawlinson's Herodotus, i. 456, n. 
5) ; indeed, the only son of this Babylonian king 
mentioned in the inscriptions is readlbil-anu-duina, 
a name entirely different from that of the presumed 
viceroy of Asshur. Upon this presumed identifica- 
tion, an entirely new system of Assyrian history 
and chronology has been constructed, of which a 
sketch is given under Assyria (see also Rawlinson's 
Herodotus, i. 489). But this system is at variance 
with sacred, classical, and monumental history, and 
can scarcely be accepted as proven, until the As- 
syrian ruins have been more completely examined, 
and the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions 
has made far greater progress. Tradition contin- 
uously points to Nineveh as the ancient capital of 
Assyria. There is no allusion to any other city 
which enjoyed this rank. — Prophecies relating to 
Nineveh, and Illustrations of the Old. Testament. 
These are exclusively contained in Nahum and 
Zephaniah ; for, although Isaiah foretells the down- 
fall of the Assyrian empire (eh. x. and xiv.), he 
makes no mention of its capital. Nahum threatens 
the entire destruction of the city, so that it shall 
not rise again from its ruins : " With an overrun- 
ning flood he will make an utter end of the place 
thereof." " He will make an utter end ; affliction 
shall not rise up the second time " (i. 8, 9). "Thy 
people is scattered upon the mountains, and no one 



gathereth them. There is no healing of thy bruise " 
(iii. 18, 19). The manner in which the city should 
be taken seems to be indicated. " The defence shall 
be prepared " (ii. 5) is rendered in the marginal 
reading " the covering or coverer shall be prepared," 
and by Mr. Vance Smith, " the covering machine," 
the covered battering-ram or tower supposed to be 
represented in the bas-reliefs as being used in sieges. 
(Engine ; Ram, Battering ; War.) Some commen- 
tators believe that " the overrunning flood " refers 
to the agency of water in the destruction of the 
walls by an extraordinary overflow of the Tigris, 
and the consequent exposure of the city to assault 
through a breach ; others, that it applies to a large 
and devastating army. An allusion to the overflow 
of the river may be contained in ii. 6, " The gates 
of the rivers shall be opened, and the palace shall 
be dissolved," a prophecy supposed to have been 
fulfilled when the Medo-Babylonian army captured 
the city. Most of the edifices discovered had been 
destroyed by fire, but no part of the walls of either 
Nimroud or Kouyunjik appears to have been washed 
away by the river. The likening of Nineveh to " a 
pool of water " (ii. 8) has been conjectured to refer 
to the moats and dams by which a portion of the 
country around Nineveh could be flooded. The city 
was to be partly destroyed by fire, " The fire shall 
devour thy bars," "then shall the fire devour thee " 
(iii. 13, 15). The gateway in the northern wall of 
the Kouyunjik enclosure had been destroyed by lire 
as well as the palaces. The population was to be 
surprised when unprepared, " while they are drunk 
as drunkards they shall be devoured as stubble 
fully dry " (i. 10). Diodorus states that the last 
and fatal assault was made when they were over- 
come with wine. The captivity of the inhabitants, 
and their removal to distant provinces, are predicted 
(iii. 18). The palace-temples were to be plundered 
of their idols, " out of the house of thy gods will I 
cut off the graven image and the molten image " (i. 
14), and the city sacked of its wealth : " Take ye 
the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold " (ii. 9). 
For ages the Assyrian edifices have been despoiled 
of their sacred images ; and enormous amounts of 
gold and silver were, according to tradition, taken 
to Ecbatana by the conquering Medes. Only one or 
two fragments of the precious metals were found in 
the ruins. Nineveh, after its fall, was to be " empty, 
and void, and waste" (ii. 10); "it shall come to 
pass, that all they that look upon thee shall flee 
from thee, and say, "Nineveh is laid waste" (iii. 
7). These epithets describe the present state of 
of the site of the city. But the fullest and the most 
vivid and poetical picture of its ruined and deserted 
condition is that given by Zephaniah, who prob- 
ably lived to see its fall (ii. 13-15). The canals 
which once fertilized the soil are now dry. Except 
when the earth is green after the periodical rains, 
the site of the city, as well as the surrounding coun- 
try, is an arid yellow waste. Flocks of sheep and 
herds of camels seek scanty pasture amongst the 
mounds. From the swamp in the ruins of Khorsa- 
bad, and from the reedy banks of the little streams 
that flow by Kouyunjik and Nimroud may be heard 
the croak of the cormorant and the bittern. The 
cedar-wood which adorned the ceilings of the pal- 
aces has been uncovered by modern explorers, and 
in the deserted halls the hyena, wolf, fox, and jackal 
now lie down. Many allusions in the O. T. to the 
dress, arms, modes of warfare (War, &c), and cus- 
toms of the people of Nineveh, as well as of the 
Jews, are explained by the Nineveh monuments. 



734 



NIN 



NIN 



Thus (Nah. ii. 3), "the shield of his mighty men is 
made red, the valiant men are in scarlet." The 
shields and the dresses of the warriors are generally 
painted red in the sculptures. The magnificent de- 
scription of the assault upon the city (iii. 1-3) is 



illustrated in almost every particular. The mounds 
built up against the walls of a besieged town (Is. 
xxxvii. 33; 2 K. six. 32; Jer. xxxii. 24, &c), the 
battering-ram (Ez. iv. 2), the various kinds of armor, 
helmets, shields, spears, and swords, used in battle 



yflfte „ A 

mm m 

■ROOT -^.~^.\vs 





King feasting.— From Kouyunjik. 



during a siege ; the chariots and horses (Nah. iii. 3) 
are all seen in bas-reliefs. (Chariot ; Ensign ; Horse ; 
Lachish, &c.) The interior decoration of the Assy- 
rian palaces is described by Ezekiel, himself a captive 
in Assyria and an eye-witness of their magnificence 
(xxiii. 14, 15); a description strikingly illustrated 
by the sculptured likenesses of the Assyrian kings 
and warriors. (King ; Palace ; Throne, &c.) The 
mystic figures seen by the prophet in his vision 
(ch. i.), uniting the man, the lion, the ox, and the 




Representations of a winged deity, supposed to be the god Asshur, the dei- 
fied patriarch of Assyria. — (From Layard.) 

eagle (Cherub), may have been suggested by the 
eagle-headed idols, and man-headed bulls and lions, 
and the sacred emblem of the " wheel within wheel," 
by the winged circle or globe frequently represented 
in the bas-reliefs. — Arts. The origin of Assyrian 
art is a subject at present involved in mystery, and 
one which offers a wide field for speculation and re- 
search. Those who derive the civilization and po- 
litical system of the Assyrians from Babylonia would 
trace their arts to the same source. One of the 
principal features of their architecture, the artificial 
platform serving as a substructure for their national 
edifices, may have been taken from a people inhab- 



iting plains perfectly flat, such as those of Shinar, 
rather than an undulating country in which natural 
elevations are not uncommon, such as Assyria 
Proper. But it still remains to be proved that 




Winged Globe.— (From Layard.) 

there are artificial mounds in Babylonia of an earlier 
date than mounds on or near the site of Nineveh. 
Whether other leading features and the details of 
Assyrian architecture came from the same source, 
is much more open to doubt. In none of the arts 
of the Assyrians have any traces hitherto been found 
of progressive change. In the architecture of the 
most ancient known edifice all the characteristics 
of the style are already fully developed ; no new 
features of any importance seem to have been intro- 
duced at a later period. In sculpture, as probably 
in painting also, if we possessed the means of com- 
parison, the same thing is observable as in the re- 
mains of ancient Egypt. The earliest works hitherto 
discovered show the result of a lengthened period 
of gradual development, which, judging from the 
slow progress made by untutored man in the arts, 
must have extended over a vast number of years. 
They exhibit the arts of the Assyrians at the highest 
stage of excellence they probably ever attained. 
The only change we can trace, as in Egypt, is one 
of decline or " decadence." The latest monuments, 
such as those from the palaces of Esar-haddon and 
his son, show perhaps a closer imitation of nature, 
and a more careful and minute execution of details 
than those from the earlier edifices ; but they are 
wanting in the simplicity yet grandeur of conception, 
in the imagination, and in the variety of treatment 
displayed in the most ancient sculptures. This will 
at once be perceived by a comparison of the orna- 
mental details of the two periods. The lions of the 



NIN 



NIN 



T35 



earlier period are a grand, ideal, and, to a certain 
extent, conventional representation of the beast. In 
the later bas-reliefs the lions are more closely imi- 
tated from nature without any conventional eleva- 
tion; but what is gained in truth is lost in dignity. 
The same may be observed in the treatment of the 
human form, though in its representation the As- 
syrians, like the Egyptians, would seem to have 
been, at all times, more or less shackled by religious 
prejudices or laws. No new forms or combinations 
appear to have been introduced into Assyrian art 
during the four or five centuries, if not longer 
period, in which we are acquainted with it. The art 
of the Nineveh monuments must in the present state 
of our knowledge be accepted as an original and 
national art, peculiar, if not to the Assyrians alone, 
to the races who at various periods possessed the 
country watered by the Tigris and Euphrates. As 
it was undoubtedly brought to its highest perfection 
by the Assyrians, and is especially characteristic of 
them, it may well and conveniently bear their name. 
From whence it was originally derived there is 
nothing as yet to show. If from Babylon, as some 
have conjectured, there are no remains to prove the 
fact. Analogies may perhaps be found between it 
and that of Egypt, but they are not sufficient to con- 
vince us that the one was the offspring of the other. 
The two may have been offshoots from some com- 
mon trunk which perished ages before either Nine- 
veh or Thebes was founded ; or the Phenicians, as 
it has been suggested, may have introduced into the 
two countries, between which they were placed, and 
between which they may have formed a commercial 
link, the arts peculiar to each of them. Whatever 
the origin, the development of the arts of the two 
countries appears to have been affected and directed 
by very opposite conditions of national character, 
climate, geographical and geological position, poli- 
tics, and religion. At a late period of Assyrian his- 
tory, at the time of the building of the Khorsabad pal- 
ace (about the eighth century b. c), a more intimate 
intercourse with Egypt, through war or dynastic alli- 
ances, than had previously existed, appears to have 
led to the introduction of objects of Egyptian manu- 
facture into Assyria, and may have influenced to a 
limited extent its arts. A precisely similar influence 
proceeding from Assyria has been remarked at the 
same period in Egypt, probably arising from the 
conquest and temporary occupation of the latter 
country by the Assyrians. The Ionic element in 
Greek art was probably derived from Assyria, as the 
Doric came from Egypt. The arts of the Assyrians, 
especially their architecture, spread to surround- 
ing nations, as is usually the case when one race is 
brought into contact with another in a lower state 
of civilization. They appear to have crossed the 
Euphrates, and to have had more or less influence 
on the countries between it and the Mediterranean. 
Monuments of an Assyrian character have been dis- 
covered in various parts of Syria, and further re- 
searches would probably disclose many more. The 
arts of the Phenicians, judging from the few speci- 
mens preserved, show the same influence. The As- 
syrian inscriptions seem to indicate a direct depen- 
dence of Judea upon Assyria from a very early period. 
The Temple and " houses " of Solomon (comp. 1 K. 
vi., vii. ; 2 Chr. iii., iv. ; Palace) appear to have 
been very similar to the palaces of Nineveh, if 
not in the exterior architecture, certainly in the in- 
terior decorations. The Jewish edifices were, how- 
ever, very much inferior in size to the Assyrian. Of 
objects of art (if we may use the term) contained in 



the Temple we have the description of the pillars, 
of the brazen sea, and of various bronze or copper 
vessels. The Assyrian character of these objects is 
very remarkable. (Altar; Cup; Knop; Laver, 
&c.) The influence of Assyria to the eastward was 
even more considerable, extending far into Asia. 
The Persians copied their architecture (with such 
modifications as the climate and the building-ma- 
terials at hand suggested), their sculpture, prob- 
ably their painting and their mode of writing, from 
the Assyrians. The ruined palaces of Persepolis 
show the same general plan of construction as those 
of Nineveh — the entrances formed by human-headed 
animals, the skirting of sculptured stone, and the 
inscribed slabs. (Gate, &e.) The various religious 
emblems and the ornamentation have the same As- 
syrian character. Amongst the Assyrians the ai ts 
were principally employed, as amongst all nations 
in their earlier stages of civilization, for religions 
and national purposes. The colossal figures at the 
doorways of the palaces were mythic combinations 
to denote the attributes of a deity. The " Mar.- 
Bull " and the " Man-Lion " are conjectured to be the 
gods " Nin" and "Nergal," presiding over war and 
the chase ; the eagle-headed and fish-headed figures 
so constantly repeated in the sculptures, and as or- 
naments of vessels of metal, or in embroideries — 
Nisroch and Dagon. The bas-reliefs almost in- 
variably record some deed of the king, as head of 
the nation, in war, and in combat with wild beasts, 
or his piety in erecting vast palace-temples to the 
gods. Hitherto no sculptures specially illustrating 
the private life of the Assyrians have been discov- 
ered, except one or two incidents, such as men 
baking bread or tending horses, introduced as mere 
accessories into the historical bas-reliefs. This may 
be partly owing to the fact that no traces whatever 
have yet been found of their burial-places, or even of 
their mode of dealing with the dead. (Anklet ; Arm- 
let ; Axe ; Bracelet ; Burial ; Cart ; Chaldea ; 
Euphrates; Harp; House; Knife; Seal, &c.) Al- 
though the site of Nineveh afforded no special advan- 
tages for commerce, and although she owed her great- 
ness rather to her political position as the capital of 
the empire, yet, situated upon a navigable river com- 
municating with the Euphrates and the Persian Gulf, 
she must soon have formed one of the great trading- 
stations between that important inland sea and 
Syria, and the Mediterranean, and must have be- 
come a depot for the merchandise supplied to a 
great part of Asia Minor, Armenia, and Persia. 
Her merchants are described in Ezekiel xxvii. 24 as 
trading in blue clothes and broidered work (such as 
is probably represented in the sculptures), and in 
Nahum iii. 16 as "multiplied above the stars of 
heaven." — Writing and Language. The ruins of 
Nineveh have furnished a vast collection of inscrip- 
tions partly carved on marble or stone slabs, and 
partly impressed upon bricks, and upon clay cylin- 
ders, or six-sided and eight-sided prisms, barrels, 
and tablets, which, used for the purpose when still 
moist, were afterward baked in a furnace or kiln 
(comp. Ez. iv. 1). The character employed was the 
arrow-headed or cuneiform — so called from each 
letter being formed by marks or elements resem- 
bling an arrow-head or a wedge. This mode of writ- 
ing, believed by some to be of Turanian or Scythic 
origin, prevailed throughout the provinces com- 
prised in the Assyrian, Babylonian, and the eastern 
portion of the ancient Persian empire, from the 
earliest times to which any known record belongs, 
or at least twenty centuries b, c, down to the period 



736 



NIN 



NIN 



of the conquests of Alexander ; after which epoch, 
although occasionally employed, it seems to have 
gradually fallen into disuse. It never extended 
into Syria, Arabia, or Asia Minor, although it was 
adopted by Armenia. A cursive writing resembling 



royal dynasties. The most important inscription 
hitherto discovered in connection with Biblical his- 
tory is that upon a pair of colossal human-headed 
bulls from Kouyunjik, now in the British Museum, 
containing the records of Sennacherib, and descri- 
bing, among other events, his wars 

Ty ... j y $3 — yw . . ^^TYY with Hezekiah. It is accompanied by 

^>|— \\\ A^- [-<« \\ i \\ *"*"" V a series of bas-reliefs believed to rep- 

resent the siege and capture of La- 
chish. A long list might be given of 
Biblical names occurring in the Assy- 
rian inscriptions. Those of three Jew- 
ish kings have been read, Jehu son 
of Khumri (Omri), on the black obe- 
lisk, Mexahem on a slab from the S. 
\V. palace, Nimroud, now in the Brit- 
ish Museum, and Hezekiah in the 



VYY 



=r i 



Specln 



Arrow-beaded or Cuneiform Writing. 

the ancient Syrian and Phenician, appears to have 
also been occasionally employed in Assyria. The 
Assyrian cuneiform character was of the same class 
as the Babylonian, only differing from it in the less 
complicated nature of its forms. The Assyrian and 
Babylonian alphabet (if the term may be applied to 
above 200 signs) is of the most complicated, imper- 
fect, and arbitrary nature — some characters being 
phonetic, others syllabic, others ideographic — the 
same character being frequently used indifferently. 
This constitutes one of the principal difficulties in 
the decipherment. The investigation first com- 
menced by Grotef'end has since been carried on 
with much success by SirH. Rawlinson, Dr. Hincks, 
Mr. Norris, and Mr. Fox Talbot, in England, and 
M. Oppert in France. (Writixg.) The people 
of Nineveh spoke a Shemitic dialect, connected 
with the Hebrew and with the so-called Chaldce 
of Daniel and Ezra. (Shemitic Laxguages.) This 
agrees with the testimony of the 0. T. But it is 
asserted that there existed in Assyria as well as in 
Babylonia a more ancient tongue belonging to a 
Turanian or Scythic race, which is supposed to have 
inhabited the plains watered by the Tigris and 
Euphrates long before the rise of the Assyrian em- 
pire, and from which the Assyrians derived their 
civilization and the greater part of their mythology. 
The Assyrian inscriptions usually contain the chron- 
icles of the king who built or restored the edifice 
in which they are found, records of his wars and 
expeditions into distant countries, of the amount 
of tribute and spoil taken from conquered tribes, 
of the building of temples and palaces, and invo- 
cations to the gods of Assyria. These inscribed 
bricks are of the greitest value in restoring the 





Jewiah Captives from Lachish.— From a bas-relief at Kouyunjik. 



Sennacherib on hia Throne before Lachish. 

Kouyunjik records. The most important inscribed 
terra-cotta cylinders are — those from Kalah 
Sherghat, with the annals of a king, whose 
name is believed to read Tiglath-pileser, not 
the same mentioned in 2 Kings, but an earlier 
monarch, supposed to have reigned about 
b. c. 1110; those from Khorsabad containing 
the annals of Sargon ; those from Kouyunjik, 
especially one known as Bellino's cylinder, 
with the chronicles of Sennacherib ; that from 
Nebbi Yunus with the records of Esar-haddon, 
and the fragments of three cylinders with 
those of his son. The most important re 
suits may be expected when inscriptions so 
numerous and so varied in character are de- 
ciphered. A list of nineteen or twenty kings 
can already be compiled, and the annals of 
the greater number of them will probably be 
restored to the lost history of one of the 
most powerful empires of the ancient world, 
and of one which appears to have exercised 



NIX 



NOA 



737 



perhaps greater influence than any other upon the 
subsequent condition and development of civilized 
man. The only race now found near the ruins of 
Nineveh or in Assyria which may have any claim 
to be considered descendants from the ancient in- 
habitants of the country are the so-called Chaldean 
or Nestorian tribes, inhabiting the mountains of 
Kurdistan, the plains round the lake of Ooroomiyah 
in Persia, and a few villages in the neighborhood 
of Mosul. They still speak a Shemitic dialect, al- 
most identical with the Chaldee of Daniel and Ezra. 
A resemblance, which may be but fanciful, has been 
traced between them and the representations of the 
Assyrians in the bas-reliefs. Their physical char- 
acteristics at any rate seem to mark them as of the 
same race. A curse appears to hang over a land 
naturally rich and fertile, and capable of sustaining 
a vast number of human beings. Those who now 
inhabit it are yearly diminishing, and there seems 
no prospect that for generations to come this once- 
favored country will remain other than a wilderness. 

Nin'e-vitcs = inhabitants of Nineveh (Lk. xi. 30). 

Ni'san. Month. 

Ni'son — Nisan (Esth. xi. 2). 

Nis'roch [-rok] (Heb., see below), the proper name 
of an idol of Nineveh, in whose temple Sennacherib 




Eagie-headed figure, supposed to be NiBroch.— From the N. W. Palace, 
(Layard'fl Nineveh, i. 71.) 



was worshipping when assassinated by his sons, 
Adrammelech and Sharezer (2 K. xix. 37 ; Is. xxxvii. 
38). Rashi, in his note on Is. xxxvii. 38, explains 
Nisroch as " a beam, or plank, of Noah's ark," 
47 



from the analysis given of the word by Rabbinical 
expositors. What the true etymology may be is 
extremely doubtful. If the origin of the word be 
Shemitic, it may be derived, as Gesenius suggests, 
from the Heb. ncsher, which is in Ar. nisr = an 
eagle, with the termination 6ch or &ch, so that Nis- 
roch = the great eagle. But this explanation is far 
from satisfactory. It is adopted, however, by Fiirst, 
and by Mr. Layard, who identifies with Nisroch the 
eagle-headed human figure, which is one of the most 
prominent on the earliest Assyrian monuments, and 
is always represented as contending with and con- 
quering the lion or the bull. 

Ni tre [-ter] (Heb. nether) occurs in Prov. xxv. 
20, " and as vinegar upon nether ; " and in Jer. ii. 
22, " though thou wash thee with nether. The sub- 
stance denoted is not that which we now under- 
stand by the term nitre, i. e. nitrate of potassa = 
saltpetre — but the nitron or litron of the Greeks, 
the nilram of the Latins, and the natron or native 
carbonate of soda of modern chemistry. The latter 
part of the passage in Proverbs is well explained 
by Shaw, who sa; s (Trav. ii. 387), " the unsuitable- 
ness of the singing of songs to a heavy heart is 
very finely compared to the contrariety there is be- 
tween vinegar and natron." Natron was and is still 
used by the Egyptians for washing linen : 
the value of soda in this respect is well 
known. The Egyptians use it (1.) instead 
of yeast for bread, (2.) instead of soap, (3.) 
as a cure for the toothache, being mixed 
with vinegar. Natron is found abundantly 
in the well-known soda lakes of Egypt de- 
scribed by Pliny, and referred to by Strabo, 
which are situated in the barren valley of 
Bahr bela-ma (the Waterless Sea), about fifty 
miles W. of Cairo. 

JfO. No-AMON. 

No-a-di'all (fr. Heb. = with whom Jehovah 
convenes, Ges.). 1. A Levite, son of Binnui, 
who with Meremoth, Eleazar, and Jozabad, 
weighed the vessels of gold and silver be- 
longing to the Temple which were brought 
back from Babylon (Ezr. viii. 33).— 2. The 
prophetess Noadiah joined Sanballat and 
Tobiah in their attempt to intimidate Nehe- 
miah (Neh. vi. 14). 

No ah (Heb. noah or noach = rest), in N. 
T. Noe, the tenth in descent from Adam, in 
the line of Seth ; son of Lamech 2, and grand- 
son of Methuselah. Of his father Lamech 
all that we know is comprised in the words 
that he uttered on the birth of his son 
(Gen. v. 29), words the more significant 
when we contrast them with the saying of 
the other Lamech 1, which have also been 
preserved (iv. 23, 24). In the reason which 
Lamech gives for calling his son Noah, there 
is a play upon the name which it is im- 
possible to preserve in English. He called 
his name Noah (rest), saying," this same shall 
comfort us" (Heb. yenaharnenu or yenacha- 
menu). It is plain that the name " rest " 
and the verb " comfort " are of different 
roots ; Lamech merely plays upon the name 
after a fashion common in all ages and coun- 
rimW— tries (so Mr. J. J. S. Perowne). Of Noah him- 
self, from this time, we hear nothing more 
till he is 500 years old, when he begat three sons, 
Shem, Ham, and Japheth. Very remarkable, how- 
ever, is the glimpse which we get of the state of 
society in the antc-diluvian world (vi. 1-4). The 



738 noa 

narrative stands thus: "And it came to pass when 
men (the Adam) began to multiply on the face 
of the ground and daughters were born unto 
them ; then the sons of God (the Elohim) saw 
the daughters of men (the Adam) that they were 
fair, and they took to them wives of all that they 
chose. And Jehovah said, My Spirit shall not for 
ever rule (or be humbled) in men (A. V. ' strive 
with man'), seeing that they are (or, in their error 
they are) but flesh, and their days shall be a hundred 
and twenty years. The nephUim (A. V. ' giants ') were 
on the earth in those days ; and also afterward when 
the sons of God (the Elohim) came in unto the 
daughters of men (the Adam), and children were 
bor^ to them, these were the heroes which were of 
old, men of renown." Here a number of perplex- 
ing questions present themselves : (a.) Who were 
the sons of God ? (b.) Who the daughters of men ? 
(c) Who the nSpMlirn? (Giants.) (d.) What is the 
meaning of " My Spirit shall not always rule, or 
dwell, or be humbled in men ; " and (ft) of the words 
which follow, " But their days shall be a hundred 
and twenty years ? " Questions a. and ft are answered 
directly under Giants. 6. " The daughters of 
men" are variously regarded as women of inferior 
rank, female descendants of Cain, or of Adam, im- 
pious or wicked women, females of the human race, 
&c., according to the view taken of " the sons of 
God," with whom they are contrasted, d. In con- 
sequence of the grievous and hopeless wickedness 
of the world at this time, God resolves to destroy 
it. " My Spirit," He says, " shall not always ' dwell ' 
(LXX., Vulgate, &c.) or ' bear sway ' (Fiirst, &c.) in 
man — inasmuch as he is but flesh." The meaning 
of which seems to be that whilst God has put His 
Spirit in man, i. e. not only the breath of life, but 
a spiritual part capable of recognizing, loving, and 
worshipping Him, man had so much sunk down 
into the lowest and most debasing of fleshly pleas- 
ures, as to have almost extinguished the higher 
light within him. Gesenius translates : My Spirit 
shall not be made low in man for ever, i. e. the 
higher and divine nature shall not for ever be 
humiliated in the lower, shall not ever descend 
from heaven and dwell in flesh upon the earth 
(compare ver. 1, 2). Bush (on Genesis, vi. 3) trans- 
lates : My Spirit shall not always judge, i. e. con- 
tend in judgment (compare Eccl. vi. 10) ; in other 
words, " My Spirit shall not perpetually keep up 
the process of judgment, rebuke, conviction, and 
condemnation." The A. V. translates this similarly, 
" My Spirit shall not always strive with man." 
Then follows : " But his days shall be a hundred 
and twenty years," which has been interpreted by 
some to mean, that still a time of grace shall be 
given for repentance, viz. 120 years before the Flood 
shall come ; and by others, that the duration of 
human life should in future be limited to this term 
of years, instead of extending over centuries as 
before. This last seems the most natural inter- 
pretation of the Hebrew words. Nordheimer (Htbrtw 
Grammar, i. 171) makes the whole passage mean : 
My Spirit will not judge man always when he errs 
(literally in their erring, A. V. " for that he also ") ; 
lie is but fiesh and his days are few (hence he is to 
be compassionated ; compare Ps. lxxviii. 38, 39). — 
Of Noah's life during this age of almost universal 
apostasy we are told but little. It is merely said 
that he was a righteous man and perfect in his 
generations (i. e. among his contemporaries), and 
that he, like Enoch, walked with God. 2 Pet. ii. 5 
styles him " a preacher of righteousness." Besides 



NOA 

this we are merely told that he had three sons, each 
of whom had married a wife ; that he built the Ark 
in accordance with Divine direction ; and that he 
was 600 years old when the Flood came. Both about 
the Ark and the Flood so many questions have been 
raised, that we must consider each of these sepa- 
rately. — The Ark. The precise meaning of the He- 
brew word (iebdh) is uncertain. The word only oc- 
curs here and in Exodus ii. 3. In all probability it 
is to the old Egyptian that we are to look for its 
original form. Bunsen, in his vocabulary, gives tba, 
a chest, tpt, a boat, and in the Coptic Version of Ex. 
ii. 3, 5, thebi is the rendering of tebak. This chest or 
boat was to be of gopher (i. e. cypress) wood, a kind 
of timber which for its lightness and durability was 
employed by the Phenicians for building their ves- 
ses (so Mr. J. J. S. Perowne). The planks of the ark, 
after being put together, were to be protected by a 
coating of pitch, or rather bitumen (slime), which 
was to be laid on both inside and outside, as the 
most effectual means of making it water-tight, and 
perhaps also as a protection against the attacks of 
marine animals. The ark was to consist of a num- 
ber of "nests" or small compartments (A. V. 
"chambers"), doubtless for the convenient distri- 
bution of the different animals and their food. 
These were to be arranged in three tiers, one above 
another ; " with lower, second, and third (stories) 
shalt thou make it." Means were also to be pro- 
vided for letting light into the ark. In the A. V. 
we read, " A window shalt thou make to the ark, 
and in a cubit shalt thou finish it above." The 
original is obscure, and has been differently inter- 
preted. The " window," or " light-hole " (Heb. 
tsofiar, literally light, a light, Ges.) was to be at the 
top of the ark apparently. If the words "unto a 
cubit shalt thou finish it above " refer to the window 
and not to the ark itself, they seem to imply that 
this aperture, or skylight, extended to the breadth 
of a cubit the whole length of the roof. But if so, 
it could not have been merely an open slit, for that 
would have admitted the rain. Are we then to sup- 
pose that some transparent, or at least translucent, 
substance was employed ? It would almost seem 
so. A different Heb. word (hallon or challon) is 
used in ch. viii. 6, where it is said that Noah opened 
the window of the ark. Supposing then the tsohar 
to be a skylight, or series of skylights running 
the whole length of the ark, the hallon or challon 
might be a single compartment of the larger window, 
which could be opened at will. But besides the 
window there was to be a door. This was to be 
placed in the side of the ark. Of the shape of the 
ark nothing is said ; but its dimensions are given. 
It was to be 300 cubits in length, 50 in breadth, 
and 30 in height. Taking twenty-one inches for 
the cubit, the ark would be 525 feet long, 87£ 
feet broad, and 52£ feet high. This is very consider- 
ably larger than the largest British man-of-war. The 
steamship Great Eastern, however, is both longer 
and deeper than the ark, being 680 feet long (691 
on deck), 83 broad, and 58 deep. It should be re- 
membered that this huge structure was only in- 
tended to float on the water, and was not in the 
proper sense of the word a ship. It had neither 
mast, sail, nor rudder ; it was in fact nothing but an 
enormous floating house, or oblong box rather. 
Two objects only were aimed at in its construction : 
the one was that it should have ample stowage, and 
the other that it should be able to keep steady upon 
the water. After having given Noah the necessary 
instructions for the building of the ark, God tells 



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739 



him the purpose for which it was designed. The 
earth is to be destroyed by water. " And I, behold 
I do bring the flood — waters upon the earth — to 
destroy all flesh wherein is the breath of life .... 
but I will establish my covenant with thee," &c. 
(Gen. vi. 17, 18). The inmates of the ark are then 
specified. They are to be Noah and his wife, and 
his three sons with their wives. Noah is also to 
take a pair of each kind of animal into the ark with 
him that he may preserve them alive ; birds, domes- 
tic animals, and creeping things are particularly 
mentioned. He is to provide for the wants of each 
of these stores " of every kind of food that is eaten." 
It is added, " Thus did Noah ; according to all that 
God (Elohim) commanded him, so did he." A re- 
markable addition to these directions occurs in the 
following chapter. The pairs of animals are now 
limited to one of unclean animals, whilst of dean 
animals and birds (ver. 2), Noah is to take to him 
" by sevens." It seems unnecessary to resort to 
the documentary hypothesis (see Genesis, Penta- 
teuch) to explain this addition, when the simple sup- 
position of an additional or supplementary direction 
from God is both natural and sufficient to remove 
the difficulty. Are we, then, to understand that 
Noah literally conveyed a pair of all the animals of 
the world into the ark ? This question virtually 
contains in it another, viz. whether the deluge was 
universal, or only partial ? If it was only partial, 
then of course it was necessary to find room but for 
a comparatively small number of animals ; and the 
dimensions of the ark are ample enough for the re- 
quired purpose. The argument on this point has 
been well stated by Hugh Miller in his Testimony of 
the Rocks. Sir Walter Raleigh (250 years ago) 
proposed to allow in the ark " for 89 distinct 
species of beasts, or lest any should be omitted, for 
100 several kinds ; " and he calculated that " all 
these 280 beasts might be kept in one story, or room 
of the ark, in their several cabins ; their meat in a 
second ; the birds and their provision in a third, 
with space to spare for Noah and his family, and 
all their necessaries." But our knowledge of the 
animal kingdom gives a far larger number of dis- 
tinct species. Johnston's Physical Atlas (second 
edition, 1856) enumerated 1,658 different species of 
mammals. To these we must add the 6,266 birds 
of Lesson, and the 657 or (subtracting the sea-snakes, 
and perhaps the turtles) the 642 reptiles of Charles 
Bonaparte. Take the clean animals alone, of which 
seven were to be in the ark, Mr. Waterhouse in 
1856 estimated the oxen at twenty species, the sheep 
at twenty-seven, the goats at twenty, the deer at 
fifty-one. Add to these the forty-eight species of 
antelopes only, multiply the whole by seven, and we 
have 1,162 individuals, a number more than four 
times greater than Raleigh's estimate. But it is not 
only the inadequate size of the ark to contain 
the progenitors of our existing species of animals, 
which is conclusive against a universal deluge 
(so Mr. Perowne). Another fact points with still 
greater force, if possible, in the same direction, and 
that is, the manner in which we now find these ani- 
mals distributed over the earth's surface. We now 
know that every great continent has its own pecu- 
liar fauna; that the original centres of distribution 
must have been not one, but many ; that the areas 
or circles around these centres must have been oc- 
cupied by their pristine animals in ages long anterior 
to that of the Noachian Deluge. (But see Man.) 
It is quite plain, then, that if all the animals of the 
world were literally gathered together in the ark 



and so saved from the waters of a universal deluge, 
this could only have been effected (even supposing 
there was space for them in the ark) by a most 
stupendous miracle. But the narrative does not 
compel us to adopt so tremendous an hypothesis. 
We shall see more clearly w hen we come to consider 
the language used with regard to the Flood itself, 
that even that language, strong as it undoubtedly 
is, does not oblige us to suppose that the Deluge 
was universal (so Mr. Perowne, with many others ; 
but see below). — The Flood. The ark was finished, 
and all its living freight was gathered into it as in a 
place of safety. Jehovah shut him in, says the 
chronicler, speaking of Noah. And then ensued a 
solemn pause of seven days before the threatened 
destruction was let loose. At last the Flood came ; 
the waters were upon the earth. The narrative is 
vivid and forcible, though entirely wanting in that 
sort of description (of the death-struggle, the cry of 
despair, the agony of husband and wife, parent and 
child, the sadness of Noah, &c.) which in a modern 
historian or poet would have occupied the largest 
space. But one impression is left upon the mind 
with peculiar vividness, from the very simplicity of 
the narrative, and it is that of utter desolation. 
From vii. 17 to the end of the chapter a very simple 
but very powerful and impressive description is given 
of the appalling catastrophe. We are reminded 
six times in ehs. vi.-viii. who the tenants of the ark 
were ; the total and absolute blotting out of every 
thing else is not less emphatically dwelt on. The 
waters of the Flood increased for 190 days (40+ 150, 
comparing vii. 12 and 24). And then "God re- 
membered Noah," and made a wind to pass over the 
earth, so that the waters were assuaged. The ark 
rested on the seventeenth day of the seventh month 
on the mountains of Ararat. After this the waters 
gradually decreased till the first day of the tenth 
month, when the tops of the mountains were seen. 
Then Noah sent forth, first, the raven, which flew 
hither and thither, resting probably on the moun- 
tain-tops, but not returning to the ark ; and next, 
after an interval of seven days (comp. ver. 10), the 
dove, " to see if the waters were abated from the 
ground " (i. e. the lower plain country). " But the 
dove found no rest for the sole of her foot, and she 
returned unto him into the ark." After waiting for 
another seven days he again sent forth the dove, 
which returned this time with a fresh olive-leaf in 
her mouth, a sign that the waters were still lower. 
And once more, after another interval of seven days, 
he sent forth the dove, and she " returned not again 
unto him any more," having found a home for her- 
self upon the earth. On reading this narrative it is 
difficult, it must be confessed, to reconcile the lan- 
guage employed with the hypothesis of a partial 
deluge. The difficulty does not lie in the largeness 
of most of the terms used, but rather in the pre- 
cision of one single expression. It is natural to 
suppose that the writer, when he speaks " of all 
flesh," " all in whose nostrils was the breath of life," 
refers only to his own locality. This sort of lan- 
guage is common enough in the Bible when only a 
small part of the globe is intended (compare Gen. 
xli. 57 ; Deut. ii. 25 ; 1 Chr. xiv. 17 ; Lk. ii. 1 ; 
Rom. i. 8 ; Col. i. 23, &c). The real difficulty lies 
in the connecting of this statement with the district 
in which Noah is supposed to have lived, and the 
assertion that the waters prevailed fifteen cubits up- 
ward. If the Ararat on which the ark rested be the 
present mountain of the same name, the highest 
peak of which is more than 17,000 feet above the 



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sea, it would have been impossible for this to 
have been covered, the water reaching fifteen 
cubits, i. e. twenty-six feet above it, unless the 
whole earth were submerged. The plain meaning 
of the narrative is, that as far as the eye could 
sweep, not a solitary mountain reared its head above 
the waste of waters. But there is no necessity 
for assuming that the ark stranded on the high 
peaks of the mountain now called Ararat, or even 
that that mountain was visible. A lower mountain- 
range, e. g. the Zagros range, may more naturally be 
intended. We may also assume the inundation to have 
been partial, and may suppose it to have extended 
over the whole valley of the Euphrates, and eastward 
as far as the range of mountains running down to the 
Persian Gulf, or further. As the inundation is said 
to have been caused by the breaking up of the 
fountains of the great deep, as well as by the rain, 
some great and sudden subsidence of the land may 
have taken place, accompanied by an inrush of the 
waters of the Persian Gulf, similar to what occurred 
in the Runn of Cutch, on the eastern arm of the 
Indus, in 1819, when the sea flowed in, and in a 
few hours converted a tract of land, 2,000 square 
miles in area, into an inland sea or lagoon. In con- 
sequence of earthquakes in 1822 and 1835, an area 
of 100,000 square miles, on the coast of Chili, has 
been raised two feet above high-water mark in one 
part, and depressed as much in another (Fbn. art. 
Deluge). It has sometimes been asserted that the 
facts of geology are conclusive against the possibil- 
ity of a universal deluge. Formerly, indeed, the 
existence of shells and corals at the top of high 
mountains was taken to be no less conclusive evi- 
dence the other way. They were constantly ap- 
pealed to as a proof of the literal truth of the Scrip- 
ture narrative. Even within the last fifty years 
geologists like Cuvier and Buckland have thought 
that the superficial deposits might be referred to the 
period of the Noachian Flood. Subsequent investi- 
gation, however, showed that if the received chro- 
nology were even approximately correct, this was out 
of the question, as these deposits must have taken 
place thousand of years before the time of Noah, 
and indeed before the creation of man. So far 
then, it is clear, there is no evidence now on the 
earth's surface in favor of a universal deluge. But 
is there any positive geological evidence against it ? 
Hugh Miller and other geologists have maintained 
that there is. They appeal to the fact that in various 
parts of the world, such as Auvergne in France, and 
along the flanks of Etna, there are cones of loose 
scoriae and ashes belonging to long extinct volcanoes, 
which must be at least triple the antiquity of the 
Noachian Deluge, and which yet exhibit no traces 
of abrasion by the action of water. These loose 
cones, they argue, must have been swept away had 
the water of the Deluge ever reached them. But 
this argument is by no means conclusive. The 
whole earth might have been submerged one year, 
or even much longer, without any trace of such 
submersion being now discernible. There is, how- 
ever, other evidence conclusive against the hypothe- 
sis of a universal deluge, miracle apart. The first 
effect of the covering of the whole globe with water 
would be a complete change in its climate, the gen- 
eral tendency being to lower and equalize the tem- 
perature of all parts of its surface. At equal pace 
with this process would ensue the destruction of the 
great majority of marine animals. And this would 
take place, partly from the entire change in climatal 
conditions, too sudden and general to be escaped by 



migration, and, in still greater measure, from the 
sudden change in the depth of the water. Great 
multitudes of marine animals can only live between 
tide-marks, or at depths less than fifty fathoms ; and 
as by the hypothesis the land had to be depressed 
many thousands of feet in a few months, and to 
be raised again with equal celerity, it follows that 
the animals could not possibly have accommodated 
themselves to such vast and rapid changes. All the 
littoral animals, therefore, would have been killed. 
The race of acorn-shells and periwinkles would have 
been exterminated, and all the coral-reefs of the 
Pacific would at once have been converted into 
dead coral, never to grow again. But acorn-shells, 
periwinkles, and coral still survive, and there is 
good evidence that they have continued to exist and 
flourish for many thousands of years. On the other 
hand, Noah was not directed to take marine animals 
of any kind into the ark, nor indeed is it easy to see 
how they could have been preserved. Secondly, had 
the whole globe been submerged, the sea-water 
covering the land would at once have destroyed 
every fresh-water fish, mollusk, and worm ; and as 
none of these were taken into the ark, the several 
species would have become extinct. Nothing of the 
kind has occurred. Thirdly, such experiments as 
have been made with regard to the action of sca- 
water upon terrestrial plants leave very little doubt 
that submergence in sea-water for ten or eleven 
months would have effectually destroyed not only 
the great majority of the plants, but their seeds as 
well. And yet it is not said that Noah took any 
stock of plants with him into the ark, or that the 
animals which issued from it had the slightest 
difficulty in obtaining pasture. There are, then, it 
must be confessed, very strong grounds for believing 
that no universal deluge ever occurred. Suppose 
the Flood, on the other hand, to have been local : 
suppose, e. g., the valley of the Euphrates to have 
been submerged ; then the necessity for preserving 
all the species of animals disappears. For (1.) there 
was nothing to prevent the birds and many of the 
large mammals from getting away; and (2.) the 
number of species peculiar to that geographical 
area, and which would be absolutely destroyed by 
its being flooded, supposing they could not escape, 
is insignificant. All these considerations point with 
overwhelming force in the same direction, and com- 
pel us to believe, unless we suppose that a stupen- 
dous miracle was wrought, that the Flood of Noah 
(like other deluges of which we read) extended only 
over a limited area of the globe. (The preceding argu- 
ment is abridged from Mr. Perowne.) Many authors, 
ancient and modern, have held that Noah's Flood 
was universal, and involved vast geological changes 
(Heidegger, Pelletier, Ray, Whiston, Halley, Sharon 
Turner, &c). Some ancients and many moderns 
have held, as above, that it was universal in respect 
to the human race, but partial in respect to the 
globe (M. Poole, Stillingfleet, Bishop Patrick, Isaac 
Vossius, J. Pye Smith [in Kitto], Fairbairn, Ayre, 
&c). — The word specially used to designate the 
Flood of Noah (hammabbitl) occurs in only one other 
passage of Scripture (Ps. xxix. 10). In Is. liv. 9, 
the Flood is spoken of as " the waters of Noah." 
In the N. T. our Lord gives the sanction of His own 
authority to the historical truth of the narrative 
(Mat. xxiv. 37 ; compare Lk. xvii. 26). 1 Pet. iii. 
20 speaks of the " long-suffering of God," which 
" waited in the days of Noah." In 2 Pet. ii. 5 it is 
cited as an instance of the righteous judgment of 
God who spared not the old world, &c. — The tradi- 



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741 



tions of many nations have preserved the memory 
of a great and destructive flood from which but a 
small part of mankind escaped. It is not always 
very clear whether they point back to a common 
centre, or whether they were of national growth. 
The traditions which come nearest to the Biblical 
account are those of the nations of Western Asia. 
Foremost among these is the Chaldean. It is pre- 
served in a fragment of Berosus, and tells how 
Xisuthrus built a vessel in which he, his wife, and 
family, and personal friends, were saved from a 
great deluge, with different animals, birds, and quad- 
rupeds. The details in regard to sending out birds, 
&c, resemble the Biblical account. Other notices 
of a flood may be found (a.) in the Phenician my- 
thology, where the victory of Pontus (the sea) over 
Demarous (the earth) is mentioned ; (b.) in the Sybil- 
line Oracles which mentioned the Deluge, after 
■which Kronos, Titan, and Japetus ruled the world, 
each taking his portion, and remaining at peace till 
Noah's death, when Kronos and Titan engaged in 
war with one another, the account being partly bor- 
rowed no doubt from the Biblical narrative, and 
partly perhaps from some Babylonian story. To 
these must be added (c.) the Phrygian story of King 
Annakos or Nannakos (Enoch) in Ieonium, who 
reached an age of more than 300 years, foretold the 
Flood, and wept and prayed for his people, seeing 
the destruction that was coming upon them. In 
the time of Septimus Severus (about a. d. 200), a 
medal was struck at Apamea, in Phrygia, commem- 
orating the Flood, and representing a man and 
woman in an ark on the water, and the same pair 
also just come out on the land, with one bird sit- 
ting on the ark and another flying with a branch to 
it, and the Greek letters JVoor iVoeon the ark. In 
this cycle of tradition must be reckoned also (1.) the 
Syrian, related by Lucian, and connected with a 
huge chasm in the earth at the temple of Atar- 
gatis, near Hierapolis, into which the waters of the 
Flood are supposed to have drained ; and (2.) the 
Armenian, quoted by Josephus. (Ararat.) A second 
cycle of traditions is that of Eastern Asia. To this 
belong the Persian, Indian, and Chinese. The Per- 
sian represents the world as corrupted by Ahriman, 
and the universal flood coming to wash away all 
impurity, and destroy Ahriman's creatures. The 
Chinese represents Fah-he with his wife, three sons, 
and three daughters, as having escaped the Flood, 
and becoming the author of Chinese civilization. 
The Indian tradition appears in various forms. Of 
these, the one which most remarkably agrees with 
the Biblical account is that contained in the Ma- 
habharata — that Brahma announced to the pious 
Manu the approach of the Deluge, commanded him 
to build a ship and to put into it all kinds of seeds 
together with the seven Bishis, or holy beings ; that 
Brahma himself, after the Deluge came, appeared 
as a horned fish, and drew the vessel after him many 
years till it was landed on the loftiest summit of 
Mount Himarat (i. e. the Himalaya), and then Manu, 
by the favor of Brahma, created the new race of man- 
kind. The account of the Flood in the Koran is 
drawn, apparently, partly from Biblical and partly 
from Persian sources. In the main, no doubt, it 
follows the narrative in Genesis, but dwells at length 
on the testimony of Noah to the unbelieving. An- 
other peculiarity of this version is, that Noah calls 
in vain to one of his sons to enter into the ark ; he 
refuses, in the hope of escaping to a mountain, and 
is drowned before his father's eyes. A third cycle 
of traditions is to be found among the American 



nations. These, as might be expected, show oc- 
casionally some marks of resemblance to the Asiatic 
legends. " Of the different nations that inhabit 
Mexico," says A. von Humboldt, " the following had 
paintings resembling the deluge of Coxcox, viz. 
the Aztecs, the Mixtecs, the Zapotecs, the Tlascal- 
tecs, and the Mechoaeans. The Noah, Xisuthrus, 
or Manu, of these nations is termed Coxcox, Teo- 
Cipactli, or Tezpi. He saved himself with his wife 
Pochiquetzatl in a bark, or, according to other tra- 
ditions, on a raft." A peculiarity of many of these 
American Indian traditions is, that the Flood, ac- 
cording to them, usually took place in the time of 
the First Man, who, together with his family, es- 
cape. The Fiji islanders have a legend that the 
islands were submerged by a great rain, but eight 
persons were saved in two large double canoes by 
Bokora, the god of carpenters, and Kokola, his 
head workman. One more cycle of traditions we 
shall notice — that, viz., of the Hellenic races. Hel- 
las (Greece) has two versions of a flood, one as- 
sociated with Ogyges, and the other, in a far more 
elaborate form, with Deucalion, the one righteous 
man who escaped with his wives and children, and 
the animals he had put into the chest. Both, how- 
ever, are of late origin ; they were unknown to Ho- 
mer and Hesiod. Herodotus, though he mentions 
Deucalion as one of the first kings of the Hellenes, 
says not a word about the Flood. Pindar is the first 
w riter who mentions it. It must be confessed, that 
the later the narrative, the more definite the form 
it assumes, and the more nearly it resembles the 
Mosaic account. It seems tolerably certain that 
the Egyptians had no records of the Deluge, at least 
if we are to credit Manetho. Nor has any such 
record been detected on the monuments, or pre- 
served in the mythology of Egypt — After the Flood. 
Noah's first act after he left the ark was to build 
an altar, and to offer sacrifices, which were accepted 
(Gen. viii. 20 ff.). This is the first altar of which 
we read in Scripture, and the first burnt-sacrifice. 
Jehovah accepts the sacrifice of Noah as the ac- 
knowledgment on the part of man that he desires 
reconciliation and communion with God. Then fol- 
lows the blessing of God (Elohim) upon Noah and 
his sons (ix.). All living creatures are now given to 
man for food; but express provision is made that 
the blood (in which is the life) shall not be eaten. 
Next, God makes provision for the security of 
human life. The blood of man, in which is his life, 
is yet more precious than the blood of beasts. (Mur- 
der.) Hence is laid the first foundation of the civil 
power. • Thus, with the beginning of a new world, 
God gives on the one hand a promise which secures 
the stability of the natural order of the universe, 
and, on the other hand, consecrates human life with 
a special sanctity as resting upon these two pillars 
— the brotherhood of men, and man's likeness to 
God. Of the seven precepts of Noah, as they are 
called, the observance of which was required of all 
Jewish proselytes, three only are here expressly 
mentioned, the abstinence from blood, the prohibi- 
tion of murder, and the recognition of the civil 
authority. The remaining four — the prohibition of 
idolatry, of blasphemy, of incest, and of theft — 
rested apparently on the general sense of mankind. 
It is in the terms of the blessing and the covenant 
made with Noah after the Flood that we find the 
strongest evidence that in the sense of the writer it 
was universal, i. e. that it extended to all the then 
known world. The literal truth of the narrative 
obliges us to believe that the whole human race, ex- 



742 



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NOG 



cept eight persons, perished by the waters of the 
Flood. Noah is clearly the head of a new human 
family, the representative of the whole race. It is 
as such that God makes His covenant with him. The 
bow in the cloud, seen by every nation under heaven, 
is an unfailing witness to the truth of God. (Rain- 
bow.) — Noah now for the rest of his life betook him- 
self to agricultural pursuits. He planted a vineyard. 
Whether in ignorance of its properties or otherwise, 
he drank of the juice of the grape till he became 
intoxicated, and shamefuly exposed himself in his 
own tent. One son, Ham, mocked openly at his 
father's disgrace. The others, with dutiful care and 
reverence, endeavored to hide it. When he recov- 
ered from his intoxication, he declared that a curse 
should rest upon the sons of Ham. (Canaan.) With 
this was joined a blessing on the other two. It is 
uncertain whether in the words "And let him dwell 
in the tents of Shorn, " the " him " = " God," or 
" Japheth." At first it seems more natural to sup- 
pose that Noah prays that God would dwell there. 
But the blessing of Shem has been spoken already. 
It is better therefore to refer the "dwell" to Japheth. 
What, then, is meant by his dwelling in the tents of 
Shem '? Not, of course, that he should so occupy 
them as to thrust out the original possessors ; nor 
even that they should melt into one people ; but, as 
it would seem, that Japheth may enjoy the religions 
privileges of Shem. After this prophetic blessing 
we have only the sum of Noah's years, viz. 350 + 600 
= 950. (Chronology.) 

No ah (Heb. no Ah, motion, Ges. ; the flattering, 
Eii.), one of the daughters of Zelopiieiiao (Num. 
xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3). Heir. 

No-a m 00 (Heb. fr. Egyptian = the portion of 
Amon, Jablonsky ; the place of Anion, Ges. ; but see 
below) (Nah. hi. 8), No (Heb.) (Jer. xlvi. 25; Ez. 
xxx. 14-16), a city of Egypt, = Thebes, or Dios- 
polis Magna. The second part of No-amon is the 
name of Amen (Amon), the chief divinity of Thebes. 
Mr. R. S. Poole thinks it most reasonable to suppose 
that No is a Shemitic name, and that Amon is added 
in Nahum(l. c.) to distinguish Thebes from some 
other place of the same name, or on account of the 
connection of Amen with that city. Jerome sup- 
poses No to be either Alexandria or Egypt itself. 
Champollion takes it to be Diospolis in Lower 
Egypt ; but Gesenius well observes that it would 
not then be compared in Nahum to Nineveh. This 
und the evidence of the Assyrian record leave no 
doubt that it is Thebes. The description of No- 
amon, as " situate among the rivers, the waters 
round about it" (Nah. 1. e.), applies well to Thebes. 

Nob (Heb. a height, hill? Ges. ; a hill, a high place, 
Eii.), a sacerdotal city in Benjamin, situated on some 
eminence near Jerusalem (1 Sam. xxiii. 11 ; Neh. xi. 
32). That it was on one of the roads from the N. 
to the capital, und within sight of it, is certain from 
the illustrative passage in which Isaiah (x. 28-32) 
describes the approach of the Assyrian army. Here 
the poet sees the enemy pouring down from the N., 
and it is clearly implied that Nob was the last sta- 
tion in their line of march, whence the invaders 
could see Jerusalem, and whence they could be seen, 
as they "shook the hand" in proud derision of 
their enemies. Nob was one of the places where 
the Tabernacle, or Ark of Jehovah, was kept for a 
time during the days of its wanderings before a 
home was provided for it in Jerusalem (2 Sam. vi. 
1, &c). A company of the Benjamites settled here 
after the return from the exile (Neb. xi. 32). But the 
event for which Nob was most noted in the Scripture 



annals, was a frightful massacre of the priests in 
Saul's reign (1 Sam. xxii. 17-19; Auiathar ; Ahim- 
elech 1 ; David ; Doeg). All trace of the name dis- 
appeared long ago. In Jerome's time nothing re- 
mained to indicate where it had been. Geographers 
are not agreed as to its site. Von Raumer and Kie- 
pert place Nob at El- Isawiyeh, not far from ' An&la 
(Anathoth), and one mile N. W. of Jerusalem. 
But this beautifully situated village is in a valley, 
and Jerusalem is not to be seen from it. Porter (in 
Kitto) believes its site is on a low-peaked tell, where 
are cisterns hewn in the rock, large building-stones, 
&c., situated less than one mile S. of Tided el-Fid 
(Gibeah), and on the E. of the N. road, opposite 
Shdfdt. The top of this hill affords an extensive 
view, and Mount Zion is distinctly seen. The Nob 
spoken of above is not to be confounded with an- 
other (not in the Scriptures) which Jerome mentions 
in the plain of Sharon, not far from Lydda. 

No ball (Heb. a barking, Ges. ; a cry, a loud call, 
better prominency, i. e. a prominent one, Fii.), an 
Israelite warrior (Num. xxxii. 42), probably, like 
Jair, a Manassite, who during the conquest of the 
territory E. of Jordan possessed himself of Kenath 
and the villages or hamlets dependent upon it (Heb. 
" daughters "), and gave them his own name. 

No'bah (see above), the name conferred by the 
conqueror of Kenath and its villages on his new 
acquisition (Num. xxxii. 42), but used afterward 
only in describing Gideon's pursuit of Zebah and 
Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 11). , 

* No'blr-man [-bl-], the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Gr. basilikos, literally kingly, royal ; hence a royal 
attendant, courtier, nobleman, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Jn. 
iv. 46, 49), elsewhere translated " king's" (Acts xii. 
20), "royal" (ver. 21; Jas. ii. 8). Probably this 
" nobleman " was attached to the court of Herod 
Antipas. — 2. Gr. anthropos eugenes = a man well- 
born, noble, of high rank, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Lk. xix. 
12). The adj. eugenes is also translated "noble" 
in Acts xvii. 11 and 1 Cor. i. 26. 

Nod (Heb. flight, vmndcring, Ges.). Cain. 

No'dab (Heb. nobility, Ges.), the name of an Arab 
tribe mentioned only in 1 Chr. v. IP, in the account 
of the war of the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the 
half of the tribe of Manasseh, against the Hagar- 
ites. (Jetur; Naphish.) It has been supposed 
that Nodab was one of the sons of Ishmael. But 
it is probable that he was a grandson or other de- 
scendant of the patriarch, and that the name, in 
the time of the record, was that of a tribe sprung 
from such descendant. 

No'ii (Gr. fr. Heb.) = the patriarch Noah (Tob. 
iv. 12; Mat. xxiv. 3V, 38; Lk. iii. 36, xvii. 26, 27). 

No'e-ba (Gr.) = Nekoda 1 (1 Esd. v. 31 ; compare 
Ezr. ii. 48). 

No'gah (Heb. a shining, brightness, Ges.), one of 
David's thirteen sons bom in Jerusalem (1 Chr. iii. 
7, xiv. 6). 

No'iiah (Heb. rest, Ges.), fourth son of Benjamin 
(1 Chr. viii. 2). 

Noil (Heb.) = Nun, Joshua's father(l Chr. vii. 27). 

Nopli (Heb., see below) (Is. xix. 13; Jer. ii. 16; 
Ez. xxx. 13, 16), Moph (Hos. ix. 6), a city of Egypt, 
Memphis. These forms are contracted from the an- 
cient Egyptian common name, men-nufr, or men- 
nefru = the good abode, or perhaps the abode of the 
good one. The Hebrew forms are regarded as rep- 
resenting colloquial forms of the name, current 
with the Shemites, if not with the Egyptians also. 
Probably the epithet good refers to Osiris, whose 
sacred animal Apis (Calf) was here worshipped. 



NOH 



NUM 



743 



As the great upper Egyptian city (No) is character- 
ized in Nahum as "situate among the rivers" (iii. 
8), so in Hosea the lower Egyptian one is distin- 
guished by its Necropolis, which stretches for twen- 
ty miles along the edge of the Libyan desert — 
"Noph shall bury them." 

No'phall (Heb. bla.it, perhaps windy place, Ges. ; 
hill, Fii.), a place mentioned only in Num. xxi. 30, 
in the remarkable song apparently composed by the 
Amorites after their conquest of Heshbon from the 
Moabites, and therefore of an earlier date than the 
Israelite invasion. It is named with Dibon and 
Medeba, and was possibly in the neighborhood of 
Heshbon. Ewald decides that Nophah = the No- 
bah of Judg. viii. 11. 

* North (Heb. tsdphon ; Gr. borrhas) is used in 
the Scriptures to denote that quarter of the heavens 
or earth, or that direction which is at the left hand 
of a person who faces the East (Gen. xiii. 14, 
xxviii. 14; Ex. xxvi. 20, 35 ; Lk. xiii. 29, &c). " The 
land of the north," " the north country," &c. = 
Assyria (Jer. iii. 18, &c), Babylonia (Babel) (vi. 
22, &c), &c, the approach or usual course of sol- 
diers and travellers from these countries to Pales- 
tine being from the N. " The king of the north " 
in Dan. xi. 6 ff. = the king of Sykia. Antiochus 
II. ; Earth ; Heaven, &c. 

* Nose [s as z], the organ of smell. The Heb. 
aph = the human " nose " (Prov. xxx. 33, &c), 
the " nose" or snout of an animal (Job xl. 24, &c), 
the corresponding part of an idol (Ps. cxv. 6), &c 
It is anthropopathieally applied to God, like ear, 
eye, &c. The Hebrew word is often translated 
" anger " (Gen. xxvii. 45, &c.) or " wrath " (xxxix. 
19, &c), which shows itself in hard breathing. The 
Hebrew dual appayim (literally the two breathing- 
holes, Ges.) is usually translated " nostrils " (Gen. 
ii. 7, &c). Hook; Nose-jewel. 

Nosc'-jew-el (Heb. nezem), a ring of metal, some- 
times of gold or silver, passed usually through the 
right nostril, and worn by way of ornament by wo- 
men in the East (Gen. xxiv. 22 ; Ex. xxxv. 22, 
"ear-ring;" Is. iii. 21; Ez. xvi. 12, "jewel on 
the forehead "). Its diameter is usually an inch or 
an inch and a half, but sometimes as much as 
three inches and a half. Upon it are strung beads, 




Modern Arnb woman with nose-ring. — (Ayre.) 

coral, or jewels. In Egypt it is now almost con- 
fined to the lower classes. Ornaments, Personal. 

* Nos'tril. Nose. 

* Nov'icc [-is], the A. V. translation of Gr. neo- 
phutos (literally newly planted, hence a new convert 
or neophyte, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) in 1 Tim. iii. 6 only. 
This passage, determined that a "novice" should 
Dot be a bishop. 

Number. Like most Oriental nations, it is prob- 



able that the Hebrews in their written calculations 
made use of the letters of the alphabet. (Writing.) 
That they did so in post-Babylonian times we have 
conclusive evidence in the Maccabean coins (Mon- 
ey) ; and probably this was the case also in earlier 
times. But though in all existing Hebrew MSS. of 
the 0. T. the numerical expressions are written at 
length, yet the, variations in the several versions 
between themselves and from the Hebrew text, 
added to the evident inconsistencies in numerical 
statement between certain passages of that text it- 
self, seem to prove that some shorter mode of 
writing was originally in vogue, liable to be misun- 
derstood, and in fact misunderstood by copyists 
and translators. (Abijah 1 ; Army ; Census ; Chro- 
nology ; Jehoiachin, &c.) These variations appear 
to have proceeded from the alphabetic method of 
writing numbers. But some at least of the numbers 
mentioned in Scripture are doubtless representative 
rather than determinative. Certain numbers, as 7, 

10, 40, 100, were regarded as giving the idea of com- 
pleteness. The notion of representative numbers 
in certain cases is extremely common among Eastern 
nations, who have a prejudice against counting their 
possessions accurately; it enters largely into many 
ancient systems of chronology, and is found in the 
philosophical and metaphysical speculations not 
only of the Pythagorean and other ancient schools 
of philosophy, both Greek and Roman, but also in 
those of the later Jewish writers, of the Gnostics, 
and also of such Christian writers as St. Augustine 
himself. We proceed to give some instances of 
numbers used (a), representatively, and thus prob- 
ably by design indefinitely or (b), definitely, but, as 
we may say preferentially, i. e. because some mean- 
ing (which we do not in all cases understand) was 
attached to them. 1. Seven, as denoting either 
plurality or completeness, is so frequent as to make 
a selection only of instances necessary, e. g. seven- 
fold (Gen. iv. 24) ; seven times, i. e. completely (Lev. 
xxvi. 24 ; Ps. xii. 6) ; seven (i. e. many) ways (Deut. 
xxviii. 25). (Deacon ; Festival ; Sabbath; Seven ; 
Week.) 2. Ten as a preferential number is ex- 
emplified in the Ten Commandments and the law of 
Tithe. 3. Seventy, as compounded of 7 x 10, appears 
frequently, e. g. seventy-fold (Gen. iv. 24 ; Mat. xviii. 
22). Its definite use appears in the offerings of 
seventy shekels (Num. vii. 13, 19 ff.); the seventy 
elders (xi. 16) ; seventy years of captivity (Jer. xxv. 
11). (Seventy.) 4. Five appears in the table of 
punishments, of legal requirements (Ex. xxii. 1 ; 
Lev. v. 16, xxii. 14, xxvii. 15 ; Num. v. 7, xviii. 16), 
and in the five empires of Daniel (Dan. ii.). 5. 
Four is used in reference to the four winds (Dan. vii. 
2) ; and the so-called four corners of the earth ; the 
four creatures, each with four wings and four faces, 
of Ezekiel (i. 5 ff.); four rivers of Paradise (Gen. 

11. 10) ; four beasts (Dan. vii., and Bev. iv. 6) ; the 
four equal-sided Temple-chamber (Ez. xl. 47). 6. 
Three was regarded, both by the Jews and other 
nations, as a specially complete and mystic number. 
7. Twelve (3 x 4) appears in twelve tribes, twelve 
stones in the high-priest's breast-plate, twelve apos- 
tles, twelve foundation-stones, and twelve gates 
(Rev. xxi. 19-21). 8. Forty appears in many enu- 
merations; forty days of Moses (Ex. xxiv. 18); 
forty years in the wilderness (Num. xiv. 34) ; forty 
days and nights of Elijah (1 K. xix. 8). 9. One 
hundred. 100 cubits' length of the Tabernacle- 
court (Ex. xxvii. 18); 100 men, i. e. a large number 
(Lev. x. xvi. 8) ; Gideon's 300 men (Judg. vii. 6) ; 
leader of 100 men (1 Chr. xii. 14); 100 stripes 



744 NUM 

(Prov. xvii. 10), &c. 10. Lastly, the mystic number 
6G6 (Rev. xiii. IS), supposed by some to denote the 
Gr. Lateinos (= L. Zatinus, i. e. Latin, sc. beast or 
kingdom), by others the Heb. Ncron Kesar (= Nero 
Cesar or emperor), &c. Riddle. 
Nam ber-ing. Censhs. 

Numbers (Heb. vdyt/edabber, from the first word 
[= "and spake," A. V.]; or bcmidbdr [= "in the 
wilderness," A. V.] in i. 1), the fourth book of the 
Law or Pentateuch. It takes its name in the 
LXX. and Vulgate (whence our "Numbers") from 
the double numbering or census of the people. A. 
Contents. The book may be said to contain gen- 
erally the history of the Israelites from the time of 
their leaving Sinai, in the second year after the Ex- 
odus, till their arrival at the borders of the Prom- 
ised Land in the fortieth year of their journeyings. 
It consists of the following principal divisions : — I. 
The preparations for the departure from Sinai (i. 
1-x. 10). II. The journey from Sinai to the bor- 
ders of Canaan (x. 11-xiv. 45). III. A brief notice 
of laws given, and events which transpired, during 
the thirty-seven years' wandering in the wilderness 
(xv. 1-xix. 22). IV. The history of the last year, 
from the second arrival of the Israelites in Kadesh 
till they reach " the plains of Moab by Jordan near 
Jericho" (xx. 1-xxxvi. 13). — I. (a.) The object of 
the encampment at Sinai has been accomplished. 
It is now time to depart in order that the object 
may be achieved for which Israel has been sancti- 
fied. That object is the occupation of the Promised 
Land. Therefore Israel must be organized as Jeho- 
vah's army : and to this end a mustering of all who 
are capable of bearing arms is necessary. Hence 
the book opens with the numbering of the people, 
chs. i.-iv. These contain, first, the census of all 
the tribes or clans (ch. i.); secondly, the arrange- 
ment of the camp, and the order of march (ch. ii.) ; 
thirdly, the special and separate census of the Le- 
vites (chs. iii., iv.). (6.) Chs. v., vi. Certain laws ap- 
parently supplementary to the legislation in Levit- 
icus, (c.) Chs. vii. 1-x. 10. Events occurring at 
this time, and regulations connected with them. — 
II. March from Sinai to the borders of Canaan, in- 
cluding — (a.) The order of march described (x. 14— 
28) ; the appeal of Moses to his father-in-law, Ho- 
bab, to accompany them in their journeys ; and the 
chant which accompanied the moving and the rest- 
ing of the ark (35, 36). (6.) An account of several 
of the stations and of the events which happened 
at them (x. 11-xii. 15); the sending of the spies 
from the wilderness of Paran (et-Tih), their report, 
the refusal of the people to enter Canaan, their re- 
jection in consequence, and their rash attack upon 
the Amalekites, which resulted in a defeat (xii. 16- 
xiv. 45). — III. What follows must be referred ap- 
parently to the thirty-seven years of wanderings ; 
but we have no notices of time or place (xv. 1-xix.). 
(Aaron ; Korah, &c.) — IV. (a.) The narrative re- 
turns abruptly to the second encampment of the 
Israelites in Kadesh. Here Miriam dies, and the 
people murmur for water, and Moses and Aaron are 
not allowed to enter the Promised Land (xx. 1-13). 
They intended perhaps, as before, to enter Canaan 
from the south. They therefore desired a passage 
through the country of Edom. The Edomites re- 
fused the request, and turned out in arms to defend 
their border. The Israelites abandoned the attempt 
as hopeless and turned southward, keeping along 
the western borders of Idumea till they reached 
Ezion-geber (xx. 14—21). On their way southward 
they stop at Mount Hor, or rather at Moserah, on 



NUM 

the edge of the Edomite territory ; and from this 
spot apparently Aaron, accompanied by Moses and 
Eleazar, quitted the camp to ascend the mountain. 
After Aaron's death, the march is continued south- 
ward. The passage (xxi. 1-3) which speaks of the 
Canaanite king of Arad as coming out against the 
Israelites is clearly out of place, standing as it does 
after the mention of Aaron's death on Mount Hor 
(so Mr. J. J. S. Perowne, the original author of this 
article). Arad is in the south of Palestine. The 
attack therefore must have been made whilst the 
people were yet in the neighborhood of Kadesh. (b.) 
There is again a gap in the narrative. We are told 
nothing of the march along the eastern edge of 
Edom, but suddenly find ourselves transported to 
the borders of Moab. Here the Israelites succes- 
sively encounter and defeat the kings of the Amorites 
and of Bashan (xxi. 10-35). Their successes alarm 
the king of Moab, who, distrusting his superiority 
in the field, sends for a magician to curse his 
enemies ; hence the episode of Balaam (xxii. 1- 
xxiv. 25). Other artifices are employed by the 
Moabites to weak«n the Israelites, especially through 
the influence of the Moabitish women (xxv.). A 
second numbering of the Israelites takes place in 
the plains of Moab (xxvi. ; Census); various laws 
are given in regard to the inheritance of daughters 
(xxvii. 1-11), the daily sacrifice, sabbaths, festivals, 
and vows (xxviii.-xxx.) ; Joshua is appointed Moses' 
successor (xxvii. 12-23); the Midianites are con- 
quered (xxxi.), and the country E. of the Jordan 
divided (xxxii.). The book concludes with a recapit- 
ulation of the various encampments of the Israel- 
ites in the desert (xxxiii. 1-49) ; the command to 
destroy the Canaanites (xxxiii. 50-56) ; the boun- 
daries of the Promised Land, and the men appointed 
to divide it (xxxiv.); the appointment of the cities 
of the Levites and the cities of refuge (xxxv.) ; and 
further directions respecting heiresses (xxxvi.). — B. 
Integrity. This, like the other books of the Penta- 
teuch, is supposed by many critics to consist of a 
compilation from two or three, or more, earlier doc- 
uments. According to De Wette, the following por- 
tions are the work of the Elohist : — Ch. i. 1-x. 28 ; 
xiii. 2-16 (originally, though not in its present form) ; 
xv.; xvi. 1,2-11, 16-23, 24(?); xvii.-xix. ; xx. 1-13, 
22-29 ; xxv.-xxxi. (except perhaps xxvi. 8-11) ; xxxii. 
5, 28-42 (ver. 1-4 uncertain); xxxiii.-xxxvi. The 
rest of the book is, according to him, by the Jeho- 
vist or later editor. Vaihinger finds traces of three 
distinct documents, which he ascribes severally to 
the pre-Elohist, the Elohist, and the Jehovist. To 
the first he assigns ch. x. 29-36; xi. 1-12, 16 (in 
its original form) ; xx. 14-21 ; xxi. 1-9, 13-35 ; 
xxxii. 33-42 ; xxxiii. 55, 56. To the Elohist belong 
ch. i. 1-x. 2S ; xi. 1-xii. 16 ; xiii. 1-xx. 13 ; xx. 22- 
29 ; xxi. 10-12 ; xxii. 1 ; xxv. 1-xxxi. 54 ; xxxii. 1- 
32; xxxiii. 1-xxxvi. 19. To the Jehovist, xi. 1-xii. 
16 ; xxii. 2-xxiv. 25 ; xxxi. 8, &c. But the grounds 
on which this distinction of documents rests are in 
every respect most unsatisfactory. The use of the 
divine names, which was the starting-point of this 
criticism, ceases to be a criterion ; and certain words 
and phrases, a particular manner or coloring, the 
narrative of miracles or prophecies, are supposed 
to decide whether a passage belongs to the earlier 
or the later document. In ch. xii. we have a re- 
markable instance of the jealousy with which the 
authority of Moses was regarded even in his own 
family. Considering the almost absolute nature of 
that authority, this is perhaps hardly to be wondered 
at. The pretext for the outburst of this feeling on 



NUM 



NUT 



745 



the part of Miriam and Aaron was that Moses had 
married an " Ethiopian woman " (a woman of Cush). 
This was probably, as Ewald suggests, a second wife 
married after the death of Zipporah. But there is 
no reason for supposing, as he does, that we have 
here a confusion of two accounts. It is not perhaps 
to be wondered at that the episode of Balaam (xxii. 
2-xxiv. 25) should have been regarded as a later 
addition. The language is peculiar, as well as the 
general cast of the narrative. The prophecies are 
vivid and the diction of them highly finished : very 
different from the rugged, vigorous fragments of 
ancient poetry in ch. xxi. On these grounds, as 
well as on the score of the distinctly Messianic char- 
acter of Balaam's prophecies, Ewald gives this epi- 
sode to his Fifth Narrator, or the latest editor of the 
Pentateuch. This writer he supposes to have lived 
in the former half of the eighth century b. a, and 
hence he accounts for the reference to Assyria and 
the Cypriotes (the Kittim). The prophecies of Ba- 
laam therefore, on this hypothesis, were delivered 
after the occurrence of the event said to have been 
predicted, and put into his mouth by a clever, but 
not very scrupulous, writer of the time of Isaiah. 
But this sort of criticism scarcely merits a serious 
refutation, and rests entirely on the assumption 
that in prophecy there is no such thing as predic- 
tion. Even granting that this episode is not by the 
same writer as the rest of Numbers, there seems no 
valid reason to doubt its antiquity, or its rightful 
claim to the place which it at present occupies.- 
There is nothing more remarkable in the early his- 
tory of Israel than Balaam's appearance. Sum- 
moned from his home by the Euphrates, he stands 
by his red altar-fires, weaving his dark and subtle 
sorceries, or goes to seek for enchantment, hoping, 
as he looked down upon the tents of Israel among 
the acacia-groves of the valley, to wither them with 
his word, yet constrained to bless, and to foretell 
their future greatness. — Numbers is rich in frag- 
ments of ancient poetry, some of them of great 
beauty, and all throwing an interesting light on the 
character of the times in which they were composed, 
e. g. the blessing of the high-priest (vi. 21-26), and 
the chants which were the signal for the Ark to 
move when the people journeyed, and for it to rest 
when they were about to encamp. In ch. xxi. 14, 
15, we have a passage cited from a book called the 
"Book of the Wars of Jehovah." This was prob- 
ably a collection of ballads and songs composed on 
different occasions by the watch-fires of the camp, 
and for the most part, though not perhaps exclu- 
sively, in commemoration of the victories of the 
Israelites over their enemies. The fragment quoted 
from this collection is difficult, because the allusions 
in it are obscure. The Israelites had reached the 
Arnon, " which," says the historian, " forms the 
border of Moab, and separates between the Moabites 
and Amorites." " Wherefore it is said," he contin- 
ues, " in the Book of the Wars of Jehovah, 

' Yaheb in Suphah and the torrent-beds; 
Arnon and the slope of the torrent-beds 
Which turneth to where Ar lieth. 
And which leaneth upon the border of Moab.' " 

The A. V. begins the above thus : " What he did 
in the Red Sea, and in the brooks of Arnon," &c. 
The next (ver. 17, 18) is a song sung on the digging 
of a well at a spot where they encamped, and which 
was hence called Beer = Tlie Well. It runs as fol- 
lows : — 

" Spring up, O well I sing ye to it : 
Well, which the princes dug, 



Which the nobles of the people bored 

With the sceptre-of-office, with their staves." 

This song, first sung at the digging of the well, was 
afterward no doubt commonly used by those who 
came to draw water. The maidens of Israel chanted 
it one to another, verse by verse, as they toiled at 
the bucket, and thus beguiled their labor. Imme- 
diately following this " Song of the Well," comes a 
song of victory (ver. 27-30) composed after a defeat 
of the Moabites and the occupation of their terri- 
tory. It is in a taunting, mocking strain ; and is 
commonly considered to have been written by some 
Jsraelilish bard on the occupation of the Amorite 
territory. Yet the manner in which it is introduced 
would rather lead to the belief that we have here 
the translation of an old Amorite ballad, commemo- 
rating the conquest of Sihon from Moab. If the 
song is of Hebrew origin, then the former part of 
it is a biting taunt. — €. The alleged discrepancies 
between many statements in this and the other 
books of the Pentateuch, will be found discussed 
under Deuteronomy ; Exodus ; Levitks ; Penta- 
teuch, &c. See also Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; 
Old Testament. 

Nn-me'ni-tis (L. fr. Gr. = of [or from] the new 
moon), son of Antiochus, was sent by Jonathan on 
an embassy to Rome and Sparta, to renew the 
friendly connections between these nations and the 
Jews, about b. c. 144 (1 Mc. xii. 16, 17). He was 
again dispatched to Rome by Simon, about b. c. 141 
(xiv. 24). 

Nan (Heb. a fish, Ges. ; posterity, Fii.). 1. The 
father of the Jewish captain Joshua (Ex. xxxiii. 11, 
&c). His genealogical descent from Ephraim is 
recorded in 1 Chr. vii. — 2. The fourteenth letter of 
the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

JVnrse. It is clear, both from Scripture and from 
Greek and Roman writers, that in ancient times the 
position of the nurse, wherever one was maintained, 
was one of much honor and importance. (Child ; 
Deborah 1 ; Medicine; see Gen. xxiv. 59, xxxv. 8; 
2 Sam. iv. 4 ; 2 K. xi. 2 ; 3 Mc. i. 20.) The same 
term is applied to a foster-father or mother (e. g. 
Num. xi. 12 ; Ru. iv. 16 ; Is. xlix. 23). In great 
families male-servants, probably eunuchs in later 
times, were intrusted with the charge of the bovs 
(2 K. x. 1, 5). 

Nnts^ The representative in the A. V. of the He- 
brew words botnim and egoz. 1. Among the good 
things of the land which the sons of Israel were to 
take as a present to Joseph in Egypt, mention is 
made of botnim (Gen. xliii. 11). There can scarcely 
be a doubt (so Mr. Houghton) that the botnim — 
the fruit of the pistachio-tree (Pistacia vera), though 
most modern versions are content with the general 
term nuts. Syria and Palestine have been long fa- 
mous for pistachio-trees. The district around Alep- 
po is especially celebrated for the excellence of the 
pistachio-nuts ; the town of Batna in the same dis- 
trict is believed to derive its name from this circum- 
stance : Betonim, a town of Gad (Josh. xiii. 26), has 
probably a similar et3'mology. There is scarcely 
any allusion to the occurrence of the Pistacia vera 
in Palestine amongst the writings of modern travel- 
lers. Dr. Hooker saw only two or three pistachio- 
trees in Palestine. These were outside the north 
gate of Jerusalem. But he says the tree is culti- 
vated at Beirut and elsewhere in Syria. It grows 
from fifteen to thirty feet high ; the male and female 
flowers are on separate trees ; the fruit, which is a 
green-colored oily kernel, is enclosed in a brittle 
shell. Pistachio-nuts are much esteemed as an 



74G 



NUT 



OAK 



article of diet both by Orientals and Europeans. — 2. 
Egoz occurs only in Cant. vi. 11. The Hebrew word 
probably here refers to the walnut-tree. According 




Pistachio-tree (Pistacia vera). 



to Josephus the walnut-tree was formerly common, 
and grew most luxuriantly around the Lake of Gen- 
nesaret. The European walnut, Julians regia, is 




Walnut-tree (Juglana regia). — (Fbn.) 



allied to the black walnut and butternut of the 
United States. The hickory-nut, popularly called 
walnut in the United States, is the produce of dif- 
ferent trees belonging to the genus Carya. 



Nym'plias (L. fr. Gr. = spovse or bridegroom, Schl. ; 
rather, given by a nymph, Wr.), a wealthy and zeal- 
ous Christian in Laodicea (Col. iv. 15). His house 
was used as a place of assembly for the Christians. 



o 

Oak^ The six following words, which appear to 
be merely various forms of the same root primarily 
denoting might or strength, occur in the 0. T. as the 
name of some species of oak : viz. eyl, eldh, elon, 
Udn, alldh, allon. — 1. Heb. eyl, only in the singular 
in Gen. xiv. 6. It is uncertain whether it should bo 
joined with Paran to form a proper name (A. V. 
" El-par<tn "), or taken separately, as the "tere- 
binth," or the " oak," or the " grove," of Paran. 
Plural forms of eyl are eylim, eyloth, and (so some) 
eylath. Elim, the second station of the Israelites 
after crossing the Red Sea, probably derived its 
name from the seventy palm-trees there ; the name 
eyl, which more particularly = an " oak," being 
here put for any grove or plantation. Similarly the 
other plural form, eyloth (and eylath? see Elath), 
may refer, as Stanley conjectures, to the palm-grove 
at ''Alcabah. The plural eylim occurs in Is. i. 29, 
where probably " oaks " are intended : in Is. lxi. 3, 
and Ez. xxxi. 14 (Heb. elim in Ezekiel), any strong 
flourishing " trees " may be denoted. — 2. Heb. eldh 
("oak" in Gen. xxxv. 4; Judg. vi. 11, 19; 2 Sam. 
xviii. 9 ff. ; 1 K. xiii. 14; 1 Chr. x. 12; Is. i. 30; 
Ez. vi. 13: " Elah " in 1 Sam. xvii. 2, &c. : " teil- 
tree" in Is. vi. 13 : " elms" in Hos. iv. 13). There 
is much difficulty in determining the exact mean- 
ings of the several varieties of the term mentioned 
above. Celsius has endeavored to show that eyl, 
eylim, eylon, eldh, and alldh, all stand for the tere- 
binth-tree (Pistacia Terebinthus ; Turpentine-tree), 
while allon denotes an oak. Rosenmiiller gives the 
terebinth to eyl and eldh, and the oak to alldh, allon, 
and eylon. That various species of oak may well 
have deserved the appellation of mighty trees is 
clear from the fact, that noble oaks are to this day 
occasionally seen in Palestine and Lebanon. The 
terebinth in point of size and abundance cannot 
compete with some of the oaks of Palestine. Dr. 
Thomson (Thn. i. 375) remarks on this point : 
" There are more mighty oaks here in this imme- 
diate vicinity (Mejdel e.;-Shems near Mount Hermon) 
than there are terebinths in all Syria and Palestine 
together." Two oaks (Querens pseado-coecifera and 
Quercns ^Egilops) are well worthy of the name of 
mighty trees ; though it is equally true that over a 
greater part of the country the oaks of Palestine 
are at present merely bushes. "Abraham's oak," 
near Hebron, i3 said to be a Quercus pseudo-coceifera 
(Hamilton, in Fairbairn): its trunk measures twen- 
ty-two and a half feet around the lower part, and 
its branches cover a space eightv-nine feet in diam- 
eter fRbn. ii. 81).— 3. The Heb. elon (A. V., after 
the Targum, " Plain " 1) occurs frequently in the 
0. T., and probably = (so Mr. Houghton, with Ge- 
senius, &c.) some kind of oak. — 4. Glial. Udn, found 
only in Dan. iv. as the " tree " which Nebuchadnez- 
zar saw in his dream. — 5. Heb. alldh occurs only in 
Josh. xxiv. 26, and is correctly rendered " oak " by 
the A. V. — 6. Heb. allon, uniformly rendered " oak " 
by the A. V., and always so understood by com- 
mentators (Gen. xxxv. 8; Is. ii. 13, vi. 13, &c.). It 
should be stated that allon (A. V. " oaks ") occurs 
in Hos. iv. 13, as distinguished from the other form 



OAK 



OAT 



747 



elah (A. V. " elms ") ; consequently it is necessary 
to suppose that two different trees are signified by 
the terms. Mr. Houghton believes that the differ- 
ence is specific, and not generic — that two species 
of oaks are denoted by the Hebrew terms : allon 



may stand for an evergreen oak, as the Quercvs 
pscudo-coccifcra, and elah for one of the deciduous 
kinds. The "oaks of Bashan " (Is. ii. 13; Ez. 
xxvii. 6 ; Zech. xi. 2) belong probably to the species 
known as Qucrciis ^£gilo]js, the Valonia oak, which 







Abraham's Oak, 



• Hebron.— From a photograph by J. Graham. — (Ayrc.) 



is said to be common in Gilead and Bashan. Another 
species of oak, besides those named above, is the 
Quercus in f ectopia, which yields the gall-nuts of 
commerce, and is common in Galilee and Samaria. 




Evergreen Oak of Pa!estine {Quercus pseudo-coccifera). 

It is rather a small tree in Palestine, and seldom 
grows above thirty feet high, though in ancient 
times it might have been a noble tree. Sacrifices 
were offered under oaks (Is. i. 29; Hos. iv. 13); of 
oak-timber the Tvrians made oars (Ez. xxvii. 6), and 
idolaters images (Is. xliv. 14) ; under the shade of 



oaks the dead were sometimes interred (Gen. xxxv. 
8 ; see 1 Sam. xxxi. 13). 

Oath (Heb. dldh, stebff&h ; Gr. horkos, horkomo- 
sia). I. The principle on which an oath is held 
to be binding is incidentally laid down in Heb. vi. 
16, viz. as an ultimate appeal to divine authority to 
ratify an assertion. There the Almighty is repre- 
sented as promising or denouncing with an oath, i. e. 
doing so in the most positive and solemn manner 
(compare Gen. xxii. 16, xxiv. V, &c). — II. On the 
same principle, that oath has always been held most 
binding which appealed to the highest authority, 
both as regards individuals and communities, (a.) 
Thus believers in Jehovah appealed to Him, both 
judicially and extra-judicially (Gen. xxi. 23, xxxi. 
53; Mat. xxvi. 63 ; Bom. i. 9, ix. 1, &c). (6.) Ap- 
peals of this kind to authorities recognized respec- 
tively by adjuring parties were regarded as bonds 
of international security, and their infraction as be- 
ing not only grounds of international complaint, but 
also offences against divine justice (2 Chr. xxxvi. 13 ; 
Ez. xvii. 13, 18). — III. As a consequence of this 
piinciple, (a.) appeals to God's name on the one 
hand, and to heathen deities on the other, are treated 
in Scripture as tests of allegiance (Ex. xxiii. 13, 
xxxiv. 6 ; Deut. xxix. 12, &c). (b.) So also the 
sovereign's name is sometimes used as a form of 
obligation (Gen. xlii. 15; 2 Sam. xi. 11, xiv. 19). — 
IV. Other forms of oath, serious or frivolous, are 
mentioned, some of which are condemned by our 
Lord (Mat. v. 33, xxiii. 16-22; and see Jas. v. 12; 
compare Mat. xxvi. 63, 64). — As to the subject-mat- 
ter of oaths the following cases may be mentioned : 



743 



OBA 



OBA 



— 1. Agreement or stipulation for performance of 
certain acts (Gen. xiv. '22, xxiv. 2, 8, 9, &c). 2. Al- 
legiance to a sovereign, or obedience from an in- 
ferior to a superior (Eccl. viii. 2; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 13; 

1 K. xviii. 10). 3. Promissory oath of a ruler (Josh, 
vi. 26 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 24, 28, &c). Priests took no 
oath of office (Heb. vii. 21). 4. Vow made in the 
form of an oath (Lev. v. 4). 5. Judicial oaths, (a.) 
A man receiving a pledge from a neighbor was re- 
quired, in case of injury happening to the pledge, 
to clear himself bv oath of the blame of damage 
(Ex. xxii. 10, 11 ; 1 K. viii. 31 ; 2 Chr. vi. 22 ; com- 
pare Lev. vi. 2, 5; Deut. xix. 16-18). (b.) It ap- 
pears that witnesses were examined on oath, and 
a false witness, or one guilty of suppression of the 
truth, was to be severely punished (Lev. v. 1 ; Prov. 
xxix. 24; Deut. xix. 16-19). (c.) A wife suspected 
of incontinence was required to clear herself by 
oath (Num. v. 19-22). — The forms of adjuration 
mentioned in Scripture are — 1. Lifting up the hand. 
Witnesses laid their hands on the head of the ac- 
cused (Gen. xiv. 22 ; Lev. xxiv. 14, &c). 2. Put- 
ting the hand under the thigh of the person to 
whom the promise was made. It has been explained 
(a.) as having reference to the covenant of circum- 
cision ; (6.) as containing a principle similar to that 
of phallic symbolism; (c) as referring to the prom- 
ised Messiah. Probably (so Mr. Phillott) the two 
first explanations are closely connected, if not iden- 
tical (Gen. xxiv. 2, xlvii. 29). The " thigh " here =: 
the genital member, regarded as the most sacred 
part of the body, the symbol of the Creator, and 
the object of worship among all ancient nations 
(Ginsburg, in Kitto). 3. Oaths were sometimes 
taken before the altar, or, as some understand the 
passage, if the persons were not in Jerusalem, in a 
position looking toward the Temple (1 K. viii. 31 ; 

2 Chr. vi. 22). 4. Dividing a victim and passing 
between or distributing the pieces (Gen. xv. 10, 17 ; 
Jer. xxxiv. 18). As the sanctity of oaths was care- 
fully inculcated by the Law, so the crime of perjury 
was strongly condemned ; and to a false witness the 
same punishment was assigned which was due for 
the crime to which he testified (Ex. xx. 7 ; Lev. xix. 
12 ; Deut. xix. 16-19 ; Ps. xv. 4; Jer. v. 2, vii. 9 ; 
Ez. xvi. 59 ; Hos. x. 4 ; Zech. viii. 17). The Chris- 
tian practice in the matter of oaths was founded in 
great measure on the Jewish. Thus the oath on the 
Gospels was an imitation of the Jewish practice of 
placing the hands on the book of the Law. Our 
Lord's prohibition of swearing has been understood 
by Christians generally as directed against profane 
and careless swearing. He himself answered under 
oath (Mat. xxvi. 63 f. ; see above). The most solemn 
Mohammedan oath is made on the open Koran. 
Bedouin Arabs use various sorts of adjuration, one 
of which somewhat resembles the oath " by the 
Temple." The person takes hold of the middle 
tent-pole, and swears by the life of the tent and its 
owners. The stringent nature of the Roman mili- 
tary oath, and the penalties attached to infraction 
of it, are alluded to, more or less certainly, in several 
places in N. T., e. g. Mat. viii. 9 ; Acts xii. 19, xvi. 
27, xxvii. 42. Covenant ; Punishments ; Trial. 

O-ba-di'ah (fr. Heb. = servant [i. e. worshipper] 
of Jehovah, Ges., Fii.), also written Abadias and 
Abdias. 1. Ancestor of some enumerated in the 
genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 21). — 2. One of 
the sons of Izrahiah, " chief men " of Issachar (vii. 
3). A few Hebrew MSS. omit "and the sons of 
Izrahiah " in this verse, making Obadiah, &c, sons 
of Uzzi. The Syriac and Arabic versions retain 



this phrase, but have " four " instead of " five " 
sons of Izrahiah. — 3. Son of Azel, a descendant of 
Saul (viii. 38, ix. 44). — 4. A Levite, son of Shemaiah, 
and descended from Jeduthun (ix. 16) ; = Abda 2 ; 
probably = a porter, or (so Mr. Wright) a principal 
musician in the Temple-choir, in Nehemiah's time 
(Neh. xii. 25). — 5. A Gadite captain who joined 
David in the wilderness (1 Chr. xii. 9). — 6. One of 
the princes of Judah sent to teach in Jehoshaphat's 
reign (2 Chr. xvii. 7). — 7. Son of Jehiel, of the 
sons of Joab, who came up in the second caravan 
with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 9). — 8. A priest, or family of 
priests, who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah 
(Neh. x. 6). — 9. One of the twelve minor prophets. 
We know nothing of him except what we can 
gather from the short book which bears his name. 
The Hebrew tradition adopted by Jerome, and main- 
tained by Abarbanel and Kimchi, that he = the 
Obadiah of Ahab's reign, is as destitute of founda- 
tion as another suggestion by Abarbanel, that he 
was a converted Edomite. The eleventh verse of 
his prophecy speaks of the conquest of Jerusalem 
and the captivity of Jacob. If this refers to the 
well-known Captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, he must 
have lived at the time of the Babylonish captivity, 
and have prophesied subsequently to b. c. 588. If, 
further, his prophecy against Edom found its first 
fulfilment in the conquest of that country by Nebu- 
chadnezzar in b. c. 583, it must have been uttered 
at some time between b. c. 588 and 583 (so Mr. 
Meyrick, agreeing in respect to the date with 
Luther, Pfeiffer, Schnurrer, Rosenmiiller, DeWette, 
Winer, Ewald, Henderson, Dr. S. Davidson, &c). 
But why should Obadiah have been inserted between 
Amos and Jonah if his date is about B. c. 585 ? 
Schnurrer (and so Mr. Meyrick, Henderson, &e. ) 
answers this question by saying that the prophecy 
of Obadiah is an amplification of the last five verses 
of Amos, and was therefore placed next after the 
Book of Amos. On the other hand, Jaeger, Heng- 
stenberg, Caspari, Hiivernick, Dr. W. L. Alexander 
(in Kitto), Prof. A. B. Davidson (in Fairbairn), &c, 
put Obadiah earlier, under King Uzziah. In favor 
of this are urged the language of Obadiah (ver. 12- 
14) as of warning, his apparent priority to Jeremiah 
(compare Ob. 1, 3, 8, 9, 11, 16 with Jer. xlix. 7-22), 
and his traditional position between Amos and 
Jonah as if contemporary with them. Hofmann, 
Delitzsch, and Keil place Obadiah still earlier, under 
Jehoram 2 of Judah ; and Hitzig almost as much 
later than the Captivity, about b. c. 312 ! — The Book 
of Obadiah is a sustained denunciation of the 
Edomites, melting, as is the wont of the Hebrew 
prophets (compare Joel iii. ; Am. ix.), into a vision 
of the future glories of Zion, when the arm of the 
Lord should have wrought her deliverance and have 
repaid double upon her enemies. Previous to the 
Captivity, the Edomites were in a relation to the 
Jews like that which the Samaritans afterward held. 
They were near neighbors and relatives. The Edom- 
ites are the types of those who ought to be friends 
and are not — of those who ought to be helpers, but 
in the day of calamity are found " standing on the 
other side." The prophet complains that they 
looked on and rejoiced in the destruction of Jerusa- 
lem, triumphed over her, and plundered her, and 
cut off the fugitives who were probably making 
their way through Idumea to Egypt. The last six 
verses are the most important part of Obadiah's 
prophecy. The vision presented to the prophet is 
that of Zion triumphant over the Idumeans and all 
her enemies, restored to her ancient possessions, 



OBA 



OBE 



749 



and extending her borders N. and S. and E. and W. 
He sees the house of Jacob and the house of 
Joseph consuming the house of Esau as fire devours 
stubble (ver. 18). The inhabitants of the city of 
Jerusalem, now captive at Sepharad, are to return 
to Jerusalem, and to occupy not only the city itself, 
but the southern tract of Judea (ver. 20). Those 
who had dwelt in the southern tract are to overrun 
and settle in Idumea. The former inhabitants of 
the plain country are also to establish themselves 
in Philistia. To the N. the tribe of Judah is to 
extend itself as far as the fields of Ephraim and 
Samaria, while Benjamin, thus displaced, takes pos- 
session of Gilead (ver. 19). The captives of the 
ten tribes are to occupy the northern region from 
the borders of the enlarged Judah as far as Sarepta, 
near Sidon (ver. 20). The question is asked, Have 
the prophet's denunciations of the Edomites been 
fulfilled, and has his vision of Zion's glories been 
realized ? Typically, partially, and imperfectly they 
have been fulfilled, but they await a fuller accom- 
plishment. The first fulfilment of the denunciation 
on Edom in all probability took place a few years 
after its utterance. Five years after the capture 
of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar reduced the Ammon- 
ites and Moabites, and after their reduction made 
an expedition into Egypt. This he could hardly 
have done without at the same time reducing Idu- 
mea. A more full, but still only partial and typical, 
fulfilment would have taken place in the time of 
John Hyrcanus, who utterly reduced the Idumeans. 
Similarly the return from the Babylonish captivity 
would typically and imperfectly fulfil the promise 
of the restoration of Zion and the extension of her 
borders. The full completion of the prophetical 
descriptions of the glories of Jerusalem — the future 
golden age toward which the seers stretched their 
hands with fond yearnings — is to be looked for in 
the Christian, not in the Jewish Zion— in the anti- 
type rather than in the type (so Mr. Meyrick, with 
Luther, Thomas Scott, Dr. S. Davidson, &c). Oba- 
diah's style is perspicuous, but animated and often 
poetic; his language pure ; his arrangement order- 
ly. — The Book of Obadiah is a favorite study of 
the modern Jews. It is here especially that they 
read the future fate of their own nation and of the 
Christians. Those unversed in their literature may 
wonder where the Christians are found in the Book 
of Obadiah. But it is a fixed principle of Rabbin- 
ical interpretation that by Edomites are propheti- 
cally meant Christians, and that by Edom is meant 
Rome. Abarbanel has written a commentary on 
Obadiah, resting on this hypothesis as its basis. The 
first nine verses of Obadiah are so similar to Jer. 
xlix. 7, &c, that it is evident that one of the two 
prophets must have had the prophecy of the other 
before him. Which of the two wrote first is doubt- 
ful. Those who give an early date to Obadiah 
thereby settle the question. Those who place him 
later leave the question open, as he would in that 
case be a contemporary of Jeremiah. (Bible ; 
Canon; Inspiration; Prophet.) — 10. An officer of 
high rank in Ahab's court, described as " over the 
house," i. e. apparently, lord high chamberlain, or 
mayor of the palace (1 K. xviii. 3). His influence 
with the king must have been great to enable him 
to retain his position, though a devout worshipper 
of Jehovah, during the fierce persecution of the 
prophets by Jezebel. At the peril of his life he 
concealed a hundred of them in caves, and fed them 
there with bread and water. But he himself does 
not seem to have been suspected (ver. 4, 13). He 



and Ahabj apparently the two chief persons in the 
kingdom, went through the land in search for grass 
to feed the horses and mules in the terrible drought. 
While on this errand, he was met by Elijah, and 
sent to the king to announce the prophet's ap- 
proach (ver. 7-16). According to the Jewish tra- 
dition preserved in Ephrem Syrus, Obadiah the 
chief officer of Ahab = Obadiah the prophet, was 
of Shechem in the land of Ephraim, a disciple of 
Elijah, and the third captain of fifty sent by Aha- 
ziah (2 K. i. 13). — 11. Father of Ishmaiah, who was 
chief of Zebulun, in David's reign (1 dir. xxvii. 19). 
— 13. A Merarite Levite in Josiah's reign, and an 
overseer of the workmen in the restoration of the 
Temple (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). 

* <t-ba-di a-lin (fr. Heb.) = Obadiah 10 (1 K. 
xviii. 3, margin). 

O'bal (Heb. bare district, = Ebal, Fii.), a son of 
Joktan, and apparently the founder of an Arab 
tribe (Gen. x. 28), not yet identified. In 1 Chr. i. 
22 the name is Ebal, which has been compared with 
the Avalitce of Eastern Africa, and the Gcbanilce of 
S. Arabia. 

Ob-di'a (Gr.), probably a corruption of Obaia 
= Habaiah (compare 1 Esd. v. 38 with Ezr. ii. 
61). 

O'bed (Heb. serving, sc. God, Ges., Fii.). 1. Sen 
of Boaz and Ruth the Moabitess ; father of Jesse, 
and grandfather of King David (Ru. iv. 17). The 
circumstances of his birth are given with much 
beauty in the Book of Ruth, and form a most inter- 
esting specimen of the religious and social life of 
the Israelites in the days of Eli, which a comparison 
of the genealogies of David, Samuel, and Abiathar 
shows to have been about the time of his birth. 
The name of Obed occurs only Ru. iv. IV, and in 
the four genealogies, Ru. iv. 21, 22; 1 Chr. ii. 12 ; 
Mat. i. 5 ; Lk. iii. 32. — 2. A descendant of Jarha, 
the Egyptian servant and son-in-law of Sheshan in 
the line of Jerahmeel ; grandson of Zabad, one of 
David's valiant men (1 Chr. ii. 37, 38).— 3. One of 
David's valiant men (xi. 47). — 4. One of the gate- 
keepers of the Temple ; son of Shemaiah the first- 
born of Obed-edom (xxvi. 7). — 5. Father of Azariah, 
one of the captains who joined with Jehoiada in 
making Joash king (2 Chr. xxiii. 1). 

O'bcd-e'dom (Heb. serving Edom, Ges.). 1. A 
Levite, apparently of the family of Kohath. He is 
described as a Gittite (2 Sam. vi. 10, 11), i. e. prob- 
ably (so Mr. Wright), a native of Gath-rimmon, in 
Manasseh, which was assigned to the Kohathites 
(Josh. xxi. 45). After the death of Uzzah, the ark, 
which was being conducted from the house of Abin- 
adab in Gibeah to the city of David, was carried 
aside into the house of Obed-edom, where it con- 
tinued three months. It was brought thence by 
David (1 Chr. xv. 25; 2 Sam. vi. 12).— 2. "Obed- 
edom the son of Jeduthun" (1 Chr. xvi. 38), a 
Merarite Levite, apparently a different person from 
No. 1 (so Mr. Wright, &c), was a Levite of the 
second degree and a gate-keeper (A. V. "porter," 
" door-keeper,") for the Ark (xv. 18, 24), appoint- 
ed to sound "with harps on the Shcminith to ex- 
cel" (ver. 21, xvi. 5). There is one expression, 
however, which seems to imply that Obed-edom the 
gate-keeper and Obed-edom the Gittite may have 
been the same. After enumerating his eight sons, 
the chronicler (xxvi. 5) adds, "for God blessed 
him," referring, apparently, to 2 Sam. vi. 11. Some, 
still supposing No. 1 as not = No. 2, regard 1 Chr. 
xxvi. 4 ff. as referring to No. 1. Kitto supposes No. 
1 = No. 2. — 3. An officer (treasurer ?) of the Tem- 



750 



OBE 



OFF 



pie under King Amaziah ; probably a descendant 
of No. 1 or 2 (2 Chr. xxv. 24). 

0'betli(Gr.) = Ebed the son of Jonathan (1 Esd. 
viii. 32). 

O bil(Heb. chief of the camels, Gcs.), an Ishmael- 
ite, keeper of the herds of camels in the reign of 
David (1 Chr. xxvii. 30). 

Ob-la'tioii (fr. L.) = an offering. Sacrifice. 

O'botll ( Heb. water-skins, Ges. ; hollow passes, Fii.), 
an encampment of the Israelites, E. of Moab (Num. 
xxi. 10, xxxiii. 43); site unknown. Wilderness of 
the Wandering. 

0-ehi'cI (fr. Gr.) = Jeiel (1 Esd. i. 9; compare 
2 Chr. xxxv. 9). 

* U'ebim [-kim] (Heb. ohim or ochim, see below) 
occurs only in Is. xiii. 21, A. V. text " doleful crea- 
tures," margin "ochim, or ostriches.'''' Gesenius 
makes the Hebrew properly = howlings, shrieks, hence 
howling animals, doleful creatures, probably owls. 
Dr. W. L, Alexander (in Kitto) says, " the view most 
commonly entertained is that a species of owl is 
intended." Dr. J. A. Alexander (on Isaiah, 1. c.) 
translates, after the LXX., and Bochart, howls or 
yells. Owl. 

Oc-i-de'lus [os-se-] (fr. Gr.), a corruption of Joza- 
bad in Ezr. x. 22 (1 Esd. iv. 22). 

0-ei'na [-si-] (fr. Gr.). "Sour (Tyre) and Oeina " 
are mentioned (Jd. ii. 28) among the places on the 
sea-coast of Palestine which were terrified at the 
approach of Holofernes. Its position agrees with 
that of the ancient Accho. 

Oc'ran(Heb. afflicted, Ges.), an Asherite, father of 
Pagiel (Num. L 13, ii. 27, vii. 72, 77, x. 26). 

O'ded (Heb. setting up again, erecting, Ges.). 1, 
Father of Azariah the prophet, in the reign of Asa 
(2 Chr. xv. 1, 8). (Azariah 9.) — 2. A prophet of 
Jehovah in Samaria, at the time of Pekah's invasion 
of Judah, who secured the release of the captives 
from Judah (xxviii. 9). 

O-dollam, the Greek form of Adullam (2 Mc. 
xii. 33 only). 

Od-o-nar'kes [-keez], margin (!d-o-mar'ra (Gr. 
Odomera, Odoarrhis), the chief of a nomad tribe 
slain by Jonathan (1 Mc. ix. 66). 

* Of-fenee', or Of-fense' (fr. L.), the A. V. transla- 
tion of — 1. Heb. hit or chet (Eccl. x. 4 only), usually 
translated "sin" (Lev. xix. 17, xx. 20, &c), once 
" fault " (Gen. xli. 9), once " punishment of sin " 
(Lam. iii. 39). — 2. Heb. michxhol (1 Sam. xxv. 31 ; 
Is. viii. 14), usually " stumbling-block " (Lev. xix. 
14; Is. lvii. 14, &c), also "ruin" (Ez. xviii. 30, xxi. 
15 [Heb. 20]), &c. (Offend, to, 5.)— 3. Heb. verb 
asham, partially in Hos. v. 15, A. V. "acknowledge 
offence," margin " be guilty," the latter being the 
usual translation. Gesenius, Henderson, &c, trans- 
late the verb in Hos. 1. c. " suffer punishment." 
(Offend, to.) — 4. Gr. hamarlia (2 Cor. xi. 7 only), 
elsewhere uniformly rendered "sin" (Mat. i. 21, iii. 
6, &c). — 5. Gr. paraploma (Rom. iv. 25, v. 15 ff.), 
also translated "trespass" (Mat. vi. 14, 15, &c), 
" sin " (Eph. i. 7, &c), " fault " (Gal. vi. 1 ; Jas. v. 16), 
" fall" (Rom. xi. 11, 12). — 6. Gr. proskomma (Rom. 
xiv. 20 only), elsewhere translated "stumbling" 
(Rom. ix. 32 f. ; 1 Pet. ii. 8 [Gr. 7]), or "stumbling- 
block" (Rom. xiv. 13; 1 Cor. viii. 9). — 7. Gr. pros- 
kope (2 Cor. vi. 3 only). — 8. Gr. skandalon (Mat. xvi. 
23, xviii. 7; Lk. xvii! 1; Rom. ix. 33, xvi. 17; Gal. 
v. 11 ; 1 Pet. ii. 8 [Gr. 7]), also rendered " things 
that offend" (Mat. xiii. 41), "stumbling-block" 
(Rom. xi. 9 ; 1 Cor. i. 23), " occasion to fall " (Rom. 
xiv. 13), "occasion of stumbling" (1 Jn. ii. 10). — 
9. Gr. adj. aproskopos, partially, rendered in A. V. 



"void of offence" (Acts xxiv. 16), "without of- 
fence" (Phil. i. 10; both these in Robinson's, 
N. T. Lex. are translated not made to stumble, not 
falling into sin, faultless), and with a verb " give 
none offence " ( 1 Cor. x. 32, literally be not causing 
to stumble or to full, i. e. do not lead into sin either 
Jews, Gentiles, or the Church). — It will thus be seen 
that " offence " in the A. V. has not only the mean- 
ing of a sin, crime, or fault, as now (Nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 
and the first two passages under 9) ; but also that 
of a stumbling-block, i. e. a cause or occasion of fall- 
ing, especially into sin and ruin ; that which entice* one 
to wrong-doing, or brings one into difficult;/, perplexity, 
or danger ; that which disturbs, or produces disgust, 
shame, or indignation (Nos. 2, 6, 7, 8, and last under 
9). See the two next articles. 

* Of-fcnd' (fr. L.), to, the A.V. translation of— 1. 
Heb. dsham or dshem (Jer. ii. 3, 1. 7 ; Ez. xxv. 12; 
Hos. iv. 15, xiii. 1 ; Hab. i. 11), usually translated 
in A. V. " to be guilty " (Lev. iv. 13, 22, 27, &c), or 
" to trespass " (v. 19, &c), sometimes " to be deso- 
late" (Ps. xxxiv. 21, 22 [Heb. 22, 23], Is. xxiv. 6, 
&c. ; these and Jer. ii. 3 are translated by Gesenius 
to bear one's guilt, i. e. its consequences, to suffer pun- 
ishment), &c. The kindred Heb. noun ashmdh, usually 
translated " trespass" (Lev. xxii. 16 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 18, 
&c.) or " sin " (Lev. iv. 3, &c), as translated in 2 
Chr. xxviii. 13, once with other words, "we have 
offended against the Lord " (literally the trespass of 
Jehovah being upon us), and twice in the same verse 
"trespass." (Offence 3.) — 2. Heb. bdgad once (Ps. 
lxxiii. 15), usually translated " to deal treacherously " 
(Judg. ix. 23 ; Is. xxiv. 16, &c), also " to deal de- 
ceitfully " (Job vi. 15, &c), " to transgress " (Ps. xxv. 
3, &c), &c. — 3. Heb. hdbal or chdbal once (Job xxxiv. 
31 ; here translated by Gesenius to act perversely, 
to do corruptly), also translated " to deal corruptly " 
in Neh. i. 7, elsewhere " to take a pledge of" (Prov. 
xx. 16, &c), " to take to pledge" (Deut. xxiv. 6, 17, 
&c), &c. This Heb. verb literally (so Gesenius) =: 
to tighten a cord, to twist ; hence to bind ; lobind bg 
a pledge, or to take as a pledge ; to pervert, &c. — 4. 
Heb. hdtdox chdtd (Gen. xx. 9, xl. 1 ; 2 K. xviii. 14; 
Jer. xxxvii. 18) ; literally to miss the mark, as an 
archer, &c, or to misstep ; hence to sin, i. e. to err 
from the path of truth and duty, Ges.), usually 
translated " to sin " (Gen. xxxix. 9 ; Ex. xxxii. 30 
ff, &c), also "to bear the blame" (Gen. xliii. 9, 
xliv. 32), &c. — 5. Heb. noun michshol once, trans- 
lated with other words " nothing shall offend them " 
(Ps. cxix. 165 ; margin " they shall have no stum- 
bling-block ; " literally nothing is a stumbling-block to 
them, Prof. J. A. Alexander, on Ps. 1. a). (Offence 
2.) — 6. Heb. pasha' once, passively in the phrase " a 
brother offended" (Prov. xviii. 19; translated by 
Gesenius brethren breaking with one another, offended, 
discordant) ; usually in the active voice translated 
" to transgress "(IK. viii. 50, &c), also " to rebel " 
(2 K. iii. 7, &c), or " to revolt " (viii. 20, &c.).— 7. 
Gr. hnmartand once (Acts xxv. 8 : literally to miss, 
to err from a mark or way ; hence to do wrong, to sin, 
Rbn. JV. T. Lex.), almost uniformly translated "to 
sin" (Mat. xviii. 21 ; Lk. xv. 18, 21, &c), sometimes 
"to trespass" (Mat. xviii. 15, &c). (Compare Of- 
fence 4.) — 8. Gr. ptaid (Jas. ii. 10, iii. 2 twice ; 
properly = to stumble, to fall), once translated " to 
stumble" (Rom. xi. 11), and once " to fall " (2 Pet. 
i. 10). — 9. Gr. skandalizo, translated " to offend " 
or " to be offended " twenty-eight times in N. T., 
twice only otherwise, viz. in 1 Cor. viii. 13 "to make 
to offend." This Gr. verb, not found in classic 
writers, is used in the N. T. (according to Dr. Robin- 



OFF 



OIL 



751 



son's N. T. Lex.) tropically in a moral sense = to 
make stumble at or in any thing ; (1.) to give or cause 
offence to any one, i. e. to offend, vex, scandalize, 
(Mat. xvii. 27 ; Jn. vi. 61 ; 1 Cor. viii. 13 twice), 
and passively io be offended, or vexed (Mat. xv. 12 ; 
Rom. xiv. 21 ; 2 Cor. xi. 29) ; also passively to be 
offended in or at any one, i. e. to take offence at 
one's character, words, or course, so as to desert«and 
reject him (Mat. xi. 6, xiii. 57, xxvi. 31, 33 twice ; 
Mk. vi. 3, xiv. 27, 29 ; Lk. vii. 23) ; (2.) causatively, 
to make one offend, or had one into sin, i. e. to be a 
stumbling-block to another, to be a cause or occa- 
sion of his sin (Mat. v. 29, 30, xviii. 6, 8, 9 ; Mk. ix. 
42, 43, 45, 47 ; Lk. xvii. 2), and passively to be made 
to offend, to be led into sin, i. e. to fall away from the 
truth or the Gospel (Mat. xiii. 21, xxiv. 10 ; Mk. iv. 
17; Jn. xvi. 1). (Compare Offence 8.) Offender. 

* Of-fend'cr (from offend) has its ordinary mean- 
ing in the A. V., = a wrong-doer, a transgressor, a 
criminal (1 K. i. 21 ; Is. xxix. 21 ; Acts xxv. 11). 
Judge; Officer; Prison; Punishments; Trial. 

Offer-iiig. Burnt-offering ; Free-will-offer- 
ing; Meat-offering; Peace-offering; Sacrifice; 
Sin-offering. 

Of'fi-ter. It is obvious that most, if not all, of 
the Hebrew words rendered " officer " (netsib, sdrU, 
pekudddh, pdkid, rab, shoter, &c.) are either of an 
indefinite character, or are synonymous terms for 
functionaries known under other and more specific 
names, as " scribe," " eunuch," &c. (Army ; Cap- 
tain ; Garrison ; Governor ; King.) Two Greek 
words are so rendered in the N. T. Of these, huperctcs 
(literally a rower, hence any doer of hard work, 
servant, &c, L. & S.) is used to denote an inferior 
officer of a court of justice, a messenger or bailiff, 
like the Roman viator or lictor (Mat. v. 25 ; Jn. vii. 
32, 45 f., xviii. 3, 12, 18, &c). (Minister.) The 
other, praktor (literally a doer), used only in Lk. 
xii. 58, was applied at Athens to officers whose duty 
it was to register and collect fines imposed by courts 
of justice ; and for the judge to " deliver to the of- 
ficer " implies his ascertaining the validity of the 
claim of indebtedness, and then giving the debtor 
in charge to the officer of the court that the pay- 
ment may be enforced. (Judge ; Punishments ; 
Trial.) The word " officers " (Gr. hoi apo [or epi] 
ton chreion = those from [or ower] the business) is 
used (1 Mc. x. 41, xiii. 37) in speaking of the rev- 
enue-officers of Demetrius. In Ecclus. x. 2 (Gr. 
leitourgoi), the meaning is clearly the subordinates 
in a general sense to a supreme authority. 

Og (Heb. long-necked, — Anak ? Ges., Fii.), an 
Amoritish king of Bashan, whose rule extended 
over sixty cities, of which the two chief were Asii- 
taroth and Edrei (Josh. xiii. 12). He was one of 
the last representatives of the giant-race of Re- 
phaim. (Giants 3.) According to Eastern tradi- 
tions, he escaped the deluge by wading beside the 
ark, and lived 3,000 years ; and one of his bones long 
served as a bridge over a river. He was, with his 
children and his people, defeated and exterminated 
by the Israelites at Edrei, immediately after the 
conquest of Sihon, who is represented by Josephus 
as his friend and ally. His sixty fenced cities were 
taken, and his kingdom assigned to the Reubenites, 
Gadites, and half the tribe of Manasseh (Deut. iii. 1- 
13 ; Num. xxxii. 33. Also Deut. i. 4, iv. 47, xxxi. 
4; Josh. ii. 10, ix. 10, xiii. 12, 30; Ps. exxxv. 11, 
exxxvi. 20). The belief in Og's enormous stature is 
corroborated by an appeal to a relic still existing 
at the writing of Deut. iii. 11. This was an iron 
bedstead, or bier, preserved in " Rabbath of the 



children of Amnion." (Rabbah 1.) Some have 
supposed that this was one of the common flat beds 
used sometimes on the housetops of Eastern cities, 
but made of iron instead of palm-branches, which 
would not have supported the giant's weight. (Bed.) 
Mr. Farrar, with Michaelis, &c, supposes the He- 
brew words mean a " sarcophagus of black basalt ; " 
but Schleusner, Gesenius, Fiirst, Prof. Murphy (in 
Fairbairn), &c, sustain the A. V. rendering "bed- 
stead of iron." 

O'bad (Heb. union, Ges. ; power, Fii.), one of the 
six sons of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15). 

0'hel(Heb. a tent, tabernacle, house, Ges.), one of 
the last five of the seven sons of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. 
iii. 20). Hasadiah. 

Oil (Heb. yitshdr, shernen ; Chal. meshah or mc- 
shach ; Gr. elaion). I. Of the numerous substances, 
animal and vegetable, known to the ancients as yield- 
ing oil, the olive-berry (Olive) is most frequently 
mentioned in the Scriptures. The best oil is made 
from fruit gathered about November or December, 
when it has begun to change color, but before it has 
become black. The berry in the more advanced 
state yields more oil, but of an inferior quality. — 1. 
Gathering. That neither the fruit nor the boughs 
of the tree might be injured, the fruit was either 
gathered by hand or shaken off carefully with a 
light reed or stick. After gathering and careful 
cleansing, the fruit was either at once carried to the 
press, which is recommended as the best course ; 
or, if necessary, laid on tables with hollow trays 
made sloping, to allow the first juice to flow into 
other receptacles beneath, care being taken not to 
heap the fruit too much, and so prevent the free 
escape of the juice. — 2. Pressing. To make oil, the 
fruit was either bruised in a mortar, crushed in a 
press loaded with wood or stones, ground in a mil), 
or trodden with the feet. Special buildings used 
for grape-pressing were used also for olive-pressing, 
and contained both the press and the receptacle for 
the pressed juice. The " beaten " oil (Ex. xxvii. 
20, xxix. 40 ; Lev. xxiv. 2 ; Num. xxviii. 5) was 
probably made by bruising in a mortar. These 
processes, and also the place and the machine for 
pressing, are mentioned in the Mishna. (See also 
Is. lxiii. 3; Lam. i. 15; Joel ii. 24, iii. 13; Mic. vi. 15; 
Hag. ii. 16.) Oil-mills are often made of stone, and 
turned by hand. Others consist of a cylinder en- 
closing a beam, which is turned by a camel or other 
animal. (Winepress.) — 3. Keeping. Both olives 
and oil were kept in jars carefully cleansed ; and 
oil was drawn out for use in horns or other small 
vessels. (Cruse.) Oil of Tekoa was reckoned the 
best. Trade in oil was carried on with the Tyrians, 
by whom it was probably often reexported to Egypt, 
whose olives do not for the most part produce good 
oil. Oil to the amount of 20,000 baths (2 Chr. ii. 
10), or 20,000 measures (eors, 1 K. v. 11), was fur- 
nished by Solomon to Hiram. Direct trade in oil 
was also carried on between Egypt and Palestine 
(Ezr. iii. 7; Is. xxx. 6, lvii. 9; Ez. xxvii. 17; Hos. 
xii. 1). — II. Besides the use of olives themselves as 
food, common to all olive-producing countries, the 
principal uses of olive-oil may be thus stated. Iv 
As food. Dried wheat, boiled with either butter or 
oil, but more commonly the former, is a common 
dish for all classes in Syria. Oil was and is much 
used throughout Western Asia, instead of butter and 
lard, in cooking, &c. (Food.) — 2. Cosmetic. As is 
the case generally in hot climates, oil was used by 
the Jews for anointing the body, e. g. after the bath, 
and giving to the skin and hair a smooth and come- 



752 OIL 

ly appearance, e. g. before an entertainment. At 
Egyptian entertainments it was usual for a servant 
to anoint the head of each guest, as he took his 
seat (Deut. xxviii. 40 ; Ru. iii. 3 ; 2 Sam. xii. 30, 
&c). (Anointing; Mourning; Ointment; Per- 
fumes.) — 3. Funereal. The bodies of the dead were 
anointed with oil by the Greeks and Romans, prob- 
ably as a partial antiseptic, and a similar custom 
appears to have prevailed among the Jews. (Anoint- 
ing; Burial.) — i. Medicinal. As oil is in use in 
many cases in modern medicine, it is not surprising 
that it was much used among the Jews and other 
ancient nations for medicinal purposes. Celsus re- 
pe itedly speaks of the use of oil, especially old oil, 
applied externally with friction in fevers, and in 
many other cases. Josephus mentions that among 
the remedies employed in the case of Herod, he was 
put into a sort of oil-bath. Isaiah (i. 6) alludes to 
the use of oil as ointment in medical treatment ; and 
it thus furnished a fitting symbol for use by our 
Lord's disciples in performing miraculous cures 
(Mk. vi. 13). (Anointing, I. 3.)— 5. Oil for light. 
The oil for " the light " was expressly ordered to be 
olive-oil, " beaten " (Ex. xxv. 6, xxxv. 8, &c. ; see 
above, I. 2). The quantity for the longest night is 
said to have been one-half log = about two-fifths of 
a pint. (Candlestick ; Lamp.) — 6. Ritual, a. Oil was 
poured on, or mixed with the flour or meal used in 
meat-offerings, &c. (Ex. xxix. 2, 3, 40; Lev. vi. 15, 
21, vii. .10, 12, xiv. 10 ff. ; Num. vi. 15, vii., viii. 8). 
On the other hand, certain offerings were to be de- 
void of oil; the sin-offering (Lev. v. 11), and the 
offering of jealousy (Num. v. 15). The principle on 
which both the presence and the absence of oil were 
prescribed is clearly, that as oil is indicative of 
gladness, so its absence denoted sorrow or humilia- 
tion (Is. lxi. 3; Joel ii. 19; Rev. vi. 6). b. Kings, 
priests, and prophets, were anointed with oil or 
ointment. — 7. a. As so important in his living, the 
Jew was required to include oil among his first-fruit 
offerings (Ex. xxii. 29, xxiii. 16; Num. xviii. 12; 
Deut. xviii. 4; 2 dir. xxxi. 5). b. Tithes of oil 
were also required (Deut. xii. IV ; 2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 
&c). — 8. Shields, if covered with hide, were anointed 
with oil or grease previous to use (Is. xxi. 15). 
Shields of metal were perhaps rubbed over in like 
manner to polish them. Of the substances which 
yield oil, besides the olive-tree, myrrh is the only 
one specially mentioned in Scripture (Esth. ii. 12). 

Oil'— tree. The Hebrew words 'els shemen occur 
in Neh. viii. 15 (A. V. "pine-branches"), 1 K. vi. 
23 (" olive-tree," marg. " trees of oil," or " oily 
trees"), and in Is. xii. 19 ("oil-tree"). From the 
passage in Nehemiah, where the 'els shemen is men- 
tioned as distinct from the " olive-tree," it has been 
identified with the zackum-tree of the Arabs, which, 
according to Dr. J. D. Hooker, is the Balanites 
JEgyptiaca, a shrub or small tree, abundant in the 
plain of Jordan, and found all the way from the 
peninsula of India and the Ganges to Syria, Abys- 
sinia, and the Niger. The zackum-oil is held in high 
repute by the Arabs for its medicinal properties. 
Dr. Hooker supposes the Balanites ^Egyptiaca may 
possibly be the "Balm of Gilead." (Spice 1.) — Mr. 
Tristram calls the Balanites ^Egyptiaca, which he 
found near Jericho, "the false balsam," and de- 
scribes it as " a thorny tree, with large olive-like 
fruit — the zukkum of the natives — from which the 
false balm of Gilead, a sort of oil, is extracted and 
sold to the pilgrims" (Land of Israel, pp. 202, 203). 
Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, regard the 'els shemen as the 
wild olive or oleaster (Elceagnus angustifolia), a tree 



OIN 

bearing oblong fruit somewhat like an olive in ap- 
pearance. Olive. 




Zuckum-tree (Balanites JEgyptiaca) — " Oil-tree." 



Oint ment (Heb. shemen, rdkah or rokach, mirka- 
hath or mirkaehath, mishhah or mishchdh, &c. ; Gr. 
muron). The following list will point out the 
Scriptural uses of ointment : — 1. Cosmetic. The 
Greek and Roman practice of anointing the head 
and clothes on festive occasions prevailed also 
among the Egyptians, and appears to have had place 
among the Jews (Ru. iii. 3 ; Eccl. vii. 1, ix. 8 ; Prov. 
xxvii. 9, 16, &c). Oil of myrrh, for like purposes, 
is mentioned Esth. ii. 12. Egyptian paintings 
represent servants anointing guests on their ar- 
rival at their entertainer's house, and alabaster 
vases exist which retain the traces of the ointment 
they were used to contain. (Alabaster ; Oil.) 
— 2. Funereal. Ointments as well as oil were used 
to anoint dead bodies and the clothes in which they 
were wrapped (Mat. xxvi. 12 ; Mk. xiv. 3, 8, xvi. 1 ; 
Lk. xxiii. 56 ; Jn. xii. 3, 7, xix. 40). (Burial.) 
— 3. Medicinal. Ointment formed an important fea- 
ture in ancient medical treatment (Is. i. 6). The 
mention of balm of Gilead and of eye-salve points to 
the same method of cure (Is. i. 6) ; Jer. viii. 22 ; 
Rev. iii. 18, &c). (Anointing; Medicine.)— -4. 
Ritvol. Besides the oil used in many ceremonial 
observances, a special ointment, made of pure myrrh 
and cassia (each 500 shekels = 250 ounces), sweet 
cinnamon and sweet calamus (each 250 shekels = 
125 ounces), and a hin (about five quarts) of olive- 
oil, was appointed to be used in consecration (Ex. 
xxx. 23-33, xxix. 7, xxxvii. 29, xl. 9, 1 5). Strict pro- 
hibition was issued against using this unguent for 
any secular purpose, or on the person of a foreigner, 
and against imitating it in any way whatsoever (xxx. 
32, 33). The weight of the oil in the mixture would be 
12 lbs. 8 oz. English. A question arises, in what form 
were the other ingredients, and what degree of solid- 
ity did the whole attain ? According to Maimonides, 
Moses, having reduced the solid ingredients to pow- 
der, steeped them in water till all the aromatic 
qualities were drawn forth. He then poured in the 



OLA 



OLD 



753 



oil, and boiled the whole till the water was evapo- 
rated. The residuum thus obtained was preserved in 
a vessel for use. Another theory supposes all the 
ingredients to have been in the form of oil or oint- 
ment, and the measurement by weight of all, except 
the oil, seems to imply that they were in some solid 
form, but whether in an unctuous state or in that 
of powder cannot be ascertained. A process of 
making ointment, consisting, in part at least, in 
boiling, is alluded to in Job xli. 31. Kings, and 
also in some cases prophets, were, as well as priests, 
anointed with oil or ointment ; but Scripture only 
mentions the fact as actually taking place in the 
cases of Saul, David, Solomon, Jehu, and Joash. 
It is evident that the sacred oil was used in the case 
of Solomon, and probably in the cases of Saul and 
David. (Anointing.) A person whose business it 
was to compound ointments in general was called 
an " apothecary " (Ex. xxx. 25, 35, xxxvii. 29 ; Neh. 
iii. 8; Eccl. x. 1; Ecclus. xxxviii. 9, xlix. 1), or 
"perfumer" (Ex. xxx. 25, marg.). The work was 
sometimes carried on by women " confectionaries " 
(1 Sam. viii. 13). In the Christian Church the 
ancient usage of anointing the bodies of the dead 
was long retained. The ceremony of Chrism or 
anointing was also added to baptism. 

Ol'a-mus (L.) = Meshullam of the sons of Bani 
(1 Esd. ix. 30; comp. Ezr. x. 29). 

* Old Gate (Neh. iii. 6, xii. 39), a gate of Jeru- 
salem, probably (so Kitto) at the N. E. corner. 
Others would place it in the middle of the N. wall. 

Old Tcs'ta-mcnt, This article (originally by Mr. 
Thrupp) treats (A) of the Text of the Old Tes- 
tament, (B) of its Interpretation, and (C) of the 
Quotations from the Old Testament in the New. 
(Bible; Canon; Inspiration.) — A. Text of the 
Old Testament. 1. History of the Text. After 
the completion of the Canon no additions to any 
part of the O. T. could be legitimately made, the 
sole object of those who transmitted and watched 
over it being thenceforth to preserve that which 
was already written. Of the care, however, with 
which the text was transmitted we have to judge, 
almost entirely, by the phenomena which it and the 
versions derived from it now present, rather than 
from any recorded facts respecting it. There can 
be little doubt that the text was ordinarily written 
on skins, rolled up into volumes, like the modern 
synagogue-rolls (Ps. xl. 7; Jer. xxxvi. 14; Zech. v. 
1 ; Ez. iL 9). The original character in which the 
text was expressed is that still preserved to us, 
with the exception of four letters, on the Macca- 
bean coins (Money), and having a strong affinity 
to the Samaritan character. At what date this 
was exchanged for the present Aramaic or square 
character is still as undetermined, as it is at what 
date the use of the Aramaic language in Pales- 
tine superseded that of the Hebrew. The Old 
Jewish tradition, repeated by Origen and Jerome, 
ascribed the change to Ezra. (Writing.) No 
vowel-points were attached^to the text ; they were, 
through all the early period of its history,, entirely 
unknown. Convenience had indeed, at the time 
when the later books of the 6. T. were written, 
suggested a larger use of the matres lectionis (L. = 
mothers [or sources\ of correct reading, a name given 
to the consonants ^ [aleph], t [vdv or vau], and n 
[yod or jod] from their being used to represent the 
vowels a, it, i, and thus guide to a correct pronuncia- 
tion of words, Nordheimev's Heb. Grammar, § 9) : 
it is thus that in those books we find them intro- 
duced into many words that had been previously 
48 



spelt without them. There is reason to think that 
in the text of the 0. T., as originally written, the 
words were generally, though not uniformly, divided. 
Of the Phenician inscriptions, though the majority 
proceed continuously, some have a point after every 
word, except when the words are closely connected. 
The same point is used in the Samaritan manuscripts. 
The practice of separating words by spaces instead 
of points probably came in with the square writing. 
Of ancient date, probably, are also the separations 
between the lesser parshiydlli or sections ; whether 
made, in the case of the more important divisions, 
by the commencement of a new line, or, in the case 
of the less important, by a blank space within the 
line. These lesser and earlier parshiydth, of which 
there are in the Pentateuch 669, must not be con- 
founded with the greater and later parshiydth, or 
Sabbath-lessons, which are first mentioned in the 
Masorah. The name parshiyoth is in the Mishna 
applied to the divisions in the Prophets as well as 
to those in the Pentateuch. Hupfield has found 
that they do not always coincide with the capiUrta 
(L. — chapters, or sections) of Jerome. That they 
are nevertheless more ancient than his time is shown 
by the mention of them in the Mishna. In the ab- 
sence of evidence to the contrary, their disaccord- 
ance with the kdtsin (= sections) of the Samaritan 
Pentateuch, which are 966 in number, seems to in- 
dicate that they had an historical origin ; and they 
may possibly date from the period when the 0. T. 
was first transcribed in the square character. Of 
any logical division, in the written text, of the prose 
of the 0. T. into pisukini, or verses, we find in the 
Talmud no mention ; and even in the existing syna- 
gogue-rolls such division is generally ignored. In 
the poetical books, the pesukim mentioned in the 
Talmud correspond to the poetical lines, not to our 
modern verses ; and it is probable both from some 
expressions of Jerome, and from the analogous 
practice of other nations, that the poetical text was 
written stichometrically. The two earliest docu- 
ments which directly bear upon the history of the 
Hebrew text, are the Samaritan Pentateuch, and 
the Septuagint. In the translations of Aquila and 
the other Greek interpreters, the fragments of whose 
works remain to us in the Hexapla, we have evi- 
dence of the existence of a text differing but little 
from our own : so also in the Targums of Onkelos 
and Jonathan. A few centuries later we have, in 
the Hexapla, additional evidence to the same effect 
in Origen's transcriptions of the Hebrew text. And 
yet more important are the proofs of the firm estab- 
lishment of the text, and of its substantial identity 
with our own, supplied by the translation of Jerome, 
who was instructed by the Palestinian Jews, and 
mainly relied upon their authority for acquaintance 
not only with the text itself, but also with the tradi- 
tional unwritten vocalization of it. This brings us 
to the middle of the Talmudic period. The learn- 
ing of the schools formed in Jerusalem about the 
time of our Saviour by Hillel and Shammai was 
preserved, after the destruction of the city, in the 
academies of Jabneh, Sepphoris, Cesarea, and Tibe- 
rias. The great pillar of the Jewish literature of 
this period was R. Judah the Holy, to whom is 
ascribed the compilation of the Mishna, the text of 
the Talmud, and who died about A. d. 220. After 
his death there grew into repute the Jewish acade- 
mies of Sura, Nahardea, and Pum-Beditha, on the 
Euphrates. The twofold Gemara, or commentary, 
was now appended to the Mishna, thus completing 
the Talmud. The Jerusalem Gemara proceeded 



754 



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OLD 



from the Jews of Tiberias, probably toward the end 
of the fourth century : the Babylonian from the 
academies on the Euphrates, perhaps by the end of 
the fifth. That along with the task of collecting 
and commenting on their various legal traditions, 
the Jews of these several academies would occupy 
themselves with the text of the sacred writings is 
in every way probable ; and is indeed shown by 
various Talmudic notices. In these the first thing 
to be remarked is the entire absence of allusion to 
any such glosses of interpretation as those which, 
from having been previously noted on the margins 
of MSS., had probably been loosely incorporated 
into the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint. 
Interpretation, properly so called, had become the 
province of the Targumist (Versions, Ancient 
[Targum]), not of the transcriber; and the result 
of the entire divorce of interpretation from tran- 
scription had been to obtain greater security for the 
transmission of the text in its purity. In place, 
however, of such glosses of interpretation had crept 
in the practice of reading some passages differently 
from the way in which they were written, in order 
to obtain a play of words, or to fix them artificially 
in the memory. But these traditional and confess- 
edly apocryphal readings were not allowed to affect 
the written text. The care of the Talmudic doctors 
for the text is shown by the pains with which they 
counted up the number of verses in the different 
books, and computed which were the middle verses, 
words, and letters in the Pentateuch and in the 
Psalms. The scrupulousness with which the Tal- 
mudists noted what they deemed the truer readings, 
and yet abstained from introducing them into the 
text, indicates at once both their diligence in scru- 
tinizing the text and their care in guarding it. Crit- 
ical procedure is also evinced in their rejection of 
manuscripts which were found not to agree with 
others in their readings ; and the rules given with 
reference to the transcription and adoption of manu- 
scripts attest the care bestowed upon them. The 
Talmud further makes mention of the euphemistic 
Keris (ov marginal readings), which are still noticed 
in our Bibles, e. g. at 2 K. vi. 25. It also reckons 
six instances of extraordinary points placed over 
certain words, e. g. over the Heb. eldyv (A. V. "to 
him") at Gen. xviii. 9 ; and of some of them it fur- 
nishes mystical explanations. It is after the Tal- 
mudic period that Hupfeld places the introduction 
into the text of the two large points ( : in Hebrew 
Sdfjh-pdsuk) to mark the end of each verse. Coeval, 
perhaps, with the use of the Sdph-pjdsuk is that of 
the Makkej>h, or hyphen, to unite words that are so 
closely conjoined as to have but one accent between 
them. Such modifications of the text as these were 
the precursors of the new method of dealing with it 
which constitutes the work of the Masoretic period. 
It is evident from the notices of the Talmud that 
oral traditions had been gradually accumulating re- 
specting both the integrity of particular passages 
of the text itself, and also the manner in which it 
was to be read. This vast heterogeneous mass of 
traditions and criticisms, compiled and embodied in 
writing, forms what is known as the Mdsordh, i. e. 
Tradition. Buxtorf ranges its contents under the 
three heads of observations respecting the verses, 
words, and letters of the sacred text. As to the 
verses, the Masorets recorded how many were in each 
book, and the middle verse in each : also how many 
verses began with particular letters, or began and 
ended with the same word, or contained a particular 
number of words and letters, or particular words a 



certain number of times, &c. As to the words, they 1 
recorded the Keris (Heb. ktSri = a word read or a 
reading [now placed in the margin] to be used in- 
stead of that in the text) and Chethibs (Heb. cethib 
— a word written, or a textual reading), where 
different words were to be read from those contained 
in the text, or where words were to be omitted or 
supplied. They noted that certain words were to 
be found so many times in the beginning, middle, 
or end of a verse, or with a particular construction 
or meaning. They noted also of particular words, 
and this especially in cases where mistakes in tran- 
scription were likely to arise, whether they were to 
be written plene (= fully) or defective (= defectively), 
i. e. with or without the rnalres lectionis (see above): 
also their vocalization and accentuation, and how 
many times they occurred so vocalized or accented. 
As to the letters, they computed how often each let- 
ter of the alphabet occurred in the 0. T. : they 
noted fifteen instances of letters stigmatized with 
the extraordinary points: they commented also on 
all the unusual letters, viz. the rnajuseulay (L. some- 
what larger), which they variously computed ; the 
minmculce (somewhat smaller), of which they reck- 
oned thirty-three ; the suspense (suspended ), four in 
number ; and the inverses (inverted ), of which there 
are eight or nine. The most valuable feature of the 
Mdsordh is undoubtedly its collection of Keris. The 
first rudiments of this collection meet us in the Tal- 
mud. It seems clear that the Keris in all cases rep- 
resent the readings which the Masorets themselves 
approved as correct. The Mdsordh furnishes also 
eighteen instances of what it calls " Correction of 
the scribes." The real import of this is doubtful. 
Furthermore the Mdsordh contains certain " Con- 
jectures," which it does not raise to the dignity of 
Keris, respecting the true reading in difficult pas- 
sages. The Mdsordh was originally preserved in dis- 
tinct books by itself. A plan then arose of trans- 
ferring it to the margins of the MSS. of the Bible. 
For this purpose large curtailments were necessary. 
The Mdsordh is now distinguished into the Masora 
magna (= large Mdsordh) and the Masora parva 
(— small Mdsordh), the latter being an abridgment 
of the former, including all the Keris and other 
compendious observations, and usually printed in 
Hebrew Bibles at the foot of the page. The Md- 
sordh itself was but one of the fruits of the labors 
of the Jewish doctors in the Masoretic period. A 
far more important work was furnishing the text 
with vowel-marks, by which the traditional pronun- 
ciation of it was imperishably recorded. That the 
insertion of the Hebrew vowel-points was post-Tal- 
mudic is shown by the absence from the Talmud of 
all reference to them. The vowel-marks are re- 
ferred to in the Mdsordh ; and as they are all men- 
tioned by R. Judah Chiug, in the beginning of the 
eleventh century, they must have been perfected 
before that date. (Writing.) Contemporaneous 
with the written vocalization w r as the accentuation 
of the text. The import of the accents was, as 
Hupfeld has shown, essentially rhythmical : hence 
they had from the first both a logical and a musical 
significance. Besides the evidences of various read- 
ings contained in the Keris of the Mdsordh, we have 
two lists of different readings purporting or pre- 
sumed to be those adopted by the Palestinian and 
Babylonian Jews respectively. The first of these 
was printed by R. Jacob ben Chayim in the Bom- 
berg Bible (Venice, 1525-'6). The different read- 
ings are 216 in number, generally of but little im- 
portance. The other is the result of a collation of 



OLD 



OLD 



755 



MSS. made in the eleventh century by two Jews, R. 
Aaron ben Asher, a Palestinian, and R. Jacob ben 
Naphtali, a Babylonian. The differences, 864 in 
number, relate to the vowels, the accents, the Mak- 
kr'ph (or hyphen), and once (Cant. viii. 6) to the divi- 
sion of one word into two. From the end of the 
Masoretic period onward, the Mdsordh became the 
great authority by which the text given in all the Jew- 
ish MSS. was settled. — 2. Manuscripts. The 0. T. 
MSS. known to us fall into two main classes : Syna- 
gogue-rolls and MSS. for private use. Of the latter, 
some are written in the square, others in the rab- 
binic or cursive character. The synagogue-rolls 
contain, separate from each other, the Pentateuch, 
the Haphtdroth, or appointed sections of the Proph- 
ets, and the so-called MegiUdth, viz. Canticles, Ruth, 
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, and Esther. (Bible, 
III., IV.) The text of the synagogue-rolls is writ- 
ten without vowels, accents, or sojih-pdsuks : the 
greater parshiydth are not distinguished, nor yet, 
strictly, the verses ; these last are indeed often 
slightly separated, but the practice is against the 
ancient tradition. The rules prescribed for prepar- 
ing the skin or parchment, and for writing these 
rolls, are exceedingly minute, and have probably 
contributed much to preserve the text in its in- 
tegrity. The two modifications of the square char- 
acter in which these rolls are written are distin- 
guished by the Jews as the Tarn and the Velshe, 
i. e., probably, the Perfect and the Foreign. The 
synagogue-rolls are not sold. Private MSS. in the 
square character are in the book-form, either on 
parchment or on paper, and of various sizes, from 
folio to 12mo. Some contain the Hebrew text alone ; 
others add the Targum, or an Arabic or other trans- 
lation, either interspersed with the text or in a sep- 
arate column, occasionally in the margin. The up- 
per and lower margins are generally occupied by the 
Mdsordh, sometimes by rabbinical commentaries, 
&c. The date of a MS. is ordinarily given in the 
subscription ; but as the subscriptions are often 
concealed in the Mdsordh or elsewhere, it is occa- 
sionally difficult to find them : occasionally also it 
is difficult to decipher them. Even when found 
and deciphered, they cannot always be relied on. 
No satisfactory criteria have been yet established 
by which the ages of MSS. are to be determined. 
Few existing MSS. are supposed to be older than the 
twelfth century. Kennicott and Bruns assigned one 
of their collation (No. 590) to the tenth century ; De 
Rossi dates it a. n. 1018 ; on the other hand, one of 
his own (No. 634) he adjudges to the eighth century. 
It is usual to distinguish in these MSS. three mod- 
ifications of the square character : viz. a Spanish 
writing, upright and regularly formed ; a German, 
inclined and sharp-pointed ; and a French and 
Italian, intermediate between the two preceding. 
One important distinction between the Spanish and 
German MSS. consists in the difference of order 
in which the books are generally arranged. The 
former follow the Mdsordh, placing the Chronicles 
before the rest of the Hagiographa : the latter con- 
form to the Talmud, placing Jeremiah and Ezekiel 
before Isaiah, and Ruth, separate from the other 
MigUloth, before the Psalms. Private MSS. in the 
rabbinic character are mostly on paper, and are of 
comparatively late date. Of the 581 Jewish MSS. 
collated by Kennicott, not more than 102 give the 
0. T. complete ; with those collated by De Rossi the 
case is similar. Kennicott and De Rossi collated 
490 MSS. of Genesis, 549 of the Megilloth collect- 
ively, 495 of the Psalms, 172 (the fewest) of Ezra 



and Nehemiah, 211 of Chronicles, more than 1,100 
in all, the greatest number containing Esther. Since 
the days of Kennicott and De Rossi modern research 
has discovered various MSS. beyond the limits of 
Europe, many of them of little critical value. 
Those found in China are not essentially different 
from the MSS. previously known in Europe ; that 
brought by Buchanan from Malabar is now supposed 
to be a European roll. It is different with some of 
the Hebrew and Rabbinic MSS. examined by Pinner 
at Odessa. One of these MSS. (A. No. 1), a Penta- 
teuch roll, unpointed, brought from Derbend in 
Daghestan, appears by the subscription to have 
been written previously to the year a. d. 580 ; and, 
if so, is the oldest known Biblical Hebrew MS. in 
existence. Another of these MSS. (B. No. 3) con- 
taining the Prophets, on parchment, in small folio, 
although only dating, according to the inscription, 
from a. d. 916, and furnished with a Mdsordh, is a 
yet greater treasure. Its vowels and accents are 
wholly different from those now in use, both in form 
and in position, being all above the letters : they 
have accordingly been the theme of much discussion 
among Hebrew scholars. In both these MSS. of 
Pinner the forms of the letters are remarkable ; and 
similar peculiarities are found in some of the other 
Odessa MSS. The Samaritan MSS. collated by 
Kennicott, are all in the book-form, but sufficiently 
represent the text of the Samaritan Pentateuch. — 
3. Printed Text The history of the printed text of 
the Hebrew Bible commences with the early Jewish 
editions of the separate books. First appeared the 
Psalter, in 1477, probably at Bologna, in 4to, with 
Kimchi's commentary interspersed among the verses. 
Only the first four psalms had the vowel-points, and 
these but clumsily expressed. At Bologna there 
subsequently appeared, in 1482, the Pentateuch, in 
folio, pointed, with the Targum and the commentary 
of Rashi ; and the five MigUloth (Bible, III. 3, b), 
in folio, with the commentaries of Rashi and Aben 
Ezra. From Soncino, near Cremona, issued in 1486 
the Former and Later Prophets, in 2 vols., folio, 
unpointed, with Kimchi's commentary ; also the 
MigUloth, with the prayers of the Italian Jews, in 
4to. In 1487 the Hagiographa appeared at Naples 
in two volumes, pointed, but unaccentuated, with 
Rabbinical commentaries. Thus every separate por* 
tion of the Hebrew Bible was printed in Italy (at 
Bologna, Soncino, or Naples) before any complete 
edition of it appeared. The first entire Hebrew^ 
Bible was printed at Soncino in 1488. The edition 
is in folio, pointed, and accentuated. Nine copies 
only of it are now known, of which one belongs to 
Exeter College, Oxford, England. The earlier 
printed portions were perhaps the basis of the text. 
This was followed, in 1494, by the4to or 8vo edition, 
printed by Gerson at Brescia, remarkable as the 
edition from which Luther's German translation was 
made. This edition, along with the preceding, 
formed the basis of the first edition, with the Mdso- 
rdh, Targums; and Rabbinical comments, printed by 
Bomberg at Venice in 1518, folio, under the editor- 
ship of the converted Jew, Felix del Prato, who ap- 
pears to have used also MSS. in aid. This edition 
was the first to contain the Masora magna, and the 
various readings of Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali. 
After the Brescian, the next primary edition was 
that contained in the Complutensian Polyglot, pub- 
lished at Complutum (i. e. Alcala, near Madrid), in 
Spain, at the expense of Cardinal Ximenes, in six 
volumes, folio, dated 1514-17, but not issued till 
1522. The Hebrew is pointed, but unaccentuated : 



756 



OLD 



OLD 



it was taken from seven MSS., which are still pre- 
served in the University Library at Madrid. To this 
succeeded an edition which has had more influence 
than any on the text of later times — the Second 
Rabbinical Bible, printed by Bomberg at Venice, 
4 vols., folio, 1525-6. The editor was the learned 
Tunisian Jew, R. Jacob ben Chayim. The great 
feature of his work lay in the correction of the 
text by the precepts of the Masordh, in which he 
was profoundly skilled, and on which, as well as 
on the text itself, his labors were employed. The 
Royal or Antwerp Polyglot, printed by Plantin, 8 
vols., folio, 1569-72, at the expense of Philip II. of 
Spain, and edited by Arias Montanus and others, 
took the Complutensian as the basis of its Hebrew 
text, but compared this with one of Bomberg's, so 
as to produce a mixture of the two. This text was 
followed both in the Paris Polyglot of Le Jay, 9 
vols., folio, 1645, and in Walton's Polyglot, London, 
6 vols., folio, 1657. A text compounded of several 
of the preceding was issued by the Leipsic Profess- 
or, Elias Hutter, at Hamburg, folio, 1587 : it was in- 
tended for students, the servile letters being distin- 
guished from the radicals by hollow type. A special 
mention is also due to the labors of the elder Bux- 
torf, who carefully revised the text after the Mdso- 
rdh, publishing it in 8vo at Basle, 1611, and again, 
after a fresh revision, in his valuable Rabbinical 
Bible, 2 vols., folio, 1618-19. Neither Hutter's nor 
Buxtorfs text was without its permanent influence ; 
but the Hebrew Bible which became the standard 
to subsequent generations was that of Joseph Athias, 
a learned rabbi and printer at Amsterdam. His 
text was based on a comparison of the previous edi- 
tions with two MSS. ; one bearing date 1299, the other 
a Spanish MS. boasting an antiquity of 900 years. 
It appeared at Amsterdam, 2 vols., 8vo, 1661, with 
a preface by Leusden, professor at Utrecht ; and 
again, revised afresh, in 1667. These Bibles were 
much prized for their beauty and correctness, and 
the States-General of Holland conferred on Athias a 
gold chain and medal. The progeny of the text of 
Athias was as follows : — a. That of Clodius, Frank- 
fort-on-Maine, 8vo, 1677 ; reprinted, with altera- 
tions, 8vo, 1692, 4to, 1716. b. That of Jablonski, 
Berlin, large 8vo or 4to, 1699; reprinted, but less 
correctly, 12mo, 1712. c. That of Van der Hooght, 
Amsterdam and Utrecht, 2 vols., 8vo, 1705. This 
edition, of good reputation for its accuracy, but 
above all for the beauty and distinctness of its type, 
deserves special attention as constituting our present 
texlus receptus (= Received Text), d. That of Opitz, 
Kiel, 4to, 1709. e. That of J. H. Michaelis, Halle, 
8vo and 4to, 1720. The modem editions of the 
Hebrew Bible now in use are all based on Van der 
Hooght. — 4. Critical Labors and Apparatus. The 
history of the criticism of the text, already brought 
down to the period of the Masorets and their imme- 
diate successors, must be here resumed. In the 
early part of the thirteenth century, R. Meir Levita, 
a native of Burgos and inhabitant of Toledo, known 
by abbreviation as Haramah, by patronymic as 
Todrosius, wrote a critical work on the Pentateuch 
called The Book of the Masordh the Hedge of the 
Law, in which he endeavored, by a collation of 
MSS., to ascertain the true reading in various pas- 
sages. At a later period R. Menahem de Lonzano 
collated ten MSS., chiefly Spanish, some of them five 
or six centuries old, with Bomberg's 4to Bible of 
1544. The results were given in the work " Light 
of the Law," printed at Venice, 1618. They relate 
only to the Pentateuch. A more important work 



was that of R. Solomon Norzi, of Mantua, in the 
seventeenth century, " Repairer of the Breach : " a 
copious critical commentary on the whole of the 
O. T., drawn up with the aid of MSS. and editions 
of the Masordh, Talmud, and all other Jewish re- 
sources within his reach. In 1746 expectations 
were raised by the Prolegomena of Houbigant, of the 
Oratory at Paris; and in 1753 his edition appeared, 
splendidly printed, in 4 vols., folio. The text was that 
of Van der Hooght, divested of points, and of every 
vestige of the Mdsordh. In the notes copious emen- 
dations were introduced from the Samaritan Pen- 
tateuch, twelve Hebrew MSS., the LXX., and other 
ancient versions, and much critical conjecture. In 
the same year, 1753, appeared at Oxford Kennicott's 
first Dissertation on the state of the Printed Text: 
the second followed in 1759. The result of these 
and of the author's subsequent annual reports was 
a subscription of nearly 10,000/. to defray the ex- 
penses of a collation of Hebrew MSS. throughout 
Europe, which was performed from 1760 to 1769, 
partly by Kennicott himself, but chiefly, tinder his 
direction, by Professor Bruns of Helmstadt and 
others. The collation extended in all to 581 Jewish 
and 16 Samaritan MSS., and 40 printed editions, 
Jewish works, &c. ; of which, however, only about 
half were collated throughout, the rest in select 
passages. The fruits appeared at Oxford in 2 vols., 
folio, 1776-80; the text is Van der Hooght's, un- 
pointed ; the various readings are given below ; 
comparisons are also made of the Jewish and Sa- 
maritan texts of the Pentateuch, and of the parallel 
passages in Samuel and Chronicles, &c. Expecta- 
tion was disappointed. A large part of the various 
readings had reference to the omission or insertion 
of the malres lectionis (see above, ander § 1), and 
many of the rest obviously represented only the mis- 
takes of separate transcribers. The labors of Ken- 
nicott were supplemented by those of De Rossi, pro- 
fessor at Parma. His plan differed materially from 
Kennicott's: he confined himself to a specification 
of the various readings in select passages ; but for 
these he supplied also the critical evidence from the 
ancient versions, and from all the various Jewish 
authorities. He collected in his library 1,031 MSS., 
of which he collated 617 (some of them before col- 
lated by Kennicott); he collated 134 extraneous 
MSS., that had escaped Kennicott's fellow-laborers ; 
he recapitulated Kennicott's various readings, and 
examined well those of the printed editions. Thus 
for the passages on which it treats, the evidence in 
De Rossi's work (4 vols., 4to, Parma, 1784-8; an- 
other volume, 1798 ; without the text) may be re- 
garded as almost complete. A small Bible, with the 
text of Reinecehis, and a selection of the more im- 
portant readings of Kennicott and De Rossi, was 
issued by Doderlein and Meisner at Leipsic, 8vo, 
1793. It is printed (except some copies) on bad 
paper, and is reputed very incorrect. A better 
critical edition is that of Jahn, Vienna, 4 vols., 8vo, 
1806. The first attempt to turn the new critical 
collations to public account was made by Boothroyd, 
in his unpointed Bible, with various readings and 
English notes, Pontefract (in Yorkshire, England), 
4to, 1810-16, at a time when Houbigant's princi- 
ples were still in the ascendant. This was followed 
by Rev. George Hamilton's Codex Crilicus of the 
Hebreio Bible (London, 1821, 8vo), modelled on the 
plan of the N. T. of Griesbach. The most impor- 
tant contribution toward the formation of a revised 
text that has yet appeared is Dr. Samuel Davidson's 
Hebrew Text of the 0. T. revised Jrom Critical Sources, 



OLD 



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757 



1855. It presents a convenient epitome of the more 
important various readings of the MSS., and of the 
Masdrdh, with the authorities for them. But com- 
paratively little has yet been done for the systematic 
criticism of the Hebrew text from the ancient ver- 
sions, or for any collection of the conjectural emen- 
dations of the Hebrew text proposed by various 
scholars during the last hundred years. — 5. Princi- 
ples of Criticism. The method of procedure re- 
quired in the criticism of the O. T. is widely differ- 
ent from that practised in the criticism of the N. T. 
The Received Text of the 0. T. is a far more faithful 
representation of the genuine Scripture, but, on the 
other hand, the means of detecting and correcting 
the errors contained in it are more precarious, the 
results are more uncertain, and the ratio borne by 
the value of the diplomatic evidence of MSS. to that 
of a good critical judgment and sagacity is greatly 
diminished. In endeavoring to establish the true 
text, we must first have recourse to the direct testi- 
mony of the MSS. Where the MSS. disagree, it has 
been laid down as a canon that we ought not to 
let the mere numerical majority preponderate, but 
should examine what is the reading of the earliest 
and best The MSS. lead us for the most part only 
to our first sure standing-ground, the Masoretic text ; 
in other words, to the average written text of a 
period later by a thousand or fifteen hundred years 
than the latest book of the 0. T. In ascending up- 
ward from the Masoretic text, our first critical ma- 
terials are the Masoretic Keris, valuable as witnesses 
to the preservation of many authentic readings, yet 
possibly, in particular instances, only unauthorized 
conjectures. A Keri therefore is not to be received 
in preference to a Chethib, unless confirmed by other 
sufficient evidence, external or internal ; a difficult 
reading in the text is to be preferred to an easy one 
in the Keri, which latter may be but an arbitrary 
softening down of the genuine text. The express 
assertions of the Masorah, as also of the Targum, 
respecting the true reading in particular passages, 
are of course important. From these we ascend to 
the Latin version of Jerome. Dependent as he was, 
for his knowledge of the Hebrew text and every 
thing respecting it, on the Palestinian Jews, and ac- 
curate as are his renderings, Mr. Thrupp regards a 
Hebrew reading which can be shown to have been 
received by Jerome, if sanctioned or countenanced 
by the Targum, as so far to be preferred to one up- 
held by the united testimony of all MSS. whatever. 
Yet this Latin version itself needs critical revision. 
(Vulgate, the.) The fragments of the Greek ver- 
sions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion — the 
Syriac (Versions, Ancient [Svriac]), though appar- 
ently made too much under the influence of the 
Septuagint — the Targums (Versions, Ancient [Tar- 
gdm]), though too often paraphrastic — all furnish 
most important material for the correction of the 
Masoretic text ; and their cumulative evidence, when 
they all concur in a reading different from the Mas- 
oretic, is very strong. The Septuagint itself, ven- 
erable for its antiquity, but on various accounts un- 
trustworthy in the readings which it represents, 
must be treated for critical purposes in the same 
way as the Masoretic Keris. The presence of any 
Hebrew reading in it can pass for little, unless it can 
be independently shown to be probable that that 
reading is the true one ; but in confirming a Maso- 
retic reading against which later testimonies militate, 
the authority of the Septuagint, on account of its 
age, necessarily stands high. Similar remarks would 
seem to apply to the critical use of the Samaritan 



Pentateuch : it is, however, doubtful whether that 
document be of any real additional value. In the 
case of the 0. T., unlike that of the N. T., another 
source of emendations is generally allowed, viz. criti- 
cal conjecture. The argument for this is, that the 
oldest version (the LXX.) is nearly two centuries 
younger than the latest book of the 0. T. ; and as 
the history of the Hebrew text seems to show that 
the care with which its purity has been guarded has 
been continually increasing, so its few corruptions 
would be most likely to occur in the earliest periods. 
The comparative purity of the Hebrew text is prob- 
ably different in different parts of the 0. T. In 
the revision of Dr. Davidson, who has generally 
restricted himself to the admission of corrections 
warranted by MS., Masoretic, or Talmudic authority, 
those in the book of Genesis do not exceed eleven ; 
those in the Psalms are proportionately three times 
as numerous ; those in the historical books and the 
Prophets are proportionately more numerous than 
those in the Psalms. (Abijah 1 ; Ahaziah 2 ; Anah ; 
Araunah ; Bashemath ; Census ; Deuteronomy, B. ; 
Hezekiah; Jehoiachin ; Number, &c.) In all emen- 
dations of the text, whether made with the aid of 
the critical materials which we possess, or by critical 
conjecture, it is essential that the proposed reading 
be one from which the existing reading may have 
been derived : hence the necessity of attention to 
the means by which corruptions might be introduced 
into the text. One letter might be accidentally ex- 
changed by a transcriber for another. Words, or 
parts of words, might be repeated ; or they might 
be dropped, especially when they ended like those 
that preceded. Occasionally a letter may have 
travelled from one word, or a word from one verse, 
to another. Wilful corruption of the text on polem- 
ical grounds has also been occasionally charged 
upon the Jews ; but the allegation lias not been 
proved, and their known reverence for the text 
militates against it. To the criticism of the vowel- 
marks the same general principles must be applied 
as to that of the consonants. Even Hitzig, who 
does not generally err on the side of caution, holds 
that the vowel-marks have in general been rightly 
fixed by the Masorets. On the whole, the Masoretic 
text is to be deemed worthy of confidence, yet 
emendations of it, which can be fairly established 
by sufficient evidence, are not to be refused. — B. 
Interpretation of the Old Testament. 1. History of 
the Interpretation. At the period of the rise of 
Christianity two opposite tendencies had manifested 
themselves in the interpretation of the 0. T. among 
the Jews ; the one to an extreme literalism, the other 
to an arbitrary allegorism. The former of these 
was mainly developed in Palestine, where the Law 
of Moses was, from the nature of things, most com- 
pletely observed. The Jewish teachers, acknowl- 
edging the obligation of that law in its minutest 
precepts, but overlooking the moral principles on 
which those precepts were founded and which they 
should have unfolded from them, there endeavored 
to supply by other means the imperfections inherent 
in every law in its mere literal acceptation (Mat. xv., 
xxiii.) (Pharisees.) On the other hand, at Alex- 
andria the allegorizing tendency prevailed. Germs 
of it had appeared in the apocryphal writings, as 
where in Wis. xviii. 24 the priestly vestments of 
Aaron had been treated as symbolical of the uni- 
verse ; but it culminated in Pliilo, who, in the per- 
sons and things mentioned in the writings of Moses, 
traces, without denying the outward reality of the 
narrative, the mystical designations of different ab- 



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stract qualities and aspects of the invisible. The 
Alexandrian interpreters were striving to vindicate 
for the Hebrew Scriptures a new dignity in the eyes 
of the Gentile world, by showing that Moses had 
anticipated all the doctrines of the philosophers of 
Greece. (Philosophy.) It must not be supposed 
that the Palestinian literalism and the Alexandrian 
allegorism ever remained entirely distinct. In fact 
the two extremes of literalism and arbitrary alle- 
gorism, in their neglect of the direct moral teaching 
and prophetical import of Scripture, had too much 
iu common not to mingle readily the one with the 
other. And thus we may trace the development of 
the two distinct yet coexistent spheres of HalAckdh 
and Haggddah, in which the Jewish interpretation 
of Scripture, as shown by the later Jewish writings, 
ranged. The former (= repetition, following) em- 
braced the traditional legal determinations for prac- 
tical observance : the latter (= discourse) the un- 
restrained interpretation, of no authentic force or 
immediate practical interest. The earliest Christian 
non-apostolic treatment of the 0. T. was necessarily 
much dependent on that which it had received from 
the Jews. The Alexandrian allegorism reappears 
the most fully in the fanciful epistle of Barnabas ; 
but it influenced also the other writings of the sub- 
apostolic Fathers. Even the Jewish cabbalism passed 
to some extent into the Christian Church, and is 
said to have been largely employed by the Gnostics. 
But this was not to last. Irenaeus, himself not 
altogether free from it, raised his voice against it ; 
and Tertullian well laid it down as a canon that the 
words of Scripture were to be interpreted only in 
their logical connection, and with reference to the 
occasion on which they were uttered. In another 
respect all was changed. The Christian interpreters 
by their belief in Christ stood on a vantage-ground 
for the comprehension of the whole burden of the 
0. T. to which the Jews had never reached ; and 
thus, however they may have erred in the details 
of their interpretations, they were generally con- 
ducted by them to the right conclusions in regard 
of Christian doctrine. The view held by the Chris- 
tian Fathers, that the whole doctrine of the N. T. 
had been virtually contained and foreshadowed in 
the Old, generally induced the search in the 0. T. 
for such Christian doctrine rather than for the old 
philosophical dogmas. Their general convictions 
were doubtless here more correct than the details 
which they advanced ; and it would be easy to 
multiply from the writings of Justin, Tertullian, or 
Irenaeus, typical interpretations that could no longer 
be defended. It was at Alexandria that definite 
principles of interpretation were first laid down by 
the most illustrious and influential teachers in the 
Christian Church. Clement of Alexandria, who 
probably died about a. d. 220, led the way. He 
held that in the Jewish law a fourfold import was 
to be traced ; literal, symbolical, moral, prophetical. 
Of these the second was the relic of the philosoph- 
ical element that others had previously engrafted 
on the Hebrew Scriptures. Clement was succeeded 
by his scholar Origen. With him biblical interpre- 
tation showed itself more decidedly Christian ; and 
while the wisdom of the Egyptians, moulded anew, 
became the permanent inheritance of the Church, 
the distinctive symbolical meaning which philosophy 
had placed upon the 0. T. disappeared. Origen rec- 
ognizes, in Scripture, as it were, a body, soul, and 
spirit, answering to the body, soul, and spirit of 
man : the first serves for the edification of the 
simple, the second for that of the more advanced, 



the third for that of the perfect. The reality and the 
utility of the first, the letter of Scripture, he proves 
by the number of those whose faith is nurtured by 
it. The second, which is in fact the moral sense of 
Scripture, he illustrates by the interpretation of 
Deut. xxv. 4 in 1 Cor. ix. 9. The third, however, 
is that on which he principally dwells, showing how 
the Jewish Law, spiritually understood, contained a 
shadow of good things to come (Rom. xi. 4, 5 ; 1 
Cor. x. 11; Gal. iv. 21-31 ; Heb. viii. 5). Both the 
spiritual and (to use his own term) the psychical 
meaning he held to be always present in Scripture : 
the bodily not always. Origen's own expositions of 
Scripture were, no doubt, less successful than his 
investigations of the principles on which it ought 
to be expounded. Yet as the appliances which he 
brought to the study of Scripture made him the 
father of biblical criticism, so of all detailed scrip- 
tural commentaries his were the first; a fact not to 
be forgotten by those who would estimate aright 
their several merits and defects. The value of Ori- 
gen's researches was best appreciated by Jerome, 
who lived about a. n. 331-420. He adopted and re- 
peated most of Origen's principles; but he exhibited 
more judgment in the practical application of them : 
he devoted more attention to the literal interpreta- 
tion, the basis of the rest, and he brought also larger 
stores of learning to bear upon it. With Origen he 
held that Scripture was to be understood in a three- 
fold manner, literally, tropologically (i. e. morally), 
mystically : the first meaning was the lowest, the 
last the highest. But elsewhere he gave a new 
threefold division of Scriptural interpretation, iden- 
tifying the ethical with the literal or first meaning, 
making the allegorical or spiritual meaning the sec- 
ond, and maintaining that, thirdly, Scripture was to 
be understood " according to the blessedness of 
things to come." The influence of Origen's writings 
was supreme in the Greek Church for 100 years 
after his death. Toward the end of the fourth cen- 
tury, Diodorus, bishop of Tarsus, previously a pres- 
byter at Antioch, wrote an exposition of the whole 
of the 0. T., attending only to the letter of Scrip- 
ture. Of the disciples of Diodorus, Theodore of 
Mopsuestia pursued an exclusively grammatical in- 
terpretation into a decided rationalism, rejecting the 
greater part of the prophetical reference of the 
0. T., and maintaining it to be only applied to our 
Saviour by way of accommodation. Chrysostom, 
another disciple of Diodorus, followed a sounder 
course, rejecting neither the literal nor the spiritual 
interpretation, but bringing out with much force 
from Scripture its moral lessons. He was followed 
by Theodoret, who interpreted, with diligence and 
soberness, both literally and historically, and also 
allegorically and prophetically. In the Western 
Church the influence of Origen, if not so unqualified 
at the first, was yet permanently greater than in the 
Eastern. Hilary of Poitiers is said by Jerome to 
have drawn largely from Origen in his Commentary 
on the Psalms. But in truth, as a practical inter- 
preter, he greatly excelled Origen ; carefully seeking 
out not what meaning the Scripture might bear, but 
what it really intended, and drawing forth the evan- 
gelical sense from the literal with cogency, terse- 
ness, and elegance. Here too Augustine, though he 
lacked acquaintance with Hebrew, stood somewhat 
in advance of Origen ; carefully preserving in its 
integrity the literal sense of the historical narrative 
of Scripture as the substructure of the mystical, 
lest otherwise the latter should prove to be but a 
building in the air. But whatever advances had 



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been made in the treatment of 0. T. Scripture by 
the Latins since the days of Origen were unhappily 
not perpetuated. We may see this in the Morals of 
Gregory (Pope of Rome, a. d. 590-604) on the Book 
of Job ; the last great independent work of a Latin 
Father. Three senses of the sacred text are here 
recognized and pursued in separate threads : the 
historical and literal, the allegorical, and the moral. 
But the three have hardly any mutual connection : 
the very idea of such a connection is ignored. The 
allegorical interpretation i3 entirely arbitrary ; and 
the moral interpretation differs from the allegorical 
only in its aim, to edify the Church by referring the 
language to the inward workings of the soul instead 
of setting forth by it the history of Christ. Such 
was the general character of the interpretation 
which prevailed through the middle ages, during 
which Gregory's work stood in high repute. The 
mystical sense of Scripture was entirely divorced 
from the literal. The first impulse to the new in- 
vestigation of the literal meaning of the text of the 
0. T. came from the great Jewish commentators, 
mostly of Spanish origin, of the eleventh and follow- 
ing centuries; Rashi (f 1105), Aben Ezra (f 1167), 
Kimchi (f 1240), and others. Following in the wake 
of these, the converted Jew Nicolaus of Lyre, near 
Evreux, in Normandy (f 1341), produced his Pos- 
tilte Perpetual on the Bible, in which, without deny- 
ing the deeper meanings of Scripture, he justly con- 
tended for the literal as that on which they all must 
rest. Exception was taken to these a century later 
by Paul of Burgos, also a converted Jew (f 1435), 
who upheld, by the side of the literal, the traditional 
interpretations, to which he was probably at heart 
exclusively attached. But the very arguments by 
which he sought to vindicate them showed that the 
recognition of the value of the literal interpretation 
had taken firm root. The Restoration of Letters 
and the Reformation helped it forward. Luther held 
that the best philologist was also the best theologian. 
That grammatical scholarship is not indeed the only 
qualification of a sound theologian, the German com- 
mentaries of the last hundred years have abundantly 
shown ; yet immense service has been rendered to 
the interpretation of the 0. T. by the labors and 
learning of modern German scholars, both neological 
and evangelical, as well as by the studies and prac- 
tical skill of the theologians and exegetes of Great 
Britain and America. — 2. Principles of Interpreta- 
tion. From the foregoing sketch it appears that the 
interpretation of the 0. T. has been very generally 
regarded as embracing the discovery of its literal, 
moral, and spiritual meaning. It has given occasion 
to misrepresentation to speak of the existence in 
Scripture of more than a single sense ; rather, then, 
let it be said that there are in it three elements, co- 
existing and coalescing with each other, and gen- 
erally requiring each other's presence in order that 
they may be severally manifested. Correspondingly 
too there are three portions of the 0. T. in which 
the respective elements, each in its turn, shine out 
with peculiar lustre. The literal (and historical) 
element is most obviously displayed in the historical 
narrative : the moral is specially honored in the 
Law, and in the hortatory addresses of the Proph- 
ets : the predictions of the Prophets bear emphatic 
witness to the prophetical or spiritual. Still, gen- 
erally, in every portion of the 0. T. the presence of 
all three elements may by the student of Scripture 
be traced. In perusing the story of the journey of 
the Israelites through the wilderness, he has the his- 
torical element in the actual occurrence of the facts 



narrated ; the moral, in the warnings which God's 
dealings with the people and their own several dis- 
obediences convey ; and the spiritual in the prefigura- 
tion by that journey, in its several features, of the 
Christian pilgrimage through the wilderness of life. 
If the question be asked, Are the three several ele- 
ments in the 0. T. mutually coextensive ? Mr. Thrupp 
replies, They are certainly coextensive in the 0. T., 
taken as a whole, and in the several portions of 
it, largely viewed ; yet not so that they are all to 
be traced in each several section. The historical 
element may occasionally exist alone. On the 
other hand there are passages of direct and simple 
moral exhortation, e. g. a considerable part of 
the Book of Proverbs, into which the historical 
element hardly enters. Occasionally also, as in 
Psalm ii., the prophetical element, though not alto- 
gether divorced from the historical and the moral, 
yet completely overshadows them. That we should 
use the N. T. an the key to the true meaning of the 
0. T., and should seek to interpret the latter as it 
was interpreted by our Lord and His apostles, is in 
accordance both with the spirit of what the earlier 
Fathers asserted respecting the value of the tra- 
dition received from them, and with the appeals to 
the N. T. by which Origen defended and fortified 
the threefold method of interpretation. But here 
it is the analogy of the N. T. interpretations that 
we must follow ; for it were unreasonable to sup- 
pose that the whole of the 0. T. would be found 
completely interpreted in the New. With these 
preliminary observations we may glance at the 
several branches of the interpreter's task. First, 
then, Scripture has its outward form or bod)', all 
the several details of which he will have to explore 
and to analyze. He must ascertain the thing out- 
wardly asserted, commanded, foretold, prayed for, 
or the like ; and this with reference, so far as is 
possible, to the historical occasion and circum- 
stances, the time, the place, the political and social 
position, the manner of life, the surrounding in- 
fluences, the distinctive character, and the object 
in view, alike of the writers, the persons addressed, 
and the persons who appear upon the scene. Taken 
in its wide sense, the outward form of Scripture will 
itself, no doubt, include much that is figurative. To 
the outward form of Scripture thus belong all me- 
tonymies, in which one name is substituted for an- 
other ; and metaphors, in which a word is trans- 
formed from its proper to a cognate signification ; 
so also all prosopopeias, or personifications ; and 
even all anthropomorphic and anthropopathic de- 
scriptions of God, which could never have been 
understood in a purely literal sense, at least by any 
of the right-minded among God's people. It is 
difficult, perhaps impossible, to draw the exact line 
where the province of spiritual interpretation be- 
gins and that of historical ends. On the one hand 
the spiritual significance of a passage may occasion- 
ally, perhaps often, throw light on the historical 
element involved in it : on the other hand the very 
large use of figurative language in the 0. T., and 
more especially in the prophecies, prepares us for 
the recognition of the yet more deeply figurative 
and essentially allegorical import which runs through 
the whole. Yet no unhallowed or unworthy task 
can it ever be to study, even for its own sake, the 
historical form in which the 0. T. comes to us 
clothed. Even by itself it proclaims to us the his- 
torical workings of God, and reveals the care where- 
with He has ever watched over the interests of His 
Church. Above all, the history of the 0. T. is the 



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indispensable preface to the historical advent of 
the Son of God in the flesh. We need hardly labor 
to prove that the N. T. recognizes the general his- 
torical character of what the 0. T. records. Of 
course, in reference to that which is not related as 
plain matter of history, there will always remain 
the question how far the descriptions are to be 
viewed as definitely historical, how far as drawn, 
for a specific purpose, from the imagination. Such 
a question presents itself, for example, in the Book 
of Job. It is one which must plainly be in each 
case decided according to the particular circum- 
stances. In examining the extent of the historical 
element in the prophecies, both of the prophets and 
the psalmists, we must distinguish between those 
which we either definitely know or may reasonably 
assume to have been fulfilled at a period not entire- 
ly distant from that at which they were uttered, and 
those which reached far beyond in their prospective 
reference. The former, once fulfilled, were thence- 
forth annexed to the domain of history (Is. xvii. ; 
Ps. cvii. 33). With the prophecies of more distant 
scope the case stood thus. A picture was pre- 
sented to the prophet's gaze, embodying an out- 
ward representation of certain future spiritual 
struggles, judgments, triumphs, or blessings ; a 
picture suggested in general by the historical cir- 
cumstances of the present (Zech. vi. 9-15 ; Ps. v., 
lxxii.), or of the past (Ez. xx. 35, 36; Is. xi. 15, 
xlviii. 21 ; Ps. xcix. 6 ff.), or of the near future, al- 
ready anticipated and viewed as present (Is. xlix. 
7-26 ; Ps. lvii. 6-11), or of all these variously com- 
bined, altered, and heightened by the imagination. 
But it does not follow that that picture was ever 
outwardly brought to pass : the local had been ex- 
changed for the spiritual, the outward type had 
merged in the inward reality before the fulfilment 
of the prophecy took effect. Respecting the rudi- 
ments of interpretation, let the following here suf- 
fice : — The knowledge of the meanings of Hebrew 
words is gathered (a.) from the context, (b.) from 
parallel passages, (c.) from the traditional interpre- 
tations preserved in Jewish commentaries and dic- 
tionaries, (</.) from the ancient versions, (e.) from 
the cognate languages, Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic. 
The syntax must be almost wholly gathered from 
the 0. T. itself; and for the special syntax of the 
poetical books, while the importance of a study of 
the Hebrew parallelism is now generally recognized, 
more attention needs to be bestowed than has been 
bestowed hitherto on the centralism and inversion 
often marking the poetical structure and language. 
(Poetry, Hebrew.) — A few brief rules for the right 
interpretation of Scripture may here be added from 
Bishop Ellicott and Mr. Ayre: "Interpret" — (a.) 
" grammatically," L e. by finding the signification 
of the Hebrew, &c, words in themselves (as above), 
and then their sense as combined in sentences ac- 
cording to the fundamental principles of language ; 
(6.) " historically," i. e. with reference to the con- 
nected historical or other external facts, the time, 
place, customs, &c. ; (e.) " contextually," i. e. in 
conformity with the general scope and meaning of 
the context, and the position and purpose of the 
writer ; (d.) " minutely," i. e. giving due weight to 
every word, however small, every peculiarity of ex- 
pression, style, arrangement, &c. ; (e.) "according 
to the analogy of faith," L e. in harmony with the 
Christian faith, or the grand system of truth re- 
vealed in the Seriptures in regard to the nature, 
character, works, and government of God ; the per- 
son, office, and kingdom of Christ ; the origin, de- 



pendence, duty, need, privilege, and destiny of man, 
&c. — From the outward form of the O. T. we pro- 
ceed to its moral element or soul. It was with ref- 
erence to this that St. Paul declared that all Scrip- 
ture was given by inspiration of God, and was prof- 
itable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for 
instruction in righteousness (2 Tim. iii. 16); and it 
is in the implicit recognition of the essentially 
moral character of the whole, that our Lord and 
His apostles not only appeal to its direct precepts 
(e. g. Mat. xv. 4, xix. 17-19), and set forth the ful- 
ness of their bearing (e. g. ix. 13), but also lay 
bare moral lessons in 0. T. passages which lie rather 
beneath the surface than upon it (xix. 5, 6, xxii. 32 ; 
Jn. x. 34, 35 ; Acts vii. 48, 49; 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10; 2 
Cor. viii. 13—15). With regard more particularly 
to the Law, our Lord shows in His Sermon on the 
Mount how deep is the moral teaching implied in 
its letter ; and in His denunciation of the Phari- 
sees, upbraids them for their omission of its weigh- 
tier matters — judgment, mercy, and faith. The his 
tory, too, of the 0. T. finds frequent reference made 
in the N. T. to its moral teaching (Lk. vi. 3 ; Rom. 
iv., ix. 17; 1 Cor. x. 6-11; Heb. iii. 7-11, xi. ; 2 
Pet. ii. 15, 16; 1 Jn. iii. 12). The interpreter of 
the 0. T. will have, among his other tasks, to ana- 
lyze in the lives set before him the various yet gen- 
erally mingled workings of the spirit of holiness 
and of the spirit of sin. The moral errors by which 
the lives of even the greatest saints were disfigured 
are related, and that for our instruction, but not 
generally criticised. The 0. T. sets before us just 
those lives — the lives generally of religious men — 
which will best repay our study, and most strongly 
suggest the moral lessons that God would have us 
learn ; and herein it is that, in regard of the moral 
aspects of the O. T. history, we may most surely 
trace the overruling influence of the Holy Spirit by 
which the sacred historians wrote. — But the 0. T. 
has further its spiritual, and, therefore, prophetical 
element. Our attention is here first attracted to 
the avowedly predictive parts of the 0. T., of the 
prospective reference of which, at the time that 
they were uttered, no question can exist, and the 
majority of which still awaited their fulfilment when 
the Redeemer of the world was born. With Christ 
the new era of the fulfilment of prophecy com- 
menced. A marvellous amount there was in His 
person of the verification of the very letter of 
prophecy — partly that it might be seen how defi- 
nitely all had pointed to Him ; partly because His 
outward mission, up to the time of His death, was 
but to the lost sheep of the house of Israel, and 
the letter had not yet been finally superseded by 
the spirit. Yet the significance of such prophecies 
as Zech. ix. 9 could not be exhausted by the mere 
outward verification. (Immanuel.) Hence the en- 
tire absence from the N. T. of any recognition, by 
either Christ or His apostles, of such prospective 
outward glories as the prophecies, literally inter- 
preted, would still have implied. The language of 
the ancient prophecies is everywhere applied to the 
gathering together, the privileges, and the triumphs 
of the universal body of Christ (Jn. x. 16, xi. 52; 
Acts ii. 39, xv. 15-17; Rom. ix. 25, 26, 32, 33, x. 
11, 13, xi. 25-27; 2 Cor. vi. 16-18; Heb. xii. 22, 
&c). Even apart, however, from the authoritative 
interpretation thus placed upon them, the proph- 
ecies contain within themselves, in sufficient meas- 
ure, the evidence of their spiritual import (Is. ii. 2 ; 
Ez. xlvii. ; Zech. xiv. 10, &c). The substance of 
these prophecies is the glory of the Redeemer's 



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spiritual kingdom : the form is derived from the 
outward circumstances of the career of God's an- 
cient people, which had passed, or all but passed, 
away before the fulfilment of the promised bless- 
ings commenced. Nor was even the form in which 
the announcement of the new blessings had been 
clothed to be rudely cast aside : the imagery of the 
prophets is on every account justly dear to us, and 
from love, no less than from habit, we still speak 
the language of Canaan. But then arises the ques- 
tion, Must not this language have been divinely de- 
signed from the first as the language of God's 
Church ? The typical import of the Israelitish 
tabernacle and ritual worship is implied in Heb. ix. 
(" the Holy Ghost this signifying "), and is almost 
universally allowed ; and it is not easy to tear 
asunder the events of Israel's history from the 
ceremonies of Israel's worship ; nor, yet, again, the 
events of the preceding history of the patriarchs 
from those of the history of Israel. The N. T. it- 
self implies the typical import of a large part of 
the 0. T. narrative (1 Cor. x., xv. 27 ; Eph. v. 31, 
S2 ; Heb. ii. 8, iv. 4, vii., &c). In the 0. T. itself 
we have, and this even in the latest times, events 
and persons expressly treated as typical (Ps. cxviii. 
22; Zech. iii., vi. 9ff., &c). A further testimony to 
the typical character of the history of the 0. T. is 
furnished by the typical character of the events re- 
lated even in the New. All our Lord's miracles 
were essentially typical. So, too, the outward ful- 
filments of prophecy in the Redeemer's life were 
types of the deeper though less immediately striking 
fulfilment which it was to continue to receive ideally. 
It is not unlikely that there is an unwillingness to 
recognize the spiritual element in the historical 
parts of the O. T., arising from the fear that the 
recognition of it may endanger that of the historical 
truth of the events recorded. Nor is such danger 
altogether visionary ; for one-sided and prejudiced 
contemplation will be ever so abusing one element 
of Scripture as thereby to cast a slight upon the 
rest. But this does not affect its existence. Of an- 
other danger besetting the path of the spiritual in- 
terpreter of the 0. T., we have a warning in the 
unedifying puerilities into which some have fallen. 
Against such he will guard by foregoing too curious 
a search for mere external resemblance between the 
O. T. and the N. T., though withal thankfully rec- 
ognizing them wherever they present themselves. 
The spiritual interpretation must rest upon both 
the literal and the moral ; and there can be no 
spiritual analogy between things which have naught 
morally in common. One consequence of this prin- 
ciple will of course be, that we must never be con- 
tent to rest in any mere'outward fulfilment of proph- 
ecy. However remarkable the outward fulfilment 
be, it must always guide us to some deeper analogy, 
in which a moral element is involved. Another 
consequence of the foregoing principle of interpre- 
tation will be that that which was forbidden or sin- 
ful cannot, so far as it was sinful, be regarded as 
typical of that which is free from sin, though it 
may have originated the occasion for the exhibition 
of some striking type (Mat. xii. 39, 40 ; compare 
Jon. i., &c). So, again, that which was tolerated 
rather than approved may contain within itself the 
type of something imperfect, in contrast to that 
which is more perfect (Gal. v. 22 ff. ; compare Gen. 
xvi., xxi., &c). — C. Quotations from the O. T. in the 
N. T. These form one of the outward bonds of 
connection between the two parts of the Bible. 
They are manifold in kind. Some contain proph- 



ecies or involve types of which the N. T. writers 
designed to indicate the fulfilment. Others are in- 
troduced as direct logical supports to the doctrines 
which they were enforcing. Often the N. T. writers 
have quoted the 0. T. rather for illustration than 
for support, variously applying and adapting it, and 
making its language the vehicle of their own in- 
dependent thoughts. It may not be easy to dis- 
tribute all the quotations into their distinctive 
classes ; but among those in which a prophetical 
or typical force is ascribed in the N. T. to the pas- 
sage quoted, may fairly be reckoned all that are 
introduced by our Lord Himself and His companion 
apostles with an intimation that the Scripture was 
" fulfilled." In the quotations of all kinds from 
the 0. T. in the N. T. we find a continual variation 
from the Utter of the older Scriptures. To this 
variation three causes may have contributed : — 
First, all the N. T. writers quoted from the Sep- 
tuagint; correcting it, indeed, more or less by the 
Hebrew, especially when it was needful for their 
purpose; occasionally deserting it altogether ; still 
abiding by it to so large an extent as to show that 
it was the primary source whence their quotations 
were drawn. Secondly, the N. T. writers must have 
frequently quoted from memory (so Mr. Thrupp ; 
but see Jn. xiv. 26). (Inspiration.) Thirdly, com- 
bined with this, there was an alteration of conscious 
or unconscious design. Sometimes the object of 
this was to obtain increased force (Rom. xiv. 11; 
compare Is. xiv. 23, &c). Sometimes an O. T. pas- 
sage is abridged, and in the abridgment so adjusted, 
by a little alteration, as to present an aspect of 
completeness, and yet omit what is foreign to the 
immediate purpose (Acts i. 20 ; 1 Cor. i. 31). At 
other times a passage is enlarged by the incorpora- 
tion of a passage from another source : thus in Lk. 
iv. 18, 19, although the contents are professedly 
those read by our Lord from Is. lxi., we have the 
w ords " to set at liberty them that are bruised," in- 
troduced from Is. lviii. 6 (LXX.): similarly in Rom. 
xi. 8, Deut. xxix. 4 is combined w ith Is. xxix. 10. 
In some cases still greater liberty of alteration is 
assumed (Rom. x. 11 ; compare Is. xxviii. 16, xlix. 
23, &c). In some places, again, the actual words 
of the original are taken up, but employed with a 
new meaning (Heb. x. 37 ; compare Hab. ii. 3). 
Almost more remarkable than any alteration in the 
quotation itself, is the circumstance that in Mat. 
xxvii. 9, Jeremiah should be named as the author 
of a prophecy really delivered by Zechariah : the 
reason being that the prophecy is based upon that 
in Jer. xviii., xix., and that without a reference to 
this original source the most essential features of 
the fulfilment of Zechariah's prophecy would be 
misunderstood. The above examples will sufficiently 
illustrate the freedom with which the apostles and 
evangelists interwove the older Scriptures into their 
writings. It could only result in failure, were we 
to attempt any merely mechanical account of vari- 
ations from the 0. T.'text which are essentially not 
mechanical. Prophet. 

01'ive (Heb. zayilh ; Gr. elaia). No tree is more 
closely associated with the history and civilization 
of man. Many of the Scriptural associations of 
the olive-tree are singularly poetical. Its foliage is 
the earliest that is mentioned by name, when the 
waters of the flood began to retire (Gen. viii. 11). 
It is also the most prominent tree in the earliest 
allegory (Judg. ix. 8, 9). With David it is the em- 
blem of prosperity and the divine blessing (Ps. Iii. 
8, cxxviii. 3). So with the later prophets it is the 



762 



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symbol of beauty, luxuriance, and strength; and 
hence the symbol of religious privileges (Jer. xi. 
16 ; Hos. xiv. 6). We must bear in mind, in read- 
ing this imagery, that the olive was among the most 
abundant and characteristic vegetation of Judea. 
Thus after the Captivity, when the Israelites kept 
the Feast of Tabernacles, we find them, among other 
branches for the booths, bringing " olive-branches " 
from the "mount" (Neh. viii. 15). " The mount" 
is doubtless the famous Olivet, or Mount of Olives, 
the Olivetum of the Vulgate. (Gethsemane; Olives, 
Mount of.) In Zech. iv. 3, 11-14, and Rev. xi. 3, 
4, we find the olive-tree used as a representative or 
symbol of " the two anointed ones " and " the two 
witnesses." And in the argumentation of St. Paul 
concerning the relative positions of the Jews and 
Gentiles in the counsels of God, this tree supplies 
the basis of one of his most forcible allegories (Rom. 
xi. 16-25). The Gentiles are the "wild olive" 
grafted in upon the " godd olive," to which once 
the Jews belonged, and with which they may again 
be incorporated. Perhaps the very stress of the 
allegory is that the grafting of a bad branch on a 
good stock is contrary to nature. — The olive-tree 
grows freely almost everywhere on the shores of the 




Olive (Olea Europaia). — (Fbn.) 



Mediterranean, but it was peculiarly abundant in 
Palestine (Deut. vi. 11, viii. 8, xxviii. 40). Olive- 
yards are a matter of course in descriptions of the 
country, like vineyards and corn-fields (Judg. xv. 
5 ; 1 Sam. viii. 14). The kings had very extensive 
ones (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). Even now the tree is very 
abundant in the country. Almost every village has 
its olive-grove. Certain districts may be specified 
(near Jerusalem, Gaza, Shechem, Lebanon, &c.) 
where at various times this tree has been very 
luxuriant. The cultivation of the olive-tree had 
the closest connection with the domestic life of the 
Israelites (2 Chr. ii. 10), their trade (Ez. xxvii. 1*7 ; 
Hos. xii. 1), and even their public ceremonies and 



reiigious worship. (Anointing ; Oil.) The olive- 
wood is hard and solid, with a fine grain, and a 
pleasing yellowish tint. In Solomon's Temple the 
cherubim were "of olive-tree" (1 K. vi. 23), as 
also the doors (31, 32) and the posts (33). The ber- 
ries (Jas. iii. 12; 2 Esd. xvi. ^9), which produce the 
oil, were sometimes gathered by shaking the tree 
(Is. xxiv. 13), sometimes by beating it (Deut. xxiv. 
20). Then followed the treading of the fruit (Deut. 
xxxiii. 24 ; Mic. vi. 15). Hence the mention of " oil- 
fats" (Joel ii. 24). The flowers are white and abun- 
dant, but the least ruffling of a breeze is apt to' 
cause the flowers to fall (Job xv. 33). The fruit is 
not usually gathered till late in the autumn. (Oil.) 
The locust is noticed as a formidable enemy of the 
olive (Am. iv. 9). Not unfrequently hopes were 
disappointed, and " the labor of the olive failed " 
(Hab. iii. 17). The tree thrives best in warm and 
sunny situations. It is of a moderate height, with 
knotty gnarled trunks, and a smooth ash-colored 
bark. It grows slowly, but lives to an immense 
age. Its look is singularly indicative of tenacious 
vigor ; and this is the force of what is said in Scrip- 
ture of its "greenness," as emblematic of strength 
and prosperity. The leaves, too, are not deciduous. 
Those who see olives for the first time are occa- 
sionally disappointed by the dusty color of their 
foliage ; but those who are familiar with them find 
an inexpressible charm in the rippling changes of 
their slender gray-green leaves. 

Ol'ives, Monnt of. The exact expression "the 
Mount of Olives " occurs in the 0. T. in Zech. xiv. 
4 only ; in the other places of the 0. T. in which it 
is referred to, the form employed is the " ascent of 
the olives" (2 Sam. xv. 30, A. V. "the ascent of 
Mount Olivet"), or simply " the Mount" (Neh. viii. 
15), "the mount facing Jerusalem " (1 K. xi. 7), or 
" the mountain which is on the east side of the city " 
(Ez. xi. 23). In the N. T. the usual form is "the 
Mount of Olives " (Gr. to oros ton elaidu ; Mat. xxi. 
1, &c). In Acts i. 12 the A. V. has " the mount 
called Olivet" (Gr. oros to kaloumtnon elaionos). 
The Mount of Olives is the well-known eminence on 
the east of Jerusalem, now usually called Jebcl et- 
Tur (Ar. = mount of the summit), sometimes Jebel 
ez-Zeitun (Ar. = mount of olives), intimately con- 
nected with some of the gravest events of Biblical 
history ; the scene of the flight of David and the 
triumphal progress of the Son of David, of the idol- 
atry of Solomon, and the agony and betrayal of 
Christ. The position of the Mount of Olives may 
be amply settled by the account of David's flight, as 
related in 2 Sam. xv., with the elucidations of the 
LXX. and Josephus {Ant. vii. 9). David's object 
was to place the Jordan between himself and Absa- 
lom. He therefore flies by the road called " the 
road of the wilderness" (2 Sam. xv. 23). This 
leads him across the Kidron, past the well-known 
olive-tree (LXX.), which marked the path, up the 
toilsome ascent of the mount — elsewhere exactly- 
described as facing Jerusalem on the east (1 K. xi. 
1 ; Ez. xi. 23 ; Mk. xiii. 3) — to the summit, where 
was a consecrated spot at which he was accustomed 
to worship God. At this spot he again performed 
his devotions — it must have seemed for the last time 
— and took his farewell of the city, " with many 
tears, as one who had lost his kingdom." He then 
turned the summit, and after passing Bahurim, con- 
tinued the descent through the "dry and thirsty 
land " until he arrived " weary " at the bank of the 
river (Jos. vii. 9, §§ 2-6; 2 Sam. xvi. 14, xxvii. 21, 
22). This is the earliest mention of the Mount of 



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763 



Olives, and a complete introduction to it. The re- 
maining references to it in the Old Testament are 
but slight. The " high places" which Solomon con- 
structed lor the gods of his numerous wives, were 
in the mount "facing Jerusalem " (1 K. xi. 7) — an 



expression which applies to the Mount of Olives 
only, as indeed all commentators apply it. During 
the next four hundred years we have only the brief 
notice of Josiah's iconoclasms at this spot (2 K. 
xxiii. 13, 14). Another two hundred years and we 




The Mount of Olives.— From Bartlett's Walks about Jerusalem.— <Fbn.) 



find it the great repository for the vegetation of the 
district, planted thick with olive, and the bushy 
myrtle, and the feathery palm "Go out" of the 
city "into the mount" — was the command of Ezra 
for the celebration of the first anniversary of the 
1'east of Tabernacles after the Return from Babylon 
— "and fetch olive-branches, and ' oil-tree '-branches, 
and myrtle-boughs, and palm-leaves, and branches 
of thick trees to make booths, as it is written " 
(Neh. viii. 15). The cultivated and umbrageous 
character implied in this description, as well as in 
the name of the mount, is retained till the N. T. 
times. At this point in the history it will be con- 
venient to describe the situation and appearance of 
the Mount of Olives. It is not so much a "mount" 
as a ridge, of rather more than a mile in length, 
running in general direction N. and S. ; covering the 
whole eastern side of the city. At its northern end 
the ridge bends round to the W., so as to form an 
enclosure to the city on that side also. But there 
is this difference, that whereas on the N. a space 
of nearly a mile of tolerably level surface intervenes 
between the walls of the city and the rising ground, 
on the E. the mount is close to the walls, parted only 
by that which from the city itself seems no parting 
at all — the narrow ravine of the Kidron. It is this 
portion which is the real Mount of Olives of the his- 
tory. The northern part is, though geologically con- 
tinuous, a distinct mountain. We will therefore con- 
fine ourselves to this portion. In general height it is 
not very much above the city : 300 feet higher than 
the Temple mount, nearly 200 above " Mount Zion." 
The word "ridge " is indeed hardly accurate. There 
is nothing "ridge-like" in the appearance of the 
Mount of Olives, or of any other of the limestone 
hills of this district of Palestine ; all is rounded, 
swelling, and regular in form. At a distance its 
outline is almost horizontal, gradually sloping away 
at its southern end ; but when seen from below the 
eastern wall of Jerusalem, it divides itself into three, 



or rather perhaps four, independent summits or 
eminences. Proceeding from N. to S. these occur 
in the following order: — Galilee, or Viri Galilcei ; 
Mount of the Ascension ; Prophets, subordinate to 
the last, and almost a part of it ; Mount of Offence. 
1. Of these the central one, distinguished by the 
minaret and domes of the Church of the Ascension, 
and the hamlet (Kefr el-Tur) of wretched hovels 
round it, is in every way the most important. Three 
paths lead from the valley to the summit. The first 
passes under the north wall of the enclosure of 
Gethsemane, and follows the line of the depression 
between the centre and the northern hill. The sec- 
ond parts from the first about fifty yards beyond 
Gethsemane, and striking off to the right up the 
very breast of the hill, surmounts the projection on 
which is the traditional spot of the Lamentation 
over Jerusalem, and thence proceeds directly up- 
ward to the village. The third leaves the other two 
at the N. E. corner of Gethsemane, and making a 
considerable detour to the south, visits the so-called 
" Tombs of the Prophets," and, following a very 
slight depression which occurs at that part of the 
mount, arrives in its turn at the village. Of these 
three paths the first, which follows the natural shape 
of the ground, is unquestionably older than the 
others, which deviate in pursuit of certain artificial 
objects. Every consideration favors its being the 
road taken by David in his flight. It is, with equal 
probability, that usually taken by our Lord and His 
disciples in their morning and evening transit be- 
tween Jerusalem and Bethany, and that also by 
which the apostles returned to Jerusalem after the 
Ascension. The central hill, which we are now con- 
sidering, purports to contain the sites of some of 
the most sacred and impressive events of Christian 
history. During the middle ages most of these 
were protected by an edifice of some sort ; and to 
judge from the reports of the early travellers, the 
mount must at one time have been thickly covered 



764 



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OLI 



with churches and convents. The majority of these 
sacred spots now command little or no attention ; 
but three still remain, sufficiently sacred — if au- 
thentic — to consecrate any place. These are: (1.) 
Gethsemane, at the foot of the mount. (2.) The 
spot from which our Saviour ascended, on the sum- 
mit. (3.) The place of the Lamentation of Christ 
over Jerusalem, half-way up. (1.) Of these, Geth- 
semane is the only one which has any claim to be 
authentic. (2.) The first person who attached the 
Ascension of Christ to the Mount of Olives seems 
to have been the Empress Helena (a. d. 325). Eu- 
sebius states that she erected, as a memorial of that 
event, a sacred house of assembly on the highest 
part of the mount, where there was a cave which a 
sure tradition testified to be that in which the Sa- 
viour had imparted mysteries to His disciples. But 
neither this account, nor that of the same author 
when the cave is again mentioned, does more than 
name the Mount of Olives, generally, as the place 
from which Christ ascended : they fix no definite 
spot thereon. It took nearly three centuries to 
harden and narrow this general recognition of the 
connection of the Mount of Olives with Christ, into 
an invention in contradiction of the Gospel narrative 
of the Ascension (Lk. xxiv. 50, 51). (3.) The tradi- 
tionary spot of the Lamentation over Jerusalem 
(Lk. xix. 41-44) is not more happily chosen than 
that of the Ascension. It is on a protuberance 
which projects from the slope of the breast of 
the hill, about 300 yards above Gethsemane. 
Stanley (pp. 187-190) shows that the road of our 
Lord's " Triumphal entry " must have been, not the 
short and steep path over the summit used by small 
parties of pedestrians, but the longer and easier 
route round the southern shoulder between the 
summit which contains the " the Tombs of the 
Prophets," and that called the " Mount of Offence ; " 
this latter route presenting two views of Jerusalem, 
first, of the S. W. portion or Zion, from a point 
where the multitude shouted "Hosanna;" and, 
again, after an interval, of the Temple buildings, 
from a spot where Christ wept over the city. 2. 
We have Spoken of the central and principal por- 
tion of the mount. Next to it, on the southern 
side, separated from it by a slight depression, up 
which the path mentioned above as the third takes 
its course, is a hill which appears neither to possess, 
nor to have possessed, any independent name. It 
is remarkable only for the fact that it contains the 
singular catacomb (see cut, under Jeiioshaphat, 
Valley of) known as the " Tombs of the Prophets," 
probably in allusion to the words of Christ (Mat. 
xxiii. 29). 3. The most southern portion of the 
Mount of Olives is that usually known as the " Mount 
of Offence," L. Mows Offensionis, though by the 
Arabs called Baten, el-Hawa ( = the bag of the wind). 
It rises next to that last mentioned ; and in the hol- 
low between the two, more marked than the de- 
pressions between the more northern portions, runs 
the road from Bethany, which was, without doubt, 
the road of Christ's entry to Jerusalem. The title 
" Mount of Offence," or " of Scandal," was be- 
stowed on the supposition that it is the " Mount of 
Corruption " on which Solomon erected the high 
places for the gods of his foreign wives (2 K. xxiii. 
13 ; 1 K. xi. V). The southern summit is consider- 
ably lower than the centre one, and much more 
definitely separated from the surrounding portions 
of the mountain than the others are. It is also 
sterner and more repulsive in its form. On the steep 
ledges of its western face is the village of Silwdn. 



(Siloam.) On a half-isolated spur or promontory 
on its eastern side is what Dr. Barclay and others 
regard as the site of Bethphage. 4. The remaining 
summit is that on the N. of the " Mount of Ascen- 
sion " — the Karern es-Scyad ( Ar. = Vineyard of the 
Sportsman) ; or, as it is called by the modern Latin 
and Greek Christians, the Viri Galilcei (L. = men of 
Galilee; see below). This is a hill of exactly the 
same character as the Mount of the Ascension, and 
nearly its equal in height. The summits of the 
two are about 400 yards apart. It stands directly 
opposite the N. E. corner of Jerusalem, and is ap- 
proached by the path between it and the Mount of 
Ascension, which strikes at the top into a cross- 
path leading to el-lsdwiyeh (Gebim or Nob ?) and 
'An&ta (Anathoth). The Arabic name well reflects 
the fruitful character of the hill, on which there 
are several vineyards, besides much cultivation of 
other kinds. The Christian name is due to the 
singular tradition, that here the two angels ad- 
dressed the apostles after our Lord's ascension — 
" Ye men of Galilee ! " This idea, so incompatible, 
on account of the distance, even with the traditional 
spot of the Ascension, is of late existence and in- 
explicable origin. The presence of the crowd of 
churches and other edifices on traditional sacred 
spots must have rendered the Mount of Olives, 
during the early and middle ages of Christianity, 
entirely unlike what it was in the time of the Jew- 
ish kingdom or of our Lord. Except the high 
places on the summit, the only buildings then to be 
seen were probably the walls of the vineyards and 
gardens, and the towers and presses which were 
their invariable accompaniment. But though the 
churches are nearly all demolished, there must be 
a considerable difference between the aspect of the 
mountain now and in those days when it received 
its name from the abundance of its olive-groves. It 
does not now stand so preeminent in this respect 
among the hills in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. 
It is only in the deeper and more secluded slope 
leading up to the northern summit that these ven- 
erable trees spread into anything like a forest. The 
cedars, commemorated by the Talmud, and the 
date-palms implied in the name Bethany, have fared 
still worse : there is not one of either to be found 
within many miles. This change is no doubt due 
(so Mr. Grove, original author of this article) to 
natural causes, variations of climate, &c. ; but the 
army of Titus are stated by Josephus to have 
stripped the country round Jerusalem of every stick 
or shrub for the banks constructed during the siege. 
Two religious ceremonies performed there must 
have done much to increase the numbers who re- 
sorted to the mount. The appearance of the new 
moon was probably watched for, certainly pro- 
claimed, from the summit. The second ceremony 
referred to was burning the Red Heifer. (Purifica- 
tion.) This ceremonial was enacted on the central 
mount, and in a spot so carefully specified that it 
would seem not difficult to fix it. It was due E. of 
the sanctuary, and at such an elevation on the 
mount that the officiating priest, as he slew the 
animal and sprinkled her blood, could see the facade 
of the sanctuary through the E. gate of the Temple. 
To this spot a viaduct was constructed across the 
valley on a double row of arches, so as to raise it 
far above all possible proximity with graves or 
other defilements. It was probably demolished by 
the Jews themselves on the approach of Titus, or 
even earlier, when Pompey led his army by Jericho 
and over the Mount of Olives. This would account 



OLI 

satisfactorily for its not being alluded to by Jo- 
seplius. 

Ol'i-vet (2 Sam. xv. 30; Acts i. 12), probably de- 
rived from the Vulgate (L. olivetum = a place planted 
with olives), in the latter of these two passages. 
Olives, Mount op. 

O-lym'pas (fr. Gr. = given by Olympus or by heav- 
en), a Christian at Rome (Rom. xvi. 15), perhaps 
of the household of Philologus ; according to Pseudo- 
Hippolytus, one of the seventy disciples (?), and a 
martyr at Rome (a. d. 69 ?). 

O-ljm'pi-ns (L. fr. Gr. = Olympian, of [or from] 
Olympus), one of the chief epithets of the Greek 
deity Zeus (Jupiter), so called from Mount Olympus 
in Thessaly, the abode of the gods (2 Mc. vi. 2). 

Om-a-e'rns =Amram of the sons of Bani (1 Esd. 
ix. 34 ; compare Ezr. x. 34). 

0'mar(Heb. eloquent, talkative? Ges. ; mountaineer, 
Fii.), son of Eliphaz the firstborn of Esau; a 
" duke " or phylarch of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15 ; 
1 Chr. L 36). The name is supposed to survive in 
that of the tribe of Amir Arabs, east of the Jor- 
dan. 

O'me-ga, or 0-mc'ga (Gr. = great 0), the last 
letter of the Greek alphabet, as Alpha is the first. 
It is used metaphorically to denote the end of any 
thing : " I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and 
the ending .... the first and the last " (Rev. i. 8, 
11). 

O'mcr (Heb., literally a heap? a handful, Ges.). 
Weights and Measures. 

Om'ri (Heb. pupil of Jehovah ? Ges.). 1. Original- 
ly " captain of the host " to Elah ; afterward him- 
self king of Israel, and founder of the third dynasty. 
When Elah was murdered by Zimri at Tirzah, Omri 
■was engaged in the siege of Gibbethon, in Dan, 
which had been occupied by the Philistines. As 
soon as the army heard of Elah's death, they pro- 
claimed Omri king. Thereupon he broke up the 
siege of Gibbethon, and attacked Tirzah, where 
Zimri was holding his court as king of Israel. The 
city was taken, and Zimri perished in the flames of 
the palace, after a reign of seven days. Omri, how- 
ever, was not allowed to establish his dynasty with- 
out a struggle against Tibni, whom " half the peo- 
ple" (1 K. xvi. 21) desired to raise to the throne, 
and who was bravely assisted by his brother Joram 
(so LXX.). The civil wai 1 lasted four years (1 K. 
xvi. 15, 23). After the defeat and death of Tibni 
and Joram, Omri reigned six years in Tirzah ; but 
at the end of that time he transferred his residence, 
probably from the proved inability of Tirzah to 
stand a siege, to the mountain Shomeron or Samaria, 
which he bought for two talents of silver from a 
rich man called Shemer. At Samaria Omri reigned 
for six years more. He seems to have been a vigor- 
ous and unscrupulous ruler, anxious to strengthen 
his dynasty by intercourse and alliances with foreign 
states. His dynasty (Ahab ; Ahaziah 1 ; Jehoram 
1) occupied the throne of Israel about half a cen- 
tury. (Ben-hadad ; Israel, Kingdom of; Jehu.) 
— 2. A son of Becher the son of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
vii. 8). — 3. A descendant of Pharez the son of 
Judah (ix. 4). — 4. Son of Michael, and chief of Is- 
sachar in David's reign (xxvi. 18). 

On (Heb. ability, power, strength, Ges., Fii.), son 
of Peleth ; a Reubenite chief who took part with 
Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, in their revolt against 
Moses (Num. xvi. 1). His name does not again ap- 
pear in the narrative of the conspiracy, nor is he 
alluded to when reference is made to the final 
catastrophe. There is a Rabbinical tradition that 



on 705 

he was prevailed upon by his wife to withdraw from 
his accomplices. 

On (Heb. fr. Egyptian = sun, Cyril of Alexandria, 
Ges., Fii. ; see below), a town of Lower Egypt, 
which is called in the Bible Beth-shemesh (Jer. 
xliii. 13), corresponding to the ancient Egyptian 
sacred name hara (= the abode of the sun), and On, 
corresponding to the common name an, and perhaps 
also spoken of as Ir-ha-heres. It is also known as 
Heliopolis (fr. Gr. Helioupolis = city of the sun). 
The ancient Egyptian common name is written an, 
or an-t, and perhaps anu ; but the essential part of 
the word is an, and probably no more was prr- 
nounced. There were two towns called an : Heli- 
opolis, distinguished as the northern, an-meheet ; 
and Hermonthis, in Upper Egypt, as the southern, 
an-res. Heliopolis, or On, was on the E. side of the 
Pelusiac branch of the Nile, just below the point of 
the Delta, and about twenty miles N. E. of Memphis. 
It was before the Roman time the capital of the 
Hcliopolite nome, which was included in Lower 
Egypt. Now its site is above the point of the Delta, 
which is the junction of the Phatmetic, or Damietta 
branch and the Bolbitine, or Rosetta, and about 
ten miles N. E. of Cairo. In the earliest times it 
must have been subject to the first dynasty (Egypt) 
so long as their sole rule lasted, which was perhaps 
for no more than the reigns of Menes and Athothis 
(so Mr. R. S. Poole, original author of this article) ; 
it doubtless next came under the government 
of the Memphites, of the third, fourth, and 
sixth dynasties : it then passed into the hands of 
the Diospolites of the twelfth dynasty, and the 
Shepherds of the fifteenth. During the long period 
of anarchy that followed the rule of the tw elfth 
dynasty, when Lower Egypt was subject to the 
Shepherd kings, Heliopolis must have been under 
the government of the strangers. With the acces- 
sion of the eighteenth dynasty, it was probably re- 
covered by the Egyptians, and thenceforward held 
by them. The chief object of worship at Heliopolis 
was the sun, under the forms ra {the sun simply), 
whence the sacred name of the place, ha-ra (the 
abode of the sun), and alum, (the setting sun, or sun. 
of the nether world). The temple of the sun, de- 
scribed by Strabo, is now only represented by the 
single beautiful obelisk, which is of red granite, 
sixty-eight feet two inches high above the pedestal, 
and bears a dedication, showing that it was sculp- 
tured in or after his thirtieth year(p,. c. about 2050) 
by Sesertesen I., first king of the twelfth dynasty 
(b. c. about 2080-2045). Heliopolis was anciently 
famous for its learning, and Eudoxus and Plato 
studied under its priests ; but, from the extent of 
the mounds, it seems to have been always a small 
town. The first mention of this place in the Bible 
is in the history of Joseph, to whom Pharaoh gave 
"to wife Asenath the daughter of Poti-pherah, 
priest of On " (Gen. xli. 45, 50, xlvi. 20). Accord- 
ing to the LXX., On was one of the cities built for 
Pharaoh by the oppressed Israelites, for it mentions 
three " strong cities " instead of the two " treasure 
cities " of the Hebrews, adding On to Pithom and 
Raamses. Heliopolis lay at no great distance from 
the land of Goshen and from Raamses, and probably 
Pithom also. Isaiah has been supposed to speak 
of On when he prophesies that one of the five 
cities in Egypt that should speak the language of 
Canaan should be called Ir-ha-heres, which may 
mean the City of the Sun, whether we take hercs to 
be a Hebrew or an Egyptian word ; but the reading 
" a city of destruction " seems preferable, and we 



7C6 



ON A 



ONI 



have no evidence that there was any large Jewish 
settlement at Heliopolis, although there may have 
been at one time, from its nearness to the town of 
Onias. (Onias, the City of.) Jeremiah (xliii. 13) 
speaks of On under the name Beth-sheruesh {the 
house of the sun). Perhaps it was on account of 
the many false gods of Heliopolis, that, in Ez. xxx. 




Plain nod Obeli.k of Heliopolis or On.— (f 

17, On is written Aven, by a change in the punctua- 
tion, and so = vanity, and especially the vanity of 
idolatry. After the age of the prophets we hear 
no more in Scripture of Heliopolis. Local tradi- 
tion, however, points it out as a place where our 
Lord and the Virgin came, when Joseph brought 
t : iem into Egypt, and a very ancient sycamore is 
shown as a tree beneath which they rested. 

11:1111 (Heb. strong, stout, Ges. ; ability, power, 
Fii.). 1. Son of Shobal the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 
23 ; 1 Chr. i. 40).— 2. Son of Jerahmeel by his wife 
Atarah (ii. 26, 28). 

nan (Heb. = Onam, Ges., Fii.), second son of 
Judah by the Canaanitess, " the daughter of Shua" 
(Gen. xxxviii. 4; 1 Chr. ii. 3). On the death of 
Er the first-born, it was Onan's duty to marry his 
brother's widow (Tamar 1) and perpetuate his race 
(Marriage, II. ii. 1); but he found means to pre- 
vent the consequences of marriage, and " what he 
did was evil in the eyes of Jehovah, and He slew 
him also," as He had slain his elder brother (Gen. 
xxxviii. 9). His death took place before Jacob's 
family went down into Egypt (xlvi. 12 ; Num. xxvi. 
19). 

0-nes'i-nms (L. fr. Gr. = useful, profitable, L. & 
S., Rbn. N. T. Lex.), the servant or slave in whose 
behalf Paul wrote the Epistle to Philemon. (Phile- 
mon, Epistle to.) He was a native, or certainly an 
inhabitant of Colosse, since Paul in writing to the 
Church there speaks of him (Col.iv. 9) as " one of 
you." Slaves were numerous in Phrygia, and 
" Phrygian " itself was almost = " slave." Onesi- 
mus was one of this unfortunate class of persons, 
as is evident both from the manifest implication in 
Phn. 16, and from the general tenor of the epistle 
(so Prof. Hackett, with commentators generally). 
(Servant; Slave.) The man escaped from his mas- 



ter and fled to Rome, where in the midst of its vast 
population he could hope to be concealed, and to 
baffle the efforts often made in such cases for re- 
taking the fugitive. Whether Onesimus had any 
other motive for the flight than the natural love of 
liberty, we have not the means of deciding. It has 
been very generally supposed that he had committed 
some offence, as theft or 
embezzlement, and feared 
the punishment of his 
guilt ; but this is uncertain. 
Though it may be doubted 
whether Onesimus heard 
the Gospel for the first time 
at Rome, he was unques- 
tionably led to embrace 
the Gospel there through 
the apostle's instrumental- 
ity (ver. 10). After his con- 
version, the most happy and 
friendly relations sprung up 
between the teacher and the 
disciple. The situation of 
the apostle as a captive and 
an indefatigable laborer for 
the promotion of the Gos- 
pel (Acts xxviii. 30, 31) 
must have made him keenly 
alive to the sympathies of 
Christian friendship and de- 
pendent upon others for 
various services of a per- 
sonal nature, important to 
n .) his efficiency as a minister 

of the Word. Onesimus ap- 
pears to have supplied this twofold want in an emi- 
nent degree. Whether Paul desired his presence as 
a personal attendant or as a minister of the Gospel, 
is not certain from ver. 13 of the epistle. Little can 
be said of Onesimus except what we have in the N. 
T. Some of the later Fathers assert that he was set 
free and became bishop of Berea in Macedonia. 
The Onesimus mentioned by Ignatius as bishop of 
Epbesus is regarded by Prof. Hackett and others 
as a different person. Onesimus is said to have died 
as a martyr at Rome, under Nero. 

On-e-3ipIl'o-rns (L. fr. Gr. = profit-bringing, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex.) is named twice only in the N. T. In 
2 Tim. i. 16-18 Paul mentions him in terms of 
grateful love, as having a noble courage and gener- 
osity in his behalf, amid his trials as a prisoner at 
Rome, when others from whom he expected better 
things had deserted him (compare iv. 16). In 2 
Tim. iv. 19 he singles out " the household of One- 
siphorus " as worthy of a special greeting. It has 
been made a question whether Onesiphorus was 
still living when 2 Timothy was written, because in 
both instances Paul speaks of " the house " or 
" household," and not separately of Onesiphorus 
himself. Prof. Hackett thinks it probable that 
other members of the family were also active Chris- 
tians ; and as Paul wished to remember them at 
the same time, he grouped them together (iv. 19), 
and thus delicately recognized the common merit, 
as a sort of family distinction. It is evident from 
2 Tim. i. 18, that Onesiphorus had his home at Eph- 
esus ; but he himself may possibly have been with 
Paul at Rome when the latter wrote to Timothy. 
An uncertain tradition makes him Bishop of Corone 
in Messenia. 

0-ni-a'res [-reez] (Gr. fr. Onia Areios = Areus 
to Onias), a name introduced into the Greek and 



ONI 



ONY 



767 



Syriac texts of 1 Mc. xii. 20 (19, A. V.) by a very 
old corruption. The true reading (see above) is 
given in the margin of the A. V. Areos ; Onias 2. 

O-ni'as (Gr. fr. Heb. dhiy&h ? Wr. ; strength of Je- 
hovah, Walton's Polyglott), the name of five high- 
priests, of whom only two (1 and 3) are mentioned in 
the A. V., but an account of all is here given to pre- 
vent confusion. — 1. Son and successor of Jaddua ; 
entered on the office about the time of the death of 
Alexander the Great, and was high-priest about b. c. 
330-309, or, according to Eusebius, 300. Accord- 
ing to Josephus he was father of Simon the Just. 
(Ecclesiasticus § 4 ; Simon 2.) — 2. Son of Simon 
the Just. He was a minor at his father's death 
(about b. c. 290) and the high-priesthood was occu- 
pied in succession by his uncles Eleazar and Ma- 
nasseh to his exclusion. He entered on the office 
at last about b. c. 240, and his neglect for several 
years to remit the annual tribute of twenty talents 
to Ptolemy Euergetes threatened to precipitate the 
rupture with Egypt, which afterward opened the 
way for Syrian oppression. Onias retained the 
high-priesthood till his death, about b. c. 226, when 
he was succeeded by his son Simon II.— 3. Son of 
Simon II. ; succeeded his father as high-priest, about 
b. c. 198. Seleucus Philopator was informed by 
Simon, governor of the Temple, of the riches con- 
tained in the sacred treasury, and attempted to seize 
them by force. At the prayer of Onias, according 
to 2 Mc. iii., the sacrilege was averted ; but the 
high-priest was obliged to appeal to the king for 
support against the machinations of Simon. Not 
long afterward Seleucus died (b. c. 175), and Onias 
found himself supplanted in the favor of Antiochus 
Epiphanes by his brother Jason 4, who received 
the high-priesthood from the king. Jason, in turn, 
was displaced by his youngest brother (No. 4), who 
procured the murder of Onias (about b. c. 171). 
(Andronicus 1 ; Menelaus.) Mr. Westcott sup- 
poses him the Onias who wrote to Areus the Spar- 
tan king (1 Mc. xii. 19 ff.). (Greece; Sparta.) 
How powerful an impression he made is seen from 
the account of the dream of Judas Maccabeus be- 
fore his great victory (2 Mc. xv. 12-16.) — 4. Young- 
est brother of Onias III., bearing the same name, 
which he afterward exchanged for Menelaus. — 5. 
Son of Onias III. ; sought a refuge in Egypt from 
the sedition and sacrilege which disgraced Jerusa- 
lem. The immediate occasion of his flight was the 
triumph of " the sons of Tobias," gained by the 
interference of Antiochus Epiphanes. Onias, receiv- 
ing the protection of Ptolemy Philometer, endeav- 
ored to give a unity to the Hellenistic Jews which 
seemed impossible for the Jews of Palestine. With 
this object he founded the temple at Leontopolis. 
(See the next article.) 

O-ni'as, the Cit y of, tlie Re gion of O-ni'as, the 
city in which stood the temple built by Onias 5, and 
the region of the Jewish settlements in Egypt. 
Ptolemy mentions the city as the capital of the He- 
liopolite norae. (On.) In the spurious letters 
given by Josephus in the account of the founda- 
tion of the temple of Onias, it is made to have been 
at Leontopolis in the Heliopolite nome, and called 
a strong place of Bubastis. Leontopolis was not 
in the Heliopolite nome, but in Ptolemy's time was 
the capital of the Leontopolite, and the mention of 
it is altogether a blunder. There is probably also 
a confusion as to the city Bubastis. The site of 
the city of Onias is to be looked for in some one of 
those N. of Heliopolis which are called Tel-el- Va- 
hood (the Mound of the Jews), or Tel-el- Yahoodeeyeh 



(the Jewish Mound). Sir Gardner Wilkinson thinks 
there is little doubt that it is one which stands in 
the cultivated land near Shibbeen, twelve miles a 
little E. of N. from Heliopolis. From the account 
of Josephus, and the name given to one of them, 
" the Camp of the Jews," these settlements appear 
to have been of a half-military nature. The east- 
ernmost part of Lower Egypt was always chosen 
for great military settlements, in order to protect 
the country from the incursions of her enemies be- 
yond that frontier. (Sin ; Tahpanhes ; Zoan.) 
Probably the Jewish settlements were established 
for the same purpose (so Mr. R. S. Poole, original 
author of this article) ; but their history is very ob- 
scure. Both the Jews of Palestine and those of 
Alexandria must have looked on the worshippers at 
the temple of Onias as schismatics. 

On'ions [un'yunz], the English equivalent of the 
Hebrew biisalim, which occurs only in Num. xi. 5, 
as one of the good things of Egypt of which the 
Israelites regretted the loss. The onion is a well- 
known bulbous plant, the Allium C'epa of botanists. 
Onions have been from time immemorial a favorite 
article of food among the Egyptians. The onions 
of Egypt are much milder in flavor and less pun- 
gent than those of this country. 

O'no (Heb. strong, Ges. ; rich, gain-bringing, Fii.), 
also written Onus, a city of Benjamin, not in the 
catalogues of Joshua, but first found in 1 dir. viii. 
12, where Shamed or Shamer is said to have built 
• Ono and Lod with their " daughter villages " (A. V. 
"towns "). The men of Lod, Hadid, and Ono (725 
"children" in Ezr. ii. 33; 721 in Neh. vii. 37) re- 
turned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel. A plain 
(Plain 2) was attached to the town, and bore its 
name, "the plain of Ono" (Neh. vi. 2), perhars 
identical with the " valley of craftsmen" (xi. 36). 
The Talmud makes it three miles from Lod (Ludd). 
The village of Kefr 'Ana, between four and five 
miles N. of Ludd, is suggested by Van de Velde as 
identical with Ono. Porter (in Kitto) approves this 
suggestion ; Mr. Grove raises doubts from the or- 
thography and the distance. Winer remarks that 
Beit Unia is more suitable in its orthography ; but 
Beit Unia is nearly twenty miles E. from Ludd. 

O'nns (fr. Gr.) = Ono (1 Esd. v. 22). 

Cn'y-efia [on'e-ka] (fr. Gr. onux ; tleb. shehelcth 
or shecheleth), according to many of the old ver- 
sions, denotes the operculum (i. e. the horny lid 
which closes the aperture of the shell) of some spe- 
cies of Strombus, a genus of gasteropodous Mol- 
lusca. The Hebrew word occurs only in Ex. xxx. 
34, as one of the ingredients of the sacred perfume. 
In Ecclus. xxiv. 15, Wisdom is compared to the 
pleasant odor yielded by " galbanum, onyx and 
sweet storax." There can be little doubt (so Mr. 
Houghton) that the onux (Gr. = nail, or claw) of the 
LXX. and of Dioscorides and the onyx of Pliny 
= the operculum of a Strombus, perhaps Strombus 
lentiginosus. The Arabs call the mollusk " the 
devil's claw " from its claw-shaped and serrated 
operculum. The Unguis odoratus, or Blatta Byzan- 
iina, — for under both these terms apparently the 
devil-claw is alluded to in old English writers on 
Materia Medica — has by some been supposed no 
longer to exist. Dr. Lister laments its loss, believ- 
ing it to have been a good medicine " from its 
strong aromatic smell." Bochart believes some 
kind of bdellium is intended. Duns (Bib. Nat. 
Science) supposes it some gum or resin, perhaps 
benzoin. Gosse (in Fbn.) suggests that all marine 
creatures except fishes with fins and scales were UN- 



768 



ONY 



OPH 



clean, and could not have been touched by the priests 
or used in the sanctuary, and therefore concludes it 
was probably some gum-resin. 




B 

A Slrombut Vianx. B Tht Operculum. 



O'nyx (L. fr. Gr., lit. = nail or claw ; Heb. sho- 
ham). The A. V. uniformly renders the Hebrew 
shoham by "onyx;" the Vulgate too is consistent 
with itself, the sardonyx (Job xxviii. 16) being 
merely a sort of onyx ; but the testimonies of an- 
cient interpreters generally are diverse and ambigu- 
ous. There is nothing in the contexts of the sev- 
eral passages (Gen. ii. 12 ; Ex. xxv. 7, xxviii. 9, 20, 
xxxv. 9, 27, xxxix. 6, 18; 1 Chr. xxix. 2; Job 
xxviii. 16 ; Ez. xxviii. 13) where the Hebrew term 
occurs to help us to determine its signification. Jo- 
sephus expressly states that the shoulder-stones of 
the high-priest were formed of two large sardonyxes, 
an onyx being, in his description, the second stone 
in the fourth row of the breastplate. Some (Bel- 
lermann, Winer, Rosenmiiller) believe the " beryl" 
is intended. Other interpretations of shoham have 
been proposed, but all are mere conjectures. Mr. 
Houghton thinks the balance of authority is in 
fa vor of some sort of onyx. The onyx is a silicious 
gem, consisting of parallel layers of chalcedony 
of different colors, as brown and white, &c. It has 
been much used for cameos. (Sardonyx.) The He- 
brew yahcdom (in A. V. " diamond ") is by several 
ancient versions translated " onyx ; " and this is 
approved by Gesenius, Dr. W. L. Alexander (in 
Kitto), &c. As to the " onyx" of Ecclus. xxiv. 15, 
see Onycha. 

O'phcl (Heb. a hill, Ges. ; see below), a part of 
ancient Jerusalem. The name is derived by the 
lexicographers from a root of similar sound, which 
has the force of a swelling or tumor. (Emerods.) 
It does not come forward till a late period of 0. T. 
history. Jotharu built much " on the wall of 
Ophel" (2 Chr. xxvii. 3). Manasseh, among his 
other defensive works, " compassed about Ophel " 
(xxxiii. 14). From the catalogue of Nehemiah's re- 
pairs to the wall of Jerusalem, it appears to have 
been near the " water-gate " (Neh. hi. 26) and the 
" great tower that lieth out" (ver. 27). Lastly, the 
former of these two passages, and Neh. xi. 21, show 
that Ophel was the residence of the Nethinim. In 
the passages of his history parallel to those quoted 
above, Josephus either passes it over altogether, or 
else refers to it in merely general terms. But in 
his account of the last days of Jerusalem he men- 
tions it four times as Ophla (Jos. B. J. ii. 17, § 9, 
v. 4, § 2, v. 6, § 1, vi. 6, § 3). From his references 
it appears that Ophel was outside the S. wall of the 
Temple, and that it lay between the central valley 
of the city, which debouches above the spring of 
Siloam on the one hand, and the E. portico of the 



Temple on the other. Ophel, then, was the swell- 
ing declivity by which the Mount of the Temple 
slopes off on its southern side into the Valley of 
Hinnom — a long narrowish rounded spur or prom- 
ontory, which intervenes between the mouth of 
the central valley of Jerusalem (the Tyropoeon) and 
the Kidron, or Valley of Jehoshaphat. Halt-way 
down it on its eastern face is the " Fount of the 
Virgin," so called ; and at its foot the lower outlet 
of the same spring — the Pool of Siloam. How 
much of this declivity was covered with the houses 
of the Neth'miin, or with the suburb which would 
naturally gather round them, and where the " great 
tower " stood, we have not at present the means of 
ascertaining. 

O'phir (Heb., see below). 1. The eleventh in or- 
der of the sons of Joktan, coming immediately 
after Sheba (Gen. x. 29 ; 1 Chr. i. 23). So many 
important names in the genealogical table in Gen. 
x. — e. g. Sidon, Canaan, Asshur, Aram (Syria), Miz- 
raim (the two Egypts, Upper and Lower), Sheba, 
Caphtorim, and Philistim (the Philistines) — repre- 
sent the name of some city, country, or people, that 
it is reasonable to infer the same in the case of all 
the names in the table (so Mr. Twisleton, original 
author of these two articles). But there is one 
marked peculiarity common to the sons of Joktan 
with the Canaanites alone, that precise geographical 
limits are assigned to their settlements. Thus it is 
said (ver. 29, 30) that the dwelling of the sons of 
Joktan was " from Mesha, as thou goest unto Se- 
phar a mountain of the east." The peculiar word- 
ing of these geographical limits forbids the suppo- 
sition that Mesha and Sephar belonged to very 
distant countries, or were comparatively unknown ; 
and as many of the sons of Joktan are by common 
consent admitted to represent settlements in Arabia, 
it is an obvious inference that all the settlements 
corresponding to the names of the other sons are to 
be sought for in Arabia. Hence, as Ophir is one 
of those sons, it may be regarded as a fixed point 
in discussions concerning the place Ophir men- 
tioned in the Book of Kings, that the author of 
Gen. x. regarded Ophir the son of Joktan as corre- 
sponding to some city, region, or tribe in Arabia. 
— Etymology. There is, seemingly, no sufficient rea- 
son to doubt that the word Ophir is Shemitic. Ge- 
senius suggests that it means a fruitful region. 
Baron von Wrede made a small vocabulary of Him- 
yaritic words in the vernacular tongue, and amongst 
these he gives ofir = red. Still it is unsafe to ac- 
cept the use of a word of this kind on the author- 
ity of any one traveller, however accurate. — 2. A 
seaport or region from which the Hebrews in the 
time of Solomon obtained gold, in vessels which 
went thither in conjunction with Tyrian ships from 
Ezion-geber, near Elath, on that branch of the Red 
Sea now called the Gulf of , Akabah. The gold 
was proverbial for its fineness, so that " gold of 
Ophir " is several times used as — fine gold (Ps. 
xlv. 10 ; Job xxviii. 16 ; Is. xiii. 12 ; 1 Chr. xxix. 4) ; 
and in Job xxii. 24 the word " Ophir " by itself = 
gold of Ophir, and gold generally. In addition to 
gold, the vessels brought from Ophir almug-wood and 
precious stones. The precise geographical situation 
of Ophir has long been a subject of doubt and dis- 
cussion. Calmet regarded it as in Armenia ; Sir 
Walter Raleigh thought it was one of the Molucca 
Islands ; and Arias Montanus found it in Peru. The 
three opinions which have found supporters in our 
own time were formerly represented, amongst other 
writers, by Huet, Bruce, and the historian Robert- 



OPH 



OPH 



769 



son, who placed Ophir in Africa ; by Vitringa and 
Reland, who placed it in India ; and by Mi- 
chaelis, Niebuhr the traveller, Gosselin, and Vin- 
cent, who placed it in Arabia. Of other distin- 
guished geographical writers, Boehart admitted 
two Ophirs, one in Arabia and one in India, 
i. e. at Ceylon ; while D'Anville, equally admit- 
ting two, placed one in Arabia and one in Africa. 
Sir J. Emerson Tennant adopts the opinion, sanc- 
tioned by Josephus, that Malacca was Ophir. But 
the two countries which have mostly divided the 
opinions of the learned have been India and Arabia. 
Among the moderns, Ritter, Ewald, Max Miiller, &c, 
have favored India ; Seetzen, Winer, Fi'irst, Knobel, 
Kalisch, Fairbairn, &c, have favored Arabia. In 
favor of Arabia, are these considerations : — (1.) Gen. 
x. 29 contains what is equivalent to an intimation 
that Ophir (see No. 1) was in Arabia. (2.) The 
names of three places in Arabia agree sufficiently 
with the word Ophir: viz. Aphar, now Zafar or 
Saphar, which was the metropolis of the Sabeans ; 
Doffir, mentioned by Niebuhr the traveller, as a 
considerable town of Yemen ; and Zafar or Zafdri, 
now Dofar, a city on the southern coast of Arabia. 
(3.) In antiquity, Arabia was represented as a coun- 
try producing gold by four writers at least, viz. 
Agatharchides, Artemidorus (copied by Strabo), 
Diodorus Siculus, and Pliny the Elder. (4.) Eupole- 
mus, a Greek historian, who lived before the Chris- 
tian era, expressly states, as quoted by Eusebius, 
that Ophir was an island with gold-mines in the 
Erythrean Sea. (5.) On the supposition that, not- 
withstanding all the ancient authorities on the sub- 
ject, gold really never existed either in Arabia, or 
in any island along its coasts, Ophir was an Arabian 
emporium, into which gold was brought as an article 
of commerce, and was exported into Judea. — The 
following considerations are urged in behalf of India : 
(1.) Sofir is the Coptic name for India ; and Sophir, 
or Sophira is the word used for the place of Ophir 
by the LXX. and by Josephus. And Josephus posi- 
tively states that it was a part of India, though he 
places it in the Golden Chersonese, which was the 
Malay peninsula. (2.) All the three imports from 
Ophir, gold, precious stones, and almug-wood, are 
essentially Indian. (3.) Assuming that the ivory, 
peacocks, and apes, brought to Ezion-geber once 
in three years by the navy of Tharshish (Tarshish) 
and Hiram's navy (1 K. x. 22), were brought from 
Ophir, they also collectively point to India rather 
than Arabia. (4.) Two places in India agree to a 
certain extent in name with Ophir; one at the 
mouths of the Indus, where Indian writers placed a 
people named the Abhira, and the other, the (Sow- 
para of Ptolemy, the Ouppara of Arrian's Periplus, 
where the town of Goa is now situated. — The follow- 
ing pleas have been urged in behalf of Africa: (1.) 
Of the three countries, Africa, Arabia, and India, 
Africa is the only one containing districts which 
have supplied gold in any great quantity. (2.) On 
the E. coast of Africa, near Mozambique, there is a 
port called by the Arabians Sofala, which as the 
liquids / and r are easily interchanged, was probably 
the Ophir of the ancients. (3.) On the supposition 
that l.K. x. 22 applies to Ophir, Sofala has still 
stronger claims in preference to India. Peacocks, 
indeed, would not have been brought from it ; but 
the peacock is too delicate a bird for a long voyage 
in small vessels, and the Heb. tucciyim probably = 
parrots. (Peacocks.) Both ivory and apes might 
have been supplied in abundance from the district 
of which Sofala was the emporium. (4.) On the 
49 



same supposition respecting 1 IL x. 22, it can, ac- 
cording to the traveller Bruce, be proved by the 
laws of the monsoons in the Indian Ocean, that 
Ophir was at Sofala ; inasmuch as the voyage to 
Sofala from Ezion-geber would have been performed 
exactly in three years. From the above statement 
it appears that the Bible in all its direct notices of 
Ophir as a place does not supply sufficient data for 
an independent opinion on this disputed point. The 
passages in the historical books which mention 
Ophir by name are only five (1 K. ix. 26-29, x. 11, 
xxii. 48 ; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 10). In addition to these 
passages, the following verse has very frequently 
been referred to Ophir : " For the king (i. e. Solo- 
mon) had at sea a navy of Tharshish with the navy 
of Hiram : once in three years came the navy of 
Tharshish bringing gold and silver, ivory, and apes, 
and peacocks" (1 K. x. 22; comp. 2 Chr. ix. 21). 
But there is not sufficient evidence to show that the 
fleet mentioned in this verse was identical with the 
fleet mentioned in 1 K. ix. 26-29, x. 11, as bringing 
gold, almug-trees, and precious stones from Ophir; 
or, if so, that the fleet went only to Ophir. if the 
five passages above-mentioned are carefully exam- 
ined, it will be seen that all the information given 
respecting Ophir is, that it was a place or region, 
accessible by sea from Ezion-geber on the Red Sea, 
from which imports of gold, almug-trees, and pre- 
cious stones were brought back by the Tyrian and 
Hebrew sailors. Under these circumstances it is 
well to revert to Gen. x. It is reasonably certain 
that the author of that chapter regarded Ophir as 
the name of some city, region, or tribe in Arabia. 
And it is almost equally certain that the Ophir of 
Genesis is the Ophir of the Books of Kings and 
Chronicles. Hence the burden of jn-oof lies on any 
one who denies Ophir to have been in Arabia. But 
all that can be advanced against Arabia falls very 
short of such proof. In weighing the evidence on 
this point, the assumption that ivory, peacocks, and 
apes were imported from Ophir must be dismissed 
from consideration. In one view of the subject, and 
accepting the statement in 2 Chr. ix. 21 that "the 
king's ships went to Tarshish," they might have 
connection with Tarshish ; but they have a very 
slight bearing on the position of Ophir. Hence it is 
not here necessary to discuss the law of monsoons 
in the Indian Ocean. Moreover, the resemblance 
of names of places in India and Africa to Ophir, 
cannot reasonably be insisted on ; for there is an 
equally great resemblance in the names of some 
places in Arabia. The name Sofala, indeed, is mere- 
ly Ar. = Heb. Shephel&h, i. e. plain or low country. 
(Plain 6 ; Sephela.) Reland has shown that there 
is no proof of the use of Sopkir as the Coptic word 
for Ophir except in late Coptic, and this may have 
come from the views represented in Josephus. 
Josephus cannot be compared in authority with 
Gen. x. ; he differs from Eupolemus ; and he appears 
inconsistent with himself, translating (Jos. ix. 1, §4) 
the Ophir of 1 K. xxii. 49 and the Tarshish of 2 
Chr. xx. 36 as Pontus and Thrace. Further, the ob- 
jections based on the assertion that sandal-wocd 
(assumed to be = almug-wood), precious stones, 
and gold, are not productions of Arabia, are not 
conclusive. (1.) In the Periplus attributed to Ar- 
rian, sandal-wood is mentioned as one of the imports 
into Omana, an emporium on the Persian Gulf; and 
therefore a sea-port would not necessarily be in 
India, because sandal-wood was obtained from it. 
But the suggestion that almug-wood = sandal-wood 
first came in the last century from Celsius, the 



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Swedish botanist, in his Hierobotanicon ; who at the 
same time recounted thirteen meanings proposed by 
others. Since the time of Celsius, the meaning of 
sandal-wood has been defended by Sanscrit etymolo- 
gies, but Mr. Twisleton regards the reasons adduced 
to show that sandal-wood = almug-wood as too weak 
to justify the founding of any argument upon them. 
(Algum-trees.) (2.) Precious stones take up such 
little room, and can be so easily concealed, if neces- 
sary, and conveyed from place to place, that there is 
no difficulty in supposing they came from Ophir, 
simply as from an emporium, even admitting that 
there were no precious stones in Arabia. (3.) As 
to gold, far too great stress seems to have been laid 
on the negative fact that no gold nor trace of gold- 
mines has been discovered in Arabia. Sir Roderick 
Murchison and Sir Charles Lyell concur in stating 
that, although no rock is known to exist in Arabia 
from which gold is obtained at the present day, yet 
the peninsula has not undergone a sufficient geolo- 
gical examination to warrant the conclusion that 
gold did not exist there formerly or that it may not 
yet be discovered there. Under these circumstances 
there is no sufficient reason to reject the accounts 
of the ancient writers adduced as witnesses for the 
former existence of gold in Arabia ; and certainly 
there is nothing to prevent Ophir having been an 
Arabian emporium for gold. The Periplus, attrib- 
uted to Arrian, gives an account of several Arabian 
emporia : e. g. the Emporium Musa, only twelve 
days from Aphar, the metropolis of the Sabeans 
(see above) ; at the modern Aden ; at Zafdr or 
Zafdri (Sephar), &c. There do not, however, ap- 
pear to be sufficient data for determining in favor 
of any one emporium or of any one locality rather 
than another in Arabia as having been the Ophir of 
Solomon. Mr. Forster relies on an Ofor or Ofir, in 
Sale and D'Anville's maps, as the name of a city 
and district in the mountains of Omdn ; but he 
does not quote any ancient writer or modern traveller 
as an authority for the existence of such an Ofir. 
Niebuhr the traveller says that Ophir was probably 
the principal port of the kingdom of the Sabeans, 
that it was situated between Aden and Da/ar (or 
Zafar), and that perhaps even it was Cane. Gos- 
selin, on the other hand, thinks it was Doffir, the 
city of Yemen already adverted to. Dean Vincent 
agrees with Gosselin in confining Ophir to Sheba. 
On the whole, however, though there is reason to 
believe that Ophir was in Arabia, there does not 
seem to be adequate information to enable us to 
point out the precise locality which once bore that 
name. In conclusion, it may be observed that ob- 
jections against Ophir being in Arabia, grounded on 
the fact that no gold has been discovered in Arabia 
in the present day, seem decisively answered by the 
parallel case of Sheba (Ps. lxxii. 15 ; Ez. xxvii. 22). 
Now, of two things one is true. Either the gold of 
Sheba and the precious stones sold to the Tyrians by 
the merchants of Sheba were the natural productions 
of Sheba, and in this case the assertion that Arabia 
did not produce gold falls to the ground ; or the mer- 
chants of Sheba obtained precious stones and gold 
in such quantities by trade, that they became noted 
for supplying them to the Tyrians and Jews. Ex- 
actly similar remarks may apply to Ophir. 

Oph'ni (Heb. mouldy, Ges.), a town of Benjamin, 
apparently in the northeastern portion of the tribe 
(Josh, xviii. 24 only). It is doubtless the Gophna 
of Josephus, a place which at the time of Vespasian's 
invasion was apparently second only to Jerusalem | 
In importance (Jos. B. J. iii. 3, § 5), and which still | 



survives in the modern Jifna or Jufna, a village two 
and a half miles N. W. of Bethel. 

Oph rah (Heb. female fawn, Ges.), the name of 
two places in central Palestine — 1. In the tribe of 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 23). It appears to be men- 
tioned again (1 Sam. xiii. 17) in describing the routes 
taken by the spoilers who issued from the Philistine 
camp at Michmash. Jerome places it five miles E. 
of Bethel. Dr. Robinson suggests its identity with 
el-Taiyibeh, a small village on the crown of a coni- 
cal and very conspicuous hill, four miles E. N. E. of 
Beitiu (Bethel). Stanley and Van de Velde accept 
this suggestion. In the absence of any similarity in 
the name, and of any more conclusive evidence, it is 
impossible absolutely to adopt this identification (so 
Mr. Grove, with Porter in Kitto). (Apherema ; 
Ephraim 2, 3 ; Ephrain.)— 2. More fully " Ophrah 
of the Abi-ezrites," the native place of Gideon ( Judg. 
vi. 11); the scene of his exploits against Baal (24); 
his residence after his accession to power (ix. 5), 
and the place of his burial in the family sepulchre 
(viii. 32). Here also he deposited the ephod made 
or enriched with Ishmaelite ornaments, which made 
it a place of pilgrimage and resort (27). The indi- 
cations in the narrative of the position of Ophrah 
are but slight. It was probably in Manasseh (vi. 
15), and not far from Shechem (ix. 1, 5). Van de 
Velde suggests a site called Erfai, about eight miles 
S. E. of Ndbulus (Shechem); and Schwarz "the 
village Erafa " (' Arrdbeh ?), " N. of Sdnur " (Bethu- 
lia). The former of them is altogether out of the 
territory of Manasseh. Of the latter, nothing either 
for or against can be said (so Mr. Grove). 

Oph rail (see above), son of Meonothai (1 Chr. iv. 

* Or. Besides the common use of this word, to 
connect and mark an alternative, as in the phrases 
" bad or good " (Gen. xxiv. 50), " Paul, or Apollos, 
or Cephas " (1 Cor. iii. 22 f.), " we or an angel " (Gal. 
i. 8), &c, " or " is also used in the A. V. in the now 
obsolete sense of ere or before in the phrase " or 
ever" (Ps. xc. 2; Dan. vi. 24; Acts xxiii. 15, &c). 

* Or'a-cle [-kl], the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
dSbir = (so Ges.) (he inner sanctuary of the Taber- 
nacle or Temple, also called the " holy of holies " 
(1 K. vi. 5, 16 ff., vii. 49, viii. 6, 8 ; 2 Chr. iii. 16, 
iv. 20, v. 7, 9 ; Ps. xxviii. 2). — 2. Heb. ddbdr once 
(2 Sam. xvi. 23, marg. " word "), usually and liter- 
ally translated " word " (Gen. xv. 1, 4, xxiv. 30, 52, 
&c), also "saying," "speech," &c. — 3. Gr. logi.on 
= (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) something uttered, e. g. from 
God, a divine communication, utterance, or oracle 
(Acts vii. 38; Rom. iii. 2; Heb. v. 12; 1 Pet. iv. 
11). Divination ; Idolatry ; Inspiration ; Magic ; 
Prophet. 

Or'a-tor (L. = a speaker, orator, pleader). 1. In 
Is. iii. 3, A. V. " eloquent orator," margin " skilful 
of speech " literally = skilful in whisper, or incan- 
tation. (Divination.) — 2. The title (Gr. rhetor) ap- 
plied to Tertullus, who appeared as the advocate 
of the Jewish accusers of St. Paul before Felix 
(Acts xxiv. 1). Trial. 

Orchard. Garden. 

* Or-dain', to (fr. L. ordo = order), the A.V. trans- 
lation of— 1. Heb. ydsad (1 Chr. ix. 22; Ps. viii. 2 
[Heb. 3] ; marg. in both " founded "), elsewhere 
translated " to found " (Ps. xxiv. 2 ; Is. xiv. 32, &c), 
"lay the foundation" (1 K. xvi. 34; Ps. cii. 25 
[Heb. 26], &c), "establish" (Ps. lxxviii. 69; Hab. 
i. 12; marg. "founded" in both), "appoint" (Esth. 
i. 8), &c— 2. Heb. cun (Ps. viii. 3 [Heb. 4]), else- 
where translated "to establish" (Ex. xv. 17; Ps. 



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771 



xcix. 4, &c), or "stablish" (2 Sam. vii. 13, &c), 
" prepare " (Ps. ix. 7 [Heb. 8], cvii. 36, &c), 
"fashion" (Ps. cxix. 73, &c), &c. — 3. Chal. mendh 
or mend (Dan. ii. 24), usually translated " to set " 
(Ezr. vii. 25, &c), once "to number" (Dan. v. 26), 
also " Mene " (25). — 4. Heb. ndthan (2 K. xxiii. 5 ; 
Jer. i. 5, marg. "gave"), literally and usually "to 
give" (Gen. i. 2.', iii. 6, 12, &c., &c.), sometimes 
"to put" (Ex. xxv. 16, 21, &c), "appoint" (Ezr. 
viii. 20, &c.), "set" (Gen. ix. 13; LTeut. i. 8, &c.), 
"deliver" (Judg. i. 2, ii. 23, &c.), &e.— 5. Heb. 
'drnad (2 dir. xi. 15), elsewhere translated " to raise 
up " (Ex. ix. 16, marg, " made thee stand "), " make 
stand" (Ps. xxx. 7 [Heb. 8], &c), "set" (2 Chr. 
xix. 5, 8, &e.), "appoint" (Neh. vi. 7, &c), &c. — 6. 
Heb. 'drach (Ps. cxxxii. 17; Is. xxx. 33), elsewhere 
"to set in order" (Ex. xl. 4, &c.), "lay in order" 
(Lev. i. 7 ff., &c), " prepare " (Num. xxiii. 4 ; Ps. 

xxiii. 5, &c), "put in array" (2 Sam. x. 8 ff., &c.), 
"order" (Lev. xxiv. 3, 4, &c.), &c. — 7. Heb. p&al 
(Ps. vii. 13 [Heb. 14]), elsewhere literally " to make " 
(Ex. xv. 17; Prov. xvi. 4, &c), "do" (Deut. xxxii. 
27; Job xi. 8, &c), "work" (Num. xxiii. 23, &c.), 
once "to commit" (Hos. vii. 1). — 8. Heb. kum 
(Esth. ix. 27), also translated "to stablish" (21), 
"confirm" (29, 31, 32, &c), "enjoin" and "de- 
cree " (31), " strengthen " (Ps. cxix. 28), &c— 9. 
Heb. sum or sim (1 Chr. xvii. 9 ; Ps. lxxxi. 5 [Heb. 
6] ; Hab. i. 12), usually and literally " to put " (Gen. 
xxviii. 18, xl. 15, &c), also "to set" (xxviii. 22 ; 1 
K. ii. 15, &c), " make" (Gen. xiii. 16, xlv. 9 ; Josh, 
vi. 18, &c), " appoint " (Ex. xxi. 13; 2 K. x. 24, 
&c), &c. — 10. Heb. shAphath (Is. xxvi. 12), else- 
where "to set" (2 K. iv. 38; Ez. xxiv. 3), "bring" 
(Ps. xxii. 15 [Heb. 16]).— 11. Heb. dsdh (Num. 
xxviii. 6; IK. xii. 32, 33), usually " to make" (Ex. 
xxxvi. 6 ff. ; 1 K. xii. 31, &c), o'r " do " (xxiii. 12, 
24, &c), also "to appoint," "prepare," "provide," 
&c. — 12. Gr. dialasso (1 Cor. vii. 17, ix. 14; Gal. iii. 
19) = to arrange throughout, to dispose in order, 
Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; elsewhere translated " to com- 
mand" (Mat. xi. 1 ; Lk. viii. 55, xvii. 9, 10; Acts 
xviii. 2, xxiii. 31, xxiv. 23), "appoint" (Lk. iii. 13; 
Acts vii. 44, xx. 13; Tit. i. 5), "set in order" (1 
Cor. xi. 34), "give order" (xvi. 1). — 13. Gr. katliis- 
temi (Tit. i. 5 ; Heb. v. 1, viii. 3) = to set down, to 
set, to place, Rbn. JV. T. Lex. ; usually translated 
"to make" (Mat. xxiv. 45, 47, xxv. 21, 23 ; Lk. xii. 
14, 42, 44 ; Acts vii. 10, 27, 35 ; Rom. v. 19 [twice] ; 
Heb. vii. 28; 2 Pet. i. 8), also once "to appoint" 
(Acts vi. 3), " to conduct " (xvii. 15), " to set " (Heb. 

ii. 7), " to be," i. e. to be set, or to set one's self (Jas. 

iii. 6, iv. 4). — 14. Gr. kataskeuazo (Heb. ix. 6) = to 
prepare fully, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; usually translated 
"to prepare" (Mat. xi. 10; Mk. i. 2; Lk. i. 17, vii. 
27 ; Heb. xi. 7 : 1 Pet. iii. 20), also '.' to build " (Heb. 
3, 4 [twice]), " make" (ix. 2).— 15. Gr. krino (Acts 
xvi. 4) = to separate, discriminate, select, hence to 
judge, decide, determine, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; trans- 
lated " to judge " more than eighty times in N. T. 
(Mat. vii. 1, 2 [twice each], &c), also " to determine " 
(Acts iii. 13, xx. 16, xxvii. 1 ; 1 Cor. ii. 2 ; 2 Cor. ii. 
1; Tit. iii. 12), "decree" (1 Cor. vii. 37), "think" 
(Acts xxvi. 8), " conclude " (xxi. 25), " my sentence 
is"(xv. 19), "to esteem" (Rom. xiv. 5 [twice]), 
"condemn" (Jn. iii. 17, 18; Acts xiii. 27; Rom. 
xiv. 22), "damn "(2 Th. ii. 12), "avenge" (Rev. 
xviii. 20), " sue at the law " (Mat. v. 40), " go to law " 
(1 Cor. vi. 1, 6), "call in question" (Acts xxiii. 6, 

xxiv. 21).— 16. Gr. horizo (Acts x. 42, xvii. 31) = 
to bound, mark out, limit, determine, appoint, Rbn. 
-2V. T. Lex. ; elsewhere " to determine " (Lk. xxii. 



22 ; Acts xi. 29, xvii. 26), " determinate," i. e. de- 
termined (\\. 23), " to declare " (Rom. i. 4), " to limit " 
(Heb. iv. 7). — 17. Gr. poied (Mk. iii. 14) is translated 
" to make " more than 100 times in N. T. (Mat. iii. 
3, iv. 19, &c), and "to do" much oftener (v. 19,44, 
46, 47 [twice], &c), all the various renderings (so 
Robinson) coming under one or the other of these two 
primary ones. Thus "to bring forth" (Mat. iii. 8, 
10, &c), "shoot out" (Mk. iv. 32), "cause" (Mat. 
v. 32, &c), "yield "(Jas. iii. 12), "ordain," come 
under the meaning to make (comp. Mat. iv. 19 ; Mk. 
i. 17, &c). — 18. Gr. proorizo (1 Cor. ii. 7) = to 
bound or limit beforehand, to predetermine, Rbn. JV. 
T. Lex. (compare No. 16 above); elsewhere trans- 
lated " to determine before " (Acts iv. 28), " to pre- 
destinate" (Rom. viii. 29, 30; Eph. i. 5, 11).— 19. 
Gr. tassd (Acts xiii. 48; Rom. xiii. 1) = to order, set 
in order, arrange, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (compare No. 12 
above); elsewhere translated "to appoint" (Mat. 
xxviii. 16; Acts xxii. 10, xxviii. 23), " set " (Lk. vii. 
8), "determine" (Acts xv. 2), "addict" (1 Cor. xvi. 
15).— 20. Gr. tithemi (Jn. xv. 16; 1 Tim. ii. 7) = 
to set, put, place, lay, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; usually trans- 
lated "to put" (Mat. v. 15, &c), or "lay" (xxvii. 
60, &c), also " to make" (xxii. 44, &c), " appoint" 
(xxiv. 51 ; 2 Tim. i. 11, &c), &c. — 21. Gr. cheirotoneo 
(Acts xiv. 23) = to stretch out the hand, to hold up 
the hand, as in voting, hence to vole by holding up 
the hand, in N. T. to choose by vote, to appoint, Rbn. 
N. T. Lex.; also translated "to choose" (2 Cor. 

viii. 19). — 22. Gr. ginomai (Acts i. 22, A. V. " be 
ordained to be ") = to begin to be, to come into exist- 
ence, i. e. to arise, happen, become, or (in the aorist and 
perfect tenses) simply to be or exist, Rbn. N. T. Lex. 
This verb occurs about 700 times in the N. T., and 
is oftenest translated " to be done " (Mat. i. 22, vi. 
10, &c), "to come to pass" (vii. 28, ix. 10, &c), 
" to be come " (viii. 16, xiv. 23, &c), " to arise " 
(viii. 24, xiii. 21, &c), "to be" (v. 45, vi. 16, &c), 
"to be made" (iv. 3, xxiii. 15, &c), "to become" 
(xiii. 22, 32, &c). — 23. Gr. prographo = to write 
before, hence to announce, declare, set forth, prescribe, 
appoint, Rbn. IV. T. Lex. This verb occurs five times 
in N. T., viz. twice in Rom. xv. 4, A. V. " were written 
aforetime were written ; " Gal. iii. 1, A. V." hath been 
evidently set forth ; " Eph. iii. 3, A.V. " wrote afore ; " 
Jude 4, A. V. " who were before ordained." — 24. Gr. 
pro'ctoimazd (Eph. ii. 10, A. V. " hath before ordain- 
ed ") = to prepare beforehand, to appoint or ordain 
beforehand, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; elsewhere only in Rom. 

ix. 23, A.V.'" had afore prepared." — Three times also 
(2 Chr. xxiii. 18, xxix. 27 ; Rom. vii. 10) the word " or- 
dained " in the A. V. has no Hebrew or Greek rep- 
resentative, and is therefore printed in italics. — It 
will be seen from the above that " to ordain " is used 
as the representative of many different Hebrew and 
Greek terms, and usually in a general sense (= to 
order, constitute, appoint), without involving any tech- 
nical or ceremonial significance. Apostle ; Bishop ; 
Elder ; Law, &c. 

* Or'di-nance. Law ; Law of Moses. 

O'reb (Heb.), the raven or crow, the companion of 
Zeeb, the wolf. One of the chieftains of the Mid- 
ianite host which invaded Israel, and was defeated 
and driven back by Gideon. The title given to them 
(A. V. " princes ") distinguishes them from Zebah 
and Zalmunna, the other two chieftains, who are 
called " kings," and were evidently superior in rank 
to Oreb and Zeeb. They were killed not by Gideon 
himself, or the people under his immediate conduct, 
but by the men of Ephraim, who rose at his entreaty 
and intercepted the flying horde at the fords of the 



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Jordan. This was the second Act of this great 
Tragedy. It is but slightly touched upon in the 
narrative of Judges, but the terms in which Isaiah 
(x. 26) refers to it are such as to imply that it was 
a truly awful slaughter. He places it in the same 
rank with the two most tremendous disasters re- 
corded in the history of Israel — -the destruction of 
the Egyptians in the Red Sea, and of the army of 
Sennacherib (comp. Ps. lxxxiii.). The slaughter was 
concentrated round the rock at which Oreb fell, and 
which was long known by his name (Judg. vii. 25 ; 
Is. x. 26). 

O'reb (L.) = Horeb, i. e. Mount Horeb (2 Esd. 
ii. 33). Sinai. 

0'rt'b(Heb. raven, Ges.), the Rock. The " raven's 
crag," the spot, E. of Jordan, at which the Midianite 
chieftain Oreb, with thousands of his countrymen, 
fell by the hand of the Ephraimites, and which 
probably acquired its name therefrom (Judg. vii. 
25; Is. x. 26). Perhaps the place called 'Orbo, 
said in the Bereshith Kabba to have been in the 
neighborhood of Beth-shean, may have some con- 
nection with it. 

O'ren (Heb. pine, Ges.; "ash," A. V. ; strength, 
power, Fii.), a son of Jerahmeel the first-born of 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 25). 

Organ (Gen. iv. 21; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 31; Ps. 
cl. 4). The Hebrew word , ug&b or higg&b, thus 
rendered in our version, probably denotes a pipe or 
perforated wind-instrument, as the root of the word 
indicates. In Gen. iv. 21 it appears to be a general 
term for all wind-instruments. In Job xxi. 12 are 
enumerated the three kinds of musical instruments 
which are possible, under the general terms of the 
timbrel, harp, and organ. Our translators adopted 
" organ " from the Vulgate, which has uniformly 
organum, i. e. the double or multiple pipe. Accord- 
ing to the Jewish interpreters, the Chaldee, and 
Jerome, it was the bagpipe (so Winer). (Dulcimer. ) 
Joel Bril, Kitto, Prof. Lorimer (in Fairbairn), &c, 
identify it with the Pandean pipes, or syrinx, an in- 
strument of unquestionably ancient origin, and 
common in the East, consisting of a combination 
of reed-pipes of different lengths and thicknesses. 
Russell describes those he met with in Aleppo as 
having from five to twenty-three reeds. Music ; 
Musical Instruments. 

O-ri'on (Gr., a celebrated hunter in ancient heathen 
mythology, said to have been transported to heaven, 
where he gave name to a constellation). That the 
constellation known to the Hebrews by the name 
cesil (Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31 ; Am. v. 8) is the well- 
known equatorial constellation which the Greeks 
called Orion, and the Arabs " the giant," there 
seems little reason to doubt (so Mr. Wright, with 
Gesenius, Fiirst, and most ancient interpreters). 
The " giant " of Oriental astronomy was Nimrod, 
the mighty hunter, who was fabled to have been 
bound in the sky for his impiety. The two dogs 
and the hare, which are among the constellations 
in the neighborhood of Orion, made his train com- 
plete. There is possibly an allusion to this belief 
in "the bands of cesil" (Job xxxviii. 31). Some 
Jewish writers, the Rabbis Isaac Israel and Jonah 
among them, identified the Hebrew cesil with the 
Arabic sohail, by which was understood either Sirius 
(the dog-star) or Canopus (a star in the constellation 
Argo, 52£° S. lat.). Mr. E. S. Poole (after Aben 
Ezra) regards cesil as the constellation Scorpio (the 
Scorpion), or the bright star in it called Antares or 
Cor Scorpiotiis (the Scorpion's heart). Astronomy. 

Or'iia-nicnts, Pcr'son-al. The number, variety, 



and weight of the ornaments ordinarily worn upon 
the person form one of the characteristic features 
of Oriental costume, botli in ancient and modern 
times. The monuments of ancient Egypt exhibit 
the hands of ladies loaded with rings, car-rings of 
very great size, anklets, armlets, bracelets of the 
most varied character, richly ornamented necklaces, 
and chains of various kinds. There is sufficient 
evidence in the Bible that the inhabitants of Pales- 
tine were equally devoted to finery. Is. iii. 18-23 
supplies us with a detailed description of the ar- 
ticles with which the luxurious women of that day 
were decorated, and the picture is filled up by in- 
cidental notices in other places (lxi. 10; Jer. ii. 32 ; 
Hos. ii. 13; 1 Tim. ii. 9, 10, &c). The notices in 
the early books of the Bible, imply the weight and 
abundance of the ornaments worn at that period. 
Eliezer decorated Rebekah with " a golden nose-ring 
(A. V. " ear-ring ") of half a shekel weight, and two 
bracelets for her hands often shekels weight of gold " 
(Gen. xxiv. 22) ; and he afterward added " trinkets 
of silver and trinkets of gold " (A. V. " jewels," ver. 
53). Ear-rings were worn by Jacob's wives, appa- 
rently as charms, for they are mentioned in connec- 
tion with idols: — " They gave unto Jacob all the 
strange gods, which were in their hand, and their ear- 
rings which were in their ears " (xxxv. 4). The orna- 
ments worn by the patriarch Judah were a " signet," 
suspended by a string round the neck, and a " staff" 
(xxxviii. 18): thestaffitself was probably ornamented. 
The ring is first noticed when Joseph was made ruler 
of Egypt : " Pharaoh took off his signet-ring from his 
hand and put it upon Joseph's hand, and put a gold 
chain about his neck " (xli. 42), the latter being prob- 
ably a " simple gold chain in imitation of string, to 
which a stone scarabseus (a beetle, a sacred insect), 
set in the same precious metal, was appended" (Wil- 
kinson, ii. 339). The number of personal ornaments 
worn by the Egyptians, particularly by the females, is 
incidentally noticed in Ex. iii. 22 (compare xi. 2). 
The golden ear-rings worn by the " wives, sons, and 
daughters " of the Israelites furnished gold for the 
golden calf (xxxii. 2 ff.). Both men and women 
contributed for the work of the Tabernacle " brace- 
lets, and ear-rings, and rings, and tablets, all jewels 
of gold" (xxxv. 22). The profusion of these orna- 
ments was such as to supply sufficient gold for 
making the sacred utensils for the Tabernacle, while 
the laver of brass was constructed out of the brazen 
mirrors which the women carried about with them 
(Ex. xxxviii. 8). The Midianites appear to have been 
as prodigal as the Egyptians in the use of orna- 
ments (Num. xxxi. 50, 52 ; Judg. viii. 26). The 
poetical portions of the 0. T. contain numerous 
references to the ornaments worn by the Israelites 
in the time of their highest prosperity. The ap- 
pearance of the bride is thus described in Cant. i. 
10, 11 : — "Thy cheeks are comely with rows of jew- 
els (with beads, so Mr. Bevan ; with rows or strings 
of pearls, or beads of gold or silver, so Gesenius ; 
with rows of pearls, so Fiirst), thy neck with chains 
of gold (with perforated [pearls], so Mr. Bevan ; with 
strings of pearls, gems, corals, &c, or necklaces, so 
Gesenius, Fiirst) ; we will make thee borders (same 
Hebrew word as is translated above 'rows of jew- 
els' 1 in A. V. and 'beads' by Mr. Bevan) of gold 
with studs of silver." Her neck rising tall and 
stately " like the tower of David builded for an ar- 
mory," was decorated with various ornaments hang- 
ing like the "thousand bucklers, all shields of 
mighty men," on the walls of the armory (Cant. iv. 
4): her hair falling gracefully over her neck is de- 



ORN 



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773 



scribed figuratively as a " chain " (iv. 9) : and " the 
roundings " (not as in the A. V. " the joints ") of 
her thighs are likened to the pendant of an ear-ring, 
which tapers gradually downward (vii. 1). So again 
we read of the bridegroom : — " his eyes are . . . 
fitly set," as though they were gems filling the 
sockets of rings (v. 12): "his hands (are as) gold 
rings set with the beryl," i. e. the fingers when 
curved are like gold rings, and the nails dyed with 
henna resemble gems. Lastly, the yearning after 
close affection is expressed thus : — " Set me as a 
seal upon thine heart, as a seal upon thine arm " 
(viii. 6). Of the terms used in the Proverbs Mr. 
Bevan (after Gesenius) explains the " ornament " of 
the A. V. in i. 9, iv. 9, as more specifically a wreath 
or garland ; the " chains " of i. 9 as the drops of 
which the necklace was formed; the "jewel of gold 
in a swine's snout " of xi. 22 as a nose-ring ; the 
"jewel " of xx. 15 as a trinket, and the "ornament" 
of xxv. 12 as an ear-pendant. He also explains Is. 
iii. 18-23, already referred to, thus: — (18) "In that 
day the Lord will take away the bravery of their 
anklets and their lace caps, and their necklaces ; (19) 
th eear-pendants, and the bracelets, and the light veils ; 
(20) the turbans, and the step-chains, and the girdles, 
and the scent-bottles, and the amulets ; (21) the rings 
and the nose-rings; {22) the slate-dresses and the 
cloaks, and the shawls, and the purses ; (23) the mir- 
rors, and the fine linen shirts, and the turbans, and 
the light dresses." Amulets ; Anklet ; Armlet ; 
Bracelet ; Chain ; Crown ; Dress ; Ear-rings ; 
Girdle ; Gold ; Hair ; Handicraft ; Head-dress ; 
Mirror ; Nose-jewel ; Paint ; Pearl ; Ring ; Seal ; 
Signet ; Stones, Precious ; Tablets, &c. 

Or'nan (Heb. active, nimble, Ges. ; stronc/ one, hero, 
Fii.) = Araunah the Jebusite (1 Chr. xxi. 15, 18, 
20-25, 28 ; 2 Chr. iii. 1 ). 

Or'pah (Heb. mane, forelock, or (so Sim.) = Oph- 
rah, Ges.), a Moabite woman, wife of Chilion son 
of Naomi, and thereby sister-in-law to Ruth. On 
the death of their husbands Orpah accompanied her 
sister-in-law and her mother-in-law on the road 
toward Bethlehem. But her resolution failed her. 
At Naomi's suggestion, " Orpah kissed her mother- 
in-law," and went back " to her people and to her 
gods" (Ru. i. 4, 14). 

* Or'phan. Alms ; Child ; Heir ; Law of Moses ; 
Widow. 

Or-tho'si-as (Gr. straight, made straight, Walton's 
Polyglott ; rather, fr. Phenician = light of upright- 
ness or of wisdom, Wr.). Tryphon, when besieged 
by Antiochus Sidetes in Dora, fled by ship to Ortho- 
sias (1 Mc. xv. 37). Orthosia is described by Pliny 
(v. 17) as N. of Tripolis, and S. of the river Eleu- 
therus, near which it was situated (Str. xvi. p. 753). 
It was the northern boundary of Phenicia, 1,130 
stadia from the Orontes (id. p. 760). Shaw identi- 
fies the Eleutherus with the modern Nahr el-Bdrid, 
on the north bank of which, corresponding to the 
description of Strabo, he found " ruins of a con- 
siderable city, whose adjacent district pays yearly 
to the Pashas of Tripolis a tax of fifty dollars by 
the name of Or-tosa." Dr. Robinson also, who, with 
Mr. Porter, identifies the Eleutherus with the mod- 
ern Nahr el-Kebir, regards these ruins as the site of 
the ancient Orthosia. They are on the Mediterra- 
nean coast in N. lat. 34|° (Rbn. iii. 582). 

O-sai'as [-za'yas] (Gr.), a corruption of Jesiiaiah 
(1 Esd. viii. 48). 

O-se'a = Hoshea, king of Israel (2 Esd. xiii. 40). 

O-Sc'as = the Prophet Hosea (2 Esd. i. 39). 

* O-se'e (Gr.) = Hosea the prophet (Rom. ix. 25). 



O-she'a (fr. Heb.) = Hoshea, the original name 
of Joshua the son of Nun (Num. xiii. 8, 16). 

Os'pray, or Os'prey (Heb. ozniydh ; Gr. haliaielos ; 
L. hali&etus). The Hebrew word occurs only in 
Lev. xi. 13, and Deut. xiv. 12, as the name of some 
unclean bird which the law of Moses disallowed as 
food to the Israelites. The English " ospray " is a 
corruption of " ossifrage." The old versions and 
many commentators favor the A. V. interpretation. 
There is, however, some difficulty in identifying the 
halia>etus of Aristotle and Pliny, on account of some 
statements these writers make with respect to the 
habits of this bird. The general description they 
give would suit either the ospray (1'andiou Ualiae- 




Osprfly {Pandion Haltaetus). 



fees) or the white-tailed eagle {Hali&etus albicilla). 
But Pliny's description (x. 3) points to the ospray, 
which is a powerful bird of prey, often weighing 
five pounds, and is known as the fishing eagle, bald 
buzzard, fish-hawk, &c. The ospray often plunges 
entirely under the water in pursuit of fish. It be- 
longs to the Falconidw, or falcon family (genus Faho 
of Linnajus). It has a wide geographical range in 
Europe, North America, &c, and is occasionally 
seen in Egypt. 

Os'si-fragc (fr. L. = bone-breaker ; Heb. peres ; 
Gr. grups ; L. gryps). There is much to be said in 




Lammergeyer (Gypaetua barbalus) — " Ossifrage " of A. V. 



774 



OST 



OST 



favor of this translation of the A. V. The word 
occurs, as the name of an unclean bird, in Lev. xi. 
13, and Deut. xiv. 12. If much weight is to be al- 
lowed to etymology, the Heb. peres ( = breaker) may 
well be represented by the ossifrage, or bone-breaker 
( Oypa'ctus barbatus), known as the Lammergeyer, or 
bearded vulture, one of the largest of the birds of 
prey. This formidable bird attacks the wild goat, 
young deer, sheep, calves, &c. It is found in the 
highest mountains of Europe, Asia, and Africa, and is 
not uncommon in the East. The English word ossi- 
frage has been applied to some of the Faleonida or 
falcon family, as the young of the sea-ea<rle or white- 
tailed eagle, Haliaietus albicilla ; but the ossifraga 
of the Latins evidently points to the Lammergeyer, 
one of the Vidturidce or vulture family. Ospray. 

Os tricll. There can be no doubt (so Mr. Houghton) 
that the Hebrew words bath hayya'andh, yd'en, and 
r&n&n, denote this bird of the desert. — 1. Bath hay- 
ya'andh occurs in Lev. xi. 16 and Deut. xiv. 15, in the 
list of unclean birds ; also in Job xxx. 29 ; Is. xiii. 
21, xxxiv. 13, xliii. 20; Jer. 1. 39; Mic. i. 8. The 
A. V. erroneously renders the Hebrew expression, 
which signifies daughter of greediness or daughter 
of shouting, by " owl," or, as in the margin, by 
"daughter of owl." In Job xxx. 29, and in Is. 
xxxiv. 13, and xliii. 20, the margin of the A. V. cor- 
rectly reads "ostriches." Bochart considers that 
bath hayya'andh denotes the female ostrich only, 
and that tahm&s or tachmds, the following word in 
the Hebrew text, is to be restricted to the male 
bird. In all probability, however, this latter word 
is intended to signify a bird of another genus. 
(Night-hawk.) The loud crying of the ostrich 
seems to be referred to in Mic. i. 8. — 2. Yd'en oc- 
curs only in the plural, yS'enim, A. V. " ostriches," 
in Lam. iv. 3, where the context shows that the 
ostiich is intended. — 3. Rdndn. The plural ren&nim 
alone occurs in Job xxxix. 13 ; where, however, it is 
clear from the whole passage (ver. 13-18) that 
ostriches are intended by the word. The Hebrew 
of ver. 13 is: CPnaph-rindnim ne'eldsdh; im-ebrdh 
h'tsiddh (or chdsiddh) vcnotsdh ; the A. V. translates 
" Gavest thou the goodly wings unto the peacocks ? 
or wings and feathers unto the ostrich ? " in the 
margin, "or, (lie feathers of the stork and ostrich." 
Here rendnim appears to be translated " peacocks" 
(Peacock), while " ostrich " in the A. V. margin 
appears to answer to notsdh (elsewhere rendered 
" feathers "), and " ostrich " in the A.V. text seems 
to be the translation of hasiddh or chdsiddh (else- 
where translated " stork "). This verse has been 
translated more than twenty different ways, and the 
exact meaning is doubtful. Rosenmuller translates, 
" The wing of the ostrich exults : truly its wing 
and plumage is like the stork's." Gesenius (and 
with him Fiirst, in substance) renders, " The wing 
of the ostrich exults : but are her pinions and 
feathers pious ? " i. e. is she affectionate toward her 
young like the stork ? Mr. Barnes (on Job, 1. c.) 
would render, " A wing of exulting fowls moves 
joyfully ! Is it the wing and plumage of the pious 
bird ? " — The ostrich (Slruthio Camelus of natural- 
ists) is a native of Africa and of the Arabian and 
Syrian deserts. Ostriches are polygamous : the 
hans lay their eggs promiscuously in one nest, 
which is merely a hole scratched in the sand ; the 
eggs are then covered over to the depth of about a 
foot, and are, in the case of those birds which are 
found within the tropics, generally left for the 
greater part of the day to the heat of the sun, the 
parent-birds taking their turns at incubation during 



the night. But in those countries which have not 
a tropical sun, ostriches frequently incubate during 
the day, the male taking his turn at night, and 
watching over the eggs with great care and affection, 
as is evidenced by the fact that jackals and other of 
the smaller carnivorous quadrupeds are occasionally 
found dead near the nest, having been killed by the 




ostrich in defence of the eggs or young. The habit 
of the ostrich leaving its eggs to be matured by the 
sun's heat is usually appealed to in order to con- 
firm the Scriptural account, " she leaveth her eggs 
to the earth ; " but this is probably the case only 
with the tropical birds. And even if the Hebrews 
were acquainted with the habits of the tropical 
ostriches, how can it be said that " she forgetteth 
that the foot may crush " the eggs, when they are 
covered a foot deep or more in sand ? Mr. Hough- 
ton believes the true explanation of this passage to 
be found in the fact that the ostrich deposits some 
of her eggs not in the nest, but around it ; these 
lie about on the surface of the sand, to all appear- 
ance forsaken ; they are, however, designed for the 
nourishment of the young birds. Dr. Shaw (Travels 
in Barbary) states that " upon the least distant noise 
or trivial occasion, she forsakes her eggs or her 
young ones, to which, perhaps, she never returns ; 
or, if she does, it may be too late, either to restore 
life to the one, or to preserve the life of the others. 
.... The Arabs meet sometimes with whole nests 
of these eggs undisturbed, some of which are sweet 
and good, others addled and corrupted ; others 
again have their young ones of different growths 
according to the time, it may be presumed, they 
have been forsaken by the dam. They oftener meet 
a few of the little ones, no bigger than well-grown 
pullets, half-starved, straggling and moaning about, 
like so many distressed orphans, for their mother." 
The Arabs have a proverb, " Stupid as an ostrich." 
But travellers have frequently testified to its sa- 
gacity. "So wary is the bird," says Mr. Tristram, 
" and so open are the vast plains over which it 
roams, that no ambuscades or artifices can be em- 
ployed, and the vulgar resource of dogged perse- 
verance is the only mode of pursuit." The ostrich 
lives on vegetable food, especially seeds and grain ; 
but it swallows greedily stones, iron, copper, glass, 
wood, hair, leather, &c, and its undiscriminating 



OTH 



OWL 



775 



voracity not unfrequently causes its death. In this 
respect it may be regarded as " stupid." The 
ostrich makes a doleful and hideous noise, which 
sometimes closely resembles the roar of a lion. 
The ostrich is the largest of all known birds, and 
perhaps the swiftest of all cursorial animals. It 
attains a height of from 1 to 11 feet. Its speed 
has been calculated by Dr. Livingstone at 26 
miles an hour. Its pace, ordinarily from 20 to 
26 inches, becomes, when terrified, 11^ to 13, or 
even 14 feet in length. Its strength is enormous. 
Its wings, useless for flight, are extended when the 
bird is pursued, and act then as sails before the 
wind. The feathers so much prized are the long 
white plumes of the wings. The best come to us 
from Barbary and the W. coast of Africa. Beast 
5 ; Ochim. 

Otli'ni (Heb. lion of Jehovah, Ges.), a Levite, son 
of Shemaiah, the first-born of Obed-edom (1 Chr. 
xxvi. '7). 

Oth'ni-el (Heb. lion of God), son of Kenaz, and 
younger brother of Caleb 1 (Josh, xv IV; Judg. i. 
13, iii. 9; 1 Chr. iv. 13). But these passages all 
leave it doubtful whether Kenaz was his father, or, 
as is more probable, the more remote ancestor and 
head of the tribe, whose descendants were called 
Kenezites (Num. xxxii. 12, &c), or sous of Kenaz. 
If Jephunneh was Caleb's father, then, probably, 
he was father of Othniel also. The first mention 
of Othniel is on occasion of the taking of Kirjath- 
sepher, or Debir. Debir was included in the moun- 
tainous territory near Hebron, in Judah, assigned 
to Caleb the Kenezite (Josh. xiv. 12, 14); and to 
stimulate the valor of the assailants, Caleb prom- 
ised to give his daughter Achsah to whosoever 
should assault and take the city. Othniel won the 
prize. The next mention of him is in Judg. iii. 9, 
as the first judge of Israel after the death of Joshua, 
and their deliverer from the oppression of Chushan- 
rishathaim. This, with his genealogy (1 Chr. iv. 
13, 14), which assigns him a son, Hathath, is all 
that we know of Othniel. But two questions of 
some interest arise concerning him ; the one his 
exact relationship to Caleb, the other the time and 
duration of his judgeship. — (1.) As regards his re- 
lationship to Caleb, the doubt arises from the un- 
certainty whether the words in Judg. iii. 9, " Oth- 
niel the son of Kenaz, Caleb's younger brother," 
indicate that Othniel himself, or that Kenaz, was the 
brother of Caleb. The most natural rendering 
makes Othniel to be Caleb's brother (so Lord A. C. 
Hervey, with the Vulgate, Kitto, Winer, Bosen- 
miiller, Keil, &c). But Bush, Fairbairn, Ayre, &c, 
with the LXX., regard Othniel as nephew of Caleb. 
— (2.) And this leads to the second question sug- 
gested above, viz. the time of Othniel's judgeship. 
Supposing Caleb to be about the same age as 
Joshua, we should have to reckon about 25 years 
from Othniel's marriage with Achsah till the death 
of Joshua at the age of 110 years (85 + 25 = 110). 
And if we take Africanus's allowance of 30 years 
for the elders after Joshua, in whose lifetime " the 
people served the Lord " (Judg. ii. *7), and then allow 
8 years for Chushan-rishathaim's dominion, and 40 
years of rest under Othniel's judgeship, and sup- 
pose Othniel to have been 40 years old at his mar- 
riage, we obtain (40 + 25 + 30 + 8 + 40=) 143 years 
as Othniel's age at his death. This, we are quite 
sure, cannot be right. Nor does any escape from 
the difficulty very readily offer itself. If we judge 
only by ordinary probabilities, we shall suppose 
Othniel to have survived Joshua not more than 20, 



or at the outside, 30 years (so Lord A. C. Hervey, 
original author of this article). The chronological 
difficulties are, however, mitigated essentially by 
the view that Othniel was Caleb's nephew. Judge ; 
Judges. 

Oth-o-ni'as (Gr.) = Mattaniaii in Ezr. x. 21 (1 
Esd. ix. 28). 

OVCU [uv'n] (Heb. tannur ; Gr. klibanos). The 
Eastern oven is of two kinds — fixed and portable. 
The former is found only in towns, where regular 
bakers are employed (Hos. vii. 4). The latter is 
adapted to the nomad state, and is the article gen- 
erally intended by the Hebrew tannur. It consists 
of a large jar made of clay, about three feet high, 
and widening toward the bottom, with a hole for 
the extraction of the ashes. Each household pos- 
sessed such an article (Ex. viii. 3) ; and it was only 
in times of extreme dearth that the same oven suf- 
ficed for several families (Lev. xxvi. 26). It was 
heated with dry twigs and "grass" (Mat. vi. 30), 
or wood (1 K. xvii. 12; Is. xliv. 15; Jer. vii. 18), 
sometimes with dung ; and the loaves were placed 
both inside and outside of it. Bread; Coal; Firk; 
Furnace ; Handicraft ; Hearth ; House. 

Owl, the representative in the A. V. of — 1. Heb. 
bath hayya'ctn&h. (Ostrich.) — 2. Heb. yanshuph, or 
yanshoph, the name of some unclean bird in Lev. 
xi. 17 and Deut. xiv. 16, mentioned also in Is. xxxiv. 
11 as one of the birds of desolate Edom. TheA.V. 
translates yanshuph by " owl " or " great owl." 
The Chaldee and Syriac (with Bochart) liivor some 
kind of owl ; and perhaps the etymology of the 




Egyptian Ibis {Ibia religiosa). 



word points to a nocturnal bird. The LXX. and 
Vulgate read ibis, i. e. the Ibis religiosa, the sacred 
bird of Egypt. On the whole, the evidence is in- 
conclusive, though it is in favor of the Ibis religiosa, 
and probably the other Egyptian species (Ibis falci- 
nellus) may be included under the term. The ibis 
is an aquatic bird allied to the curlews. — 3. Heb. 
cost, an unclean bird (Lev. xi. 17 ; Deut, xiv. 16; Ps. 
cii. 6). There is good reason for believing that the 
A.V. is correct in its rendering of " owl " or " little 
owl." Most of the old versions and paraphrases 
favor some species of " owl " as the proper trans- 
lation of eos ; Bochart is inclined to think that we 
should understand the pelican. But the ancient 
versions are against this theory. The passage in 
Ps. cii. 6 points decidedly to some kind of owl (so 
Mr. Houghton). The LXX. translate the Hebrew 



776 



OWL 



OX 



by nuklikorax, which doubtless = the different spe- 
cies of horned owl, known in Egypt and Palestine. 
The Olus Ascalaphus, here figured, abounds in the 




Eaglc-Owl of Palestine (Olus Axafaphia). 



ruins of Thebes, &c. ; it is the great owl of all 
Eastern ruins, and the Egyptian and Asiatic repre- 
sentative of the great horned owl of England (Bubo 
m'tximus). An allied species, the long-eared owl 
( Otux vulgaris), is the most abundant of the owls 
in Southern Europe and the Levant (so Gosse, in 
Fairbairn). — 4. Heb. kippoz, only in Is. xxxiv. 15 : 
" There (i. e. in Edom) shall the kippoz (A. V. 
'great owl') make her nest, and lay, and hatch, 
and gather under her shadow." It is a hopeless 
affair to attempt to identify the animal denoted by 
this word ; the LXX. and Vulgate give " hedge- 
hog." We cannot think, with Bochart, Gesenius, 
Fiirst, Rosenmiiller, &c, that a darting serpent is 




intended, for the whole context (Is. xxxiv. 15) seems 
to point to some bird. We are content to believe 
that kippoz may denote some species of owl, and 
to retain the reading of the A. V. till other evi- 
dence be forthcoming (so Mr. Houghton, Mr. Gosse, 
in Fairbairn, &c.). The cut represents the Athene 
rncridionaJis, the commonest owl in Palestine. — 5. 
Heb. lililh. The A. V. renders this word by " screech 



owl " in the text of Is. xxxiv. 14, and by " night- 
monster " in the margin. Most modern interpreters 
(so Dr. W. L. Alexander, in Kitto) adopt the ren- 
dering " screech-owl." According to the Rabbins 
the With was a nocturnal spectre in the form of a 
beautiful woman that carried off children at night 
and destroyed them. With the lUith may be com- 
pared the ghule of the Arabian fables. The old 
versions support the opinion of Bochart that a 
spectre is intended. If, however, some animal be 
denoted by the Hebrew term, the screech-owl (Strix 
fiammea) may well be supposed to represent it, for 
this bird is found in the Bible lands, and is, as is 
well known, a frequent inhabiter of ruined places 
(so Mr. Houghton). Night-hawk ; Ochim. 

Ox (Gr.), an ancestor of Judith (Jd. viii. 1). 

Ox, the representative in the A. V. of several 
Hebrew words, the most important of which have 
been already noticed. (Bull.) It may be added 
that the Heb. a/Juph( — an ox, bullock, as tamed and 
accustomed to the yoke, Ges.) is translated " ox " 
in Jer. xi. 19, and Ps. cxliv. 14 ; the kindred Heb. 
eleph(= an ox, cow, as tame and wonted to the yoke, 
Ges. ; Alkph) is used only in the plural to denote 
"oxen " (Ps. viii. 7 [8 Heb.] ; Prov. xiv. 4 ; Is. xxx. 
24) and " kine," i. e. cows (Deut. vii. 13, xxviii. 4, 
18, 51) ; the plural of the Gr. tauros is twice trans- 
lated " oxen " in the N. T. (Mat. xxii. 4 ; Acts xiv. 
13); and the Gr. botts (= an ox or cow, a male or 
female of the ox kind, Rbn. iV. T. Lex., L. & S.) is 
uniformly translated "ox" and "oxen" (Lk. xiii. 
15, xiv. 5, 19, &c). — We propose in this article to 
give a general review of what relates to the ox tribe 
(Bovidw), so far as the subject has a Biblical interest. 
It will be convenient to consider (1.) the ox in an 
economic point of view, and (2.) its natural history. 
— (1.) There was no animal in the rural economy 
of the Israelites, or indeed in that of the ancient 
Orientals generally, that was held in higher esteem 
than the ox ; and deservedly so, for the ox was (he 
animal upon whose patient labors depended all the 
ordinary operations of farming. Oxen were used 
for ploughing (Deut. xxii. 10 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 14, &c.) ; 
for treading out " corn " (Deut. xxv. 4 ; Hos. x. 11, 
&c.) ; for draught purposes, when they were gen- 
erally yoked in pairs (Num. vii. 3 ; 1 Sam. vi. 7, 
&c); as beasts of burden (1 Chr. xii. 40); their 
flesh was eaten (Deut. xiv. 4 ; 1 K. i. 9, &c. ; Food); 
they were used in the sacrifices (Sacrifice) ; they 
supplied milk, butter, &c. (Deut. xxxii. 14 ; Is. vii. 
22 ; 2 Sam. xvii. 29). (Herd.) Connected with the 
importance of oxen in the rural economy of the 
Jews is the strict code of laws which was mercifully 
enacted by God for their protection and preserva- 
tion. The ox that threshed the corn was by no 
means to be muzzled (Deut. xxv. 4 ; 1 Cor. ix. 9 ff. ; 
1 Tim. v. 18; Agriculture); he was to enjoy rest 
on the Sabbath as well as his master (Ex. xxiii. 12; 
Deut. v. 14). The law which prohibited the slaugh- 
ter of any "clean " animal, excepting as "an offer- 
ing unto the Lord before the Tabernacle," during 
the time that the Israelites abode in the wilderness 
(Lev. xvii. 1-6), no doubt contributed to the preser- 
vation of their oxen and sheep. It seems clear 
from Prov. xv. 17, and 1 K. iv. 23, that cattle were 
sometimes stall-fed (Barn ; Food ; Manger), though 
as a general rule it is probable that they fed in the 
plains or on the hills of Palestine. The cattle that 
grazed at large in the open country would no doubt 
often become fierce and wild, for it is to be remem- 
bered that in primitive times the lion and other 
wild beasts of prey roamed about Palestine. Hence 



OXG 

the force of the Psalmist's complaint of his enemies 
(Ps. xxii. 13). — (2.) The monuments of Egypt ex- 
hibit representations of a long-horned breed of 
oxen, a short-horned, a polled, and what appears to 
be a variety of the zebu (Bos Indicus, Linn.). Some 
have identified this latter with the Bos Dante (the 
Bos elegans el parvus Africanus of Belon). The 
Abyssinian breed is depicted on the monuments at 
Thebes drawing a car or cart. The drawings on 
Egyptian monuments show that the cattle of ancient 
Egypt were fine, handsome animals (see cuts under 
Agriculture) ; doubtless these may be taken as a 
sample of the cattle of Palestine in ancient times. 
There are now fine cattle in Egypt ; but the Pales- 
tine cattle appear to have deteriorated, in size at 
least, since Biblical times. " Herds of cattle," says 
Schubert, " are seldom to be seen ; the bullock of 
the neighborhood of Jerusalem is small and insig- 
nificant; beef and veal are but rare dainties." The 
buffalo (Bubalus Buffalus) is not uncommon in Pal- 
estine; the Arabs call it jdmvs. 
Ox-goad. Goad. 

O'zeni (fr. Heb. = strength, power, Fii., Ges.). 1. 
Sixth son of Jesse, the next eldest above David (1 
Chr. ii. 15). — 2. Son of Jerahmeel (ii. 25). 

O-zi'as (Gr. = Uzzlah, LXX., Ges., &c). 1. Son 
of Micha of the tribe of Simeon, one of the " gov- 
ernors " of Bethulia, in the history of Judith ( Jd. 
vi. 15, vii. 23, viiL 10, 28, 35).— 2. Uzzi, ancestor of 
Ezra (2 Esd. ii. 2). — 3. Uzziah, king of Judah (Mat. 
i. 8, 9). 

O'zi-el (Gr. = Uzziel), an ancestor of Judith ( Jd. 
viii. 1). 

(Iz'ni (Heb. furnislied with ears, attentive, Ges. ; 
hearing by Jah, Fii.), a son of Gad (Num. xxvi. 16), 
and founder of the family of the Oznites. Ezbon. 

Oz'nites = descendants of Ozni (Num. xxvi. 16). 

O-zo'ra. "Nathan, and Adaiah, Machnodebai," 
in Ezr. x. 39, 40, is corrupted into " Nathanias ; and 
of the sons of Ozora" (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

P 

Pa'a-rai (Heb. opening, Cruden, Ges.). In 2 Sam. 
xxiii. 35, "Paarai the Arbite" is one of David's 
mighty men. In 1 Chr. xi. 37, he is called " Naarai 
the son of Ezbai," and this, in Kennieott's opinion, 
is the true reading. 

Pa'dan (Heb. paddan — a plain, low region, Ges. ; 
see below) = Padan-aram (Gen. xlviii. 7). 

Pa'dan-a'ram (Heb. ; see above and below). By 
this name, more properly Paddan-aram\ — the table- 
land of Aram), according to Fiirst and Gesenius, 
the Hebrews designated the tract of country which 
they otherwise called Aram-naharaim (= Aram of 
the two rivers), the Greek Mesopotamia (Gen. xxiv. 
10), and "the field (A. V. 'country') of Aram " 
(A. V. " Syria," Hos. xii. 13 [A. V. 12]). The 
term was perhaps more especially applied to that 
portion which bordered on the Euphrates, to dis- 
tinguish it from the mountainous districts in the 
N. and N. E. of Mesopotamia. Gesenius makes 
radan-aram = " Mesopotamia with the desert on 
the W. of the Euphrates ; opposed to the mountain- 
ous region along the Mediterranean." Dr. Beke 
would identify Padan-aram with the tract between 
the Abana and the Pharpar, in the region of Damas- 
cus ; but his view has not found much favor among 
Biblical scholars. (Haran.) If the derivation from 
Ax. fadda, to plough, be correct, Padan-aram is the 
arable land of Syria ; " either an upland vale in the 



pai 777 

hills, or a fertile district immediately at their feet" 
(Stl. p. 128, n.). Padan-aram plays an important 
part in the early history of the Hebrews. The fam- 
ily of their founder had settled there, and were long 
looked upon as those with whom alone the legitimate 
descendants of Abraham might intermarry. (Isaac ; 
Jacob.) It is elsewhere called Padan simply (Gen. 
xlviii. 7). 

Pa'don (Heb. deliverance, Ges.), ancestor of a fam- 
ily of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 44 ; Neh. vii. 47). 

Pa'gi-el (Heb. event of God, Ges.), son of Ocran, 
and chief of Asher at the Exodus (Num. i. 13, ii. 27, 
vii. 72, 77, x. 26). 

Pa'liath-ino'ab (Heb. governor of Moab), head of 
one of the chief houses of the tribe of Judah. Of 
the individual, or the occasion of his receiving so 
singular a name, nothing is known certainly. But 
as we read in 1 Chr. iv. 22, of a family of Shilonites, 
of the tribe of Judah, who in very early times "had 
dominion in Moab," it may be conjectured that this 
was the origin of the name (so Lord A. C. Hervey, 
original author of this article). It is perhaps a slight 
corroboration of this conjecture that as we find in 
Ezr. ii. 6, that the sons of Pahath-moab had among 
their number " children of Joab," so also in 1 Chr. 
iv. we find these families who had dominion in Moab 
very much mixed with the sons of Caleb, among 
whom, in 1 Chr. ii. 54, iv. 14, we find the house of 
Joab. However, as regards the name Pahath-moab, 
this early and obscure connection of the families of 
Shelah the son of Judah with Moab seems to supply 
a not improbable origin for the name itself, and to 
throw some glimmering upon the association of the 
children of Joshua and Joab with the sons of Pa- 
hath-moab. That this family was of high rank in 
the tribe of Judah we learn from their appearing 
fourth in order in the two lists (Ezr. ii. 6 ; Neh. vii. 
11), and from their chief having signed second, 
among the lay princes, in Neh. x. 14. It was also 
the most numerous (2,818) of all the families speci- 
fied, except the Benjamite house of Senaah (Neh. 
vii. 38). The chief in Nehemiah's time was Hashub, 
who repaired two portions of the wall of Jerusalem 
(iii. 11, 23). Two hundred of its males accompanied 
Elihoenai in Ezra's caravan (Ezr. viii. 4), and eight 
" sons of Pahath-moab " are named as having taken 
strange wives (x. 30). 

Pa i (Heb.) = Pau (1 Chr. i. 50). 

Paint (as a cosmetic). The use of cosmetic dyes 
has prevailed in all ages in Eastern countries. We 
have abundant evidence of the practice of painting 
the eyes both in ancient Egypt (Wilkinson, ii. 342) 
and in Assyria (Layard's Nineveh, ii. 328) ; and in 
modern times no usage is more general. It docs 
not appear, however, to have been by any means 
universal among the Hebrews. The notices of it are 
few ; and in each instance it seems to have been 
used as a meretricious art, unworthy of a woman of 
high character. Thus Jezebel "put her eyes in 
painting" (2 K. ix. 30, margin) ; Jeremiah says of 
the harlot city, " Though thou rentest thy eyes with 
painting" (Jer. iv. 30); and Ezekiel again makes 
it a characteristic of a harlot (Ez. xxiii. 40). The 
expressions used in these passages are worthy of 
observation, as referring to the mode in which the 
process was effected. It is thus described by Chan- 
dler ( Travels, ii. 140): "A girl, closing one of her 
eyes, took the two lashes between the forefinger and 
thumb of the left hand, pulled them forward, and 
then thrusting in at the external corner a bodkin 
which had been immersed in the soot, and extract- 



778 



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ing it again, the particles before adhering to it re- 
mained within, and were presently ranged round the 
organ." The eyes were thus literally " put in paint," 
and were " rent" open in the process. A broad line 
was also drawn round the eye, as represented in the 
accompanying cut. The effect was an apparent en- 



" Eye ornamented with Kohi, as represented in ancient 
paintinga" (Lane, p. 37, new ed.). 

lirgementof the eye; and the expression in Jer. 
iv. 30 has been by some understood in this sense. 
The term used for the application of the dye was 
cAhal or cdchal, to smear, and Rabbinical writers 
described the paint itself under a cognate term. 
These words still survive in kohl, the modern Orien- 
tal name for the powder used. The Bible gives no 
indication of the substanc* out of which the dye 
was formed. The old versions (the LXX., Chaldee, 
Syriac, &c.) agree in pronouncing the dye to have 
been produced from antimony. Antimony is still 
used for the purpose in Arabia and Persia, but in 
Egypt the kohl is a soot produced by burning either 
a kind of frankincense or the shells of almonds. 
The dye-stuff was moistened with oil, and kept in a 
small jar, which we may infer to have been made of 
horn, from the proper name Keren-happuch = horn 
for paint (Job xlii. 14). The probe with which it 
was applied was made of wood, silver, or ivory, and 
had a blunted point. Whether the custom of stain- 
ing the hands and feet, particularly the nails, now 
so prevalent in the East, was known to the Hebrews, 
is doubtful. The plant, henna, which is used for that 
purpose, was certainly known (Cant. i. 14; A. V. 
"camphire"), and the expressions in Cant. v. 14 
may possibly refer to the custom. Ceiling ; Col- 
ors ; Handicraft ; House ; Idol ; Idolatry ; Pic- 
ture. 

Pal ace. There are few tasks more difficult than 
to restore an ancient building of which we possess 
nothing but two verbal descriptions ; and these dif- 
ficulties are very much enhanced when one account 
is written in Hebrew, the scientific terms in which 
are, from our ignorance, capable of the widest lati- 
tude of interpretation; and the other, though writ- 
ten in a language of which we have a more definite 
knowledge, was composed by a person who never 
could have seen the buildings he was describing. 
The site of the Palace of Solomon was almost cer- 
tainly in the city itself, on the brow opposite to the 
Temple, and overlooking it. It is impossible, of 
course, to be at all certain what was either the form 
or the exact disposition of such a palace, but as we 
have the dimensions of the three principal buildings 
given in the book of Kings, and confirmed by Jo- 
sephus, we may, by taking these as a scale, ascer-. 
tain pretty nearly that the building covered some- 
where about 150,000 or 160,000 square feet 
AVhether it was a square of 400 feet each w T ay, or 
an oblong of about 550 feet by 300, as represented 
in the annexed diagram, must always be more or 
less a matter of conjecture (so Mr. Fergusson, ori- 
ginal author of this article). The form here adopted 
seems to suit better not only the exigencies of the 
site, but the known disposition of the parts. — The 
principal building situated within the Palace was, 
as in all Eastern palaces, the great hall of state and 
audience, here called the " House of the Forest of 
Lebanon." Its dimensions were 100 cubits, or 150 
feet long, by half that, or 75 feet in width. Accord- 



ing to 1 K. vii. 2 it had " four rows of cedar pillars 
with cedar beams upon the pillars ; " but it is added 
in the next verse that " it was covered with cedar 
above the beams that lay on forty-five pillars, fif- 
teen in a row." This would be easily explicable if 
the description stopped there, and so Josephus took 
it. He evidently considered the hall, as he after- 
ward described the Stoa basilica or Royal Porch of 
the Temple, as consisting of four rows of columns, 
three standing free, but the fourth built into the 
outer wall (Jos. xi. 5); and his expression that 
the ceiling of the palace-hall was in the Corin- 
thian manner (vii. 5, § 2) does not mean that it 
was of that order, which was not then invented, 
but after the fashion of what was called in his 
day a Corinthian cecus, viz. a hall with a clere- 
story. If we, like Josephus, are contented with 
these indications, the section of the hall was cer- 
tainly as shown in fig. 2, A (p. 780). But the Bi- 
ble goes on to say (ver. 4) that " there were win- 
dows in three rows, and light was against light in 
three ranks," and in the next verse it repeats, " and 
light was against light in three ranks." Josephus 
escapes the difficulty by saying it was lighted by 
windows in three divisions, which might be taken 
as an extremely probable description if the Bible 
were not so very specific regarding it ; and we must 
therefore adopt some such arrangement as that 
shown in fig. 2, B. On the whole it appears probable 
that this is the one nearest the truth, as it admits 
of a clerestory, to which Josephus evidently refers, 
and shows the three rows of columns which the 
Bible description requires. Besides the clerestory 
there was probably a range of openings under the 
cornice of the walls, and then a range of open 
doorways, which would thus make the three open- 
ings required by the Bible description. Another 
difficulty in attempting to restore this hall arises 
from the number of pillars being uneven (" 15 
in a row ") ; and if we adopt the last theory (fig. 2, B), 
we have a row of columns in the centre both ways. 
The probability is that it was closed, as shown in 
the plan, by a wall at one end, which would give 15 
spaces to the 15 pillars, and so provide a central 
space in the longer dimension of the hall in which 
the throne might have been placed. If the first 
theory be adopted, the throne may have stood either 
at the end, or in the centre of the longer side ; but, 
judging from what we know of the arrangement 
of Eastern palaces, we may be almost certain that 
the latter is the correct position. — Next in impor- 
tance to the building just described is the hall or 
porch of judgment (1 K. vii. 7), which Josephus 
distinctly tells us (Jos. vii. 5, § 1) was situated op- 
posite to the centre of the longer side of the great 
hall. Its dimensions were 50 cubits, or 75 feet 
square (Josephus says 30 in one direction at least), 
and its disposition can easily be understood by com- 
paring the descriptions we have with the remains 
of the Assyrian and Persian examples. It must 
have been supported by four pillars in the centre, 
and had three entrances : the principal opening 
from the street and facing the judgment-seat ; a 
second from the court-yard of the Palace, by which 
the councillors and officers of state might come in ; 
and a third from the Palace, reserved for the king 
and his household, as shown in the plan. — The third 
edifice is merely called " the Porch." Its dimen- 
sions were 50 by 30 cubits, or 75 feet by 45. Jose- 
phus does not describe its architecture ; and we are 
unable to understand the description contained in 
the Bible, owing apparently to our ignorance of 



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the synonyms of the Hebrew architectural terms. 
Its use, however, cannot be considered as doubtful, 
as it was an indispensable adjunct to an Eastern 
palace. It was the ordinary place of business of 
the palace, and the reception-room where the king 




SCALI-: Ol c FIIC 



Fig. 1. Diagram Plan of Solomon's Palace, by J. Fergi;eson Esq. 

received ordinary visitors, and sat, except on great 
state occasions, to transact the business of the king- 
dom. Behind this, we are told, was the inner court, 
adorned with gardens and fountains, and surrounded 
by cloisters for shade ; and besides this were other 
courts for the residence of the attendants and 
guards, and in Solomon's case, for the three hun- 
dred women of his harem : all of which are shown 
in the plan with more clearness than can be con- 
veyed by a verbal description. — Apart from this 
palace, but attached, as Josephus tells us, to the 
Hall of Judgment, was the palace of Pharaoh's 
daughter — too proud and important a personage to 



be grouped with the ladies of the harem, and re- 
quiring a residence of her own. — There is still an- 
other building mentioned by Josephus, as a tem- 
ple, supported by massive columns, and situated 
opposite the Hall of Judgment. It may thus have 
been outside, in front of the 
palace in the city ; but more 
probably was, as shown in the 
plan, in the centre of the 
great court. It could not 
have been a temple in the 
ordinary acceptation of the 
term, as the Jews had only 
one temple, and that was sit- 
uated on the other side of the 
valley ; but it may have been 
an altar covered by a balda- 
chin or canopy ; and so it has 
been represented in the plan 
(fig. 1). If the site and dispo- 
sition of the Palace were as 
above indicated, it would re- 
quire two great portals : one 
leading from the city to the 
great court, shown at M (fig. 
1) ; the other to the Temple 
and the king's garden at N. 
This last was probably situ- 
ated where the bridge after- 
ward joined the Temple to the 
city and palace. — The recent 
discoveries at Nineveh have 
enabled us to understand many 
of the architectural details of 
this palace, which were before 
almost wholly inexplicable. We 
are told, e. g., that the walls 
of the halls of the palace were 
wainscotted with three tiers of 
stone, apparently versicolored 
marbles, hewn and polished, 
and surmounted by a fourth 
course, elaborately carved with 
representations of leafage and 
flowers. Above this the walls 
were plastered and ornament- 
ed with colored arabesques. 
At Nineveh the walls were, 
like these, wainscotted to a 
height of about eight feet, 
but with alabaster, a peculiar 
product of the coun+ry, and 
these were separated from the 
painted space above by an ar- 
chitectural band ; the real dif- 
ference being that the Assy- 
rians revelled in sculptural rep- 
resentations of men and ani- 
mals. These modes of deco- 
ration were forbidden to the Jews by the second com- 
mandment. Some difference may also be due to the 
fact that the soft alabaster, though admirably suited 
to bassi-relievi, was not suited for sharp deeply-cut 
foliage sculpture, like that described by Josephus; 
while, at the same time, the hard material used by 
the Jews might induce them to limit their ornamen- 
tation to one band only. It is probable, however, 
that a considerable amount of color was used in the 
decoration of these palaces (Jer. xxii. 14). It may 
also be added that in the East all buildings, with 
scarcely an exception, are adorned with color inter- 
nally, generally the three primitive colors used in 



780 



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all their intensity, but so balanced as to produce 
the most harmonious results. Architecture ; Ceil- 



ing ; Governor ; High-priest ; House ; King ; Pre- 
torium ; Shushan. 




A. B 

Fig. 2. Diagram Sections of the House of Forest of Lebanon, by J. Fcrgusson, Esq. 



Pa'lal (Heb. judge, Ges.), son of Uzui ; assisted 
in restoring the walls of Jerusalem in Nehemiah's 
time (Neh. iii. 25). 

Pal-es-ti na and Pal'es-tlne [i as in vine] (L. P<d- 
(pstina, Palestine ; Gr. Palaisline ; all from He- 
brew, see below). These two forms occur in the 
A. V. but four times in all, always in poetical pas- 
sages ; the first in Ex. xv. 14, and Is. xiv. 29, 31 ; 
the second, Joel iii. 4. In each case the Hebrew is 
Pelesheth (= land of strangers or sojourners, Ges., 
a word found, besides the above, only in Ps. lx. 
8, lxxxiii. 7, lxxxvii. 4, and cviii. 9, in all which 
our translators have rendered it by " Philistia " or 
"Philistines." Palestine, in the A. V., really means 
nothing but Philistia. The original Hebrew word 
Pelesheth to the Hebrews signified merely the long 
and broad strip of maritime plain inhabited by 
their encroaching neighbors ; nor does it appear 
that at first it signified more to the Greeks. As lying 
next the sea, and as being also the high-road from 
Egypt to Phenicia and the richer regions N. of it, 
the Philistine plain became sooner known to the 
western world than the country further inland, and 
was called by them Syria Patozslina = Philistine 
Syria, From thence it was gradually extended to 
the country further inland, till in the Roman and 
later Greek authors, both heathen and Christian, it 
became the usual appellation for the whole coun- 
try of the Jews, both W. and E. of Jordan. The 
word is now so commonly employed in our more 
familiar language to designate the whole country 
of Israel, that, although biblically a misnomer, it 
lias been chosen here as the most convenient head- 
ing under which to give a general description of the 
Holy Land, embracing those points which have not 
been treated under the separate headings of cities 
or tribes. This description will most conveniently 
divide itself into two parts : — I. The Names applied 
to the country of Israel in the Bible and elsewhere. 
II. The Land : its situation, aspect, climate, physi- 
cal characteristics, in connection with its history : 
its structure, botany, and natural history. Hie His- 
tory of the country is so fully given under its various 
headings throughout the work, that it is unneces- 
sary to recapitulate it here. (Chronology ; He- 
brew ; Israel, Kingdom of ; Jerusalem ; Judah, 
Kingdom of ; Judge ; Maccabees, &c.) It may, 
however, here be stated that Palestine, now under 
the Turkish government, forms part of two great 
pashalies — (1.) Sidon (sometimes called Beirut, the 
pasha's official residence being at this place), em- 
bracing the whole of W. Palestine, and including 
the sub-pashalics of , Akka and Jerusalem ; (2.) 
Damascus, embracing all E. of the Jordan. The 
population of Palestine W. of Jordan is estimated 



by Porter (in Kitto) at 724,000, and of the part E. 
of Jordan at 100,000 ; of these about 80,000 are 
Christians (Maronites, Greeks, Armenians, &c), 
12,000 Jews, and the rest Mohammedans, Druzes, 
&c. — I. The Names. Palestine, then, is designated 
in the Bible by more than one name : — 1. During 
the Patriarchal period, the Conquest, and the age 
of the Judges, and also where those early periods 
are referred to in the later literature (as Ps. cv. 11), 
it is spoken of as " Canaan," or more frequently 
" the land of Canaan," meaning thereby the country 
W. of the Jordan, as opposed to " the land of Gil- 
ead" on the E. Other designations, during the 
same early period, are " the land of the Hebrews " 
(Gen. xl. 15 only — a natural phrase in the mouth of 
Joseph); " the land of the Hittites" (Josh. i. 4 — a 
remarkable expression, occurring here only in the 
Bible). The name Ta-nelr (i. e. Holy Land), in the 
inscriptions of Rame°es II., and Thothmes III., is be- 
lieved by M. Brugsch to refer to Palestine ; but this 
is contested by M. de Rouge. 2. During the Mon- 
archy the name usually, though not frequently, em- 
ployed is, " land of Israel " (1 Sam. xiii. 19 ; 2 K. v. 
2, 4, &c). It is Ezekiel's favorite expression. The 
pious and loyal aspirations of Hosea find vent in the 
expression, "land of Jehovah," A. V. "the Lord's 
land" (Hos. ix. 3). In Zech. ii. 12 it is "the holy 
land;" and in Dan. xi. 41, " the glorious land." In 
Am. ii. 10 alone it is " the land of the Amorite." 
Occasionally it appears to be mentioned simply as 
" The Land : " as in Ru. i. 1 ; Jer. xxii. 27 ; 1 Mc. 
xiv. 4 ; Lk. iv. 25, and perhaps even xxiii. 44. 3. 
Between the Captivity and the time of our Lord the 
name " Judea " had extended itself from the south- 
ern portion to the whole of the country, even that 
beyond Jordan (Mat. xix. 1 ; Mk. x. 1). In Jd. xi. 
19 it is applied to the portion between the plain of 
Esdraelon and Samaria, as in Lk. xxiii. 5 ; though it 
is also used in the stricter sense of Judea proper 
(Jn. iv. 3, vii. 1). In this narrower sense it is em- 
ployed throughout 1 Mc. (see especially ix. 50, x. 
30, 38, xi. 34). In Heb. xi. 9 Palestine is " the land 
of promise ; " and in 2 Esd. xiv. 31, " the land of 
Sion." 4. The Roman division of the country hardly 
coincided with the Biblical one, and it does not ap- 
pear that the Romans had any distinct name for 
that which we understand by Palestine. It was in- 
cluded in the province of Syria ; Judea in their 
phrase lay between Idumea on the S. and the terri- 
tory of the free cities (Scythopolis, Sebaste [Sama- 
ria], Joppa, Azotus, &c.) on the N. and W. ; Perea 
was the district E. of the Jordan. 5. Soon after the 
Christian era we find the name Paheslina (Palestine) 
in possession of the country. Ptolemy (a. d. 161) 
thus applies it. 6. Josephus usually employs the an- 



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781 



cient name " Canaan " in reference to the events of 
the earlier history, but when speaking of the coun- 
try in reference to his own time styles it Judea. 
The Talmudists and other Jewish writers use the 
title of the " Land of Israel." 7. The name most 
frequently used throughout the middle ages, and 
down to our own time, is Terra Sancta (L.) = the 
Holy Land. — II. Hie Land. The Holy Land is not 
in size or physical characteristics proportioned to 
its moral and historical position, as the theatre of the 
most momentous events in the world's history. It 
is less than 140 miles in length from Dan to Beer- 
sheba, and barely 40 in average breadth ( = Connec- 
ticut and Rhode Island), on the very frontier of the 
East, hemmed in between the Mediterranean Sea on 
the one hand and the enormous trench of the Jor- 
dan valley on the other, by which it is effectually 
cut off from the mainland of Asia behind it. On the 
N. it is shut in by the high ranges of Lebanon and 
Anti-Lebanon, and by the chasm of the Litany. On 
the S. it is no less enclosed by the arid and inhos- 
pitable deserts of the upper part of the peninsula 
of Sinai. 1. Its position on the map of the world — 
as the world was when the Holy Land first made its 
appearance in history — is remarkable, (a.) It is on 
the very outpost — on the extremest western edge of 
the East, with a broad desert between it and the vast 
tracts of Arabia and Mesopotamia in its rear. On 
the shore of the Mediterranean it stands, as if it had 
advanced as far as possible toward the West, sepa- 
rated therefrom by that which, when the time ar- 
rived, proved to be no barrier, but the readiest me- 
dium of communication — the wide waters of the 
'•' Great Sea." Thus it was open to all the gradual 
influences of the rising communities of the West, 
while it was saved from the retrogression and de- 
crepitude which have ultimately been the doom of 
all purely Eastern states whose connections were 
limited to the East only, tb.) There was, however, 
one channel, and but one, by which it could reach 
and be reached by the great Oriental empires. The 
only road by which the two great rivals of the an- 
cient world could approach one another — by which 
alone Egypt could get to Assyria, and Assyria to 
Egypt — lay along the broad flat, strip of coast which 
formed the maritime portion of the Holy Land, and 
thence by the Plain of the Lebanon to the Euphrates. 
Through this channel the catastrophe (Captivity) 
actually came, (c.) After this the Holy Land became 
(like the Netherlands in Europe) the arena on which 
in successive ages the hostile powers who contended 
for the empire of the East, fought their battles. 
Here the Seleucidae routed, or were routed by, the 
Ptolemies ; here the Romans vanquished the Par- 
tisans, Persians, and Jews ; here the armies of Eng- 
land, France, and Germany fought the hosts of Sal- 
adin. 2. It is essentially a mountainous country. 
Not that it contains independent mountain-chains, 
like Greece, but every part of the highland is in 
greater or less undulation. It contains also a re- 
markable arrangement of plains. The mass of hills 
which occupies the centre of the country is bor- 
dered or framed on both sides, E. and W., by a broad 
belt of lowland, sunk deep below its own level. The 
slopes or cliffs which form, as it were, the retaining 
wails of this depression, are furrowed and cleft by 
the torrent-beds which discharge the waters of the 
hills, and form the means of communication between 
the upper and lower level. On the W. this lowland 
interposes between the mountains and the sea, and 
is the Plain of Philistia and of Sharon. On the E. 
it is the broad bottom of the Jordan valley, deep 



down in which rushes the river of Palestine to the 
Dead Sea. 3. Such is the first general impression 
of the physiognomy of the Holy Land. It is a phy- 
siognomy compounded of the three main features 
already named — the plains, the highland bills, and 
the torrent-beds. About half-way up the coast the 
maritime plain is suddenly interrupted by a long 
ridge thrown out from the central mass, rising con- 
siderably above the general level, and terminating 
in a bold promontory on the very edge of the Medi- 
terranean. This ridge is Mount Carmel. On its 
upper side, the plain, as if to compensate for its 
temporary displacement, invades the centre of the 
country and forms an undulating hollow right across 
it from the Mediterranean to the Jordan valley. 
This central lowland, which divides with its broad 
depression the mountains of Ephraim from the 
mountains of Galilee, is the plain of Esdrajlon or 
Jezreel, the great battle-fieM of Palestine. N. of 
Carmel the lowland resumes its position by the sea- 
side till it is again interrupted and finally put an end 
to by the northern mountains which push their way 
out to the sea, ending in the white promontory of the 
Ras NaMiura. (Ladder of Tyre). Above this is the 
ancient Phenicia. 4. The country thus roughly 
portrayed, and which, as before stated, is less than 
140 miles in length, and not more than 40 in aver- 
age breadth, is to all intents and purposes the whole 
Land of Israel. The northern portion is Galilee ; the 
centre, Samaria ; the south, Judea. For the land E. 
of the Jordan, see Ammon ; Aram ; Argob ; Bashan ; 
Gad 1 ; Gilead 1 ; Hauran ; Iturea ; Manasseh 1 ; 
Moab ; Reuben, &c. 5. Small as the Holy Land is on 
the map, and when contrasted either with modem 
states or with the two enormous ancient empires of 
Egypt and Assyria between which it lay, it seems 
even smaller to the traveller as he pursues his way 
through it. There are numerous eminences in the 
highlands which command the view of both frontiers 
at the same time — the eastern mountains of Gilead 
with the Jordan at their feet on the one hand, on the 
other the Western Sea. Hermon, the apex of the 
country on the north, is said to have been seen 
from the southern end of the Dead Sea: it is cer- 
tainly plain enough from many a point nearer the 
centre. It is startling to find that from the top of 
the hills of Neby Samwil, Bethel, Tabor, Gerizim, 
or Safed, the eye can embrace at one glance, and 
almost without turning the head, such opposite 
points as the Lake of Galilee and the Bay of 'Akka, 
the farthest mountains of the Hauran and the long 
ridge of Carmel, the ravine of the Jabbok, or the 
green windings of Jordan, and the sand-hills of 
Jaffa. 6. The highland district, thus surrounded 
and intersected by its broad lowland plains, pre- 
serves from N. to S. a remarkably even and hori- 
zontal profile. Its average height may be taken as 
1,500 to 1,800 feet above the Mediterranean. It can 
hardly be denominated a plateau, yet so evenly is 
the general level preserved, and so thickly do the 
hills stand behind and between one another, that, 
when seen from the coast or the western part of 
the maritime plain, it has quite the appearance of a 
wall. This general monotony of profile is, how- 
ever, accentuated at intervals by certain centres of 
elevation, — Hebron, Jerusalem, with the Mount of 
Olives and Neby Samwit, Bethel, Sinjil, Ebal and 
Gerizim, Little Hermon and Tabor, Safed, Jebel 
Jermuk (see profile-section A). Between these ele- 
vated points runs the watershed of the country, 
sending off on either hand — to the Jordan valley 
on the E. and the Mediterranean on the W. — the 



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long tortuous arms of its many torrent-beds. 7. 
The valleys on the two sides of the watershed differ 
considerably in character. Those on the E., owing 
to the depth of the Jordan valley, and the proximity 
of the watershed to it, are- extremely steep and rug- 



ged (see profile-section B). This is the case during 
the whole length of the southern and middle por- 
tions of the country. It is only when the junction 
between the Plain of Esdralon and the Jordan val- 
ley is reached, that the slopes become gradual and 




A. Profile-section of Palestine from the Dead Sea to Mount Hermon along the line of the Jordan. 



°3S 




B. Profile-eection of Palestine from Jaffa to the mountains of Moab. 



the ground fit for the manoeuvres of any thing but 
detached bodies of foot-soldiers. But, rugged and 
difficult as they are, they form the only uccess to 
t ie upper country from this side, and every man or 
body of men who reached the territory of Judah, 
Benjamin, or Ephraim, from the Jordan valley, 
must have climbed one or other of them. 8. The 
western valleys are more gradual in their slope. 
The level of the external plain on this side is 
higher, and, therefore, the fall less, while at the 
same time the distance to be traversed is much 
greater. Here, again, the valleys are the only 
means of communication between the lowland and 
the highland. From Jaffa and the central part of 
the plain there are two of these roads "going up to 
Jerusalem : " the one to the right by Ramlch and 
the Wady ' ' Aly ; the other to the left by Lydda, 
and thence by the Beth-horons, or the Wady Sulei- 
man, and Gibeon. The former of these is modern, 
but the latter is the scene of many a famous inci- 
dent in the ancient history. 9. Further south, the 
communication between the mountains of Judah 
and the lowland of Philistia are comparatively un- 
explored. They were doubtless the scene of many 
a foray and repulse during the lifetime of Samson 
and the struggles of the Danites, but there is no 
record of their having been use I for the passage of 
any important force either in ancient or modern 
times. N. of Jaffa the passes are few. These 
western valleys, though easier than those on the 
eastern side, present great difficulties to the passage 
of any large force encumbered by baggage. In 
fact, these mountain-passes really formed the se- 
curity of Israel. The armies of Egypt and Assyria, 
as they traced and retraced their path between Pe- 
lusium and Carchemish, must have looked at the 
long wall of heights which closed in the broad level 
roadway they were pursuing, as belonging to a 
country with which they had no concern. It was 
to them a natural mountain-fastness, the approach 
to which was beset with difficulties, while its bare 
and soilless hills were hardly worth the trouble of 



conquering, in comparison with the rich green pining 
of the Euphrates and the Nile, or even with the 
boundless cornfield through which they were march- 
ing. In the later days of the Jewish nation, and 
during the Crusades, Jerusalem became the great 
object of contest; and then, the battle-field of the 
country, which had originally been Esdrajlon, was 
transferred to the maritime plain at the foot of the 
passes communicating most directly with the capi- 
tal. 10. When the highlands of the country are 
more closely examined, a considerable difference 
will be found to exist in the natural condition and 
appearance of their different portions. The south, 
as being nearer the arid desert, and farther removed 
from the drainage of the mountains, is drier and 
less productive than the north. The tract below 
Hebron, which forms the link between the hills of 
Judah and the desert, was known to the ancient 
Hebrews by a term originally derived from its dry- 
ness (Negeb). This was " the South " country. As 
the traveller advances north of this tract, there is 
an improvement ; but perhaps no country equally 
cultivated is more monotonous, bare, or uninviting 
in its aspect, than a great part of the highlands of 
Judah and Benjamin during the largest portion of 
the year. The spring covers even those bald gray 
rocks with verdure and color, and fills the ravines 
with torrents of rushing water; but in summer and 
autumn the country from Hebron up to Bethel looks 
dreary and desolate. Rounded hills of moderate 
height fill up the view on every side, their coarse 
gray stone continually discovering itself through 
the thin coating of soil. The valleys of denudation 
which divide these monotonous hills are also planted 
with figs or olives, but oftener cultivated with wheat, 
or barley, or dourra (millet), the long reed-like stalks 
of which remain on the stony ground till the next 
seed-time, and give a singularly dry and slovenly 
look to the fields. The general absence of fences 
in the valleys does not render them less desolate 
to an English or American eye ; and where a fence 
is now and then encountered, it is either a stone- 



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wall trodden down or dilapidated, or a hedge of the 
prickly-pear cactus, gaunt, irregular, and ugly, with- 
out being picturesque. Often the track rises and 
falls for miles together over the edges of the white 
strata upturned into almost a vertical position; or 
over sheets of bare rock spread out like flagstones, 
and marked with fissures which have all the regu- 
larity of artificial joints ; or along narrow channels 
through which the feet of centuries of travellers 
have with difficulty retained their hold on the steep 
declivities ; or down flights of irregular steps hewn 
or worn in the solid rock of the ravine, and strewed 
thick with innumerable loose stones. Even the 
gray villages — always on the top or near the top of 
the hills — do but add to the dreariness of the scene 
by the forlorn look which their flat roofs and lack 
of windows present to a European or American, 
and by the poverty and ruin so universal among 
them. At Jerusalem this reaches its climax. To the 
W. and N. W. of the highlands, where the sea-breezes 
are felt, there is considerably more vegetation. 11. 
Hitherto we have spoken of the central and north- 
ern portions of Judea. Its eastern portion — a tract 
some nine or ten miles in width by about thirty-five 
in length — which intervenes between the centre and 
the abrupt descent to the Dead Sea, is far more 
wild and desolate, and that not for a portion of the 
year only, but throughout it. This must have been 
always what it is now — an uninhabited desert, be- 
cause uninhabitable. 12. No descriptive sketch of 
this part of the country can be complete which 
does not allude to the caverns characteristic of all 
limestone districts, but here astonishingly numer- 
ous. Every hill and ravine is pierced with them, 
some very large and of curious formation — perhaps 
partly natural, partly artificial — others mere grot- 
toes. Many of them are connected with most im- 
portant and interesting events of the ancient history 
of the country. Especially is this true of the dis- 
trict now under consideration. (Apullam ; Ar- 
bela ; Cave ; En-gedi ; Makkedah ; Machpelah.) 
13. The bareness and dryness which prevail more 
or less in Judea, are owing partly to the absence of 
wood, partly to its proximity to the desert, and 
partly to a scarcity of water, arising from its dis- 
tance from the Lebanon. (Fountain ; Well.) 14. 
But to this discouraging aspect there are happily 
some important exceptions. The valley of Urtas, 
S. of Bethlehem, contains springs which in abun- 
dance and excellence rival even those of Nablus ; 
the huge " Pools of Solomon " are enough to sup- 
ply a district for many miles round them ; and the 
cultivation now going on in that neighborhood 
shows what might be done with a soil which re- 
quires only irrigation and a moderate amount of 
labor to evoke a boundless produce. In other 
places are also examples of excellent vineyards, and 
plantations of olive and fig trees. 15. It is obvious 
that in the ancieQt days of the nation, when Judah 
and Benjamin possessed the teeming population in- 
dicated in the Bible, the condition and aspect of 
the country must have been very different. In no 
country do the ruined towns bear so large a propor- 
tion to those still existing. There is hardly a hill- 
top without vestiges of some fortress or city. (Ac.ni- 
culture; Census.) But, besides this, forests ap- 
pear to have stood in many parts of Judea until in- 
vasions and sieges caused their fall ; and all this 
vegetation must have reacted on the moisture of 
the climate, and, by preserving the water in many 
a ravine and natural reservoir where now it is rap- 
idly dried bv the tierce sun of the early summer, 
50 



must have influenced materially the look and the 
resources of the country. (Forest.) 16. Advan- 
cing northward from Judea, the country becomes 
gradually more open and pleasant. Plains of good 
soil occur between the hills, at first small, but after- 
ward comparatively large. The hills assume here a 
more varied aspect than in the southern districts, 
springs are more abundant and more permanent, 
until, at last, when the district of Jebel Nablus is 
reached — the ancient Mount Ephraim — the travel- 
ler encounters an atmosphere and an amount of 
vegetation and water which, if not so transcendently 
lovely as the representations of enthusiastic travel- 
lers would make it, is yet greatly superior to any 
thing he has met with in Judea, and even sufficient 
to recall much of the scenery of the West. 17. Per- 
haps the springs are the only objects which in them- 
selves, and, apart from their associations, really strike 
a traveller from the West with astonishment and 
admiration. Such glorious fountains as those of Mm 
Jalud (Jezree\), Tell el-Kady (Dan), Bdnicts (Cesarea 
Philippi), Jenin (En-gannim), &c, are very rarely 
to be met with out of irregular, rocky, mountainous 
countries. But, added to their natural impressive- 
ness, is the consideration of the prominent part 
which many of these springs have played in the 
history. 18. The valleys which lead down from 
the upper level in this district to the valley of the 
Jordan, are less precipitous, because the level from 
which they start in their descent is lower, while 
that of the Jordan valley is higher ; and they have 
lost that savage character which distinguishes the 
naked clefts of the Wadys Suweinil and Kelt (near 
Jericho), of the , Ain Jidy or Zuweirah (W. of the 
Dead Sea), and have become wider and shallower. 
Fine streams run through many of these valleys. 
The mountains, though bare of wood and but par- 
tially cultivated, have none of that arid, worn look 
which renders those E. of Hebron so repulsive. 
19. Hardly less rich is the extensive region which 
lies N. W. of the city of Nablus, between it and 
Carmel, in which the mountains gradually break 
down into the Plain of Sharon. 20. But with all 
its richness, and all its advance on the southern 
part of the country, there is a strange dearth of 
natural wood about this central district. Olive- 
trees are indeed to be found everywhere, but they 
are artificially cultivated for their fruit, and the 
olive is not a tree which adds to the look of a land- 
scape. It is this dearth of natural non-fruit-bearing 
trees in the district which makes the wooded sides 
of Carmel and the park-like scenery of the adjacent 
slopes and plains so remarkable. 21. No sooner, 
however, is the Plain of Esdroelon passed, than a 
considerable improvement is perceptible. The low 
hills which spread down from the mountains of 
Galilee, and form the barrier between the plains of 
'Africa and Esdraslon, are covered with timber, of 
moderate size, it is true, but of thick, vigorous 
growth, and pleasant to the eye. Eastward of 
these hills rises the round mass of Tabor, dark 
with its copses of oak, and set off by contrast with 
the bare slopes of Jebel cd-Duhy (the so-called 
" Little Hermon ") and the white hills of Nazareth. 
N. of Tabor and Nazareth is the plain of el-Buttauf, 
an upland tract hitherto very imperfectly described, 
but apparently similar to Esdrselon, though much 
more elevated. Beyond this, the amount of natural 
growth increases at every step, until toward the N. 
the country becomes what even in England or 
America would be considered as well timbered. 
22. The notices of this romantic district in the 



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Bible are but scanty ; in fact, till the date of the 
N. T., when it had acquired the name of Galilee, it 
may be said, for all purposes of history, to be hardly 
mentioned. In the great Roman conquest, or rather 
destruction, of Galilee, which preceded the fall of 
Jerusalem, the contest penetrated but a short dis- 
tance into the interior. 23. From the present ap- 
pearance of this district we may, with some allow- 
ances, perhaps gain an idea of what the more south- 
ern portions of the central highlands were during the 
earlier periods in the history. There is little ma- 
terial difference in the natural conditions of the two 
regions. It seems fair to believe that the hills of 
Shechem, Bethel, and Hebron, when Abram first 
wandered over them, were not very inferior to those 
of the districts W. and N. W. of the Sea of Galilee, 
from which oak and other wood is supplied to the 
towns on the coast. 24. The causes of the present 
bareness of the face of the country are two, which, 
indeed, can hardly be separated. The first is the 
destruction of the timber in that long series of 
sieges and invasions which began with the in- 
vasion of Shishak (n. c. about 970) and has not 
yet come to an end. This, at once, made the 
climate more arid, and, doubtless, diminished the 
rain-fall. The second is the decay of the ter- 
races necessary to retain the soil on the steep 
slopes of the round hills. 25. In the Holy Land the 
hill tops are, throughout, selected for habitation. 
A town in a valley is a rare exception ; while scarce 
a single eminence of the multitude always in sight 
but is crowned with its city or village, inhabited or 
in ruins, often so placed as if not accessibility but 
inaccessibility had been the object of its builders. 
And indeed such was their object. These groups 
of naked forlorn structures piled irregularly one 
over the other on the curve of the hill-top, are the 
lineal descendants, if indeed they do not sometimes 
contain the actual remains, of the " fenced cities, 
great and walled up to heaven," so frequently men- 
tioned in the records of the Israelite conquest. 
They bear witness to the general insecurity of the 
country, and to the treacherous nature of the allu- 
vial " sand " of the plain under the sudden rush of the 
winter torrents from the hills as compared with the 
" rock " of the hills themselves (Mat. vii. 24-27). 26. 
These hill-towns were not what gave the Israelites 
their main difficulty in the occupation of the coun- 
try. Wherever strength of arm and fleetness of foot 
availed, there those hardy warriors, fierce as lions, 
sudden and swift as eagles, sure-footed and fleet as 
the wild deer on the hills (1 Chr. xii. 8; 2 Sam. i. 
23, ii. 18), easily conquered. It was in the plains, 
where the horses and chariots of the Canaanites and 
Philistines had space to manoeuvre, that they failed 
in dislodging the aborigines (Judg. i. 19-35). Thus 
in this case the ordinary conditions of conquest were 
reversed — the conquerors took the hills, the con- 
quered kept the plains. To a people so exclusive 
as the Jews there must have been a constant satis- 
faction in the elevation and inaccessibility of their 
highland regions. This is evident in every page of 
their literature, which is tinged throughout with a 
highland coloring. 27. But the hills were occupied 
by other edifices besides the " fenced cities." The 
tiny white domes perched here and there on the 
summits of the eminences, and marking the holy 
ground in which some Mohammedan saint is resting, 
are the successors of the "high places" or sanc- 
tuaries so constantly denounced by the prophets, 
and which were set up " on every high hill and un- 
der every green tree" (Jer. ii. 20; Ez. vi. 13). 28. 



From the mountainous structure of the Holy Land 
and the extraordinary variations in the level of its 
different districts, arises a further peculiarity, viz. 
the extensive views of the country which can be ob- 
tained from various commanding points. The num- 
ber of panoramas which present themselves to the 
traveller in Palestine is truly remarkable. To speak 
of the W. of Jordan only — for E. of it all is at pres- 
ent more or less unknown — the prospects from the 
height of Beni jVa'ira, near Hebron, from the Mount 
of Olives, from Neby Samwil, from Bethel, from 
Gerizim or Ebal, from Jenin, Carmel, Tabor, Safed, 
the Castle of Bdnids, the Kubbil en-Nasr above 
Damascus, are known to many travellers. Their 
peculiar charm resides in their wide extent, the 
number of spots historically remarkable which are 
visible at once, the limpid clearness of the air, which 
brings the most distant objects comparatively close, 
and the consideration that in many cases the feet 
must be standing on the same ground, and the eyes 
resting on the same spots which have been stood 
upon and gazed at by the most famous patriarchs, 
prophets, and heroes, of all the successive ages in 
the eventful history of the country. These views 
are a feature in which Palestine is perhaps ap- 
proached by no other country, certainly by no coun- 
try whose history is at all equal in importance to 
the world. 29. A few words must be said in gen- 
eral description of the maritime lowland, which in- 
tervenes between the sea and the highlands, and of 
which detailed accounts will be found under the 
heads of its great divisions. This region, only 
slightly elevated above the level of the Mediterra- 
nean, extends without interruption from el-'Arixh, 
south of Gaza, to Mount Carmel. It naturally di- 
vides itself into two portions, each of about half its 
length : — the lower one the wider ; the upper one the 
narrower. The lower half is the Plain of the Philis- 
tines — Philistia, or, as the Hebrews called it, the 
Shepheldh (Sephela) or Lowland. The upper half 
is the Sharon or Saron of the Old and New Testa- 
ments, the " Forest country " of Josephus and the 
LXX. Viewed from the sea this maritime region 
appears as a long low coast of white or cream-colored 
sand, its slight undulations rising occasionally into 
mounds or cliffs, which in one or two places (e. g. 
Jaffa) almost aspire to the dignity of headlands. 30. 
Such is its appearance from without. But from 
within, when traversed, or overlooked from some 
point on those blue hills, the prospect is very differ- 
ent. The Philistine Plain is on an average fifteen 
or sixteen miles in width from the coast to the first 
beginning of the belt of hills, which forms the 
gradual approach to the highland of the mountains 
of Judah. The plain is in many parts almost a dead 
level, in others gently undulating in long waves ; 
here and there low mounds or hillocks, each crowned 
with its village, and more rarely still a hill overtop- 
ping the rest, like Tell es-Sdfieh (Blanchegarde ; 
Gath ?), the seat of some fortress of Jewish or Cru- 
sading times. The larger towns, as Gaza and Ash- 
dod, which stand near the shore, are surrounded 
with huge groves of olive, sycamore and palm, as in 
the days of David (1 Chr. xxvii. 28). The whole 
plain appears to consist of brown loamy soil, light, 
but rich, and almost without a stone. It is to this 
absence of stone that the disappearance of its an- 
cient towns and villages is to be traced. Now, as 
when the Philistines possessed it, one enormous field 
of wheat covers the wide expanse between the hills 
and the sand dunes of the sea-shore, without inter- 
ruption of any kind — no break or hedge, hardly even 



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a single olive-tree. Its fertility is marvellous ; for 
the prodigious crops which it raises are produced, 
and probably have been produced almost year by 
year, for the last forty centuries, without any of the 
appliances which we find necessary for success. 31. 
The Plain of Sharon is much narrower than Philistia. 
It is about ten miles wide from the sea to the foot 
of the mountains, which are here more abrupt than 
those of Philistia, and without the intermediate hilly 
region there occurring. At the same time it is more 
undulating and irregular than the former, and crossed 
by streams from the central hills, some of them of 
considerable size, and containing water during the 
whole year. The soil is extremely rich, varying from 
bright red to deep black, and producing enormous 
crops of weeds or grain, as the case may be. 32. 
The tract of white sand already mentioned as form- 
ing the shore line of the whole coast, is gradually 
encroaching on this magnificent region. In the S. 
it has buried Ashkelon, and in the N. between Cesa- 
rea and Jaffa the dunes are said to be as much as 
three miles wide and 300 feet high. Probably the 
Jews never permanently occupied more than a small 
portion of this region. Its principal towns were, it 
is true, allotted to the different tribes (Josh. xv. 45- 
47 ; xvi. 3, Gezer ; xvii. 11, Dor, &c.) ; but this was 
in anticipation of the intended conquest (xiii. 3-6). 
(Philistines.) 33. In the Roman times this region 
was considered the pride of the country, and some 
of the most important cities of the province stood 
in it — Cesarea, Antipatris, Diospolis ( = Lydda). 
The one ancient port of the Jews, the " beautiful " 
city of Joppa, occupied a position central between 
the Shcplieldh and Sharon. Roads led from these 
various cities to each other, to Jerusalem, Neapolis, 
and Sebaste in the interior, and to Ptolemais and 
Gaza on the N. and S. The commerce of Damascus, 
and, beyond Damascus, of Persia and India, passed 
this way to Egypt, Rome, and the infant colonies of 
the West; and that traffic and the constant move- 
ment of troops backward and forward must have 
made this plain one of the busiest and most popu- 
lous regions of Syria at the time of Christ. 34. The 
characteristics already described are hardly peculiar 
to Palestine. Her hilly surface and general height, 
her rocky ground and thin soil, her torrent-beds 
wide and dry for the greater part of the year, even 
her belt of maritime lowland — these she shares with 
other lands, though it would perhaps be difficult to 
find them united elsewhere. But there is one fea- 
ture in which she stands alone — the Jordan — the 
one river of the country. 35. Properly to compre- 
hend this, we must cast our eyes for a few moments 
N. and S., outside the narrow limits of the Holy 
Land. From N. to S. — from Antioch to 'Akabah at 
the tip of the eastern horn of the Red Sea, Syria is 
cleft by a deep and narrow trench running parallel 
with the coast of the Mediterranean, and dividing, 
as if by a fosse or ditch, the central range of mari- 
time highlands from those further E. At two points 
only in its length is the trench interrupted — by the 
range of Lebanon and Hermon, and by the high 
ground S. of the Dead Sea. Of the three compart- 
ments thus formed, the northern is in the valley of 
the Orontes ; the southern is the Wady el-Ardbah ; 
while the central one is the valley of the Jordan, the 
'Arabah of the Hebrews, the Anion of the Greeks, 
and the Ghor of the Arabs. The central of its 
three divisions is the only one with which we have 
at present to do. The river is elsewhere described 
in detail (Jordan); but it, and the valley through 
which it rushes down its extraordinary descent, 



must be here briefly characterized. 36. The Valley 
begins with the river at its remotest springs of 
Hdsbeiya on the N. W. side of Hermon, and accom- 
panies it to the lower end of the Dead Sea, a length 
of about 150 miles. During the whole of this dis- 
tance its course is straight, and its direction nearly 
due N. and S. The springs of Hdsbeiya are 1,700 
feet above the level of the Mediterranean, and the 
northern end of the Dead Sea is 1,31V feet below it, 
so that between these two points the valley falls 
with more or less regularity through a height of 
more than 3,000 feet. But though the river disappears 
at this point, the valley still continues its descent be- 
low the waters of the Dead Sea till it reaches a further 
depth of 1,308 feet. So the bottom of this extraor- 
dinary crevasse is more than 2,600 feet below the sur- 
face of the ocean. 37. In width the valley varies. In 
its upper and shallower portion, as between Bani&s 
and the lake of Huleh, it is about five miles across. 
Between the Huleh and the Sea of Galilee, as far as we 
have any information, it contracts, and becomes more 
of an ordinary ravine or glen. It is in its third and 
lower portion that the valley assumes its more def- 
inite and regular character. During the greater 
part of this portion, it is about seven miles wide from 
the one wall to the other. The eastern mountains 
preserve their straight line of direction, and their 
massive horizontal wall-like aspect, during almost 
the whole distance. The western mountains are 
more irregular in height, their slopes less vertical, 
and their general line is interrupted. N. of Jericho 
they recede in a kind of wide amphitheatre, and the 
valley becomes twelve miles broad, a breadth which 
it thenceforward retains to the southern extremity 
of the Dead Sea. 38. Buried as it is between such 
lofty ranges, and shielded from every breeze, the 
climate of the Jordan valley is extremely hot and 
relaxing. Its enervating influence is shown by the 
inhabitants of Jericho. Whether there was any 
great amount of cultivation and habitation in this 
region in the times of the Israelites the Bible does not 
say ; but the palms of Jericho, and of Abila ( Abel- 
shittim), and the extensive balsam and rose gardens 
of Jericho are spoken of by Josephus, who calls 
the whole district a " divine spot." 39. All the ir- 
rigation necessary for the towns, or for the cultiva- 
tion which formerly existed, or still exists, in the 
Ghor, is obtained from the torrents and springs of 
the western mountains. For all purposes to which 
a river is ordinarily applied, the Jordan is useless. 
Alike useless for irrigation and navigation, it is in 
fact, what its Arabic name {SherVat el-Kebir) signi- 
fies, nothing but a " great watering-place." 40. 
But though the Jordan is so unlike a river in the 
Western sense of the term, it is far less so than the 
other streams of the Holy Land. It is at least per- 
ennial, while, with few exceptions, they are mere 
winter torrents, rushing and foaming during the 
continuance of the rain, and quickly drying up after 
the commencement of summer. For fully half the 
year, these " rivers," or " brooks," are often mere 
dry lanes of hot white or gray stones, or tiny rills 
working their way through heaps of parched boul- 
ders. (Brook 4; River 2.) 41. How far the Valley of 
the Jordan was employed by the ancient inhabitants 
of the Holy Land as a medium of communication 
between the norlhern and southern parts of the 
country we can only conjecture. The ancient no- 
tices of this route are very scanty, (a.) From 2 
Ohr. xxviii. 15, we find that the captives taken from 
Judah by the army of the northern kingdom were 
sent back from Samaria to Jerusalem by way of 



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Jericho. It would seem, however, to have been the 
usual road from the north to Jerusalem (comp. Lk. 
xvii. 11 with xix. 1). (b.) Pompey brought his army 
and siege- train from Damascus to Jerusalem (b. c. 
40), past Scythopolis and Pella, and thence by Korea; 
(Kerawa at the foot of Wady Ftrrah?) to Jericho. 
('•.) Vespasian marched from Emmaus, on the edge 
of the plain of Sharon, not far E. of Ramlch, past 
Neapolis (Nctblw), down to Korea;, and thence to 
Jericho, (d.) Antoninus Martyr (about a. d. 600), 
and possibly Willibald (a. d. 722) followed this route 
to Jerusalem, (e.) Baldwin I. is said to have jour- 
neyed from Jericho to Tiberias with a caravan of 
pilgrims. (/.) In our own times the whole length 
of the valley has been traversed by De Bertou, and 
by Dr. Anderson (geologist to the American expedi- 
tion), but apparently by few if any other travellers. 
42. Monotonous and uninviting as much of the 
Holy Land will appear from the above description 
to readers accustomed to the constant verdure, the 
succession of flowers, the ample streams and the 
varied surface of our own country — we must re- 
member that its aspect to the Israelites after that 
weary march of forty years through the desert, and 
even by the side of the brightest recollections of 
Egypt that they could conjure up, must have been 
very different. They entered the country at the 
time of the Passover, when it was arrayed in the 
full glory and freshness of its brief springtide, be- 
fore the scorching sun of summer had had time to 
wither its flowers and embrown its verdure. Taking 
all these circumstances into account, and allowing 
for the bold metaphors of Oriental speech, those 
wayworn travellers could have chosen no fitter words 
to express what their new country was to them than 
— " a land flowing with milk and honey, the glory 
of all lands." 43. Again, the variations of the 
seasons may appear to us slight, and the atmosphere 
dry and hot; but after the monotonous climate of 
Egypt, the " rain of heaven " must have been a most 
grateful novelty in its two seasons, the former and 
the latter — the occasional snow and ice of the win- 
ters of Palestine, and the burst of returning spring, 
must have had double the effect which they would 
produce on those accustomed to such changes. 
(Dew; Frost; Wind.) 44. The contrast with 
Egypt would tell also in another way. In place of 
the huge ever-flowing river whose only variation was 
from low to high, and from high to low again, and 
which lay at the lowest level of that level country, 
they found themselves in a land of constant and 
considerable undulation, where the water, either of 
gushing spring, or deep well, or flowing stream, 
could be procured at the most varied elevations, re- 
quiring only to be judiciously husbanded and skil- 
fully conducted to find its own way through field 
or garden. (Agriculture.) 45. It will be seen 
that, beneath the apparent monotony, there is a 
variety in the Holy Land really remarkable. There 
is the variety due to the difference of level between 
the different parts of the country. There is the 
variety of climate and of natural appearances, 
partly from the proximity of the snow-capped Her- 
ri ion and Lebanon on the north and of the torrid 
desert on the south. There is also the variety in- 
evitably produced by the presence of the sea — " the 
eternal freshness and liveliness of ocean." 46. 
Each of these is continually reflected in the Hebrew 
literature. The contrast between the highlands and 
lowlands appears in " going up " to Judah, Jerusa- 
lem, Hebron ; " going down " to Jericho, Caper- 
naum, Lydda, Cesarea, Gaza, and Egypt. More 



than this, the difference is marked in the topo- 
graphical terms which so abound in, and are so 
peculiar to, this literature. " The mountain of Ju- 
dah," " the mountain of Israel," " the mountain of 
Naphtali," are the names by which the three great 
divisions of the highlands are designated. The pre- 
dominant names for the towns of the same district 

(GlBEAH, GEBA, GaBA, GlBEON PvAMAH, RaMATHAIM 

— Mizpeh, Zophim, Zephathah) all reflect its eleva- 
tion. On the other hand, the great lowland districts 
have each their peculiar name — SMpheldh (Sepiie- 
la), Sharon, Arabah. 47. The differences in cli- 
mate are no less often mentioned. The Psalmists, 
Prophets, and historical Books, are full of allusions 
to the fierce heat of the mid-day sun and the dry- 
ness of summer; no less than to the various ac- 
companiments of winter — the rain, snow, frost, ice, 
and fogs of Jerusalem and the upper country. Even 
the sharp alternations between the heat of the days 
and the coldness of the nights, which strike every 
traveller in Palestine, are mentioned. 48. In the 
preceding description allusion has been made to 
many of the characteristic features of the Holy 
Land. But one defect is even more characteristic — 
its lack of monuments and personal relics of the 
nation who possessed it for so many centuries, and 
gave it its claim to our veneration and affection. 
In Egypt and Greece, and also in Assyria, as far as 
our knowledge at present extends, we find a series 
of buildings, reaching down from the most remote 
and mysterious antiquity, a chain, of which hardly 
a link is wanting, and which records the progress 
of the people in civilization, art, and religion, as 
certainly as the buildings of the mediaeval architects 
do that of the various nations of modern Europe. 
We possess also a multitude of objects of use and 
ornament, belonging to these nations, and pertaining 
to every station, office, and act in their official, reli- 
gious, and domestic life. But in Palestine there does 
not exist a single edifice, or part of an edifice, of 
which we can be sure that it is of a date anterior to 
the Christian era. And as with the buildings so with 
other memorials. With one exception, the museums 
of Europe do not possess a single piece of pottery 
or metal work, a single weapon or household uten- 
sil, an ornament or a piece of armor, of Israelite 
make, which can give us the least conception of the 
manners or outward appliances of the nation before 
the date of the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. 
The coins form the single exception. (Money.) The 
following buildings are Jewish in character, though 
carried out with foreign details : — The tombs of the 
Kings and of the Judges : the buildings known as 
the tombs of Absalom, Zechariah, St. James, and 
Jehoshaphat ; the monolith at Siloam — all near Je- 
rusalem (see cut under Jehoshaphat, Valley of, 
and Tomb), the ruined synagogues at Meiron and 
Kefr Birirn (a few miles S. W. and W. of Lake 
Merom). But there are two edifices which seem to 
bear a character of their own, and do not so clearly 
betray the style of the West. These are the en- 
closure round the sacred cave at Hebron (Machpe- 
lah) ; and portions of the western, southern, and 
eastern walls of the Haram at Jerusalem, with the 
vaulted passage below the Aksa. (Temple.) M. 
Renan has named two circumstances which must 
have had a great effect in suppressing art or archi- 
tecture amongst the ancient Israelites, while their 
very existence proves that the people had no genius 
in that direction. These are (1.) the prohibition of 
sculptured representations of living creatures, and 
(2.) the command not to build a temple anywhere 



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but at Jerusalem. — The Geology. Of the geological 
structure of Palestine our information is but imper- 
fect and indistinct. 1. The main sources of our 
knowledge are (a.) the observations contained in the 
Travels of Russegger, an Austrian geologist and 
mining engineer, who visited this among other coun- 
tries of the East in 1836-'8; (b.) the Report of H. 
J. Anderson, M. D., an American geologist, formerly 
Professor in Columbia College, N. Y., who accom- 
panied Captain Lynch in his exploration of the Jor- 
dan and the Dead Sea in 1848 ; and (c.) the Diary 
of Mr. H. Poole, who visited Palestine on a mission 
for the British government in 1855. None of these 
contain any thing approaching a complete investi- 
gation, either as to extent or to detail of observa- 
tions. 2. From the reports of these observers it 
appears that the Holy Land is a much-disturbed 
mountainous tract of limestone of the secondary- 
period (jurassic and cretaceous); the southern off- 
shoot of the chain of Lebanon ; elevated consider- 
ably above the sea-level ; with partial interruptions 
from tertiary and basaltic deposits. It is part of a 
vast mass of limestone, stretching in every direction 
except west, far beyond the limits of the Holy Land. 
The whole of Syria is cleft from north to south by a 
straight crevasse of moderate width, but extending 
in the southern portion of its centre division to a 
truly remarkable depth (2,625 feet) below the sea- 
level. (Sea, the Salt.) This crevasse, which con- 
tains the principal water-course of the country, is 
also the most exceptional feature of its geology. 
It may have been volcanic in its origin ; the result 
of an upheaval from beneath, which has tilted the 
limestone back on each side, leaving this huge split 
in the strata ; the volcanic force having stopped 
short at that point in the operation, without intru- 
ding any volcanic rocks into the fissure. Or it may 
have been excavated by the gradual action of the 
ocean during the immense periods of geological 
operation. The latter appears to be the opinion 
of Dr. Anderson ; but further examination is neces- 
sary before a positive opinion can be pronounced. 
3. The limestone consists of two strata, or rather 
groups of strata. The upper one, which usually 
meets the eye, over the whole country from Hebron 
to Hermon, is a tolerably solid stone, varying in 
color from white to reddish brown, with very few 
fossils, inclining to crystalline structure, and abound- 
ing in caverns. Its general surface has been formed 
into gently-rounded hills, separated by narrow val- 
leys of denudation occasionally spreading into small 
plains. 4. This limestone is often found crowned 
with chalk, rich in flints, the remains of a deposit 
which probably once covered a great portion of the 
country. 5. Near Jerusalem the mass of the ordi- 
nary limestone is often mingled with large bodies 
of dolomite (magnesian limestone). It is not strati- 
fied. 6. The lower stratum is in two divisions or 
series of beds — the upper, dusky in color, contorted 
and cavernous like that just described, but more 
ferruginous — the lower one dark gray, compact and 
solid, and characterized by abundant fossils of 
cidaris, an extinct echinus or sea-hedgehog, the 
spines of which are the well-known " olives " of the 
convents. The ravine by which one descends from 
the Mount of Olives to Jericho, cuts through the 
strata already mentioned. The lower formation 
differs entirely in character from the upper. In- 
stead of smooth, commonplace, swelling outlines, 
every thing here is rugged, pointed, and abrupt. 7. 
After the limestone of Palestine had received the 
general form which its surface still retains, it was 



pierced and broken by large eruptions of lava 
pushed up from beneath, which has broken up. and 
overflowed the stratified beds, and now appears in 
the form of basalt or trap. 8. On the west of Jor- 
dan these volcanic rocks have been hitherto found 
only N. of the mountains of Samaria. They are 
first encountered on the southwestern side of the 
Plain of Esdraelon. N. of Tabor and W. of Tibe- 
rias they abound over a district about twenty miles 
in diameter. There seem to have been two centres 
of eruption : one, the most ancient, at or about the 
Kurn Haitin (the traditional Mount of Beatitudes 1 , 
whence the stream flowed over the declivities of the 
limestone toward the Lake of Gennesaret ; the other 
— more recent — more to the north, in the neighbor- 
hood of Safed. 9. The volcanic action which in 
pre-historic times projected this basalt, has left its 
later traces in the ancient records of the country, 
and is even still active in the form of earthquakes. 
(Earthquake.) The rocks between Jerusalem and 
Jericho show many an evidence of these convul- 
sions. Two earthquakes only are recorded as hav- 
ing affected Jerusalem itself — that in the reign of 
Uzziah, and that at the time of the crucifixion, 
when " the rocks were rent and the rocky tombs 
torn open" (Mat. xxvii. 51). 10. But in addition 
to earthquakes, the hot salt and fetid springs which 
are found at, Tiberias, Callirhoe (Lasha ?), and 
other spots along the valley of the Jordan, and 
round the basins of its- lakes, and the rock-salt, 
nitre, and sulphur of the Dead Sea are all evidences 
of volcanic or plutonic action. 11. In the Jordan 
valley the basalt is frequently encountered. Here, 
as before, it is deposited on the limestone, which" 
forms the substratum of the whole country. On 
the western side of the lower Jordan and Dead Sea 
no volcanic formations have been found. 12. The 
most extensive and remarkable developments of 
igneous rocks are on the E. of the Jordan. Over 
a large portion of the surface from Damascus to 
the latitude of the south of the Dead Sea, and even 
beyond that, they occur in the greatest abundance 
all over the surface. (Argob.) The limestone, how- 
ever, still underlies the whole. 13. The tertiary 
and alluvial beds are chiefly remarkable in the 
neighborhood of the Jordan, as forming the floor of 
the valley, and as existing along the course, and ac- 
cumulated at the mouths, of the torrents which 
deliver their tributary streams into the river, and 
into the Dead Sea. 14. The floor of the Jordan 
valley is described by Dr. Anderson as exhibiting 
throughout more or less distinctly the traces of two 
independent terraces. The upper one is much the 
broader of the two. It extends back to the face of 
the limestone mountains which form the walls of 
the valley on the east and west. Below this, varying 
in depth from 50 to 150 feet, is the second terrace, 
which reaches to the channel of the Jordan, and, in 
Dr. Anderson's opinion, has been excavated by the 
river itself before it had shrunk to its present 
limits, when it filled the whole space between the 
eastern and western faces of the upper terrace. 
The inner side of both the upper and lower terrace is 
furrowed out into conical knolls, by the torrents of 
the rains descending to the lower level. All along 
the channel of the river are found mounds and low 
cliffs of conglomerates, and breccias of various ages, 
and more various composition. 15. Round the mar- 
gin of the Dead Sea the tertiary beds assume larger 
and more important proportions than by the course 
of the river. The marls, gypsites, and conglomer- 
ates continue along the base of the western cliff as 



790 



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far as the Wady Sebbeh, where they attain their 
greatest development. S. of this they form a sterile 
waste of brilliant white marl and bitter salt flakes 
ploughed by the rain-torrents into pinnacles and 
obelisks. At the southeastern corner of the sea, 
sandstones begin to display themselves in great pro- 
fusion, and extend northward beyond Wady Zurka 
McPin. 16. A notice of the rich alluvial soil of the 
wide plains which form the maritime portion of the 
Holy L;ind, and also that of Esdraslon, Gennesaret, 
and other similar plains, will complete our sketch 
of the geology. The former of these districts is a 
region of from eight to twelve miles in width, inter- 
vening between the central highlands and the sea. 
It is formed of washings from those highlands, 
brought down by the heavy rains which fall in the 
winter months. The soil is a light loamy sand, red 
in some places, and deep black in others. The actual 
coast is formed of a very recent sandstone, full of 
marine shells, which is disintegrated by the waves 
and thrown on the shore as sand, stopping in many 
places the outflow of the streams, and causing them 
to form marshes on the plain. 17. The plain of 
Gennesaret is under similar conditions, except 
that its outer edge is bounded by the lake in- 
stead of the ocean. It has abundant running 
water, and a rich soil from the decay of the vol- 
canic rocks on the neighboring heights. 18. The 
plain of Esor-Elon lies between two ranges of high- 
land, with a third (the hills separating it from the 
plain of 'Akka), at its N. W. end. The soil of 
this plain is also volcanic, though not so purely so 
as that of Gennesaret. 19. Bitumen, or asphaltum 
(the " slime" of Gen. xi. 3), is only met with in the 
valley of Jordan. At Hasbeiya it is obtained from 
pits or wells sunk through a mass of bituminous 
earth to a depth of about 180feet. It is also found 
in small fragments on the shore of the Dead Sea, 
and occasionally, though rarely, very large masses 
of it are discovered floating in the water. 20. 
Sulphur is found on the W. and S. and S. E. por- 
tions of the shore of the Dead Sea. Nitre is rare. 
Rock-salt abounds in large masses. The salt-mound 
of IOiashm Usdum at the southern end of the Dead 
Sea is an enormous pile, 5 miles long by 2J broad, 
and some hundred feet in height. (Brimstone ; 
Coal; Metals; Mines; Salt; Sea, the Salt.) — 
The Bo/any (abridged and modified from the origi- 
nal article by Dr. J. D. Hooker). The Botany of 
Syria and Palestine differs but little from that of 
Asia Minor, which is one of the most rich and 
varied on the globe. What differences it presents 
are due to a slight admixture of Persian forms on 
the eastern frontier, of Arabian and Egyptian on 
the southern, and of Arabian and Indian tropical 
plants in the low torrid depression of the Jordan 
and Dead Sea. On the other hand, Palestine forms 
the southern and eastern limit of the Asia Minor 
flora, and contains a multitude of trees, shrubs, and 
herbs, that advance no further S. and E. Owing, 
however, to the geographical position and moun- 
tainous character of Asia Minor and Syria, the 
main features of their flora are essentially Mediter- 
ranean-European, and not Asiatic. As elsewhere 
throughout the Mediterranean regions, Syria and 
Palestine were evidently once thickly covered with 
forests, which on the lower hills and plains have 
been either entirely removed, or else reduced to 
the condition of brushwood and copse ; but which 
still abound on the mountains, and along certain 
parts of the sea-coast. The flora of Syria, so far 
as it is known, may be roughly classed under three 



principal Botanical regions, corresponding with the 
physical character of the country. These are (I.) 
the western or sea-board half of Syria and Pales- 
tine, including the lower valleys of the Lebanon 
and Anti-Lebanon, the plain of Coelesyria, Galilee, 
Samaria, and Judea. (II.) The desert or eastera 
half, which includes the eastern flanks of Anti- 
Lebanon, the plain of Damascus, the Jordan and 
Dead Sea valley. (HI.) The middle and upper 
mountain regions of Mount Casius, and of Lebanon 
above 3,400 feet, and of Anti-Lebanon above 4,000 
feet. These Botanical regions present no definite 
boundary-line. (I.) Botany of Western Syria and 
Palestine. The flora throughout this district is 
made up of such a multitude of different families 
and genera of plants, that it is not easy to charac- 
terize it by the mention of a few. Among trees, 
oaks are by far the most prevalent, and are the 
only ones that form continuous woods, except the 
Pinus marilima and Pinus Halepensis (Aleppo Pine). 
The most prevalent oak is the Quereus pscudo-coceif- 
cra, an 'evergreen oak, erroneously called holly by 
many travellers, and Quereus Ilex by others. This 
is perhaps the commonest plant in all Syria and 
Palestine, covering as a low dense bush many square 
miles of hilly country everywhere, but rarely or 
never growing in the plains. It seldom becomes a 
large tree, except in the valleys of Lebanon, or 
where, as in the case of the famous oak of Mamre, 
it is allowed to attain its full size. The only other 
oaks that are common are the Quereus infccloria (a 
gall-oak), and Quereus jEgilops. The Quereus infec- 
toria is a small deciduous-leaved tree, found here 
and there in Galilee, Samaria, and Lebanon. Quer- 
eus jEgilops is the Valonia oak ; a low, very stout- 
trunked, sturdy tree, common in Galilee, especially 
on Tabor and Carmel, and regarded by Dr. Hooker 
as the oak of Bashan. The trees of the genus 
Pistacia rank next in abundance to the oak, and of 
these there are three species in Syria, two wild and 
most abundant, Pistacia Lerdiseus (the lentisk or 
Masticii tree), and Pistacia Terebinthus (the tere- 
binth or turpentine-tree), but the third, Pistacia 
vera, which yields the well-known pistachio-nut, is 
very rare, and chiefly seen in cultivation. (Nuts 1.) 
The Carob, or Locust-tree, Ccralonia Siliqica, ranks 
perhaps next in abundance to the foregoing trees. 
(Husks.) The Oriental Plane is far from uncom- 
mon, and though generally cultivated, it is to all 
appearance wild in the valleys of Lebanon and Anti- 
Lebanon. (Plane-tree; Chestnut-tree.) The Syc- 
amore-fig is common in the neighborhood of towns, 
and attains a large size. (Sycamore.) Poplars, es- 
pecially the aspen and white poplar, are extremely 
common by streams. (Poplar.) The AValnut is 
more common in Syria than in Palestine. (Nuts 2.) 
Of large native shrubs or small trees almost uni- 
versally spread over the district are, Arbiitus An- 
draehne (Oriental arbutus), which is common in the 
hilly country from Hebron northward ; Cratcegus 
Aronia (a species of thorn), which grows equally 
in dry rocky exposures, as on the Mount of Olives, 
and in cool mountain-valleys, and yields a large 
yellow or red haw abundantly sold in the markets. 
Cypresses are common about villages. (Cypress 2.) 
Zizyphus Spina- Christi, Christ's Thorn — often called 
jujube — the Nubk of the Arabs, is most common 
on dry open plains, as that of Jericho. The Paliurus 
aculeaiws, also called Christ's Thorn, resembles it a 
good deal, but is much less common ; it abounds in 
Anti-Lebanon. (Thorns 5.) Styrax officinalis, which 
used to yield the famous Storax, abounds in the 



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791 



hilly parts of the country. (Poplar.) Tamarisk 
is common, but seldom attains a large size. Olean- 
der (Nerium Oleander) is an evergreen shrub, of 
great beauty and abundance, lining the banks of 
the streams and lakes in gravelly places, and bear- 
ing a profusion of blossoms ; supposed by some (so 
Wood's Botany) to be alluded to in Ps. i. 3, xxxvii. 
35. (Bay-tree.) Other still smaller but familiar 
shrubs are Phyllyrea ; Rhamnus Alatemus, and 
others of that genus (buckthorns) ; Rhus Coriaria 
(hide or elm-leaved sumach, whose bark is said to 
be used in tanning all the leather in Turkey [so 
Penny Cyclopedia]) ; several leguminous shrubs, as 
Anagyris fmtida, Calycotome and Genista ; Cotone- 
aster ; the common bramble, dog-rose and hawthorn 
(Thorns and Thistles) ; Elaagnus (Oleaster, or wild 
olive) ; Lycium Europamm ; Agnus castus ( Vilex 
agnm-castus) ; sweet bay (Laurus nobilis) ; Ephedra ; 
Clematis ; Gum-Cistus (see below) ; the caper-plant 
( Capparis spinosa ; see Hyssop). Of planted trees 
and large shrubs, the first in importance is the 
Vine, which is most abundantly cultivated' all over 
the country, and produces, as in the time of the 
Canaanites, enormous bunches of grapes. Next to 
the vine, or even in some respects its superior in 
importance, ranks the Olive, which nowhere grows 
in greater luxuriance and abundance than in Pales- 
tine, where the olive-orchards have from time im- 
memorial formed a prominent feature of the coun- 
try. It is perhaps most skilfully and carefully cul- 
tivated in the neighborhood of Hebron. The Fig 
forms another most important crop in Syria and 
Palestine, and one apparently greatly increasing in 
extent. The quince, apple, almond (Nuts 2), wal- 
nut, peach, and apricot, are all most abundant field 
or orchard crops. The pomegranate grows every- 
where as a bush : but like the orange, and other 
less common plants, is more often seen in gardens 
than in fields. The Banana is only found near the 
Mediterranean. Dates are not frequent: they are 
most common at Haifa (under Mount Carmel) and 
Jaffa, where the fruit ripens. Of the well-known 
palm-grove of Jericho no tree is standing. (Palm- 
tree.) The Opxmtia, or Prickly Pear (Cactus Opun- 
tia, Linn.), though a native of America, is most 
abundant throughout Syria. It is in general use 
for hedging, and its well-known fruit is extensively 
eaten by all classes. Of dye-stuffs the Carthamus 
(Safflower) and Indigo are both cultivated ; and of 
textiles, Flax, Hemp, and Cotton. The Carob ( Cer- 
atonia Siligua) has already been mentioned among 
the conspicuous trees. (Husks.) The Cistus or 
Rock-rose is the shrub from which Gum-Ladanum 
was collected in the islands of Candia and Cyprus. 
(Myrrh 2.) The plants contained in Western Syria 
and Palestine probably number not less than 2,000 
or 2,500, of which perhaps 500 are British wild 
flowers. The most abundant natural families of 
plants in West Syria and Palestine are — (1.) Le- 
guminosae, (2.) Composites, (3.) Labiatce, (4.) Cm- 
ciferce ; after which come (5.) Umbelliferat, (6.) 
Caryophyllea;, (7.) Boraginece, (8.) Scrophularinece, 
(9.) Graminea;, and (10.) Liliacea>.—(1.) Leguminosa; 
(leguminous or pod-bearing plants) abound in all 
situations, especially the genera Trifolhim (clover, 
trefoil, &c), Trigonella (Leeks), Medicago, Lotus, 
Vicia (the vetches ; Tares), and Orobus, in the 
richer soils, and Astragalus in enormous profusion 
in the drier and more barren districts. Lentiles, 
peas, &c, are cultivated. (Agriculture ; Garden.) 
Of the shrubby Leguminosce there are a few species 
of Genista (Juniper), Cytisus, Ononis, Retama, Ana- 



gyris, Calycotome, Coronilla, and Acacia. (Shittah- 
tree.) One species, Ceratonia Siliqua (Husks), is 
arboreous. — (2.) Composite (plants with dense- 
headed flowers, as daisies, sun-flowers, thistles, as- 
ters, &c). No family of plants more strikes the 
observer than the Compositce, from the vast abun- 
dance of thistles and centauries, and other spring- 
plants of the same tribe, which swarm alike over 
the richest plains and most stony hills, often tower- 
ing high above all other herbaceous vegetation. 
We can only mention the genera Centaurea, Echi- 
nops, Onopordum, Cirsimn, Cynara, and Carduus, 
as being eminently conspicuous for their numbers 
or size. (Thorns and Thistles ; Wormwood, &c.) — 
(3.) Labiatce (labiate plants, including hyssop, laven- 
der, marjoram, mint, sage, &c) form a prominent 
feature everywhere, and one all the more obtrusive 
from the fragrance of many of the genera. — (4.) Of 
Ciuciferae (cruciferous plants, including the cab- 
bage, turnip, mustard, radish, &c.) there is little to 
remark. Among the most noticeable are the gigan- 
tic mustard, which differs from the common mustard 
(Sinapis nigra) only in size, and the Anastaiica 
Hierochuntica, or rose of Jericho. (Rose.) — (5.) 
Umbelliferce (umbelliferous plants, including anise, 
dill, coriander, cummin, &c.) present little to re- 
mark on save the abundance of fennels and Bn- 
pleurums. The numerous plants of this order often 
form a large proportion of the tall rank herbage at 
the edges of copse-wood and in damp hollows. The 
gray and spiny Eryngium, so abundant on all the 
arid hills, belongs to this order. — (6.) Caryophyllew 
(caryophyllaceous plants, including the campion, 
chickweed, pink, sweet-william, &c.) are not a very 
conspicuous order, though the abundance of pinks, 
Silene and Saponaria, is a marked feature to the 
eye of the botanist. — (7.) The Boraginew (plants of 
the borage and heliotrope tribes) are for the most 
part annual weeds ; but some, as the buglosses, are 
among the most beautiful plants of the country. — 
(8.) Of Scrophularinece the principal genera are 
Scrophularia (figworts), Veronica, Linaria (snap- 
dragons), and Verbascum (mulleins), the last the 
most abundant and often gigantic. — (9.) Graminea; 
(the Grasses), though very numerous in species, sel- 
dom afford a sward as in moisterand colder regions. 
To this order belong also the cultivated cereal plants 
or " corn " of the Scriptures, wheat, rye, barley, 
millet, &c. (Agriculture; Food; Grass; Hay, 
&c.) — (10.) Liliacece (liliaceous or lily-like plants). 
The variety and beauty of this order in Syria (Lily) 
is perhaps nowhere exceeded, and especially of the 
bulb-bearing genera, as tulips, fritillaries, squills, 
gageas, &c. The Garlic, Leeks, Onions, hyacinth, 
&c, also belong to this order. — Of other natural 
orders, Geraniaccce (geraniums) are very numerous 
and beautiful ; Rutaceoe (Rue, &c.) are common ; 
Rosacea; (Rose, &c.) are not so abundant as in more 
northern climates ; but one remarkable plant, Pote- 
rium spinosum, covers whole tracts of arid, hilly 
country. (Bush.) Botanists place under this order the 
almond, apple, apricot, peach, quince, and other culti- 
vated fruits (see above) as well as brambles (Bush), 
thorns, &c. For other plants, see Ash ; Box-tree ; 
Fitches ; Flax ; Heath ; Hemlock ; Juniper ; Mal- 
lows ; Mandrake ; Mulberry-trees ; Myrrh ; Myr- 
tle ; Nettle ; Pine-tree ; Spices ; Tares ; Wil- 
lows, &c. — Ferns are extremely scarce, owing to 
the dryness of the climate, and most of the species 
belong to the Lebanon flora. One of the most 
memorable plants of this region, and, indeed, in the 
whole world, is the celebrated Papyrus of the an- 



792 



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cients [Papyrus Anliquorum). (Reed 2.) Of other 
Cryptogamic plants little is known. Cucurbitaceos 
(Cucumbers, Melon, Gourd, &c), though not in- 
eluded under any of the above heads, are a very 
frequent order in Syria. The plants of the various 
orders above-named unite with others to give to the 
herbage of Palestine that showy character for which 
it is famous. In the spring and early summer the 
ground is almost carpeted with gay and delicate 
flowers. — (II.) Botany of Eastern Syria and Pales- 
tine. Little or nothing being known of the flora of 
the range of mountains E. of the Jordan and Syrian 
desert, we must confine our notice to the valley of 
the Jordan, that of the Dead Sea, and the country 
about Damascus. Nowhere can a better locality be 
found for showing the contrast between the vegeta- 
tion of the eastern and western districts of Syria 
than in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. To the 
W. and S. of that city the valleys are full of the 
dwarf oak, two kinds of Pistacia, besides Smilax 
(sarsaparilla), Arbutus, rose, Aleppo Pine, Rhamnus, 
Phyllyrea, bramble, and Cratcegns Aronia (see 
above) ; but beyond the Mount of Olives not one 
of these appears. For the first few miles eastward 
the olive-groves continue, and here and there a 
carob and lentisk or sycamore occurs, but beyond 
Bethany these are scarcely seen. On descending 
1,000 feet below the level of the sea to the valley of 
the Jordan, the sub-tropical and desert vegetation 
of Arabia and W. Asia is encountered in full force. 
Many plants, wholly foreign to the western district, 
suddenly appear, and the flora is that of the whole 
dry country as far E. as the Punjaub on the border 
of India. The commonest plant is the Zizyphus 
Spina- Christi, ovnubk of the Arabs, forming bushes 
or small trees. (Thorns.) Scarcely less abundant, 
and as large, is the Balanites JEgypliaca. (Oil- 
tree.) Tamarisks are most abundant. Acacia Far- 
nesiana (a leguminous plant allied to the Shittah- 
tree) is very abundant, and celebrated for the deli- 
cious fragrance of its yellow flowers. Capparis 
spinosa, the common caper-plant, flourishes every- 
where in the Jordan valley. (Hyssop.) Alhagi 
Maurorurn is extremely common (Manna) ; as is 
the prickly Solarium Sodomxum, with purple flowers 
and globular yellow fruits, commonly known as the 
Dead Sea apple. On the banks of the Jordan it- 
self the arboreous and shrubby vegetation chiefly 
consists of Popmlus Euphratica (a species of poplar 
found all over Central Asia, but not W. of Jordan), 
tamarisk, Osyris alba, Periploca (a genus of twin- 
ing shrubs), Acacia vera (the true acacia ; see 
Shittah-tree), Prosopis Slephaniana (also legumi- 
nous), Arundo Donax (Reed), Lyciurn, and Capparis 
spinosa (caper). As the ground becomes saline, 
Atriplex Halimus (Mallows) and large Slatices (sea- 
pinks) appear in vast abundance, with very many 
succulent, shrubby, salt-marsh plants of the genera 
Sahola, Salicoi-nia, &c. Other very tropical plants 
of this region are Zygophylbum coccineum, Boerhavia, 
Indigofera (indigo-plant); several Astragali, Cassias, 
Gymnocarpmm, and Nitraria. At the same time 
thoroughly European forms are common, especially 
in wet places, as dock, mint, Veronica Anagallis (a 
smooth, succulent plant, sometimes found in the 
United States, on the borders of brooks and pools), 
and Sium(a, genus of umbelliferous aquatic plants). 
The small valley of En-gedi ( : Ain Jidy) is particu- 
larly celebrated for the tropical character of its 
vegetation. Here the Salvadora Persica, supposed 
by some to be the mustard-tree of Scripture, grows. 
(Mustard.) The shores immediately around the 



Dead Sea present abundance of vegetation, almost 
wholly of a saline character, but including non- 
saline plants, as tamarisks, Solarium Sodomceum, and 
immense brakes of Arundo Donax. (ReeiO — (III.) 
Flora of t ie Middle and Upper Mountain Regions of 
Syria. The oak forms the prevalent arboreous ve- 
getation of this region below 5,000 feet. The 
Quercus pseudo-coccifera and infectoria are not seen 
much above 3,000 feet, nor the Valonia oak at so 
great an elevation ; but above these heights some 
magnificent species of oak are found. At the same 
elevation junipers become common (Juniper; Ce- 
dar), but the species have not been satisfactorily 
made out. But the most remarkable plant of the 
upper region is certainly the cedar. From the heat 
and extreme dryness of the climate during much 
of the year, the sterile limestone-soil on the highest 
summits, and other causes, no part of Lebanon pre- 
sents a vegetation at all similar, or even analogous, 
to that of the Alps of Europe, India, or North 
America. At the elevation of 4,000 feet on Leba- 
non many plants of the middle and northern lati- 
tudes of Europe commence, among which the most 
conspicuous are hawthorn, dwarf elder, dog-rose, 
ivy, butcher's broom, a variety of the berberry, 
honeysuckle, maple, and jasmine. A little higher, 
at 5,000 to 7,000 feet, occur Cotoneaster, Rhododen- 
dron ponticum, primrose, Daphne Oleoides, Poterium, 
and several other roses (see above, under I.), Juni- 
perus communis, fazlidissima (or excelsa), and cedar. 
Still higher, at 7,000-10,000 feet, there is no shrubby 
vegetation, properly so called, but some small, 
rounded, harsh, prickly bushes, incline on the Astra- 
galus Tragacaniha, which yields gum tragacanth 
most abundantly. At 8,000-9,000 feet the beau- 
tiful silvery Vicia canescens (a leguminous plant 
of the vetch kind ; Tares) forms large tufts of pale 
blue, where scarcely any thing else will grow. The 
most boreal forms, confined to the clefts of rocks, 
or the vicinity of patches of snow above 9,000 feet, 
are Drabas (Draba is a genus of cruciferous plants), 
Arenaria (sandwort), one small Potentil/a (or plant 
of the cinquefoil kind), a Festuca (fescue gTass), an 
Arabis like alpina (also a cruciferous plant), and 
the Oxyria reniformis (mountain sorrel), the only 
decidedly Arctic type in the whole country. No 
doubt, Cryptogamic plants are sufficiently numerous 
in this region, but none have been collected except 
ferns, among which are Cystopleris fragilis, Poly- 
podium vulgarc (common polypod), Nephrodtum pal- 
lidum, and Polystivhum angulare. — Zoology (abridged 
and modified from the original article by Messrs. 
Houghton and Tristram). It will be sufficient in 
this article to give a general survey of the fauna of 
Palestine, more particular information being given 
in the articles which treat of the various animals 
under their respective names. — Mammals. The 
Cheiroptera (bats) are probably represented in Pal- 
estine by the species known to occur in Egypt and 
Syria, but we want precise information on this point. 
(Bat.) Of the Insectivora (animals which feed on 
insects) we find hedgehogs (Erinaceus Europa;us) 
and moles ( Talpa vulgaris, Talpa cozca [?]), said to be 
numerous and destructive (Mole) : doubtless the 
family of Soricidce (Shrews) is also represented, but 
we lack information. Of the Carnivora (beasts of 
prey) are still in Lebanon, the Syrian bear (Ursus 
Syriacus), and the panther (Leopardus varius ; Leop- 
ard). Jackals and foxes (Fox) are common ; the 
hyena and wolf are also occasionally observed ; 
the badger (31eles Taxus) is also said to occur in 
Palestine (Mr. H. Poole mentions it as found in 



PAL 



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793 



abundance at Hebron, though naturalists had pre- 
viously denied the existence of this burrowing quad- 
ruped in Palestine [Badger-ski.ns]) ; the lion is no 
longer a resident in Palestine or Syria. (Ferret ; 
Weasel.) A species of squirrel (Sciurus Syriacus), 
termed by the Arabs Orkidaun (the leaper), and no- 
ticed on the lower and middle parts of Lebanon ; 
two kinds of hare, Lepus Syriacus, and Lcpus 
yEgyplius ; rats and mice, which are said to abound 
(mouse) ; the jerboa (Dipm JEgyplvus) ; the porcu- 
pine (Hyslrixcristata); the short-tailed field-mouse 
(Arvicola agreslis), may be considered as the repre- 
sentatives of the Kodentia (gnawing animals). Of 
the Pachydermata (thick-skinned animals), the wild 
boar (Sus Scrofa), frequently met with on Tabor 
and little Hermon, appears to be the only living wild 
example. (Behemoth ; Swine ; Unicorn.) The 
Syrian hyrax (Coney) is now but rarely seen. There 
does not appear to be at present any wild ox in 
Palestine. (Bull.) Dr. Thomson states that wild 
goats (Ibex ?) are still (see 1 Sam. xxiv. 2) frequently 
seen in the rocks of En-gedi. The gazelle (Oazella 
Dorcas) occurs not unfrequently in the Holy Land, 
and is the antelope of the country. The Arabs 
hunt the gazelles with greyhound and falcon. 
(Pygarg.) The fallow-deer (Bania vulgaris) is 
said to be not unfrequently observed. (Hart ; 
Hind; Roe; Roebuck.) Of domestic animals we 
need only mention the Arabian or one-humped 
camel, ass, mule, horse, all of which are in general 
use. The buffalo (Bubalus Buffalo) is common. 
(Bull.) The ox of the country is small and un- 
sightly in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, but in 
the richer pastures the cattle, though small, are not 
unsightly; the common sheep of Palestine is the 
broad-tail ( Ovis lalicaudatus), with its varieties ; the 
Goat is extremely common everywhere. (Chamois.) 
Cats and dogs (so Porter, in Kitto) are considered 
common property, tolerated, but not often domes- 
ticated, as among us. (Cat; Dog.) — Bird*. Mr. 
Tristram has catalogued and described 322 species 
of birds (230 land birds, and 92 waders and water- 
fowl) as found in Palestine, 260 of which are in 
European lists, and 27 appear peculiar to Palestine 
and adjacent districts (Fbn.). Vultures, eagles, fal- 
cons, kites, owls of different kinds, represent the 
Raptorial order or birds of prey. (Eagle ; Gier- 
eagle ; Glede ; Hawk ; Kite ; Night-hawk ; Os- 
pray; Ossifrage; Owl; Vulture, &c.) Of the 
smaller birds may be mentioned, among others, the 
Merops Persicus (Persian bee-eater), the Upupa 
Epops (hoopoe; Lapwing), the Sitla Syriaca or Dal- 
matian nuthatch, several kinds of SilviadcB (war- 
blers), the Cinnyris Osea (Hosea's sun-bird), the Ixos 
xanllwpygius (Palestine nightingale — the finest song- 
ster in the country), — the Amydrus Tristranvii (glossy 
starling), discovered by Mr. Tristram in the gorge of 
the Kidron ; the hopping thrush ( Craleropus chalybe- 
us), in the open wooded district near Jericho ; the jay 
of Palestine ( Garrulus melanoccphahis) ; kingfishers 
( Ceryle rudis, and perhaps Alcedo ispida) abound 
about the Lake of Tiberias and in the streams above 
the Huleh ; the raven, and carrion crow ; the Pastor 
roseus (locust-bird or rose-colored starling, the smur- 
mur of the Arabs); the common cuckoo; several 
kinds of doves (Dove ; Turtle-dove) ; sand-grouse 
(Pterocles), partridges, francolins, quails, the great 
bustard, storks, both the black and white kinds, 
seen often in flocks of some hundreds ; herons, cur- 
lews, pelicans, sea-swallows (Sterna), gulls, &c, &c 
" Domestic fowls are not numerous in Palestine. A 
few barn-door fowls may be seen in the vil- 



lages ; but ducks, geese, and turkeys are extremely 
rare " (so Porter, in Kitto). (Bittern ; Cock ; Cor- 
morant ; Crane ; Hen ; Heron ; Ostrich ; Par- 
tridge ; Peacock ; Pelican ; Sparrow ; Stork ; 
Swallow; Swan, &c.) — Reptiles. Several kinds of 
lizards occur. The Lacerta Stellio, Linn., hardun of 
the Arabs, or starry lizard, is very common in 
ruined walls, and is killed by the Turks, as they 
think it mimics them saying their prayers. (Lizard.) 
The Warau el hard (Psarnmosawus Scincus ; "Tor- 
toise ? ") is very common in the deserts. The com- 
mon Greek tortoise (Testudo Gr(eca)Y)r. Wilson ob- 
served at the sources of the Jordan ; fresh-water 
tortoises (probably Emus Caspiea) are found abun- 
dantly in the upper part of the country in the 
streams of Esdrajlon and of the higher Jordan val- 
ley, and in the lakes. (Tortoise.) The chameleon 
(Chameleo vulgaris) is common ; the crocodile (Levi- 
athan) does not occur in Palestine; the Monitor 
Nilodcus (monitor of the Nile, an allied reptile 
which grows to the length of five or six feet) has 
doubtless been confounded with it. In the S. of 
Palestine especially geckoes and other reptiles of 
various kinds abound. Of Ophidians, there are some 
species of Echidna ; a Naia, several Trojndonoti, a 
Voronella, a Coluber (trivirgatus ?) occur ; and on 
the southern frontier the Cerastes Hassclquistii 
(horned viper) has been observed. (Adder ; Asp ; 
Serpent; Viper.) Frogs (Rana esculenta) abound 
in the marshy pools of Palestine ; and are of a large 
size, but are not eaten by the inhabitants. (Frog.) 
The tree-frog (Hyla) and toad (Bufo) are also very 
common. — Fishes. The principal kinds which are 
caught off the shores of the Mediterranean are sup- 
plied by the families Sparidee (gilt-head, bream, &c. ), 
Percidm (perch), Scomberidw (mackerel, &c.), Raiadce 
(ray), and Blenronedida> (flatfish, flounder, sole, &c). 
The Sea of Galilee has been always celebrated for 
its fish. Burckhardt says, the most common species 
are the binny (Cyprinus Lepidotus, allied to the 
gold-fish and carp), said sometimes to weigh seventy 
pounds, and the »7ies/i/,described as a foot long and five 
inches broad, with a flat body like the sole, undoubt- 
edly one of the Labrida; (wrasse family), and perhaps 
= Chrornius Niloticus. — Molluscs are numerous. The 
land-shells may be classified in four groups. In the 
north of the country the prevailing type is that of 
the Greek and Turkish mountain region, numerous 
species of the genus Clausilia, and of opaque Bulimi 
and Rupee predominating. On the coast and in the 
plains the common shells of the E. Mediterranean 
basin abound, e. g. Helix Pisana, Helix Syriaca, kc. 
In the south, in the hill country of Judea, occurs a 
very interesting group, chiefly confined to the genus 
Helix (snail kind), three subdivisions of which may 
be typified by Helix Boissieri, Helix Seetzena, Helix 
tubercidosa, recalling, by their thick, calcareous, 
lustreless coating, the prevalent types of Egypt, 
Arabia, and Sahara. In the valley of the Jordan 
the prevailing group is a subdivision of the genus 
Bulim-us, rounded, semi-pellucid, and lustrous, very 
numerous in species, mostly peculiar to the district. 
(Colors, Purple, Blue; Onycha; Pearl.) — Of the 
Crustacea (crabs, &c.) we know scarcely any thing. 
— " Bisects are so numerous in some parts of the 
land as to become almost a plague " (Porter, in Kitto). 
(Flea ; Fly ; Gnat ; Hornet, &c.) The Lepidopiera 
(butterflies, moths, caterpillars, &c.) are as numer- 
ous and varied as might be expected in a land of flow- 
ers. All the common butterflies of Southern Eu- 
rope, or nearly allied congeners, are plentiful in the 
cultivated plains and on the hill-sides. (Moth.) Bees 



794 



PAL 



PAL 



are common. (Bee.) At least three species of 
scorpions have been distinguished. (Scorpion.) 
Spiders are common. (Spider.) Locusts occasion- 
ally visit Palestine, and do infinite damage. (Cater- 
pillar; Locust; Palmer-worm.) Ants are nu- 
merous. (Ant.) — Of the Annelida (earth-worms, 
leeches, &e.) we have no information. (Horse- 
leech; Leech; Worm.) Of some other divisions 
of the animal kingdom we are completely ignorant. 
(Coral ; Sponge.) — It has been remarked that in 
its physical character Palestine presents on a small 
scale an epitome of the natural features of all re- 
gions, mountainous and desert, northern and tropi- 
cal, maritime and inland, pastoral, arable, and vol- 
canic. This fact, which has rendered the allusions 
in the Scriptures so varied as to afford familiar il- 
lustrations to the people of every climate, has had 
its natural effect on the zoology of the country. In 
no other district, not even on the southern slopes 
of the Himalaya, are the typical fauna of so many 
distinct regions and zones brought into such close 
juxtaposition. — The Climate. 1. Temperature. At 
Jerusalem, January is the coldest month, and July 
and August the hottest, though June and September 
are nearly as warm. In January the average tem- 
perature is 49°'l Fahrenheit, and greatest cold 28 3 ; 
in July and August the average is 78 3- 4 ; with great- 
est heat 92° in the shade and 143 3 in the sun. The 
extreme range in a single year was 52° ; the mean 
annual temperature 65° - 6. Though varying so much 
during the different seasons, the climate is on the 
whole pretty uniform from year to year. The iso- 
thermal line of mean annual temperature of Jeru- 
salem passes through California, Alabama (a little 
N. of Mobile), Gibraltar, and near Madeira, and the 
Bermudas. According to Dr. Barclay, there is a 
close analogy in temperature and the periodicity of 
the seasons between Palestine and California. The 
heat, though extreme during the four midsummer 
months, is much alleviated by a sea-breeze from the 
N. W., which blows with great regularity from 10 
a. m. till 10 p. m. The heat is rarely oppressive at 
Jerusalem, except when the sirocco blows. (Wind.) 
During January and February snow often falls to 
the depth of a foot or more, though it may not 
make its appearance for several years together. 
Thin ice is occasionally found on pools or sheets of 
water, but this is of rare occurrence. (Frost.) 2. 
Main. Dr. Barclay's observations show that the 
greatest fall of rain at Jerusalem in a single year 
was 85 inches and the smallest 44, the mean being 
616 inches. The greatest fall in any one month 
(December, 1850) was 33-8 inches, and the greatest 
ii three months (December, 1850-February, 1851) 
72-4. But the average rain-fall of London during 
the whole year is only 25 inches, and in the wettest 
parts of England, e. g. Cumberland and Devon, it 
rarely exceeds 60 inches. The annual rain-fall at 
Fort Crawford, Wisconsin, is 30 inches ; at Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts, 38 inches (New American 
Cyclopaedia) ; at New Haven, Connecticut, 44 inches ; 
at Charleston, South Carolina, 48 inches (Prof. D. 
Olmsted). As in the time of our Saviour (Lk. xii. 
54), the rains at Jerusalem, &c, come chiefly from 
the S. or S. W. They commence at the end of 
October or beginning of November, and continue 
with greater or less constancy till the end of Febru- 
ary or middle of March, and occasionally, though 
rarely, till the end of April. Between April and 
November there is, with the rarest exceptions, an 
uninterrupted succession of fine weather, and skies 
without a cloud. Thus the year divides itself into 



two seasons — " winter and summer " — " cold and 
heat " — " seed-time and harvest." During the sum- 
mer the dews are very heavy, and often saturate the 
traveller's tent as if a shower had passed over it. 
The nights, especially toward sunrise, are very cold, 
and thick fogs or mists are common all over the 
country. Thunder-storms of great violence are fre- 
quent during the winter months. (Dew ; Rain ; 
Thunder.) 3. So much for the climate of Jerusa- 
lem. In the lowland districts, the heat is much 
greater and more oppressive, owing to the quantity 
of vapor in the atmosphere, the absence of any 
breeze, the sandy nature of the soil, and the man- 
ner in which the heat is confined and reflected by 
the enclosing heights; perhaps also to the internal 
heat of the earth, due to the depth below the sea- 
level of the greater part of the Jordan valley, and 
the remains of volcanic agency in this very de- 
pressed region. The harvest in the Jordan valley 
is fully a month in advance of that on the highlands, 
and the fields of wheat are still green on the latter 
when the grain is being threshed in the former. 4. 
The climate of the maritime lowland exhibits many 
of the characteristics of that of the Jordan valley, 
but, being much more elevated, and exposed on its 
western side to the sea-breeze, is not so oppressive- 
ly hot. This district retains much tropical vegeta- 
tion. Here, also, the harvest is in advance of that 
of the mountain districts. In the winter months, 
however, the climate of these regions is very similar 
to that of the south of France, or the maritime dis- 
tricts of the north of Italy. The preceding article 
is principally abridged from the original article 
written, except the Botany and Zoology, by Mr. 
Grove. 

Pal' la (DIeb. distinguished, Ges.), second son of 
Reuben, and father of Eliab (Ex. vi. 14 ; Num. xxvi. 
5, 8 ; 1 Chr. v. 3) ; founder of the family of Pallu- 
ites. 

Pal'lu-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Pallu (Num. xxvi. 5). 

*Palm [pahm]. Hand; Palm-tree. 

* Palm'er-ist [pahm-] = the Palma Christi (palm 
of Christ), or castor-oil plant (Jon. iv. 6, marg.). 
Gourd 1. 

Pal m'er- worm [pahm'er-wurm"| (i. e. the pilgrim- 
worm, a voracious, hairy caterpillar, the larva of 
some butterfly or moth), the A. V. translation of the 
Heb. ffdzdm (Joel i. 4, ii. 25 ; Am. iv. 9). Bochart 
has endeavored to show that ffdzdm denotes some 
species of locust. The Chaldee and Syriac (and so 
Gesenius and Oedmann) understand some locust 
larva by the Hebrew word. Tychsen identifies the 
gdzdm with the Gryllus cristatus, Linn., a South 
African species of cricket. Mr. Houghton prefers, 
with Michaelis, Gosse (in Fairbairn), &c, to follow 
the LXX. (Gr. Jca.mpe) and Vulgate (L. eruca) in 
rendering the Hebrew word by Caterpillar. Cater- 
pillars are the larva or immature forms of lepidop- 
terous insects (butterflies, moths, &c), various sorts 
of which often do great damage to fruit-trees and 
other vegetation. 

* Pal-mo'ni (Heb., see below), a marginal reading 
in Dan. viii. IB, A. V. text " that certain." It is 
properly used (so Gesenius) when one points out a 
person, as with his finger, without calling him by 
name, like our expressions, " such a one," " Mr.," &c. 

Palai'-trce [pahm-] (Heb. tdmdr ; Gr. phoinix). 
Under this generic term many species are botani- 
cally included ; but we have here only to do with the 
Date-palm, the Phoenix dactt/lifera of Linnajus. It 
grew very abundantly in many parts of the Levant, 



PAL 



PAL 



795 



but was regarded by the ancients as peculiarly char- 
acteristic of Palestine and the neighboring regions. 
The palm-tree is dioecious (i. e. the male and female 
flowers grow on different trees) and endogenous (i. e. 
growing from within outward, like the cornstalk). 




Date-palm (Phemix dactt/Ufera).—(Fbn.) 



The date-palm attains a height of from thirty or forty 
to seventy or eighty feet. It seldom bears fruit till 
six or eight (or even ten) years after it is planted, 
but continues to be productive for 100 years, yield- 
ing an average crop of perhaps 100 lbs. for a year 
(so Dr. Hamilton in Fairbairn). The Arabs feed 
their camels on the abortive fruit and the date-stones 
ground down. " From the leaves they make couches, 
baskets, bags, mats, brushes, and fly-traps ; from 
the trunk, cages for their poultry, and fences for 
their gardens ; and other parts of the tree furnish 
fuel. From the fibrous webs at the bases of the leaves 
thread is procured, which is twisted into ropes and 
rigging; and from the sap, which is collected by cut- 
ting off the head of the palm, and scooping out a 
hollow in its stem, a spirituous liquor is prepared " 
(Bennett's Botany, quoted in Fairbairn). The follow- 
ing places may be enumerated from the Bible as 
having some connection with the palm-tree, either 
in the derivation of the name, or in the mention of 
the tree as growing on the spot. (1.) At Elim 
were " twelve wells (fountains) of water, and three- 
score and ten palm-trees " (Ex. xv. 21 ; Num. xxxiii. 
9). (2.) Elath (Deut. ii. 8 ; 1 K. ix. 26; 2 K. xiv. 



22, xvi. 6; 2 Chr. viii. 17, xxvi. 2) may likewise 
mean the palm-trees. (3.) No place in Scripture is 
so closely associated with the subject before us as 
Jericho, " the city of palm-trees." Its rich palm- 
groves are connected with two very different periods 
— with that of Moses, Joshua, &c. (Deut. xxxiv. 3 ; 
Judg. i. 16, iii. 13; 2 Chr. xxviii. 15) on the one 
hand, and that of the evangelists on the other. 
What the extent of these palm-groves may have 
been in the desolate period of Jericho we cannot 
tell; but they were renowned in the time of the 
Gospels and Josephus. The Jewish historian men- 
tions the luxuriance of these trees again and again. 
Herod the Great took great interest in the palm- 




/ 



Fruit of Date-palm.— (Flu.) 

groves of Jericho. (4.) Hazezon-tamar (the felling 
of the palm-tree) is mentioned in the history both of 
Abraham (Gen. xiv. 7) and of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
xx. 2) ; = En-gedi. (5.) Baal tamar had the same 
element in its name, and doubtless the same char- 
acteristic in its scenery (Judg. xx. 33). It could 
not have been far from " the palm-tree of Deborah " 
(Judg. iv. 5), and may have been (so Stanley) iden- 
tical with it. (6.) Tamar (the palm) is set before us 
in the vision of Ezekiel (Ez. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28). 
(1.) There is little doubt that Solomon's Tadmor, 
afterward the famous Palmyra, on another desert 
frontier far to the N. E. of Tamar, is primarily the 
same word. (8.) Bethany (the house of dates) re- 
minds us that the palm grew in the neighborhood 
of the Mount of Olives. This helps our realization 
of our Saviour's entry into Jerusalem, when the peo- 
ple " took branches of palm-trees and went forth to 
meet Him" (Jn. xii. 13; comp. Neh. viii. 15). (9.) 
Phenicia or Phenice (Acts xi. 19, xv. 3, xx. 2) is in 
all probability derived from the Greek phoimx = a 
palm. (10.) Phenice (Gr. Phoinix)m the island of 
Crete, the harbor which St. Paul was prevented by 
the storm from reaching (xxvii. 12), has doubtless 
the same derivation. — From the passages where 
there is a literal reference to the palm-tree, we may 
pass to the emblematical uses of it in Scripture. 



796 



PAL 



PAP 



Under this head may be classed the following: — (1.) 
The striking appearance of the tree, its uprightness 
and beauty, would naturally suggest the giving of 
its name occasionally to women (" Tamar," Gen. 
xxxviii. 6; 2 Sam. xiii. 1, xiv. 27). (2.) We have 
notices of the employment of this form in decorative 
art, both in the real Temple of Solomon (2 Chr. iii. 
5 ; 1 K. vi. 29, 32, 35, vii. 36), and in the visionary 
temple of Ezekiel (Ez. xl. 16 ff, xli. 18 ff.). This 
work seems to have been in relief. It was a natural 
and doubtless customary kind of ornamentation in 
Eastern architecture. Jeremiah compares the idols 
of the heathen (rigid and motionless?) to the palm- 
tree (Jer. x. 4, 5). (3.) With a tree so abundant 
in Judea, and so marked in its growth and appear- 
ance, as the p.ilm, it seems rather remarkable that 
it does not appear more frequently in the imagery 
of the 0. T. There is, however, in Psalm xcii. 12 
the familiar comparison, "The righteous shall flour- 
ish like the palm-tree," which suggests a world of 
illustration, whether respect be had to the orderly 
and regular aspect of the tree, its fruitfulness, the 
perpetual greenness of its foliage, or the height at 
which the foliage grows, as far as possible from 
earth and as near as possible to heaven. Perhaps 
no point is more worthy of mention, if we wish to 
pursue the comparison, than the elasticity of the 
fibre of the palm, and its determined growth upward 
even when loaded with weights. (4.) The passage 
in Rev. vii. 9, where the glorified of all nations are 
described as "clothed with white robes and palms in 
their hands," might seem to us a purely classical 
image, drawn from the Greek games, the victors in 
which carried palms in their hands. But palm- 
branches were used by Jews in token of victory and 
peace (1 Mc. xiii. 51 ; 2 Mc. x. 7, xiv. 4 ; comp. Jn. 

xii. 13, and 2 Esd. ii. 44-47).— The industrial and 
domestic uses of the palm (see above) are very nu- 
merous : but there is no clear allusion to them in 
the Bible. That the ancient Orientals, however, 
made use of wine and honey obtained from the 
palm-tree is evident from Herodotus, Strabo, and 
Pliny. It is indeed possible that the honey men- 
tioned in some places may be palm-sugar. (In 2 
Chr. xxxi. 5 the margin has "dates.") There may 
also in Cant. vii. 8, " I will go up to the palm-tree, I 
will take hold of the boughs thereof," be a reference 
to climbing for fruit. So in ii. 3 and elsewhere 
(e. g. Ps. i. 3) the fruit of the palm may be intended : 
but this cannot be proved. It is curious that this 
tree, once so abundant in Judea, is now compara- 
tively rare, except in the Philistine plain, and in the 
old Phenicia about Beirut. A few years ago there 
was just one palm-tree at Jericho ; but that is now 
gone (so Dr. Howson). Old trunks are washed up 
in the Dead Sea. In Vespasian's medal (Jerusa- 
lem) the daughter of Judea is mourning under a 
palm-tree. 

Pal'sy [pawl'ze], contracted from paralysis (L.) fr. 
Gr. parahmis (literally = a loosening aside, then a 
disabling the nerves of a part of the body, after- 
ward also of the w T hole bod)', L. & S., Celsus). Medi- 
cine. 

Pal'ti (Heb. deliverance o f Jehovah, Ges.), a Ben- 
jarnite, one of the twelve spies ; son of Raphu (Num. 

xiii. 9). 

Pal'ti-el (Heb. deliverance of God), son of Azzan, 
and prince of Issachar (Num. xxxiv. 26) ; one of the 
twelve appointed to divide Canaan among the tribes 
W. of Jordan. 

Pal'tite (fr. Heb. — descendant of Pelet or one from 
Pelet? perhaps a corruption of Pelonitej, the. 



Helez " the Paltite" is named in 2 Sam. xxiii. 26 
among David's " thirty " valiant men. 

Pain-plljTi-a [-fil-] (L. fr. Gr. = every tribe, i. e. 
a people made up of various tribes, Hdt.), one of the 
coast-regions in the S. of Asia Minor, having Cilicia 
on the E., Pisidia on the N., and Lycia on the W. 
In the invasion of Greece under Xerxes b. c. 480, 
while Cilicia contributed one hundred ships and 
Lycia fifty, Pamphylia sent only thirty. The name 
probably then embraced little more than the crescent 
of comparatively level ground between the Taurus 
Mountains and the sea. Pamphylia came under the 
Roman sway after the death of Attalus, king of 
Asia, b. c. 133. In St. Paul's time not only was 
Pamphylia a regular province, but the Emperor 
Claudius had united Lycia with it, and probably 
also a good part of Pisidia. It was in Pamphylia 
that St. Paul first entered Asia Minor, after preach- 
ing the Gospel in Cyprus. He and Barnabas sailed up 
the river Cestrus to Perga (Acts xiii. 13). Here John 
Mark left them (ib., xv. 38). Here they preached the 
Gospel on their return from the interior (xiv. 24, 25). 
We may conclude, from Acts ii. 10, that there were 
many Jews in the province (comp. 1 Mc. xv. 23) ; 
and possibly Perga had a synagogue. The two mis- 
sionaries finally left Pamphylia by its chief seaport, 
Attalia. Many years afterward St. Paul sailed 
near the coast, through " the sea of Cilicia and 
Pamphylia" (Acts xxvii. 5). 

Pan. Of the six Hebrew words so rendered in 
the A. V., viz. ciyor (translated usually "laver), 
mahabalh or macMbath, masreth, sir, pdrur, tseldhdh 
or tscldchdh, two, viz. mah/ibath or machdbath and 
masreth, seem to imply a shallow pan or plate, such as 
is used by Bedouins and Syrians for baking or dress- 
ing rapidly their cakes of meal, such as were used in 
legal oblations (Altar ; Bread) : the others, espe- 
cially sir (usually translated " caldron " or " pot "), 
a deeper vessel or caldron for boiling meat, placed 
during the process on three stones. 

Pan'nag (Heb., of uncertain etymology, Ges. ; see 
below), perhaps an article of commerce exported 
from Palestine to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 17 only). A com- 
parison of the passage in Ezekiel with Gen. xliii. 11, 
leads to the supposition (so Mr. Bevan) that pamiag 
= some of the spices grown in Palestine. The LXX., 
in rendering it kasia ( = cassia), favors this opinion. 
Hitzig observes that a similar term occurs in Sanscrit 
(pannaga) for an aromatic plant. The Syriac ver- 
sion understands by it millet (Panicum miliaemm). 
Gesenius says, "perhaps a kind of jjastry or sweet 
cake.'''' Fairbairn (on Ez. 1. a), Henderson, and the 
A. V. favor its being the name of a place where fine 
wheat grew (comp. Minnith). 

Pa per (fr. Papyrus). Writing. 

* Pa per-reeds, the A. V. translation of Heb. 
plural 'droth (Is. xix. 7 only). Gesenius, Rosenmiil- 
ler, Fiirst, J. A. Alexander (on Is. 1. a), Barnes, Ayre, 
&c, make 'droth = naked places, without trees, i. e. 
meadows or grassy places on the banks of the Nile. 
The Hebrew here translated " brooks " in the A. V. 
is the singular year, applied to the Nile. Brook 2 ; 
Reed 2 ; Writing. 

Pa'phOS (Gr., said to have been named from its 
founder, son of Pygmalion), a town at the W. end 
of Cyprus, connected by a road with Salamis at the 
E. end. According to Greek writers, Paphos was 
founded about the time ofthe Trojan war (1184 b. c). 
Paul and Barnabas travelled, on their first mission- 
ary expedition, " through the isle," from Salamis to 
Paphos (Acts xiii. 6). At Paphos Elymas was 
struck blind, and Sergius Paulus became a believer. 



PAP 



PAR 



797 



The great characteristic of Paphos was the licen- 1 
tious worship of Aphrodite or Venus, who was here 
fabled to have risen from the sea. (Ashtoreth.) 
Her temple, however, was at " Old Paphos," now 
called KxMia. The harbor and the chief town were 
at " New Paphos," at some little distance. The 
place is still called Baffa. 

Pa-py'rus (L. fr. Gr. papvros). Reed 2. 

Par'a-Me (Heb. mdsh&l ; Gr. parabole ; L. para- 
bola). The distinction between the Parable and one 
cognate form of teaching has been discussed under 
the article Fable, originally, like this, by Prof. 
Plumptre. Something remains to be said (I.) as to 
the word, (II.) as to the Parables of the Gospels, 
(III.) as to the laws of their interpretation. (I.) 
The word parable, in Gr. parabole, does not of itself 
imply a narrative. The juxtaposition of two things, 
differing in most points, but agreeing in some, is 
sufficient to bring the comparison thus produced 
within the etymology of the word. In Hellenistic 
Greek, however, it acquired a wider meaning, co- 
extensive with that of the Hebrew mdshdl, for which 
the LXX. writers, with hardly an exception, make it 
the equivalent. That word (= similitude) had a 
large range of application, and was applied some- 
times to the shortest proverbs (1 Sam. x. 12, xxiv. 
13 ; 2 Chr. vii. 20, A. V. " proverb " in these), some- 
times to dark prophetic utterances (Num. xxiii. V, 
18, xxiv. 3 ; Ez. xx. 49, A. V. " parable " in these), 
sometimes to enigmatic maxims (Ps. lxxviii. 2, A. V. 
" parable ; " Prov. i. 6, A. V. " proverb "), or meta- 
phors expanded into a narrative (Ez. xii. 22, A. V. 
" proverb "). (Poetry, Hebrew ; Proverbs, Book 
of; Riddle.) In the N. T. the word parabole is 
used with a like latitude. While attached most fre- 
quently to the illustrations, which have given it a 
special meaning, it is also applied to a short saying or 
" proverb " (Lk. iv. 23), to a mere comparison with- 
out a narrative (Mat. xxiv. 32), to the figurative 
character of the Levitical ordinances (Heb. ix. 9, 
A. V. " figure "), or of single facts in patriarchal 
history (xi. 19, A. V. "figure"). II. The Parable 
differs from the Myth in being the result of a con- 
scious deliberate choice, not the growth of an un- 
conscious realism, personifying attributes, appear- 
ing, no one knows how, in popular belief. It differs 
from the Allegory, in that the latter, with its direct 
personification of ideas or attributes, and the names 
which designate them, involves really no comparison.. 
The virtues and vices of mankind appear, as in a 
drama, in their own character and costume. The 
allegory is self-interpreting. The parable demands 
attention, insight, sometimes an actual explanation. 
It differs lastly from the proverb, in that it must in- 
clude a similitude of some kind, while the proverb 
may assert, without a similitude, some wide gener- 
alization of experience. To understand the relation 
of the parables of the Gospels to our Lord's teach- 
ing, we must go back to the use made of them by 
previous or contemporary teachers. They appear 
frequently in the Gemara and Midrash (Versions, 
Ancient [Targdm]), and are ascribed to Hillel, 
Shammai, and other great Rabbis of the two pre- 
ceding centuries. Later Jewish writers have seen 
in this employment of parables a condescension to 
the ignorance of the great mass of mankind, who can- 
not be taught "otherwise. For them, as for women 
or children, parables are the natural and fit meth- 
od of instruction. It may be questioned, however, 
whether this represents the use made of them by 
the Rabbis of our Lord's time. The language of the 
Son of Sirach confines them to the scribe who de- 



votes himself to study (Eccl. xxxviii. 33, xxxix. 2,3). 
For the great mass of men the scribes and teachers 
of the Law probably had simply rules and precepts, 
often, perhaps, burdensome (Mat. xxiii. 3, 4), forms 
of prayer (Lk. xi. 1), appointed times of fasting and 
hours of devotion (Mk. ii. 18). The parable was 
made the instrument for teaching the young disci- 
ple to discern the treasures of wisdom of which the 
" accursed " multitude were ignorant. The teaching 
of our Lord at the commencement of His ministry 
was, in every way, the opposite of this. The Sermon 
on the Mount may be taken as the type of the " words 
of grace " which He spake, " not as the scribes." So 
for some months He taught in the synagogues and 
on the sea-shore of Galilee, as He had before taught 
in Jerusalem, and as yet without a parable. But 
then, there comes a change. The direct teaching was 
met with scorn, unbelief, hardness, and He seems 
for a time to abandon it for that which took the 
form of parables. The question of the disciples 
(Mat. xiii. 10) implies that they were astonished. 
Their Master was speaking to the multitude in the 
parables and dark sayings which the Rabbis re- 
served for their chosen disciples. Here, for them, 
were two grounds of wonder. Here, for us, is the 
key to the explanation which He gave, that He 
had chosen this form of teaching because the peo- 
ple were spiritually blind and deaf (xiii. 13), and in 
order that they might remain so (Mk. iv. 12). Two 
interpretations have been given of these words. (1.) 
Spiritual truths, it has been said, are in themselves 
hard and uninviting. Men needed to be won to 
them by that which was more attractive. The par- 
able was to educate those who were children in age 
or character. (2.) Others, again, have seen in this 
use of parables something of a penal character. 
Men have set themselves against the truth, and 
therefore it is hid from their eyes, and presented to 
them in forms not easy for them to recognize it. 
To the inner circle of the chosen it is given to know 
the mysteries of the kingdom of God. To those 
who are without, all these things are done in par- 
ables. — Neither view is wholly satisfactory. Each 
contains a partial truth. The worth of parables, 
as instruments of teaching, lies in their being at 
once a test of character, and in their presenting 
each form of character with that which, as a penal- 
ty or blessing, is adapted to it. They withdraw the 
light from those who love darkness. They protect 
the truth which they enshrine from the mockery of 
the scoffer. They leave something even with the 
careless which may be interpreted and understood 
afterward. They reveal, on the other hand, the 
seekers after truth. These ask the meaning of the 
parable, and will not rest until the teacher has ex- 
plained it. In this way the parable did its work, 
found out the fit hearers and led them on. Each 
parable may have been repeated with greater or 
less variation (e. g. of the Pounds and Talents, Mat. 
xxv. and Lk. xix. ; of the Supper, Mat. xxii. and 
Lk. xiv.). Probably there were many of which we 
have no record (Mat. xiii. 34; Mk. iv. 33). In 
those which remain it is possible to trace something 
like an order. (A.) There is the group which have 
for their subject the laws of the Divine Kingdom. 
Under this head we have — 1. The Sower (Mat. xiii. ; 
Mk. iv. ; Lk. viii.). 2. The Wheat and the Tares (Mat. 
xiii.). 3. The Mustard-Seed (xiii. ; Mk. iv.). 4. 
The Seed cast into the Ground (iv.). 5. The 
Leaven (Mat. xiii.). 6. The Hid Treasure (xiii.). 
V. The Pearl of Great Price (xiii.). 8. The Net 
cast into the Sea (xiii.). (B.) The next parables, 



798 



PAR 



PAR 



uttered some months afterward, are of a different 
type and occupy a different position. They are 
drawn from the life of men rather than from the 
world of nature. Often they occur, not, as in Mat. 
xiii., in discourses to the multitude, but in answers 
to questions of the disciples or other inquirers. 
Thev are such as — 9. The Two Debtors (Lk. vii.). 
10. The Merciless Servant (Mat. xviii.). 11. The 
Good Samaritan (Lk. x.). 12. The Friend at Mid- 
night (xi.). 13. The Rich Fool (xii.). 14. The Wed- 
ding Feast (xii.). 15. The Fig-Tree (xiii.). 16. The 
Great Supper (xiv.). 17. The Lost Sheep (Mat. 
xviii.; Lk. xv.). 18. The Lost Piece of Money 
(xv.). 19. The Prodigal Son (xv.). 20. The Unjust 
Steward (xvi.). 21. The Rich Man and Lazarus 
(xvi.). 22. The Unjust Judge (xviii.). 23. The 
Pharisee and the Publican (xviii.). 24. The Labor- 
ers in the Vineyard (Mat. xx.). (C.) Toward the 
close of our Lord's ministry, the parables are again 
theocratic, but the phase of the Divine Kingdom, 
on which they chiefly dwell, is that of its final con- 
summation. To this class we may refer — 25. The 
Pounds (Lk. xix.). 26. The Two Sons (Mat. xxi.). 
27. The Vineyard let out to Husbandmen (xxi. ; 
Mk. xii. ; Lk. xx.). 28. The Marriage-Feast (Mat. 
xxii.). 29. The Wise and Foolish Virgins (xxv.). 
30. The Talents (xxv.). 31. The Sheep and the 
Goats (xxv.). The greater part of the parables of 
the first and third groups belong to St. Matthew, 
emphatically the Evangelist of the kingdom. Those 
of the second are found for the most part in St. 
Luke. III. Lastly, there is the law of interpreta- 
tion. It has been urged by some writers, by none 
with greater force or clearness than by Chrysostom, 
that there is a scope or purpose for each parable, 
and that our aim must be to discern this, not to find 
a special significance in each circumstance or inci- 
dent. It may be questioned, however, whether this 
canon of interpretation is likely to lead us to the 
full meaning of this portion of our Lord's teaching. 
In the great patterns of interpretation which He 
himself has given us, there is more than this. Not 
only the sower, and the seed, and the several soils 
have their counterparts in the spiritual life, but the 
birds of the air, the thorns, the scorching heat, have 
each of them a significance. The explanation of 
the wheat and tares, given with less fulness, is 
equally specific. It may be inferred from these 
two instances that we are, at least, justified in 
looking for a meaning even in the seeming ac- 
cessories of a parable. But no such interpretation 
can claim authority. The very form of the teach- 
ing makes it probable that there may be, in any 
case, more than one legitimate explanation. The 
outward fact in nature, or in social life, may cor- 
respond to spiritual facts at once in God's govern- 
ment of the world, and in the history of the indi- 
vidual soul. A parable maybe at once ethical, and 
in the highest sense of the term prophetic. There 
is thus a wide field open to the discernment of the 
interpreter. There are also restraints upon the mere 
fertility of his imagination. (l.)The analogies must 
be real, not arbitrary. (2.) The parables are to be 
considered as parts of a whole, and the interpreta- 
tion of one is not to override or encroach upon the 
lessons taught by others. (3.) The direct teaching 
of Christ presents the standard to which all our in- 
terpretations are to be referred, and by which they 
are to be measured. Jesus Christ. 

Par'a-dise (Heb. parties; Gr. paradcisos; L. para- 
disus; see below). Questions as to the nature and 
locality of Paradise as = the garden of Gen. ii. and 



iii. are discussed under Eden 1. It remains to trace 
the history of the word and the associations con- 
nected with it, as it appears in the later books of 
the 0. T. and in the language of Christ and His 
apostles. The word itself, though it appears in the 
above form in Neh. ii. 8, and in Eccl. ii. 5, and Cant, 

iv. 13, may be classed, with hardly a doubt, as of 
Aryan rather than of Shemitic origin. It first ap- 
pears in Greek as coming straight from Persia. 
Greek lexicographers classify it as a Persian word. 
Modern philologists accept the same conclusion with 
hardly a dissentient voice (so Prof. Plumptre, origi- 
nal author of this article). Gesenius, Ftirst, &c, 
compare the Sanscrit paradega (= a region of sur- 
passing beauty), Armenian pardes (= a garden [or 
park] around the house), &c. In Xenophon the word 
occurs frequently, and we get vivid pictures of the 
scene which it implied. A wide, open park, enclosed 
against injury, yet with its natural beauty unspoiled, 
with stalely forest-trees, many of them bearing fruit, 
watered by clear streams, on whose banks roved 
large herds of antelopes or sheep — this was the 
scenery which connected itself in the mind of the 
Greek traveller with the word paradeisos, and for 
which his own language supplied no precise equiva- 
lent. Through the writings of Xenophon, and the 
general admixture of Orientalisms in the later Greek 
after the conquests of Alexander, the word gained 
a recognized place, and theLXX. chose it for a new 
use which gave it a higher worth, and secured for it 
a more perennial life. They applied the word to 
the garden of Eden (Gen. ii. 15, iii. 23; Joel ii. 3), 
and used it whenever there was any allusion to the 
fair region which had been the first blissful home of 
man. The valley of the Jordan was " as the para- 
dise of God " (Gen. xiii. 10 ; compare Ez. xxxi. 1-9). 
" Paradise," with no other word to qualify it, be- 
came the bright region which man had lost, which 
was guarded by the flaming sword. Soon a new 
hope sprang up. There was a paradise still into 
which man might hope to enter. It is a matter of 
some interest to ascertain with what associations 
the word was connected in the minds of the Jews 
of Palestine and other countries at the time of our 
Lord's teaching, what sense therefore we may attach 
to it in the writings of the N. T. In this as in other 
instances we may distinguish three modes of thought, 
each with marked characteristics, yet often blended 
together in different proportions, and melting one 
into the other by hardly perceptible degrees. Each 
has its counterpart in the teaching of Christian 
theologians. The language of the N. T. stands 
apart from and above all. (1.) To the Idealist 
school of Alexandria, of which Philo is the rep- 
resentative, paradise was nothing more than a sym- 
bol and an allegory. Spiritual perfection was the 
only paradise. The trees that grew in it were the 
thoughts of the spiritual man ; their fruits were life, 
and knowledge, and immortality. The four rivers 
from one source are the four virtues of the later 
Platonists, each derived from the same source of 
goodness. (2.) The Rabbinic schools of Palestine, 
on the contrary, had their descriptions, definite and 
detailed, a complete topography of the unseen world. 
It was far off in the distant East, further than the 
foot of man had trod. It was a region of the world of 
the dead, of Sheol (Hell), in the heart of the earth. 
Gehenna was on one side, with its flames and tor- 
ments. Paradise on the other, the intermediate 
home of the blessed. Or, again, paradise was 
neither on the earth, nor within it, but above it, in 
the third heaven, or in some higher orb. Or there 



PAR 



PAR 



799 



were two paradises, the upper and the lower — one 
in heaven, for those who had attained the heights 
of holiness — one in earth, for those who had lived 
but decently, and the heavenly paradise was sixty 
times as large as the whole lower earth. Each had 
seven palaces with their appropriate dwellers. 
Angels there arrayed the righteous dead in new 
robes of glory, and placed on their heads diadems 
of gold and pearls. Paradise had no night. Its 
pavement was of precious stones. Fragrant, heal- 
ing plants grew on the banks of its streams. From 
this lower paradise the souls rose on Sabbaths and 
feast-days to the higher, where every day Jehovah 
held council with His saints. (3.) Out of the dis- 
cussions and theories of the Rabbis, there grew a 
broad popular belief, fixed in the hearts of men, ac- 
cepted without discussion, blending with their best 
hopes. Their prayer for the dying or the dead was 
that his soul might rest in paradise, in the garden 
of Eden. The belief of the Essenes, as reported 
by Josephus, may be accepted as a fair representa- 
tion of the thoughts of those who, like them, were 
not trained in the Rabbinical schools, living in a 
simple and more child-like faith. To them, accord- 
ingly, paradise was a far-off land, a region where 
there was no scorching heat, no consuming cold, 
where the soft west^wind from the ocean blew for 
evermore. The visions of 2 Esd. ii. 19, &c, though 
not without an admixture of Christian thoughts and 
phrases, may represent this phase of feeling. — It is 
with this popular belief, rather than with that of 
either school of Jewish thought, that the language 
of the N. T. connects itself. The old word is kept, 
and is raised to a new dignity or power. It is sig- 
nificant, indeed, that the word " paradise " nowhere 
occurs in the public teaching of our Lord, or in His 
intercourse with His own disciples. Connected as 
it had been with the thoughts of a sensuous happi- 
ness, it was not the fittest or best word for those 
whom He was training to rise out of sensuous 
thoughts to the higher regions of the spiritual life. 
For them, accordingly, " the kingdom of Heaven," 
" the kingdom of God," are the terms most dwelt 
on. With the thief dying on the cross the case was 
different. We can assume nothing in the robber- 
outlaw but the most rudimentary forms of popular 
belief. The answer to his prayer gave him what he 
needed most, the assurance of immediate rest and 
peace. The word Paradise spoke to him, as to other 
Jews, of repose, shelter, joy — the greatest contrast 
possible to the thirst, and agony, and shame of the 
hours upon the cross (Lk. xxiii. 42, 43). There is 
a like significance in the general absence of the 
word from the language of the Epistles. Here also 
it is found nowhere in the direct teaching. It oc- 
curs only in passages that are apocalyptic, and, 
therefore, almost of necessity symbolic (2 Cor. xii. 
3 ; Rev. ii. 7). The thing, though not the word, ap- 
pears in the closing visions of Rev. xxii. (4.) The 
eager curiosity which prompts men to press on into 
the things behind the veil, has led them to construct 
hypotheses more or less definite as to the inter- 
mediate state, and these have affected the thoughts 
which Christian writers have connected with the 
word paradise. Patristic and later interpreters fol- 
low in the footsteps of the Jewish schools. To 
Origen and others of a like spiritual insight, para- 
dise = a region of life and immortality — the third 
heaven. The word enters largely, as might be ex- 
pected, into the apocryphal literature of the early 
Church. Where the true Gospels are most reticent, 
the mythical (Gospel of Nieodemus ; Acts of Philip) 



are most exuberant. (5.) The creed of Islam pre- 
sented to its followers the hope of a sensuous para- 
dise, and the Persian word was transplanted through 
it into the languages spoken by them (Arabic, &c). 
Heaven ; Life ; Resurrection ; Saviour, &c. 

Pa'rall (Heb. htifer-town, Ges.), a city of Benja- 
min, named only in the lists of the conquest (Josh, 
xviii. 23). In the Onomasticon ("Aphra") it is speci- 
fied by Jerome only, as five miles E. of Bethel. 
No traces of the name have yet been found in that 
position ; but the name Fdrah exists further to the 
S. E., attached to the Wady Fdrah, and to a site of 
ruins at its junction with the Wady Staeeirtit, six or 
seven miles N. E. of Jerusalem, and may represent 
the ancient Parah. Enon. 

Pa ran (Heb. p rob ably =rcgion with caverns, Ges.), 
El-pa'ran (fr. Heb. = Oak [or terebinth] of Paran, 
Ges.). 1. It is shown under Kadesh that the name 
Paran corresponds probably in general outline with 
the desert Et-T'ih. Speaking generally, the wilder- 
ness of Sinai (Num. x. 12, xii. 16), in which the 
march-stations of Taberah and Hazeroth (Hudhe- 
? - o?)are probably included toward its N. E. limit, 
may be said to lie S. of the Et-Tih range, the wil- 
derness of Paran N. of it, and the one to end where 
the other begins. That of Paran is a stretch of 
chalky formation, the chalk being covered with 
coarse gravel, mixed with black flint and drifting 
sand. In this wide tract, which extends N. to join 
" the wilderness of Beer-sheba " (Gen. xxi. 21, com- 
pare 14), and E. probably to the wilderness of Zin, 
Ishmael dwelt, Nabal fed his flocks in Carmel 2, 
near where David took refuge in " the wilderness 
of Paran" (1 Sam. xxv. 1 ff.). Between the wil- 
derness of Paran and that of Zin no strict de- 
marcation exists in the narrative, nor do the nat- 
ural features of the region, so far as yet as- 
certained, yield a well-defined boundary. The name 
of Paran seems, as in the story of Ishmael, to 
have predominated toward the western extremity 
of the northern desert frontier of El-'lih, and in 
Num. xxxiv. 4 the wilderness of Zin, not Paran, is 
spoken of as the southern border of the land or of 
the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 3). Chedorlaomer, 
when he smote the peoples S. of the Dead Sea, re- 
turned round its southwestern curve to " El-paran " 
(Gen. xiv. 6). — Was there, then, a Paran proper, or 
definite spot to which the name was applied ? From 
Deut. i. 1 it would seem there must have been. 
This is confirmed by 1 K. xi. 18, from which we 
further learn the fact of its being an inhabited 
region ; and the position required by the context 
here is one between Midian and Egypt. If we are 
to reconcile these passages by the aid of the per- 
sonal history of Moses, it seems certain that the 
local Midian of the Sinaitic peninsula must have 
lain near the Mount Horeb itself (Ex. iii. 1, xviii. 
1-5). The site of the " Paran " of Hadad the Edom- 
ite must then have lain to the N. W. or Egyptian 
side of Horeb. This brings us, if we assume any 
principal mountain, except Serbai, of the whole 
Sinaitic group, to be " the Mount of God," so close 
to the Wady Fdrdn that the similarity of name, 
supported by the recently expressed opinion of 
eminent geographers (Ritter, Stanley, &c), may be 
taken as establishing substantial identity (so Mr. 
Hayman). Burckhardt describes this wady as nar- 
rowing in one spot to 100 paces, and adds that the 
high mountains adjacent, and the thick woods which 
clothe it, contribute with the bad water to make it 
unhealthy, while it is for productiveness the finest 
valley in the whole peninsula, containing four miles 



800 



PAR 



PAR 



of gardens and date-groves. At Feir&n in Wady 
Feirdn are the ruins of the ancient town of Pharan 
or Faran, which had a Christian population and a 
bishop as early as a. d. 400 and for centuries after- 
ward. Remarkable ancient inscriptions, found on 



the rocks of this region, especially in the Wady 
Mukatleb ( = written valley), about twenty miles N. W. 
of Feirdn, have been by some considered as the 
work of the Israelites during their forty years' 
sojourn, by others as the work of Christian pilgrims 




Ruins of Feiritn In Wady Farin 

from Egypt to Mount Sinai in the fourth century, 
by others (perhaps preferably) as made by the na- 
tive inhabitants of the mountains (Rbn. i. 126 ff.). 
(Wilderness op the Wandering.) — 2. "Mount" 
Paran occurs only in two poetic passages (Deut. 
xxxiii. 2; Hab. iii. 3), in one of which Sinai and 
Seir appear as local accessories, in the other, Te- 
man and (ver. 7) Cushan and Midian. Not unlikely, 
if Wady Feirdn = the Paran proper, the name 
" Mount" Paran may have been either assigned to 
the special member (the northwestern) of the Sina- 
itic mountain-group which lies adjacent to the wady, 
or to the whole Sinaitic cluster. That special mem- 
ber is the h've-peaked ridge of Serbdl. 

Par'bar (Heb., see below), a word occurring in 
Hebrew and A. V. only in 1 Chr. xxvi. 18. From 
this passage, and from the context, it would seem 
(so Mr. Grove) that Parbar was some place on the 
west side of the Temple enclosure, the same side 
with the causeway and the gate Shallecheth. The 
latter was close to the causeway, and we know from 
its remains that the causeway was at the extreme 
north of the western wall. Parbar therefore must 
have been S. of Shallecheth. As to the meaning 
of the name, the Rabbis generally translate it the 
outside place ; while modern authorities take it as 
= Heb. parvdrim in 2 K. xxiii. 11 (A. V. "sub- 
urbs "). Mr. Grove would therefore identify the 
Parbar with the suburb mentioned by Josephus in 
describing Herod's Temple, as lying in the deep 
valley which separated the west wall of the Temple 
from the city opposite it ; in other words, the south- 
ern end of the Tyropoeon. Parbar is possibly (so 
Mr. Grove) an ancient Jebusite name. Gesenius 
(edited by Robinson, 1854) makes Parbar (and so 
parvdrim in 2 K. xxiii. 11) "probably = the open 
porticoes surrounding the courts of the Temple, from 
which was the entrance to the cells or chambers," 
and traces it to the Persian. 

* Parched [parcht] usually = scorched, or having 



i Laborrie, Vpyage de V Arabic Petrec— (Fbn.) 

the surface baked or burnt, as " parched corn," i. e. 
wheat (Lev. xxiii. 14; Ru. ii. 14, &c), " parched 
places " (Jer. xvii. 6). In Is. xxxv. 7 the Heb. 
shdrdb, in A. V. " parched ground," = the mirage 
(= Ar. serdb ; so Gesenius, Fiirst, J. A. Alexander, 
Barnes, &c. ), an optical phenomenon common in 
the deserts of Arabia and Africa, &c, in which the 
heated sands appear to be a pool or lake of water ; 
and the expression, " the mirage shall become a 
pool," signifies that the apparent lake shall become 
a real lake, or the sand-pool a pool of water, the 
change being refreshing and joyous. 

Parch uicut. New Testament ; Old Testament ; 
Writing. 

■ * Par' don. Atonement; Faith; Justification; 
King ; Law ; Saviour, &c. 

Par'lcr, or Parlour (fr. Fr., properly a room for 
speaking or conversation), a word in English usage 
= the common room of the family, and hence prob- 
ably in A. V. = the king's audience-chamber, so 
used in reference to Eglon (Judg. iii. 20-25). It is 
the A. V. translation of three Hebrew words (viz. 
heder or cheder, 1 Chr. xxviii. 11 ; lishc&h, 1 Sam. ix. 
22 ; dliydh, Judg. iii. 20 ff.), each usually translated 
" chamber." House. 

Par-mash 'ta (Heb. = Sansc. for superior, Ges.), 
one of Haitian's ten sons slain by the Jews in Shushan 
(Esth. ix. 9). 

Par'me-nas (Gr. abiding, permanent, Schl.), one 
of the seven deacons, "men of honest report, full 
of the Holy Ghost and wisdom " (Acts vi. 5). There 
is a tradition that he suffered martyrdom at Philippi 
in the reign of Trajan. Deacon. 

Par'nach [-nak] (Heb., probably = nimble or 
delicate, Ges.), father or ancestor of Elizaphan prince 
of Zebulun (Num. xxxiv. 25). 

Pa'rosll (Heb. a fea, Ges.). Descendants of Pa- 
rosh, in number 2,172, returned from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 3 ; Neh. vii. 8). Another de- 
tachment of 150 males, with Zechariah at their 



PAR 



PAR 



801 



head, accompanied Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3). Seven of the 
family had married foreign wives (x. 25). They as- 
sisted in building the wall of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 
25), and sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 14). 
In the last-quoted passage the name Parosh may 
denote the family or its representative, and not an 
individual. 

Par-slian'da-tha, or Par-slian-da'tha (Heb. fr. 
Chal. = interpreter of the law? more probably fr. 
Pers., Ges. ; fr. old Pers. = given by prayer, Pii.), 
the eldest of Hainan's ten sons slain by the Jews 
in Shushan (Esth. ix. 7). 

*Part, in Neh. iii. 9-18, the A. V. translation of 
Heb. pelech ( = circle, circuit, district, Ges.), used 
with reference to Jerusalem, Beth-haecerem, Miz- 
pah, Beth-zur, and Keilah. Gesenius understands 
here by the Hebrew translated in A. V. " part of 
Jerusalem," t/ie circuit or district round Jerusalem, 
&c., over which a particular " ruler " (Heb. sar — 
a prefect, leader, chief ; see Captain 1) had juris- 
diction. Wilton (in Fairbairn) supposes the He- 
brew here means a rounded summit, a mound or 
knoll, with reference to the hill or two hills (" half 
parts") on which the cities were built. 

Par'thi-ans (= people of Parthia ; Gr. Parthoi ; 
L. Parthi ; from a Scythian word denoting exiles or 
banished pa-sons, the Parthians having been driven 
out of Scythia by the other Scythians [so Isidorus]) 
occurs only in Acts ii. 9, where it designates Jews 
settled in Parthia. Parthia Proper was the region 
stretching along the southern flank of the moun- 
tains which separate the great Persian desert from 
the desert of Kharesm. It lay S. of Hyrcania, E. 
of Media, and N. of Sagartia, and was S. E. of the 
Caspian Sea, in the modern province of Kliorassan. 
The ancient Parthians are called a " Scythic " race, 
and probably (so Rawlinson) belonged to the great 
Turanian family. (Tongues, Confusion of.) Really 
nothing is known of them till about the time of 
Darius Hystaspis, when they are found in the dis- 
trict which so long retained their name, and appear 
as faithful subjects of the Persian monarchs. He- 
rodotus speaks of them as contained in the 16th 
satrapy of Darius. They served against Greece in 
the army of Xerxes. In the final struggle between 
the Greeks and Persians they remained faithful to 
the latter, serving at Arbela; but offering only a 
weak resistance to Alexander when, on his way to 
Bactria, he entered their country. In the division 
of Alexander's dominions they fell to the share of 
Eumenes, and Parthia for a while was counted 
among the territories of the Seleucidae. About 
B. c. 256, however, they revolted, and under Ar- 
saces succeeded in establishing their independence. 
Thus began the great Parthian empire. Parthia, 
in the mind of the writer of the Acts, would desig- 
nate this empire, which extended from India to the 
Tigris, and from the Chor:ismiaii (now Kharesm) 
desert to the shores of the Southern Ocean. Hence 
the prominent position of the name Parthians in 
the list of those present at Pentecost. Parthia was 
a power almost rivalling Rome — the only existing 
power which had tried its strength against Rome 
and not been worsted in the encounter. The Par- 
thians defeated the Roman army under Crassus 
near Carrhse (Haran), b. c. 53. They took Jeru- 
salem b. c. 40. Their armies were composed of 
clouds of horsemen, all expert riders ; their chief 
weapon was the bow. They shot their arrows with 
wonderful precision while their horses were in full 
career ; and were proverbial for inflicting injury 
with these weapons on their pursuers. For 150 
51 



years Rome especially dreaded them. Trajan at- 
tacked them a. d. 114-116, and deprived them of a 
considerable portion of their territories (Armenia, 
Mesopotamia, &c). In the next reign (Hadrian's) 
the Parthians recovered these losses ; but their mili- 
tary strength was now on the decline ; and in a. d. 
226 the last of the Arsacidse was forced to yield his 
kingdom to the revolted Persians, who, under Ar- 
taxerxes, son of Sassan, succeeded in reestablishing 
their empire. The Parthian dominion lasted for 
nearly five centuries. Its success is to be regarded 
as the subversion of a tolerably advanced civiliza- 
tion by a comparative barbarism — the substitution 
of Tartar coarseness lor Aryan polish and refine- 
ment. 

Par'tridge, the A. V. translation of the Heb. lore 
(1 Sam. xxvi. 20, and Jer. xvii. 11 only). This 
translation is supported by many of the old ver- 
sions. The " hunting this bird upon the mountains '' 
(1 Sam. xxvi. 20) entirely agrees with the habits of 
two well-known species of partridge, viz. Caccabis 
saxalilis (the Greek partridge, which frequents rocky 
and hilly ground covered with brushwood) and Cac- 
cabis Heyii (Hey's partridge, or the little desert par- 
tridge, which abounds [so Trm.] on the slopes of the 
Dead Sea basin). It will be seen by the marginal 
reading that the passage in Jeremiah may be inter- 
preted thus : — " As the partridge gathereth young 
which she hath not brought forth." It has been 
asserted that the partridge is in the habit of steal- 
ing the eggs from the nests of its congeners and 
of sitting upon them, and that when the young are 
hatched they forsake their false parent. This is a 
mere fable, in which, however, the ancient Orientals 
may have believed. The explanation of the render- 
ing of the text of the A. V. is obviously as follows 
(so Mr. Houghton): — Partridges were often "hunt- 
ed " in ancient times as they are at present, either 
by hawking or by being driven from place to place 
till they become fatigued, when they are knocked 
down by the clubs or zerwatlys of the Arabs. Thus, 
nests were no doubt constantly disturbed, and many 
destroyed : as, therefore, is a partridge which is 
driven from her eggs, so is he that enricheth him- 
self by unjust means — " he shall leave them in the 
midst of his days." The expression in Ecclus. xi. 
30, "like as a partridge taken (and kept) in a cage," 
clearly refers, as Shaw has observed, to " a decoy 




Greek Partridge (Caccabis saxatills). 



partridge." The common European partridge (Per- 
dix cinerea), as well as the Barbary ( Caccabis pctrosa) 
and red-leg ( Caccabis rufa), do not occur in Palestine 
(so Mr. Houghton). In America none of the above 



802 



PAR 



PAS 



species are found ; but the name partridge is given 
to different birds more or less closely allied to them, 
in New England to the ruffed grouse (Bonasa urnbel- 
lus), in the Middle and Southern States to the Amer- 
ican quail ( Ortyx Virginianus), &c. {New Amer. 
Cyc). The flesh of all the birds of this name is 
highly esteemed for food. 

Pil-rn'all (Heb. blossoming, Ges.), the father of 
Jehoshaphat, Solomon's commissary in Issachar (1 
K. iv. 17). 

Par-va'iin (fr. Heb. = Ophir, Boch., &c. ; con- 
tracted from Sepharvaim, Harenberg, Knobel ; fr. 
Sansc. = Oriental regions, Wilford, Ges.), the name 
of an unknown place or country whence the gold 
was procured for the decoration of Solomon's Tem- 
ple (2 Chr. iii. 6). 

Pa'sach [-salt] (Heb. cut up or off", Ges.), son of 
Japhlet; a chief of Asher (1 Chr. vii. 33). 

Pas-dain'mim (Heb.) = Epiies-dammim (1 Chr. xi. 
13). 

Pa-se'ali (Heb. lame, Ges.). 1. Son of Eshton, in 
the genealogies of Judah (l Chr. iv. 12). — 2. An- 
cestor of certain Nethinim who returned with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 49) ; = Phaseah. — :{, Father or an- 
cestor of the Jehoiada who assisted in repairing 
the "old gate" of Jerusalem under Nehemiah (Neh. 
iii. 6) ; perhaps = No. 2. 

Pasll'ar (Heb. prosperity round about, Ges.). 1, 
Name of one of the families of priests of the chief 
house of Malchijah (Jer. xxi. 1, xxxviii. 1 ; 1 Chr. 
ix. 12, xxiv. 9 ; Neh. xi. 12). In Nehemiah's time 
this family appears to have become a chief house, 
and its head the head of a course (Ezr. ii. 38 ; Neh. 
vii. 41, x. 3). Six "sons of Pashur" in Ezra's time 
were husbands of foreign wives (Ezr. x. 22). The 
family was named probably from Pashur the son of 
Malchiah, who in the reign of Zedekiah was one of 
the chief princes of the court (Jer. xxxviii. 1). He 
was sent, with others, by Zedekiah to Jeremiah 
when Nebuchadnezzar was preparing his attack 
upon Jerusalem (xxi.). Somewhat later, Pashur 
joined with several other chief men in petitioning 
the king that Jeremiah might be put to death as a 
traitor, and casting him into the " dungeon " where 
he nearly perished (xxxviii.). — 2. Another priest, 
" the son of Immer," and " chief governor of the 
house of the Lord," showed himself as hostile to 
Jeremiah, in the reign of Jehoiakim, as his name- 
sake the son of Malchiah did afterward, and put 
him in the stocks by the gate of Benjamin. For 
this indignity to God's prophet, Pashur was told by 
Jeremiah that his name was changed to Magor-mis- 
sabib [Terror on every side), and that he and all his 
house should be carried captives to Babylon and 
there die (xx. 1-6). — 3# Father of Gedaliah 4 
(xxxviii. 1) ; perhaps = No. 2. 

Passaic (Heb. 'eber, ma'abdr, rnd'ibdrdh), in plural 
(Jer. xxii. 20), probably = the mountain-region of 
Abarim, E. of Jordan. It also denotes a river-ford 
or a mountain-gorge or pass (1 Sam. xiii. 23 ; Is. xvi. 
2, &c). 

* Pas'sen-gers, the A. V. translation of the Heb. 
pi. participle 'oberim — passers by, Ges. (Prov. ix. 
15 [A. V. "passengers who go right on their ways," 
literally passers by on the way, they that pass by 
the way, Ges.] ; Ez. xxxix. 11 twice, 14, 15). " The 
valley of the passengers " (ver. 11) designates the 
valley where Gog's multitude was to be buried, 
ironically (so Fbn. on Ez. 1. a), because the persons 
buried in it had only intended to pass through the 
land and return after they had made all their own. 
Hamon'-gog. 



* Pas'sion (fr. L. ; Gr. pascho, pathein) = suffer- 
ing, applied to the suffering of the Lord Jesus 
Christ on the cross (Acts i. 3 only). 

Pass'o-ver (Heb. pesah or pcsaeh = a passing over, 
sparing, deliverance, Ges. ; Gr. pascha), the first of 
the three great annual festivals of the Israelites, 
celebrated in the month Abib or Nisan, from the 
14th to the 21st. The following are the principal 
passages in the Pentateuch relating to the Passover : 
— Ex. xii. 1-51, xiii. 3-10, xxiii. 14-19, xxxiv. 18- 
26; Lev. xxiii. 4-14; Num. ix. 1-14, xxviii. 16- 
25 ; Deut. xvi. 1-6. — I. Institution a.?td First Cele- 
bration of the Passover. When the chosen people 
were about to be brought out of Egypt, the word 
of the Lord came to Moses and Aaron, command- 
ing them to instruct all the congregation of Israel 
to prepare for their departure by a solemn religious 
ordinance. On the tenth day of Abib, the head of 
each family was to select from the flock either a 
lamb or a kid, a male of the first year, without 
blemish. If his family was too small to eat the 
whole of the lamb, he was permitted to invite his 
nearest neighbor to join the party. On the four- 
teenth day of the month, he was to kill his lamb 
while the sun was setting (so Mr. Clark, original 
author of this article). 1 He was then to take the 
blood in a basin, and with a sprig of hyssop to 
sprinkle it on the two side-posts and the lintel of 
the door of the house. The lamb was then .thor- 
oughly roasted, whole. It was expressly forbidden 
that it should be boiled, or that a bone of it should 
be broken. Unleavened bread and bitter herbs were 
to be eaten with the flesh. No male who was un- 
circumcised was to join the company. Each one 
was to have his loins girt, to hold a staff in his hand, 
and to have shoes on his feet. He was to eat in 
haste, and it would seem that he was to stand dur- 
ing the meal. The number of the party was to be 
calculated as nearly as possible, so that all the flesh 
of the lamb might be eaten ; but if any portion of it 
happened to remain, it was to be burned in the morn- 
ing. No morsel of it was to be carried out of the 
house. The legislator was further directed to inform 
the people of God's purpose to smite the first-born 
of the Egyptians, to declare that the Passover was to 
be to them an ordinance forever, to give them direc- 
tions respecting the order and duration of the festival 
in future times, and to enjoin upon them to teach 
their children its meaning, from generation to genera- 
tion. When the message was delivered to the people 
they bowed their heads in worship. The lambs were 
selected, on the fourteenth they were slain, and the 
blood sprinkled, and in the following evening, after 
the fifteenth day of the month had commenced, the 
first paschal meal was eaten. At midnight the 
first-born of the Egyptians were smitten. (Plagues, 
the Ten, 10.) The king and his people were now 



1 The expression in Ex. xii. G and Lev. xxiii. 5,&c, A. V. 
" in the evening," or " at even," margin " between the two 
evenings," has been variously interpreted. The Karaites 
and Samaritans, with Aben Ezra, GeeeDius, and most 
modern commentators, understand by it the space between 
the setting of the sun and the moment when the stars be- 
come visible or darkness sets in. But the Pharisees and 
Rabbinists, including Eashi, Kimchi, Saadia, &c, make 
it mean the space from afternoon (when the sun begins 
to decline from its vertical or noontide point toward the 
W.) to the disappearing of the sun. Hence the daily sac- 
rifice might be killed at 12.30, p. m., on a Friday. But as 
the paschal lamb was slain after the daily sacrifice, it gen- 
erally took place from 2.30 to 5.30, P. M. (So Dr. Ginsburg, 
in Kitto. For a different and apparently less correct inter- 
pretation of the Rabbinist view, see the article Dat. 
Josephus [B. J. vi. 9, § 3] says they slay the lambs from 
the ninth to the eleventh hour, i. e. from 3 to 5, P. m.) 



PAS 



PAS 



803 



urgent that the Israelites should start immediately, 
and readily bestowed on them supplies for the jour- 
ney. In such haste did the Israelites depart, on 
that very day (Num. xxxiii. 3), that they packed up 
their kneading-troughs containing the dough pre- 
pared for the morrow's provisions, which was not 
yet leavened. — II. Observance of the Passover in later 
times. 1. In Exodus xii. and xiii. there are not only 
distinct references to the observance of the festival 
in future ages (e. g. xii. 2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42, xiii. 2, 
5, 8-10), but several injunctions which were evi- 
dently not intended for the first passover, and which 
indeed could not possibly have been observed (e. g. 
xii. 16). In the later notices of the festival in the 
books of the Law particulars are added which appear 
as modifications of the original institution (Lev. xxiii. 
10-14 ; Num. xxviii. 16-25 ; Deut. xvi. 1-6). Hence 
it is not without reason that the Jewish writers 
(Mishna, &c.) have laid great stress on the distinc- 
tion between " the Egyptian Passover " and " the 
perpetual Passover." 2. The following was the gen- 
eral order of the observances of the Passover in later 
times according to the direct evidence of Scripture : 
— On the 14th of Nisan every trace of leaven was 
put away from the houses, and on the same day every 
male Israelite, not laboring under bodily infirmity or 
ceremonial iigpurity, was to appear before the Lord 
at the national sanctuary with an offering of money 
in proportion to his means (Ex. xxiii. 15 ; Deut. xvi. 
16, 17). Devout women sometimes attended, as 
Hannah and Mary (1 Sam. i. 7 ; Lk. ii. 41, 42). As 
the sun was setting (see note '), the lambs were 
slain, and the fat and blood given to the priests (2 
Chr. xxxv. 5, 6). The lamb was then roasted whole, 
and eaten with unleavened bread and bitter herbs ; 
no portion of it was left until the morning. The 
same night, after the 15th of Nisan had commenced, 
the fat was burned by the priest and the blood 
sprinkled on the altar (xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). On the 
15th, the night being passed, there was a holy con- 
vocation, and during that day no work might be 
done, except the preparation of necessary food (Ex. 
xii. 16). On this and the six following days an of- 
fering in addition to the daily sacrifice was made 
of two young bullocks, a ram, and seven lambs of 
the first year, with meat-offerings, for a burnt-offer- 
ing, and a goat for a sin-offering (Num. xxviii. 19- 
23). On the 16th of the month, '.' the morrow after 
the sabbath " (i. e. after the day of holy convoca- 
tion), the first sheaf of harvest was offered and 
waved by the priest before the Lord, and a male 
lamb was offered as a burnt sacrifice with a meat 
and drink offering. Nothing necessarily distin- 
guished the four following days of the festival, ex- 
cept the additional burnt and sin offerings, and the 
restraint from some kinds of labor. (Festivals.) 
On the seventh day, the 21st of Nisan, there was a 
holy convocation, and the day appears to have been 
one of peculiar solemnity. As at all the festivals, 
cheerfulness was to prevail during the whole week, 
and all care was to be laid aside (Deut. xxvii. 7). 3. 
(a.) The Paschal Lamb. After the first Passover in 
Egypt there is no trace of the lamb having been 
selected before it was wanted. In later times, we 
are certain that it was sometimes not provided be- 
fore the 14th of the month (Lk. xxii. 7-9 ; Mk. xiv. 
12-16). The law formally allowed the alternative 
of a kid (Ex. xii. 5), but a lamb was preferred, and 
was probably nearly always chosen. It was to be 
faultless and a male, in accordance with the estab- 
lished estimate of animal perfection (see Mai. i. 14). 
(Blemish.) Either the head of the family, or any 



other person who was not ceremonially unclean (2 
Chr. xxx. 17), took it into the court of the Temple 
on his shoulders. The Mishna gives a particular 
account of the arrangement made in the court of 
the Temple for killing the lambs in regular order, 
receiving and throwing out the blood, &c. As the 
paschal lamb could be legally slain, and the blood 
and fat offered, only in the national sanctuary (Deut. 
xvi. 2), it of course ceased to be offered by the Jews 
after the destruction of Jerusalem. The spring fes 
tival of the modern Jews strictly consists only of 
the feast of unleavened bread, (b.) The Unleavened 
Bread. There is no reason to doubt that the un- 
leavened bread eaten in the Passover and that used 
on other religious occasions were of the same na- 
ture. It might be made of wheat, spelt, barley, oats, 
or rye, but not of rice or millet. It appears to have 
been usually made of the finest wheat flour, in clean 
vessels, and with all possible expedition. It was 
probably formed into dry, thin biscuits, not unlike 
those used by the modern Jews, (c.) Hie Bitter 
Herbs and the fiance. According to the Mishna the 
bitter herbs (Ex. xii. 8) might be endive, chicory, 
wild lettuce, or nettles. These plants were impor- 
tant articles of food to the ancient Egyptians. The 
sauce into which the herbs, the bread, and the meat 
were dipped as they were eaten (Jn. xiii. 26 ; Mat. 
xxvi. 23) is not mentioned in the Pentateuch. Ac- 
cording to Bartenora it consisted of only vinegar 
and water; but others describe it as a mixture of 
vinegar, figs, dates, almonds, and spice, (d.) The 
Pour Cups of Wine. There is no mention of wine 
in connection with the Passover in the Pentateuch ; 
but the Mishna strictly enjoins that there should 
never be less than four cups of it provided at the 
paschal meal even of the poorest Israelite. Two of 
them appear to be distinctly mentioned in Lk. xxii. 
17-20. "The cup of blessing" (1 Cor. x. 16) was 
probably the latter one of these, and is generally 
considered to have been the third of the series, alter 
which a grace was said ; though a comparison of 
Lk. xxii. 20 (where it is called " the cup after sup- 
per") with the Mishna (Pes. x. 7), and the designa- 
tion " cup of the Hedlel" might rather suggest that 
it was the fourth and last cup. (e.) The Hallcl. 
The service of praise (Heb. hallel = praise; see 
Hallelujah) sung at the Passover is not mentioned 
in the Law. It consisted of the series of Psalms, 
cxiii.-exviii. The first portion, comprising Ps. cxiii. 
and cxiv., was sung in the early part of the meal, 
and the second part after the fourth cup of wine. 
This is supposed to have been the " hymn " sung by 
our Lord and His apostles (Mat. xxvi. 30 ; Mk. xiv. 
26). (/.) Mode and Order of the Paschal Meal. 
Adopting as much from Jewish tradition as is not 
inconsistent or improbable, the following appears to 
have been the usual custom : — All work, except that 
belonging to a few trades connected with daily life, 
was suspended for some hours before the evening of 
the 14th Nisan. The Galileans desisted from work 
the whole day ; the Jews of the south only after the 
middle of the tenth hour, i. e. 3.30 p. M. It was not 
lawful to eat any ordinary food after mid-day. No 
male was admitted to the table unless he was cir- 
cumcised, even if he was of the seed of Israel (Ex. 
xii. 48). Neither, according to the letter of the law, 
was any one of either sex admitted who was cere- 
monially unclean (Num. ix. 6) ; but this rule was on 
special occasions liberally applied (2 Chr. xxx.). The 
Rabbinists expressly state that women were permit- 
ted, though not commanded, to partake ; but the 
Karaites, in more recent times, excluded all but 



804 



PAS 



PAS 



full-grown men. It was customary for the number 
of a party to be not less than ten. It was perhaps 
generally under twenty, but might be 100, if each 
could have a piece of the lamb as large as an olive. 
When the meal was prepared the family was placed 
round the table, the head of the family taking a 
place of honor, probably somewhat raised above the 
rest. There is no reason to doubt that the ancient 
Hebrews sat as at their ordinary meals. Our Lord 
and His apostles conformed to the usual custom of 
their time, and reclined (Lk. xxii. 14, &c). When 
the party was arranged, the first cup of wine was 
filled, and a blessing was asked by the head of the 
family on the feast, as well as a special one on the 
cup. The bitter herbs were then placed on the 
table, and a portion of them eaten, either with or 
without the sauce. The unleavened bread was 
handed round next, and afterward the lamb was 
placed on the table in front of the head of the family. 
Before the lamb was eaten the second cup of wine 
was filled, and the son, in accordance with Ex. xii. 
26, asked his father the meaning of the feast. In 
reply, an account was given of the sufferings of the 
Israelites in Egypt, and of their deliverance, with a 
particular explanation of Deut. xxvi. 5, and the first 
part of the Hallel (Ps. cxiii., cxiv.) was sung. This 
being gone through, the lamb was carved and eaten. 
Tiie third cup of wine was poured out and drunk, 
and soon afterward the fourth. The second part of 
the Hallel (Ps. cxv.-cxviii.) was then sung. A fifth 
wine-cup appears to have been occasionally pro- 
duced, but perhaps only in later times. What was 
termed the greater Hallel (Ps. cxx.-cxxxviii.) was 
sung on such occasions. The meal being ended, it 
was unlawful for any thing to be introduced in the 
way of dessert. The Israelites who lived in the coun- 
try appear to have been accommodated at the feast 
by the inhabitants of Jerusalem in their houses, so 
far as there was room for them (Lk. xxii. 10-12 ; 
Mat. xxvi. 18). Those who could not be received 
into the city encamped without the walls in tents, 
as the pilgrims now do at Mecca. (g.) The first 
Sheaf of Harvest. The olfering of the omer, or 
sheaf, is mentioned nowhere in the Law except Lev. 
xxiii. 10-14. It is there commanded that when the 
Israelites reached the land of promise, they should 
bring, on the 16th of the month, " the morrow after 
the sabbath " (i. e. the day of holy convocation), the 
first sheaf of the harvest to the priest, to be waved 
by him before the Lord. The sheaf was of barley, 
as the grain first ripe (2 K. iv. 42). (First-fruits.) 
(h.) The Hagigah or Chagigah. The daily sacri- 
fices are enumerated in the Pentateuch only in Num. 
xxviii. 19-23, but reference is made to them in Lev. 
xxiii. 8. Besides these public offerings, there was an- 
other sort of sacrifice connected with the Passover, 
as well as with the other great festivals, called in the 
Talmud Hagigah or Chagigah (= festivity). It was 
a voluntary peace-offering made by private individ- 
uals. The victim might be from the flock or the 
herd, male or female, but without blemish. The 
offerer laid his hand upon its head, and slew it at the 
door of the sanctuary. The blood was sprinkled on 
the altar, and the fat of the inside, with the kidneys, 
was burned by the priest. The breast was given to 
the priest as a wave-offering, and the right shoulder 
as a heave-offering (Lev. iii. 1-5, vii. 29-34). What 
remained of the victim might be eaten by the offerer 
and his guests on the day on which it was slain, and 
on the day following; but if any portion was left till 
the third day it was burned (16-18). The eating of 
this free-will peace-offering was an occasion of social | 



festivity connected with the festivals, and especially 
with the Passover. The principal day for sacrifi- 
cing this at the Passover was the 15th Nisan, but it 
might be on any day of the festival, except the Sab- 
bath. It might be boiled or roasted (2 Chr. xxxv. 
13). (i.) Release of Prisoners. It is a question 
whether the release of a prisoner at the Passover 
(Mat. xxvii. 15 ; Mk. xv. 6 ; Lk. xxiii. 17 ; Jn. xviii. 
39) was a custom of Roman origin resembling what 
took place at the leclisternium (L. = the feast of the 
gods, when food was placed before their images lying 
on couches in the streets), and, in later times, on the 
birthday of an emperor ; or an old Hebrew usage 
belonging to the festival, which Pilate allowed the 
Jews to retain, (k.) The Second, or Little Passover. 
When the Passover was celebrated the second year, 
in the wilderness, certain men were prevented from 
keeping it, owing to their being defiled by contact 
with a dead body, and they came anxiously to Moses to 
inquire what they should do. He was accordingly in- 
structed to institute a second Passover, to be ob- 
served on the 14th of the following month, for the 
benefit of any who had been hindered from keeping 
the regular one in Nisan (Num.'ix. 11). TheTalmud- 
ists called this the Little Passover. According to 
them, the rites of this lasted only one day, the Hallel 
was sung only when the lamb was slaughtered, and it 
was not necessary for leaven to be put out of the 
houses. (/.) Observances of the Passover recorded in 
Scripture. Of these, seven are of chief historical 
importance: — 1. The first Passover in Egypt (Ex. 
xii.). 2. The first kept in the desert (Num. ix.). 

3. That celebrated by Joshua at Gilgal (Josh. v.). 

4. That which Hezekiah observed on the occasion 
of his restoring the national worship, in the second 
month, the proper time for the Little Passover (2 
Chr. xxx.). 5. The Passover of Josiah in the eigh- 
teenth year of his reign (2 Chr. xxxv.). 6. That 
celebrated by Ezra after the return from Babylon 
(Ezr. vi.). j. The last Passover of our Lord's life. 
(Purim.) — III. The Last Supper. 1. Whether or not 
the meal at which our Lord instituted the sacrament 
of the Eucharist (Lord's Supper) was the paschal 
supper according to the Law, is a question of great 
difficulty. No point in the Gospel history has been 
more disputed. If we had nothing to guide us but 
the three first Gospels, no doubt of the kind could 
well be raised, though the narratives may not be free 
from difficulties in themselves (Mat. xxvi. ; Mk. xiv. ; 
Lk. xxii.). 2 If the supper was eaten on the evening 
of the 14th of Nisan, the apprehension, trial, and 
crucifixion of our Lord must have occurred on Fri- 
day the 15th, the day of holy convocation, the first 
of the seven days of the Passover week ; the weekly 
Sabbath on which He lay in the tomb was the 16th ; 
and the Sunday of the resurrection was the 17th. 
(Jesus Christ.) On the other hand, if we had no 
information but that which is to be gathered from 
St. John's Gospel, we could not hesitate to infer that 
the evening of the supper was that of the 13th of 



2 They speak, in accordance with Jewish usage, of the 
day of the supper as that on which " the Passover must he 
killed," and as " the first day of unleavened hread " (Mat. 
xxvi. 17, &c). Josephus likewise calls the 14th of Nisan 
the first day of unleavened hread (B. J. v. 3, § 1), and 6peaks 
of the festival of the Passover as lasting eight days (Ant. 
ii. 15, §1). But he elsewhere calls the 15th of Nisan "the 
commencement of the feast of unleavened hread" (Ant. iii. 
10, § 5). Either mode of speaking was evidently allowable : 
in one case regarding it as a fact that the eating of unleav- 
ened bread began on the 14t,h ; in the other, distinguishing 
the feast of unleavened bread, lasting from the first day of 
holy convocation to the concluding one, from the paschal 
meal. 



PAS 



PAS 



805 



Nisan, the day preceding that of the paschal meal 
(Jn. xiii. 1, 2," 29, xviii. 28, xix. 14, 31). If the last 
supper was on the 13th of Nisan, our Lord must 
have been crucified on the 14th, the day on which 
the paschal lamb was slain and eaten ; He lay in the 
grave on the 15th (which was a "high day" or 
double Sabbath, because the weekly Sabbath co- 
incided with the day of holy convocation) ; and 
the Sunday of the resurrection was the 16th. 2. 
The reconciliations which have been attempted fall 
under three principal heads: — (i.) Those which re- 
gard the supper at which our Lord washed the feet 
of His disciples (Jn. xiii.) as having been a distinct 
meal eaten one or more days before the regular Pass- 
over, of which our Lord partook in due course ac- 
cording to the synoptical narratives, (ii.) Those in 
which it is endeavored to establish that the meal 
was eaten on the 13th, and that our Lord was cru- 
cified on the evening of the true paschal supper, 
(iii.) Those in which the most obvious view of the 
first three narratives is defended, and in which it is 
attempted to explain the apparent contradictions in 
St. John, and the difficulties in reference to the law. 
(i.) The first method (of Maldonat, Lightfoot, Ben- 
gel, Kaiser) has the advantage of furnishing the 
most ready way of accounting for St. John's silence 
on the institution of the Holy Communion ; but any 
explanation founded on the supposition of two 
meals appears to be rendered untenable by the con- 
text, (ii.) The current of opinion in modern times 3 
has set in favor of taking the more obvious inter- 
pretation of the passages in St. John, that the sup- 
per was eaten on the thirteenth, and that our Lord 
was crucified on the fourteenth. Those who thus 
hold that the supper was eaten on the thirteenth 
day of the month have devised various ways of ac- 
counting for the circumstance, of which the follow- 
ing are the most important : — (a.) It is assumed 
that a party of the Jews, probably the Sadducees 
and those who inclined toward them, used to eat 
the Passover one day before the rest, and that our 
Lord approved of their practice (Iken, Carpzov, &c). 
(b.) It has been conjectured that the great body of 
the Jews had gone wrong in calculating the true 
Passover-day, placing it a day too late, and that our 
Lord ate the Passover on what was really the four- 
teenth, but what commonly passed as the thirteenth 
(Beza, Bucer, Calovius, Scaliger). (c.) Calvin sup- 
posed that on this occasion, though our Lord 
thought it right to adhere to the true legal time, 
the Jews ate the Passover on the fifteenth instead 
of the fourteenth, in order to escape from the burden 
of two days of strict observance (the day of holy 
convocation and the weekly Sabbath) coming to- 
gether. (See also Note 6 below), (d.) Grotius 
thought that the meal was a memorial passover 
(like the paschal feast of the modern Jews, and 
such as might have been observed during the Baby- 
lonian captivity), not a sacrificial Passover, (e.) A 
view which has been received with favor far more 
generally than either of the preceding is, that the 
Last Supper was instituted by Christ for the occa- 
sion, in order that He might Himself suffer on the 
proper evening on which the paschal lamb was slain 
(Clement, Origen, Erasmus, Calmet, Kuinoel, Nean- 
der, Winer, Alford). Erasmus and others have 
called it an "anticipatory Passover;" but if this 
view is to stand, it seems better, in a formal treat- 



3 Liicke. Ideler, Tittmann, Bleek, De Wette, Neander, 
Tischendorf, Winer, Ebrard, Alford, Ellicott; of earlier 
critics, Erasmus, Grotius, Suicer, Carpzov. 



ment of this subject, not to call it a Passover at ail. 
(iii.) They who take the facts as they appear to lie 
on the surface of the synoptical narratives 4 start 
from a simpler point. They have to show that the 
passages in St. John may be fairly interpreted in 
such a manner as not to interfere with their own 
conclusion, (a.) Jn. xiii. 1, 2. Does the Gr. pro 
ies heortes (A. V. "before the feast") limit the time 
only of the proposition in the first verse, or is the 
limitation to be carried on to verse 2, so as to refer 
to the supper ? In the latter case the natural con- 
clusion is, that the meal was one eaten before the 
paschal supper. Others take pascha (" passover ") 
to mean the seven days of unleavened bread as not 
including the eating of the lamb, and justify this 
limitation by Lk. xxii. 1 ; but not a few of those 
who take this side of the main question (Olshausen, 
Wieseler, Tholuck, &c.) regard the first verse as 
complete in itself. Tholuck remarks that deipnou 
genomenou (Tischendorf reads ginomenou), while sup- 
per was going on (not as in the A.V., " supper being 
ended") is very abrupt if we refer it to any thing 
except the Passover. On the whole, Neander him- 
self admits that nothing can safely be inferred from 
Jn. xiii. 1, 2, in favor of the supper having taken 
place on the thirteenth, (b.) Jn. xiii. 29. It is 
urged that the things of which they had " need 
against the feast," might have been the provisions 
for the Hdgigdh or Chdgigdh, perhaps with what else 
was required for the seven days of unleavened 
bread. The usual day for sacrificing the Hdgigdh 
or Chdgigdh (see above, II. 3, h), was the fifteenth, 
which was then commencing. But there is another 
difficulty in the disciples thinking it likely either 
that purchases could be made, or that alms could 
be given to the poor, on a day of holy convocation. 
Probably the letter of the law in regard to trading 
was habitually relaxed in the case of what was re- 
quired for religious rites or for burials, (c), Jn. 

xviii. 28. The Jews refused to enter the proetorium 
("judgment-hall ") lest they should be defiled, and 
so disqualified from eating the Passover. Neander 
and others deny that this passage can possibly refer 
to any thing but the paschal supper. But it is al- 
leged that the words " that they might eat the 
Passover " may either be taken in a general sense 
as = that they might go on keeping the passover, or 
that " the Passover " here may be understood spe- 
cifically — the Hdgigdh or Chdgigdh (Lk. xxii. 1, 
compare Deut. xvi. 2; 2 Chr. xxxv. 1, 9). 6 (d.) Jn. 

xix. 14. " The preparation of the Passover " at first 
sight would seem as if it must be the preparation 
for the Passover on the fourteenth, a time set apart 
for making ready for the paschal week, and for the 
paschal supper in particular. It is naturally so 
understood by those who advocate the notion that 
the last supper was eaten on the thirteenth. But 



4 Lightfoot, Bochart, Belaud, Schoettgen, Tholuck. Ols- 
hausen, Stier, Lange, Hengstenberg, Robinson, Davidson, 
Fairbairn. 

6 Fairbairn (article " Passover," &c.) takes the expres- 
sion, "that they might eat the Passover." in its limited 
sense, and supposes these Jew6 were unexpectedly pre- 
vented, by the circumstances connected with the treachery 
of Judas, and its detection and exposure by our Lord, in- 
volving the necessity of prompt action, and then by the dif- 
ficulties (want of evidence, &c.) attending the trial and con- 
demnation of Jesus, from eating the Passover at the regu- 
lar time on the evening previous, and were willing, in 
their determined hatred toward Him, to put off the meal 
to the verge, or even beyond, the legal time, in order to 
secure the desired result (Mat. xxiii. 24), yet were anxious 
to eat the Passover almost immediately. This irregularity 
belonged only to the high-priest and the small faction di- 
rectly associated with him. 



806 



PAS 



PAS 



they who take the opposite view affirm that, though 
there was a regular " preparation " for the Sabbath, 
there is no mention of any " preparation " for the 
festivals (Bochart, Reland, Tholuck, Hengstenberg). 
Mk. xv. 42 explains " the preparation, that is, the 
day before the Sabbath." It seems to be essentially 
connected with the Sabbath itself (Jn. xix. 31). The 
phrase in Jn. xix. 14 may thus be understood as the 
preparation of the Sabbath which fell in the Pass- 
over week. If these arguments are admitted, the 
day of the preparation mentioned in the Gospels 
might have fallen on the day of holy convocation, 
the fifteenth of Nisan. (e.) Jn. xix. 31. "That 
Sabbath-day was a high day." Any Sabbath in the 
Passover week might be considered " a high day." 
But it is assumed by those who fix the supper on 
the thirteenth that the term was applied, owing to 
the fifteenth being " a double Sabbath," from the 
coincidence of the day of holy convocation with the 
weekly festival. Those, on the other hand, who 
identify the supper with the paschal meal, contend 
that the special dignity of the day resulted from its 
being that on which the omer was offered, and from 
which were reckoned the fifty days to Pentecost. 
(/.) The difficulty of supposing that our Lord's ap- 
prehension, trial, and crucifixion took place on the 
day of holy convocation has been strongly urged. 
If many of the Rabbinical maxims for the observ- 
ance of such days which have been handed down 
to us were then in force, these occurrences certainly 
could not have taken place. But the statements 
which refer to Jewish usage in regard to legal pro- 
ceedings on sacred days are very inconsistent with 
each other. Some of them made the difficulty 
equally great whether we suppose the trial to have 
taken place on the fourteenth or the fifteenth. In 
others there are exceptions permitted which seem 
to go far to meet the case before us. But we have 
proof that the Jews did not hesitate, in the time of 
the Roman domination, to carry arms and to appre- 
hend a prisoner on a solemn feast-day. We find 
them at the feast of Tabernacles, on the " great day 
of the feast," sending out officers to take our Lord, 
and rebuking them for not bringing Him (Jn. vii. 
32-45). St. Peter also was seized during the Pass- 
over (Acts xii. 3, 4). And, again, the reason al- 
leged by the rulers for not apprehending Jesus was, 
not the sanctity of the festival, but the fear of an 
uproar among the multitude which was assembled 
(Mat. xxvi. 5). On the whole, notwithstanding the 
express declaration of the Law and of the Mishna 
that the days of holy convocation were to be ob- 
served precisely as the Sabbath, except in the prep- 
aration of food, it is highly probable that consider- 
able license was allowed in regard to them, as we 
have already observed (II. 2 above ; Festivals). 3. 
There is a strange story preserved in the Gemara 
(Sankedrin, vi. 2), that our Lord having vainly en- 
deavored during forty days to find on advocate, was 
sentenced, and, on the fourteenth of Nisan, stoned, 
and afterward hanged. As we know that the diffi- 
culty of the Gospel narratives had been perceived 
long before this statement could have been written, 
and as the two opposite opinions on the chief ques- 
tion were both current, the writer might easily have 
taken up one or the other. The statement cannot 
be regarded as worth any thing in the way of evi- 
dence. Not much use can be made in the contro- 
versy of the testimonies of the Fathers ; but few 
of them attempted to consider the question criti- 
cally. 4. It must be admitted that the narrative of 
St. John, as far as the mere succession of events is 



concerned, bears consistent testimony in favcr of 
the last supper having been eaten on the evening 
before the Passover. That testimony, however, 
does not appear to be so distinct, and so incapable 
of a second interpretation, as that of the synoptical 
Gospels, in favor of the meal having been the 
paschal supper itself, at the legal time (see especial- 
ly Mat. xxvi. IV ; Mk. xiv. 1, 12; Lk. xxii. 7).— IV. 
Meaning of the Passover. 1. Each of the three 
great festivals contained a reference to the annual 
course of nature. (Agriculture.) Two at least 
of them — the first and the last — also commemora- 
ted events in the history of the chosen people. It 
must be admitted that the relation to the natural 
year expressed in the Passover was less marked 
than that in Pentecost or Tabernacles, while its his- 
torical import was deeper and more pointed. That 
part of its ceremonies which has a direct agricul- 
tural reference — the offering of the omer — holds a 
very subordinate place. 2. The deliverance from 
Egypt was regarded as the starting-point of the 
Hebrew nation. The Israelites were then raised 
from the condition of bondmen under a foreign 
tyrant to that of a free people owing allegiance to 
no one but Jehovah (Ex. xix. 4). The prophet in a 
later age spoke of the event as a creation and a re- 
demption of the nation. God declares Himself to 
be "the creator of Israel" (Is. xliii. 1, 16-17, &c). 
The Exodus was thus looked upon as the birth of 
the nation ; the Passover was its annual birthday 
feast. It was the yearly memorial of the dedica- 
tion of the people to Him who had saved their first- 
born from the destroyer, in order that they might 
be made holy to Himself. 3. (a.) The paschal lamb 
must of course be regarded as the leading feature 
in the ceremonial of the festival. Some Protestant 
divines during the last two centuries (Calov, Carp- 
zov)have denied that it was a sacrifice in the proper 
sense of the word. But most of their contempo- 
raries (Cudworth, Bochart, Vitringa), and nearly all 
modern critics, have held that it was in the strictest 
sense a sacrifice. The chief characteristics of a 
sacrifice are all distinctly ascribed to it. It was of- 
fered in the holy place (Dent. xvi. 5, 6); the blood 
was sprinkled on the altar, and the fat was burned 
(2 Chr. xxx. 16, xxxv. 11). The language of Ex. 
xii. 27, xxiii. 18, and of Num. ix. 7, and Deut. xvi. 
2, 5, with 1 Cor. v. 7, seems to decide the question 
beyond doubt. As the original institution of the 
Passover in Egypt preceded the establishment of the 
priesthood and the regulation of the Tabernacle- 
service, it necessarily fell short in several particulars 
of the observance of the festival according to the 
fully developed ceremonial law (see II. 1). The 
head of the family slew the lamb in his own house, 
not in the holy place; the blood was sprinkled on 
the doorway, not on the altar. But when the Law 
was perfected, certain particulars were altered to 
assimilate the Passover to the accustomed order of 
religious service. It has been conjectured that the 
imposition of the hands of the priest was one of 
these particulars, though it is not recorded (Kurtz). 
But whether this was the case or not, the other 
changes stated seem abundantly sufficient for the 
argument. It can hardly be doubted that the 
paschal lamb was regarded as the great annual 
peace-offering of the family, a thank-offering for the 
existence and preservation of the nation (Ex. xiii. 
14-16), the typical sacrifice of the elected and rec- 
onciled children of the promise. A question has 
been raised regarding the purpose of the sprinkling 
of the blood on the lintels and door-posts. Some 



PAS 



PAT 



807 



have considered it meant as a mark to guide the 
destroying angel. Others suppose it was merely a 
sign to confirm the faith of the Israelites in their 
safety and deliverance. Surely neither of these 
views can stand alone. The sprinkling must have 
been an act of faith and obedience which God ac- 
cepted with favor. That it also denoted the purifi- 
cation of the children of Israel from the abomina- 
tions of the Egyptians, and so had the accustomed 
significance of the sprinkling of blood under the 
Law (Heb. ix. 22), is evidently in entire consistency 
with this view. No satisfactory reason has been 
assigned for the command to choose the lamb four 
days before the paschal supper. That the lamb 
was to be roasted and not boiled, has been supposed 
to commemorate the haste of the departure of the 
Israelites (Biihr, and most Jewish authorities). 
Kurtz conjectures that the lamb was to be roasted 
with fire, the purifying element, because the meat 
was thus left pure, without the mixture even of 
the water which would have entered into it in boil- 
ing. It is not difficult to determine the reason of 
the command, "not a bone of him shall be broken." 
The lamb was to be a symbol of unity; the unity 
of the family, the unity of the nation, the unity of 
God with His people whom He had taken into cove- 
nant with Himself. Our Saviour's body was the 
type of a still higher unity (Jn. xix. 36). (b.) The 
unleavened bread ranks next in importance to the 
paschal lamb. 9 The notion has been very generally 
held, both by Christian and Jewish writers, that it 
was intended to remind the Israelites of the un- 
leavened cakes which they were obliged to eat in 
their hasty flight (Ex. xii. 34, 39) ; but there is no 
intimation to this effect in the sacred narrative. It 
has been considered by some (Ewald, Winer, and 
the modern Jews) that the unleavened bread and 
the bitter herbs alike owe their meaning to their 
being regarded as unpalatable food ; but this seems 
wholly inconsistent with the pervading joyous na- 
ture of the festival. The " bread of affliction " 
(Deut. xvi. 3) may mean bread commemorative in 
itself, or with other elements of the feast, of the 
past affliction of the people (Bahr, Kurtz, Hof- 
mann). Unleavened bread was not peculiar to the 
Passover, but seems to have had a peculiar sacri- 
ficial character, according to the Law. St. Paul's ref- 
erence to the subject (1 Cor. v. 6-8) appears to fur- 
nish the true meaning of the symbol. Fermentation 
is decomposition, a dissolution of unity. The pure 
dry biscuit would be an apt emblem of unchanged 
duration, and, in its freedom from foreign mixture, of 
purity also, (c.) The bitter herbs are generally under- 
stood by the Jewish writers to signify the bitter 
sufferings which the Israelites had endured (Ex. i. 
14). But it has been remarked by Aben Ezra that 
these herbs are a good and wholesome accompani- 
ment for meat, and are now, and appear to have 
been in ancient times, commonly so eaten (see above, 
II. 3, c). (d.) The offering of the omer (First- 
fruits), though immediately connected with the 
course of the seasons, bore a distinct analogy to its 
historical significance. It may have denoted a 
deliverance from winter, as the lamb signified 
deliverance from the bondage of Egypt, which 
might well be considered as a winter in the history 
of the nation. Again, the consecration of the first- 
fruits, the first-born of the soil, is an easy type of 
the consecration of the first-born of the Israelites. 
4. No other shadow of good things to come con- 
tained in the Law can vie with the festival of the 
Passover in expressiveness and completeness. Its 



outline, considered in reference to the great deliver- 
ance of the Israelites which it commemorated, and 
many of its minute details, have been appropriated 
as current expressions of the truths which God has 
revealed to us in the fulness of time in sending His 
Son upon earth (Is. liii. 7 ; Jn. i. 29 ; 1 Cor. v. 8 ; 
Heb. xi. 28, &c). The crowning application of the 
.paschal rites to the truths of which they were the 
shadowy promises appears to be afforded by the 
fact that our Lord's death occurred during the fes- 
tival. According to the divine purpose, the true 
Lamb of God was slain at nearly the same time as 
" the Lord's Passover," in obedience to the letter 
of the Law. As compared with the other festivals, 
the Passover was remarkably distinguished by a 
single victim essentially its own, sacrificed in a very 
peculiar manner. In this respect, as well as in the 
place it held in the ecclesiastical year, it had a 
formal dignity and character of its own. It was 
the representative festival of the year, and in this 
unique position it stood in a certain relation to cir- 
cumcision as the second sacrament of the Hebrew 
Church (Ex. xii. 44). " Easter," once inconsis- 
tently used in the A. V. (Acts xii. 4) as the trans- 
lation of the Gr. pascha = " passover," is cele- 
brated as the anniversary of the Resurrection of 
Jesus Christ, on the first Sunday after the four- 
teenth day of the calendar moon which happens 
upon or next after March 21. 

* Pas'tor (L. one that pastures or feeds, a herds- 
man, or usually shepherd ), the A. V. translation of 
— 1. Heb. participle rffeh — one feeding a flock, or 
pasturing, a shepherd, herdsman (Jer. ii. 8, iii. 15, 
x. 21, xii. 10, xvii. 16, xxii. 22, xxiii. 1, 2), also trans- 
lated "feeding "(Gen. xxxvii. 2 ; Job i. 14), "which 
fed" (Gen. xlviii. 15), "that fed" (1 Chr. xxvii. 
29), " that feed " (Jer. xxiii. 2), " keeper " (Gen. iv. 
2), "herdman" (xiii. 7, 8, &c), &c, but usually 
"shepherd" (xlix. 24; Ex. ii. 17, 19; Ps. xxiii. 1; 
Is. xiii. 20 ; Jer. vi. 3 ; Ez. xxxiv. 2 ff., &c). — 2. Gr. 
poimcn once (Eph. iv. 11), elsewhere uniforml; 
" shepherd ; " in LXX. =: No. 1 ; applied in N. T. 
to one who tends flocks or herds (Mat. ix. 36, xxv. 
32, &c), to the Lord Jesus Christ, the Great 
"Shepherd" (xxvi. 31 ; Jn. x. 2, 11 ff. ; Heb. xiii. 
20; 1 Pet. ii. 25, &c), and to the spiritual guide or 
minister of a church (Eph. iv. 11 only). Bishop; 
Elder ; Minister ; Ordain, to. 

* Pas ture (fr. L.). To all who, like the early 
patriarchs, have their chief wealth in flocks and 
herds, an abundance of pasture and of water is of 
the greatest importance. Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, 
&e., had to move from place to place at different 
times in order to find a supply of these essentials. 
Palestine was, and still is, in many parts, especially 
in the S. of Judah and on the E. of the Jordan 
(Ammon ; Bashan ; Gilead ; Moab, &c), well adapted 
to grazing. (Agriculture; Desert ; Goat; Grass; 
Hat ; Herd ; Ox ; Sheep ; Shepherd, &c.) " Pas- 
ture" is also figuratively applied to spiritual nour- 
ishment or that which is adapted to satisfy the 
highest wants of the people or "flock" of God 
(Ps. xxiii. 2 ; Jn. x. 9). Pastor. 

Pat'a-ra (Gr., from its founder Paiarus, a reputed 
son of Apollo, Str.), a city on the southwestern shore 
of Lycia, not far from the left bank of the river 
Xanthus, famous for its oracle and temple of Apollo. 
(Divination; Idolatry; Python.) The coast here 
is very mountainous and bold. Immediately oppo- 
site is the island of Rhodes. Patara was practically 
the seaport of the city of Xanthus, ten miles dis- 
tant. St. Paul, at the close of his third missionary 



808 



PAT 



PAT 



journey, found here a ship bound to Phenicia (Acts 
xxi. 1, 2). Patara was afterward the seat of a bishop. 
The old name remains on the spot, and there are 
considerable ruins, especially of a theatre, baths, a 
a triple arch of a city-gate, &c. Sand-hills have 
blocked up the harbor. 

Pa-tlic'ns (fr. Gr.) = Pethahiah the Levite (1 
Esd. ix. 23 ; compare Ezr. x. 23). 

Path'ros (Heb. fr. Egyptian = region of the south, 
i. e. Upper Egypt, Ges. ; but see below), gentile noun 
Patll-rn'sim (Heb. = people of Pathros), a part of 
Egypt, and a Mizraite tribe. In the list of the Miz- 
raites, the Pathrusim occur after the Naphtuhim, 
and before the Casluhim ; the latter being followed 
by the notice of the Philistines, and by the Caph- 
torim (Gen. x. 13, 14; 1 Chr. i. 12). Pathros is 
mentioned in Is. xi. 11, in Jer. xliv. 1, 15, and Ez. 
xxix. 14, xxx. 13-18. From the place of the Path- 
rusim in the list of the Mizraites, they might be 
supposed to have settled in Lower Egypt, or the 
more northern part of Upper Egypt. If the original 
order were Pathrusim, Caphtorim, Casluhim, then 
the first might have settled in the highest part of 
Upper Egypt, and the other two below them. The 
occurrences in Jeremiah seem to favor the idea that 
Pathros was part of Lower Egypt, or the whole of 



that region. The notice by Ezekiel of Pathros as 
the land of the birth of the Egyptians seems to 
favor the idea that it was part of or all Upper 
Egypt. Pathros has been connected with the Path- 
yrite nome, the Phaturite of Pliny, in which Thebes 
was situate (Bochart, &c). This identification may 
be as old as the LXX. The discovery of the Egyp- 
tian name of the town after which the nome was 
called puts the inquiry on a safer basis. It was 
written ha-hat-her = the abode of Hat-her, the Egyp- 
tian Venus. It may perhaps have sometimes been 
written p-ha hat-her, in which case the p-h and t-h 
would have coalesced in the Hebrew form, as did 
t-h in Caphtor. It seems reasonable to consider 
Pathros a part of Upper Egypt, and to trace its 
name in that of the Pathyrite nome; but this is 
only a very conjectural identification, which future 
discoveries may overthrow (so Mr. R. S. Poole). 

I'ath-i u siui (see above). Pathros. 

Pat mos (Gr.), a bare and rugged island to which 
John the Apostle was banished in the reign of 
Domitian (Rev. i. 9). Patmos is divided into two 
nearly equal parts, a northern and a southern, by a 
very narrow isthmus, where, on the east side, are 
the harbor and the town. On the hill to the S., 
crowning a commanding height, is the celebrated 




Patmos, Harbor of La Scala, the Town of Patino od the height.— From Schubert, Rcise im Morgenland. — (For .) 



monastery, which bears 'the name of "John the 
Divine." Half-way up the ascent is the cave or 
grotto where tradition says that St. John received 
the Revelation. Patmos is one of the Sporades, 
and is in that part of the ^Egean called the Icarian 
Sea. It must have been conspicuous on the right 
when St. Paul was sailing (Acts xx. 15, xxi. 1) from 
Samos to Cos. 

Pa'tri-arch. The name Patriarch (fr. Gr. patri- 
arches = the father and ruler of a family, tribe, 
&c.) is applied in the N. T. to Abraham (Hob. vii. 
4), to the sons of Jacob (Acts vii. 8, 9), and to Da- 
vid (Acts iL 29) ; and is apparently intended to be 
equivalent to the phrase, the " head " or " prince 
of a tribe," so often found in the 0. T. It is used 
in this sense by the LXX. in 1 Chr. xxiv. 31, xxvii. 
22, and 2 Chr. xxiii. 20, xxvi. 12. In common 
usage the title of patriarch is assigned especially 
to those whose lives are recorded in Scripture pre- 
vious to the time of Moses. The patriarchal times 
are naturally divided into the ante-diluvian and 
post-diluvian periods. 1. In the former the Scrip- 



ture record contains little except the list of the 
line from Seth, through Enos, Cainan, Mahalaleel, 
Jared, Enoch 2, Methuselah, and Lamech 2, to 
Noah ; with the ages of each at their periods of 
generation and at their deaths. (Chronology.) To 
some extent parallel to this, is given the line of 
Cain; Enoch 1, Irad, Mehujael, Methusael, La- 
mech 1, and the sons of Lamech, Jabal, Jcbal, and 
Tubal-cain. To the latter line are attributed the 
first signs of material civilization, the building of 
cities, the division of classes, and the knowledge 
of mechanical arts ; while the only moral record of 
their history obscurely speaks of violence and 
bloodshed. The one distinction of the former line 
is their knowledge of the true God, seen especially 
in Enoch and No.ih. (Giants.) — One of the main 
questions raised as to the ante-diluvian period turns 
on the longevity assigned to the patriarchs. With 
the single exception of Enoch (whose departure 
from the earth at 365 years of age is exceptional in 
every sense), their ages vary from 77V (Lamech) to 
969 (Methuselah). After the flood this longevity 



PAT 



PAU 



809 



gradually disappears. To Shem are assigned 600 
years ; to Aephaxad 438 ; to Salah 433 ; to Eber 
464 ; to Peleg 239 ; to Reu 239 ; to Serug 230 ; 
to Nahor (1) 148 ; to Terah 205 ; to Abraham 175 ; 
to Isaac 180; to Jacob 14V; to Joseph 110. This 
statement of ages is clear and definite. To suppose, 
with some, that the name of each patriarch denotes 
a clan or family, and his age its duration, appears 
to be a mere evasion of difficulty. It must either 
be accepted, as a plain statement of fact, or regarded 
as purely fabulous, like the legendary assignment 
of immense ages to the early Indian or Babylonian 
or Egyptian kings. In the acceptance of the literal 
meaning, it is not easy to say how much difficulty is 
involved. Very great effects are produced on the 
duration of life, both of men and animals, by even 
slight changes of habit and circumstances. The 
constant attribution in all legends of great age to 
primeval men is at least as likely to be a distortion 
of fact, as a mere invention of fancy. If the divine 
origin of Scripture be believed (Inspiration), its 
authority must be accepted in this, as in other 
cases ; and the list of the ages of the patriarchs be 
held to be (what it certainly claims to be) a state- 
ment of real facts (so Mr. Barry, original author of 
this article). 2. In the post-diluvian periods more 
is gathered as to the nature of the patriarchal his- 
tory. It is at first general in its scope. The " Cov- 
enant " given to Noah is one, free from all condi- 
tion, and fraught with natural blessings, extending 
to all alike. But the history soon narrows itself to 
that of a single tribe or family, and afterward 
touches the general history of the ancient world 
and its empires, only so far as it bears upon this. 
(Genesis.) In this last stage the principle of the 
patriarchal dispensation is most clearly seen. It is 
based on the sacredness of family ties and paternal 
authority. This authority, as the only one which 
is natural and original, is inevitably the foundation 
of the earliest form of society, and is probably seen 
most perfectly in wandering tribes, where it is not 
affected by local attachments and by the acquisition 
of wealth. In Scripture this authority is conse- 
crated by an ultimate reference to God, as the God 
of the patriarch, i. e. the Father both of him and 
his children. At the same time, this faith was not 
allowed to degenerate, as it was prone to do, into 
an appropriation of God, as the mere tutelary God 
of the tribe. (Jehovah.) Still the distinction and 
preservation of the chosen family, and the main- 
tenance of the paternal authority, are the special 
purposes, which give a key to the meaning of his- 
tory, and of the institutions recorded. (Child ; 
First-born ; Idolatry ; Marriage ; Murder.) The 
type of character formed under this dispensation, 
is one imperfect in intellectual and spiritual growth, 
because not yet tried by the subtler temptations, or 
forced to contemplate the deeper questions of life ; 
but it is one remarkably simple, alfectionate, and 
free, such as would grow up under a natural author- 
ity, derived from God and centring in Him, yet al- 
lowing, under its unquestioned sacredness, a famil- 
iarity and freedom of intercourse with Him, which 
is strongly contrasted with the stern and awful char- 
acter of the Mosaic dispensation. To contemplate 
it from a Christian point of view is like looking 
back on the unconscious freedom and innocence of 
childhood, with that deeper insight and strength of 
character which are gained by the experience of 
manhood. We see in it the germs of the future, of 
the future revelation of God, and the future trials 
and development of man. It is on this fact that the 



typical interpretation of its history depends (Gal. 
iv. 21-31; Heb. vii. 1-17; Old Testament, B., 2). 
In the ante-diluvian period, we may recognize the 
main features of the history of the world, the divi- 
sion of mankind into the two great classes, the 
struggles between the power of evil and good, the 
apparent triumph of the evil, and its destruction in 
the final judgment. In the post-diluvian history of 
the chosen family, is seen the distinction of the true 
believers, possessors of a special covenant, special 
revelation, and special privileges, from the world 
without. In it is therefore shadowed out the his- 
tory of the Jewish nation and the Christian Church, 
as regards the freedom of their covenant, the grad- 
ual unfolding of their revelation, and the peculiar 
blessings and temptations which belong to their dis- 
tinctive position. 

Pat'ro-bas (Gr. one who tealks in his fa/hcr's foot- 
steps, Schl. ; one who lives like his father, Wr., Wolf), 
a Christian at Rome to whom St. Paul sends his 
salutation (Rom. xvi. 14). An uncertain tradition 
makes him one of the seventy disciples, bishop of 
Puteoli, and a martyr. Like many other names in 
Rom. xvi., this was borne by at least one member 
of the emperor's household (Suetonius, Galba, 20 ; 
Martial, Ep. ii. 32, 3). 

Pa-tro'clns, or Pat'ro-clns (L. fr. Gr. = famous 
from his father), father of Nicanor, the adversary 
of Judas Maccabeus (2 Mc. viii. 9). 

Pa'n (Heb. a bleating, lowing = Pai, Ges.), the 
capital of Hadar, king of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 39) ; in 
1 Chr. i. 50, Pai. Its position is unknown. 

Panl (Gr. Paidos ; fr. L. Paulus [= little, small], 
a common Roman surname ; see below), the apostle 
of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles. — Original Authori- 
ties. Nearly all the original materials for the Life 
of St. Paul are contained in the Acts op the Apos- 
tles, and in the Pauline Epistles. (Romans, Epistle 
to the, &c.) Out of a comparison of these authorities 
the biographer of St. Paul has to construct his ac- 
count of the really important period of the apostle's 
life (so Mr. Davies, original author of this article). 
The early traditions of the Church appear to have 
left almost untouched the space of time for which 
we possess those sacred and abundant sources of 
knowledge ; and they aim only at supplying a few 
particulars in the biography beyond the points at 
which the narrative of the Acts begins and termi- 
nates. — Prominent points in the Life. Foremost 
of all is his Conversion. This was the main root 
of his whole life, outward and inward. Next after 
this, we may specify his Labors at Anlioch. From 
these we pass to the First Missionary Journey, 
in the eastern part of Asia Minor. The Visit to 
Jerusalem was a critical point, both in the his- 
tory of the Church and of the apostle. The in- 
troduction of the Gospel into Europe, with the mem- 
orable visits to Philippi, Athens, and Corinth, 
was the boldest step in the carrying out of St. 
Paul's mission. A third great missionary jour- 
ney, chiefly characterized by a long stay at F.ph- 
esiis, is further interesting from its connection 
with four leading Epistles. This was immediately 
followed by the apprehension of St. Paul at Jerusa- 
lem, and his imprisonment at Cesarca. And the last 
event of which we have a full narrative is the Voy- 
age to Rome. — Saul of Tarsus, before his Conversion. 
Up to the time of his going forth as an avowed 
preacher of Christ to the Gentiles, the apostle was 
known by the name of Saul, the Jewish name re- 
ceived from his Jewish parents. But though a He- 
brew of the Hebrews, he was born in a Gentile city. 



PATJ 



PAU 



811 



Of his parents we know nothing, except that his 
father was of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. iii. 5), and 
a Pharisee (Acts xxiii. 6), that he had acquired by 
some means the Roman franchise (" I was free born," 
xxii. 28), and was settled in Tarsus. 1 " I am a Jew 
of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean 
city" (xxi. 39). At Tarsus he must have learned to 
use the Greek language with freedom and mastery in 
both speaking and writing. At Tarsus also he 
learned that trade of " tentmaker " (xviii. 3), at which 
he afterward occasionally wrought with his own 
hands. There was a goat's-hair cloth called Cilicium, 
manufactured in Cilicia, and largely used for tents. 
Saul's trade was probably that of making tents of 
this haircloth. (Education.) St. Paul in his de- 
fence before his countrymen at Jerusalem (xxii.) 
tells them that though born in Tarsus, he had been 
" brought up " in Jerusalem. We may imagine him 
arriving there, perhaps at some age between ten and 
fifteen, already a Hellenist, speaking Greek and 
familiar with the Septuagint, possessing, besides the 
knowledge of his trade, the elements of Gentile 
learning — to be taught at Jerusalem " according to 
the perfect manner of the law of the fathers." He 
learned, he says, " at the feet of Gamaliel." He who 
was to resist so stoutly the usurpations of the Law, 
had for his teacher one of the most eminent of all 
the doctors of the Law. Saul was yet " a young 
man" (vii. 58), when the Church experienced that 
sudden expansion which was connected with the or- 
daining of the seven appointed to serve tables 
(Deacon), and with the special power and inspira- 
tion of Stephen. Amongst those who disputed with 
Stephen were some " of them of Cilicia." We nat- 
urally think of Saul as having been one of these, 
when we find him afterward keeping the clothes of 
those suborned witnesses who, according to the Law 
(Deut. xvii. 7), were the first to cast stones at Ste- 
phen. " Saul," says the sacred writer, significantly, 
" was consenting unto his death" (Acts viii. 1). He 
was the most unwearied and unrelenting of persecu- 
tors (3).'* — Saul's Conversion. The persecutor was 
to be converted. Having undertaken to follow up. 
the believers " unto strange cities," Saul naturally 
turned his thoughts to Damascus. What befell him 
as he journeyed thither, is related in detail three 
times in the Acts, first by the historian in his own 
person (ix.), then in the two addresses made by St. 
Paul at Jerusalem and before Agrippa (xxii., xxvi.). 
These three narratives are not repetitions of one an- 
other: there are differences between them which 
some consider irreconcilable. Of the three narra- 
tives, that of the historian himself must claim to be 
the most purely historical : St. Paul's subsequent 
accounts were likely to be affected by the purpose 
for which he introduced them. St. Luke's state- 
ment is in Acts ix. 3-19, where, however, according 
to the best authorities, the words " It is hard for thee 
to kick against the pricks," included in the Vulgate 



1 A story ie mentioned by Jerome that St. Paul's parents 
lived at Gischala (now el-jish) in Galilee, and that, having 
been born there, the infant Saul emigrated with his parents 
to Tarsus on the taking of that city by the Romans ; bat 
Gischala was not taken till a much later time, and the 
apostle declares he was born in Tarsus (Acts xxii. 3). 

2 Conybeare & Howson (Life and Epistles of St. Paul, 
i. TO) consider it probable, that, if Saul was not a member 
of the Sanhedrim at the time of Stephen's death, he was 
elected into it soon after (Acts xxvi. 10). If so, and if the 
rule laid down by Maimonides and the Jerusalem Gemara 
then prevailed, viz. that members of that body must have 
been married and the fathers of children, probably his wife 
and children did not long survive, as they are never al- 
luded to in the Scriptures. 



and English version, ought to be omitted. The sud- 
den light from heaven ; the voice of Jesus speaking 
with authority to His persecutor ; Saul struck to the 
ground, blinded, overcome ; the three days' sus- 
pense; the coming of Ananias as a messenger of the 
Lord ; and Saul's baptism ; — these were the leading 
features, in the eyes of the historian, of the great 
event, and in these we must look for the chief sig- 
nificance of the conversion. According to the 
speeches, the phenomenon occurred at mid-day, and 
the light shone round, and was visible to, Saul's 
companions as well as himself. All fell to the 
ground (second speech) ; but the others may have 
risen before Saul, or " stood " still afterward in 
greater perplexity, though not seeing or hearing 
what Saul saw and heard. They probably heard 
sounds, but not, like Saul, an articulate voice (first 
speech). After the question, "Why persecutest 
thou Me ? " the second speech adds, " It is hard for 
thee to kick against the goads" (A. V. " pricks"). 
Then both speeches supply a question (" Who art 
thou, Lord ? ") and answer (" I am Jesus [of Naza- 
reth], whom thou persecutest"). With regard to 
the visit of Ananias, there is no collision between 
ch. ix. and the first speech, which only attributes 
additional words to Ananias. The second speech 
ceases to give details of the vision after the words, 
" I am Jesus whom thou persecutest. But rise 
and stand on thy feet." St. Paul here adds, from 
the mouth of Jesus, an exposition of the pur- 
pose for which He had appeared to him. If we 
bear in mind the motive and purpose of St. Paul's 
address before Agrippa, we shall not suppose he 
is violating the strict truth, when he adds to the 
words which Jesus spoke to him at the moment of 
the light and sound, without interposing any refer- 
ence to a later occasion, that fuller exposition of 
the meaning of the crisis through which he was 
passing, which he was not to receive till afterward. 
What Saul actually heard from Jesus on the way 
was afterward interpreted to his mind into these def- 
inite expressions. For we must not forget that the 
whole transaction was essentially a spiritual com- 
munication. That the Lord Jesus manifested Him- 
self as a living person to the man Saul, and spoke to 
him so that His very words could be understood, is 
the substantial fact declared to us. Comparing with 
the narrative Acts ix. 17, xxii. 14, and 1 Cor. xv. 8, 
we conclude, either that Saul had an instantaneous 
vision of Jesus as the flash of light blinded him, or 
that the "seeing" was that apprehension of His 
presence which would go with a real conversation. 
How Saul " saw " and " heard " we are unable to 
determine. That the light, and the sound or voice, 
were both different from any ordinary phenomena 
with which Saul and his companions were familiar, 
is unquestionably implied in the narrative. It is 
also implied that they were specially significant to 
Saul, and not to those with him. We gather there- 
fore that there were real outward phenomena, 
through which Saul was made inwardly sensible of 
a Presence revealed to him alone. He gave himself 
up, without being able to see his way, to the dis- 
posal of Him whom he now knew to have vindicated 
His claim over him by the very sacrifice which for- 
merly he had despised. The only mention in the 
Epistles of St. Paul of the outward phenomena at- 
tending his conversion is in 1 Cor. xv. 8, "Last 
of all fie was seen of me also." But in Gal. i. 15, 
16, he speaks distinctly of his conversion itself: 
"When it pleased God, who separated me from my 
mother's womb, and called me by His grace, to re- 



812 



PAU 



PAU 



veal His Son in me, that I might preach Him among 
the heathen. . . ." What words could express 
more exactly than these the spiritual experience 
which occurred to Saul on the way to Damascus ? 
The manifestation of Jesus as the Son of God is 
clearly the main point in the narrative. It would be 
groundless to assume that the new convictions of 
that mid-day immediately cleared and settled them- 
selves in Saul's mind. It is sufficient to say that he 
was then converted, or turned round. For a while, 
no doubt, his inward state was one of awe and ex- 
pectation. Thus entering Damascus as a servant of 
the Lord Jesus, he sought the house of Judas whom 
he had, perhaps, intended to persecute. The fame 
of Saul's coming had preceded him ; and Ananias, 
" a devout man according to the law," but a believer 
in Jesus, when directed by the Lord to visit him, 
wonders at what he is told concerning the notorious 
persecutor. He obeys, however ; and going to Saul 
in the name of " the Lord Jesus, who had appeared 
to him in the way," he puts his hands on him that 
he may receive his sight and be filled with the Holy 
Ghost. Thereupon Saul's eyes are immediately 
purged, and his sight is restored. Every word in 
the address of Ananias to him (Acts xxii. 14 ; comp. 
ix. 17) strikes some chord which we hear sounded 
again and again in St. Paul's Epistles. After the 
recovery of his sight, Saul received the washing 
away of his sins in baptism. He then broke his 
three days' fast, and was strengthened. He was at 
once received into the fellowship of the disciples, 
and began without delay the work to which Ananias 
had designated him ; and to the astonishment of all 
his hearers he proclaimed Jesus in the synagogues, 
declaring Him to be the Son of God. The narrative 
in the Acts tells us simply that he was occupied in 
this work, with increasing vigor, for " many days," 
up to the time when imminent danger drove him 
from Damascus. From Gal. i. 1*7, 18, we learn that 
the many days were at least a good part of " three 
years," and that Saul, not thinking it necessary to 
procure authority to preach from the apostles that 
were before him, went after his conversion into Ara- 
bia, and returned from thence to Damascus. We 
know nothing whatever of this visit to Arabia — to 
what district Saul went, how long he stayed, or for 
what purpose he went there. For all we know to 
the contrary, he may have gone to Antioch or Tar- 
sus or anywhere else, or remained silent at Damas- 
cus for some time after returning from Arabia. 
Now that we have arrived at Saul's departure from 
Damascus, we are again upon historical ground, and 
have the double evidence of St. Luke in the Acts, 
and of the apostle in 2 Cor. According to the for- 
mer, the Jews lay in wait for Saul, intending to kill 
him, and watched the gates of the city that he might 
not escape from them. Knowing this, the disciples 
took him by night and let him down in a basket from 
the walk According to 2 Cor. xi. 32, the ethnarch 
under Aretas the king watched for him, desiring to 
apprehend him. There is no difficulty in reconci- 
ling the two statements. We might similarly say 
that our Lord was put to death either by the Jews 
or by the Roman governor. Having escaped from 
Damascus, Saul betook himself to Jerusalem, and 
there " assayed (Assay) to join himself to the disci- 
ples ; but they were all afraid of him, and believed not 
that he was a disciple." Barnabas assured the apos- 
tles and Church at Jerusalem — from some personal 
knowledge, we must presume — of the facts of Saul's 
conversion and subsequent behavior at Damascus. 
Barnabas' introduction removed the fears of the 



apostles, and Paul " was with them coming in and 
going out at Jerusalem." His Hellenistical educa- 
tion made him, like Stephen, a successful disputant 
against the "Grecians;" and the former persecutor 
became the object of a murderous hostility. He 
was therefore again urged to flee : and by way of 
Cesarea betook himself to his native city Tarsus. 
In Gal. i. 17 ff., St. Paul adds that his motive for go- 
ing up to Jerusalem rather than anywhere else wns 
that he might see Peter; that he abode with him 
fifteen days ; that the only apostles he saw were 
Peter and James, the Lord's brother ; and that after- 
ward he came into the regions of Syria and Cilicia, 
remaining unknown by face, though well known for 
his conversion, to the churches in Judea which were 
in Christ. — St. Pane at Antioch. While Saul was at 
Tarsus, a movement was going on at Antioch, which 
raised that city to an importance second only to that 
of Jerusalem in the early history of the Church. In 
the life of the Apostle of the Gentiles, Antioch claims 
a most conspicuous place. There the preaching of 
the Gospel to the Gentiles first took root, and from 
thence it was afterward propagated. There came to 
Antioch, when the persecution which arose about 
Stephen scattered the disciples who had been as- 
sembled at Jerusalem, men of Cyprus and Cyrene, 
eager to tell the good news concerning the Lord 
Jesus. Until Antioch was reached, the word was 
spoken " to none but unto Jews only " (Acts xi. 19). 
But here the Gentiles also (Gr. hoi Hellenes = the 
Greeks, not, as in the A. V., "the Grecians ") were 
among the heavers of the word. A great number 
believed; and when this was reported at Jerusalem, 
Barnabas was sent on a special mission to Antioch. 
As the work grew under his hands, and "much peo- 
ple was added unto the Lord," Barnabas felt the 
need of help, and went to Tarsus to seek Saul. 
Possibly at Damascus, certainly at Jerusalem, he had 
been a witness of Saul's energy and devotedness, 
and skill in disputation. He longed for him as a 
helper, and succeeded in bringing him to Antioch. 
There they labored together " a whole year," mixing 
with the constant assemblies of the believers, and 
" teaching much people." All this time, as St. Luke 
would give us to understand, Saul was subordinate 
to Barnabas (" Barnabas and Saul," Acts xi. 30, 
xii. 25, xiii. 2, 7). In the mean time, according to the 
usual method of the Divine government, facts were 
silently growing, which were to suggest and occasion 
the future developments of faith and practice, and 
of these facts the most conspicuous was the unprece- 
dented accession of Gentile proselytes at Antioch. 
An opportunity soon occurred, of which Barnabas 
and Saul joyfully availed themselves, for proving the 
affection of these new disciples toward their brethren 
at Jerusalem. There came " prophets " from Jeru- 
salem to Antioch : " and there stood up one of them, 
named Agabus, and signified by the Spirit that there 
should be great dearth throughout all the world." 
It is obvious that the fulfilment followed closely 
upon the intimation of the coming famine. For the 
disciples at Antioch determined to send contribu- 
tions immediately to Jerusalem ; and the gift was 
conveyed to the elders of that Church by the hands 
of Barnabas and Saul. We see in the relations be- 
tween the Mother-Church and that of Antioch, of 
which this visit is illustrative, examples of the deep 
feeling of the necessity of union which dwelt in the 
heart of the early Church. Having discharged their 
errand, Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch, 
bringing with them another helper, John surnamed 
Mark, sister's son to Barnabas. The work of proph- 



» 



PAU 

esying and teaching was resumed. Antioch was in 
constant communication with Cilicia, with Cyprus, 
with all the neighboring countries. The question 
must have forced itself upon hundreds of the " Chris- 
tians" at Antioch, "What is the meaning of this 
faith of ours, of this baptism, of this incorporation, 
of this kingdom of the Son of God, for the world ? 
The Gospel is not for Judea alone : here are we 
called by it at Antioch. Is it meant to stop here ? " 
Something of direct expectation seems to be implied 
in what is said of the leaders of the Church at Anti- 
och, that they were " ministering to the Lord, and 
fasting," when the Holy Ghost spoke to them. With- 
out doubt they knew it for a seal set upon previous 
surmises, when the voice came clearly to the general 
mind, " Separate me Barnabas and Saul for the work 
whereunto I have called them." Every thing was 
done with orderly gravity in the sending forth of 
the two missionaries. Their brethren, after fasting 
and prayer, laid their hands on them, and so they 
departed. — The first Missionary Journey. Much must 
have been hid from Barnabas and Saul as to the issues 
of the journey on which they embarked. But one 
thing was clear to them, that they were sent forth to 
speak the word o f God. The first characteristic fea- 
ture of St. Paul's teaching was the absolute conviction 
that he was only the bearer of a Heavenly message. 
As soon as Barnabas and Saul reached Cyprus, they 
began to " announce the word of God." The second 
fact to be observed is, that for the present they de- 
livered their message in the synagogues of the Jews 
only. They trod the old path till they should be 
drawn out of it. But when they had gone through 
the island, from Salamis to Paphos, they were called 
upon to explain their doctrine to an eminent Gen- 
tile, Sergius Paulus, the proconsul. A Jew, named 
Bar-jesus, or Elymas, a " sorcerer " and false prophet 
(Divination; Magic), had attached himself to the 
governor, and had no doubt interested his mind, for 
he was an intelligent man, with what he had told 
him of the history and hopes of the Jews. Ac- 
cordingly, when Sergius Paulus heard of the strange 
teachers who were announcing to the Jews the ad- 
vent of their true Messiah, he wished to see them 
and sent for them. The impostor, instinctively ha- 
ting the apostles, and seeing his influence over the 
proconsul in danger of perishing, did what he could 
to withstand them. Then Saul, " who is also called 
Paul," denouncing Elymas in remarkable terms, de- 
clared against him God's sentence of temporary 
blindness. (Compare St. Peter's denunciation of 
Simon Magus, Acts viii. 20 ff.). The blindness im- 
mediately falls upon him ; and the proconsul, moved 
by the scene and persuaded by the teaching of the 
apostle, becomes a believer. This point is made a 
special crisis in the history of the apostle by the 
writer of the Acts. Saul now becomes Paul, and 
begins to take precedence of Barnabas. Nothing 
is said to explain the change of name. No reader 
could resist the temptation of supposing that there 
must be some connection between Saul's new name 
and that of his distinguished Roman convert. But 
it does not seem probable that St. Paul would either 
have wished, or have consented, to change his own 
name for that of a distinguished convert. Saul may 
have borne from infancy the other name of Paul. 
(Compare " Simeon " also named " Niger," " Barsa- 
bas " named " Justus," " John " named " Marcus " 
[A. V. " Mark"].) In that case he would be Saul 
among his own countrymen, Paul among the Gen- 
tiles. The conversion of Sergius Paulus may be 
said, perhaps, to mark the beginning of the work 



PAU 813 

among the Gentiles ; otherwise, it was not in Cyprus 
that any change took place in the method hitherto 
followed by Barnabas and Saul in preaching the 
Gospel. Their public addresses were as yet confined 
to the synagogues ; but it was soon to be otherwise. 
From Paphos " Paul and his company " set sail for 
the mainland, and arrived at Perga in Pamphylia. 
Here the heart of their companion John failed him, 
and he returned to Jerusalem. From Perga they 
travelled on to Antioch in Pisidia. (Antioch 2.) 
Here " they went into the synagogue on the Sab- 
bath-day, and sat down." Small as the place was, 
it contained its colony of Jews, and with them 
proselytes who worshipped the God of the Jews. 
What took place here in the synagogue and in the 
city, is interesting to us, not only on account of its 
bearing on the history, but also because it represents 
more or less exactly what afterward occurred in 
many other places. The apostles of Christ sat still 
witli the rest of the assembly, whilst the Law and 
the Prophets were read. They and their audience 
were united in reverence for the sacred books. 
Then the rulers of the synagogue sent to invite 
them, as strangers but brethren, to speak any word 
of exhortation which might be in them to the peo- 
ple. Paul stood up, and beckoning with his hand, he 
spoke. The speech is given in Acts xiii. 16-41. The 
speaker starts from the Jewish covenant and prom- 
ises, names Jesus as the promised Son of David, de- 
clares His resurrection the fulfilment of all God's 
promises of Life, proclaims as from God Himself the 
forgiveness of sins and full justification through 
Jesus, and concludes by drawing from the prophets 
a warning against unbelief. The discourse produced 
a strong impression ; and the hearers (not " the 
Gentiles ") requested the apostles to repeat their 
message on the next Sabbath. During the week so 
much interest was excited by the teaching of the 
apostles, that on the Sabbath-day "almost the whole 
city came together, to hear the Word of God." It 
was this concern of the Gentiles which appears to 
have first alienated the minds of the Jews from 
what they had heard. They were filled with envy. 
The Jewish envy once roused became a power of 
deadly hostility to the Gospel ; and these Jews at 
Antioch set themselves to oppose bitterly the words 
which Paul spoke. The new opposition brought 
out new action on the part of the apostles. Re- 
jected by the Jews, they became bold and out- 
spoken, and turned from them to the Gentiles. 
Henceforth, Paul and Barnabas knew it to be their 
commission, — not the less to present their message 
to Jews first ; but in the absence of an adequate 
Jewish medium to deal directly with the Gentiles. 
But this expansion of the Gospel work bronght 
with it new difficulties and dangers. At Antioch 
now, as in every city afterward, the unbelieving 
Jews used their influence with their own adherents 
among the Gentiles, and especially the women of 
the higher class, to persuade the authorities or the 
populace to persecute the apostles, and to drive 
them from the place. With their own spirits raised, 
and amid much enthusiasm of their disciples, Paul 
and Barnabas now travelled on to Iconium, where 
the occurrences at Antioch were repeated, and from 
thence to the Lycaonian country which contained 
the cities Lystra and Derbe. Here they had to deal 
with uncivilized heathens. At Lystra the healing 
of a cripple took place, the narrative of which runs 
very parallel to the account of the similar act done 
by Peter and John at the gate of the Temple. The 
same truth was to be conveyed to the inhabitants; of 



814 



PAU 



PAU 



Jerusalem, and to the heathens of Lycaonia. The 
act was received naturally by these pagans. They 
took the apostles for gods, calling Barnabas, who 
was of the more imposing presence, Zeus (Jupiter), 
and Paul, who was the chief speaker, Hermes (Mer- 
curids). This mistake, followed up by the attempt 
to offer sacrifices to them, gives occasion to the 
recording of an address, in which we see what the 
apostles would say to an ignorant pagan audience. 
Although the people of Lystra had been so ready 
to worship Paul and Barnabas, the repulse of their 
idolatrous instincts appears to have provoked them, 
and, persuaded into hostility by Jews who came 
from Antioch and Iconium, they attacked Paul with 
stones, and thought they had killed him. He re- 
covered, however, as the disciples were standing 
round him, and went again into the city. The next 
day he left it with Barnabas, and went to Derbe, 
and thence they returned once more to Lystra, and 
so to Iconium and Antioch. In order to establish 
the Churches after their departure, they solemnly 
appointed " elders " in every city. Then they came 
down to the coast, and from Attalia they sailed 
home to Antioch in Syria, where they related the 
successes which had been granted to them, and 
especially the " opening of the door of faith to the 
Gentiles." And so the First Missionary Journey 
ended. — Tlie Council at Jerusalem (Acts xv. ; Gal. 
ii.). Upon that missionary journey follows most 
naturally the council held at Jerusalem to deter- 
mine the relations of Gentile believers to the Law 
of Moses. In following this portion of the history 
we encounter two of the greater questions which 
the biographer of St. Paul has to consider. One of 
these is historical, What were the relations between 
the Apostle Paul and the Twelve ? The other is 
critical, How is Gal. ii. to be connected with the 
narrative of the Acts ? The relations of St. Paul 
and the Twelve will best be set forth in the narra- 
tive. But we must explain here why we accept St. 
Paul's statements in the Galatian Epistle as ad- 
ditional to the history in Acts xv. The first im- 
pression of any reader would be that the two wri- 
ters refer to the same event. On looking more 
closely into both, the second impression may pos- 
sibly be that of a certain incompatibility between 
the two. But-the visit does not coincide better with 
any other mentioned in the Acts — as the second (xi. 
30) or fourth (xviii. 22). The view that St. Paul re- 
fers to a visit not recorded in the Acts, is a perfectly 
legitimate hypothesis; and it is recommended by 
the vigorous sense of Paley. But where are we to 
place the visit ? The only possible place for it is 
some short time before the visit of ch. xv. But the 
language of ch. xv. implies that the visit there re- 
corded was the first paid by Paul and Barnabas to 
Jerusalem, after their great success in preaching 
the Gospel among the Gentiles. Granting the con- 
siderable differences between Acts xv. and Gal ii., 
there are, after all, no plain contradictions between 
the two narratives, taken to refer to the same oc- 
currences. We proceed, then, to combine the two 
narratives. Whilst Paul and Barnabas were stay- 
ing at Antioch, " certain men from Judea " came 
there and taught the brethren that the Gentile con- 
verts must be circumcised. This doctrine was vigor- 
ously opposed by the two apostles, and it was de- 
termined that the question should be referred to 
the apostles and elders at Jerusalem. Paul and 
Barnabas themselves, and certain others, were se- 
lected for this mission. In Gal. ii. 2, St. Paul says 
that he went up "by revelation," i. e. receiving a 



private intimation from the Divine Spirit as well as 
a public commission from the Church at Antioch. 
On their way to' Jerusalem they announced to the 
brethren in Phenicia and Samaria the conversion of 
the Gentiles ; and the news was received with great 
joy. At Jerusalem " they were received by the 
Church, and by the apostles and elders; and they 
declared all things that God had done with them " 
(Acts xv. 4). St. Paul adds that he communicated 
his views "privately to them which were of reputa- 
tion," through anxiety as to the success of his work 
(Gal. ii. 2). The apostles and the Church in gen- 
eral, it appears, would have raised no difficulties ; 
but certain believers who had been Pharisees main- 
tained the same doctrine which had caused the dis- 
turbance at Antioch. In either place St. Paul would 
not give way to such teaching for a single hour (ii. 
5). It became necessary, therefore, that a formal 
decision should be come to upon the question. The 
apostles and elders 3 came together, and there was 
much disputing. Arguments would be used on both 
sides ; but St. Peter with Barnabas and Paul ap- 
pealed to what w-as stronger than arguments, — the 
course of facts , through which the will of God had 
been manifestly shown. After they had done, St. 
James, with incomparable simplicity and wisdom, 
binds up the testimony of recent facts with the 
testimony of ancient prophecy, and gives a prac- 
tical judgment upon the question. The judgment 
was a decisive one. The injunction that the Gen- 
tiles should abstain from pollutions of idols and 
from fornication, explained itself. The abstinence 
from things strangled and from blood is desired as 
a concession to the customs of the Jews, who were 
to be found in every city, and for whom it was still 
right, when they had believed in Jesus Christ, to 
observe the Law. St. Paul had completely gained 
his point. The older apostles, James, Cephas, and 
John, perceiving the grace which had been given 
him (his effectual apostleship), gave to him and 
Barnabas the right hand of fellowship. At this 
point it is very important to observe precisely what 
was the matter at stake between the contending 
parties. The case stood thus: Circumcision and 
the ordinances of the Law were witnesses of a sep- 
aration of the chosen race from other nations. The 
Jews were proud of that separation. But the Gos- 
pel of the Son of Man proclaimed that the time had 
come in which the separation was to be done away, 
and God's good-will manifested to all nations alike. 
It spoke of a union with God, through trust, which 
gave hope of a righteousness that the Law had 
been powerless to produce. Therefore to insist 
upon Gentiles being circumcised would have been 
to deny the Gospel of Christ. If there was to be 
simply an enlarging of the separated nation by the 
receiving of individuals into it, then the other na- 
tions of the world remained as much on the outside 
of God's covenant as ever. Then there was no 
Gospel to mankind ; no justification given to men. 
The loss, in such a case, would have been as much 
to the Jew as to the Gentile. St. Paul felt this the 
most strongly ; but St. Peter also saw that if the 
Jewish believers were thrown back on the Jewish 
Law, and gave up the free and absolute grace of 
God, the Law became a mere burden, just as heavy 



3 '• The apostles and elders are mentioned on account of 
their rank. It is evident from ver. 23, that the other 
Christians at Jerusalem were also present, and gave their 
sanction to the decrees enacted ; see also ver. 12, compared 
with ver. 22" (Hackett, on Acts, xv. ; so also Lechler, in 
Lange's Comm., &c). 



PAU 



PAU 



815 



to the Jew as it would be to the Gentile. The only 
hope for the Jew was in a Saviour who must be the 
Saviour of mankind. It implied therefore no dif- 
ference of belief when it was agreed that Paul and 
Barnabas should go to the heathen, while James and 
Cephas and John undertook to be the apostles of the 
Circumcision. The judgment of the Church was im- 
mediately recorded in a letter addressed to the Gen- 
tile brethren in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia. This 
letter, speaking affectionately of Barnabas and Paul, 
was intrusted to "chosen men" of the Jerusalem 
Church, " Judas surnamed Barsabas, and Silas, 
chief men among the brethren." So Judas and 
Silas came down with Paul and Barnabas to Antioch, 
and comforted the Church there with their message, 
and when Judas returned, " it pleased Silas to abide 
there still." It is usual to connect with this period 
of the history that rebuke of St. Peter which St. 
Paul records in Gal. ii. 11-14. The connection of 
subject makes it convenient to record the incident 
in this place, although it is possible that it took 
place before the meeting at Jerusalem, and perhaps 
most probable that it did not occur till later, woen 
St. Paul returned from his long tour in Greece to 
Antioch (Acts xviii. 22, 23). This withstanding of 
St. Peter was no opposition of Pauline to Petrine 
views ; it was a faithful rebuke of blamable moral 
weakness. — Second Missionary Journey. The most 
resolute courage, indeed, was required for the work 
to which St. Paul was now publicly pledged. He 
would not associate with himself in that work one 
who had already shown a want of constancy. This 
was the occasion of what must have been a most 
painful difference between him and his comrade in 
the faith and in past perils, Barnabas (xv. 35-40). 
(Mark.) Silas, or Silvanus, becomes now a chief 
companion of the apostle. The two went together 
through Syria and Cilicia, visiting the churches, and 
so came to Derbe and Lystra. Here they find 
Timotheus (Timothy), who had become a disciple 
on the former visit of the apostle. Him St. Paul 
took and circumcised. Paul and Silas were actually 
delivering the Jerusalem decree to all the churches 
they visited. They were no doubt triumphing in 
the freedom secured to the Gentiles. Yet at this 
very time our apostle had the wisdom and largeness 
of heart to consult the feelings of the Jews by cir- 
cumcising Timothy (1 Cor. ix. 20). St. Luke now 
steps rapidly over a considerable space of the apos- 
tle's life and labors. "They went throughout 
Phrygia and the region of Galatia " (Acts xvi. 6). 
At this time St. Paul was founding " the churches 
of Galatia " (Gal. i. 2). He himself gives us hints 
of the circumstances of his preaching in that region, 
of the reception he met with, and of the ardent, 
though unstable, character of the people (iv. 13-15). 
It is not easy to decide as to the meaning of the 
words " through infirmity of the flesh." Undoubt- 
edly, their grammatical sense implies that " weak- 
ness of the flesh " — an illness — was the occasion of 
St. Paul's preaching in Galatia. On the other hand, 
the form and order of the words are not what we 
should have expected if the apostle meant to say 
this; and Prof. Jowett prefers to assume an in- 
accuracy of grammar, and to understand St. Paul 
as saying that it was in weakness of the flesh that 
he preached to the Galatians. In either case St. 
Paul must be referring to a more than ordinary 
pressure of that bodily infirmity which he speaks 
of elsewhere as detracting from the influence of his 
personal address. It is hopeless to attempt to de- 
termine positively what this infirmity was. St. Paul 



at this time had not indulged the ambition of 
preaching his Gospel in Europe. His views were 
limited to the peninsula of Asia Minor. Having 
gone through Phrygia and Galatia, he intended to 
visit the western coast (Asia); but "they were for- 
bidden by the Holy Ghost to preach the word " 
there. Then, being on the borders of Mysia, they 
thought of going back to the N. E. into Bithynia ; 
but again the Spirit of Jesus " suffered them not." 
So they passed by Mysia, and came down to Troas. 
Here St. Paul saw in a vision a man of Macedonia, 
who besought him, saying, " Come over into Mace- 
donia and help us." The vision was at once ac- 
cepted as a Heavenly intimation ; the help wanted 
by the Macedonians was believed to be the preach- 
ing of the Gospel. At this point the historian, 
speaking of St. Paul's company, substitutes " we " 
for " the}'." He says nothing of himself; we can 
only infer that St. Luke, to whatever country he 
belonged, became a companion of St. Paul at Troas. 
The party, thus reenforced, immediately set sail from 
Troas, touched at Samothrace, then landed on the 
continent at Neapolis, and from thence journeyed 
to Piiilippi. Philippi was no inapt representative 
of the Western world. A Greek city, it had received 
a body of Roman settlers, and was politically a 
colony. There were Jews at Philippi ; and when 
the Sabbath came round, the apostolic company 
joined their countrymen at the place by the river- 
side where prayer was wont to be made. The nar- 
rative in this part is very graphic (Acts xvi. 13). 
The first convert in Macedonia was an Asiatic 
woman (Lydia), who already worshipped the God 
of the Jews; but she was a very earnest believer, 
and besought the apostle and his friends to honor 
her by staying in her house. They could not resist 
her urgency, and during their stay at Philippi they 
were the guests of Lydia (ver. 40). But a proof 
was given before long that the preachers of Christ 
were come to grapple with the powers in the spirit- 
ual world to which heathenism was then doing hom- 
age. A female slave, who brought gain to her 
masters by her powers of prediction when she was 
in the possessed state (Demoniacs ; Divination), 
beset Paul and his company, following them as they 
went to the place of prayer, and crying out, " These 
men are servants of the Most High God, who pub- 
lish to you (or to us ; A. V. ' which shew unto us ') 
the way of salvation." Paul was vexed by her cries, 
and addressing the spirit in the girl, he said, " I 
command thee in the name of Jesus Christ to come 
out of her." The girl's masters saw that now the 
hope of their gains was gone. Paul and Silas were 
dragged before the magistrates, the multitude clam- 
oring loudly against them, upon the vague charge of 
" troubling the city," and introducing observances 
which were unlawful for Romans. If the magis- 
trates had desired to act justly, they might have 
doubted how they ought to deal with the charge. 
But the pretors or duumviri (L. two men, i. e. two 
associated magistrates) of Philippi were very un- 
worthy representatives of the Roman magistracy. 
They yielded without inquiry to the clamor of the 
inhabitants, caused the clothes of Paul and Silas 
to be torn from them, and themselves to be beaten, 
and then committed them to prison. The jailer, 
having received their commands, " thrust them into 
the inner prison, and made their feet fast in the 
stocks." This cruel wrong was to be the occasion 
of the signal appearance of the God of righteous- 
ness and deliverance. The narrative tells of the 
loud songs of praise, the earthquake, the opening 



816 



PAU 



PAD" 



of the prison-doors, the jailer's terror, his conver- 
sion, and baptism (xvi. 26-34). In the morning the 
magistrates, having heard of what had happened, 
or having repented of their injustice, or having 
done all they meant to do by way of pacifying the 
multitude, sent word to the prison that the men 
might be let go. But St. Paul denounced plainly 
their unlawful acts, informing them moreover that 
those whom they had beaten and imprisoned with- 
out trial, were Roman citizens. The magistrates, 
in great alarm, saw the necessity of humbling them- 
selves. They came and begged them to leave the 
city. Paul and Silas consented to do so, and, after 
paying a visit to " the brethren " in the house of 
Lydia, they departed. Leaving St. Luke, and per- 
haps Timothy, for a short time, at Philippi, Paul 
and Silas travelled through Amphipolis and Apol- 
lonia, and stopped again at Tiiessalonica. At this 
important city there was a synagogue of the Jews. 
True to his custom, St. Paul went in to them, and 
for three Sabbath-days proclaimed Jesus to be the 
Christ. Again, as in Pisidian Antioch, the envy of 
the Jews was excited. They stirred up the lower 
class to tumultuary violence. The mob assaulted 
the house of Jason, with whom Paul and Silas were 
staying as guests, and, not finding them, dragged 
Jason himself and some other brethren before the 
magistrates. In this case the magistrates seem to 
have acted wisely and justly, in taking security of 
Jason and the rest, and letting them go. After 
these signs of danger, the brethren immediately 
sent away Paul and Silas by night. The Epistles to 
the Thessalonians were written very soon after the 
apostle's visit, and- contain more particulars of his 
work in founding that Church than we find in any 
other Epistle. (Thessalonians, First [and Second] 
Epistle to.) When Paul and Silas left Thessaloni- 
ca, they came to Berea. Here they found the Jews 
more "noble" (i. e. in their disposition) than those 
at Thessalonica had been. Accordingly, they gained 
many converts, both Jews and Greeks ; but the 
Jews of Thessalonica, hearing of it, sent emissaries 
to stir up the people, and it was thought best that 
St. Paul should himself leave the city, whilst Silas 
and Timothy remained behind. Some of " the 
brethren " went with St. Paul as far as Athens, 
where they left him, carrying back a request to 
Silas and Timothy that they would speedily join 
him. There he witnessed the most profuse idolatry 
side by side with the most pretentious philosophy. 
To idolaters and philosophers he felt equally urged 
to proclaim his Master and the Living God. So he 
went to his own countrymen and the proselytes in 
the synagogue, and declared to them that the Mes- 
siah had come ; but he also spoke, like another 
Socrates, with people in the market, and with the 
followers of the two great schools of philosophy, 
Epicureans and Stoics, naming to all Jesus and the 
Resurrection. The philosophers encountered him 
with a mixture of curiosity and contempt. But any 
one with a novelty was welcome to those who 
" spent their time in nothing else but either to hear 
or to tell some new thing." They brought him, 
therefore, to the Areopagus, that he might make a 
formal exposition of his doctrine to an assembled 
audience. Here the apostle delivered that instruc- 
tive and wonderful discourse, reported in Acts xvii. 
22-31. St. Paul, it is well understood, did not be- 
gin with calling the Athenians (as in the A. V.) 
" too superstitious." " I perceive you," he said, 
" to be eminently religious." He had observed an 
altar (Altar, C, 2) inscribed " To the unknown 



God." It meant, no doubt, " To some unknown 
God." " I come," he said, " as the messenger of 
that unknown God." His teaching here laid hold 
of the deepest convictions, and encountered the 
strongest prejudices of Greeks. He could speak to 
men as God's children, and subjects of God's edu- 
cating discipline, and was only bringing them 
further tidings of Him whom they had been always 
feeling after. He presented to them the Son of 
Man as acting in the power of Him who had made 
all nations, and who was not far from any single 
man. He began to speak of Him as risen from the 
dead, and of the power of a new life which was in 
Him for men ; but his audience would not hear of 
Him who thus claimed their personal allegiance. 
The apostle gained but few converts at Athens, and 
he soon took his departure and came to Corinth. 
Athens still retained its old intellectual predomi- 
nance ; but Corinth was the political and commercial 
capital of Greece. Here, as at Thessalonica, he 
chose to earn his own subsistence by working at his 
trade of tent-making. This trade brought him into 
close connection with Aquila and Priscilla. La- 
boring thus on the six days, the apostle went to the 
synagogue on the Sabbath, and there, by expound- 
ing the Scriptures, sought to win both Jews and 
proselytes to the belief that Jesus was the Christ. He 
was testifying with unusual effort and anxiety, when 
Silas and Timothy came from Macedonia, and joined 
him. We are left in some uncertainty as to what 
the movements of Silas and Timothy had been, 
since they were with Paul at Berea. From Acts 
xvii. 15, 16, compared with 1 Th. iii. 1, 2, Paley 
reasonably argues that Silas and Timothy had come 
to Athens, but had soon been dispatched thence, 
Timothy to Thessalonica, and Silas to Philippi, or 
elsewhere. I'rom Macedonia they came together, 
or about the same time, to Corinth ; and their ar- 
rival was the occasion of writing 1 Thessalonians. 
This is the first extant example of that work by 
which the apostle Paul has served the Church of all 
ages in as eminent a degree as he labored at the 
founding of it in his lifetime. It is notorious that 
the order of the Epistles in the book of the N. T. 
is not their real, or chronological order. The two 
Epistles to the Thessalonians belong — and these 
alone — to the present Missionary Journey. The 
Epistles to the Galatians, Romans, and Corinthians, 
were written during the next journey. Those to 
Philemon, the Colossians, Ephesians, and Philip- 
pians, belong to the captivity at Rome. With re- 
gard to the Pastoral Epistles, there are considerable 
difficulties, which require to be discussed separately. 
— Two general remarks relating to St. Paul's Letters 
may find a place here. (1.) There is no reason to 
assume that the extant Letters are all that the 
apostle wrote. (2.) We must be on our guard 
against concluding too much from the contents and 
style of any Epistle, as to the fixed bent of the 
apostle's whole mind at the time when it was writ- 
ten. — The First Epistle to the Thessalonians was 
probably written soon after his arrival at Corinth, 
and before he turned from the Jews to the Gentiles. 
It was drawn from St. Paul by the arrival of Silas 
and Timothy. The largest portion of it consists 
of an impassioned recalling of the facts and feel- 
ings of the time when the apostle was personally 
with them. (Thessalonians, First Epistle to the.) 
What interval of time separated the Second Letter 
to the Thessalonians from the First, we have no 
means of judging, except that the later one was 
certainly written before St. Paul's departure from 



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Corinth. (Thessalonians, Second Epistle to the.) 
— We return now to the apostle's preaching at 
Corinth. When Silas and Timotheus came, he was 
testifying to the Jews with great earnestness, but 
with little success. (Crispus.) So, "when they 
opposed themselves and blasphemed, he shook out 
his raiment," and said to them, in words of warning 
taken from their own prophets (Ez. xxxiii. 4): 
" Your blood be upon your own heads ; I am clean, 
and henceforth will go to the Gentiles." The apos- 
tle went, as he threatened, to the Gentiles, and be- 
gan to preach in the house of a proselyte named 
Justus. Corinth was the chief city of the province 
of Achaia, and the residence of the proconsul. 
During St. Paul's stay, we find the proconsular of- 
fice held by Gallio. Before him the apostle was 
summoned by his Jewish enemies, who hoped to 
bring the Roman authority to bear upon him as an 
innovator in religion. But Gallio perceived at once, 
before Paul could " open his mouth " to defend him- 
self, that the movement was due to Jewish prej- 
udice, and refused to go into the question. " If it 
be a question of words and names and of your law," 
he said to the Jews, speaking with the tolerance of 
a Roman magistrate, " look ye to it ; for I will be 
no judge of such matters." Then the Corinthian 
spectators, either favoring St. Paul, or actuated 
only by anger against the Jews, seized on the prin- 
cipal person of those who had brought the charge, 
and beat him before the judgment-seat. Gallio left 
these religious quarrels to settle themselves. The 
apostle, therefore, was not allowed to be " hurt," 
and remained some time longer at Corinth unmo- 
lested. Having founded the Church at Corinth, 
and gathered into it many, chiefly Gentiles, humble 
and simple (1 Cor. xii. 2, x. 1, i. 27, &c), St. Paul 
took his departure for Jerusalem, wishing to attend 
a festival there. Before leaving Greece, he cut oflf 
his hair at Cenchrea, in fulfilment of a vow (Acts 
xviii. 18). He may have followed in this instance, 
for some reason not explained to us, a custom of his 
countrymen. (Nazarite ; Vows.) When he sailed 
from the Isthmus, Aquila and Priscilla went with 
him as far as Ephesus. Paul paid a visit to the syna- 
gogue at Ephesus, but would not stay. Leaving 
Ephesus, he sailed to Cesarea, and from thence went 
up to Jerusalem and "saluted the Church." It is 
argued, from considerations founded on the Suspen- 
sion of navigation during the winter months, that the 
festival was probably the Pentecost. From Jerusa- 
lem, almost immediately, the apostle went down to 
Antioch, thus returning to the same place from which 
he had started with Silas. — Tldrd Missionary Jour- 
ney, including the stay at Ephesus (Acts xviii. 23-xxi. 
17). We may connect with this short visit of St. 
Paul to Jerusalem a very serious raising of the 
whole question, What was to be the relation of the 
new kingdom of Christ to the law and covenant of 
the Jews ? To vindicate the freedom, as regarded 
the Jewish law, of believers in Christ; but to do 
this, for the very sake of maintaining the unity of the 
Church — was to be the earnest labor of the apostle 
for some years. The great Epistles which belong 
to this period, those to the Galatians, Corinthians, 
and Romans, show how the " Judaizing" question 
exercised at this time the apostle's mind. St. Paul 
" spent some time " at Antioch, and during this stay, 
as we are inclined to believe, his collision with St. 
Peter (Gal. ii. 11-14), spoken of above, took place. 
When he left Antioch, he " went over all the coun- 
try of Galatia and Phrygia in order, strengthening 
all the disciples," and giving orders concerning the 
52 



collection for the saints (1 Cor. xvi. 1). Probably 

the Epistle to the Galatians (Galatians, Epistle to 
the) was written soon after this visit, and sent from 
Ephesus. This was the goal of the apostle's jour- 
neyings through Asia Minor. He came down upon 
Ephesus from the upper districts of Phrygia. With 
reference to the spread of the Church Catholic, 
Ephesus occupied a more central position than An- 
tioch, Corinth, or Rome. It was the meeting-place 
of Jew, Greek, Roman, and Oriental. A new ele- 
ment in the preparation of the world for the kingdom 
of Christ presents itself at the beginning of the 
apostle's work at Ephesus. He finds there certain 
disciples — about twelve in number — of whom he is 
led to inquire, " Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when 
ye believed ? They answered, No, we did not even 
hear of there being a Holy Ghost. Unto what then, 
asked Paul, were ye baptized ? And they said, Unto 
John's baptism. Then said Paul, John baptized 
with the baptism of repentance, saying to the people 
that they should believe on Him who was coming 
after him, that is, on Jesus. Hearing this, they were 
baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus, and when 
Paul had laid his hands upon them, the Holy Ghost 
came upon them, and they began to speak with 
tongues and to prophesy" (Acts xix. 1-7). — It is ob- 
vious to compare this incident with the apostolic act 
of Peter and John in Samaria, and to see in it an as- 
sertion of the full apostolic dignity of Paul. But 
besides this bearing of it, we see in it indications 
which suggest more than they distinctly express, as 
to the spiritual movements of that age. These twelve 
disciples are mentioned immediately after Apollos, 
who also had been at Ephesus just before St. Paul's 
arrival, and who had taught diligently concerning 
Jesus, knowing only the baptism of John. What 
the exact belief of Apollos and these twelve " disci- 
ples "was concerning the character and work of 
Jesus, we have no means of knowing. The apostle 
now went into the synagogue, and for three months 
spoke openly, disputing and persuading concerning 
" the kingdom of God." At the end of this time the 
obstinacy and opposition of some of the Jews led 
him to give up frequenting the synagogue, and he 
established the believers as a separate society, meet- 
ing " in the school of Tyrannus." This continued for 
two years. During this time, many things occurred, 
of which the historian of the Acts chooses two ex- 
amples, the triumph over magical arts (Ephesus, 
§ 3 ; Exorcist ; Magic), and the great disturbance 
raised by the silversmiths who made shrines for 
Artemis (Diana ; Ephesus, § 2) ; and amongst which 
we are to note further the writing of 1 Corinthians. 
Whilst St. Paul was at Ephesus his communications 
with the Church in Achaia were not altogether sus- 
pended. There is strong reason to believe that a 
personal visit to Corinth was made by him, and a 
letter sent, neither of which is mentioned in the 
Acts. The visit is inferred from 2 Cor. xii. 14, xiii. 
1. The visit he is contemplating is plainly that 
mentioned in Acts xx. 2, which took place when he 
finally left Ephesus. If that was the third, he must 
have paid a second during his residence at Ephesus. 
The obvious sense of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 21, xiii. 2, im- 
plies a short visit, which we should place in the first 
half of the stay at Ephesus. And there are no 
strong reasons why we should not accept that ob- 
vious sense. Whether 1 Corinthians was written 
before or after the tumult excited by Demetrius 
cannot be positively asserted. He makes an allusion, 
in that Epistle, to a " battle with wild beasts " fought 
at Ephesus (1 Cor. xv. 32), which is usually under- 



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stood figuratively, and is by many connected with 
that tumult. But this connection is without much 
reason. And as it would seem from Acts xx. 1 that 
St. Paul departed immediately after the tumult, 
probably the Epistle was written not long before the 
raising of this disturbance. There were two exter- 
nal inducements for writing this Epistle. (1.) St. 
Paul had received information from members of 
Chloe's household (1 Cor. i. 11) concerning the state 
of the Church at Corinth. (2.) That Chinch had 
written him a letter, of which the bearers were 
Stephanas and Fortunatus and Achaicus, to ask his 
judgment upon various points (vii. 1, xvi. 17). (For 
a detailed description see Corinthians, First Epistle 
to the.) But we must observe in this Epistle how 
loyally the apostle represents Jesus Christ the Cru- 
cified as the Lord of men, the Head of the body with 
many members, the Centre of Unity, the Bond of 
men to the Father. We should mark at the same 
time how invariably he connects the power of the 
Spirit with the Name of the Lord Jesus. He meets 
all the evils of the Corinthian Church, the intellec- 
tual pride, the party spirit, the loose morality, the 
disregard of decency and order, the false belief about 
the Resurrection, by recalling their thoughts to the 
Person of Christ and to the Spirit of God as the 
Breath of a common life to the whole body. We 
observe also here, more than elsewhere, the tact, 
universally recognized and admired, w ith which the 
apostle discusses the practical problems brought 
before him. What St. Paul here tells us of his own 
doings and movements refers chiefly to the nature 
of his preaching at Corinth (i., ii.) ; to the hardships 
and dangers of the apostolic life (iv. 9-13); to his 
cherished custom of working for his own living (ix.) ; 
to the direct revelations he had received (xi. 23, xv. 
8) ; and to his present plans (xvi.). He bids the 
Corinthians raise a collection for the Church at Je- 
rusalem by laying by something on the first day of 
the week, as he had directed the churches in Galatia 
to do. He says that he shall tarry at Ephesus till 
Pentecost, and then set out on a journey toward 
Corinth through Macedonia, so as perhaps to spend 
the winter with them. He expresses his joy at the 
coming of Stephanas and his companions, and com- 
mends them to the respect of the Church. Having 
dispatched this Epistle he stayed on at Ephesus, 
where " a great door and effectual was opened to 
him, and there were many adversaries." We have 
now no information as to his work there, until that 
tumult occurred which is described in Acts xix. 24- 
41. St. Paul is only personally concerned in this 
tumult in so far as it proves the deep impression 
which his teaching had made at Ephesus, and the 
daily danger in which he lived. He had been anx- 
ious to depart from Ephesus, and this interruption 
of the work which had kept him there determined 
him to stay no longer. He set out therefore for 
Macedonia, and proceeded first to Troas (2 Cor. ii. 
12), where he might have preached the Gospel with 
good hope of success. But a restless anxiety to ob- 
tain tidings concerning the Church at Corinth urged 
him on, and he advanced into Macedonia, where he 
met Titus, who brought him the news for which he 
was thirsting. The receipt of this intelligence drew 
■ from him a letter which reveals to us what manner 
\ of man St. Paul was when the fountains of his heart 
were stirred to their inmost depths. (Corinthians, 
Second Epistle to the.) Every reader may perceive 
that, on passing from the First Epistle to the Second, 
the scene is almost entirely changed. In the First, 
the faults and difficulties of the Corinthian Church 



are before us. The apostle writes of these, with 
spirit indeed and emotion, as he always does, but 
without passion or disturbance. In the Second, he 
writes as one whose personal relations with those 
whom he addresses have undergone a most painful 
shock. What had occasioned this excitement ? 
We have seen that Timothy had been sent from 
Ephesus to Macedonia and Corinth. He had rejoined 
St. Paul when he wrote this Second Epistle, for he is 
associated with him in the salutation (2 Cor. i. 1). 
We have no account, either in the Acts or in the 
Epistles, of this journey of Timothy, and some have 
thought it probable that he never reached Corinth. 
Let us suppose, however, that he arrived there soon 
after the First Epistle, conveyed by Stephanas and 
others, had been received by the Corinthian Church. 
He found that a movement had arisen in the heart 
of that Church which threw (let us suppose) the case 
of the incestuous person (1 Cor. v. 1-5) into the 
shade. This was a deliberate and sustained attack 
upon the apostolic authority and personal integrity 
of the Apostle of the Gentiles. When some such 
attack was made openly upon the apostle, the Church 
had not immediately called the offender to account ; 
the better spirit of the believers being cowed, ap- 
parently, by the confidence and assumed authority 
of the assailants of St. Paul. A report of this mel- 
ancholy state of things was brought to the apostle 
by Timothy or by others. He immediately sent off 
Titus to Corinth, with a letter containing the sharp- 
est rebukes, using the authority which had been de- 
nied, and threatening to enforce it speedily by his 
personal presence (2 Cor. ii. 2, 3, vii. 8). As soon 
as the letter was gone, he began to repent of having 
written it. He speaks of what he had suffered : — 
" Out of much affliction and anguish of heart I wrote 
to you with many tears " (ii. 4) ; "I had no rest in 
my spirit" (ii. 13); "our flesh had no rest, but we 
were troubled on every side ; without were fightings, 
within were fears " (vii. 5). It appears that he could 
not bring himself to hasten to Corinth so rapidly as 
he had intended (i. 15, 16); he would wait till he 
heard news which might make his visit a happy in- 
stead of a painful one (ii. 1). When he had reached 
Macedonia, Titus, as we have seen, met him with 
reassuring tidings. The offender had been rebuked 
by the Church, and had made submission (ii. 6, V) ; 
the okl spirit of love and reverence toward St. Paul 
had been awakened, and had poured itself forth in 
warm expressions of shame and grief and penitence. 
The cloud was now dispelled ; fear and pain gave 
place to hope and tenderness and thankfulness. But 
even now the apostle would not start at once for 
Corinth. He may have had important work to do 
in Macedonia. But another letter would smooth the 
way still more effectually for his personal visit ; and 
he accordingly wrote the Second Epistle, and sent 
it by the hands of Titus and two other brethren to 
Corinth. 4 The particular nature of this Epistle, as 
an appeal to facts in favor of his own apostolic au- 
thority, leads to the mention of many interesting 
features of St. Paul's life. His summary, in xi. 23- 
28, of the hardships and dangers through which he 
had gone, proves to us how little the history in the 



*The hypothesis riven ahove, upon which Mr. Davies 
has interpreted 2 Cor., is advocated by Ewald, and has 
been held, in whole or in part, according to De Wette, 
by Bleek, Credner, Olshaueen. and Neander(?); hut the or- 
dinary account-that the incestuous person of 1 Cor. v. is 
the offender, and 1 Cor. the letter which proved so sharp 
and wholesomea medicine — is retained by Stanley, Alford, 
Davidson, Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kit'to), Conybeare & 
I Howson, &c. 



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Acts is to be regarded as a complete account of what 
he did and suffered. The daily burden " of the care 
of all the churches " seems to imply a wide and con- 
stant range of communication. The mention of 
" visions and revelations of the Lord," and of the 
" thorn (or rather stake) in the flesh," side by side, 
is peculiarly characteristic both of the mind and of 
the experiences of St. Paul. As an instance of the 
visions, he alludes to a trance fourteen years before, 
in which he had been caught up into paradise, and 
had heard unspeakable words. But he would not, 
even inwardly with himself, glory in visions and rev- 
elations without remembering how the Lord had 
guarded him from being puffed up by them. A stake 
(A. V. " thorn," Gr. skolops) in the flesh was given 
him, a messenger of Satan to buffet him, lest he 
should be exalted above measure. The different in- 
terpretations which have prevailed of this skolops 
have a certain historical significance. (1.) Roman 
Catholic divines have inclined to understand by it 
strong sensual temptation. (2.) Luther and his fol- 
lowers take it to mean temptations to unbelief. But 
neither of these would be " infirmities " in which St. 
Paul could "glory." (3.) It is almost the unani- 
mous opinion of modern divines — and the authority 
of the ancient fathers on the whole is in favor of it 
— that the skolops represents some vexatious bodily 
infirmity (comp. Gal. iv. 14). — After writing this 
Epistle, St. Paul travelled through Macedonia, per- 
haps to the borders of Illyricum (Rom. xv. 19), and 
then carried out the intention of which he had spo- 
ken so often, and arrived himself at Corinth. " When 
he had gone over those parts (Macedonia), and had 
given them much exhortation, he came into Greece, 
and there abode three months " (Acts xx. 2, 3). 
There is only one incident which we can connect 
with this visit to Greece, but that is a very impor- 
tant one — the writing of another great Epistle, ad- 
dressed to the Church at Rome. (Romans, Epistle 
to the.) That this was written at this time from 
Corinth appears from passages in the Epistle it- 
self, and has never been doubted. The letter is a 
substitute for the personal visit which he had longed 
" for many years " to pay ; and, as he would have 
made the visit, so now he writes the letter, because 
he is the Apostle of the Gentiles. Of this office, to 
speak in common language, St. Paul was proud. 
All the labors and dangers of it he would willingly 
encounter ; and he would also jealously maintain 
its dignity and its powers. He held it of Christ, 
and Christ's commission should not be dishonored. 
He represents himself grandly as a priest, appointed 
to offer up the faith of the Gentile world as a sac- 
rifice to God (Rom. xv. 16). He then proceeds to 
speak of the extent and independence of his apos- 
tolic labors. It is in harmony with this language 
that he should address the Roman Church as con- 
sisting mainly of Gentiles : but we find that he 
speaks to them as to persons deeply interested in 
Jewish questions. Before his departure from Cor- 
inth, St. Paul was joined again by St. Luke, as we 
infer from the change in the narrative from the 
third to the first person (Acts xx. 5). We have 
seen already that he was bent on making a journey 
to Jerusalem, for a special purpose and within a 
limited time. With this view he was intending to 
go by sea to Syria. But made aware of some plot 
of the Jews for his destruction, he determined to 
evade their malice by changing his route. Several 
brethren were associated with him in this expedi- 
tion, the bearers, no doubt, of the collections made 
iu all the churches for the poor at Jerusalem. 



These were sent on by sea, and probably the money 
with them, to Troas, where they were to await St. 
Paul. He, accompanied by St. Luke, went north- 
ward through Macedonia. During the stay at Troas 
there was a meeting on the first day of the week 
" to break bread," and Paul was discoursing ear- 
nestly and at length with the brethren. He was to 
depart the next morning, and midnight found them 
listening to his earnest speech. A youth named 
Eutychus, sitting in the window, and gradually 
overpowered by sleep, fell into the street or court 
from the third story, and was taken up dead. The 
meeting was interrupted by this accident, and Paul 
went down and fell upon him and embraced him, 
saying, " Be not disturbed, his life is in him." 
His friends then appear to have taken charge of 
him, while Paul went up again, first presided at 
the breaking of bread, afterward took a meal, 
and continued conversing until daybreak, and 
so departed. Whilst the vessel, which conveyed 
the rest of the party, sailed from Troas to Assos, 
Paul gained some time by making the journey by 
land. At Assos he went on board again. Coasting 
along by Mitylene, Chios, Samos, and Trogyllium, 
they arrived at Miletus. At Miletus, however, there 
was time to send to Ephesus ; and the elders of the 
Church were invited to come ^own to him there. 
This meeting is made the occasion for recording 
another characteristic and representative address of 
St. Paul (xx. 18-35). It is in great part an appeal 
to their memories of him and of his work. He re- 
fers to his labors and dangers and unreserve among 
them ; mentions his receiving inspired warnings of 
bonds and afflictions awaiting him at Jerusalem ; 
declares his one guiding principle, to discharge the 
ministry which he had received of the Lord Jesus, 
to testify the Gospel of the grace of God. He ex- 
horts them with unusual earnestness and tenderness, 
and expresses, in conclusion, that anxiety as to 
practical industry and liberality which has been in- 
creasingly occupying his mind. " And when he 
had thus spoken, he kneeled down and prayed with 
them all : and they all wept sore, and fell on Paul's 
neck, and kissed him, sorrowing most of all for the 
words which he spake, that they should see his face 
no more. And they accompanied him to the ship." 
The course of the voyage from Miletus was by Coos 
and Rhodes to Patara, and from Patara in another 
vessel past Cyprus to Tyre. Here Paul and his 
company spent seven days. From Tyre they sailed 
to Ptolemais (Accho), where they spent one day, 
and from Ptolemais proceeded, apparently by land, 
to Cesarea 1. In this place was settled Philip the 
Evangelist, one of the seven, and he became the 
host of Paul and his friends. Philip had four un- 
married daughters, who " prophesied," and who re- 
peated, no doubt, the warnings already heard. They 
now " tarried many days " at Cesarea. During this 
interval the prophet Agabus (xi. 28) came down 
from Jerusalem, and crowned the previous intima- 
tions of danger with a prediction expressively de- 
livered. At this stage a final but unavailing effort 
was made to dissuade Paul from going up to Jeru- 
salem, by the Christians of Cesarea, and by his 
travelling companions. " And when he would not 
be persuaded, we ceased, saying, The will of the 
Lord be done." So, after a while, they went up to 
Jerusalem, and were gladly received by the breth- 
ren. This is St. Paul's fifth and last visit to Jeru- 
salem. — St. Paul's Imprisonment: Jerusalem and 
Cesarea. He who was thus conducted into Jerusa- 
lem by a company of anxious friends was widely 



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known as one who had taught with preeminent 
boldness that a way into God's favor was opened to 
the Gentiles, and that this way did not lie through 
the door of the Jewish Law. He had, moreover, 
actually founded numerous and important com- 
munities, composed of Jews and Gentiles together, 
which stood simply on the name of Jesus Christ, 
apart from circumcision and the observance of the 
Law. He had thus roused against himself the bit- 
ter enmity of that unfathomable Jewish pride which 
was almost as strong in some of those who had pro- 
fessed the faith of Jesus, as in their unconverted 
brethren. He was now approaching a crisis in the 
long struggle, and the shadow of it had been made 
to rest upon his mind throughout his journey to 
Jerusalem. He came " ready to die for the name 
of the Lord Jesus," but he came expressly to prove 
himself a faithful Jew, and this purpose emerges at 
every point of the history. St. Luke does not 
mention the contributions brought by Paul and his 
companions for the poor at Jerusalem. But it is 
to be assumed that their first act was to deliver 
these funds into the proper hands. This might be 
done at the interview on the following day with 
" James and all the elders." As on former occa- 
sions, the believers at Jerusalem could not but 
glorify God for wh A they heard ; but they had been 
alarmed by the prevalent feeling concerning St. 
Paul. To dispel this impression, they ask him to 
do publicly an act of homage to the Law and its 
observances. They had four men who were under 
the Nazarite vow. The completion of this vow 
involved (Num. vi. 13-21) a considerable expense 
for the offerings to be presented in the Temple ; 
and it was a meritorious act to provide these offer- 
ings for the poorer Nazarites. St. Paul was re- 
quested to put himself under the vow with those 
other four, and to supply the cost of their offerings. 
He at once accepted the proposal. It appears that 
the whole process undertaken by St. Paul required 
seven days to complete it. Toward the end of this 
time certain Jews from " Asia " who had come up 
for the Pentecostal feast, and who had a personal 
knowledge both of Paul himself and of his com- 
panion Trophimus, a Gentile from Ephesus, saw 
Paul in the Temple. They immediately set upon 
him, and stirred up the people against him, crying 
out, " Men of Israel, help : this is the man that 
teacheth all men everywhere against the people, 
and the Law, and this place; and further brought 
Greeks also into the Temple, and hath polluted this 
holy place." The latter charge had no more truth 
in it than the first : it was only suggested by their 
having seen Trophimus with him, not in the Temple, 
but in the city. They raised, however, a great com- 
motion : Paul was dragged out of the Temple, of 
which the doors were immediately shut, and the 
people, having him in their hands, were proposing 
to kill him. But tidings were soon carried to the 
commander of the force which was serving as a 
garrison in Jerusalem, that " all Jerusalem was in 
an uproar ;" and he, taking with him soldiers and 
centurions, hastened to the scene of the tumult, 
rescued Paul from the violence of the multitude, 
made him his own prisoner, causing him to be 
chained to two soldiers, and then proceeded to in- 
quire who he was and what he had done. The in- 
quiry only elicited confused outcries, and the "chief 
captain " (Army II. ; Ltsias 2) seems to have ima- 
gined that the apostle might be a certain Egyptian 
pretender who had recently stirred up a consider- 
able rising of the people. The account in Acts 



xxi. 34-40 tells us with graphic touches how St. 
Paul obtained leave and opportunity to address the 
people in a discourse which is related at length. 
This discourse was spoken in Hebrew, i. e. in the 
native dialect of the country (Shkmitic Languages, 
§ 15), and was on that account listened to with the 
more attention. It is described by St. Paul him- 
self, in his opening words, as his " defence," ad- 
dressed to his brethren and fathers. He adopts the 
historical method. A zealous Israelite, like his 
hearers, he had changed his course because theGcd 
of his fathers had turned him from one path into 
another. (See above, p. 811.) He dpscribes an- 
other revelation of which we read nothing else- 
where. After the visit to Damascus, he went up 
again to Jerusalem, and, while praying in the Tem- 
ple, fell into a trance, in which he was bidden to 
leave Jerusalem quickly, because the people there 
would not receive his testimony concerning Jesus. 
His own impulse was to stay at Jerusalem where 
he was well known as having persecuted those of 
whom he was now one ; but the Lord commanded, 
" Depart : for I will send thee far hence to the 
Gentiles." Until this hated word had been spoken, 
the Jews had listened to the speaker. "Away with 
such a fellow from the earth," the multitude now 
shouted ; " it is not fit that he should live." The 
Roman commander, seeing the tumult that arose, 
might well conclude that St. Paul had committed 
some heinous offence ; and carrying him oft', he gave 
orders that he should be forced by scourging to 
confess his crime. Again the apostle took advan- 
tage of his Eoman citizenship to protect himself 
from such an outrage. The Roman officer was 
bound to protect a citizen, and to suppress tumult; 
but it was also a part of his policy to treat with 
deference the religion and the customs of the coun- 
try. St. Paul's present history is the resultant of 
these two principles. The chief captain set him 
free from bonds, but on the next day called to- 
gether the chief priests and the Sanhedrim, and 
brought Paul as a prisoner before them. We need 
not suppose that this was a regular legal proceed- 
ing : it was probably an experiment of policy and 
courtesy. If, on the one hand, the commandant of 
the garrison had no power to convoke the Sanhe- 
drim ; on the other hand he would not give up a 
Roman citizen to their judgment. As it was, the 
affair ended in confusion, and with no semblance of 
a judicial termination. The incidents selected by 
St. Luke from the history of this meeting form 
striking points in the biography of St. Paul, but 
they are not easy to understand. St. Paul appears 
to have been put upon his defence, and with the 
peculiar habit, mentioned elsewhere also (xiii. 9), 
of looking steadily when about to speak, he began 
to say, " Men and brethren, I have lived in all good 
conscience (or, I have lived a conscientiously loyal 
life) unto God, until this day." Here the high-priest 
Ananias commanded them that stood by him to 
smite him on the mouth. With a fearless indigna- 
tion, Paul exclaimed, " God shall smite thee, thou 
whited wall : for sittest thou to judge me after the 
Law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary to 
the Law?" The bystanders said, "Revilest thou 
God's high-priest ? " Paul answered, "I knew not, 
brethren, that he was the high-priest; for it is 
written, Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of 
thy people." How was it possible for him not to 
know that he who spoke was the high-priest? The 
least objectionable solutions seem to be, that for 
some reason or other,— either because his sight 



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was not good, or because he was looking another 
way, — he did not know whose voice it was that or- 
dered him to be smitten ; and that he wished to 
correct the impression which he saw was made upon 
some of the audience by his threatening protest, 
and therefore took advantage of the fact that he 
really did not know the speaker to be the high- 
priest, to explain the deference he felt to be due to 
the person holding that office. The next incident 
which St. Luke records seems to some, who cannot 
think of the apostle as remaining still a Jew, to cast 
a shadow upon his rectitude. He perceived, we are 
told, that the council was divided into two parties, 
the Sddducees and Pharisees, and therefore he cried 
out, "Men and brethren, I am a Pharisee, the son 
of a Pharisee ; concerning the hope and resurrec- 
tion of the dead I am called in question." This 
declaration, whether so intended or not, had the 
effect of stirring up a fierce dissension, and some 
of the Pharisees actually took Paul's side. — Those 
who impugn the authenticity of the Acts point tri- 
umphantly to this scene as an utterly impossible 
one: others consider that the apostle is to be 
blamed for using a disingenuous artifice. But it is 
not so clear that St. Paul was using an artifice at 
all, at least for his own interest, in identifying him- 
self as he did with the professions of the Pharisees. 
The creed of the Pharisee, as distinguished from that 
of the Sadducee, was unquestionably the creed of 
St. Paul. His belief in Jesus seemed to him to 
supply the ground and fulfilment of that creed. He 
wished to lead his brother Pharisees into a deeper 
and more living apprehension of their own faith. 
The immediate consequence of the dissension in the 
assembly was that Paul was like to be torn in 
pieces, and was carried off by the Roman soldiers. 
In the night he had a vision of the Lord standing 
by him and encouraging him : " Be of good cheer, 
Paul : for as thou hast testified of me at Jerusalem, 
so must thou bear witness also at Rome." The 
next day more than forty of the Jews bound them- 
selves under a curse neither to eat nor to drink 
until they had killed Paul. The plot was discov- 
ered, and St. Paul was hurried away from Jerusa- 
lem. The chief captain, Claudius Lysias, deter- 
mined to send him to Cesarea, to Felix the gov- 
ernor, or procurator, of Judea. He therefore put 
him in charge of a strong guard of soldiers, who 
took him by night as far as Antipatris. From 
thence a smaller detachment conveyed him to Ces- 
area, where they delivered up their prisoner to the 
governor. Felix asked of what province the pris- 
oner was : and being told that he was of Cilicia, he 
promised to give him a hearing when his accusers 
should come. In the mean time he ordered him 
to be guarded in the government-house, which had 
been the palace of Herod the Great. — Imprison- 
ment at Cesarea. St. Paul was henceforth, to the 
end of the period embraced in the Acts, if not to 
the end of his life, in Roman custody. This cus- 
tody was in fact a protection to him, without which 
he would have fallen a victim to the animosity of 
the Jews. He seems to have been treated through- 
out with humanity and consideration. The govern- 
or before whom he was now to be tried, according to 
Tacitus and Josephus, was a mean and dissolute 
tyrant. The orator or counsel retained by the Jews 
and brought down by Ananias and the elders, when 
they arrived in the course of five days at Cesarea, 
begins the proceedings of the trial professionally by 
complimenting the governor. (Tertuli.us.) The 
charge he goes on to set forth against Paul shows 



precisely the light in which he was regarded by the 
fanatical Jews — "a pestilent (fellow), and a mover 
of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world, 
and a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, who 
hath also gone about to profane the Temple." St. 
Paul met the charge in his usual manner. He was 
glad that his judge had been for some years gov- 
ernor of a Jewish province ; " because it is in thy 
power to ascertain that, not more than twelve days 
since, I came up to Jerusalem to worship." The 
emphasis is upon his coming up to worship. He de- 
nied positively the charges of stirring up strife and of 
profaning the Temple. But he admitted that " after 
the way which they call a sect or heresy " he wor- 
shipped the God of his fathers, believing all things 
written in the Law and the prophets. Again he gave 
prominence to the hope of a resurrection, which he 
held, as he said, in common with his accusers. His 
loyalty to the faith of his fathers he had shown by 
coming up to Jerusalem expressly to bring alms for 
his nation, and offerings, and by undertaking the 
ceremonies of purification in the Temple. What 
fault, then, could any Jew possibly find in him ? — 
The apostle's answer was straightforward and com- 
plete. He had not violated the Law of his fathers ; 
he was still a true and loyal Israelite. Felix made 
an excuse for putting off the matter, and gave or- 
ders that the prisoner should be treated with indul- 
gence, and that his friends should be allowed free 
access to him. After a while, he heard him again 
with his wife Drusilla ; but St. Paul began to rea- 
son concerning righteousness, temperance, and the 
coming judgment, in a manner which alarmed Felix 
and caused him to put an end to the conference. 
He saw him frequently afterward, however, and al- 
lowed him to understand that a bribe would procure 
his release. But St. Paul would not resort to this 
method of escape, and remained in custody until 
Felix left the province. The unprincipled governor 
had good reason to seek to ingratiate himself with 
the Jews ; and to please them, he handed over Paul, 
as an untried prisoner, to his successor Festds. 
Upon his arrival in the province, Festus went up 
without delay from Cesarea to Jerusalem, and the 
leading Jews seized the opportunity of asking that 
Paul might be brought up there for trial, intending 
to assassinate him by the way. But Festus would 
not comply with their request. He invited them to 
follow him on his speedy return to Cesarea, and a 
trial took place there, closely resembling that before 
Felix. Festus saw that Paul had committed no of- 
fence against the Law, but was anxious, if he could, 
to please the Jews. " They had certain questions 
against him," Festus says to Agrippa, " of their own 
superstition (or religion), and of one Jesus, who was 
dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And being 
puzzled for my part as to such inquiries, I asked him 
whether he would go to Jerusalem to be tried there." 
This proposal, not a very likely one to be accepted, 
was the occasion of St. Paul's appeal to Cesar. 
The appeal having been allowed, Festus reflected 
that he must send with the prisoner a report of u the 
crimes laid against him." He therefore took advan- 
tage of an opportunity which offered itself in a few 
days to seek some help in the matter. The Jewish 
prince Agrippa (Herod Agpippa II.) arrived with 
his sister Berenice on a visit to the new governor. 
To him Festus communicated his perplexity, together 
with an account of what had occurred before him in 
the case. Agrippa, who must have known some- 
thing of the sect of the Nazarenes, and had probably 
heard of Paul himself, expressed a desire to hear him 



822 



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speak. Paul therefore was to give an account of 
himself to Agrippa ; and when he had received from 
him a courteous permission to begin, he stretched 
forth his hand and made his defence. In this dis- 
course (Acts xxvi.), we have the second explanation 
from St. Paul himself of the manner in which he had 
been led, through his Conversion, to serve the Lord 
Jesus Instead of persecuting His disciples ; and the 
third narrative of the Conversion itself. (See p. 
811.) He declares his commission from Jesus and 
his obedience to the heavenly vision, and reiterates 
that the testimony on account of which the Jews 
sought to kill him was in exact accordance with 
Moses and the prophets, who had taught that Christ 
should suffer, be the first to rise from the dead, and 
show light unto the people and the Gentiles. Inter- 
rupted discourteously, yet with a compliment, by 
Festus, he affirms that he speaks the sober truth. 
Then, with an appeal of mingled dignity and solici- 
tude, he turns to the king. He was sure the king 
understood him. " King Agrippa, bclicvest tliou the 
prophets'? — I know that thou believest." Agrippa's 
answer, literally rendered, appears to be, " Thou art 
briefly persuading me to become a Christian;" and 
it is generally supposed to be ironical. " I would 
to God," is Paul's earnest answer, " that whether by 
a brief process or a long one, not only thou but ail 
who hear me to-day might become such as I am, 
with the exception of these bonds." He was wear- 
ing a chain on the hand he held up in addressing 
them. With this prayer, it appears the conference 
ended. Festus and the king, and their companions, 
consulted together, and came to the conclusion that 
the accused was guilty of nothing that deserved 
death or imprisonment. And Agrippa's final an- 
swer to the question of Festus was, " This man might 
have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto 
Cesar." — The Voyage, to Rome. No formal trial of 
St. Paul had yet taken place. After a while arrange- 
ments were made to carry "Paul and certain other 
prisoners," in the custody of a centurion named 
Jclics, into Italy; and amongst the company, 
whether by favor or from any other reason, we 
find the historian of the Acts. The narrative of this 
voyage is accordingly minute and circumstantial in 
a degree which has excited much attention. The 
nautical and geographical details of St. Luke's ac- 
count have been submitted to an apparently thorough 
investigation by several competent critics, especially 
by Mr. Smith of Jordanhill ( Voyage and Shipwreck 
of St. Paul), and by Dr. Howson (Conybeare & 
Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, ch. xxiii.). 
The result of this investigation has been, that sev- 
eral errors in the received version have been cor- 
rected, the course of the voyage has been laid down 
to a very minute degree with great certainty, and the 
account in the Acts is shown to be written by an 
accurate eye-witness, not himself a professional sea- 
man, but well acquainted with nautical matters. 
The centurion and his prisoners, among whom Aris- 
tarehus (Col. iv. 10) is named, embarked at Cesarea 
on bourd a ship of Adramyttium, and set sail for the 
coast of Asia. The next day they touched at Sidon, 
where Julius allowed Paul to go on shore to visit 
his friends. The westerly winds compelled the ves- 
sel to run N. under the lee of Cyprus. Off the 
coast of Cilicia and Pamphylia they would find 
northerly winds, which enabled them to reach Myra 
in Lycia. Here they were put on board a ship of 
Alexandria bound for Italy. In this they worked 
slowly to windward, keeping near the coast, till they 
came over against Cnidus. The wind being still con- | 



trary, they ran southward under the lee of Crete, then 
worked along the coast to Fair Havens. The au- 
tumnal equinox (Fasts ; Atonemknt, Day or) being 
now past, St. Paul advised to winter there; but it 
was resolved to make for Phenice 2, a harbor shel- 
tered from the S. W. winds as well as from the 
N. W. (looking toward the S. W. and N. W., i. e. as 
observed from the water and toward the land which 
encloses [Howson] ; looking down the S. W. and 
N. W. [Smith, Alf'ord] ; " which lieth toward the 
P. W. and N. W. " [A. V.J). With a light breeze 
from the S. they were sailing toward Phenice, when 
a violent N. E. wind (Euhoclypon) compelled them 
to let the vessel drive before the wind Passing un- 
der the lee of Clauda, they got the boat on board 
and undergirded the vessel. (Ship.) Fearing lest 
they should be driven upon the Syrtis (A.V. " quick- 
sands "), they sent down on deck the gear connected 
with the fair-weather sails, and stood out to sea, 
" with storm-sails set and on the starboard tack " 
(Smith). For many days the storm was violent, and 
all began to despair of safety. But one morning 
Paul related a vision, assuring them there should be 
no loss of life, but of the ship. On the fourteenth 
night, as they were drifting through the sea(AnRiA), 
about midnight, the sailors perceived indications, 
probably the roar of breakers, that the land was 
near. Their suspicions were confirmed by sound- 
ings. They therefore anchored, and waited anxiously 
for daylight. Through St. Paul's means, the inten- 
tion of the sailors to desert the ship was frustrated, 
and the company refreshed themselves with a good 
meal. Then they lightened the ship by casting out 
what remained of the provisions on board (Gr. ion 
siton ; A. V. and most, "wheat"). After daylight 
they ran the ship aground where "two seas met." 
The centurion, disallowing the soldiers' counsel to 
kill the prisoners, ordered that those who could 
swim should cast themselves first into the sea and 
get to land, and that the rest should follow with the 
aid of spars, &c. By this combination of humanity 
and discipline, the whole 276 were saved according to 
St. Paul's assurances. The land on which the wreck 
took place was found to belong to Malta. (Melita.) 
The inhabitants of the island received the wet and 
exhausted voyagers with no ordinary kindness, and 
immediately lighted a fire to warm them. The 
apostle was helping to make the fire, and had gath- 
ered a bundle of sticks and laid them on the fire, 
when a viper came out of the heat and fastened on 
his hand. When the natives saw the creature hang- 
ing from his hand they believed him to be poisoned 
by the bite, and said amongst themselves, "No 
doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though he has 
escaped from the sea, yet Vengeance suffers not to 
live." But when they saw no harm came of it they 
changed their minds and said that he was a god. This 
circumstance, as well as the honor in which he was 
held by Julius, would account for St. Paul being in- 
vited with some others to stay at the house of Pub- 
lius, the chief man of the island. By him they 
were courteously entertained for three days. St. 
Paul healed the father of Publius and many other 
sick persons, and was highly honored by the people. 
After a three months' stay in Malta the soldiers and 
their prisoners left in an Alexandrian ship for Italy. 
They touched at Syracuse, where they stayed three 
days, and at Rhegium, from which place they were 
carried with a fair wind to Puteoli, where they left 
their ship and the sea. At Puteoli they found 
" brethren," for it was an important place, and es- 
pecially a chief port for the traffic between Alexan- 



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823 



dria and Rome ; and by these brethren they were 
exhorted to stay a while with them. Permission 
seems to have been granted by the centurion ; and 
whilst they were spending seven days at Puteoli 
news of the apostle's arrival was sent on to Rome. 
At Appii Forum and the Three Taverns he was 
met by Christians from Rome, and on this " he 
thanked God and took courage." — Si. Pay I at Home. 
On their arrival at Rome the centurion delivered up 
his prisoners into the proper custody, that of the 
pretorian prefect. Paul was at once treated with 
special consideration, and was allowed to dwell by 
himself with the soldier who guarded him. He was 
now free "to preach the Gospel to them that were 
at Rome also ; " and proceeded without delay to act 
upon his rule — " to the Jew first." He invited the 
chief persons amongst the Jews to come to him, and 
explained to them that though he was brought to 
Rome to answer charges against him by the 
Jews in Palestine, he had really done nothing dis- 
loyal to his nation or the Law, nor desired to be 
considered as hostile to his countrymen. The Roman 
Jews replied that they had received no tidings 
to his prejudice. The sect of which he had implied 
he was a member they knew to be everywhere spo- 
ken against ; but they were willing to hear what he 
had to say. Their attitude may be accounted for, 
as the Church at Rome consisted mainly of Gentiles, 
the real Jews there had been persecuted and some- 
times entirely banished, and curiosity may have led 
them to listen to St. Paul. (Romans, Epistle to 
the.) On an appointed day therefore a large 
number came expressly to hear him expound his 
belief. But, as of old, the reception of his mes- 
sage by the Jews was not favorable. He turned 
therefore again to the Gentiles, and he " dwelt 
two whole years in his own hired house, and re- 
ceived all that came in unto him, preaching the 
kingdom of God, and teaching those things which 
concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, 
no man forbidding him." These are the last words 
of the Acts. But St. Paul's career is not abruptly 
closed. Before he himself fades out of our sight in 
the twilight of ecclesiastical tradition, we have let- 
ters written by himself, which contribute some par- 
ticulars to his external biography, and give us a far 
more precious insight into his convictions and sym- 
pathies. — Period of the Later Epistles. To that im- 
prisonment to which St. Luke has introduced us — 
the imprisonment which lasted for such a tedious 
time, though tempered by much indulgence — be- 
longs the noble group of Letters to Philemon, to the 
Colossians, to the Ephesians, and to the Philippians. 
The three former of these were written at one time 
and sent by the same messenger. (Colossians, 
Epistle to the; Ephesians, Epistle to the; Phile- 
mon, Epistle to.) Whether that to the Philip- 
pians was written before or after these, we cannot 
determine ; but the tone of it seems to imply that a 
crisis was approaching, and therefore it is commonly 
regarded as the latest of the four. (Philippians, 
Epistle to the.) In this Epistle St. Paul twice ex- 
presses a confident hope that before long he may be 
able to visit the Philippians in person (Phil. i. 25, 
ii. 24). Whether this hope was fulfilled or not be- 
longs to a question which has been the occasion of 
much controversy. According to the general opin- 
ion, the apostle was liberated from his imprisonment 
and left Rome, soon after the writing of the letter to 
the Philippians, spent some time in visits to Greece, 
Asia Minor, and Spain, and returned again as a 
prisoner to Rome, and was put to death there. In 



opposition to this view, it is maintained by some that 
he was never liberated, but was put to death at 
Rome at an earlier period than is commonly sup- 
posed. The arguments adduced in favor of the 
common view are, (1.) the hopes expressed by St. 
Paul of visiting Philippi (Phil. i. 25, ii. 24) and Co- 
losse(Phn. 22); (2.) a number of allusions in the Pas- 
toral Epistles, and their general character ; and (3.) 
the testimony of ecclesiastical tradition. The argu- 
ments for the single imprisonment aim to show that 
there is no proof of a liberation or departure from 
Rome, and in relation to his hopes allege Acts xx. 
25. The decision must turn mainly upon the view 
taken of the Pastoral Epistles. (Timothy, Epistles 
to ; Titus, Epistle to.) The difficulties which have 
induced such critics as De Wette and Ewald to reject 
these Epistles, are not inconsiderable, but are over- 
powered by the much greater difficulties attending 
any hypothesis which assumes these Epistles to be 
spurious. We are obliged therefore to recognize the 
modifications of St. Paul's style, the developments 
in the history of the Church, and the movements of 
various persons, which have appeared suspicious in 
the Epistles to Timothy and Titus, as nevertheless 
historically true. And then without encroaching on 
the domain of conjecture, we draw the following con- 
clusions : — (1.) St. Paul must have left Rome, and 
visited Asia Minor and Greece ; for he says to Tim- 
othy (1 Tim. i. 3), "I besought thee to abide still 
at Ephesus, when I was setting out for Macedonia." 
After being once at Ephesus, he was purposing to go 
there again (iv. 13), and he spent a considerable time 
at Ephesus (2 Tim. i. 18). (2.) He paid a visit to 
Crete, and left Titus to organize churches there (Tit. 
i. 5). He was intending to spend the winter at one 
of the places named Nicopolis (iii. 12). (3.) He 
travelled by Miletus, Troas, where he left a cloak or 
case, and some books, and Corinth (2 Tim. iv. 13, 
20). (4.) He is a prisoner at Rome "suffering unto 
bonds as an evil-doer " (ii. 9), and expecting to be soon 
condemned to death (iv. 6). At this time he felt de- 
serted and solitary, having only Luke of his old asso- 
ciates, to keep him company ; and he was very anx- 
ious that Timothy should come to him without delay 
from Ephesus, and bring Mark with him (i. 15, iv. 
16, 9-12). Clement of Rome mentions that St. Paul 
preached in both the East and the West, and that 
before his martyrdom he went "to the goal of the 
West," i. e. probably Spain (Rom. xv. 28), or some 
country yet more to the West. Muratori's Fragment 
on the Canon names his " departing from the city 
into Spain." Chrysostom says, "After being in Rome, 
he went away again unto Spain." 6 We conclude, 
then, that after a wearing imprisonment of two years 
or more at Rome, St. Paul was set free, and spent 
some years in various journeyings eastward and 
westward. Toward the close of this time he pours 
out the warnings of his le.~s vigorous but still brave 
and faithful spirit in the Letters to Timothy and 
Titus. The first to Timothy and that to Titus were 
evidently written at very nearly the same time. 
After these were written, he was apprehended again 
and sent to Rome. The apostle appears now to have 
been treated, not as an honorable state prisoner, but 
as a felon (2 Tim. ii. 9). But he was at least al- 
lowed to write this Second Letter to his " dearly be- 
loved son " Timothy ; and though he expresses a 
confident expectation of his speedy death, he yet 



6 Some (Savile's Introduction of Christianity into Britain, 
and Morgan's St. Pavl in Britain) maintain that the 
Apostle Paul visited Britain ; but while such a visit is not 
impossible, the evidence is by no means conclusive (Ayre.) 



824 



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PEA 



thought it sufficiently probable that it might be de- 
layed for some time, to warrant him in urging Tim- 
othy to come to him from Ephesus. Meanwhile, 
though he felt his isolation, he was not in the least 
daunted by his danger. He was more than ready to 
die (iv. 6), and had a sustaining experience of not 
being deserted by his Lord. Once already, in this 
second imprisonment, he had appeared before the 
authorities ; and " the Lord then stood by him and 
strengthened him," and gave him a favorable oppor- 
tunity for the one thing always nearest to his heart, 
the public declaration of his Gospel. This Epistle, 
surely no unworthy utterance at such an age and in 
such an hour even of a St. Paul, brings us, it may well 
be presumed, close to the end of his life. (Hebrews, 
Epistle to the; James, Epistle of, IV. a.) For 
what remains, we have the concurrent testimony of 
ecclesiastical antiquity, that he was beheaded at 
Rome, about the same time that St. Peter was cru- 
cified there. Dionysius, bishop of Corinth (a. d. 170), 
says that Peter and Paul went to Italy and taught 
there together, and suffered martyrdom about the 
same time. Caius of Rome, supposed to be writing 
within the second century, names St. Peter's grave 
on the Vatican, and St. Paul's on the Ostian way. 
Eusebius adopts the tradition that St. Paul was be- 
headed under Nero at Rome. — Chronology of St. 
Paul's Life. It is usual to distinguish between the 
internal or absolute, and the external or relative, 
chronology of St. Paul's life. The former is that 
which we have hitherto followed. It remains to men- 
tion the points at which the N. T. history of the apos- 
tle comes into contact with the outer history of the 
world. There are two principal events which serve as 
fixed dates for determining the Pauline chronology — 
the death of Herod Agrippa, and the accession of 
Festus. Now, it has been proved almost to a certainty 
that Felix was recalled from Judea and succeeded 
by Festus in the year 60. In the autumn, then, of 
a. d. 60 St. Paul left Cesarea. In the spring of 61 
he arrived at Rome. There he lived two years, i. e. 
till the spring of 63, in his own hired house. After 
this we depend upon conjecture ; but the Pastoral 
Epistles give us reasons for deferring the apostle's 
death until 67; with Eusebius, or 68, with Jerome. 
Similarly we can go backward from a. d. 60. St. 
Paul was two years at Cesarea (Acts xxiv. 27) ; 
therefore he arrived at Jerusalem on his last visit 
by the Pentecost of 58. Before this he had win- 
tered at Corinth (xx. 2, 3), having gone from Ephe- 
sus to Greece. He left Ephesus, then, in the latter 
part of 57, and as he stayed three years at Ephesus 
(xx. 31), he must have come thither in 54. Pre- 
viously to this journey he had spent " some time " 
at Antioch (xviii. 23). We can only add together 
the time of a hasty visit to Jerusalem, the travels 
of the second missionary journey, which included 
a year and a half at Corinth, another indetermi- 
nate stay at Antioch, the third visit to Jerusalem, 
another long residence at Antioch (xiv. 28), the first 
missionary journey, again an intermediate stay 
at Antioch (xii. 25) — until we come to the sec- 
ond visit to Jerusalem, which nearly synchro- 
nized with the death of Herod Agrippa, in a. d. 44. 
Within this interval of some ten years the most 
important date to fix is that of the third visit to 
Jerusalem ; and there is a great concurrence of the 
best authorities in placing this visit in either 50 or 
51. St. Paul himself (Gal. ii. 1) places this visit 
" fourteen years after " either his conversion or the 
first visit. In the former case we have 37 or 38 for 
the date of the conversion. The conversion was 



followed by three years (i. 18) spent in Arabia and 
Damascus, and ending with the first visit to Jerusa- 
lem ; and the space between the first visit (40 or 
41) and the second (44 or 45) is filled up by an in- 
determinate time, presumably two or three years, 
at Tarsus (Acts ix. 30), and one year at Antioch 
(xi. 26). The date of the martyrdom of Stephen 
can only be conjectured, and is variously placed be- 
tween a. d. 30 and the year of St. Paul's conversion. 
In the account of the death of Stephen, St. Paul is 
called " a young man " (vii. 58). It is not improb- 
able, therefore, that he was born between a. d. 
and a. d. 5, so that he might be past sixty years of 
age when he calls himself "Paul the aged" in Phn. 
9. — Personal Abearance and Character. We have 
no very trustworthy sources of information as to 
the personal appearance of St. Paul. Some early 
pictures and mosaics ascribe to him a short stature, 
a long face with high forehead, an aquiline nose, 
close and prominent eyebrows. Other characteristics 
mentioned are baldness, gray eyes, a clear complex- 
ion, and a winning expression. In his speeches 
and letters we perceive the warmth and ardor of his 
nature, his deeply affectionate disposition, the ten- 
derness of his sense of honor, the courtesy and 
personal dignity of his bearing, his perfect fearless- 
ness, his heroic endurance; we perceive the rare 
combination of subtlety, tenacity, and versatility in 
his intellect ; we perceive also a practical wisdom 
and a tolerance seldom united with such a temper- 
ament. The principle which harmonized all these 
endowments and directed them to a practical end, 
was a knowledge of Jesus Christ in the Divine 
Spirit. Personal allegiance to Christ as to a living 
Master, with a growing insight into the relation of 
Christ to each man and to the world, carried the 
apostle forward on a straight course. The convic- 
tion that he had been intrusted with a Gospel con- 
cerning a Lord and Deliverer of men was what sus- 
tained and purified his love for his own people, 
whilst it created in him such a love for mankind 
that he only knew himself as the servant of others 
for Christ's sake. 

* Pau'lns, Ser'gi-ns. Sergics Paulus. 
Pavement. Gabbatha. 

Pa-vil'ion (= Tent), theA.V. translation of three 
Hebrew words. 1. Sac, properly an enclosed place, 
also rendered " tabernacle," " covert," and "den," 
once only " pavilion " (Ps. xxvii. 5). 2. Succdh, 
from the same root (1 K. xx. 12, 16, &c.), usually 
"tabernacle" and "booth." (Cottage 3; Suc- 
coth ; Tabernacles, Feast of.) 3. Shaphrur, and 
Shaphrir, used only in Jer. xliii. 10, to signify glory 
or splendor, hence, probably, the splendid covering 
of the royal throne (A. V. " royal pavilion ; " an 
arched roof, canopy, Fii.). 

* Pe (Heb. pe, prob. = mou'h, Ges.), the seven- 
teenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). 
Writing. 

* Peace, the usual translation of — 1. Heb. shalom 
= (soGesenius) wholeness, soundness, i. e. (a.)liealth, 
weal, welfare, prosperity, good of every kind (Gen. 
xxix. 6, margin ; Judg. vi. 23 ; IK. ii. 33 ; Ps. xxxvii. 
11, 37 ; Is. lii. 7, &c.) ; (b.) peace, as opposed to war 
(Lev. xxvi. 6; Judg. iv. 17, &c.) ; (c.) concord, 
friendship (Ps. xxviii. 3, xli. 9, margin [Heb. 101; 
Ob. 7, &c.).— 2. Chal. sheldm — No. 1 (Ezr. iv. 17; 
Dan. vi. 25 [Heb. 26], &c.).— 3. Gr. eirene = (so 
Robinson, N. T. Lex.) peace, (a.) properly in a civil 
sense, the opposite of war and commotion (Lk. xiv. 
32, &c), applied also to peace or concord among in- 
dividuals (xii. 51, &c), and tropically to peace of 



PEA 



PEK 



825 



mind, quietness, tranquillity, arising from reconcilia- 
tion with God and a sense of the divine favor 
(Rom. v. 1, xv. 13, &c); (6.) a state of peace, rest, 
quiet, safety (Lk. xi. 21 ; 1 Th. v. 3, &c.) ; (c.) peace, 
welfare, prosperity, happiness, every kind of good, — 
No. 1 (Lk. i. 79, x. 5, 6 ; Rom. xv. 33, &c). " Peace 
be unto you " was a common Eastern form of salu- 
tation (Jn. xx. 19, 21, 26, &c.) ; hence " your peace " 
(Mat. x. 13) — the peace or good you wish for others 
in your salutation of them. Salutation. 

* Peacc'-of fer-ing (Heb. shelem, pi. sheldmim), 
a sacrifice offered as a testimonial of seeking 
peace and favor with God (Lev. iii., vii. 11 ff., &c). 
Peace-offerings were of three kinds: (1.) of thanks- 
giving or praise ; (2.) votive, or for a vow ; (3.) 
voluntary or free-will offerings. Peace-offerings 
were eucharistie and bloody, and were voluntarily 
offered from the herd or flock, male or female. 
With them were offered ".unleavened cakes mingled 
with oil, and unleavened wafers anointed with oil, 
and cakes mingled with oil, of fine flour, fried," and 
" leavened bread " (vii. 12, 13). From the peace- 
offering the fat was burned upon the altar ; but 
the breast as a wave-offering before the Lord, 
and the right shoulder as a heave-offering, were given 
to the priest (30 ff.) ; but the rest of the flesh was to 
be eaten by the offerer — on the same day, if of the 
first kind above — on that day and the next, if of the 
second or third kind — before the Lord (15 ff). This 
meal was the distinctive feature of this sacrifice, and 
indicated a state of peace and friendship with God. 

Pea cocks. 1. Among the natural products of 
the land of Tarshish which Solomon's fleet brought 
home to Jerusalem, mention is made of " pea- 
cocks : " for there can be no doubt (so thinks Mr. 
Houghton, with Gesenius, Furst, &c.) that the A. V. 
is correct in thus rendering the Heb. pi. tucciyim, 
which occurs only in 1 K. x. 22, and 2 Chr. ix. 21 ; 
most of the old versions, with several of the Jew- 
ish Rabbis, favoring this translation. Some writers, 
however (Huet, &c), have proposed the rendering 
" parrots." Keil concludes that the Aves Numidicce 
(Guinea Fowls ; Numida Meleagris of naturalists) 
are meant. Gesenius cites many authorities to 
prove that the Hebrew word is to be traced to the 
Tamul or Malabaric togei = peacock, which opinion 
has been recently confirmed by Sir E. Tennent. 
The peacock (Pauo cristatus) is a well-known galli- 
naceous bird, remarkable for the splendid colors of 
its long tail-coverts or rump-feathers (not properly 
its tail, which is shorter than a turkey's). It is a 
native of the East Indies. — 2. Heb. pi. rendnim. 
Ostrich 3. 

Pearl (Heb. gdbish). The Hebrew word occurs, 
in this form, only in Job xxviii. 18, where the price 
of wisdom is contrasted with that of " coral " and 
" pearls " (so A. V.) ; and the same word, with the 
syllable el prefixed, is found in Ez. xiii. 11, 13, 
xxxviii. 22, with the Heb. pi. abney = stones, i. e. 
stones of ice, A. V. " hailstones." Gesenius, Furst, 
Rosenmiiller, and commentators generally, under- 
stand by the Heb. gdbish, not " pearls," but crystal, 
on account of its resemblance to ice. But " pearls " 
(Gr. margariles, pi. margaritai) are frequently men- 
tioned in the N. T. (Mat. xiii. 45, 46 ; 1 Tim. ii. 9 ; 
Rev. xvii. 4, xviii. 12, 16, xxi. 21). Pearls are 
formed inside the shells of various species of Mol- 
lusca by the deposit of the nacreous substance 
around some foreign body as a nucleus. They con- 
sist of carbonate of lime and animal matter, are 
hard and smooth, and have a peculiar bluish or 
silvery-white lustre. Pearls held the highest rank 



among precious stones in the ancient world, and for 
an obvious reason : their beauty is entirely due to 
nature, and is susceptible of no improvement from 
art (King). The " pearl of great price " is doubt- 
less a fine specimen yielded by the pearl oyster 
(Avicula margnrili.fera), still found in abundance in 
the Persian Gulf, which lias long been celebrated for 
its pearl fisheries. In Mat. vii. 6 " pearls " lueta- 




Pearl-Oyster (Avicula margarilifera).— (Fbn.) 



phorically = any thing of value. Crown ; Orna- 
ments, Personal ; Rubies ; Stones, Precious. 

Ped'a-ucl (Heb. whom God delivers, Ges.), son of 
Ammihud, and prince of Naphtali ; one of the 
twelve appointed to divide the land of Canaan (Num. 
xxxiv. 28). 

Pe-dali'zur (fr. Heb. = whom the rock \l e. God] 
delivers, Ges.), father of Gamaliel, the chief of Ma- 
nasseh at the Exodus (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54, 59, 

x. 23). 

Pe-dai'all [-da'yah] (Heb. whom Jehovah delivers, 
Ges.). 1. Father of Zebudah, Jehoiakim's mother 
(2 K. xxiii. 36). — 2. Brother of Salathiel, or She- 
altiel, and father of Zerubbabel, who is usually 
called the " son of Shealtiel," being, as Lord A. C. 
Hervey conjectures, in reality his uncle's successor 
and heir, in consequence of the failure of issue in 
the direct line (1 Chr. iii. 1*7-19). — 3. Son or de- 
scendant of Parosh, assisted Nehemiah in repairing 
the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 25). — i. Appar- 
ently a priest or Levite ; one of those who stood 
on the left hand of Ezra when he read the Law to 
the people (viii. 4). — 5. A Benjamite, ancestor of 
Sallu (xi. 7). — 6. A Levite, one of the " treasurers " 
in Nehemiah's time (xiii. 13); = No. 4? — 1. Father 
of Joel, prince of Manasseh in David's reign (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 20). 

*Ped'i-grce = Genealogy (Num. i. 18, &c). 

*Pecl, to (Heb. mdral). In Is. xviii. 2, 7, the 
A. V. has " a nation scattered and peeled," margin 
" outspread and polished." Gesenius (edited by 
Robinson, 1854)" translates a people drawn out and 
smooth, i. e. tall and naked, sc. the Ethiopians. 
Prof. J. A. Alexander (on Isaiah) translates analion 
drawn and shorn, and says the last word " is applied 
by some to the Egyptian and Ethiopian practice of 
shaving the head and beard, while others understand 
it as a figure for robbery and spoliation." The lat- 
ter is the meaning here of the A. V. " peeled," i. e. 
stripped, plundered. — In Ez. xxix. 18 the A. V. has 
" every shoulder was peeled," i. e. had the skin 
worn off or rubbed off by carrying heavy burdens 
of earth for the banks or mounds raised during the 
long siege of Tyre (Furst, Prof. Plumptre, &c). 
Gesenius translates this, every shoulder is made 
smooth or made bald. Pilled. 

Pe'kak (Heb. open-eyed, or = Pekaiiiah, Ges.), son 



826 



PEK 



PEL 



of Remaliah ; originally a captain of Pekahiah, 
king of Israel, murdered his master, seized the 
throne, and became the eighteenth sovereign of the 
northern kingdom. His native country was prob- 
ably Gilead, as fifty Gileadites joined him in the 
conspiracy against Pekahiah (so Bishop Cotton). 
Under his predecessors Israel had been much weak- 
ened through the payment of enormous tribute to 
the Assyrians (see especially 2 K. xv. 20), and by 
internal wars and conspiracies. Pekah seems stead- 
ily to have applied himself to the restoration of its 
power. For this purpose he sought a foreign al- 
liance, and fixed his mind on the plunder of the 
sister-kingdom of Judah. He must have made the 
treaty by which he proposed to share its spoil with 
Rezin, king of Damascus, when Jotham was still on 
the throne of Jerusalem (xv. 37) ; but its execution 
was long delayed, probably in consequence of that 
prince's righteous and vigorous administration (2 
Chr. xxvii. ). When, however, Ahaz succeeded to 
the crown of David, the allies no longer hesitated, 
and formed the siege of Jerusalem. The history of 
the war is found in 2 K. xvi. and 2 Chr. xxviii. It 
is famous as the occasion of the great prophecies in 
Is. viL-ix. (Isaiah.) Its chief result was the cap- 
ture of the Jewish port of Elath on the Red Sea ; 
but the unnatural alliance with Damascus and Sa- 
maria was punished through the final overthrow of 
the ferocious confederates by Tigi.ath-pileser. The 
kingdom of Damascus was finally suppressed, and 
Rezin put to death, while Pekah was deprived 
of at least half his kingdom, including all the 
northern portion, with that E. of Jordan. Pekah 
himself, now an Assyrian vassal, was of course com- 
pelled to abstain from further attacks on Judah. 
Hosheah the son of Elah conspired against him, 
and put him to death. Pekah reigned twenty years, 
but his government was no improvement, morally 
and religiously, on that of his predecessors. Is- 
rael, Kingdom of. 

Pek-a-hiah (fr. Heb. =Jehovah has opened his eyes, 
Ges.), son and successor of Menahem, was the sev- 
enteenth king of the separate kingdom of Israel. 
After a reign of scarcely two years a conspiracy was 
organized against him by Pekah, who, at the head 
of fifty Gileadites, attacked him in his palace, mur- 
dered him and his friends Argob and Arieh, and 
seized the throne (so Bishop Cotton). Israel, King- 
dom of. 

Pe'kod (Heb., see below), an appellative applied 
to the Chaldeans twice, viz. in Jer. 1. 21, and Ez. 
xxiii. 23. Authorities are undecided as to the mean- 
ing of the term. It is apparently connected with 
the root pdkad = lo visit, and in its secondary senses 
to famish, and lo appoint a ruler: hence Pekod may 
be applied to Babylon in Jer. 1. as_ significant of its 
impending punishment, as in the margin of the A.V. 
" visitation." But this sense will not suit the other 
passage, and hence Gesenius here assigns to it the 
meaning of prefect, officer. The LXX. treats it 
as the name of a district in Ezekiel, and as a verb 
(—to avenge or punish) in Jeremiah. 

Pe-lai'ah [-la'yah], or Pel-a-i'ah (Heb. whom Je- 
hovah makes distinguished, Ges.) l.Son of Elioenai, 
of the royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 24 1. — 2. One 
of the Levites who assisted Ezra in expounding the 
Law (Neh. viii. 7). He afterward sealed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (x. 10). 

Pel-a-H'all (fr. Heb. = w hom Jehovah judges, Ges.), 
a priest, son of Amzi, and ancestor of Adaiah (Neh. 
xi. 12). 

Pel-a-ti'ah (fr. Heb. — whom Jehovah delivers, 



Ges.). I. Son of Hananiah the son of Zcrubbabel 
(1 Chr. iii. 21). — 2. One of the captains of the 
Simeonites, who, in Hezekiah's reign, made an ex- 
pedition to Mount Seir, and smote the Amalekites 
(iv. 42). — 3. A chief or family who sealed the cove- 
nant with Nehemiah (Neh. x. 22). — 4. Son of Be- 
naiah ; one of the princes of the people against whom 
Ezekiel was directed to utter the words of docm 
recorded in Ez. xi. 5-12. His sudden death appears 
in verse 13. 

Po'leg (Heb. division, pari, Ges. ; see below), son 
of Eber, and brother of Joktan (Gen. x. 25, xi. 1G). 
The only incident connected with his history is the 
statement that " in his days was the earth divided " 
— an event which was embodied in his name. (Chro- 
nology II.) This refers to a division of the family 
of Eber himself, the younger branch of whom (the 
Joktanids) migrated into Southern Arabia, while 
the elder remained in Mesopotamia. Tongues, Con- 
fusion of. 

Pe'let (Heb. deliverance, Ges.). 1, Son of Jahdai 
in the genealogy of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 47). — 2. A 
Bcnjamite, son of Azmaveth 3 (xii. 3). 

Pe'leth (Heb. swiftness, Ges.). 1. Father of On 
the Reubenite, who joined Dathan and Abiram in 
their rebellion (Num. xvi. 1). — 2. Son of Jonathan 
and descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 33). 

Pcl'o-tliites (Heb. pclethi = a pmblic runner, cou- 
rier ; with the article collectively happilethi = the 
public runners, couriers, Ges. ; according to Ewald, 
Fii., &c. = Philistines ; see below), mentioned only 
in the phrase rendered in the A. V. " the Chere- 
thites and the Pelethites." These two collectives 
designate a force that was evidently David's body- 
guard. Their names have been supposed either to 
indicate their duties or to be Gentile nouns. Gese- 
nius renders them " executioners and runners." On 
the other hand, the LXX. and Vulgate retain their 
names untranslated ; and the Syriac and Targum of 
Jonathan translate them differently from the render- 
ing above and from each other. The Egyptian 
monuments indicate (so Mr. R. S. Poole) that kings 
of the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties had in 
their service mercenaries of a nation called Shayre- 
tana, which Rameses III. conquered, under the name 
" Shayretana of the Sea." The name Shayretana, 
of which the first letter was also pronounced Kh, is 
almost letter for letter the same as the Hebrew 
Cheretliim ; and since the Shayretana were evidently 
cognate to the Philistines, their identity with the 
Cherithim cannot be doubted (compare 1 Sam. xxx. 
14 ; Ez. xxv. 16 ; Zeph. ii. 5). The Egyptian Shay- 
retana of the Sea are probably the Cretans. The 
Pelethites have not yet been similarly traced in 
Egyptian geography ; but Mr. Poole supposes that 
both the Cherethites and Pelethites were of the 
Philistine stock. 

Pe-Ii'as(L.) = Bedeiah (1 Esd. is. 34 : compare 
Ezr. x. 35). 

Pel'i-eaD, the A. V. translation of Heb. Math. 
This is mentioned among the unclean birds (Lev. xi. 
18; Deut. xiv. 17). The suppliant psalmist com- 
pares his condition to " a Math in the wilderness " 
(Ps. cii. 6). As a mark of the desolation that was 
to come upon Edom, it is said that " the Math and 
the bittern should possess it" (Is. xxxiv. 11). The 
same words are spoken of Nineveh (Zeph. ii. 14). 
In these two last places the A.V. has "cormorant" 
in the text, and " pelican " in the margin. The best 
authorities favor the pelican as the bird denoted by 
Math. The Hebrew name, from a word meaning 
to vomit, doubtless refers to this bird's habit of press- 



PEL 



PEN 



827 



ing its under-mandible against its breast, to assist 
it in disgorging the contents of its capacious pouch 
for its young. This is probably the origin of the 
fable about the pelican feeding its young with its 
own blood, the red nails on the upper mandible com- 




Pelican (Pderanus OnofTotnlus).—(Ybn.) 



pleting the delusion. The common pelican of the 
Eastern continent (Pelecanus Onocrotalus) is a large 
web-footed water-fowl, able to swim and fly well, 
voracious and adroit in catching fish, of which its 
pouch will hold a considerable number. The com- 
mon pelican and another (Pelecanus crispus) are 
often observed in Palestine, Egypt, &c. Sir. Hough- 
ton supposes the psalmist (Ps. cii. 6) refers to the 
pelican's general aspect as it sits in apparent mel- 
ancholy mood, with its bill resting on its breast. 
The pelican, after filling its pouch with fish and 
mollusks, often retires inland, miles away from 
water, and consumes its supply. 

Pel'o-nite (fr. Heb. == one from a place called 
Palon, otherwise unknown, Ges. ; see below), the. 
Two of David's " valiant men," Helez and Ahijah, 
are called Pelonites (1 Chr. xi. 27, 36). From 1 
Chr. xxvii. 10, it appears that the former was of the 
tribe of Ephraim, and " Pelonite " would therefore 
be an appellation from his place of birth or residence. 
In 2 Sam. xxiii. 26 Helez is called " the Paltite," 
i. e. as Bcrtheau (on 1 Chr. xi.) conjectures, of 
Beth-palet, or Beth-phelet, in the south of Judah. 
But probably " Pelonite " is the correct reading. 
" Ahijah the Pelonite " appears in 2 Sam. xxiii. 34 
as " Eliam the son of Ahithophel the Gilonite, and 
Mr. Wright supposes the former a corruption of 
Ahithophel. Compare Palmoni. 

* Pc-ln'si-nm [-she-] (L.), a city of Egypt (Ez. 
xxx. 15, margin) ; = Sin. 

Pen. Writing. 

Pe-ni'el (Heb. face of God, Ges.), the name which 
Jacob gave to the place in which he had wrestled 
with God : " He called the name of the place Pe- 
nicl, for I have seen God face to face " (Gen. xxxii. 
30). In xxxii. 31, and other passages,' the name is 
changed to Penuel, which perhaps was the original 
' form. 

Pe-nin'nah (Heb. coral, Ges.), one of the two 
wives of Elkanah (1 Sam. i. 2). Hannah. 

Pen ny, Penny-worth. In the A. V. " penny," 
either alone or in the compound " pennyworth," 
occurs as the rendering of the Greek denarion = 
the Roman denarius (Mat. xviii. 28, xx. 2, 9, 10, 13, 



xxii. 19 ; Mk. vi. 37, xii. 15, xiv. 5 ; Lk. vii. 41, x. 
35, xx. 2, 4 ; Jn. vi. 7, xii. 5 ; Rev. vi. 6). The dena- 
rius was the chief Roman silver coin, from the be- 
ginning of the coinage of the city to the early part 
of the third century. It was at first ten times the 
as (Farthing 2), afterward sixteen times. In the 
time of Augustus its weight was about sixty grains, 
and its value in United States silver money about 
fifteen cents. Nero reduced its weight to about 
fifty-two grains (so Mr. R. S. Poole). Drachm ; 
Monet, II. 2 ; Tiberius ; Wages. 

Pen'ta-tentll 1 (fr. Gr. adj. pentaleitchos — the five- 
fold, sc. book ; L. Penlateuchtis), the, a name given 
| to the five books commonly called the Five Books 
of Moses, viz. Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Num- 
bers, and Deuteronomy. The present Jews usually 
call the whole by the Hebrew name of Tordk = 
'• the Law," or Torath Mosheh — " the Law op 
Moses." The Rabbinical title is " the five-fifths of 
: the Law." The division of the whole work into 
i five parts has by some writers been supposed to be 
original. Others, with more probability, think that 
| the division was made by the Greek translators ; for 
! the titles of the several books are not of Hebrew 
but of Greek origin. The Hebrew names are merely 
taken from the first words of each book, and in the 
first instance only designated particular sections and 
not whole books. The MSS. of the Pentateuch 
form a single roll or volume, and are divided not 
into books, but into the larger and smaller sections 
called Parshiyoth and Seddrim. (Bible.) For the 
several names and contents of the Five Books we 
refer to the articles on each Book, where questions 
affecting their integrity and genuineness are also 
discussed. — I. Different opinions respecting the Au- 
thorship of the Pentateuch. The unity of the work 
in its existing form is now generally recognized. It 
is not a mere collection of loose fragments care- 
lessly put together at different times, but bears 
evident traces of design and purpose in its compo- 
sition. Ewald, Knobel, Lengerke, &c, have main- 
tained that the Book of Joshua constitutes an in- 
tegral portion of this work ; fyut this is an .arbitrary 
assumption. (Joshua, Book of.) One portion at 
least of the Pentateuch — Deut. xxxiv., which gives 
the account of Moses' death — was not written by 
him. So early as the second century we find the 
author of the Clementine Homilies calling in ques- 
tion the authenticity of the Mosaic writings. Aben 
Ezra (f 1167), in his Commentary on Deut. i. 1, 
threw out some doubts as to the Mosaic authorship 
of certain passages, e. g. Gen. xii. 6, and Deut. iii. 
10, 11, xxxi. 9. For centuries, however, the Penta- 
teuch was generally received in the Church without 
question as written by Moses. Spinoza (Tract. 
Theol.-Polit., published in 1679) maintained that 
the elders wrote down and communicated to the 
people the commands of Moses, and that later they 
were collected and assigned to suitable passages in 
Moses' life. He attributed the present form of the 
Pentateuch to Ezra. Other writers (Vitringa, Le 
Clerc, Richard Simon) suggested that Genesis was 
composed of written documents earlier than Moses' 
time. In 1753 there appeared at Brussels a work 
in French (Conjectures respecting the Original Me- 
moirs of which Moses appears to have availed himself 
in composing the Book of Genesis), written by Astruc, 
Doctor and Professor of Medicine in the Royal Col- 
lege at Paris, and Court Physician to Louis XIV. 



1 This article has been abridged aDd materially altered 
from the original article of Rev. J. J. S. Perowne. 



828 



PEN 



PEN 



He claimed that throughout Genesis, and as»far as 
Ex. vi., traces were to be found of two original doc- 
uments, each characterized by a distinct use of the 
names of God ; the one by the name Elohirn, and 
the other by the name Jehovah. Besides these two 
principal documents, he supposed Moses to have 
made use of ten others in the composition of the 
earlier part of his work. But this " documentary 
hypothesis," as it is called, was too conservative for 
some critics. Vater and A. T. Hartmann main- 
tained that the Pentateuch consisted merely of a 
number of fragments loosely strung together with- 
out order or design. This has been called the 
" fragmentary hypothesis." Both of these have 
now been superseded in Germany by the " supple- 
mentary hypothesis," which has been adopted with 
various modifications by De Wette, Bleek, Stahelin, 
Tuch, Lengerke, Hupfeld, Knobel, Bunsen, Kurtz, 
Delitzsch, Schultz, Vaihinger, and others. They all 
alike recognize two documents in the Pentateuch. 
They suppose the narrative of the Elohist, the more 
ancient writer, to have been the foundation of the 
work, and that the Jehovist or later writer making 
use of this document, added to and commented 
upon it, sometimes transcribing portions of it in- 
tact, and sometimes incorporating the substance of 
it into his own work. (Genesis.). But though thus 
agreeing in the main, they differ widely in the ap- 
plication of the theory. Thus, e. g., De Wette dis- 
tinguishes between the Elohist and the Jehovist in 
the first four books, and attributes Deuteronomy to 
a different writer altogether. Stahelin, on the other 
hand, declares for the identity of the Deuteronomist 
and the Jehovist ; and supposes the last to have 
written in the reign of Saul, and the Elohist in the 
time of the Judges. Hupfeld finds, in Genesis at 
least, traces of three authors, an earlier and a later 
Elohist, and the Jehovist, besides a final editor. 
Delitzsch recognizes two distinct documents as the 
basis of the Pentateuch, especially in its earlier 
portions ; but he maintains that Deuteronomy is the 
work of Moses, to whom he also assigns the Book 
of the Covenant (Ex. xix.-xxiv.). The documents 
were written, in his view, soon after the occupation 
of Canaan, one perhaps by Eleazar the priest, the 
other perhaps by Joshua or one of the elders on 
whom Moses' spirit rested. Ewald distinguishes 
seven different authors in the great Book of Prim- 
itive History (comprising the Pentateuch and Josh- 
ua), besides the author of the Blessing of Moses in 
Deut. xxxiii., and three editors of the work. On 
the other side, however, stands an array of names 
scarcely less distinguished for learning, who main- 
tain not only that there is a unity of design in the 
Pentateuch — which is granted by many of those 
before mentioned — but that this can only be ex- 
plained on the supposition of a single author, who 
must have been Moses. This is the ground taken 
by Hengstenberg, Havernick, Drechsler, Ranke, 
Welte, Keil, Prof. Douglas (in Fairbairn), Prof. 
Bartlett (in B. S.), &c. — II. Testimony of the Penta- 
teuch itself with regard to its authorship. 1. We 
find on reference to Ex. xxiv. 3, 4, that " Moses 
came and told the people all the words of Jehovah 
and all the judgments," and subsequently " wrote 
down all the words of Jehovah." These were writ- 
ten on a roll called " the book of the covenant " 
(ver. 7), and "read in the audience of the people." 
These " words " and "judgments " were no doubt 
the Sinaitic legislation so far as it had been given, 
and which constituted in fact the covenant between 
Jehovah and the people. Upon the renewal of this 



covenant after the idolatry of the Israelites, Moses 
was again commanded by Jehovah to " write these 
words" (xxxiv. 27). "And," it is added, "he 
wrote upon the tables the words of the covenant, 
the ten commandments." Leaving Deuteronomy 
aside for the present, there are only two other pas- 
sages in which mention is made of writing any part 
of the Law, viz. Ex. xvii. 14, where Moses is com- 
manded to write the defeat of Amalek in a book (or 
rather in the book, one already in use for the pur- 
pose); and Num. xxxiii. 2, where we are informed 
that Moses wrote the journeyings of the children 
of Israel in the desert, and the various stations at 
which they encamped. It obviously does not follow 
from these statements that Moses wrote all the rest 
of the first four books which bear his name. Nor 
on the other hand does this specific testimony with 
regard to certain portions justify us in coming to an 
opposite conclusion. So far nothing can be de- 
termined positively one way or the other (so Mr. 
Pcrowne). In Deut. xxxi. 9-12 we are told that 
" Moses wrote this Law," and delivered it to the 
custody of the priests, with a command that it 
should be read before all the people at the end of 
every seven years, on the Feast of Tabernacles. In 
ver. 24 it is further said, that when "he had made 
an end of writing the words of this Law in a book 
till they were finished," he delivered it to the Le- 
vites to be placed in the side of the ark of the 
covenant of Jehovah, that it might be preserved as 
a witness against the people. Such a statement is 
no doubt decisive, but the question is, how far does 
it extend ? Do the words " this Law " (compare 
Deut. xvii. 18, xxvii. 3, 8; Josh. viii. 32) comprise 
all the Mosaic legislation as contained in the last 
four books of the Pentateuch, or must they be con- 
fined only to Deuteronomy ? Mr. Perowne, Dr. S. 
Davidson, &c, regard the latter as the only tenable 
view, and claim that the direct evidence from the 
Pentateuch itself is not sufficient to establish the 
Mosaic authorship of every portion of the Five 
Books. Certain parts of Exodus, Leviticus, and 
Numbers, and the whole of Deuteronomy to the end 
of ch. xxx., with the Song of Moses, ch. xxxii., are 
all that are expressly said to have been written by 
Moses. Prof. S. C. Bartlett (in B. 8. xx. 813 ff.) 
argues that this testimony to the agency of Moses 
in the production of the Pentateuch cannot fairly 
be restricted to the portions thus indicated ; for — 
(a.) The Pentateuch nowhere alludes to any other 
authorship than that of Moses, (b.) The definite 
ascription of certain portions of the narrative to 
him involves no denial in regard to the remainder 
(compare Jn. xix. 35, xxi. 20-24). (c.) The reasons 
for making a record in these instances were equally 
operative throughout, (d.) There are very distinct 
indications that these passages were but parts of 
a larger whole, composed by Moses (Ex. xvii. 14, 
xxiv. 4, 7; Deut. xvii. 18, 19, xxviii. 58, 61, xxix. 
20, 21, 27, xxx. 10, xxxi. 9-11, 24, xviii. 2, com- 
pare Num. xviii. 20 ; Deut. xxiv. 8, 9, compare 
Lev. xiii., xiv., &c. ; Ex. xxv. 16, 21,' 22, xxxv. 1 ; 
Num. xxix. 40, xxx. 1, xxxvi. 13 ; Lev. xxvii. 34, 
&c). "The book of the law" commonly in the 
O. T. (so Prof. Bartlett, &c. ; in Ezra and Nehemiah, 
according to Mr. Perowne, &c.) = the Pentateuch. • 
(e.) These portions of avowed Mosaic authorship 
include and fully indorse the main portions of the 
whole Pentateuch. From them can be gathered an 
outline of the whole narrative from the time of the 
dispersion of the nations, together with the leadirg 
features of the whole Law. The testimony of the 




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829 



volume thus makes Moses responsible for the main 
contents of the Pentateuch. 2. Is there any evi- 
dence to show that Moses did not write portions of 
the work which goes by his name ? We have al- 
ready referred to the last chapter of Deuteronomy, 
which gives an account of his death. Mr. Perowne 
regards it as improbable that Moses wrote the words 
in praise of himself in Ex. xi. 3, or those in Num. 
xii. 3 (Meek 1), but just what we might expect 
from the friend and disciple who pronounced 
his eulogium after his death (Deut. xxxiv. 10). 
" With historical faithfulness and unaffected sim- 
plicity Moses makes these remarks about his own 
person ; they are historical facts ; and he relates 
them with the same objective impartiality with which 
Xenophon speaks of himself in the Anabasis, or 
Cesar in his Commentaries," says Kalisch (quoted 
by Prof. Bartlett) in respect to Ex. xi. 3. Jahn, 
Rosenmiiller, Kurtz, &c, prefer to consider Num. 
xii. 3 added by a later hand ; but Calvin, Hengsten- 
berg, &c, regard this statement as made by Divine 
direction, as important in its connection, and as re- 
corded by Moses like Ex. xi. 3. Compare also like 
words of commendation in Neh. xiii. 6 If., especially 
ver. 14 ; Ps. vii. 8, xxvi. 1, xxxv. 13, 14; Dan. x. 2, 
3, 11, 19 ; Jn. xiii. 23, xix. 26, xx. 2, xxi. 7, 20-24 ; 
2 Cor. xi. 5-xii. 11 ; 1 Th. ii. 10, &c. 3. Other 
evidence, to a critical eye not a whit less convincing 
(so Mr. Perowne), points in the same direction. 
The Book of Genesis has indeed a unity of plan, 
a coherence of parts, a shapeliness and an order, 
which satisfy us that as it stands it is the crea- 
tion of a single mind. But it bears also manifest 
traces of having been based upon an earlier work ; 
and that earlier work itself seems to have had 
imbedded in it fragments of still more ancient 
documents. Such a theory does not in the least 
militate against the divine authority of the book. 
The history contained in Genesis could not have 
been narrated by Moses from personal knowledge; 
but whether he was taught by immediate divine 
suggestion, or was directed by the Holy Spirit to 
the use of earlier documents, is immaterial in ref- 
erence to the inspiration of the worjc. The ques- 
tion may therefore be safely discussed on critical 
grounds alone. The language of ch. i. 1 — ii. 3 is 
totally unlike that of the section which follows, 
ii. 4-iii. 23. This last is not only distinguished 
by a peculiar use of the Divine names — for here 
and nowhere else in the whole Pentateuch, except 
Ex. ix. 30, have we the combination of the two, 
Jehovah Ehhim (A. V. "the Lord God") — but also 
by a mode of expression peculiar to itself. It is 
also remarkable for preserving an account of the 
Creation distinct from that contained in the first 
chapter. Fully admitting that there is no contra- 
diction, the representation is so different that Mr. 
Perowne and others believe it far more natural 
to conclude that it was derived from some other, 
though not antagonistic source. Take another in- 
stance. Chapter xiv. is beyond all doubt (so Mr. 
Perowne, with Ewald, Bunsen, &c.) an ancient 
monument — papyrus-roll it may have been, or in- 
scription on stone — which has been copied and 
transplanted in its original form into our present 
Book of Genesis. Archaic it is in its whole char- 
acter : distinct too, again, from the rest, of the book 
in its use of the name of God (Heb. M 'di/6n, A. V. 
"the Most High God"). We believe, then (so Mr. 
Perowne), that at least these two portions of Genesis 
— ch. ii. 4-iii. 24, and ch. xiv. — are original docu- 
ments, preserved, it may have been, like the gene- 



alogies, which are also a very prominent feature of 
the book, in the tents of the patriarchs, and made 
use of either by the Elohist or the Jehovist for his 
history. — We come now to a more ample examina- 
tion of the question as to the distinctive use of the 
Divine names. Mr. Perowne believes, with Astruc, 
&c, that this early portion of the Pentateuch, ex- 
tending from Gen. i. to Ex. vi., contains two original 
documents characterized by their separate use of the 
Divine names and by other peculiarities of style. 
Throughout this portion of the Pentateuch the name 
Jehovah prevails in some sections, and Elohim in 
others. There are a few sections (as the advocates 
of the document theories admit) where both names 
are employed indifferently ; and there are sections 
of some length in which neither the one nor the 
other occurs. The style and idiom of the Jehovah 
sections, it is claimed, are not the same as the style 
and idiom of the Elohim sections. After Ex. vi. 2- 
vii. 7, the name Elohim almost ceases to be charac- 
teristic of whole sections ; the only exceptions to this 
rule being Ex. xiii. 17-19 and xviii. If, as Heng- 
stenberg and those who agree with him maintain, the 
use of the Divine names is to be accounted for 
throughout by a reference to their etymology — if the 
author uses the one when his design is to speak of 
God as the Creator and the Judge, and the other 
when his object is to set forth God as the Redeemer 
— then it still cannot but appear remarkable (so Mr. 
Perowne) that only up to a particular point do these 
names stamp separate sections of the narrative, 
whereas afterward all such distinctive criterion fails. 2 
Still Mr. Perowne admits that this phenomenon of 
the distinct use of the Divine names would scarcely 
of itself prove the point, that there are two docu- 
ments which form the groundwork of the existing 
Pentateuch ; but he introduces other evidence point- 
ing the same way, and claims that we find the same 
story told by the two writers, and their two accounts 
manifestly interwoven ; and that certain favorite 
words and phrases distinguish the one writer from 
the other. (1.) In proof of the first, Mr. Perowne 



2 " The names (so Prof. Bartlett in B. S. xxi. 748 ff.) have 
different shades of meaning, which regulated their earlier, 
anrl to some degree their later use." (See the article Je- 
hovah in this Dictionary.) "In describing the work of 
creation (Gen. i. 1-ii. 3) God is named by the more general 
term (Elohim). In setting forth His relation to main (Gen. 
ii.) He is designated by His more special name (Jehovah), 
and this is coupled with the former (A. V. 'Lokd God') 
to identify the God of creation as the same who was after- 
ward revealed to Israel." This compound name appears 
in Gen. iii. 1 ; but in the whole conversation with the ser- 
pent (iii. 1-5) only Elohim ("God") is used: "It would 
have been," says Kalisch, "a profanation to put the holy 
name of God in the tempter's mouth, or to pronounce it 
before his ears. The identity of Jehovah and Elohim hav- 
ing been once impressed, it was not necessary to repeat 
this composition, except on peculiar occasions." " It 
is ridiculous to assert," says Prof. Bartlett, "that there 
must be such peculiar exigencies in every instance as to re- 
quire the one term preeminently, or that such a writer, in- 
tent on other thoughts, must always be pondering subtile 
shades of fitness in the selection of two terms, either of 
which is adequate. It is precisely as with the two princi- 
pal names of the Saviour in the N. T. Jesus was the per- 
sonal name, Christ the official. Now, in the first chapter 
of Matthew, we have the first three times, the second twice, 
both together twice, discriminate^ used. But are we to 
force this nice distinction through' the whole N. T., or even 
any one writer of it ? By no means. The narrators com- 
monly use the personal name, even where the transactions 
were seemingly official. The epistolary (and later) writers 
commonly use the official name, even where the personal 
epithet would be in strictness more appropriate ; and while 
frequently using the names, single and conjoined, with un- 
doubted discrimination, they more commonly used them 
much alike." Compare also the mode in which " Jacob " 
and " Israel " are used in the last chapters of Genesis to 
denote the same individual. 



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brings forward the history of Noah. He thus separ- 
ates the two supposed documents, and arranges them 
in parallel columns : — 

Jehovah. Elohim. 

Gen. vi. 5. And Jehovah Gen. vi. 12. And Elohim 
saw that the wickedness of saw the earth, and behold it 
man was great in the earth, was corrupt ; for all flesh 
and that every imagination had corrupted his way upon 
c. ; the thoughts of his heart the earth, 
was only evil continually. 
And it repented Jehovah, &c. 

7. And Jehovah said, I will 13. And Elohim said to 
blot out man whom I have Noah, The end of all flesh 
created from off the face of is come before me, for the 
the ground. earth is filled with violence 

because of them, and behold 
I will destroy them with the 
earth. 

vii. 1. And Jehovah said to vi. 9. Noah a righteous 
Noah .... Thee have I seen man was perfect in his gen- 
righteous before me in this eration. With Elohim did 
generation. Noah walk. 

vii. 8. Of all cattle which vi. 19. And of every living 
is clean thou shah take to thing of all flesh, two of all 
thee by sevens, male and his ehalt thou bring into the ark 
female, and of all cattle to preserve alive with thee : 
which is not clean, two, male and female shall they 
male and his female. be. 

3. Also of fowl of the air 20. Of fowl after their 
by sevens, male and female, kind, and of cattle after 
to preserve seed alive on the their kind, of everything 
face of all the earth. that creepeth on the ground 

after his kind, two of all 
shall come unto thee that 
thou mayest preserve (them) 
alive. 

vii. 4. For in yet seven vi. 17. And I, behold I do 
days I will send rain upon bring the flood, waters upon 
the earth forty days and forty the earth, to destroy all flesh 
nights, and I will blot out wherein is the breath of life, 
all the substance which 1 from under heaven, all that 
have made from off the face is in the earth shall perish, 
of the ground. 

vii. 5. And Noah did ac- vi. 22. And Noah did ac- 
cording to all that Jehovah cording to all that Elohim 
commanded him. commanded him : so did he. 

In the rest of the narrative of the Flood, Mr. Pe- 
rowne traces the two documents thus — vii. 1, 6, on 
the Jehovah side, answer to vi. 18, vii. 11 on the 
Elohim side; vii. 7-9, 17, 23, to vii. 13-16, 18, 21, 
22; viii. 21, 22, to ix. 8-11. (2.) Again, Mr. Pe- 
rowne and man)' others claim that these duplicate 
narratives are characterized by peculiar modes of ex- 
pression ; and that generally, the Elohistic and Jeho- 
vistic sections have their own distinct and individual 
coloring. But Keil argues that these alleged char- 
acteristic words and phrases are either (a.) in some 
respect different, or (6) not used exclusively by either 
writer, or(c.) found only in one or two passages. More- 
over, the alleged diversities in regard to ideas, ex- 
pression, &c, are arrived at for the most part by an 
artificial separation, aided by the hypothesis of mani- 
fest interpolations and elaborations of the Elohim 
document by the supplementer or Jehovist. Dr. S. 
Davidson (Introduction to 0. T. I. 58 ff.) cuts up Gen. 
xxviii. into four sections (1-9, 10-12, 13-16, 17-22), 
and assigns them to four different writers, viz. the 
Elohist, younger Elohist, redactor, younger Elohist ; 
Vaihinger divides this chapter into five sections, as- 
signing ver. 1-12, 16 a, 17-22, to the Elohist, and 
the remainder (13-15, 16 6) to the Jehovist. David- 
son divides Gen. xxi. into thirteen sections, assigned 
to four writers ; Vaihinger makes but two (or three) 
sections, and two writers only. In ch. xxxv. David- 
son has fifteen sections and four writers ; Vaihinger 
assigns the whole to one writer, or perhaps two ; 
Knobel makes ten sections. In ch. xli. Davidson 
makes forty sections for his different writers ; Kno- 
bel twenty sections ; while Vaihinger assigns the 
whole of chs. xl.-xlv. to the Elohist. Verses and 



half-verses are summarily removed by the theorists 
from their connection, and arbitrarily assigned to 
another document, e. g. v. 29, vii. 16 6, xii. 4 6, &e. 
(See B. S. xxi. 743 ff. ; CasselPs Bible Dictionary, 
art. Pentateuch.) Mr. Perowne concludes, from the 
arguments summarily stated and answered above, 
that, besides some smaller independent documents, 
two original historical works form the basis of the 
present Book of Genesis and of the earlier chapters 
of Exodus. That the Elohistic is the earlier of these 
he regards as established by Ex. vi. 2, 3 (Jehovah), 
as well as by the matter and style of the document 
itself. He supposes that both are in the main as old as 
the time of Moses. Whether Moses himself was the 
author of either of these works is a different question. 
But Prof. Douglas (in Fairbairn) claims that "there 
are gaps in the fundamental (Elohim) document which 
need to be filled up, and there are references in it to 
the so-called later or supplementary matter, which 
we therefore believe to be a composition as early as 
the other." In other words, neither of the supposed 
documents is complete without the other, and there- 
fore the whole work cannot be a mere compilation 
from previously existing documents. 4. Mr. Pe- 
rowne holds that certain references of time and place 
clearly prove that the work, in its present form, is 
later than the time of Moses. Thus he regards Gen. 
xii. 6 (comp. xiii. 7), " And the Canaanite was then 
in the land," as implying that the state of things was 
different in the time of the writer, and hence as 
written after the occupation of the land by the Israel- 
ites. But the passage may imply — not that the Ca- 
naanite was not in the land in the writer's time, 
which, understood absolutely, would make the writer 
live after Solomon and Ezra (1 K. ix. 20, 21 ; Ezr. 
ix. 1) — but that the tribe of Canaanites then dwelt 
at or near Sichem in the interior of the land, though 
afterward (Num. xiii. 29) by the sea and the Jordan 
— or that the Canaanites already dwelt there, hav- 
ing migrated from the south — or that they dwelt 
there then, though their land was to be possessed by 
Abraham's seed according to the promise in the next 
verse. And Gen. xiii. 7 may mention that "the 
Canaanite and the Perizzite dwelled then in the land," 
to account for either the insufficiency of pasturage, 
or the danger of strife between Lot's and Abram's 
herdsmen in the presence of such neighbors. The 
principal notices of time and place which have been 
alleged as bespeaking for the Pentateuch a later 
date are the following: — (a.) References of time. 
Ex. vi. 26, 27, need not be regarded as a later addi- 
tion, for it obviously sums up the genealogical reg- 
ister given just before, and refers back to ver. 13. 
But Mr. Perowne and others think it more naturally 
reconcilable with some other authorship than that 
of Moses (comp. II. 2, above). Again, Ex. xvi. 33-36, 
though it must have been introduced after the rest 
of the book was written, may have been added by 
Moses himself, supposing him to have composed the 
rest of the book. Moses there directs Aaron to lay 
up the manna before Jehovah, and then we read : 
"As Jehovah commanded Moses, so Aaron laid it up 
before the Testimony " (i. e. the Ark) " to be kept. 
And the children of Israel did eat manna forty years, 
until they came to a land inhabited ; they did eat 
manna until they came unto the borders of the land 
of Canaan." Then follows the remark, "Now an 
omer is the tenth part of an ephah." It is clear, 
then (so Mr. Perowne), that this passage was written 
not only after the Ark was made, but after the Is- 
raelites had entered the Promised Land. The ob- 
vious intention of the writer is to tell when the 



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831 



manna ceased (comp. Josh. v. 12), not, as Hengsten- 
berg contends, how long it continued. Still these 
passages are not absolutely irreconcilable with the 
Mosaic authorship of the book. Verse 35 may be a 
later gloss only, as Le Clerc and Rosenmiiller be- 
lieved. The difficulty is greater with a passage in 
Genesis. The genealogical table of Esau's family 
(ch. xxxvi.) can scarcely be regarded as a later in- 
terpolation. It does not interrupt the order and 
connection of the book ; on the contrary, it is a most 
essential part of its structure ; it is one of the ten 
"generations" or genealogical registers which form, 
so to speak, the backbone of the whole. Here the 
remark (ver. 31), "And these are the kings that 
reigned in the land of Edom, before there reigned 
any king over the children of Israel," is understood 
by many to imply that when written, kings had al- 
ready begun to reign over Israel. Hengstenberg, 
Michaelis, Delitzsch, &c, explain this by reference 
to the prophecy just delivered (xxxv. 11 ; compare 
xvii. 5, 6, 16, and xxvii. 29, 40), promising a line of 
kings to descend from Jacob. Dr. S. Davidson 
(Introduction to the 0. 7'., 621) admits the proba- 
bility of this explanation and of the consistency of 
the passage with the Mosaic authorship of Genesis. 
Mr. Perowne and others suppose this verse may have 
been inserted later from the genealogical table in 1 
Chr. i. 43 ; and if so, it may have been introduced 
by Ezra in his revision of the Law. — Lev. xviii. 28, 
— " That the land spue not you out also, when ye 
defile it, as it spued out the nations that were before 
you," is also regarded as assuming the occupation 
of the Land of Canaan by the Israelites. The great 
difficulty connected with this passage, however, is 
that it is not a supplementary remark of the writer's, 
but that the words are the words of God directing 
Moses what he is to say to the children of Israel 
(ver. 1). But this difficulty is removed thus by Prof. 
Douglas (in Fairbair'n), Prof. Bartlett, &c. : The 
phrase "as it spued out" here = as it will have 
spued out, for a verb in the same mode and tense is 
properly translated in Is. iv. 4 " shall have washed 
away," and both passages are anticipatory or pro- 
phetic from the mouth of God (comp. Lev. xviii. 24). 
The expression "to this day," or "unto this day" 
(Gen. xix. 37, 38, xxii. 14, xxvi. 33, &c), does not 
necessarily imply a later time than that of Moses, 
for it may be used of one's lifetime (xlviii. 15) or a 
shorter period (Deut. xxix. 4, comp. 2 ; Josh. vi. 25). 
Deut. iii. 14 may be (so Prof. Bartlett, &c.)a paren- 
thesis added by a later hand, as Ezra ; but Prof. 
Douglas (in Fairbairn) argues the appropriateness 
of " unto this day " here, because of the great diffi- 
culty of changing the name of an entire district and 
of the probability of permanence if in the great 
revolution then taking place the name remained 
attached for the first few months to the new con- 
quest, (b.) In several instances older names of 
places (so Mr. Perowne) give place to those which 
came later into use in Canaan. In Gen. xiv. 14, 
and in Deut. xxxiv. 1, occurs the name of the well- 
known city of Dan. (Dan 2.) In Josh. xiv. 15 
(comp. xv. 13, 54) and Judg. i. 10 we are told that 
the name of Hebron before the conquest of Canaan 
was Kirjath-arba. In Gen. xxiii. 2 this name again 
occurs, and the explanation is added (Mr. Perowne 
supposes by some one who wrote later than the oc- 
cupation of Canaan) " the same is Hebron " (comp. 
xiii. 18). Keil, Hengstenberg, &c, regard Hebron 
as the original name, and Kirjath-arba as the name 
in the interval between Abraham and Moses, and 
Hebron as again current from Moses' time. Another 



instance is the occurrence of Hormah in Num. xiv. 
45, xxi. 1-3, compared with Judg. i. 17. Mr. Pe- 
rowne claims that there is abundant evidence in the 
Pentateuch itself to show that, though the main bulk 
of it is Mosaic, certain detached portions of it are of 
later growth ; but nothing can bs more natural (in 
his view) than to suppose such later additions were 
made by Ezra and Nehemiah. — III. The evidence 
lying outside of the Pentateuch itself, which bears 
upon its authorship and the probable date of its 
composition, is of three kinds : first, direct mention 
of the work as already existing in the later books 
of the Bible ; secondly, the existence of a book sub- 
stantially the same as the present Pentateuch 
amongst the Samaritans ; and, lastly, allusions less 
direct, such as historical references, quotations, and 
the like, which presuppose its existence. 1. We 
have direct evidence for the authorship of the Law 
in Josh. i. 7, 8, viii. 31, 34, xxiii. 6 (comp. xxiv. 26), 
in all which places Moses is said to have written it. 
The Book of Judges does not speak of the Book of 
the Law. No direct mention of it occurs in the 
Books of Samuel. The first mention of the Law of 
Moses after the establishment of the monarchy is in 
David's charge to his son Solomon, on his deathbed 
(1 K. ii. 3). The allusion seems to be to parts of 
Deuteronomy, and therefore favors the Mosaic au- 
thorship of that book (comp. viii. 9, 53). In 2 K. 
xi. 12, "the testimony" is put into the hands of 
Joash at his coronation. This must have been a 
book containing either the whole of the Mosaic Law, 
or at least the Book of Deuteronomy. In the Books 
of Chronicles far more frequent mention is made of 
" the Law of Jehovah," or " the book of the Law of 
Moses " — a fact which may be accounted for partly 
by the priestly character of those books (comp. 1 
Chr. xvi. 40, xxii. 12, 13 ; 2 Chr. xii. 1, xiv. 4, xv. 
3, xvii. 9, xxv. 4, xxxi. 3, 4, 21, xxxiii. 8, xxxiv. 14, 
xxxv. 26). In Ezra and Nehemiah mention is several 
times made of the Law of Moses (Ezr. iii. 2, vi. 18, vii. 
6 ; Neh. i. 7 ff., viii. 1 ff., ix. 3, 14, xiii. 1-3), and here 
there can be doubt that our present Pentateuch is 
meant ; for we have no reason to suppose that any 
later revision of it took place. At this time, then, 
the existing Pentateuch was regarded as the work 
of Moses. The Books of Chronicles, though un- 
doubtedly based upon ancient records, are probably 
in their present form as late as the time of Ezra. 
Hence it might be supposed that if the reference is 
to the present Pentateuch in Ezra, the present Pen- 
tateuch must also be referred to in Chronicles. But 
this does not follow (so Mr. Perowne). The Book 
of Ezra speaks of the Law as it existed in the time 
of the writer ; the Books of Chronicles speak of it 
as it existed long before. Hence the author of the 
latter (who may have been Ezra), in making mention 
of the Law of Moses, refers of course to that recen- 
sion of it (substantia'!;/, no doubt, the same book) 
which existed at the particular periods over which 
his history travels. In Dan. ix. 11, 13, the Law of 
Moses is mentioned ; and here again a book differing 
in nothing from our present Pentateuch is probably 
meant. In the Prophets and in the Psalms, though 
there are many allusions to the Law, evidently as a 
written document, there are none as to its author- 
ship. But the evidence from the historical books 
of the 0. T. is unquestionably strong, (1.) in favor of 
an early existence of the main body of the Penta- 
teuch, particularly of Genesis and the legal portions 
of the remaining books, (2.) as showing a universal 
belief among the Jews that the work was written by 
Moses. This ascription to Moses of the Pentateuch 



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in its present form is likewise sanctioned by the 
Lord Jesus Christ and the writers of the N. T. 
"Moses" is spoken of as the beginning of "the 
Scriptures" (Lk. xxiv. 27). Moses "wrote" and 
left "writings" concerning Christ (Jn. i. 45, v. 46, 
47). "Moses and the prophets" are referred to 
alike as portions of the Scriptures (Lk. xvi. 29, 31, 
xxiv. 27 ; Acts xxvi. 22) ; in other passages, " the 
Law and the prophets" (Mat. vii. 12, xxii. 40 ; Lk. 
xvi. 16; Acts xxiv. 14; Rom. iii. 21, &c), or "the 
law of Moses and the prophets" (Acts xxviii. 23). 
The threefold division of the Jewish Scriptures — 
" the Law of Moses — the Prophets — the Psalms " — 
is mentioned by our Saviour (Lk. xxiv. 44), "the 
law of Moses " here and elsewhere in the N. T. un- 
questionably denoting the present Pentateuch (comp. 
Acts xv. 21 ; 2 Cor. iii. 15). (Bible, III. 1.) Jesus 
Christ and His apostles did not err in their testimony 
on this subject through ignorance or in accommoda- 
tion to Jewish prejudices, or "the traditions of the 
elders." They bore witness to the truth and to the 
truth only (Jn. xviii. 37). The Scriptures ascribe 
the Pentateuch or "the Law" to Moses (i. 17). 2. 
Conclusive proof of the early composition of the 
Pentateuch, it has been argued, exists in the fact that 
the Samaritans had their own copies of it, not differ- 
ing very materially from those possessed by the 
Jews, except in a few passages which had probably 
been purposely tampered with and altered, e. g. Ex. 
xii. 40 and Deut. xxvii. 4. The Samaritans, it is 
said, must have derived their Book of the Law from 
the Ten Tribes, whose land they occupied ; but the 
Ten Tribes would not accept religious books from 
the Two ; hence the Pentateuch must have existed 
in its present form before the separation of Israel 
from Judah. If this point could be satisfactorily 
established, we should have a limit of time in one 
direction for the composition of the Pentateuch. It 
could not have been later than the times of the 
earliest kings. It must have been earlier than the 
reign of Solomon, and indeed than that of Saul. His- 
tory leaves us altogether in doubt as to the time at 
which the Pentateuch was received by the Samari- 
tans. Copies of it might have been left in the north- 
ern kingdom after Shalmaneser's invasion, though 
this is hardly probable ; or they might have been in- 
troduced thither during the religious reforms of 
Hezekiah or Josiah. But the Samaritan Pentateuch 
agrees so remarkably with the existing Hebrew Pen- 
tateuch, and that too in those passages which are (in 
the view of Mr. Perowne and others) interpolations 
aud corrections as late as the time of Ezra, that we 
must look for some other period to which to refer the 
adoption of the Books of Moses by the Samaritans. 
This we find after the Babylonish exile, at the institu 
tion of the rival worship on Gerizim. Till the return 
from Babylon there is no evidence that the Samar- 
itans regarded the Jews with any extraordinary dis- 
like or hostility. But the manifest distrust and sus- 
picion with which Nehemiah met their advances 
■when he was rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, pro- 
voked their wrath. From this time forward they 
were declared and open enemies. A full discussion 
of this question would be out of place here. We 
incline (so Mr. Perowne) to the view of Prideaux, 
that the Samaritan Pentateuch was in fact a tran- 
script of Ezra's revised copy. The same view is 
virtually adopted by Gesenius. 3. We are now to 
consider evidence of a more indirect kind, which 
bears not so much on the Mosaic authorship as on 
the early existence of the work as a whole. This 
last circumstance, however, if satisfactorily made 



out, is, indirectly at least, an argument that Moses 
wrote the Pentateuch. 3 Hengstenberg has tried to 
show that all the later books, by their allusions and 
quotations, presuppose the existence of the Books 
of the Law. He traces, moreover, the influence of 
the Law upon the whole life, civil and religious, of 
the nation after their settlement in the land of 
Canaan. Now, beyond all doubt, there are numer- 
ous most striking references, both in the Prophets 
and in the Books of Kings, to passages which arc; 
found in our present Pentateuch. It is established 
in the most convincing manner that the legal por- 
tions of the Pentateuch already existed in writing 
before the separation of the two kingdoms. Even 
as regards the historical portions, there are often in 
the later books almost verbal coincidences of ex- 
pression, which render it more than probable that 
these also existed in writing. Compare from Joel 
the following passages: — ii. 2 with Ex. x. 14 ; ii. 3 
w ith (Jen. ii. 8, 9 (compare xiii. 10) ; ii. 17 with Num. 
xiv. 13 ; ii. 20 with Ex. x. 19; iii. 1 (ii. 28, A. V.) 
with Gen. vi. 12; ii. 13 with Ex. xxxiv. 6; iv. (iii.) 
18 with Num. xxv. 1. Again, from Amos: — ii. 2 
with Num. xxi. 28 ; ii. 7 with Ex. xxiii. 6 and Lev. 
xx. 3 ; ii. 8 with Ex. xxii. 25, &c. ; ii. 9 with Num. 
xiii. 32, &c. ; iii. 7 with Gen. xviii. 17 ; iv. 4 with 
Lev. xxiv. 3 and Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12 ; v. 12 with 
Num. xxxv. 31 (compare Ex. xxiii. 6 and Am. ii. 7); 
v. 17 with Ex. xii. 12; v. 21, &c. with Num. xxix. 
35 and Lev. xxiii. 36; vi. 1 with Num. i. 17; vi. 6 
with Gen. xxxvii. 25? ; vi. 8 with Lev. xxvi. 19 ; vi. 
14 with Num. xxxiv. 8 ; viii. 6 with Ex. xxi. 2 and 
Lev. xxv. 39; ix. 13 with Lev. xxvi. 3-5 (compare 
Ex. iii. 8). Again, from Hosea: — i. 2 with Lev. xx. 
5-7 ; ii. 1 (i. 10) with Gen. xxii. 17, xxxii. 12 ; ii. 2 
(i. 11) with Ex. i. 10; iii. 2 with Ex. xxi. 32; iv. 8 
with Lev. vi. 17, &c, and vii. 1, &c. ; iv. 10 with 
Lev. xxvi. 26; iv. 17 with Ex. xxxii. 9, 10; v. 6 
with Ex. x. 9 ; vi. 2 with Gen. xvii. 18; vii. 8 with 
Ex. xxxiv. 12-16; xii. 6 (A. V. 5) with Ex. iii. 15 ; 
xii. 10 (9) with Lev. xxiii. 43 ; xii. 15(14) with Gen. 



3 An argument for the antiqnity and genuineness of the 
Pentateuch was elaborated by the late Dr. Jalm in an es- 
say on its language and style written just before his death 
m 1816. After leaving out of the account most of the 
words which occur only once in the Hebrew Bible as well 
as those which, from the nature of the case, must be found 
either in the Pentateuch only, or in the later books only, 
he enumerated about 400 words and phrases peculiar to 
the Pentateuch or but very seldom employed elsewhere, 
and about 400 words and phrases in the later books which 
either do not occur at nil, or but very rarely, ir. the Penta- 
teuch. Jahn's list, as Hengstenberg remarks, requires a 
revision, as Hebrew learning has made great progress 
since his time. "Yet after all allowances ate made, the 
greater portion of the words in his enumeration are per- 
fectly in point. Not a few words and phrases to which he 
makes no allusion might swell the number " (so Prof. B. 
B. Edwards, inB. S., ii. 388 f.). Other arguments may be 
drawn from the progressiveness of the legislation as re- 
corded in the Pentateuch and of Divine revelation as a 
whole. The Pentateuch contains statutes suited to the 
case of the Israelites in the Wilderness and prospective 
changes or modifications of these for them in Canaan (e. g. 
Num. v. 1-4, xv. 1-31 ; Deut. vii. 1-5, xii.). It provides 
legislation for cases as they arise (e. g. Num. ix. 6 ft'., xv. 
32 ff.. xxvii. 1-11, xxxvi. 1-12) : but there is no growth of 
law and of legislation after the time of Moses. On the other 
hand, there is progress in Divine revelation from Genesis 
to Malachi. The author of the Pentateuch does not teach 
the immortality of the soul (Law of Moses, II. c„ p. 
5371 with the clearness of David (Ps. xvi. 11. &c. ; com- 
pare Ex. iii. 6 and Mat. xxii. 32, &c), or the particulars 
respecting the Messiah as these appear in 1he Psalms and 
the Prophets (Ps. ii., xiv., lxxii. ; Is. xl., liii. &c. ; com- 
pare Gen. iii. 15. xii. 1-3, &c), which is unaccountable on 
the supposition that the Pentateuch was composed in 
their time. (See Home's Introdvcfirm, edited by Ayre, ii. 
605 ff., and Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge^ article 
Pentateuch.) 



PEN 



PEN 



833 



ix. 5. From 1 Kings : — xx. 42 with Lev. xxvii. 29 ; 
xxi. 3 with Lev. xxv. 23 and Num. xxxvi. 8 ; xxi. 
10 with Num. xxxv. 30 (compare Deut. xvii. 6, 7, 
xix. 15) ; xxii. IV with Num. xxvii. 16, 17. From 
2 Kings : — iii. 20 with Ex. xxix. 38, &c. ; iv. 1 with 
Lev. xxv. 39, <Sic. ; v. 27 with Ex. iv. 6 and Num. 
xii. 10; vi. 18 with Gen. xix. 11; vi. 28 with Lev. 
xxvi. 29; vii. 2, 19 with Gen. vii. 11; vii. 3 with 
Lev. xiii. 46 (compare Num. v. 3). 4 But now, if, as 
appears from the examination of all the extant Jew- 
ish literature, the Pentateuch existed as a canon- 
ical book ; if, moreover, it was a book so well 
known that its words had become household words 
among the people ; and if the prophets could ap- 
peal to it as a recognized and well-known document 
— how are we to explain the surprise and alarm in 
the mind of Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiv. 14 fF.), betraying 
as it does such utter ignorance of the Book of the 
Law, and of the severity of its threatenings — ex- 
cept on the supposition that, as a written document, 
it had well-nigh perished ? This must have been 
the ease (so Mr. Perowne), and it is not so extraor- 
dinary a fact perhaps as it appears at first sight. 
It is true that in the reign of Jehoshaphat pains 
had been taken to make the nation at large ac- 
quainted with the Law ; but that was 300 years be- 
fore ; and in such an interval great changes must 
have taken place. It is true that in the reign of 
Ahaz the prophet Isaiah directed the people to turn 
" to the Law and to the Testimony " (Is. viii. 20) ; 
and Hezekiah, who succeeded Ahaz, had no doubt 
reigned in the spirit of the prophet's advice. But 
the next monarch (Manasseh) was guilty of out- 
rageous wickedness, and filled Jerusalem with idols. 
How great a desolation might one wicked prince ef- 
fect, especially during a lengthened reign ! To this 
we must add, that at no time, in all probability, were 
there many copies of the Law existing in writing. 
It was probably then the custom, as it still is in the 
East, to trust largely to the memory for its trans- 
mission. The ritual would easily be perpetuated by 
the mere force of observance, though much of it, 
doubtless, became perverted, and some part of it 
perhaps obsolete, through the neglect of the priests. 
The command of Moses, which laid upon the king 
the obligation of making a copy of the Law for 
himself, had of course long been disregarded. Here 
and there perhaps only some prophet or righteous 
man possessed a copy of the sacred book. The 
bulk of the nation were without it. The oral 
transmission of the Law and the living witness of 
the prophets had superseded the written document, 
till at last it had become so scarce as to be almost 
unknown (so Mr. Perowne; but see Education). 
On carefully weighing all the evidence hitherto ad- 
duced, Mr. Perowne concludes that we can hardly 
question, without a literary skepticism, which would 
be most unreasonable, that the Pentateuch is to a 
very considerable extent as early as the time of 
Moses, though it may have undergone many later 
revisions and corrections, the last of these being 
certainly as late as the time of Ezra. He supposes 
that the first composition of the Pentateuch as a 
whole could not have taken place till after the Is- 
raelites entered Canaan, but that Joshua and the 
elders associated with him provided for its formal 
arrangement, custody, and transmission, while the 



4 Says Prof. B. B. Edwards (in B. S. ii. 393), " In four 
of the earlier prophets, Isaiah (i.-xxxix.), Micah, Hosca, 
and Amos, there are more than 800 traces of the existence 
of the Pentateuch in its present form." (See Tuck's Com- 
mentary on Genesis.) 

63 



whole vtork did not assume its present shape till its 
revision was undertaken by Ezra after the Babylo- 
nish captivity. But evidence, both internal and ex- 
ternal, — from the Pentateuch itself and from the 
other Scriptures, both of the O. and N. T., from its 
full correspondence with the known history and pe- 
culiarities of the Hebrew nation, from its universal 
reception as the work of Moses by Jews and Chris- 
tians, Samaritans and heathens, from the most an- 
cient times, from the utter unsatisfactoriness of any 
other theory of its origin, and the manifold and ir- 
reconcilable differences and inconsistencies of 
those who dispute its Mosaic authorship, — sustains 
the view that the Pentateuch as a whole was written 
by Moses or under his direction, and is a part of the 
inspired word of God. Says Prof. G. C. M. Douglas 
(in Fairbairn, article Pentateuch), " A person may 
hold the common opinion that Moses wrote the 
Pentateuch, and yet along with this may also hold 
(rightly or wrongly) that there are elements in it 
which are not from the hand of Moses, but which 
have come to be incorporated with it by accidents 
to which all very ancient books are liable." (For 
further information, see the articles on the several 
books; also Abraham; Adultery; Aholibamah ; 
Amram 1 ; Anah ; Argob ; Army ; Assyria ; Bashe- 
math ; Beer-sheba ; Bethel 1 ; Bible ; Blood, 
Avenger of ; Canaan 1 ; Canon ; Census ; Chro- 
nology ; City of Refuge ; Congregation ; Cre- 
ation ; Day ; Divorce ; Earth ; Egypt ; Elder ; 
Esau ; Exodus, the ; Festivals ; Firmament ; Gen- 
ealogy ; God ; Goshen ; Ham ; Havoth-jair ; 
Heaven ; Hebrew ; Hobab ; Inspiration ; Isaac ; 
Jacob 1 ; Japheth ; Jehovah ; Jethro ; Joseph 1 ; 
Korah 4 ; Law of Moses ; Levites ; Man ; Mar- 
riage ; Miracles ; Noah ; Old Testament ; Pass- 
over ; Patriarch ; Priest ; Prophet ; Sabbath ; 
Sacrifice ; Sea, the Salt ; Shem ; Slave ; Sodom ; 
Tabernacle ; Tithes ; Tongues, Confusion of ; 
Wilderness of the Wandering ; Writing, &c.) — 
IV. It is of importance to consider separately the 
question in regard to Deuteronomy. All modern 
critics allow that the Book of the Covenant in Ex- 
odus, perhaps a great part of Leviticus, and some 
part of Numbers were written by Israel's greatest 
leader and prophet. But Deuteronomy, it is al- 
leged, is in style and purpose so utterly unlike the 
genuine writings of Moses, that it is quite impossible 
to believe that he is the author. But how, then, 
set aside the express testimony of the book itself? 
How explain the fact that Moses is there said to 
have written all the words of this Law, to have con- 
signed it to the custody of the priests, and to have 
charged the Levites sedulously to preserve it by the 
side of the Ark ? Only by the bold assertion that 
the fiction was invented by a later writer, who chose 
to personate the great Lawgiver in order to give 
the more color of consistency to his work ! But, 
besides the fact that Deuteronomy claims to have 
been written by Moses, other evidence establishes 
the great antiquity of the book. I. It is remark- 
able for its allusions to Egypt, which are just what 
would be expected supposing Moses to have been 
the author. In Deut. xx. 5 there is an allusion to 
Egyptian regulations in time of war ; in xxv. 2 to 
the Egyptian bastinado; in xi. 10 to the Egyptian 
mode of irrigation. Again, among the curses threat- 
ened are the sicknesses of Egypt, xxviii. 60 (com- 
pare vii. 15). According to xxviii. 68, Egypt is the 
type of all the oppressors of Israel. The remem- 
brance of Egyptian bondage is used as a motive in 
enforcing the obligations of the Book (v. 15, xxiv. 



834 



PEN 



PEN 



18, 22; compare Lev. xix. 34). Lastly, references 
to the sojourning in Egypt are numerous (Deut. vi. 
21-23; vii. 8, 18, xi. 3,'xvii. 16). The phraseology 
of the book, and the archaisms found in it, stamp it 
as of the same age with the rest of the Pentateuch. 
2. A fondness for the use of figures is another pecu- 
liarity of Deuteronomy (xxix. 17, 18, xxviii. 13, 44, 
i. 31, 44, viii. 5, xxviii. 29, 49). The results are 
most surprising when we compare Deuteronomy with 
the Book of the Covenant (Ex. xix.-xxiv.) on the 
one hand, and with Ps. xc. (which is said to be Mo- 
saic) on the other. (Compare Ex. xxiv. 17 with 
Deut. iv. 24, ix. 3 ; Ex. xix. 4 with Deut. xxxii. 11 ; 
Ps. xc. 17 with Deut. ii. 7, xiv. 29, xvi. 15, &c.) 
In addition to all these peculiarities which are ar- 
guments for the Mosaic authorship of the Book, we 
have here, too, the evidence strong and clear of 
post-Mosaic times and writings. The attempt, by a 
wrong interpretation of 2 K. xxii. and 2 Chr. xxxiv. 
to bring down Deuteronomy as low as the time of 
Manasseh, fails utterly. A century earlier the Jew- 
ish prophets borrow their words and their thoughts 
from Deuteronomy (e. g. Am. ii. 9, iv. 11, ix. 7 ; 
Hos. iv. 13, viii. 12, 13, xi. 3, xiii. 6 ; Is. i. 2 ; Mic. 
vi. 4, 8, 13-16). Since, then, not only Jeremiah and 
Ezekiel, but Amos and Hosea, Isaiah and Micah, 
speak in the words of Deuteronomy as well as in 
words borrowed from other portions of the Penta- 
teuch, we see at once how untenable is the theory 
of those who, like Ewald, maintain that Deuteron- 
omy «'as composed during the reign of Manasseh, 
or, as Vaihinger does, during that of Hezekiah. 
But, in truth, the Book speaks for itself. No imi- 
tator could have written in such a strain. We 
scarcely need the express testimony of the work to 
its own authorship. But, having it, we find (so Mr. 
Perowne) all the internal evidence conspiring to 
show that it came from Moses, excepting the con- 
cluding part. It is not probable that it was written 
before the three preceding books, because the legis- 
lation in Exodus and Leviticus, as being the more 
formal, is manifestly the earlier, whilst Deuteronomy 
is the spiritual interpretation and application of the 
Law. But the letter is always before the spirit; the 
thing before its interpretation. 

Pcn'tc-COSt (fr. Gr. pentecoste = the fi ftieth sc. day 
from the second day of the feast of unleavened 
bread or the Passover) (Acts ii. 1, xx. 16 ; 1 Cor. 
xvi. 8), also called " the feast of harvest, the first- 
fruits of thy labors" (Ex. xxiii. 16); "the feast of 
weeks " (xxxiv. 22 ; Deut. xvi. 10) ; " the day of the 
first-fruits " (Num. xxviii. 26, compare Lev. xxiii. 
17); the second of the great festivals of the He- 
brews. It fell in due course on the sixth day of 
Sivan, and its rites, according to the Law, were re- 
stricted to a single day. The most important pas- 
sages in the 0. T. relating to it are, Ex. xxiii. 16, 
Lev. xxiii. 15-22, Num. xxviii. 26-31, Deut. xvi. 9- 
1 2. — I. The time of the festival was calculated from 
the second day of the Passover, the sixteenth of 
Nisan. The Law prescribes that a reckoning should 
he kept from " the morrow after the Sabbath " 1 to 
the morrow after the completion of the seventh 
week, which would of course be the fiftieth day 



1 It lias been generally held that the " Sabbath " here = 
the first day of"holy convocation of the Passover, the fif- 
teenth of Nisan, mentioned Lev. xxiii. 7 (compare 24, 32, 
39). Some have made the " Sabbath " here = the seventh 
day of the week, or the Sabbath of creation, as the Jewish 
writers have called it. ; and thns the day of Pentecost 
would always fall on the first day of the week. But Bahr 
proves from Josh. v. 11 and Lev. xxiii. 14 that the omer 
was offered on the sixteenth Nisan. (Passover, II. 3 g.) 



(Lev. xxiii. 11, 15, 16; Deut. xvi. 9). The fifty 
days formally included the period of grain-harvest, 
commencing with the offering of the first sheaf of 
the barley-harvest in the Passover, and ending with 
that of the two first loaves which were made from 
the wheat-harvest, at this festival. The offering of 
these two loaves was the distinguishing rite of the 
day of Pentecost. They were to be leavened. Each 
loaf was to contain the tenth of an ephah (i. e. about 
3i quarts) of the finest wheat-flour of the new crop 
(Lev. xxiii. 17). The flour was to be the produce 
of the land. The loaves, with a peace-offering of 
two lambs of the first year, were to be waved before 
the Lord and given to the priests. At the same 
time a special sacrifice was to be made of seven 
lambs of the first year, one young bullock, and two 
rams, as a burnt-offering (accompanied by the proper 
meat and drink-offerings), and a kid for a sin-offer- 
ing (xxiii. 18, 19). Besides these offerings, if we 
adopt the interpretation of the Rabbinical writers, 
an addition was made to the daily sacrifice of two 
bullocks, one ram, and seven lambs, as a burnt- 
offering (Num. xxviii. 27). At this, as well as the 
other festivals, a free-will-offering was to be made by 
each person who came to the sanctuary, according 
to his circumstances (Deut. xvi. 10). It would 
seem that its festive character partook of a 
more free and hospitable liberality than that of the 
Passover, which was rather of the kind which be- 
longs to the mere family-gathering. In this respect 
it resembled the Feast of Tabernacles. The Levite, 
the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, were to 
be brought within its influence (xvi. 11, 14). The 
mention of the gleanings to be left in the fields at 
harvest for " the poor and the stranger," in connec- 
tion with Pentecost, may perhaps have a bearing on 
the liberality which belonged to the festival (Lev. 
xxiii. 22). At Pentecost (as at the Passover) the 
people were to be reminded of their bondage in 
Egypt, and they were especially admonished of their 
obligation to keep the divine Law (Deut. xvi. 12). — 
II. Of the information from Jewish writers respect- 
ing the observance of Pentecost, the following par- 
ticulars appear worthy of notice : The flour for the 
loaves was sifted with peculiar care twelve times 
over. They were made either the day before, or, in 
the event of a Sabbath preceding the day of Pente- 
cost, two days before the occasion. Each loaf was 
seven palms long, four broad, and four fingers high. 
The two lambs for a peace-offering were to be waved 
by the priest, before they were slaughtered, along 
with the loaves, and afterward the loaves were waved 
a second time along with the shoulders of the lambs. 
One loaf was given to the high-priest, and the other 
to the ordinary priests who officiated. The bread 
was eaten that same night in the Temple, and no 
fragment of it was suffered to remain till the morn- 
ing. Although, according to the Law, the observ- 
ance of Pentecost lasted but a single day, the Jews 
in foreign countries, since the Captivity, have pro- 
longed it to two days. (First-fruits.) — III. Doubts 
have been cast on the common interpretation of 
Acts ii. 1, according to which the Holy Ghost was 
given to the apostles on the day of Pentecost. 
Lightfoot contends that the passage means, when the 
day of Pentecost had passed. He supposes that Pente- 
cost fell that year on the Sabbath, and that the dis- 
ciples on the ensuing Lord's day " were all with one 
accord in one place ; " but Neander maintains the 
common interpretation The question on what day 
of the week this Pentecost fell, must of course be 
determined by the mode in which the doubt is 



PENT 



PER 



835 



solved regarding the day on which the Last Supper 
was eaten. (Passover III.) If it was the legal 
paschal supper, on the fourteenth of Nisan, and the 
Sabbath during which our Lord lay in the grave was 
the day of the omer, Pentecost must have followed 
on the Sabbath. But if the Supper was eaten on 
the thirteenth, and He was crucified on the four- 
teenth, the Sunday of the Resurrection must have 
been the day of the omer, and Pentecost must have 
occurred on the first day of the week. — IV. There 
is no clear notice in the Scriptures of any historical 
significance belonging to Pentecost. But most of 
the Jews of later times have regarded the day as 
the commemoration of the giving of the Law on 
Mount Sinai (Ex. xix., xx.). — V. If the feast of 
Pentecost stood without an organic connection with 
any other rites, we should have no certain warrant 
in the 0. T. for regarding it as more than the di- 
vinely appointed solemn thanksgiving for the yearly 
supply of the most useful sort of food. But it was, 
as we have seen, essentially linked on to the Pass- 
over, that festival which, above all others, expressed 
the fact of a race chosen and separated from other 
nations. It was not an insulated day. It stood as 
the culminating point of the Pentecostal season, the 
interval between the Passover and Pentecost being 
evidently regarded as a religious season (so Mr. 
Clark, original author of this article). If the offer- 
ing of the omer (Passover, II. 3, g) was a supplica- 
tion for the Divine blessing on the harvest which 
was just commencing, and the offering of the two 
loaves was a thanksgiving for its completion, each 
rit# was brought into a higher significance in con- 
sequence of the omer forming an integral part of 
the Passover. 

Pe-nu'el (Heb. = Peniel), the usual, and possibly 
the original, form of the name of a place which 
first appears as Peniel (Gen. xxxii. 30, 31). From 
this narrative it is evident that it lay somewhere 
between the Jabbok and Succoth 1 (compare xxxii. 
22 with xxxiii. 17, and Judg. viii. 5, 8). Gideon 
destroyed the tower of Penuel and slew the men of 
the city (Judg. viii. 8, 9, 17) : Jeroboam rebuilt or 
fortified Penuel (1 K. xii. 25). Its site is unknown. 

* Pe-nu'el (see above). 1. In the genealogies of 
Judah "the father (or founder) of Gedor" (1 Chr. 
iv. 4).— 2, A Benjamite chief who dwelt at Jerusa- 
lem ; son of Shashak (viii. 25). 

Pe'or (Heb. opening, cleft, Ges.). 1. A mountain 
in Moab, to the top of which the Prophet Balaam 
was conducted by Balak for his final conjurations 
(Num. xxiii. 28 only). Peor — or, more accurately, 
"the Peor" — was "facing Jeshimon." The same 
is said of Pisgah. In the Onomaslicon it is stated 
to be above the town of Libias (the ancient Beth- 
aram), and opposite Jericho. — i. In four passages 
(Num. xxv. 18 twice, xxxi. 16 ; Josh. xxii. 17) Peor 
is a contraction for Baal-peor. 

Per'a-zim (Heb. breaches, defeats, Ges.), Mount* 
A name which occurs in Is. xxviii. 21 only — unless 
the place which it designates = the Baal-perazim 
mentioned as the scene of one of David's victories 
over the Philistines. The commentators almost 
unanimously take the reference to be to David's 
victories above alluded to, at Baal-perazim, and 
Gibeon (Gesenius, Stracheyj ; or to the former of 
these on the one hand, and Joshua's slaughter of 
the Canaanites at Gibeon and Beth-horon on the 
other (Eichhorn, Rosenmuller, Michaelis). 

* Per-di'tion [-dish'un]. Damnation 1. — Son of 
perdition = one doomed to perdition, Rbn. 2f. T. 
Lex. Antichrist ; Judas Iscariot. 



* Pe'rcs (Chal.) (Dan. v. 28). Mene, &c. 
Pe'resh (Heb. dung, Ges.), son of Machir by his 

wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 16). 

Perez (fr. Heb.) = Pharez, the son of Judah. 
The " children of Perez " appear to have been a 
family of importance for many centuries (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 3; Neh. xi. 4, 6). 

Pe'rez-nz'za ( 1 Chr. xiii. 11); and 

Pe'rez-uz'zali (2 Sam. vi. 8) (both fr. Heb. = 
" the breach of Uzza " or " of Uzzah," A. V. mar- 
gin ; defeat of Uzzah, Ges.; Uzzah's breaking, Mr. 
Grove), the title which David conferred on Nachon's 
threshing-floor (Chidon), in commemoration of 
the sudden death of Uzzah. The situation of the 
spot is not known. 

* Per fect (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of vari- 
ous Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek words, the prin- 
cipal of which are — 1. Heb. cdlil (Ez. xvi. 14, xxvii. 
3, xxviii. 12), once translated "perfection" (Lam. 
ii. 15), "all" (Ex. xxviii. 31, xxxix. 22), "wholly" 
(Lev. vi. 22, 23 [Heb. 15, 16] ; Num. iv. 6 ; 1 Sam. 
vii. 9), "utterly" (Is. ii. 18), &c. Of kindred words, 
the verb cdlal is translated " to perfect " (Ez. xxvii. 
4), "to make perfect" (11); the plural noun mich- 
lolh (2 Chr. iv. 21 only) is translated "perfect," 
margin "perfections of ;" and michldl (Ps. 1. 2 only) 
is "perfection." — 2. Heb. shdlem (Deut. xxv. 15 
twice ; 1 K. viii. 61, xi. 4, xv. 3, 14 ; 2 K. xx. 3 ; 1 
Chr. xii. 38, xxviii. 9, xxix. 9, 19 ; 2 Chr. xv. 17, 
xvi. 9, xix. 9, xxv. 2 ; Prov. xi. 1 margin ; Is. 
xxxviii. 3), also translated " perfected " (2 Chr. viii. 
16), "made ready" (1 K. vi. 7), "whole" (Deut, 

xxvii. 6 ; Josh. viii. 31 ; Am. i. 6, 9), " full " (Gen. 
xv. 16; Ru, ii. 12), "just" (Prov. xi. ^"peace- 
able" (Gen. xxxiv. 21), "quiet" (Nah. i. 12, mar- 
gin " at peace "). Of kindred words shdlom is usu 
ally translated " peace," and shelem "peace-offer- 
ing." — 3. Heb. noun tachlith once (Ps. cxxxix. 22), 
twice "perfection" (Job xi. 7, xxviii. 3), twice 
" end " (Neh. iii. 21 ; Job xxvi. 10). The kindred 
noun tichldh is translated " perfection " (Ps. cxix. 
96 only). — 4. Heb. tdm (Job i. 1, 8, ii. 3, viii. 20, ix. 
20, 21, 22; Ps. xxxvii. 37, lxiv. 4 [Heb. 5]), also 
translated " upright" (Prov. xxix. 10), "undefiled" 
(Cant. v. 2, vi. 9), "plain" (Gen. xxv. 27).— 5. 
Heb. noun torn, kindred to No. 4, once translated 
"perfect" (Ps. ci. 2), once "full" (Job xxi. 23), 
once "perfection" (Is. xlvii. 9), usually "integrity" 
(Gen. xx. 5 [margin " simplicity," or " sincerity "], 
6; 1 K. ix. 4; Ps. vii. 8 [Heb. 9], xxv. 21, xxvi. 1, 
11, xii. 12 [Heb. 13], lxxviii. 72; Prov. xix. 1, xx. 
7), also with a preposition "in simplicity" (2 Sam. 
xv. 11 ; 1 K. xxii. 34 margin; 2 Chr. xviii. 33 mar- 
gin [text in both "at a venture"]), "uprightly" 
(Prov. ii. 7, x. 9), " uprightness " (Job iv. 6 ; Prov. 

xxviii. 6), " upright " (Prov. x. 29, xiii. 6) ; used in 
plural in " Urim and Thummim." — 6. Heb. tdmim, 
kindred to No. 4 and 5 (Gen. vi. 9, xvii. 1 ; Lev. xxii. 
21 ; Deut. xviii. 13, xxxii. 4 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 41 ; 2 Sam. 
xxii. 31, 33 ; Job xxxvi. 4, xxxvii. 16 ; Ps. xviii. 30, 
32 [Heb. 31, 33], xix. 7 [Heb. 8], ci. 2, 6, cxix. 1 
margin ; Prov. ii. 21, xi. 5 ; Ez. xxviii. 15), usually 
translated " without blemish " (Ex. xii. 5, xxix. 1 ; 
often in Lev., Num., and Ez.), sometimes " without 
spot" (Num. xix. 2, xxviii. 3, 9, 11, xxix. 17, 26), 
also "undefiled " (Ps. cxix. 1), "upright" (Gen. vi. 
9 margin, xvii. 1 margin ; Deut. xviii. 13 margin ; 
2 Sam. xxii. 24, 26 ; Job xii. 4 ; Ps. xviii. 23, 25 
[Heb. 24, 26], xxxvii. 18; Prov. xi. 20, xxviii. 10), 
uprightly " (Ps. xv. 2, lxxxiv. 11 [Heb. 12] ; Prov. 
xxviii. 18; Am. v. 10), "sincere" (Gen. xvii. 1 
margin; Deut. xviii. 13 margin; Ps. cxix. 1 mar- 



836 



PER 



PER 



gin), " sincerity " (Josh. xxiv. 14), " sincerely " 
(Judg. ix. 16, 19), "whole" (Lev. iii. 9; Josh. x. 
13 ; Prov. i. 12 ; Ez. xv. 5), " complete " (Lev. xxiii. 
15), "full" (xxv. 30), "sound" (Ps. cxix. 80), " in- 
nocent" (1 Sam. xiv. 41 margin). — 7. Gr. adv. 
akribos once (Lk. i. 3), translated once "perfectly" 
(1 Th. v. 2), twice "diligently" (Mat. ii. 8; Acts 
xviii. 25), once "circumspectly" (Eph. v. 15). The 
kindred noun akribeia is translated " perfect man- 
ner " (Acts xxii. 3 only) ; the comparative adjective 
okribrsteron (used adverbially) is translated "more 
perfect" (xxiv. 24), and "more perfectly " (xviii. 
26, xxiii. 15, 20) ; the superlative akribestatos is 
translated " most straitest " (xxvi. 5). — 8. Gr. artios 
(2 Tim. iii. 17 only). Several kindred compounds 
also occur, viz. the verb katartizo, translated " to 
make perfect" (Heb. xiii. 21; 1 Pet. v. 10), (in 
passive) " to be perfect " (Lk. vi. 40 ; 2 Cor. xiii. 
11), "to perfect" (Mat. xxi. 16; 1 Th. iii. 10), (in 
passive) "to be perfectly joined together" (1 Cor. 
i. 10), " to mend " (Mat. iv. 21 ; Mk. i. 19), "to re- 
store " (Gal. vi. 1), "to prepare" (Heb. x. 5), (in 
passive) " to be fitted " (Rom. ix. 22), " to frame " 
(Heb xi. 3); the noun katartisis, translated "per- 
fection " (2 Cor. xiii. 9 only) ; and the noun katar- 
tismos, translated "perfecting" (Eph. iv. 12). — 9. 
Gr. participle pepleroinmos (Rev. iii. 2), from the 
verb pleroo, usually translated "to fulfil" (Mat. i. 
22, ii. 15, 17, 23, iii. 15, and often in the Gospels, 
Acts, &c), also "to fill" (Lk. ii. 40, iii. 5; Jn. xii. 
3, xvi. 6 ; Acts ii. 2, v. 3, 28, xiii. 52 ; Rom. i. 29, 
xv. 13, 14; 2 Cor. vii. 4 ; Eph. i. 23, iii. 19, iv. 10, 
v. 18; Phil. i. 11; Col. i. 9 ; 2 Tim. i. 4), "to fill 
up " (Mat. xxiii. 32), (in passive) "to be full " (xiii. 
48; Jn. xv. 11, xvi. 24; Phil. iv. 18; 1 Jn. i. 4; 2 
Jn. 12), (in passive) " to be complete" (Col. ii. 10, 
iv. 12), "to end" (Lk. vii. 1; Acts xix. 21), "to 
accomplish" (Lk. ix. 31), "to supply " (Phil. iv. 
19), &c. — 10. Gr. telnos (Mat. v. 48 twice, xix. 21 ; 
Rom. xii. 2; 1 Cor. ii. 6, xiii. 10; Eph. iv. 13; Phil, 
iii. 15; Col. i. 28, iv. 12; Heb. ix. 11; Jas. i. 4 
twice, 17, 25, iii. 2 ; 1 Jn. iv. 18), once translated 
' of full age" (Heb. v. 14), and once "men" (1 
Cor. xiv. 20). Of kindred words, the noun leleioics 
is once translated " perfectness " (Col. iii. 14), and 
once "perfection" (Heb. vi. 1); teleioUs is trans- 
lated " finisher " (Heb. xii. 2 only) ; the verb teleind 



is translated "to make perfect" (Jn. xvii. 23; 2 
Cor. xii. 9 ; Heb. ii. 10, v. 9, vii. 19, ix. 9, x. 1, xi. 
40, xii. 23; Jas. ii. 22; 1 Jn. iv. 17, 18), "to per- 
fect" (Lk. xiii. 32 ; Heb. x. 14; 1 Jn. ii. 5, iv. 12), 
(in passive) "to be perfect" (Phil. iii. 12), "to 
finish " (Jn. iv. 34, v. 36, xvii. 4 ; Acts xx. 24), " to 
fulfil" (Lk. ii. 43; Jn. xix. 28), "to consecrate" 
(Heb. vii. 28); the noun teleidsis is once translated 
"performance" (Lk. i. 45), and once "perfection" 
(Heb. vii. 11); the compound verb hksphoreo is 
translated " to bring fruit to perfection " (Lk. viii. 
14 only) ; the compound verb epiteleo is once trans- 
lated "to perfect" (2 Cor. vii. 1), once "to make 
perfect" (Gal. iii. 3), elsewhere "to do" (Lk. xiii. 
32), "to perform" (Rom. xv. 28; 2 Cor. viii. 11 ; 
Phil. i. 6), " to be a performance " (2 Cor. viii. 11), 
" to finish " (viii. 6), " to accomplish " (Heb. ix. 6 ; 
1 Pet. v. 9), "to make" (Heb. viii. 5). Faith; 
Love ; Sanctification, &c. 

* Per-fcc'tion (fr. L.). Perfect. 

Per-fnmes'. The free use of perfumes was pecu- 
liarly grateful to the Orientals (Prov. xxvii. 9), 
whose olfactory nerves are more than usually sensi- 
tive to the offensive smells engendered by the heat 
of their climate. The Hebrews manufactured their 
perfumes chiefly from spices imported from Arabia, 
though to a certain extent also from aromatic plants 
growing in their own country. The modes in which 
they applied them were various. (Alabaster; Or- 
naments, Personal, &c.) Perfumes entered largely 
into the Temple-service, in the two forms of in- 
cense and ointment (Ex. xxx. 22-38). Nor were 
they less used in private life : not only were they 
applied to the person, but to garments (Ps. xiv. 8 ; 
Cant. iv. 11), and to articles of furniture, such as 
beds (Prov. vii. 17). On the arrival of a guest the 
same compliments were probably paid in ancient as 
in modern times (Dan. ii. 46). When a royal per- 
sonage went abroad in his litter, attendants threw 
up " pillars of smoke " about his path (Cant. iii. 6). 
The use of perfumes was omitted in times of mourn- 
ing, whence the allusion in Is. iii. 24. 

Fer'ga (L. fr. Gr. ; compare Pergamos), an an- 
cient and important city of Pampiiylia, situated on 
the river Cestrus, sixty stadia from its mouth, and 
celebrated in antiquity for the worship of Artemis 
(Diana), whose temple stood on a hill outside the 




Perga, Part of the Ancient Wall. — From Texier and Pullan, Byzantine Architecture. — (Fbn.) 



town. The Cestrus was navigable to Perga; and 
St. Paul landed here on his voyage from Paphos 
(Acts xiii. 13). He visited Perga again on his return 
from the interior of Pamphylia, and preached the 



Gospel there (xiv. 25). There are still extensive 
remains of Perga at a spot called by the Turks 
Eski-Kdlesi. 

Per'ga-mos (Gr. ; popularly derived from Perga- 



PER 



PER 



837 



mus, son of Pyrrhus, who settled there ; but ap- 
parently connected with Gr. purgos = a tower, and 
Eng. burgh, in names of places, L. & S.), a city of 
Mysia, about three miles N. of the river Bakyr- 
tehai, the Caicus of antiquity, and twenty miles 
from its present mouth. The name was originally 
given to a remarkable hill, presenting a conical ap- 
pearance when viewed from the plain, and strongly 
fortified by nature and art. The local mythological 
legends attached a sacred character to this place. 
Lysimachus, one of Alexander's successors, depos- 
ited in the temple or castle there an enormous sum 
— 9,000 talents — in the care of an Asiatic eunuch 
named Philetaerus. In the troublous times which 
followed, this officer betrayed his trust, declared 
himself independent (about b. c. 283), and retain- 
ing the treasure transmitted it at the end of twenty 
years to his nephew Eumenes. Eumenes was suc- 



ceeded by his cousin Attalus, founder of the At- 
talic dynasty of Pergamene kings, who by allying 
himself with the rising Roman power kid the foun- 
dation of the future greatness of his house. His 
successor, Eumenes II., was rewarded for his fidelity 
to the Romans in their wars with Antiochus the 
Great and Perseus by a gift of all the territory 
which the former had possessed N. of the Taurus 
range. The Attalic dynasty terminated b. c. 133, 
when Attalus III., dying at an early age, made the 
Romans his heirs. His dominions formed the prov- 
ince of Asia Proper. The sumptuousness of the At- 
talic princes had raised Pergamos to the rank of 
the most splendid city in Asia. It was a sort of 
union of a pagan cathedral-city, a university-town, 
and a royal residence. Its library rivalled that of 
Alexandria. The impulse given to the art of pre- 
paring sheepskins for writing has left its record in 




Pergamos. — (Kitto.) 



the name parchment (L. charta pergamena, i. e. pa- 
per of Pergamos). But the great glory of the city 
was the Nicephorium, a grove of extreme beauty, 
laid out as a thank-offering for a victory over Anti- 
ochus, in which was an assemblage of temples, 
probably of Jupiter, Minerva, Apollo, --Esculapius, 
Bacchus, and Venus. Under the Attalic kings, Per- 
gamos became a city of temples, devoted to a sen- 
suous worship ; and being in its origin, according 
to pagan notions, a sacred place, might not unnat- 
urally be viewed by Jews and Jewish Christians as 
one "where was the throne of Satan" (Rev. ii. 13). 
After the extinction of its independence, the sacred 
character of Pergamos seems to have been put even 
more prominently forward. ^Esculapius, the god 
of medicine, was called " the Pergamene god." His 
grove was recognized by the Roman senate in the 
reign of Tiberius as possessing the rights of sanctu- 
ary. From this notoriety of the Pergamene JEscu- 
lapius, from the title " Savior " being given to him, 
from the serpent being his characteristic emblem, 
and from the fact that the medical practice of an- 
tiquity included charms and incantations among its 
agencies, it has been supposed that the expressions 



" the throne of Satan " and " where Satan dwelleth " 
have an especial reference to this one pagan deity, 
and not to the whole city as a sort of focus of idol- 
atrous worship. But although undoubtedly the 
Jllsculapius worship of Pergamos was the most fa- 
mous, yet an inscription of the time of Marcus An- 
toninus distinctly puts Jupiter, Minerva, Bacchus, 
and Jisculapius in a coordinate rank, as all being 
special tutelary deities of Pergamos. It seems un- 
likely, therefore (so Mr. Blakesley), that the expres- 
sions above quoted should be so interpreted as to 
isolate one of them from the rest. The charge 
against a portion of the Pergamene Church that 
some among them were of the school of Balaam, 
whose policy was to put a stumbling-block before 
the children of Israel, by inducing them to eat 
things sacrificed to idols and to commit fornication 
(Rev. ii. 14), is in both its particulars very inap- 
propriate to the .(Esculapian ritual. It points rather 
to the worship of Bacchus and Venus. (Antipas 
2 ; Nicolaitans.) The remains of Pergamos (the- 
atre, baths, fragments of temples, church of St. 
John, &c.) are magnificent. The modern town, 
Bergama or Bergamo, has about 20,000 inhabitants, 



838 



PER 



PER 



including 1,600 to 2,000 Christians, who have sev- 
eral churches (Rev. H. Christmas, in Fairbairn). 

Pe-ri'da (Iieb. kernel, Ges.), ancestor of certain 
"children of Solomon's servants" who returned 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 57) ; = 
Peroda. 

Per iz-zite, the, and Pcr'iz-zitcs (both fr. Heb. 
sing. = a countryman, rustic, Ges. ; often used col- 
lectively), one of the nations inhabiting the Land 
of Promise before and at the time of its conquest 
by Israel. They are continually mentioned in the 
formula so frequently occurring to express the 
Promised Land (Gen. xv. 20 ; Ex. iii. 8, 17, xxiii. 23, 
xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11 ; Deut. vii. 1, xx. 17 ; Josh. iii. 
10, ix. 1, xxiv. 11 ; Judg. iii. 5 ; Ezr. ix. 1 ; Neh. 
ix. 8). " The Canaanite and the Perizzite " appear 
with somewhat greater distinctness on several occa- 
sions (Gen. xiii. 7, xxxiv. 30; Judg. i. 4, 5 ; 2 Esd. 
i. 21). The notice in Judges locates them in the 
southern part of the Holy Land. Josh. xvii. 15-18 
seems to speuk of them as occupying, with the 



called the Chehl-Minar or Forty Pillars. Here, on 
a platform hewn out of the solid rock, the sides 
of which face the four cardinal points, are the re- 
mains of two great palaces, built respectively by 
Darius Hystaspis and his son Xerxes, besides a num- 
ber of other edifices, chiefly temples. They are of 
great extent and magnificence, covering many acres. 
At the foot of this rock, in the plain now called 
Jlerdasht, probably stood the ancient town, built 
chiefly of wood, and now altogether effaced. After 
the time of Antiochus Epiphanes it disappeared 
from history as an inhabited place. 

Per'se-ns [pronounced in Greek or Latin per'suse ; 
compare Menestheus, Nereus] (Gr.), eldest son of 
Philip V. and last king of Macedonia. After his 
lather's death (b. c. 179) he continued the prepara- 
tions for the renewal of the war with Rome, which 
was seen to be inevitable. In b. c. 168 he was de- 
feated by Lucius ^Emilius Paulusat Pydna, and short- 
ly afterward surrendered with his family to his con- 
querors. He graced the triumph of Paulus, and 
died in honorable retirement at Alba. The defeat 
of Perseus put an end to the independence of Mace- 
donia, and extended even to Syria the terror of the 
Roman name (1 Mc. viii. 5). 

Per'sia [-sha; in Latin -she-a ; compare Asia] (L. ; 
Gr. Persis ; Heb. Paras ; derived by some [so Ge- 
senius] fr. Zend purs = pure, splendid ; by others 



Rephaim, or "giants," the "forest country" on the 
western flanks of Mount Carmel. They are men- 
tioned as a tribe of mountaineers in Josh. xi. 3, xii. 
8 ; and are catalogued among the old population 
whom Solomon reduced to bondage (1 K. ix. 20; 2 
Chr. viii. 7). 

* Per'jn-ry. Law of Moses ; Oath ; Punish- 
ments. 

Pcr-sep'o-lis (Gr. city of the Persians), mentioned 
only in 2 Mc. ix. 2, was the capital of Persia Proper, 
and the occasional residence of the Persian court 
from the time of Darius Hystaspis, who seems to 
have been its founder, to the invasion of Alexander 
the Great, who wantonly burned it. The temples, 
which were of stone, may have escaped destruction 
or have been soon restored, since they were still 
the depositories of treasure in the time of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. .Pasargadrc, the more ancient capital, 
was (so Rawlinson) at Murg-Aub, where the tomb 
of Cyrus may still be seen ; Persepolis was forty- 
two miles S. of this, near Islakher, on the site now 



fr. Heb. pdrdsh = horse, since Persia abounds in 
horses ; by Herodotus from their legendary founder 
Perses, son of Perseus and Andromeda) was strictly 
the name of a tract of no very large dimensions on 
the Persian Gulf, which is still known as Pars, or 
Farsislan, a corruption of the ancient appellation. 
This tract was bounded on the W. by Susiana or 
Elam, on the N. by Media, on the S. by the Persian 
Gulf, and on the E. by Carmania, the modern Ker- 
man. It was generally arid and unproductive, with 
some fertile spots. The worst part, toward the S., 
on the borders of the gulf, is like Arabia in climate 
and soil. Above this miserable region is a tract 
very far superior to it, consisting of rocky moun- 
tains — the continuation of Zagros, among which are 
fertile valleys and plains, especially toward the N., 
in the vicinity of Shiraz. Here is an important 
stream, the Bendamir, which flowing through the 
beautiful valley of Merdashi, and by the ruins of 
Persepolis, is then separated into numerous chan- 
nels for irrigation, and, after fertilizing a large tract 
of country (the district of Kurjan), ends its course 
in the salt-lake of Baktigan. Vines, oranges, and 
lemons are abundant in this region. Further N. 
an arid country again succeeds, the outskirts of the 
Great Desert, which extends from Kerman to Ma- 
zenderan, and from Kaslian to Lake Zerrah. The 
chief towns were Pasargada?, the ancient, and Per- 




Persepolia. 



PER 



PER 



839 



sepolis, the later capital. While Pars is the original 
Persia, the name is more commonly applied, both 
in Scripture and by profane authors, to the entire 
tract which came by degrees to be included within 
the Persian Empire. This empire extended at one 
time from India on the E. to Egypt and Thrace on 
the W., and included, besides portions of Europe 
and Africa, the whole of Western Asia between the 
Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Caspian, and the 
Jaxartes on the N., and the Arabian Desert, Per- 
sian Gulf, and Indian Ocean on the S. The only 
passage in Scripture where Persia designates the 
tract which has been called above "Persia Proper" 
is Ez. xxxviii. 5 (so Rawlinson). Elsewhere the em- 
pire is intended (2 Chr. xxxvi. 20 ; Esth. i. 3, &c). 
Persians. 

Per'sian [-shan], pi. Per'sians f-shanz] (Heb. 
Parsi ; Gr. Perses, pi. Persai ; see Persia), the 
name of the people who inhabited " Persia Proper," 
and who thence conquered a mighty empire. There 
is reason to believe (so Prof. Rawlinson, original 
author of this article) that the Persians were of the 
same race as the Medes, both being branches of the 
great Aryan stock. — 1. Character of the Nation. 
The Persians were a people of lively and impressible 
minds, brave and impetuous in war, witty, passion- 
ate, for Orientals truthful, not without some spirit 
of generosity, and of more intellectual capacity than 
the generality of Asiatics. In the times anterior to 
Cyrus they were noted for the simplicity of their 
habits, which offered a strong contrast to the lux- 
uriousness of the Medes ; but from the date of the 
Median overthrow, this simplicity began to decline. 
They adopted the flowing Median robe (of silk?) in 
lieu of the old national costume — a close-fitting tunic 




Old Persian Dre99. 



and trousers of leather. Polygamy was common 
among them. They were fond of the pleasures of 
the table. In war they fought bravely, but with- 
out discipline. — 2. Religion. Like the other Aryans, 
the Persians worshipped one Supreme God, whom 
they called Auramazda (Oromasdes, Ormazd, Or- 
inuzd) — a term signifying (as is believed) the Great 
Giver of Life. The royal inscriptions rarely men- 



tioned any other god. Occasionally, however, they 
indicate a slight and modified polytheism. Oromas- 
des is " the chief of the gods," so that there are 
other gods besides him ; and the highest of these is 
evidently Mithra, who is sometimes invoked to pro- 
tect the monarch, and beyond a doubt = the sun. 
Entirely separate from these — their active resister 
and antagonist — was Ahriman (Arimanius) = the 
Death-dealing — the powerful, and (probably) self-ex- 
isting Evil Spirit, from whom war, disease, frost, hail, 
poverty, sin, death, and all other evils, had their 
origin. (Noah.) Worship was confined to Aura- 
mazda and his good spirits ; Ahriman and his de- 
mons were only feared and hated. The original 
Persian worship was simple. They were not desti- 
tute of temples, but had probably no altars, sacri- 
fices, or priests, and certainly no images. Proces- 
sions were formed, and religious chants — prayer and 
praise intermixed — were sung in their temples, 
whereby the favorof Auramazda and his good spirits 
was supposed to be secured. From the first entrance 
of the Persians, as immigrants, into their new terri- 
tory, they were probably brought into contact with 
a form of religion very different from their own. 
Magianism, the religion of the Scythic or Turanian 
population of Western Asia, had long been dominant 
over the greater portion of the region between Meso- 
potamia and India. The essence of this religion was 
worship of the elements — more especially of fire. 
The simplicity of the Aryan religion was speedily 
corrupted by its contact with this powerful rival. 
There was a short struggle for preeminence, after 
which the rival systems came to terms. Dualism 
was retained, with the names of Auramazda and 
Ahriman, and the special worship of the sun and 
moon under the appellations of Mithra and 
Homa, but to this was superadded the worship 
of the elements and the whole ceremonial of 
Magianism, including the divination to which 
the Magi made pretence. The worship of other 
deities, as Tanata or Anailh, was a still later 
addition. — 8. Language. The language of the 
ancient Persians was closely akin to the San- 
scrit, or ancient language of India. We find it 
in its earliest stage in the Zendavesta — the 
sacred book of the whole Aryan race. Modern 
Persian is its degenerate representative, large- 
ly impregnated with Arabic. — 4. Division into 
Tribes, &<:. Herodotus tells us that the Per- 
sians were divided into ten tribes, of which 
three were noble, three agricultural, and four 
nomadic. — 5. History. In remote antiquity it 
would appear that the Persians dwelt in the 
region E. of the Caspian, or possibly in a tract 
still nearer India. The general line of their 
progress seems to have been from E. to W., 
down the course of the Oxus, and then along 
the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, to 
Rhages and Media. These movements were 
doubtless anterior to B. c. 880, at which time 
the Assyrian kings seem first to have come in 
contact with Aryan tribes E. of Mount Zagros. 
If they are to be identified with the Bartsu or 
Partsu of the Assyrian monuments, we may say 
that from the middle of the ninth to the middle of 
the eighth century b. c. they occupied Southeastern 
Armenia, but by the end of the eighth century had 
removed into the country, which thenceforth went 
by their name. The leader of this last migration 
seems to have been Achaemenes, who was recognized 
as king of the newly-occupied territory, and founded 
the famous dynasty of the Achaemenida;, about b. c. 



840 



PER 



PER 



700. The crown appears to have descended in a right 
line through Tei'spes, Catnbyses I., Cyrus I., and Cam- 
byses II., the father of Cyrus the Conqueror. The 
Persians became tributary to the Medes about B. c. 
630, or a little earlier. After about seventy or 
eighty years of subjection, the Persians, under Cyrus, 
revolted from the Medes, engaged in a bloody strug- 
gle with them, and finally succeeded, not only in 
establishing their independence, but in changing 
places with their masters, and becoming the ruling 
people. The probable date of the revolt is b. c. 
658. Its success, by transferring to Persia the do- 
minion previously in the possession of the Medes, 
placed her at the head of an empire, the bounds of 
which were the Halys on the W., the Euxine on the 
N., Babylonia on the S., and on the E. the salt-desert 
of Iran. As usual in the East, this success led on 
to others. Cyrus defeated Croesus, and added the 
Lydian empire to his dominions. This conquest 
was followed closely by the submission of the Greek 
settlements on the Asiatic coast, and by the reduc- 
tion of Caria, Caunus, and Lycia. The empire was 
soon after extended greatly toward the N. E. and E. 
Cyrus rapidly overran the flat countries beyond the 
Caspian, after which he seems to have pushed his 
conquests still further to the E., adding to his do- 
minions the districts of Herat, Cabul, Caudahar, 




Persian Warriors.— From Persepolia. 



Seistan, and Beloochistan, which were thenceforth 
included in the empire. In b. c. 539 or 538, Baby- 
lon was attacked, and after a stout defence fell. 
(Babel.) This victory first brought the Persians 
into contact with the Jews. The conquerors found 
in Babylon an oppressed race — like themselves, ab- 
horrers of idols — and professors of a religion in which 
to a great extent they could sympathize. (Captiv- 
ity.) This race Cyrus restored to their own coun- 
try by the remarkable edict recorded in Ezr. i. 2-4. 
He was slain in an expedition against the Massagetae 
or the Derbices, after a reign of twenty-nine years. 
Under his son and successor, Catnbyses III., the con- 
quest of Egypt took place (b. c. 525). _ This prince 
appears to be the Ahasuerus of Ezr. iv. 6. In the 
absence of Catnbyses with the army, a conspiracy 
was formed against him at court, and a Magian 
priest, Gomates ( Gaumata) by name, professing to 
be Smerdis (Bardiya), the son of Cyrus, whom his 
brother, Cambyses, had put to death secretly, ob- 
tained quiet possession of the throne. Cambyses, 
then in Syria, despairing of the recovery of his 
crown, ended his life by suicide. His reign had 
lasted seven years and five months. Gomates the 
Magian (Artaxerxes 1) found himself thus, without 
a struggle, master of Persia (b. c. 522). He de- 
stroyed the national temples, substituting for them 
the fire-altars, and abolished the religious chants 
and other worship of the Oromasdians. He reversed 



the policy of Cyrus with respect to the Jews, and 
forbade by an edict the further building of the Tem- 
ple (Ezr. iv. 17-22). Darius, the son of Hystaspes 
(Darius 2), headed a revolt against him, which in a 
short time was crowned with complete success. 
Gomates was slain, having reigned seven months. 
The first efforts of Darius were directed to the re- 
establishment of the Oromasdian religion in all its 
purity. Appealed to, in his second year, by the 
Jews, who wished to resume the construction of 
their Temple, he not only allowed them, confirming 
the decree of Cyrus, but assisted the work by grants 
from his own revenues, whereby the Jews were able 
to complete the Temple as early as his sixth year (vi. 
1-15). During the first part of the reign of Darius 
the tranquillity of the empire was disturbed by nu- 
merous revolts in Babylon, Media, Sagartia, Persia 
Proper, &c. His courage and activity, however, sec- 
onded by the valor of his Persian troops and the 
fidelity of some satraps, carried him successfully 
through these and other similar difficulties ; and 
after five or six years of struggle, he became as 
firmly seated on his throne as any previous monarch. 
He divided the empire into twenty satrapies, built 
magnificent palaces at Persepolis and Susa (Shu- 
shan), conquered Thrace, Paeonia, and Macedonia, 
toward the W., and a large portion of India on the 
E., &c. On the whole, he must be pronounced, next 
to Cyrus, the greatest of the Persian monarchs.' The 
latter part of his reign was, however, clouded by re- 
verses. His son-in-law Mardonius suffered great losses 
in Thrace and in a tempest off Mount Athos ; and 
these disasters were followed shortly by the defeat of 
his army under Datis and Artaphernes at Marathon 
(Greece) ; and before any attempt could be made 
to avenge that blow, Egypt rose in revolt (b. c. 486), 
massacred its Persian garrison, and declared itself 
independent. In the palace at the same time there 
was dissension ; and when, after a reign of thirty-six 
years, the fourth Persian monarch died (b. c. 485), 
leaving his throne to a young prince of strong and 
ungoverned passions, it was evident that the empire 
had reached its highest point of greatness, and was 
already verging toward its decline. The first act of 
Xerxes (probably the Ahasuerus of Esther) was to 
reduce Egypt to subjection (b. c. 484), after which 
he began at once to make preparations for his inva- 
sion of Greece. This well-known expedition ended 
disastrously for the invaders. During the rest of 
the reign of Xerxes, and during part of that of his 
son and successor, Artaxerxes, Persia continued at 
war with the Greeks, who destroyed her fleets, plun- 
dered her coasts, and stirred up revolt in her prov- 
inces ; but in b. c. 449 a peace was concluded be- 
tween the two powers, who then continued on terms 
of amity for half a century. A conspiracy in the 
seraglio having carried off Xerxes (b. c. 465), Arta- 
xerxes his son, called by the Greeks Makrocheir ( = 
Longimanus [L.] = Long-handed), succeeded him, 
after an interval of seven months, during which the 
conspirator Artabanus occupied the throne. This 
Artaxerxes, who reigned forty years, is beyond a 
doubt the Artaxerxes 2 who stood in such a friendly 
relation toward Ezra (Ezr. vii. 11-28) and Nehemiah 



' The {.Teat inscription of Darius at Behistvn (see map, 
under Euphrates) is engraved in three languages (old Per- 
sian, Babylonian, and a Scythic or Tartar dialect) on a pre- 
cipitous rock, connected with the Zagros chain, 300 l'eet 
above its hase. the rock being 1,700 feet high. Itrecordsthe 
deeds of Darius and the glories of his royal house, and was 
executed, according to Col. Eawlin6on, in the fifth year of 
his reign, b. c. 516. The Persian inscription, with an Eng- 
lish translation, is given in Rawlinson'B Hdt. ii. 490 ff. 



PER 



PET 



841 



(Neh. ii. 1-9, &c). Under his rule the disorders of 
the empire seem to have increased rapidly. He is 
the last Persian king who had any special connec- 
tion with the Jews, and the last but one mentioned 
in Scripture. His successors were Xerxes II., Sog- 
dianus, Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ar- 
taxerxes Ochus, and Darius Codomannus, who is 
probably the "Darius the Persian" of Nehemiah 
(xii. 22). These monarchs reigned from b. c. 424 to 
b. c. 330. None were of much capacity, though 
Ochus reconquered Egypt. The younger Cyrus at- 
tampted to dethrone his brother Artaxerxes Mnemon. 
After his failure, eunuchs and women governed the 
kings ; patriotism and loyalty were alike dead ; and 
Greek mercenaries were largely employed in the 
Persian armies. The collapse of the empire under 
the attack of Alexander the Great requires no de- 
scription here. On the division of Alexander's do- 
minions among his generals, Persia fell to the Seleu- 
cidfe (Syria), under whom it continued till after the 
death of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the conquering 
Parthians advanced their frontier to the Euphrates, 
and the Persians became included among their sub- 
ject tribes (b. c. 164). Still their nationality was 
not obliterated. In a. d. 226, the Persians shook 
off the yoke of their oppressors, and once more be- 
came a nation under the rule of the Sassanidse, a 
dynasty which continued till a. d. 641, when the 
Mohammedans conquered the country. (Arabia.) 
Since then Persia has been overrun at different 
times by Tartars, Afghans, &c. Modern Persia is one 
of the most important of the Asiatic powers. The 
present ruling dynasty dates from the close of the 
eighteenth century. The monarch is called Shah. 

Per' sis (Gr. a destroying, taking, or a female Per- 
sian?), a Christian woman at Rome (Rom. xvi. 12) 
whom St. Paul salutes. 

Pc-rn'da (Heb. kernel, Ges.) — Perida (Ezr. ii. 
55). 

Pes'ti-lence. Medicine ; Plague. 

* Pes'tils (2 Chr. xxiv. 14 margin) = pestles. 
Pestle ; Mortar. 

* Pes'tle [pes'sl] (Prov. xxvii. 22). Mortar. 
Pe'ter (fr. Gr. Petros [ = Cephas] = a stone or 

piece of rock, L. & S., Rbn. N. T. Lex.), one of the 
Twelve Apostles. His original name was Simon, 
i. e. hearer. He was the son of Jonas (Mat. xvi. IV ; 
Jn. i. 13, xxi. 16; Bar-jona ; Jona), 1 and was 
brought up in his father's occupation, a fisherman 
on the sea of Tiberias. (Fish.) He and his brother 
Andrew were partners of John (John the Apostle) 
and James 1, the sons of Zebedee, who had hired 
servants ; and from various indications in the sacred 
narrative we are led to the conclusion (so Mr. Cook, 
original author of this article) that their social posi- 
tion brought them into contact with men of educa- 
tion. The apostle did not live, as a mere laboring 
man, in a hut by the sea-side, but first at Bethsaida, 
and afterward in a house at Capernaum, belonging 
to himself or his mother-in-law, which must have 
been rather a large one, since he received in it not 
only our Lord and his fellow-disciples, but multi- 
tudes who were attracted by the miracles and 
preaching of Jesus (Mat. xix. 2V, &c). It is not 
probable that he and his brother were wholly un- 
educated. (Education.) The statement in Acts 
iv. 13, that " the council perceived they (i. e. Peter 
and John) were unlearned and ignorant men," is 
not incompatible with this assumption, the word 
rendered " unlearned " being nearly equivalent 



A tradition makes his mother's name Johanna. 



to "laymen," i. e. men of ordinary education, as 
contrasted with those who were specially trained 
in the schools of the Rabbis. The language of 
the apostle was of course the form of Aramaic 
spoken in Northern Palestine, a sort of patois, part- 
ly Hebrew, but more nearly allied to the Syriac. 
(Galilee ; Shemitic Languages.) It is doubtful 
whether our apostle was acquainted with Greek in 
early life. Within a few years after his call he 
seems to have conversed fluently in Greek with 
Cornelius. The style of both of Peter's Epistles 
indicates a considerable knowledge of Greek — it is 
pure and accurate, and in grammatical structure 
equal to that of Paul. That may, however, be ac- 
counted for by the fact, for which there is very 
ancient authority, that Peter employed an inter- 
preter in the composition of his Epistles, if not in 
his ordinary intercourse with foreigners. It is on 
the whole probable that he had some rudimentdl 
knowledge of Greek in early life, which may have 
been afterward extended when the need was felt. 
(Tongues, Gift of.) That he was an affectionate 
husband, married in early life to a wife who accom- 
panied him in his apostolic journeys, are facts in- 
ferred from Scripture, while very ancient traditions, 
recorded by Clement of Alexandria, and by other 
early but less trustworthy writers, inform us that 
her name was Perpetua, that she bore a daughter, 
or perhaps other children, and suffered martyrdom. 
It is uncertain at what age he was called by our 
Lord. The general impression of the Fathers is 
that he was an old man at the date of his death, 
a. d. 64, but this need not imply that he was much 
older than our Lord. He was probably between 
thirty and forty years of age at his call. That call 
was preceded by a special preparation. He and his 
brother Andrew, together with their partners James 
and John, the sons of Zebedee, were disciples of 
John the Baptist (Jn. i. 35). They were in attend- 
ance upon him when they were first called to the 
service of Christ. The circumstances of that call 
are recorded with graphic minuteness by John. 
This first call led to no immediate change in Peter's 
external position. He and his fellow-disciples 
looked henceforth upon our Lord as their teacher, 
but were not commanded to follow him as regular 
disciples. They returned to Capernaum, where 
they pursued their usual business, waiting for a 
further intimation of His will. The second call is 
recorded by the other three Evangelists (Mat. iv. 18 
ff. ; Mk. i. 16 ff. ; Lk. v. 1-11); the narrative of 
Luke being apparently supplementary to the brief, 
and, so to speak, official accounts given by Matthew 
and Mark. It took place on the Sea of Galilee near 
Capernaum — where the four disciples, Peter and 
Andrew, James and John, were fishing. Peter and 
Andrew were first called. Our Lord then entered 
Simon Peter's boat and addressed the multitude on 
the shore ; after this discourse He wrought the 
miracle by which He foreshadowed the success of 
the apostles as fishers of men. The call of James 
and John followed. Immediately after that call 
our Lord went to the house of Peter, where He 
wrought the miracle of healing on Peter's wife's 
mother. (Jesus Christ; Miracles.) Some time 
was passed afterward in attendance upon our Lord's 
public ministrations in Galilee, Decapolis, Perea, 
and Judea. The special designation of Peter and 
his eleven fellow-disciples took place some time 
afterward, when they were set apart as our Lord's 
immediate attendants (Mat. x. 2-4 ; Mk. iii. 13-19; 
Lk. vi. 13). They appear then first to have received 



84:2 



PET 



PET 



formally the name of apostles (Apostle), and from 
that time Simon bore publicly, and, as it would 
seem, all but exclusively, the name Peter, which 
had hitherto been used rather as a characteristic 
appellation than as a proper name. From this time, 
there can be no doubt, that Peter held the first 
place among the apostles, to whatever cause his 
precedence is to be attributed. The precedence 
<iid not depend upon priority of call, or it would 
liave devolved upon his brother Andrew, or that 
other disciple who first followed Jesus. It seems 
scarcely probable that it depended upon seniority. 
The special designation by Christ alone accounts in 
a satisfactory way for the facts that he is named 
first in every list of the apostles, is generally ad- 
dressed by our Lord as their representative, and on 
the most solemn occasions speaks in their name 
(Jn. vi. 66-69 ; Mat. xvi. 13 tf.). First among equals 
Peter held no distinct office, and certainly never 
claimed any powers which did not equally belong 
to all his fellow-apostles. The distinction which 
Peter received in Mat. xvi. 18, 19,' J and it may be 
his consciousness of ability, energy, zeal, and ab- 
solute devotion to Christ's person, seemed to have 
developed a natural tendency to rashness and for- 
wardness bordering upon presumption. On this 
occasion the exhibition of such feelings brought upon 
him the strongest reproof ever addressed to a dis- 
ciple by our Lord (ver. 23). It is remarkable that 
on other occasions when Peter signalized his faith 
and devotion, he displayed at the time, or imme- 
diately afterward, a more than usual deficiency in 
spiritual discernment and consistency (xvii. 3, xiv. 
SO, 31). Toward the close of our Lord's ministry 
Peter's characteristics became especially prominent. 
Together with his brother, and the two sons of 
Zebedee, he listened to the last awful predictions 
and warnings delivered to the disciples, in reference 
to the second advent (Mat. xxiv. 3 ; Mk. xiii. 3, who 
alone mentions these names; Lk. xxi. V). At the 
Last Supper Peter seems to have been particularly 
earnest in the request that the traitor might be 
pointed out. After the Supper his words drew out 
the meaning of the significant, almost sacramental 
act of our Lord in washing His disciples' feet (Jn. 
xiii. 4fF.). Then, too, he made those repeated prot- 

' 2 The views of Mat. xvi. 18 are— 1. That our Lord spoke 
of Himself, and not of Peter, as the rock on which the 
Church was to be founded (Glass, Dathe, &c). 2. That 
our Lord addresses Peter as the tjrpe or representative of 
the Church, in his capacity of chief disciple (Augustine, 
&c). 3. That the rock was not the person of Peter, but 
his confession of faith (Hilary, &c.). 4. That Peter him- 
self was the rock on which the Church would be built, as 
the representative of the apostles, as professing in their 
name the true faith, and as intrusted specially with the 
duty of preaching it, and thereby laying the foundation of 
the Church (Pearson. Hammond, Bengel, Rosenmiiller, 
Schleusner, Kuinoel, Bloomfield, &c). This view (so Mr. 
Cook) is borne out by the facts that Peter on the day of i 
Pentecost, and during the whole period of the establish- 
ment of the Church, was the chief agent in all the work 
of the ministry, in preaching, in admitting both Jews and 
Gentiles, and laying down the terms of communion. The 
Roman Catholic view makes Peter the representative of 
Christ, not personally, but in virtue of an office essential 
to the permanent existence and authority of the Church, i 
But Peter did not retain, even admitting that at first he j 
held, any primacy of rank after completing his own special 
work; never exercised any authority over, or indepen- 
dently of, the other apostles ; certainly did not transmit 
whatever position he ever held to any of his colleagues 
after his decease. The promise respecting the keys also 
(Mat. xvi. 19) was literally fulfilled when Peter preached 
at Pentecost, admitted the first converts to baptism, com- 
municated the Holy Ghost to the Samaritans, and received ( 
Cornelius, the representative of the Gentiles, to the 
Church. Whatever privileges may have belonged to him 
personally, died with him. (Apostle.) 



estations of unalterable fidelity, so soon to be falsi- 
fied by his miserable fall. It seems evident that, 
with some diversity of circumstances, both the 
protestation and warning were thrice repeated (Mat. 
xxvi. 33-35 ; Mk. xiv. 29-31 ; Lk. xxii. 33, 34 ; Jn. 
xiii. 36-38). The fiery trial soon came. After the 
agony of Gethsemane, when Peter, James, and John 
were, as on former occasions, selected to be with 
our Lord, and all three alike failed to prepare them- 
selves by prayer and watching, the arrest of Jesus 
took place. Peter drew his sword, alone against 
the armed throng, and wounded the servant of the 
high-priest, probably the leader of the band. When 
this bold but unauthorized attempt at rescue was 
reproved, he followed his Master with John into the 
high-priest's house. There he sat in the outer hall. 
His faith, which from first to last was bound up with 
hope, his special characteristic, was for the time 
powerless against temptation. Thrice, each time 
with greater vehemence, the last time with blas- 
phemous asseveration, he denied his Master. 3 Yet 
it needed but a glance of his Lord's eye to bring 
him to himself. His repentance was instantaneous 
and effectual. On the morning of the Resurrection 
we have proof that Peter, though humbled, was not 
crushed by his fall. He and John were the first to 
visit the sepulchre ; he was the first who entered it. 
We are told by Luke and by Paul that Christ appeared 
to him first among the apostles. On that occasion, 
however, he is called by his original name, Simon, 
not Peter : the higher designation was not restored 
until he had been publicly reinstituted, so to spe&k, 
by his Master. That reinstitution took place at the 
Sea of Galilee (Jn. xxi.), an event of the very high- 
est import. Slower than John to recognize their 
Lord, Peter was the first to reach him : he brought 
the net to land. The thrice-repeated question of 
Christ, referring doubtless to the three protestations 
and denials, was thrice met by answers full of love 
and faith. He then received the formal commission 
to feed Christ's sheep, rather as one who had for- 
feited his place, and could not resume it without 
such an authorization. Then followed the predic- 
tion of his martyrdom, in which he was to find the 
fulfilment of his request to be permitted to follow 
the Lord. With this event closes the first part of 
Peter's history. Henceforth, he and his colleagues 
were to establish and govern the Church founded 
by their Lord, without the support of His presence. 
The first part of the Acts of the Apostles is occu- 
pied by the record of transactions, in nearly all of 



3 " There were three denials. As to the first, all is 
plain. Peter was sitting in the hall or court of the palace, 
warming himself by the fire, when he was taxed by a 
maid-servant, the porteress, who came up to him, with 
being of Jesus' company. He denied, and retreated from 
the fire to the porch or vestibule ; and the cock crew • but 
the alarmed apostle did not heed it. As to the second de- 
nial, he was lingering in the porch ; but his retreat had 
somewhat attracted attention. And so several persons 
charged him, the porteress again (now probably returned 
to the door), another maid, a male-servant, according to 
the first three Evangelists. This is just what we might 
expect : several in such a group were likely to speak at 
once ; and so St. John, who was present, tells us, ' they 
said.' Then, as to the third denial, a while after ; the by- 
standers recognized Peter, who had perhaps gone back to 
the fire, as a Galilean : his provincial accent betrayed him ; 
and a kinsman of Malchus, whose ear he had cut off, iden- 
tified him as one of those seen with Jesus in the garden. 
The words of the denial he thereupon gave are differently 
reported ; but as St. Matthew tells us ' he began to curse 
and to swear,' it is obvious that he did not just utter a 
single sentence, but denied repeatedly with a volley of 
imprecations. It was then that the cock crew again ; and 
the Lord turned and looked upon Peter" (Rev. J. Ayrc, 
in Fairbairn, &c.) 



PET 



PET 



843 



which Peter stands forth as the recognized leader 
of the apostles ; it being, however, equally clear that 
he neither exercises nor claims any authority apart 
from them, much less over them. Peter points out 
to the disciples the necessity of supplying the place 
of Judas, states the qualifications of an Apostle, 
but takes no special part in the election (Acts i.). 
He is ttie most prominent person in the greatest 
event after the Resurrection, when on the day of 
Pentecost the Church was first invested witti the 
plenitude of gifts and powers (ii.). The first mir- 
acle after Pentecost was wrought by him, John 
bcMiig joined with him in that ; and when the people 
ran together to Solomon's porch, he was the speaker 
(iii.). The boldness of Peter and John, of Peter 
especially as the spokesman, when " filled with the 
Holy Ghost " he confronted the full assembly, 
headed by Annas and Caiaphas, produced a deep 
impression, enhanced as the words came from igno- 
rant and unlearned men. The words spoken by 
both apostles, when commanded not to speak at ail 
nor teach in the name of Jesus, have ever since 
been the watchwords of martyrs (iv. 19, 20). This 
first miracle of healing was soon followed by the 
first miracle of judgment. Peter was the minister 
in that transaction (v. ; Ananias). He is not spe- 
cially named in connection with the appointment of 
deacons (vi. ; Deacon) ; but when the Gospel was 
first preached beyond the precincts of Judea, he 
and John were at once sent by the apostles to 
the converts at Samaria (viii. 14 ff.). Henceforth 
he remains prominent, but not exclusively prom- 
inent, among the propagators of the Gospel. At 
Samaria he was confronted with Simon Magds, 
the first teacher of heresy. About three years 
later (compare Acts ix. 26, and Gal. i. 17, 18) 
we have two accounts of the first meeting of 
Peter and Paul. This interview was followed 
by other events marking Peter's position — 
a general apostolical tour of visitation to the 
Churches hitherto established (Acts ix. 32), in the 
course of which two great miracles were wrought on 
Eneas and Tauitha, and in connection with which 
is recorded the baptism of Cornelius (x.). That 
was the crown and consummation of Peter's minis- 
try. In this great act both he and his fellow-apos- 
tles saw an earnest of the admission of the Gentiles 
into the Church on the single condition of spiritual 
repentance. The establishment of a Church in great 
part of Gentile origin at Antioch, and the mission 
of Barnabas, set the seal upon the work thus in- 
augurated by Peter (xi.). This transaction was 
soon followed by the imprisonment of our apostle 
by Herod Agrippa (xii.). His miraculous deliver- 
ance marks the close of this second great period of 
his ministry. The special work assigned to him 
was completed. From that time we have no con- 
tinuous history of him. He left Jerusalem, but it 
is not said where he went. He probably remained 
in Judea ; six years later we find him once more at 
Jerusalem, when the apostles and elders came to- 
gether to consider the question whether converts 
should be circumcised. Peter took the lead in that 
discussion, and urged with remarkable cogency the 
principles settled in the case of Cornelius. His ar- 
guments, adopted and enforced by James, decided 
that question at once and for ever. (Paul.) It is 
a disputed point whether the meeting between Paul 
and Peter, of which we have an account in Gal. ii. 
1-10, took place at this time. The great majority 
of critics believe that it did, and this hypothesis, 
though not without difficulties, seems more probable 



than any other which has been suggested. The only 
point of real importance was certainly determined 
before the apostles separated, the work of converting 
the Gentiles being henceforth specially intrusted to 
Paul and Barnabas, while the charge of preaching 
to the circumcision was assigned to the elder apos- 
tles, and more particularly to Peter (Gal. ii. 7-9). 
This arrangement cannot, however, have been an 
exclusive one. Paul always addressed himself first 
to the Jews in every city : Peter and his old col- 
leagues undoubtedly admitted and sought to make 
converts among the Gentiles. It may have been in 
full force only when the old and new apostles re- 
sided in the same city. Such at least was the case 
at Antioch, where Peter went soon afterward. There 
the painful collision took place between the two 
apostles (ii. 11 ff.); the most remarkable, and, in its 
bearings upon controversies at critical periods, one 
of the most important events in the history of the 
Church. (Paul.) — From this time until the date of 
I his Epistles, we have no distinct notices in Scrip- 
j ture of Peter's abode or work. Peter was probably 
j employed for the most part in building up and com- 
pleting the organization of Christian communities 
in Palestine and the adjoining districts. There is, 
however, strong reason to believe that he visited 
Corinth at an early period. The name of Peter as 
founder, or joint founder, is not associated with any 
local Church save those of Corinth, Antioch, and 
Rome, by early ecclesiastical tradition. That of 
Alexandria may have been established by Mark, 
after Peter's death. That Peter preached the Gos- 
pel in the countries of Asia, mentioned in his first 
Epistle, appears from Origen's own words to be a 
mere conjecture. From that Epistle, however, it is 
to be inferred that toward the end of his life, Peter 
either visited, or resided for some time at Babylon, 
which at that time, and for some hundreds of years 
afterward, was a chief seat of Jewish culture. More 
important in its bearings upon later controversies is 
the question of Peter's connection with Rome. It 
may be considered as a settled point that he did not 
visit Rome before the last year of his life. There 
is no notice of his labors or presence in that city in 
the Epistle to the Romans. The date 4 given by 
Eusebius rests on a miscalculation, and is irreconci- 
lable with the notices of him in the Acts of the 
Apostles. The evidence for his martyrdom there is 
complete (so Mr. Cook), while there is a total ab- 
sence of any contrary statement in the writings of 
the early Fathers. Clement of Rome, writing be- 
fore the end of the first century, speaks of it, but 
does not mention the place, that being of course well 
known to his readers. Ignatius, in his Epistle to 
the Romans (iv.) speaks of Peter in terms which 
imply a special connection with their Church. In 
the second century, Dionysius of Corinth, in the 
Epistle to Soter, bishop of Rome (Eusebius, H. E. 
ii. 25), states as a fact universally known and ac- 
counting for the intimate relations between Corinth 
and Rome, that Peter and Paul both taught in Italy, 
and suffered martyrdom about the same time. Ire- 
naeus, a disciple of Polycarp, who was a hearer of 
the Apostle John, bears distinct witness to Peter's 
presence at Rome. In the next century there is the 
testimony of Cains, the liberal and learned Roman 
presbyter (who speaks of Peter's tomb in the Vati- 
can), of Origen, Tertullian, &c. In short, the 

4 He gives A. v. 42, and says Peter remained at Rome 
twenty years. In this he is followed by Jerome (who 
gives twenty-five years) and by most Roman Catholic wri- 
ters. 



844 



PET 



PET 



Churches most nearly connected with Rome, and 
those least affected by its influence, which was as 
yet but inconsiderable in the East, concur in the 
statement that Peter was a joint founder of that 
Church, and suffered death in that city. 6 The time 
and manner of the apostle's martyrdom are less 
certain. The early writers imply, or distinctly 
state, that he suffered at or about the same time 
with Paul, and in the Neronian persecution. All 
agree that he was crucified (compare Jn. xxi. 18, 
19). Origen says that at his own request he was 
crucified with his head downward. A legend re- 
lates that, when the persecution began, the Chris- 
tians at Rome persuaded him to flue, but at the gate 
he met our Lord, who to his inquiry, " Whither 
goest thou ? " answered, " I go to Rome, there once 
more to be crucified ; "« upon which Peter returned 
at once and was crucified. Thus closes the apos- 
tle's life. 6 Some additional facts, not perhaps un- 
important, may be accepted on early testimony. His 
wife accompanied him in his wanderings. Clement 
of Alexandria says that " Peter and Philip had 
children, and that both took about their wives, who 
acted as their coadjutors in ministering to women 
at their own houses." Peter's wife is believed to 
have suffered martyrdom, and to have been sup- 
ported in the hour of trial by her husband's exhor- 
tation. The apostle is said to have employed in- 
terpreters. Basilides, an early Gnostic, professed 
to derive his system from Glaucias, one of these 
interpreters. (Tongues, Gift of.) Of far more im- 
portance is the statement that Mark wrote his Gospel 
under the teaching of Peter, or that he embodied in 
that Gospel the substance of our apostle's oral instruc- 
tions. The fact is doubly important in its bearings 
upon the Gospel, and upon the character of our 
apostle. (Mark, Gospel of.) The only written 
documents which Peter has left, are the First Epis- 
tle, about which no doubt has ever been entertained 
in Ihe Church ; and the Second, which has, both in 
early times and in our own, been a subject of ear- 
nest controversy. — First Epistle. The external evi- 
dence of authenticity is of the strongest kind. Re- 
ferred to in the Second Epistle (iii. 1); known to 
Polycarp and frequently alluded to in his Epistle to 
the Philippians ; recognized by Papias (in Euseb. 
H. E. iii. 39) ; repeatedly quoted by Irenaeus, Clem- 
ent of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Origen : it was 
accepted without hesitation by the universal Church. 
(Canon.) The internal evidence is equally strong. 
It was addressed to the Churches of Asia Minor, 
which had for the most part been founded by Paul 
and his companions. Supposing it to have been 
written at Babylon, it is a probable conjecture (so 
Mr. Cook) that Silvanus (Silas), by whom it was 



6 Many Protestants disbelieve the traditions altogether, 
and deny that Peter ever visited Rome at all, e. g. Ellen- 
dorf (translated by Rev. E. G. Smith, in B. S. xv. 569 ff., 
xvi. 82 ff.). Says Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kitto), "Whilst 
it is admitted as certain that Peter suffered martyrdom, in 
all probability by crucifixion, and as probable that this 
took place at Rome, it has, nevertheless, been made pretty 
clear that he never was for any lenath of time resident in 
that city, and morally certain that he never was bishop in 
the church there." 

6 The old Greek mosaics, the early Christian sculpture, 
and the early pictures represent Peter " as a man of larger 
and stronger form (than Paul), ae his character was 
harsher and more abrupt. The quick impulses of his soul 
revealed themselves in the flashes of a dark eye. The 
complexion of his face was pale and sallow ; and the short 
hair, which is described as entirely gray at the time of his 
death, curled black and thick round his temples and his 
chin, when the two apostles stood together at Antioch, 
twenty years before their martyrdom" (Conybeare & How- 
son, i. 224^5). 



transmitted to those Churches, had joined Peter 
after a tour of visitation, either in pursuance of in- 
structions from Paul, then a prisoner at Rome, or 
in the capacity of a minister of high authority in 
the Church, and that his account of the condition 
of the Christians in those districts determined the 
apostle to write the Epistle. The assumption that 
Silvanus was employed in the composition of the 
Epistle is not borne out by the expression, " by Sil- 
vanus, I have written unto you," such words ac- 
cording to ancient usage applying rather to the 
bearer than to the writer or amanuensis. Still it is 
highly probable that Silvanus would be consulted 
by Peter throughout, and that they would together 
read the Epistles of Paul, especially those addressed 
to the Churches in those districts. We have thus a 
solution of the difficulty arising from correspond- 
ences both of style and modes of thought in the 
writings of two apostles who differed so widely in 
gifts and acquirements. The objects of the Epistle, 
as deduced from its contents, coincide with these 
assumptions. They were : — 1. To comfort and 
strengthen the Christians in a season of severe trial. 
2. To enforce the practical and spiritual duties in- 
volved in their calling. 3. To warn them against 
special temptations attached to their position. 4. 
To remove all doubt as to the soundness and com- 
pleteness of the religious system which they had 
already received. Such an attestation was espe- 
cially needed by the Hebrew Christians, who were 
wont to appeal from Paul's authority to that of 
the elder apostles, and above all to that of Peter. 
The last, w hich is perhaps the very principal object, 
is kept in view throughout the Epistle, and is dis- 
tinctly stated (1 Pet. v. 12). The harmony of its 
teaching with that of Paul is sufficiently obvious, 
nor is the general arrangement or mode of discuss- 
ing the topics unlike that of the apostle of the Gen- 
tiles ; still the indications of oiiginality and inde- 
pendence of thought are at least equally conspicu- 
ous, and the Epistle is full of what the Gospel nar- 
rative and the discourses in the Acts prove to have 
been characteristic peculiarities of reter. He dwells 
more frequently than Paul upon the future mani- 
festation of Christ, upon which he bases nearly all 
his exhortations to patience, self-control, and the 
discharge of all Christian duties. The apostle's 
mind is full of one thought, the realization of Mes- 
sianic hopes. In this he is the true representative 
of Israel, moved by those feelings which were best 
calculated to enable him to do his work as the 
apostle of the circumcision. But while Peter thus 
shows himself a genuine Israelite, his teaching is 
directly opposed to Judaizing tendencies. He be- 
longs to the school, or, to speak more correctly, is 
the leader of the school, which at once vindicates 
the unity of the Law and Gospel, and puts the 
superiority of the latter on its true basis, that of 
spiritual development. The apostle of the circum- 
cision says not a word in this Epistle of the per- 
petual obligation, the dignity or even the bearings 
of the Mosaic Law. He is full of the 0. T. ; his 
style and thoughts are charged with its imagery, 
but he contemplates and applies its teaching in the 
light of the Gospel ; he regards the privileges and 
glory of the ancient people of God entirely in their 
spiritual development in the Church of Christ. — 
The Second Epistle of Peter presents questions of 
far greater difficulty than the former. We have 
few references, and none of a very positive charac- 
ter, in the writings of the early Fathers ; the style 
differs materially from that of the First Epistle, and 



PET 



PHA 



845 



the resemblance amounting to a studied imitation, 
between this Epistle and that of Jude (Jude, Epis- 
tle of), seems scarcely reconcilable with the posi- 
tion of Peter. Doubts as to its genuineness were 
entertained by the greatest critics of the early 
Church ; in the time of Eusebius it was reckoned 
among the disputed books, and was not formally 
admitted into the Canon until the year 393, at the 
Council of Hippo. The contents of the Epistle 
seem quite in accordance with its asserted origin. 
The salutation is followed by an enumeration of 
Christian blessings and exhortation to Christian du- 
ties, with special reference to the maintenance of 
the truth already communicated (i. 1-13). Refer- 
ring then to his approaching death, the apostle as- 
signs as grounds of assurance to believers his per- 
sonal testimony as eye-witness of the Transfigura- 
tion, and the sure word of prophecy, i. e. the testi- 
mony of the Holy Ghost (14-21). The danger of 
being misled by false prophets is dwelt on through- 
out ch. ii., their covetousness and gross sensuality 
combined with pretences to spiritualism are de- 
scribed, while the overthrow of all opponents of 
Christian truth is predicted (ii. 1-29) in connection 
with prophecies touching Christ's second advent, 
the destruction of the world by fire, and the prom- 
ise of new heavens and a new earth wherein dwell- 
eth righteousness. After an exhortation to attend 
to Paul's teaching, and an emphatic warning, the 
Epistle closes with ascribing glory to our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ. We may now give briefly 
the answers to the objections above stated : — 1. 
With regard to its recognition by the early Church, 
it was not likely to be quoted frequently ; it was 
addressed to a portion of the Church not at that 
time much in intercourse with the rest of Christen- 
dom : the documents of the primitive Church are 
far too scanty to give weight to the argument from 
omission. Although it cannot be proved to have 
been referred to by any author earlier than Origen, 
yet passages from Clement of Rome, Hermas, Justin 
Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, and Irena;us, suggest 
an acquaintance with this Epistle. Eusebius and 
Photius state that Clement of Alexandria wrote a 
commentary on all the disputed Epistles, in which 
this was certainly included. Didymus (fourth cen- 
tury) refers to it very frequently in his great work 
on the Trinity. It was certainly included in the 
collection of Catholic Epistles known to Eusebius 
and Origen. The silence of the Fathers is accounted 
for more easily than its admission into the Canon 
after the question as to its genuineness had been 
raised. There must have been positive attestation 
from the Churches to which it was first addressed. 
We know that the autographs of apostolic writings 
were preserved with care. All motive for forgery 
is absent. 2. The difference of style may be ad- 
mitted. The only question is, whether it is greater 
than can be satisfactorily accounted for, supposing 
that the apostle employed a different person as his 
amanuensis. If we admit that some time intervened 
between the composition of the two works, that in 
writing the first the apostle was aided by Silvanus, 
and in the second by another, perhaps by Mark, 
that the circumstances of the Churches addressed 
by him were considerably changed, and that the 
second was written in greater haste, not to speak of 
a possible decay of faculties, the differences may be 
regarded as insufficient to justify more than hesita- 
tion in admitting its genuineness. The resemblance 
to the Epistle of Jude may be admitted without af- 
fecting our judgment unfavorably. Supposing, as 



some eminent critics have believed, that this Epistle 
was copied by Jude, we should have the strongest 
possible testimony to its authenticity ; but if we 
accept the more general opinion of modern critics, 
that the writer of this Epistle copied Jude, it is in- 
credible that a forger should imitate the least im- 
portant of the apostolic writings, while Peter might 
choose to give the stamp of his personal authority to 
a document bearing so powerfully on practical and 
doctrinal errors in the Churches which he addressed, 
and, from his humility, his impressionable mind, and 
his self-forgetf'ulness when doing his Master's work, 
that part of this Epistle which treats of the same 
subjects would naturally be colored by Jude's style 
as the First Epistle is by Paul's. 3. The doubts as 
to its genuineness appear to have originated with 
the critics of Alexandria, where, however, the Epis- 
tle itself was formally recognized at a very early 
period. They rested entirely, so far as can be ascer- 
tained, on the difference of style. The opinions of 
modern commentators may be summed up under 
three heads. Many (the so-called liberal school in 
Germany, and some able writers in England) reject 
the Epistle altogether as spurious. A few consider 
that the first and last chapters were written by Peter 
or under his dictation, but that the second chapter 
was interpolated. But a majority (Nitzsche, Flatt, 
Guericke, Pott, Augusti, Olshausen, Stier, Thiersch, 
&c.) support the genuineness and authenticity of 
this Epistle. (Bible ; Inspiration ; New Testa- 
ment.) — Some apocryphal writings of very early date 
obtained currency in the Church as containing the 
substance of the apostle's teaching. The Preach- 
ing or Doctrine of Peter, probably identical with a 
work called the Preaching of Paul, or of Paul and 
Peter, quoted by Lactantius, may have contained 
some traces of the apostle's teaching. Another 
work, called the Revelation or Apocalypse of Peter, 
was held in much esteem for centuries. — The name 
Cephas occurs in Jn. i. 42 ; 1 Cor. i. 12, iii. 22, ix. 
5, xv. 5; Gal. ii. 9, i. IS, ii. 10, 14 (the last three 
according to the Greek text of Lachmann and 
Tischendorf ). It must have been the word actually 
pronounced by our Lord in Mat. xvi. 18, and on 
subsequent occasions when the apostle was ad- 
dressed by Him or other Hebrews by his new name. 
By it he was known to the Corinthian Christians. 

Pctll-a-lli'all (f'r. Heb. == whom Jehovah gets free, 
Ges.). 1. A priest, over the nineteenth course in 
David's reign (1 Chr. xxiv. 16). — 8. A Levite in 
Ezra's time, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. 
x. 23); probably the same who took part in the 
solemn service at the fast (Neh. ix. 5). — 3. Son of 
Meshezabeel and descendant of Zerah ; " at the 
king's (Darius's ?) hand in all matters concerning 
the people," i. e. the Jews (xi. 24). 

Pe'thor (Heb. a table? Ges.), a town of Mesopo- 
tamia where Balaam resided (Num. xxii. 5; Deut. 
xxiii. 4) ; position unknown. 

Pe-tlHl'el (Heb., probably = man of God, Ges.), 
father of the prophet Joel (Joel i. 1). 

*Pe'tra (Gr. roek), the Greek translation of Sela, 
the name of the celebrated Edomite city (Is. xvi. 1 
margin). 

Pc-nl thai (fr. Heb. = roages of Jehovah, Ges.), 
eighth son of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 5). 

Plia'ath Mo'ab (Gr.) = Pahath-moab (1 Esd. t.II). 

Phac'a-reth (fr. Gr.) = Pochereth of Zebaim (1 
Esd. v. 34). 

Phai'sor (fr. Gr.) = Pashiir 1 (1 Esd. ix. 22). 
Plial-dai'ns [-da'yus] (fr. Gr.) — Pedaiah 4 (1 

Esd. ix. 44). 



846 



PHA 



PHA 



Pha-Io'as (fr. Gr.) = Padon (1 Esd. v. 29). 

Pba'lec(fr. Gr.) = Peleg (Lk. iii. 35). 

Plial In (L. fr. Heb.) — Pallu (Gen. xlvi. 9). 

Phal'ti (L. fr. Heb. = Palti), the son of Laish 
of Gallim, to whom Saul gave Michal in marriage 
after his mad jealousy had driven David forth as an 
outlaw (1 Sam. xxv. 44); afterward separated from 
Michal by Ish-bosheth and Abner at David's require- 
ment (2 Sam. iii. 15 ff., A. V. " Phaltiel "). 

Phal'ti-cl (L. fr. Heb. — Paltiel) = Phalti (2 
Sam. iii. 15). 

Pba-nu el, or Plian u-e 1 (L. fr. Heb. = Penuel, 
Rbn. JV. T. Lex.), an Asherite, father of Anna the 
prophetess (Lk. ii. 36). 

Pliar'a-cim [-sim] (fr. Gr.), ancestor of certain 
servants of the Temple who returned with Zoroba- 
bel, according to 1 Esd. v. 31 ; not in Ezra and Ne- 
hemiah. 

Plia'raoh [-ro] (Heb. Par' oh ; Gr. Pharad ; fr. 
Egyptian Ouro, with masc. art. Pouro — the king, 
Ges. ; but see below), the common title of the native 
kings of Egypt in the Bible, corresponding to p-ra 
or ph-ra ( = the Sun) of the hieroglyphics (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, original author of this article, after the 
Duke of Northumberland and General Felix). As 
several kings are mentioned only by the title "Pha- 
raoh " in the Bible, it is important to discrimi- 
nate them. — 1. Hie Pharaoh of Abraham (Gen. xii.). 
The Scripture narrative does not afford us any clear 
indications for the identification of this Pharaoh. 
At the time when Abraham went into Egypt, ac- 
cording to Hales's as well as Usher's chronology, 
it is generally held that the country, or at least 
Lower Egypt, was ruled by the Shepherd kings, of 
whom the first and most powerful line was the fif- 
teenth dynasty, the undoubted territories of which 
would be first entered by one coming from the E. 
The date at which Abraham visited Egypt Mr. Poole 
makes about b. c. 2081, which would accord with 
the time of Salatis, the head of the fifteenth dynasty, 
according to his reckoning. — 2. The Pharaoh of 
Joseph (Gen. xl., &c.) was a despotic monarch, rul- 
ing all Egypt, who followed Egyptian customs, but 
did not hesitate to set them aside when he thought 
fit; who seems to have desired to gain complete 
power over the Egyptians ; and who favored stran- 
gers. These particulars support the idea that he 
was an Egyptianized foreigner rather than an Egyp- 
tian. Baron Bunsen supposed that he was Seser- 
tesen I., the head of the twelfth dynasty, on account 
of the mention in a hieroglyphic inscription of a 
famine in that king's reign. This identification, 
although receiving some support from a statement 
of Herodotus, that Sesostris, a name reasonably 
traceable to Sesertesen, divided the land and raised 
his chief revenue from the rent paid by the holders, 
must be abandoned, since the calamity recorded 
does not approach Joseph's famine in character, and 
the age is almost certainly too remote. If we turn 
to the old view that Joseph's Pharaoh was one of 
the Shepherd kings, we are struck with the fitness 
of all the circumstances of the Biblical narrative. 
It is stated by Eusebius that the Pharaoh to whom 
Jacob came was the Shepherd Apophis. Apophis 
belonged to the fifteenth dynasty, which was cer- 
tainly of Shepherds, and the most powerful foreign 
line. This dynasty, according to Mr. Poole's view 
of Egyptian chronology, ruled for either 284 years 
(Africanus), or 259 years 10 months (Josephus), 
from about b. c. 2080. According to Hales's chro- 
nology, which Mr. Poole would slightly modify, Jo- 
seph's government fell under this dynasty, com- 



mencing about b. c. 1876, during the reign of the 
last but one or perhaps the last king of the dynasty, 
possibly in the time of Apophis, who ended the line 
according to Africanus. This dynasty is said to 
have been of Fhenicians. This king Mr. Poole re- 
gards as having reigned from Joseph's appointment 
(or, perhaps, somewhat earlier) until Jacob's death, 
at least twenty-six years, from b. c. about 1876 to 
1850, and as having been the fifth or sixth king of 
the fifteenth dynasty. Wilkinson identifies this 
Pharaoh with Osirtasen I., of his sixteenth dy- 
nasty of Tanites, and places his date about b. *c. 
1740 (Rev. H. Constable, in Fairbairn).— 3. The 
Pharaoh of the Oppression. The first persecu- 
tor of the Israelites (Ex. i., &c.) may be dis- 
tinguished as the Pharaoh of the Oppression, 
especially as he commenced, and probably long car- 
ried on, the persecution. The general view is that he 
was an Egyptian, a king of the eighteenth or nine- 
teenth dynasty. The chief points in favor of this 
are the name of the city Raamses, whence it has 
been argued that one of the oppressors was a king 
Rameses, and the probable change of line. The first 
king of this name known was head of the nineteenth 
dynasty, or last king of the eighteenth. Manetho 
says the Israelites left Egypt in the reign of Menptah, 
who was great-grandson of the first Rameses, and 
son and successor of the second. The view that 
this Pharaoh was of the beginning or middle of the 
eighteenth dynasty seems at first sight extremely 
probable, especially if the Pharaoh of Joseph was a 
Shepherd king ; but Mr. Poole, in accordance with 
his view of Hebrew chronology, would rather make 
him a Shepherd king (comp. the " Assyrian," Is. Hi. 
4) of the sixteenth or seventeenth dynasty, whose 
reign, he supposes, commenced a little before the 
birth of Moses, which he places b. c. 1732, and 
lasted upward of forty years, perhaps much more. 
(Pharaoh's Daughter 1.) Wilkinson supposes him 
Amosis or Ames, the first of the eighteenth dynasty 
of Theban or Diospolitan kings, and makes his date 
b. c. 1575; Lord Prudhoe makes the "new king" 
(Ex. i. 8) Rameses I., and the Pharaoh of Ex. i. 11 
Rameses II. (so Mr. Constable, in Fairbairn). — 4. 
The Pharaoh of the Exodus (Ex. v. &c.). What is 
known of him (Plagues, the Ten ; Exodus, the) is 
rather biographical than historical. It does not add 
much to our means of identifying the line of the 
oppressors excepting by the indications of race his 
character affords. His character finds its parallel 
among the Assyrians rather than the Egyptians. 
Mr. Poole says that he was reigning for about a year 
or more before the Exodus, which he places b. c. 
1652. Wilkinson, who places the Exodus b. c. 1495, 
supposes him Thothmes III., the fourth or fifth mon- 
arch of the eighteenth dynasty, of Theban kings ; 
Manetho, according to Africanus, makes him Amos, 
the first of that line ; Lord Prudhoe makes him 
Pthahmen, the last of that dynasty (so Mr. Con- 
stable, in Fairbairn). (Leper.) — 5. Pharaoh, father- 
in-law of Mered. In the genealogies of Judah, men- 
tion is made of" Bithiah the daughter of Pharaoh, 
which Mered took" (1 Chr. iv. 18). Mr. Poole, 
supposing that Mered lived before, or not much 
after, the Exodus, thinks it perhaps less probable 
that an Egyptian Pharaoh would have given his 
daughter in marriage to an Israelite, than that a 
Shepherd king would have done so, before the op- 
pression; but allows that Bithiah may have been 
taken captive after the Exodus. The date and the 
circumstances, however, are all unknown. — 6. Pha- 
raoh, brother-in-law of Hadad the Edomite (1 K. xi. 



PHA 



PHA 



847 



18 ff.). (Hadad 4.) For the identification of this 
Pharaoh we have his being contemporary with David 
and Solomon, and the name of his wife (Tahpenes) ; 
the history of Egypt at this time is extremely ob- 
scure, neither the monuments nor Manetho giving 
us clear information as to the kings. It appears 
that toward the latter part of the twentieth dynasty 
the high-priests of Amen (Amon), the god of Thebes, 
gained great power, and at last supplanted the Ram- 
eses family, at least in Upper Egypt. At the same 
time a line of Tanite kings, Manetho's twenty-first 
dynasty, seems to have ruled in Lower Egypt. Mr. 
Poole supposes that the Pharaoh or Pharaohs spoken 
of in the Bible as ruling in the time of David and 
Sjlomon were Tanites, as Tanis was nearest to the 
Israelite territory. According to Africanus, the list 
of the twenty-first dynasty is as follows : — Smendes, 
26 years ; Psusennes, 46 ; Nephelcheres, 4 ; Ame- 
nothis, 9 ; Osochor, 6 ; Psinaches, 9 ; Psusennes, 14 : 
but Eusebius gives the second king 41, and the last 
35 years, and his numbers make up the sum of 130 
years, which Africanus and he agree in assigning to 
the dynasty. If we take the numbers of Eusebius, 
Osochor would probably be the Pharaoh to whom 
Hadad fled, and Psusennes II. the father-in-law of 
Solomon ; but the numbers of Africanus would sub- 
stitute Psusennes I., and probably Psinaches (so Mr. 
Poole). — 7. Pharaoh, father-in-law of Solomon (1 K. 
iii. 1). The mention that the queen was brought into 
the city of David, while Solomon's house, and the 
Temple, and the city-wall, were building, shows that 
the marriage took place not later than the eleventh 
year of the king, when the Temple was finished, 
having been commenced in the fourth year (vi. 1, 
3V, 38). It must have taken place between about 
twenty-four and eleven years before Shishak's ac- 
cession. Mr. Poole thinks it certain that Solomon's 
father-in-law was not the Pharaoh who was reigning 
when Hadad left Egypt. Both Pharaohs cannot. yet 
be identified in Manetho's list. This Pharaoh led 
an expedition into Palestine, and took Gezer(ix. 16). 
(Pharaoh's Daughter 3.) — The next kings of Egypt 
mentioned in the Bible are Shishak, probably Zerah, 
and So. The first and second of these were of the 
twenty-second dynasty, if Zerah = Userken, and the 
third was doubtless one of the two Shebeks of the 
twenty-fifth dynasty, which was of Ethiopians. — 8. 
Pharaoh, the opponent of Sennacherib (Is. xxxvi. 6), 
Mr. Poole identifies with the Sethos whom Herodo- 
tus mentions as the opponent of Sennacherib, and 
who may be the Zet of Manetho, the last king of his 
twenty-third dynasty. — Tirhakah, as an Ethiopian, 
whether then ruling in Egypt or not, is, like So, ap- 
parently not called Pharaoh. — 9. Pharaoh-necho 
(Jer. xlvi. 2), or Pharaoh-nechoh (2 K. xxiii. 29-xxiv. 
7). The first mention in the Bible of a proper name 
with the title Pharaoh is in the case of Pharaoh- 
necho, who is also called Necho simply. His name 
is written in hieroglyphics Neku. This king was of 
the Saite twenty-sixth dynasty, of which Manetho 
makes him either the fifth ruler (Africanus) or the 
sixth (Eusebius). Herodotus calls him Nekos, and 
assigns to him a reign of sixteen years, which is con- 
firmed by the monuments. He seems to have been 
an enterprising king, as he is related to have at- 
tempted to complete the canal connecting the Red 
Sea with the Nile, and to have sent an expedition of 
Phenicians to circumnavigate Africa, which was suc- 
cessfully accomplished. At the commencement of 
his reign (b. c. 610) he made war against the king 
of Assyria, and, being encountered on his way by 
Josiah, defeated and slew the king of Judah at 



Megiddo (2 K. xxiii. 29, 30 ; 2 Chr. xxxv. 20-24). 
Necho seems to have soon returned to Egypt : per- 
haps he was on his way thither when he deposed 
Jehoahaz, imposed a tribute on the land, and made 
Jehoiakim king (2 K. xxiii. 30-34 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 1- 
4). The army was probably posted at Oarchemish, 
and was there defeated by Nebuchadnezzar in the 
fourth year of Necho (b. c. 607), that king not being, 
as it seems, then at its head (Jer. xlvi. 1, 2, 6, 10). 
This battle led to the loss of all the Asiatic domin- 
ions of Egypt (2 K. xxiv. 7). — 10. Pharaoh-hophra, 
the next king of Egypt mentioned in the Bible, was 
the second successor of Necho, from whom he was 
separated by the six years' reign of Psammetichus 
II. The name Hophra is in hieroglyphics Wah- 
(p) ra-hat, and the last syllable is equally omitted 
by Herodotus, who writes Apries, and by Manetho, 
who writes Uaphris. He came to the throne about 
b. c. 589, and ruled nineteen years. Herodotus 
makes him the son of Psammetichus II., whom he 
calls Psammis, and great-grandson of Psammetichus 

1. Herodotus relates his great prosperity, until his 
army against Cyrene was routed, when the Egyptians 
revolting set up Amasis as king, who defeated him 
in battle, took him prisoner, and afterward delivered 
him to the Egyptians by whom he was strangled. 
In the Bible it is related that Zedekiah, the last king 
of Judah, was aided by Pharaoh against Nebuchad- 
nezzar, in fulfilment of a treaty, and that an army 
came out of Egypt, so that the Chaldeans were 
obliged to raise the siege of Jerusalem. The city was 
first besieged in the ninth year of Zedekiah, b. c. 
590, and was captured in his eleventh year, b. c. 588. 
It was evidently continuously invested for a length 
of time before it was taken, so that most probably 
Pharaoh's expedition took place b. c. 590 or 589. 
There may, therefore, be some doubt whether Psam- 
metichus II. be not the king here spoken of ; but 
the siege may have lasted some time before the 
Egyptians could have heard of it and marched to 
relieve the city, and Hophra may have come to the 
throne as early as b. c. 590. The Egyptian army 
returned without effecting its purpose (Jer. xxvii. 5- 
8; Ez. xvii. 11-18 ; comp. 2 K. xxv. 1-4). Ezekiel 
(xxix.-xxxii.) speaks of his arrogance and of his 
overthrow by Nebuchadnezzar. Jeremiah (xliv. 30, 
xlvi. 25, 26) yet more distinctly prophesied his end. 
— No subsequent Pharaoh is mentioned in Scripture, 
but there are predictions doubtless referring to the 
misfortunes of later princes until the second Persian 
conquest, when the prophecy " there shall be no 
more a prince of the land of Egypt " (Ex. xxx. 13) 
was fulfilled. 

Pha raoh's (see above) Daugh ter ; Pha'raoh, the 
Dangh'tcr of. Three Egyptian princesses, daughters 
of Pharaohs, are mentioned in the Bible. — 1. The 
preserver of Moses, daughter of the Pharaoh 3 who 
first oppressed the Israelites (Ex. ii. 5-10). She ap- 
pears from her conduct toward Moses to have been 
heiress to the throne (Heb. xi. 23 ff.). Artapanus, 
or Artabanus, an historian of uncertain date, calls 
this princess Merrhis, and her father, the oppressor, 
Palmanothes, and relates that she was married to 
Chenephres, who ruled in the country above Mem- 
phis. The tradition is apparently of little value. — 

2. Bithiah, wife of Mered an Israelite, daughter of 
Pharaoh 5 of an uncertain date (1 Chr. iv. 18). — 3. 
A wife of Solomon ; most probably daughter of a 
king of the twenty-first dynasty (1 K. iii. 1, vii. 8, 
ix. 24). Some have supposed the Song of Solomon 
(Canticles) was written on the occasion of this mar- 
riage. She was at first brought into the city of 



848 



PEA 



PHA 



David (1 K. iii. 1 ; Jerusalem); afterward a house 
was built for her (1 K. vii. 8, ix. 24; Palace), be- 
cause David's house had been rendered holy by the 
ark having been there (2 Chr. viii. 11). Pharaoh 7. 

Pharaoh, the Wife of. The wife of one Pharaoh, 
the king who received Hadad the Edoniite, is men- 
tioned in Scripture. She is called " queen," and 
named Tahpenes. Pharaoh 6. 

Phar-a-tho'ni (fr. Gr. Pharathon = Pirathon), 
one of the cities of Judea fortified by Bacchides 
during his contests with Jonathan Maccabeus (1 Mc. 
ix. 50). It doubtless represents an ancient Pira- 
thon, though hardly that of the Judges. 

Pha'res [-reez] (Gr.) == Pharez or Perez, the son 
of Judah (Mat. i. 3 ; Lk. iii. 33 ; Esd. v. 5). 

Pha'rcz (fr. Heb.perets — a bi-eaeh, Ges.). 1. Twin 
son, with Zarah, or Zerah 1, of Judah and Tamar 
1 his daughter-in-law ; = Phares or Perez. The 
circumstances of his birth are detailed in Gen. 
xxxviii. In the genealogical lists, his name comes 
before his brother's (xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 20, 21; 
1 Chr. ii. 4, 5). The house also which he founded 
(Pharzites) was far more numerous and illustrious 
than that of the Zarhites (Ru. iv. 12, 18; 1 Chr. iv. 
1, ix. 4; Caleb; David, eta.). Its remarkable fer- 
tility is alluded to in Ru. iv. 12, "Let thy house be 
like the house of Pharez, whom Tamar bare unto 
Judah." Of I'harez's personal history or character 
nothing is known. After the death, therefore, of 
Er and Onan without children, Pharez occupied the 
rank of Judah's second son (Shelah), and moreover, 
from two of his sons sprang two new chief houses, 
those of the Hezronites and Hamulites. From Hez- 
ron's second son Ram, or Aram, sprang David and 
the kings of Judah, and eventually Jesus Christ. 
(Genealogy of Jesus Christ.) In the reign of 
David the house of Pharez seems to have been emi- 
nently distinguished. A considerable number of his 
mighty men (Jahobeam, the Bethlehemites, Paltites, 
Tekoites, Ithrites, Joab, Abishai, &c.) seem to have 
been of the same house ; and the royal house itself 
was the head of the family. — 2. (fr. L.) = Parosh 
(1 Esd. viii. 36 ; comp. Ezr. viii. 3). 

Pha-ri'ra (Gr.) = Perida or Peruda (1 Esd. v. 
33). 

Phar'i-see, pi. Phar'i-sees (fr. L. Phariscem ; Gr. 
Pharisaios ; so called from the Aram, form of Heb. 
participle p&rush, pi. perushhn — separated). The 
Pharisees were a religious party or school amongst 
the Jews at the time of Christ. The name does not 
occur either in the 0. T. or in the Apocrypha; but 
it is usually considered that the Pharisees were es- 
sentially the same with the Assideans mentioned in 
1 Mc. ii. 42, vii. 13-17, and in 2 Mc. xiv. 6. (Essenes.) 
— Authorities. The sources of information respecting 
the Pharisees are mainly threefold : (1.) The writings 
of Josephus, who was himself a Pharisee (Life 2), 
profess to give direct accounts of their opinions 
(B. J. ii. 8, §§ 2-14 ; Ant. xvifi. 1, § 2, and compare 
xiii. 5, § 9, and 10, §§ 5, 6, xvii. 2, § 4, xiii. 16, § 2, 
and Life 38). The value of Josephus's accounts 
would be much greater, if he had not accommodated 
them, more or less, to Greek ideas. (2.) The New 
Testament, including St. Paul's Epistles, in addition 
to the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles. (3.) The 
first portion of the Talmud called the Mishna, or 
" second law." This is by far the most important 
source of information respecting the Pharisees. It 
is a digest of the Jewish traditions, and a compen- 
dium of the whole ritual law, reduced to writing in 
its present form by Rabbi Jehudah the" Holy, a Jew 
of great wealth and influence, who flourished in the 



second century. He succeeded his father Simeon as 
patriarch of Tiberias, and held that office at least 
thirty years. His death some place in a year a little 
antecedent to 194 a. d. ; others place it as late 
as 220 A. D., when he would have been about eighty- 
one years old. There is no reasonable doubt that al- 
though it may include a few passages of a later date, 
the Mishna was composed, as a whole, in the second 
century, and represents the traditions which were 
current amongst the Pharisees at the time of Christ 
(so Mr. Twisleton, original author of this article). 
(Versions, Ancient [Targum].) Referring to the 
Mishna for details, it is proposed in this article I. to 
give a general view of the peculiarities of the Phari- 
sees; to notice their opinions II. on a future life, 
and III. on free-will ; IV. to make some remarks on 
the proselytizing spirit attributed to them at the 
time of Christ. I. The fundamental principle of the 
Pharisees common to them with all orthodox modern 
Jews is, that by the side of the written law regarded 
as a summary of the principles and general laws of 
the Hebrew people, there was an oral law to com- 
plete and to explain the written Law. It was an ar- 
ticle of faith that in the Pentateuch there was no 
precept, and no regulation, ceremonial, doctrinal, or 
legal, of which God had not given to Moses all ex- 
planations necessary for their application, with the 
order to transmit them by word of mouth. The clas- 
sical passage in the Mishna on this subject is the fol- 
lowing : — " Moses received the (oral) law from Sinai, 
and delivered it to Joshua, and Joshua to the elders, 
and the elders to the prophets, and the prophets to 
the men of the Great Synagogue" (Pirke Aboth, i.). 
It is not to be supposed that all the traditions which 
bound the Pharisees were believed to be direct 
revelations to Moses on Mount Sinai. In addition 
to such revelations, which were not disputed, al- 
though there was no proof from the written law to 
support them, and in addition to interpretations re- 
ceived from Moses, which were either implied in 
the written law or to be elicited from it by reason- 
ing, there were three other classes of traditions : — 
(1.) Opinions on disputed points, which were the 
result of a majority of votes ; (2.) Decrees by proph- 
ets and wise men in different ages, carrying prohi- 
bitions farther than the written law or oral law of 
Moses, in order to protect the Jewish people from 
temptations to sin or pollution ; (3.) Legal decisions 
of proper ecclesiastical authorities on disputed 
questions, some of which were attributed to Moses, 
some to Joshua, some to Ezra, some also to Rabbis 
of later date, as Hillel and Gamaliel. Viewed as a 
whole, they treated men like children, formalizing 
and defining the minutest particulars of ritual ob- 
servances. The expressions of "bondage," of "weak 
and beggarly elements," and of " burdens too heavy 
for men to bear," faithfully represent the impres- 
sion produced by their multiplicity. An elaborate 
argument might be advanced for many of them 
individually, but the sting of them consisted in their 
aggregate number, which would tend to quench the 
fervor and freshness of a spiritual religion. They 
varied in character, one class consisting of those 
which, admitting certain principles, were points 
reasonable to define ; another, of points defined 
which were superfluously particularized ; a third, 
of points defined where the discussion of them at 
all was superstitious and puerile. In order, how- 
ever, to observe regulations on points of this kind, 
mixed with others less objectionable, and with some 
which, regarded from a certain point of view, were 
in themselves individually not unreasonable, the 



PHA 



PHA 



849 



Pharisees formed a kind of society. A member 
was called a hdber or chaber, and those among the 
middle and lower classes who were not members 
were called " the people of the land," or'the vulgar. 
Each member undertook, in the presence of three 
other members, that he would remain true to the 
laws of the association. One important condition 
was that a member should refrain from every tiling 
not tithed (compare Mat. xxiii. 23; Lk. xviii. 12). 
It was a matter of vital importance to a Pharisee 
that he should be well acquainted with the Phari- 
saical regulations concerning what was clean and 
unclean ; for, as among the modern Hindoos (some 
of whose customs are very similar to those of the 
Pharisees), every one technically unclean is cut off 
from almost every religious ceremony, so, according 
to the Levitical law, every unclean person was cut 
off from all religious privileges, and was regarded 
as defiling the sanctuary of Jehovah (Num. xix. 20). 
On principles precisely similar to those of the Le- 
vitical laws (Lev. xx. 25, xxii. 4-7), it was possible 
to incur these awful religious penalties either by 
eating or by touchinq what was unclean in the Phar- 
isaical sense. In reference to eating,, independently 
of the slaughtering of holy sacrifices, which is the 
subject of two other treatises, the Mishna contains 
one treatise called Hulin or Cholhi, which is spe- 
cially devoted to the slaughtering of fowls and cattle 
for domestic use. One point in its first section is 
by itself vitally distinctive, " that any thing slaugh- 
tered by a heathen should be deemed unfit to be 
eaten, like the carcass of an animal that had died 
of itself, and like such carcass should pollute the 
person who carried it." For the guidance of Jew- 
ish slaughterers most minute regulations are laid 
down. In reference likewise to touching what is un- 
clean, the Mishna abounds with prohibitions and dis- 
tinctions no less minute (compare " Touch not, taste 
not, handle not," Col. ii. 21 ; also Mat. xv. 11 ; Lk. 
xi. 37-40). It would be a great mistake to suppose 
that the Pharisees were wealthy and luxurious, much 
more that they had degenerated into the vices which 
were imputed to some of the Roman popes and car- 
dinals during the 200 years preceding the Reforma- 
tion. Josephus compared the Pharisees to the 
Stoics. He says that they lived frugally, in no re- 
spect giving in to luxury, but following the leader- 
ship of reason in what it had selected and trans- 
mitted as a good (Jos. xviii. 1, § 3). Although there 
would be hypocrites among them, it would be un- 
reasonable to charge all the Pharisees as a body 
with hypocrisy, in the sense in which we now use 
the word. They must be regarded as having been 
some of the most intense formalists whom the world 
lus ever seen (compare Lk. vii. 36 ff., xviii. 9-14). 
It was alleged against them, on the highest spiritual 
authority, that they " made the word of God of none 
effect by their traditions." This would be true in 
the largest sense, from the purest form of religion 
in the 0. T. being almost incompatible with such 
endless forms (Mic. vi. 8) ; but it was true in an- 
other sense, from some of the traditions being 
decidedly at variance with genuine religion. (Atone- 
ment, Day of ; Corban ; Divorce ; Fasts ; Front- 
lets ; Passover -, Sabbath ; Vow, &c.) — II. In 
regard to a future state, Josephus presents the 
ideas of the Pharisees in such a light to his Greek 
readers, that whatever interpretation his ambiguous 
language might possibly admit, he obviously would 
produce the impression on Greeks that the Phari- 
sees believed in the transmigration of souls. " They 
say that every soul is imperishable, but that the soul 
64 



of good men only passes over (or transmigrates) 
into another body, while the soul of bad men is 
chastised by eternal punishment " (Jos. B. J. ii. 8, 
§ 14). And two passages in the Gospels might 
countenance this idea : one in Mat. xiv. 2, where 
Herod the tetrarch is represented as thinking that 
Jesus was John the Baptist risen from the dead 
(though a different color is given to Herod's 
thoughts in Lk. ix. 7-9) ; and another in Jn. ix. 
2, where the question is put to Jesus whether the 
blind man himself had sinned, or his parents, that 
he was born blind ? Notwithstanding these pas- 
sages, however, there does not appear to be sufficient 
reason for doubting that the Pharisees believed in a 
resurrection of the dead very much in the same 
sense as the early Christians. This is most in ac- 
cordance with St. Paul's statement to the chief 
priests and council (Acts xxiii. 6 ; Paul); and it is 
likewise almost implied in Christ's teaching, which 
does not insist on the doctrine of a future life as 
any thing new (Mat. xxii. 30 ; Mk. xii. 25 ; Lk. xx. 
34-36). On this head the Mishna is an illustration 
of the ideas in the Gospels, as distinguished from 
any mere transmigration of souls ; and the peculiar 
phrase, " the world to come " (compare Mk. x. 30, 
&c. ; Eternal 4), frequently occurs in it. — III. In 
reference to the opinions of the Pharisees concern- 
ing the freedom of the will, a difficulty arises from 
the very prominent position which they occupy in 
the accounts of Josephus, whereas nothing vitally 
essential to the peculiar doctrines of the Pharisees 
seems to depend on those opinions, and some of his 
expressions are Greek, rather than Hebrew. "There 
were three sects of the Jews," he says, " which 
had different conceptions respecting human affairs, 
of which one was called Pharisees, the second Sad- 
ducees, and the third Essenes. The Pharisees say 
that some things, and not all things, are the work 
of fate ; but that some things are in our own power 
to be and not to be. But the Essenes declare that 
fate rules all things, and that nothing happens to 
man except by its decree. The Sadducees, on the 
other hand, take away fate, holding that it is a 
thing of naught, and that human affairs do not de- 
pend upon it ; but in their estimate all things are in 
the power of ourselves, as being ourselves the causes 
of our good things, and meeting with evils through 
our own inconsiderateness " (Jos. xiii. 5, § 9). Jo- 
sephus also says of the Pharisees, " When they de- 
termine that all things are done by fate, they do 
not take away the freedom from men of acting as 
they think fit ; since their notion is, that it hath 
pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what 
He wills is done, but so that the will of man can act 
virtuously or viciously" (xviii. 1, § 3, Winston's 
translation). " These ascribe all to fate (or prov- 
idence), and to God ; and yet allow that to act what 
is right or the contrary, is principally in the power 
of men ; although fate does cooperate in every ac- 
tion" (B. J. ii. 8, § 14, Winston's translation). In 
reference to this point, the opinion of Graetz seems 
not improbable, that the real difference between the 
Pharisees and Sadducees was at first practical and 
political. He conjectures that the wealthy and 
aristocratical Sadducees in their wars and negotia- 
tions with the Syrians entered into matters of policy 
and calculations of prudence, while the zealous 
Pharisees, disdaining worldly wisdom, laid stress on 
doing what seemed to be right, and leaving the 
event to God : and that this led to differences in 
formal theories and metaphysical statements. — IV. 
In reference to the spirit of proselytism among the 



850 



PHA 



PHE 



Pharisees, there is indisputable authority for the 
statement that it prevailed to a very great extent at 
the time of Christ (Mat. xxiii. 15); and attention is 
now called to it on account of its probable impor- 
tance in having paved the way for the early diffu- 
sion of Christianity. Jews at the time of Christ 
had become scattered over the fairest portions of 
the civilized world. (Captivity; Dispersion, &c.) 
On the day of Pentecost, Jews are said to have been 
nssembled with one accord in one place at Jerusa- 
lem, " from every region under heaven." Admitting 
that this was an Oriental hyperbole (compare Jn. 
xxi. 25), there must have been some foundation for 
it in fact (Acts ii. 5-11). Now, it is not unlikely, 
though it cannot be proved from Josephus (xx. 2, § 
3), that missions and organized attempts to produce 
conversions, although unknown to Greek philos- 
ophers, existed among the Pharisees. But, at any 
rate, the then existing regulations or customs of 
synagogues afforded facilities which do not exist now 
either in synagogues or Christian churches for pre- 
senting new views to a congregation (Acts xvii. 2 ; 
Lk. iv. 16). (Synagogue.) Under such auspices 
the proselytizing spirit of the Pharisees inevitably 
stimulated a thirst for inquiry, and accustomed the 
Jews to theological controversies. Thus there ex- 
isted precedents and favoring circumstances for ef- 
forts to make proselytes, when the greatest of all 
missionaries (Paul), a Jew by race, a Pharisee by 
education, a Greek by language, and a Roman citi- 
zen by birth, preaching the resurrection of Jesus to 
those who for the most part already believed in the 
resurrection of the dead, confronted the elaborate 
ritual-system of the written and oral law by a pure 
spiritual religion : and thus obtained the coopera- 
tion of many Jews themselves in breaking down 
every barrier between Jew, Pharisee, Greek, and 
Roman, and in endeavoring to unite all mankind by 
the brotherhood of a common Christianity. Prose- 
lyte. 

Pbarosh (fr. Heb.) = Parosii (Ezr. viii. 3). 

Pbar'par (fr. Heb., probably = swift, Ges.), the 
second of the two " rivers of Damascus " — " Abana 
and Pharpar" — mentioned by Naaman (2 K. v. 12). 
The two principal streams in the district of Damas- 
cus are the Barada (probably = Abana) and the 
'Awaj (probably = Pharpar ) : — in fact, there are 
no others worthy of the name of " river." The 
northern and principal branch of the , Awaj takes 
its rise in a deep valley beneath the brow of Her- 
mon, where are a number of small fountains whose 
waters unite beside a village called 'Amy, the name 
of which it bears during the first part of its course. 
It thence runs first E., then S. by Kefr Hauwar to 
Sasa, whence, having received another stream from 
the W., it flows in a general easterly direction, ulti- 
mately ending in the Bdhrel Hijdnek, the most south- 
erly of the three lakes or swamps of Damascus, 
about forty miles nearly E. S. E. of the point at 
which it started. A deep ravine E. of Hermon, 
sending a little tributary into the 'Awaj, is called 
Wady Barbar, perhaps a relic of the name Pharpar 
(Porter, Damascus, i. 299 ff., and in Kitto). 

Phar'zites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Pharez, the son of Judah (Num. xxvi. 20). 

Pha-se'ah (fr. Heb.) = Paseah 2 (Neh. vii. 51). 

Pha-se'lis (Gr.), a town on the coast of Asia Minor, 
on the confines of Lycia and Pamphylia, and hence 
ascribed by ancient writers sometimes to one and 
sometimes to the other. Its commerce was con- 
siderable in the sixth century B. C, for in the reign 
of Amasis it was one of a number of Greek towns 



which carried on trade somewhat in the manner of 
the Hanseatic confederacy in the middle ages. In 
later times Phaselis was distinguished as a resort 
of the Panrphylian and Cilician pirates. Phaselis 
itself stood on a rock of 50 or 100 feet elevation 
above the sea, and was joined to the main by a low 
isthmus, in the middle of which was a lake, now a 
pestiferous marsh. On the eastern side of this were 
a closed port and a roadstead, and on the western 
a larger artificial harbor, formed by a mole run out 
into the sea. The remains of this may still be traced 
to a considerable extent below the surface of the 
water. The Phaselitcs having joined the piratical 
league, lost their independence and their town-lands 
in the war waged by the Roman consul Publius Ser- 
vilius Isauricus in 71-15 n. c. In the interval be- 
tween the growth of the Cilician piracy and the Ser- 
vilian expedition the Romans are represented as 
writing to Phaselis and other places, requiring that 
Simon the high-priest and the Jewish people should 
not be harmed, and that all Jewish fugitive criminals 
among them should be delivered up to Simon for 
punishment (1 Mc. xv. 23). 

Plias'i-ron (Gr.). An Arab tribe, " the children 
of Phasiron " (1 Mc. ix. 66), were defeated by Jon- 
athan. 

Plias'sa-ron = Pashur (1 Esd. v. 25). 

Plic'be (L. Phoebe, fr. Gr. Phoibe = pure, bright, 
radiant; an epithet of Diana or of the moon), a 
" servant of the Church at Cenchrea," commended 
to the Roman Christians by the Apostle Paul as "a 
succorer of many and of myself also " (Rom. xvi. 
1, 2). Deaconess. 

Pho-ni'cc, or I'he'nlcc [-nis] (L. Phcenice, fr. Gr. 
Phoiniki = dale-land, L. & S. ; see Palm-tree). 1. 
The country or region commonly known as Pheni- 
cia (Acts xi. 19, xv. 3). — 2. (Gr. Phoinix = date- 
palm, palm-tree ) Phenice, more properly Phetlix 
or PJuenix, a town or haven in Crete on the south 
ern coast (Acts xxvii. 12). The haven lay " toward 
the S. W. and N. W.," i. e. (so Meyer) the harbor 
formed such a curve, that one shore stretched away 
toward the N. W. and another toward the S. W. 
Another explanation is given under Paul (p. 822). 
Mr. James Smith, of Jordanhill, and others place 
Phenice at the modern Lulro, where (so Captain 
Spratt) " is the only bay VV. of Fair Havens, in which 
a vessel of any size could find shelter during the 
winter months." 

Phe-ni'fi-a [fee-nish'e-ah or fee-nish'yah] (L. Phoe- 
nicia, fr. Gr. = date-land or palm-land = Phenice), 
a tract of country of which Tyre and Sidon were 
the principal cities, to the N. of Palestine, along 
the coast of the Mediterranean Sea ; bounded by 
that sea on the W., and by the mountain-range of 
Lebanon on the E. The native name of Phenicia 
was Kenyan (Canaan) or Knd, signifying lovrfand, 
so named in contrast to the adjoining Aram, i. e. 
highland, the Hebrew name of Syria. The length 
of coast to which the name of Phenicia was ap- 
plied varied at different times, and maybe regarded 
under different aspects before and after the loss of 
its independence. 1. What may be termed Phenicia 
Proper was a narrow, undulating plain, extending 
from the pass of Rds el-Beydd or Abyad, the Prorn- 
ontorium Album (= While Promontory) of the an- 
cients, about six miles S. of Tyre, to the Nahr el- 
Avwaly, the ancient Bostrenus, two miles N. of 
Sidon. The plain is only twenty-eight miles in 
length. Its average breadth is about a mile ; but 
near Sidon the mountains retreat to a distance of 
two miles, and near Tyre to a distance of five miles. 



PHE 



PHE 



851 



2. A still longer district, which afterward became 
fairly entitled to the name of Phenicia, extended up 
the coast to a point marked by the island of Aradus 
(Arvad), and by Antaradus toward the N. ; the 
southern boundary remaining the same as in Phenicia 
Proper. Phenicia, thus defined, is estimated to have 
been about 120 miles in length; while its breadth, 
between Lebanon and the sea, never exceeded 
twenty miles, and was generally much less. Scarce- 
ly sixteen geographical miles farther N. than Sidon 
was Berytus (Berothah?), with a roadstead so well 
suited for the purposes of modern navigation that, 
under the modern name of Beirut, it has eclipsed 
both Sidon and Tyre as an emporium for Syria. Still 
farther N. was Byblus (Gebal, now Jebeil), inhab- 
ited by seamen and calkers. Then came Tripolis 
(now Tar&bulus), said to have been founded by 
colonists from Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus, with three 
distinct towns, a furlong apart. Toward the extreme 
point N. was Aradus itself (Arvad), situated, like 
Tyre, on a small island near the mainland, and found- 
ed by exiles from Sidon. The whole of Phenicia 
Proper is well watered by various streams from the 
adjoining hills, the two largest being Nahr el-Kasimi- 
yeh (called el-Litdny in its upper part; probably the 
ancient Leontes), a few miles N. of Tyre, and the 
Bostrenus already mentioned. The soil is fertile 
(Palestine, Botany, &c), except between the Bos- 
trenus and Beirut. The havens of Tyre and Sidon 
afforded water of sufficient depth for all the require- 
ments of ancient navigation, and Lebanon, in its ex- 
tensive forests, furnished what then seemed a nearly 
inexhaustible supply of timber for ship-building. — 
In reference to the period when the Phenicians had 
lost their independence, scarely any two Greek and 
Roman writers give precisely the same geographical 
boundaries to Phenicia. Ptolemy makes the river 
Eleutherus (probably the Nahr el-Kebir) the N. 
boundary, and the river Chorseus (a small stream 
S. of Dor) the S. boundary. Strabo represents Phe- 
nicia as the district between Orthosia (Outhosias) 
and Pelusium (Sin). In the 0. T., the word Pheni- 
cia does not occur. In the Apocrypha, it is not de- 
fined, though " Phenice " (= Phenicia) is spoken of 
as being, with Celosyria, under one military com- 
mander (2 Mc. iii. 5, 8, viii. 8, x. 11 ; 3 Mc. iii. 15). 
In the N. T. "Phenice" occurs in the A. V. of Acts 
xi. 19, xv. 3, and " Phenicia " only in xxi. 2 ; but not 
one of these passages affords a clew as to how far 
the writer deemed Phenicia to extend. 

PllC-ni dans [fee-nish'yanz] = the race who in 
earliest recorded history inhabited Phenicia, and 
who were the great maritime and commercial peo- 
ple of the ancient world. Without dwelling on 
matters which belong more strictly to the articles 
Tyre and Sidon, it may be proper to touch on 
certain points connected with the language, race, 
trade, and religion of the Phenicians, which may 
tend to throw light on Biblical history and litera- 
ture. — I. The Phenician language belonged to that 
family of languages now generally called Shemitic. 
(Shemitic Languages.) It is in fact so closely allied 
to Hebrew, that Phenician and Hebrew, though dif- 
ferent dialects, may be practically regarded as the 
same language. This may be shown in the following 
way : — 1. Testimony is borne to the kinship of the 
two languages by Augustine and Jerome, in whose 
time Phenician or Carthaginian was still a living lan- 
guage. 2. A passage of Carthaginian preserved in the 
Paznulus of Plautus, and accompanied by a Latin 
translation as part of the play, is intelligible through 
Hebrew to Hebrew scholars. 3. Very many Phe- 



nician and Carthaginian names of places and per- 
sons, destitute of meaning in Greek and Latin, be- 
come significant in Hebrew. 4. The Phenician in- 
scriptions preserved to the present day can all be 
interpreted, with more or less certainty, through 
Hebrew. Such inscriptions are of three kinds : — 
1st, on gems and seals ; 2dly, on coins of the Pheni- 
cians and of their colonies ; 3dly, on stone. — II. 
Concerning the original race to which the Phenicians 
belonged, nothing can be known with certainty, be- 
cause they are found already established along the 
Mediterranean Sea at the earliest dawn of authentic 
history, and for centuries afterward there is no rec- 
ord of their origin. According to Herodotus (vii. 
89), they said of themselves in his time that they 
came in days of old from the shores of the Red Sea ; 
and in this there would be nothing improbable, as 
they spoke a language cognate to that of the Ara- 
bians, who inhabited the E. coast of that sea. Still 
neither the truth nor the falsehood of the tradition 
can now be proved. But there is one point respect- 
ing their race which can be proved to be in the 
highest degree probable, and which has peculiar in- 
terest as bearing on the Jews, viz. that the Pheni- 
cians were of the same race as the Canaanites. This 
remarkable fact, which, taken in connection with the 
language of the Phenicians, leads to some interest- 
ing results, is rendered probable by the following 
circumstances : — 1. The native name of Phenicia 
was Canaan = loivland. This name was well given 
to the narrow slip of plain between the Lebanon and 
the Mediterranean Sea, in contrast to the elevated 
mountain-range adjoining. 2. Augustine states that 
the peasants in his part of Africa (the Carthaginian 
Phenicians), if asked of what race they were, would 
answer, in Punic or Phenician, " Canaanites." 3. 
The names of persons and places in the land of Ca- 
naan — not only when the Israelites invaded it, but 
likewise previously, when " there were yet but a few 
of them," and Abraham is said to have visited it — 
were Phenician or Hebrew : e. g. Abimelech = Father 
of the king (Gen. xx. 2) ; Melchizedek = King of 
righteousness (xiv. 18) ; Kirjath-sepher = city of the 
book (Josh. xv. 15). — III. In regard to the Phenician 
trade, as connected with the Israelites, the following 
points are worthy of notice : 1. Up to the time of 
David, not one of the twelve tribes seems to have 
possessed a single harbor on the sea-coast; they 
could not therefore become a commercial people. 
But when David had conquered Edom, an opening 
for trade was afforded to the Israelites. The com- 
mand of Ezion-geber near Elath, in the land of Edom, 
enabled them to engage in the navigation of the Red 
Sea. As they were novices, however, at sailing, as 
the navigation of the Red Sea, owing to its currents, 
winds, and rocks, is dangerous even to modern 
sailors, and as the Phenicians, during the period of 
the independence of Edom, were probably allowed 
to trade from Ezion-geber, it was politic in Solomon 
to permit the Phenicians of Tyre to have docks, and 
build ships at Ezion-geber on condition that his sail- 
ors and vessels might have the benefit of their ex- 
perience. (Hiram ; Ophir ; Tarshish.) 2. After 
the division into two kingdoms, the curtain falls on 
any commercial relation between the Israelites and 
Phenicians until it is intimated that Israelites were 
sold as slaves by Phenicians. It was a custom in 
antiquity, when one nation went to war against an- 
other, for merchants to be present in one or other 
of the hostile camps, in order to purchase prisoners 
of war as slaves (1 Mc. iii. 41 ; 2 Mc. v. 14). Now, 
this practice is alluded to in a threatening manner 



852 



PHE 



PEI 



against the Phenieians by the prophets (Joel iii. 4, 
and Am. i. 9, 10), about 800 b. c. The circum- 
stances which led to this state of things may be thus 
explained. After the division of the two kingdoms, 
there is no trace of any friendly relation between 
the kingdom of Judah and the Phenieians (comp. 1 
K. xvi. 31). Jehoshaphat's attempt to renew the 
trade of the Jews in the Red Sea failed, and in the 
reign of Jehoram, Jehoshaphat's son, Edom revolted 
from Judah, and established its independence ; so 
that if the Phenieians wished to dispatch trading- 
vessels from Ezion-geber, Edom was the power which 
it was mainly their interest to conciliate, and not 
Judah. Under these circumstances, the Phenieians 
seem not only to have purchased and sold again as 
slaves, and probably in some instances to have kid- 
napped, inhabitants of Judah, but even to have sold 
them to their enemies the Edomites. 3. The only 
other notice in the 0. T. of trade between the Phe- 
nieians and the Israelites is in Ezekiel's account of 
the trade of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 17). While this ac- 
count supplies valuable information respecting the 
various commercial dealings of the most illustrious 
of Phenician cities, it likewise makes direct mention 
of the exports to it from Palestine. (Balm ; 
Honey ; Oil ; Wiikat.) Heeren (historical Re- 
searches, ii. 117) suggests, that the fact of Palestine 
being, as it were, the granary of Phenicia, explains 
in the clearest manner the lasting peace between 
the two countries. (Colors; Commerce; Glass.) — 
IV. The religion of the Phenieians is a subject of 
vast extent and considerable perplexity in details, 
but of its general features as bearing upon the re- 
ligion of the Hebrews there can be no doubt. As 
opposed to Monotheism, it was a Pantheistical per- 
sonification of the forces of nature, and in its roost 
philosophical shadowing forth of the Supreme pow- 
ers, it may be said to have represented the male and 
female principles of production. In its popular 
form, it was especially a worship of the sun, moon, 
and five planets, or, as it might have been expressed 
according to ancient notions, of the seven planets — 
the most beautiful, and perhaps the most natural, 
form of idolatry ever presented to the human imagi- 
nation. These planets, however, were not regarded 
as lifeless globes of matter, obedient to physical 
laws, but as intelligent animated powers, influencing 
the human will, and controlling human destinies. 
(Asherah; Ashtoreth; Baal, 
&c.) It will be proper here 
to point out certain effects 

which the circumstance of .^i^s^Ssr-^fcia 
their being worshipped in Phe 

riicia produced upon the He- ^"^ jjyjgj HIIliiS 
brews. 1. Their worship was 
a constant temptation to Poly- 
theism and idolatry. It can 
scarcely be doubted that the 
Phenieians, as a great com- 
mercial people, were more gen- 
erally intelligent, and as we 
should now say civilized, than 
the inland agricultural popu- 
lation of Palestine. When the 
simple-minded Jews, therefore, 
came in contact with a people 
more versatile, and, apparent- 
ly, more enlightened than 
themselves, but who neverthe 
less, either in a philosophical 
or in a popular form, admit- 
ted a system of Polytheism, 



an influence would be exerted on Jewish minds, tend- 
ing to make them regard their exclusive devotion to 
their own one God, Jehovah, however transcendent 
His attributes, as unsocial and morose. (Solomon ; 
Ahab, &e.) 2. The Phenician religion was likewise in 
other respects deleterious to the inhabitants of Pa- 
lestine, being in some points essentially demoralizing. 
For example, it sanctioned the dreadful superstition 
of burning children as sacrifices to a Phenician god 
(Jer. xix. 5, comp. xxxii. 35). Again, parts of the 
Phenician religion, especially the worship of Astarte 
(Ashtoreth), tended to encourage dissoluteness in 
the relations of the sexes, and even to sanctify impuri- 
ties of the most abominable description. (Harlot; 
Sodomite.) — V. The most important intellectual in- 
vention of man, that of letters, was universally as- 
serted by the Greeks and Romans to have been com- 
municated by the Phenieians to the Greeks (Hdt. v. 
57, 58). It was an easy step from this to believe, 
as many of the ancients believed, that the Pheni- 
eians in vented letters (Lucan, Pharsalia, iii. 220, 221 ). 
Shemitic Languages ; Writing. 

Plier'c-sitcs (fr. Gr.) = Perizzites (1 Esd. viii. 
69; compare Ezr. ix. 1). 

Pucr'c-zite, Pber'e-zites (fr. Gr.) = Perizzite, 
Perizzites (Jd. v. 16 ; 2 Esd. i. 21). 

* Phi-be'scth — Pi-beseth (Ez. xxx. 17, in some 
copies). 

Plii'chol [-kol] (L. fr. Heb. = mouth of all, i. e. 
all-commanding, Ges.), chief captain of the army 
of Abimelech, king of the Philistines of Gerar in 
the days of both Abraham (Gen. xxi. 22, 23) and 
Isaac (xxvi. 26). Phichol may be (so Kitto, Ayre, 
&c.) an official title borne by different persons (com- 
pare Abimelech, Rab-mag, &c). 

Pliil-a-dcl'plii-a [-fe-ah ; in L. pron. fil-a-del-fi'ah] 
(L. fr. Gr. = city of brotherly love, L. & S.), a town 
on the confines of Lydia and Phrygia Katakekaur 
mene (i. e. entirely burnt), built by Attalus II. Phil- 
adelphus, king of Pergamos, probably as a mart for 
the great wine-producing region (the Kalakekaume- 
ne), which was 500 stades (about 60 miles) long and 
400 broad. It was situated on the lower slopes of Mt. 
Tmolus, on the southern side of the valley of the A in- 
e-ghiul Sou (a river, probably = the Cogamus of an- 
tiquity), and was 27 miles S. E. of Sardis. Phil- 
adelphia came under the Roman power with the rest 
of this region (Asia) b. c. 133. It was taken by 




Alia Shehr =. ancient Philadjlphia.— From Macfarlnne's Acocali/vli' Churchet.— FbL.) 



PHI 



PHI 



853 



the Turks under Bajazet I. a. d. 1390, having made 
a gallant defence, and held out against them longer 
than any other town in Asia Minor. It is still rep- 
resented by a town called Allahshekr (city of God.) 1 
Its elevation is 952 feet above the sea. The region 
around is highly volcanic, and, geologically speak- 
ing, belongs to the district of Phrygia Kalakekau- 
mene, on the western edge of which it lies. The 
original population of Philadelphia seems to have 
been Macedonian. There was, as appears from Rev. 
iii. 9, a synagogue of Hellenizing Jews there, as 
well as a Christian church. The locality continued 
to be subject to constant earthquakes which, in the 
time of Strabo, rendered even the town-walls of 
Philadelphia unsafe. The expense of reparation 
was constant, and hence perhaps the poverty of the 
members of the Christian Church (Rev. iii. 8). 

Phi-lar'ches [-keez] (L. fr. Gr., see below). This 
word occurs as a proper name in A. V. in 2 Mc. 
viii. 32, where it is realty the name of an office = 
the commander of the cavalry. 

Plli-lc'mon (Gr. loving, affectionate), the Christian 
to whom Paul addressed his Epistle in behalf of 
Onesimus. He was a native probably of Colosse, 
or at all events lived in that city when the apostle 
wrote to him ; for Onesimus and Archippus whom 
Paul associates with Philemon in Phn. 1, 2, were 
Colossians (Col. iv. 9, 17). It is related that Phile- 
mon became bishop of Colosse, and died as a mar- 
tyr under Nero. He was evidently a man of prop- 
erty and influence, the head of a numerous house- 
hold, and exercising an expensive liberality toward 
his friends and the poor in general (Phn. 4-7). He 
was indebted to the Apostle Paul for his personal 
participation in the Gospel (ver. 19). It is not cer- 
tain under what circumstances they became known 
to each other. It is evident that, on becoming a 
disciple, he gave no common proof of the sincerity 
and power of his faith. His character, as shadowed 
forth in the Epistle to him (ver. 5, 7, 21, &c), is one 
of the noblest which the sacred record makes known 
to us (so Prof. Hackett). 

Phi-le mon (see above), the E-pis'tle of Paul to, 
one of the letters (the others are Ephesians, Colos- 
sians, Philippians) which the apostle wrote during 
his first imprisonment at Rome. (Colossians, Epis- 
tle to.) The time when Paul wrote may be fixed 
with much precision. The apostle at the close of 
the letter expresses a hope of his speedy liberation. 
Presuming that he had good reasons for such an ex- 
pectation, and that he was not disappointed in the 
result, we may conclude that this letter was written 
by him about a. d. 63, or early in a. n. 64. — Nothing 
is wanted to confirm the genuineness of the Epistle. 
The external testimony is unimpeachable. Ignatius 
thrice uses the Greek phrase translated in Phn. 20, 
" Let me have joy of thee." The Canon of Mura- 
tori enumerates this as one of Paul's Epistles. Ter- 
tullian alludes to it as admitted by Marcion into his 
collection. Origen and Eusebius include it among 
the universally acknowledged writings of the early 
Christian times. The style and historical allusions 
of the Epistle accord with its being from Paul. 
Baur would divest it of its historical character, 
and make it the personified illustration, from some 

1 Rev. H. Christmas (in Fairbairn) says the Turkish 
name is not Allah Shehr (God's city), but Ala Shehr or 
Alia Shehr (t.he beautiful city)." It is not venerated by the 
Turks, but its situation is highly picturesque, especially 
when viewed from the N. E., being principally built on 
four or five hills, regular in figure, like truncated pyra- 
mids. The modern town, ill-built and dirty, contains 
nearly 15,030 inhabitants, one-fifth Greek Christians. 



later writer, of the idea that Christianity unites and 
equalizes in a higher sense those whom outward 
circumstances have separated. But he does not 
impugn the external evidence, and his linguistic ob- 
jections to Paul's authorship must be pronounced 
unfounded and frivolous. — The occasion and object 
are indicated by the letter itself. Paul, so intimate- 
ly connected with the master (Philemon) and the 
servant (Onesimus), was anxious naturally to effect 
a reconciliation between them. He wished also to 
give Philemon an opportunity of manifesting his 
Christian love in the treatment of Onesimus, and 
his regard for his spiritual teacher and guide. Paul 
used his influence with Onesimus (ver. 12) to induce 
him to return to Colosse, and place himself again at 
the disposal of his master. On his departure, Paul 
put into his hand this letter as evidence that Ones- 
imus was a true and approved disciple of Christ, 
and entitled as such to be received not as a servant, 
but above a servant, as a brother in the faith, as 
the representative and equal in that respect of the 
apostle himself, and worthy of the same considera- 
tion and love. He identifies himself with Onesimus, 
intercedes for him as his own child, promises repa- 
ration if he had done any wrong, demands for him 
not only a remission of all penalties, but the recep- 
tion of sympathy, affection, Christian brotherhood, 
and while he solicits these favors for another, con- 
sents to receive them with the same gratitude and 
sense of obligation as if they were bestowed on him- 
self. — The result of the appeal cannot be doubted. 
It may be assumed from the character of Philemon 
that the apostle's intercession for Onesimus was not 
unavailing. Surely, no fitting response to his plead- 
ings for Onesimus could involve less than a cessa- 
tion of every thing oppressive and harsh in his civil 
condition, as far as it depended on Philemon to 
mitigate or neutralize the evils of a legalized system 
of bondage, as well as a cessation of every thing 
which violated his rights as a Christian. Many of 
the best critics construe expressions in ver. 14 and 
21 as conveying a distinct expectation on the part 
of Paul that Philemon would liberate Onesimus. 
Nearly all agree that he could hardly have failed to 
confer on him that favor, even if not requested in 
words, after such an appeal to his humanity and 
justice. The Epistle to Philemon has an cesthetical 
character which distinguishes it from all the other 
Epistles. It is a model of delicacy and skill. The 
writer had peculiar difficulties to overcome ; but 
Paul showed a degree of self-denial and a tact in 
dealing with them, which in being equal to the oc- 
casion could hardly be greater (so Prof. Hackett, 
original author of this article). Bible ; Canon ; 
Epistle ; Inspiration ; New Testament. 

Plli-le'tus (L. fr. Gr. = to be loved, worthy of love, 
L. & S.), possibly a disciple of Hymeneus, with 
whom he is associated in 2 Tim. ii. 17. "They ap- 
pear," says Waterland, "to have believed the Scrip- 
tures of the 0. T., but misinterpreted them, allego- 
rizing away the doctrine of the Resurrection, and 
resolving it all into figure and metaphor. The de- 
livering over unto Satan seems to have been a form 
of excommunication declaring the person reduced 
to the state of a heathen ; and in the apostolical 
age it was accompanied with supernatural or mirac- 
ulous effects upon the bodies of the persons so 
delivered." According to Walchius, they made " re- 
surrection" = the knowledge and profession of 
the Christian religion, or regeneration and conver- 
sion. The names of Philetus and Hymeneus oc- 
cur separately among those of Cesar's household 



854: 



PHI 



PHI 



whose relics have been found in the Columbaria at 
Rome. 

Phil ip (fr. Gr. Philippos = fond of horses, L. & 
S.). 1. Father of Alexander the Great (1 Mc. i. 

I, vi. 2) ; king of Macedonia, b. c. 359-336. — 2. A 
Phrygian, left by Antiochus Epiphanes as governor 
at Jerusalem (about b. c. 170), where he behaved 
with great cruelty toward the Jews (2 Mc. v. 22, vi. 

I I, viii. 8) ; commonly identified with — 3. The foster- 
brother (ix. 29) of Antiochus Epiphanes, whom the 
king upon his death bed appointed regent of Syria 
and guardian of his son Antiochus V., to the exclu- 
sion of Ltsias 1 (b. c. 164). He returned from Persia 
to assume the government, and occupied Antioch, 
w hich Lysiasnstormed (1 Mc. vi. 14, 15, 55, 56, 63). 
He was put to death by Lysias (so Jos. xii. 9, § 7 ; 
compare 2 Mc. xiii. 23) ; but 2 Mc. ix. 29 says, he 
went into Egypt to Ptolemy Philometor after the 
death of Antiochus Epiphanes. — 1. Philip V., king 
of Macedonia, b. c. 220-179. His wide and success- 
ful endeavors to strengthen and enlarge the Mace- 
donian dominion brought him into conflict with the 
Romans, then engaged in the critical war with Car- 
thage. In 1 Mc. viii. 5, the defeat of Philip at 
Cynoscephala: (b. c. 197) is coupled with that of 
Perseus as one of the noblest triumphs of the Ro- 
mans. 

Philip (see above) the A-pos'tle (see Apostle) was 
of Bethsaida, the city of Andrew and Peter (Jn. i. 
44), and apparently was among the Galilean peasants 
of that district who flocked to hear the preaching 
of John the Baptist. The manner in which St. 
John speaks of him, the repetition by him of the 
self-same words with which Andrew had brought to 
Peter the good news that the Christ had at last ap- 
peared, all indicate a previous friendship with the 
sons of Jona and of Zebedee, and a consequent par- 
ticipation in their Messianic hopes (so Prof. Plunip- 
tre, original author of this article). The close union 
of the two in Jn. vi. and xii. suggests that he may 
have owed to Andrew the first tidings that the hope 
had been fulfilled. The statement that Jesus found 
him (Jn. i. 43) implies a previous seeking. To him 
first in the whole circle of the disciples were spoken 
the words "Follow me." As soon as he has learned 
to know his Master, he is eager to communicate his 
discovery to another who had also shared the same 
expectations. He speaks to Nathanael, probably 
on his arrival in Cana (compare xxi. 2), as though 
they had not seldom communed together, of the in- 
timations of a divine kingdom which they found in 
their sacred books. We may well believe that he, 
like his friend, was an " Israelite indeed in whom 
there was no guile." In the lists of the twelve 
apostles, in the Synoptic Gospels, his name is as 
uniformly at the head of the second group of four, 
as the name of Peter is at that of the first (Mat. x. 
3 ; Mk. iii. 18 ; Lk. vi. 14) ; and the facts recorded 
by St. John give the reason of this priority. Philip, 
apparently, was among the first company of dis- 
ciples who were with the Lord at the commence- 
ment of His ministry, at the marriage of Cana, and 
on His first appearance as a prophet in Jerusalem 
(Jn. ii.). When John was cast into prison, and the 
work of declaring the glad tidings ef the kingdom 
required a new company of preachers, we may be- 
lieve that he, like his companions and friends, re- 
ceived a new call to a more constant discipleship 
(Mat. iv. 18-22). When the Twelve were specially 
set apart for their office, he was numbered among 
them. The first three Gospels tell us nothing more 
of him individually. St. John records a few signifi- 



cant utterances. Clement of Alexandria assumes 
that Philip was the disciple who said " Lord, suffer 
me first to go and bury my father " (Mat. viii. 21). 
Jesus, before feeding the 5,000, asked Philip, in 
order to prove him, " Whence shall we buy bread, 
that these may eat? " Philip's answer, " Two hun- 
dred pennyworth of bread is not sufficient for them 
that every one of them may take a little," shows how 
little he was prepared for the work of divine power 
that follow ed (Jn. vi. 5 ff.). Some Gentile proselytes 
("Greeks," A. V.), who had come to keep the Pass- 
over at Jerusalem, desired to see Jesus. "Philip 
cometh and telleth Andrew, and again Andrew and 
Philip tell Jesus " (xii. 20-22). It was part of his 
childlike simplicity to express the craving, " Lord, 
show us the Father, and it sufficeth us." And the 
answer belonged especially to him. He had been 
eager to send others to set Jesus. He had thought 
of the glory of the Father as consisting in some- 
thing else than the Truth, Righteousness, Love, that 
he had witnessed in the Son. "Have I been so 
long time with you, and yet hast thou not known 
me, Philip? He, that hath seen me, hath seen the 
Father. How sayest thou, then, Show us the Father ? " 
(xiv. 8, 9). No other fact connected with the name 
of Philip is recorded in the Gospels. His close re- 
lation to the sons of Zebedee and Nathanael might 
lead us to think of him as one of the two unnamed 
disciples in the list of fishermen on the Sea of Ti- 
berias (xxi.). He is among the company of disciples 
at Jerusalem after the Ascension (Acts i. 13), and 
on the day of Pentecost. After this, all is uncer- 
tain and apocryphal. He is mentioned by Clement 
of Alexandria as having had a wife and children, 
and as having sanctioned the marriage of his daugh- 
ters instead of binding them to vows of chastity, 
and is included in the list of those who had borne 
witness of Christ in their lives, but had not died 
what was commonly looked on as a martyr's death. 
Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, speaks of him as 
having fallen asleep in the Phrygian Hierapolis, as 
having had two daughters who had grown old un- 
married, and a third, with special gifts of inspira- 
tion, who had died at Ephesus. There seems, how- 
ever, in this mention of the daughters of Philip, to 
be some confusion between the apostle and Philip 
the Evangelist. The apocryphal Aets of Thilip 
are utterly wild and fantastic. Different traditions 
represent Phrygia, Greece and Parthia, and Scythia, 
as the scene of his labors. 

Phil ip (see above) the E-van'ge-Iist (see Evange- 
list) is first mentioned in the account of the dis- 
pute between the Hebrew and Hellenistic disciples 
in Acts vi. He is one of the Seven appointed to 
superintend the daily distribution of food and alms, 
and so to remove all suspicion and partiality. 
(Deacon.) The persecution, of which Saul was the 
leader, must have stopped the "daily ministrations" 
of the Church. The teachers who had been most 
prominent were compelled to take to flight, and 
Philip was among them. The city of Samaria is 
the first scene of his activity (Acts viii.). He is the 
precursor of St. Paul in his work, as Stephen has 
been in his teaching. It falls to his lot, rather than 
to that of an apostle, to take that first step in the 
victory over Jewish prejudice and the expansion of 
the Church, according to its Lord's command. The 
scene which brings PhLip and Simon the Sorcerer 
(Simon Magus) into contact with each other, in 
which the magician has to acknowledge a power 
over nature greater than his own, is interesting, 
rather as belonging to the life of the heresiarch 



i 



PHI 



PHI 



855 



than to that of the Evangelist. This step is fol- 
lowed by another. He is directed by an angel of 
the Lord to take the road that led down from Jeru- 
salem to Gaza on the way to Egypt. A chariot 
passes by in which is a man of another race, whose 
complexion or dress showed him to be a native of 
Ethiopia. This Ethiopian eunuch, converted through 
Philip's instrumentality, is then baptized by him. 
A brief sentence tells us that Philip continued his 
work as a preacher at Azotus (Ashdod) and among 
the other cities that had formerly belonged to the 
Philistines, and, following the coast-line, came to 
Cesarea. Here, for a long period, not less than 
eighteen or nineteen years, we lose sight of him. 
Cesarea, however, seems to have been the centre of 
his activity. The last glimpse of him in the N. T. 
is in the account of St. Paul's journey to Jeru- 
salem. To his house, as to one well known to 
them, St. Paul and his companions turn for shelter. 
He has four daughters, who possess the gift of 
prophetic utterance, and who apparently give them- 
selves to the work of teaching instead of entering 
on the life of home (xxi. 8, 9). He is visited by 
the prophets and elders of Jerusalem. (Agabus; 
Paul.) One tradition places the scene of his death 
at Hierapolis in Phrygia (Philip the Apostle) ; an- 
other makes him end his days at Cesarea ; accord- 
ing to another, he died bishop of Tralles. The 
house in which he and his daughters had lived was 
pointed out to travellers in the. time of Jerome. 

Phil ip Her'od (see above, and Herod) I., II. 
Herod IV., V. 

Phi-lip'pi (L. fr. Gr., named from Philip 1 ; see 
below), a city of Macedonia, in a plain between the 
ranges of Pangoeus and Hsemus, about nine miles 
from the sea, and N. W. of the island of Thasos. 
St. Paul, on his first visit to Macedonia with Silas, 
embarked at Troas, made a straight run to Samo- 
thrace, and from thence to Neapolis (the port of 
Philippi), which he reached on the second day (Acts 
xvi. 11). A steep track, following mainly the course 
of an ancient paved road, leads from Neapolis over a 




Ruins at Philippi. — From Devereux'a Shores of the Mediterrav 

line of hills anciently called Symbolum to Philippi, 
the solitary pass being about 1,600 feet above the 
sea-level. Between the foot of Symbolum and the 
site of Philippi, two Turkish cemeteries are passed, 
the gravestones of which are all derived from the 
ruins of the ancient city, and nearly off against the 
one first reached, toward the middle of the plain, is 



the modern Turkish village Bereketli. This, though 
some miles distant (so Prof. Hackett), is the nearest 
village to the ancient ruins, which are not at the 
present time inhabited at all. Near the second 
cemetery are some ruins on a slight eminence, and 
also a khan. The site of the ancient city is a mile 
or two beyond, on the opposite side of a river-bed 
sixty -six feet wide, through which a winter torrent 
flows. The walls may still be traced. Their direc- 
tion is adjusted to the course of the stream ; and at 
350 feet from its margin is a gap indicating where 
the gate once was, probably the gate at which Paul 
and his company entered, and by which they went 
out to the " prayer-meeting " on the river-bank where 
they became acquainted with Lydia (Acts xvi. 13 ff.). 
At Philippi the " damsel with a spirit of divination " 
having been dispossessed, Paul and Silas were sum- 
marily seized and imprisoned. Philippi was " a chief 
city of the province of Macedonia " (Hackett, &c), 
or " the first city of the district of Macedonia to 
which Paul came " (so Conybeare & Howson, Winer, 
&c), not (as the A. V. text renders) " the chief city 
of that part of Macedonia " (12). Paul visited Phi- 
lippi probably twice subsequently (xx. 1, 2, 6), and 
wrote to the Christians there the Epistle to the 
Philippians (see next article). The Philippi which 
he visited was a Roman colony founded by Augus- 
tus, and the remains which strew the ground are no 
doubt derived from that city. On this plain had 
been fought (b. c. 42) the battle of Philippi, in which 
Brutus and Cassius were defeated by Octavius (Au- 
gustus) and Antony. The establishment of Philip 
of Macedonia was probably not exactly on the same 
site, but may have been on the elevation near the 
second cemetery. Philip, when he acquired posses- 
sion of the site, found there a town named Dalus or 
Datum, probably in its origin a factory of the Phe- 
nicians, who were the first that worked the gold- 
mines in the mountains here, as in the neighboring 
Thasos. The proximity of the gold-mines was of 
course the origin of so large a city as Philippi, but 
the plain in which it lies is of extraordinary fertility. 

The ipostion too was on the main 
road from Rome to Asia, the Eg- 
natian Way, which from Thessa- 
lonica to Constantinople followed 
the same course as the existing 
post-road. The ruins of Philippi 
are spread over several acres, 
but present no striking feature 
except two lofty gateways, sup- 
posed to belong to the time of 
Claudius. Traces of an amphi- 
theatre, theatre, or stadium — for 
it does not clearly appear which 
— are also visible in the direction 
of the hills on the N. E. side. In- 
scriptions both in the Latin and 
Greek languages, but more gen- 
erally in the former, are found. 

Plii-lip'pi-ans ( = people [i. e. 
Christians] o/Piiilippi), E-pis'tlt! 
to the. 1. The canonical au- 
thority, Pauline authorship and 
integrity of this Epistle have 
been almost unanimously acknowledged. Marcion 
(a. d. 140) in the earliest known Canon held com- 
mon ground with the Church touching the authority 
of this Epistle: it appears in the Muratorian Frag- 
ment ; among the " acknowledged " books in Euse- 
bius ; in the lists of the Council of Laodicea, a. d. 
365, and the Synod of Hippo, 393 ; and in all sub- 



856 



PHI 



PHI 



sequent lists, as well as in the Pcshito and later ver- 
sions. Even contemporary evidence may be claimed 
for it. Philippian Christians who had contributed 
to the collections for St. Paul's support at Rome, 
who had been eye and ear witnesses of the return 
of Epaphroditus and the first reading of St. Paul's 
Epistle, may have been still alive at Philippi when 
Polycarp wrote (a. d. 107) his letter to them, in 
which he refers to St. Paul's Epistle as a well-known 
distinction belonging to the Philippian Church. It 
is quoted as St. Paul's by Irenzeus, Clement of Alex- 
andria, and Tertullian. A quotation from it (Phil, 
ii. 6) is found in the Epistle of the Churches of 
Lyons and Vienne, a. d. 177. The testimonies of 
later writers are innumerable. (Canon.) — 2. Where 
written. The constant tradition that this Epistle 
was written at Home, by St. Paul in his captivity, 
was impugned first by Oeder (1731), who, disregard- 
ing the fact that the apostle was in prison (i. 7, 13, 
14) w hen he wrote, imagined that he was at Corinth ; 
and then by Paulus (1799), Schulz (1829), Bbttger 
(1837), and Rilliet (1841), in whose opinion the 
Epistle was written during the apostle's confinement 
at Cesarea(Acts xxiv. 23) ; but the references to the 
" palace " (Gr. praitoriou, Phil. i. 13 ; see Pretori- 
um), and to " Cesar's household " (iv. 22), to his ex- 
treme uncertainty of life connected with the decision 
of his case (i. 19, 20, ii. 17, iii. 10), and to the dissemi- 
nation of the Gospel (i. 12-18), seem to point to Rome 
rather than to Cesarea. — 3. When written. Assuming, 
then, that the Epistle was written at Rome during 
the imprisonment mentioned in the last chapter of 
the Acts, it could not have been written long before 
the end of the two years ; for the distress of the 
Philippians on account of Epaphroditus' sickness 
was known at Rome when the Epistle was written ; 
St. Luke was evidently absent from Rome ; and 
lastly, it is obvious from Phil. i. 20, that St. Paul, 
when he wrote, felt his position to be very critical, 
and we know that it became more precarious as the 
two years drew to a close. In a. d. 62 the infamous 
Tigellinus succeeded Burrus the upright Pretorian 
prefect in the charge of St. Paul's person ; and the 
marriage to Nero of Poppaea, who had become a 
Jewish proselyte, brought his imperial judge under an 
influence which, if exerted, was hostile to St. Paul. 
Assuming that St. Paul's acquittal and release took 
place in 63, we may date the Epistle to the Philip- 
pians early in that year. — 4. The uriter's acquaint- 
ance wilh the PhiVippians. Philippi was endeared to 
St. Paul, not only by the hospitality of Lydia, the 
deep sympathy of the converts, and the remarkable 
miracle which set a seal on his preaching, but also 
by the successful exercise of his missionary activity 
after a long suspense, and by the happy consequences 
of his undaunted endurance of ignominies, which re- 
mained in his memory (Phil. i. 30) after eleven years. 
Leaving Timothy and Luke to watch over the infant 
Church, Paul and Silas went to Thessalonica (1 Th. 
ii. 2), whither they were followed by the alms of the 
Philippians (Phil. iv. 16), and thence southward. 
After the lapse of five years, spent chiefly at Corinth 
and Ephesus, St. Paul, escaping from the incensed 
worshippers of the Ephesian Diana, passed through 
Macedonia, a. d. 57, on his way to Greece, accom- 
panied by the Ephesians Tychicus and Trophimus, 
and probably visited Philippi for the second time, 
and was there joined by Timothy (Acts xx. 1, 2). 
He wrote at Philippi 2 Cor. (Corinthians, Second 
Epistle to the.) On returning from Greece he again 
found a refuge among his faithful Philippians, where 
he spent some days at the time of the Passover, a. d. | 



58, with St. Luke, who accompanied him when he 
sailed from Neapolis (xx. 3-6). Once more, in his 
Roman captivity (a. i>. 62) their care of him revived 
again. They sent Epaphroditus, bearing their alms 
for the apostle's support, and ready also to tender 
his personal service (Phil. ii. 25). — 5. Scope and con- 
tents of the Epistle. St. Paul's aim in writing is 
plainly this: while acknowledging the alms of the 
Philippians and the personal services of their mes- 
senger, to give them some information respecting his 
own condition, and some advice respecting theirs. 
After the inscription (i. 1,2) in which Timothy as 
the second father of the Church is joined with Paul, 
he sets forth his own condition (i. 3-26), his pray- 
ers, care, and wishes for his Philippians, with the 
troubles and uncertainty of his imprisonment, and 
his hope of eventually seeing them again. Then (i. 
27-ii. 18) he exhorts them to those particular vir- 
tues which he would rejoice to see them practising 
at the present time. He hopes soon to hear a good 
report of them (ii. 19-30), cither by sending Tim- 
othy, or by going himself to them, as he now sends 
Epaphroditus whose diligent service is highly com- 
mended. Reverting (iii. 1-21) to the tone of joy 
which runs through the preceding descriptions and 
exhortations— as in i. 4, 18, 25, ii. 2, 16, 17, 18, 28— 
he bids them take heed that their joy be in (he Lord, 
and warns them, as he had often previously warned 
them (probably in his last two visits), against admit- 
ting itinerant Judaizing teachers, the tendency of 
whose doctrine was toward a vain confidence in mere 
earthly things ; in contrast to this, he exhorts them 
to follow him in placing their trust humbly but en- 
tirely in Christ, and in pressing forward in their 
Christian course, with the Resurrection-day con- 
stantly before their minds. Again (iv. 1-9), advert- 
ing to their position in the midst of unbelievers, he 
beseeches them, even with personal appeals, to be 
firm, united, joyful in the Lord ; to be full of prayer 
and peace, and to lead such a life as must approve 
itself to the moral sense of all men. Lastly (iv. 10- 
23), he thanks them for the contribution sent by 
Epaphroditus for his support, and concludes with 
salutations and a benediction. — 6. Effect of the Epis- 
tle. We have no account of the reception of this 
Epistle by the Philippians. Except doubtful tradi- 
tions that Erastus was their first bishop, and with 
Lydia and Parmenas was martyred in their city, 
nothing is recorded of them for the next forty-four 
years. About a. d. 107 Ignatius was conducted 
through Philippi on his way to martyrdom at Rome. 
Soon after a letter came from Polycarp of Smyrna, 
which accompanied, in compliance with a request 
of the warm-hearted Philippians, a copy of all the 
letters of Ignatius in the possession of the Church 
at Smyrna. Now, though we cannot trace the im- 
mediate effect of St. Paul's Epistle on the Philippi- 
ans, yet no one can doubt that it contributed to form 
the character of their Church, as it was in the time 
of Polycarp. It is evident from Polycarp's Epistle 
that the Church, by the grace of God and the gui- 
dance of the apostle, had passed through those trials 
of which St. Paul warned it, and had not gone back 
from the high degree of Christian attainments which 
it reached under St. Paul's oral and written teach- 
ing. — 7. The Church at Rome. The state of the 
Church at Rome should be considered befoie enter- 
ing on the study of the Epistle to the Philippians. 
Something is to be learned of its condition about 
a. n. 58 from the Epistle to the Romans, about a. d. 
61 from Acts xxviii. St. Paul's presence in Rome, 
the freedom of speech allowed to him, and the per- 



PHI 



PHI 



857 



sonal freedom of his fellow-laborers were the means 
of infusing fresh missionary activity into the Church 
(Phil. i. 12-14). It was in the work of Christ that 
Epaphroditus was worn out (ii. 30). — 8. Character- 
istic, features of the Epistle. Strangely full of joy and 
thanksgiving amidst adversity, like the apostle's 
midnight hymn from the depth of his Philippian 
dungeon, this Epistle went forth from his prison at 
Rome. In most other epistles he writes with a sus- 
tained effort to instruct, or with sorrow, or with in- 
dignation ; he is striving to supply imperfect, or to 
correct erroneous teaching, to put down scandalous 
impurity, or to heal schism in the Church which he 
addresses. But in this Epistle, though he knew the 
Philippians intimately, and was not blind to the 
faults and tendencies to fault of some of them, yet 
he mentions no evil so characteristic of the whole 
Church as to call for general censure on his part, 
or amendment on theirs. Of all his Epistles to 
Churches, none has so little of an official character 
as this. Love is its key-note. — The Epistle to the 
Philippians is found in all the principal uncial manu- 
scripts, viz. in A, B, C, D, E, F, G, J, K. In C, 
however, the verses preceding i. 22, and those fol- 
lowing iii. 5, are wanting. Bible ; Inspiration ; 
New Testament. 

Plli-Iis'ti-a [fe-lis'te-a or fe-list'ya] (a Latinized 
form of Heb. Peleskelh ; see Palestine), the land 
of the Philistines (Ps. lx. 8, lxxxvii. 4, cviii. 9). 
Sephela. 

* Phi-lis'tim (fr. Heb. pi. Pelishlim) = Philistines 
(Gen. x. 14). 

* Phi-lis'tine [ tin], pi. Phi-lis'tines [ tinz] (fr. 
Heb. P&liskti, pi. Pelishlim = native of Philistia, 
people of Philistia). The origin of the Philistines 
is nowhere expressly stated in the Bible (so Mr. 
Bevan) ; but as the prophets describe them as " the 
Philistines from Caphtor " (Am. ix. 7), and " the 
remnant of the maritime district of Caphtor " ( Jer. 
xlvii. 4), it is at the first view probable that they 
were the "Caphtorims which came out of Caphtor" 
who expelled the Avim from their territory and oc- 
cupied it in their place (Deut. ii. 23), and that these 
again were the Caphtorim mentioned in the Mosaic 
genealogical table among the descendants of Mizraim 
(Gen. x. 14). But in establishing this conclusion 
certain difficulties present themselves : in the first 
place, it is observable that in Gen. x. 14 the Philis- 
tines are connected with the Casluhim rather than 
the Caphtorim. The clause seems to have an 
appropriate meaning in its present position, viz. 
to explain when and where the name Philistine 
was first applied to the people whose proper ap- 
pellation was Caphtorim. But a second and more 
serious difficulty arises out of the language of the 
Philistines ; for while the Caphtorim were Hamitic, 
the Philistine language is held to have been Shemit- 
ic. The difficulty arising out of the language may 
be met by assuming either that the Caphtorim 
adopted the language of the conquered Avim, or 
that they diverged from the Hamitic stock when the 
distinctive features of Hamitism and Shemitism were 
yet in embryo. (Shemitic Languages.) A third 
objection to their Egyptian origin is raised from 
the application of the term " uncircumcised " to 
them (1 Sam. xvii. 26; 2 Sam. i. 20), whereas the 
Egyptians were circumcised (Hdt. ii. 36). But this 
objection is answered by Jer. ix. 25, 26, where the 
same term is applied to the Egyptians. (Circum- 
cision.) — The next question that arises relates to 
the early movements of the Philistines. It has 
been very generally assumed of late years that 



Caphtor represents Crete, and that the Plu'lis- 
tines migrated from that island, either directly or 
through Egypt, into Palestine. The hypothesis pre- 
supposes the Shemitic origin of the Philistines ; but 
the Biblical statement is that Caphtorim was de- 
scended from Mizraim. Moreover, the name Caph- 
tor can only be identified with the Egyptian Coptos. 
But the Cretan origin of the Philistines has been 
deduced not so much from the name Caphtor as 
from that of the Cherethites. This name in its 
Hebrew form bears a close resemblance to Crete, 
and is rendered Cretans in the LXX. But the mere 
coincidence of the names cannot pass for much 
without some corroborative testimony. Without 
therefore asserting that migrations may not have 
taken place from Crete to Philistia, Mr. Bevan holds 
that the evidence adduced to prove that they did, is 
insufficient. — The last point to be decided in con- 
nection with the early history of the Philistines is, 
the time when they settled in the land of Canaan. 
If we were to restrict ourselves to the statements 
of the Bible, we should conclude that this took 
place before the time of Abraham : for they are 
noticed in his day as a pastoral tribe in the neigh- 
borhood of Gerar (Gen. xxi. 32, 34,xxvi. 1, 8 ; Abim- 
elech). At the Exodus they were still in the 
same neighborhood, but sufficiently powerful to in- 
spire the Israelites with fear (Ex. xiii. 17, xv. 14). 
When the Israelites arrived, they were in full pos- 
session of the Shipheldh (Sephela) from the " river 
of Egypt " (el-'Arish) in the S. to Ekron in the N., 
and had formed a confederacy of five principal 
cities, Gaza, Ashdod, Asiikelon, Gath, Ekron (Josh, 
xiii. 3). The interval between Abraham and the 
Exodus seems sufficient to allow for the alteration 
in the position of the Philistines, and their trans- 
formation from a pastoral tribe to a settled and 
powerful nation. But such a view has not met with 
acceptance among modern critics, partly because it 
leaves the migrations of the Philistines wholly un- 
connected with any known historical event, and 
partly because it does not explain the great in- 
crease in their power in the time of the Judges. 
To meet these two requirements a double migration 
on the part of the Philistines, or of the two branches 
of that nation, has been suggested. The view 
adopted by Movers is, that the Philistines were car- 
ried westward from Palestine into Lower Egypt by 
the stream of the Hyksos movement at a period 
subsequent to Abraham ; from Egypt they passed 
to Crete, and returned to Palestine in the early 
period of the Judges. This is inconsistent with the 
notices in Joshua. Ewald propounds the hypothesis 
of a double immigration from Crete, the first in the 
ante-patriarchal period, as a consequence either of 
the Canaanitish settlement or of the Hyksos move- 
ment, the second in the time of the Judges. Mr. 
Bevan regards the above views as speculations, 
built up on very slight data, and unsatisfactory, in- 
asmuch as they fail to reconcile the statements of 
Scripture. The hypothesis of a second immigration 
is not needed to account for the growth of the Phi- 
listine power. Their geographical position and their 
relations to neighboring nations will account for it. 
Between the times of Abraham and Joshua, the 
Philistines had advanced northward into the Shc- 
phelah or plain of Philistia. This plain has been 
in all ages remarkable for the extreme richness of 
its soil ; its fields of standing corn, its vineyards 
and olive-yards, are incidentally mentioned in Scrip- 
ture (Judg. xv. 5), and in time of famine the land 
of the Philistines was the hope of Palestine (2 K. 



858 



PHI 



PHI 



viii. 2). It was also adapted to the growth of mili- 
tary power ; for while the plain itself permitted the 
use of war-chariots, which were the chief arm of 
offence, the occasional elevations which rise out of 
it offered secure sites for towns and strongholds. 
It was, moreover, a commercial country ; from its 
position it must have been at all times the great 
thoroughfare between Phenicia and Syria in the N., 
and Egypt and Arabia in the S. The Philistines 




Heads of Philistine Prisoners.— From sculptures at Medinet Uaboo, in Ro- 
sellini's Monuments of Egyj>t. — (Fbn.) 

traded in slaves with Edom and Southern Arabia 
(Am. i. 6 ; Joel iii. 3, 5). They probably possessed 
a navy ; for they had ports attached to Gaza and 
Ashkelon ; the LXX. speaks of their ships in its 
version of Is. xi. 14 ; and they are represented as 
attacking the Egyptians out of ships. They had at 
an early period attained proficiency in the arts of 
peace (1 Sam. vL 11, xiii. 20, xvii. 6, 6 : Handi- 




Philistine Ship attacked by Egyptiane.- 



From sculptures at Medinet Haloo, in Rosellini'fl Monuments of 
Eguyt. — Fbn.) 



craft). Their wealth was abundant (Judg. xvi. 5, 
18), and they appear in all respects to have been a 
prosperous people. Possessed of such elements of 
power, the Philistines had attained in the time of 
the Judges an important position among Eastern 
nations. About b. c. 1209 we find them engaged in 
successful war with the Sidonians (Justin, xviii. 3). 
About the same period, they and other Mediterra- 
nean nations were engaged in an unsuccessful naval 
war with Barneses III. of Egypt. And now to re- 
cur to the Biblical narrative : — The territory of the 
Philistines, having been once occupied by the Ca- 
naanites, formed a portion of the Promised Land, 
and was assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. xv. 
2, 12, 45—47). No portion, however, of it was con- 
quered in the lifetime of Joshua (xiii. 2), and even 
after his death no permanent conquest was effected 



(Judg. iii. 3), though Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron 
were taken (i. 18). The Philistines, however, soon re- 
covered these, and commenced an aggressive policy 
against the Israelites, by which they gained a com- 
plete ascendency over them. Individual heroes were 
raised up from time to time whose achievements 
might well kindle patriotism, such as Shamgar 
(iii. 31), and Samson (xiii.-xvi.) : but neither of 
these men succeeded in permanently throwing off 
the yoke. Under Eli there was an organized but 
unsuccessful resistance to the encroachments of the 
Philistines, who were met at Aphek 3(1 Sam. iv. 1). 
The production of the ark on this occasion demon- 
strates the greatness of the emergency, and its loss 
marked the lowest depth of Israel's degradation. 
The next action took place under Samuel's leader- 
ship, and the tide of success turned in Israel's 
favor (vii. 9-14 ; Eben-ezer). The Israelites now 
attributed their past weakness to their want of 
unity, and they desired a king, with the special ob- 
ject of leading them against the foe (viii. 20). As 
soon as Saul was prepared to throw off the yoke, 
he occupied with his army a position at Michmash, 
and his heroic son Jonathan gave the signal for a 
rising by overthrowing the pillar (so Mr. Bevan ; 
" garrison," A. V., Gesenius, &c.) which the Philis- 
tines had placed there. The challenge was ac- 
cepted ; the Philistines invaded the central district 
with an immense force, and, having dislodged Saul 
from Michmash, occupied it themselves, and sent 
forth predatory bands into the surrounding coun- 
try. The Israelites shortly after took up a position 
on the other side of the ravine 
at Geba, and, availing them- 
selves of the confusion con- 
sequent upon Jonathan's dar- 
ing feat, inflicted a tremen- 
dous slaughter upon the ene- 
my (xiii., xiv.). No attempt 
was made by the Philistines to 
regain their supremacy for 
about twenty-five years, and 
the scene of the next contest 
shows the altered strength of 
the two parties : it was no 
longer in the central country, 
but in a ravine leading down 
to the Philistine plain, the val- 
ley of Elah : on this occasion 
the prowess of young David 
secured success to Israel (Go- 
liath), and the foe was pur- 
sued to the gates of Gath and 
Ekron (xvii.). The power of 
the Philistines was, however, 
still intact on their own territory (xxi. 10-15, 
xxvii. ; Achish). The border-warfare was con- 
tinued. The scene of the next conflict was far to 
the N., in the valley of Esdraelon. (Gilboa.) The 
battle on this occasion proved disastrous to the 
Israelites : Saul himself perished, and the Philis- 
tines penetrated across the Jordan, and occupied 
the forsaken cities (xxxi. 1-7). On the appoint- 
ment of David to be king over the united tribes, 
the Philistines attempted to counterbalance the ad- 
vantage by an attack on the person of the king : 
they therefore penetrated into the valley of Rephaim, 
S. W. of Jerusalem, and even pushed forward an 
advanced post as far as Bethlehem (1 Chr. xi. 16). 
David twice attacked them at the former spot with 
signal success, in the first case capturing their im- 
ages (Baal-perazim), in the second pursuing them 



PHI 



PHI 



859 



" from Geba until thou come to Gazer " (2 Sam. v. 
12-25; 1 Chr. xiv. 8-16). Henceforth the Israelites 
appear as the aggressors : about seven years after 
the defeat of Kephaim, David, who had now con- 
solidated his power, attacked them on their own 
soil, and took Gath with its dependencies (xviii. 1 ; 
compare " Metheg-ammah," 2 Sam. viii. 1), and thus 
their ascendency was utterly broken. (Gob.) The 
whole of Philistia was included in Solomon's em- 
pire. The division of the empire at Solomon's 
death was favorable to the Philistine cause : Reho- 
boam secured himself against them by fortifying 
Gath and other cities bordering on the plain (2 
Chr. xi. 8) : the Israelite monarchs allowed the 
Philistines to get hold of Gibbethon (1 K. xv. 27, 
xvi. 15). Judah meanwhile had lost the tribute; 
for, on Jehoshaphat's success '.' some of the Philis- 
tines brought presents" (2 Chr. xvii. 11). But in 
Jehoram's reign the Philistines and Arabians in- 
vaded Judah, and sacked the royal palace (xxi. 16, 
17). The increasing weakness of the Jewish mon- 
archy under the attacks of Hazael led to the re- 
covery of Gath, which was afterward dismantled 
and probably destroyed by Uzziah, who also dis- 
mantled Jabneh and Ashdod, and erected forts in 
different parts of the country (xxvi. 6 ; 2K. xii. 17). 
Probably the Philistines were kept in subjection 
until the time of Ahaz, when they attacked the 
border-cities (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). A few years later, 
the Philistines, in conjunction with the Syrians and 
Assyrians, and perhaps as the subject-allies of the 
latter, carried on a series of attacks on the kingdom 
of Israel (Is. ix. 11, 12). Hezekiaii formed an al- 
liance with the Egyptians, as a counterpoise to the 
Assyrians, and the possession of Philistia became 
henceforth the turning-point of the struggle be- 
tween the two great empires of the East. Hezekiah, 
in the early part of his reign, reestablished his 
authority " even unto Gaza" (2 K. xviii. 8). Soon 
after, the Egyptians possessed the five Philistine 
cities. The Assyrians under Tartan, the general 
of Sargon, made an expedition against Egypt, and 
took Ashdod, as the key of that country (Is. xx. 1, 
4, 5). Ashkelon was taken by Sennacherib in his 
first campaign against Egypt ; Ashdod, Ekron, Gaza, 
submitted to him. The Assyrian supremacy, though 
shaken by the failure of his second campaign, was 
restored by Esar-haddon, and probably the Assyri- 
ans retained their hold on Ashdod until its capture, 
after a long siege, by Psammetichus. About this 
time Philistia was traversed by a vast Scythian 
horde on their way to Egypt (compare Zeph. ii. 4- 
7 ; Magog). The contest between the Egyptians 
and the Chaldeans under Nebuchadnezzar was spe- 
cially disastrous to the Philistines (Jer. xlviii.). The 
" old hatred " that the Philistines bore to the Jews 
was exhibited in acts of hostility at the time of the 
Babylonish Captivity (Ez. xxv. 15-17): but on the 
return this was somewhat abated, for some of the 
Jews married Philistine women, to the great scandal 
of their rulers (Neh. xiii. 23, 24). From this time 
the history of Philistia is absorbed in the struggles 
of the neighboring kingdoms. The latest notices 
of the Philistines as a nation occur in 1 Mc. iii.-v. 
(Ashdod ; Ashkelon ; Ekron ; Gaza ; Maccabees.) 
b. c. 63 Pompey annexed Philistia to the province 
of Syria ; but Gaza, Jamnia, Ashdod, and Ashke- 
lon were assigned to Herod (Jos. xiv. 4, § 4, xv. 7, 
§ 3, xvii. 11, § 5). — With regard to the institutions 
of the Philistines, our information is very scanty. 1 



1 The Philistines are represented as a tall, well-propor- 



The five chief cities had, as early as the days of 
Joshua, constituted themselves into a confederacy, 
restricted, however, in all probability, to matters of 
offence and defence. Each was under the govern- 
ment of a prince whose official title was seren, A.V. 
" lord " (Josh. xiii. 3 ; Judg. iii. 3, &c), and oc- 
casionally sdr, A. V. "prince" (1 Sam. xviii. 30, 
xxix. 3 ft'.). Gaza is usually mentioned first, Ekron 
always last. Each town possessed its own territory, 
and had dependent towns and villages. The Philis- 
tines appear to have been deeply imbued with super- 
stition : they carried their idols with them on their 
campaigns (2 Sam. v. 21), and proclaimed their vic- 
tories in their presence (1 Sam. xxxi. 9). The gods 
whom they chiefly worshipped were Dagon (Judg. 
xvi. 23 ; 1 Sam. v. 3-5 ; 1 Chr. x. 10 ; 1 Mc. x. 83), 
Ashtaroth (1 Sam. xxxi. 10), Baal-zebub (2 K. i. 
2-6), and Dcrceto (= Atargatis). Priests and di- 
viners (1 Sam. vi. 2) were attached to the various 
seats of worship. Idolatry. 

Plli-lol'o-gns (L. fr. Gr., literally = fond of talk- 
ing, usually a lover of learning, learned, L. & S.), a 
Christian at Rome to whom St. Paul sends his salu- 
tation (Rom. xvi. 15). Pseudo-Hippolytus makes 
him one of the seventy disciples, and bishop of 
Sinope. 

* Phil-o-me'tor (Gr.) (2 Mc. iv. 21). Ptolemy VI. 
Philometor. 

Phi-los'o-pliv (fr. Gr., literally = love of wisdom, 
hence the methodical pursuit of wisdom and actual 
possession of it, and the systematic arrangement of 
whatever is connected with this, including truths, 
principles, explanations of phenomena, &c). It is 
the object of the following article (originally by Mr. 
Westcott) to give some account (I.) of that devel- 
opment of thought among the Jews which answered 
to the philosophy of the West; (II.) of the recog- 
nition of the preparatory office of Greek philosophy 
in relation to Christianity; (III.) of the systematic 
progress of Greek philosophy as forming a complete 
whole ; and (IV.) of the contact of Christianity 
with philosophy. — I. Hie Philosophic Discipline of 
the Jews. Philosophy, if we limit the word strictly 
to describe the free pursuit of knowledge of which 
truth is the one complete end, is essentially of 
Western growth. In the East the search after wis- 
dom has always been connected with practice : it 
has remained there, what it was in Greece at first, a 
part of religion. The history of the Jews offers 
no exception to this remark : there is no Jewish 
philosophy properly so called. Vet speculation and 
action meet in truth ; and perhaps the most obvi- 
ous lesson of the 0. T. lies in the gradual construc- 
tion of a divine philosophy by fact, and not by 
speculation. The method of Greece was to proceed 
from life to God ; the method of Israel (so to speak) 
was to proceed from God to life. The axioms of 



tioned race like the Egyptians, with regular features, and 
complexions somewhat lighter than those of the Egyp- 
tians. They shaved the heard and whiskers. Their arms 
and accoutrements were peculiar. They wore a head- 
dress or helmet resembling a row of featherB set in a 
jewelled tiara or metal band, to which were attached scales 
of the same material to defend the back of the head and 
sides of the face. The corselet was quilted with leather 
or plates of metal, reached only to the chest, was sup- 
ported by shoulder-straps, and confined at the waist by a 
girdle from which a quilted skirt hung down nearly to the 
knee. The shield was large and circular. The weapons 
of the Philistines were the javelin or spear for the distant 
fight, and the poniard and long sword for close combat. 
(Arms.) They used war-chariots like those of the Egyp- 
tians, also carts and wagons of various forms drawn by 
two or four oxen (Osburn, Ancient Egypt, her Testimony 
to the Truth of the Bible, pp. 137 ff.). 



860 



PHI 



PHI 



one system are the conclusions of the other. The 
one led to the successive abandonment of the 
noblest domains of science which man had claimed 
originally as his own, till it left bare systems of 
morality ; the other, in the fulness of time, pre- 
pared many to welcome the Christ— the Truth.— 
The philosophy of the Jews, using the word in a 
large sense, is to be sought for rather in the prog- 
ress of the national life than in special books. 
Step by step the idea of the family was raised into 
that of the people; and the kingdom furnished the 
basis of those wider promises which included all 
nations in one kingdom of heaven. The social, the 
political, the cosmical relations of man were traced 
out gradually in relation to God. The philosophy 
of the Jews is thus essentially a moral philosophy, 
resting on a definite connection with God. The 
doctrines of Creation and Providence, of an In- 
finite Divine Person and of a responsible human 
will, which elsewhere form the ultimate limits of 
speculation, are here assumed at the outset. The 
fundamental ideas of the divine government found 
expression in words as well as in life. The Psalms, 
which, among the other infinite lessons which they 
convey, give a deep insight into the need of a per- 
sonal apprehension of truth, everywhere declare the 
absolute sovereignty of God over the material and 
moral worlds. One man among all (Solomon) is 
distinguished among the Jews as " the wise man." 
The description which is given of his writings serves 
as a commentary on the national view of philosophy 
(1 K. iv. 30-33). The lesson of practical duty, the 
full utterance of "a large heart" (29), the careful 
study of God's creatures : this is the sum of wis- 
dom. Yet in fact the very practical aim of this 
philosophy leads to the revelation of the most sub- 
lime truth. Wisdom was gradually felt to be a 
Person, throned by God, and holding converse with 
men (Pro v. viii.). She was seen to stand in open 
enmity with "the strange woman," who sought to 
draw them aside by sensuous attractions ; and thus 
a new step was made toward the central doctrine 
of Christianity — the Incarnation of the Word. Two 
books of the Bible, Job and Ecclesiastes, approach 
more nearly than any others to the type of philo- 
sophical discussions. But in both the problem is 
moral and not metaphysical. The one deals with 
the evils which afflict " the perfect and upright ; " 
the other with the vanity of all the pursuits and 
pleasures of earth. The method of inquiry is in 
both cases abrupt and irregular ; and the final solu- 
tion is obtained, not by consecutive reasoning, but 
by an authoritative utterance, which faith welcomes 
as the truth, toward which all partial efforts had 
tended. The Captivity necessarily exercised a pro- 
found influence upon Jewish thought. (Cyrds.) 
The teaching of Persia seems to have been designed 
to supply important elements in the education of 
the chosen people. But it did yet more than this. 
The imagery of Ez. i. gave an apparent sanction to 
a new form of mystical speculation. It is uncertain 
at what date this earliest Kabbalah (i. e. Tradition) 
received a definite form ; but there can be no doubt 
that the two great divisions of which it is composed, 
"tne chariot" (Heb. Mercdbdh, Ez. i.) and "the 
Creation " (Heb. BeresMth [= " In the beginning "], 
Gen. i.), found a wide development before the Chris- 
tian era. The first dealt with the manifestation of 
God in Himself ; the second with His manifestation 
in Nature ; and as the doctrine was handed down 
orally, it received naturally, both from its extent 
and form, great additions from foreign sources. On 



the one side it was open to the Persian doctrine of 
emanation, on the other to the Christian doctirine 
of the Incarnation ; and the tradition was deeply 
impressed by both before it was first committed to 
writing in the seventh or eighth century. At present 
the original sources for the teaching of the Kabbalah 
are the Sepher Jctzirah, or Book of Creation (eighth 
century), and the Sepher Hazohar, or Book of Splen- 
dor (thirteenth century). Both are based \ipon a 
system of Pantheism. The contact of the Jews 
w ith Persia thus gave rise to a traditional mysti- 
cism. Their contact with Greece was marked by 
the rise of distinct sects. In the third century b. c. 
the great doctor Antigonus of Socho bears a Greek 
name, and popular belief pointed to him as the 
teacher of Zadok and Boethus, the supposed found- 
ers of Jewish rationalism. At any rate, we may 
date from this time the twofold division of Jewish 
speculation which corresponds to the chief tenden- 
cies of practical philosophy. The Sapducees ap- 
pear as the supporters of human freedom in its 
widest scope ; the Pharisees of a religious Stoicism. 
At a later time the cycle of doctrine was completed, 
when by a natural reaction the Essenes established 
a mystic asceticism. The conception of wisdom 
which appears in the Book of Proverbs was elabo- 
rated with greater detail afterward (Wisdom op 
Solomon), both in Palestine (Ecclesiasticus) and 
in Egypt (Alexandria); but the doctrine of (he 
Word is of greater speculative interest. The first 
use of the term Word (Mernra), based upon the 
common formula of the prophets, is in the Targum 
of Onkelos (first century n. c), in which "the Word 
of God " is commonly substituted for God in His 
immediate, personal relations with man ; and it is 
probable that round this traditional rendering a 
fuller doctrine grew up. But there is a clear dif- 
ference between the idea of the Word then preva- 
lent in Palestine and that current at Alexandria. 
In Palestine the Word appears as the outward 
mediator between God and man, like the Angel of 
the Covenant: at Alexandria it appears as the spir- 
itual connection which opens the way to revelation. 
The preface to St. John's Gospel includes the ele- 
ment of truth in both. (Magi; Persians; Shechi- 
nah). — II. The Patristic Recognition o f the Prepara- 
tory Office of Greek Philosophy. The divine discipline 
of the Jews was in nature essentially moral. The 
lessons which it was designed to teach were em- 
bodied in the family and the nation. Yet this was 
not in itself a complete discipline of our nature. 
The reason, no less than the will and the affections, 
had an office to discharge in preparing man for the 
Incarnation. The process and the issue in the two 
cases were widely different, but they were in some 
sense complementary. Even in time this relation 
holds good. The divine kingdom of the Jens was 
just overthrown when free speculation arose in the 
Ionian colonies of Asia. The teaching of the last 
prophet nearly synchronized with the death of 
Socrates. All other differences between the dis- 
cipline of reason and that of revelation are im- 
plicitly included in their fundamental difference of 
method. In the one, man boldly aspired at once to 
God ; in the other, God gradually disclosed Himself 
to man. Philosophy failed as a religious teacher 
practically (Rom. i. 21, 22), but it bore noble wit- 
ness to an inward law (ii. 14, 15). In its purest 
and grandest forms it was " a schoolmaster to bring 
men to Christ." This function of ancient philosophy 
is distinctly recognized by many of the greatest of 
the Fathers (Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Augus- 



PHI 



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861 



tine, &c). But the same writers in other places 
sought to explain the partial harmony of Philosophy 
and Revelation by an original connection of the 
two. The use which was made of heathen specula- 
tion by heretical writers was one great cause of its 
disparagement by their catholic antagonists. This 
variety of judgment in the heat of controversy was 
inevitable. The full importance of the history of 
ancient philosophy was then first seen when all ri- 
valry was over, and it became possible to contem- 
plate it as a whole, animated by a great law, often 
trembling on the verge of truth, and sometimes by 
a " bold venture " claiming the heritage of faith. — 
III. The Development of Greek Philosophy. The 
various attempts to derive Western philosophy 
from Eastern sources have signally failed. It is 
true that in some degree the character of Greek 
speculation may have been influenced, at least in its 
earliest stages, by religious ideas originally intro- 
duced from the East; but this indirect influence 
does not affect the originality of the great Greek 
teachers. The very value of Greek teaching lies 
in the fact that it was, as far as is possible, a result 
of simple reason, or, if faith asserts its prerogative, 
the distinction is sharply marked. Of the various 
classifications of the Greek schools which have 
been proposed, the simplest and truest seems to be 
that which divides the history of philosophy into 
three great periods, the first reaching to the era of 
the Sophists, the next to the death of Aristotle, the 
third to the Christian era. In the first period the 
world objectively is the great centre of inquiry : in 
the second, the " ideas " of things, truth, and being ; 
in the third, the chief interest of philosophy falls 
back upon the practical conduct of life. After the 
Christian era philosophy ceased to have any true 
vitality in Greece, but it made fresh efforts to meet 
the changed conditions of life at Alexandria and 
Rome. — 1. The pre-Sucratic Schools. The first Greek 
philosophy was little more than an attempt to fol- 
low out in thought the mythic cosmogonies of earlier 
poets. What is the one permanent element which 
underlies the changing forms of things ? — this was 
the primary inquiry to which the Ionic school en- 
deavored to find an answer. Thales (about b. c. 
610-625) pointed to moisture (water) as the one 
source and supporter of life. Anaximen.es (about 
b. c. 520-480) substituted air for water. Diogenes 
of Apollonia (about b. c. 450) represented this ele- 
mentary "air" as endowed with intelligence, but 
even he makes no distinction between the material 
and the intelligent. The atomic theory of Democ- 
rilus (about b. c. 460-357) offered another and 
more plausible solution. The motion of his atoms 
included the action of force, but he wholly omitted 
to account for its source. Meanwhile another mode 
of speculation had arisen in the same school. In 
place of one definite element, Anaxiwander (b. c. 
610-547) suggested the unlimited as the adequate 
origin of all special existences. And somewhat 
more than a century later Anaxacforas summed up 
the result of such a line of speculation : "All 
things were together ; then mind came and disposed 
them in order. 1 ' Thus we are left face to face with 
an ultimate dualism. — The Eleatic school started 
from an opposite point of view. A'cjiophanes (about 
n. c. 530?) "looked up to the whole heaven and 
said that the One is God." " Thales saw gods in 
all things : Xenophanes saw all things in God " 
(Thirlwall, Hixlory of Greece, ii. 136). Parmenides 
of Elea (n. c. 500) substituted abstract "being "for 
" God " in the system of Xenophanes, and distin- 



guished with precision the functions of sense and 
reason. Zerto of Elea (about b. c. 450) developed 
with logical ingenuity the contradictions involved 
in our perceptions of things (e. g. in the idea of 
motion), and thus formally prepared the way for 
skepticism. — The teaching of Heraclitm (b. c. 500) 
offers a complete contrast to that of the Eleatics. 
So far from contrasting the existent and the phe- 
nomenal, he boldly identified being with change. 
Rest and continuance is death. That which is is 
the instantaneous balance of contending powers. 
Creation, is the play of the Creator. Heraclitus 
makes noble " guesses at truth," yet leaves " fate " 
the supreme creator. — Others had labored to trace 
a unity in the world in the presence of one under- 
lying element or in the idea of a whole ; Pythagoras 
(about b. c. 570-504) sought to combine the separate 
harmony of parts with total unity. Numerical 
unity includes the finite and the infinite; and in 
the relations of number there is a perfect sym- 
metry, as all spring out of the fundamental unit. 
Thus numbers seemed to Pythagoras to be not only 
" patterns " of things, but causes of their being. — 
2. Tlie Socratic Schools. In the second period of 
Greek philosophy the scene and subject were both 
changed. A philosophy of ideas, using the term 
in its widest sense, succeeded a philosophy of na- 
ture. In three generations Greek speculation 
reached its greatest glory in the teaching of Soc- 
rates, Plato, and Aristotle. The famous sentence 
in which Aristotle characterizes the teaching of 
Socrates (b. c. 468-399) places his scientific posi- 
tion in the clearest light. There are two things, he 
says, which we may rightly attribute to Socrates, 
inductive reasoning, and general definition. By the 
first he endeavored to discover the permanent ele- 
ment which underlies the changing forms of ap- 
pearances and the varieties of opinion : by the sec- 
ond he fixed the truth which he had thus gained. 
But, besides this, Socrates rendered another service 
to truth. Ethics occupied in his investigations the 
primary place which had hitherto been held by 
Physics. The great aim of his induction was to 
establish the sovereignty of virtue, and he de- 
termined to " know himself." He affirmed the ex- 
istence of a universal law of right and wrong. He 
connected philosophy with action, both in detail and 
in general. On the one side he upheld the suprem- 
acy of conscience, on the other the working of 
Providence. Not the least fruitful characteristic of 
his teaching was what may be called its desultori- 
ness. He formed no complete system. As a result 
of this, the most conflicting opinions were main- 
tained by some of his professed followers who car- 
ried out isolated fragments of his teaching to ex- 
treme conclusions. Thus the Cynics, carrying out 
his proposition that self-command — virtue, pro- 
fessed an utter disregard of every thing material ; 
the Cyrenaics, inverting the maxim that virtue is 
necessarily accompanied by pleasure, took imme- 
diate pleasure as the rule of action. — Plato alone 
(b. c. 430-347), by the breadth and nobleness of his 
teaching, was the true successor of Socrates ; with 
fuller detail and greater elaborateness of parts, his 
philosophy was as many-sided as that of his master. 
Plato possessed two commanding powers, which, 
though apparently incompatible, are in the highest 
sense complementary : a matchless destructive dia- 
lectic, and a creative imagination. His famous doc- 
trines of ideas and recollection are a solution by 
imagination of a logical difficulty. He attributed 
to general notions (" ideas ") a substantive existenca 



862 



PHI 



PHI 



All men were supposed to have been face to face 
with truth : the object of teaching was to bring 
back impressions latent, but uneffaced. The 
" myths " of Plato answer in the philosopher to 
faith in the Christian. They point out in intel- 
ligible outlines the subjects on which man looks for 
revelation. Such are the relations of the human 
mind to truth, the preiixistence and immortality of 
the soul, the state of future retribution, the revolu- 
tions of the world. — The great difference between 
Plato and Aristotle (b. c. 384-322) lies in the 
use which Plato thus made of imagination as the 
exponent of instinct. The dialectic of Plato is 
not inferior to that of Aristotle, and Aristotle ex- 
hibits traces of poetic power not unworthy of Plato ; 
but Aristotle never allows imagination to influence 
his final decision. He elaborated a perfect method, 
and used it with perfect fairness. His writings, if 
any, contain the highest utterance of pure reason. 
Looking back on all the earlier eiforts of philosophy, 
he pronounced a calm and final judgment. For him 
many of the conclusions which others had main- 
tained were valueless, because they rested on feel- 
ing, not on argument. The issue of his inquiry into 
the immortality of the soul was, part of it may be 
immortal, but that part is impersonal. With Soc- 
rates " ideas " (general definitions) were mere ab- 
stractions ; with Plato they had an absolute exist- 
ence ; with Aristotle they had no existence separate 
from things in which they were realized, though the 
form which answers to the Platonic idea was held 
to be the essence of the thing itself. With Plato 
and Aristotle, Ethics is a part of Politics ; the citizen 
is prior to the man. — 3. Tlie post-Socratic Schools. 
After Aristotle, Philosophy took a new direction. 
Speculation became mainly personal. JEpicvrits 
(b. c. 352-270) defined the object of Philosophy to 
be the attainment of a happy life. The pursuit of 
truth for its own sake he regarded as superfluous. 
He rejected dialectics as a useless study, and accepted 
the senses, in the widest acceptation of the term 
(Epicureans), as the criterion of truth. Physics he 
subordinated entirely to Ethics. The happiness at 
which the wise man aims is to be found, he said, not 
in momentary gratification, but in lifelong pleasure. 
It does not consist necessarily in excitement or 
motion, but often in absolute tranquillity. The gods, 
supremely happy and eternal, were absolutely free 
from the distractions and emotions consequent on 
any care for the world or man. All things were 
supposed to come into being by chance, and so pass 
away. The individual was left master of his own 
life. While Epicurus asserted in this manner the 
claims of one part of man's nature in the conduct 
of life, Zeno of Citium (about B. c. 280), with equal 
partiality, advocated a purely spiritual (intellectual) 
morality. (Stoics.) The opposition between the 
two was complete. The infinite, chance-formed 
worlds of the one stand over against the one har- 
monious world of the other. On the one side are 
gods regardless of material things, on the other a 
Being permeating and vivifying all creation. This 
difference necessarily found its chief expression in 
Ethics. For when the Stoics taught that there were 
only two principles of things, Matter and God, Fate 
or Reason, it followed that the active principle in man 
is of Divine origin, and that his duty is to live con- 
formably to nature. All external things were indif- 
ferent. Reason was the absolute sovereign of man. 
In one point the Epicureans and Stoics were agreed. 
They both regarded the happiness and culture of 
the individual as the highest good. — Meanwhile, in 



the New Academy, Platonism degenerated into skep-. 
ticism. Epicurus found an authoritative rule in the 
senses. The Stoics took refuge in what seems to 
answer to the modern doctrine of " common-sense," 
and maintained that the senses give a direct knowl- 
edge of the object. Carneades (b. c. 213-129) con - 
bated these views, and showed that sensation cann< t 
be proved to declare the real nature, but only some 
of the effects, of things. Skepticism remained as 
the last issue of speculation. — But though the Greek 
philosophers fell short of their highest aim, it needs 
no words to show the work which they did as pio- 
neers of a universal Church. Step by step great 
questions were proposed — Fate, Providence — Con- 
science, Law — the State, the Man — and answers 
were given, the more instructive because they are 
generally one-sided. — The complete course of Philos- 
ophy was run before the Christian era, but there 
were yet two mixed systems afterward which offered 
some novel features. At Alexandria Platonism 
was united with various elements of Eastern specu- 
lation, and for several centuries exercised an impor- 
tant influence on Christian doctrine. At Rome 
Stoicism was vivified by the spirit of the old repub- 
lic, and exhibited the extreme Western type of Phi- 
losophy. The Roman Stoicism calls for a brief no- 
tice, from its supposed connection with Christian 
morality (Seneca, j a. d. 65 ; Epictelus, f about a. d. 
115; Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 121-180). The 
superficial coincidences of Stoicism with the N. T., 
in thought and even in language, are certainly nu- 
merous. But beneath this external resemblance of 
Stoicism to Christianity the later Stoics were fun- 
damentally opposed to it. For good and for evil 
they were the Pharisees of the Gentile world. Their 
worship was a sublime egotism. Not only is there no 
recognition of communion between an immortal man 
and a personal God, but the idea is excluded. Man 
is but an atom in a vast universe, and his actions 
and sufferings are measured solely by their relation 
to the whole. God is " the mind of the universe," 
"the soul of the world," and is even identified with 
the world itself. The Stoicism of M. Aurelius gives 
many of the moral precepts of the Gospel, but their 
foundation can find no place in his system. — IV. 
Christianity in contact with Ancient Philosophy. The 
only direct trace in the N. T. of the contact of Chris- 
tianity with Western Philosophy is in the account 
of St. Paul's visit to Athens (Acts xvii. 18; Epicu- 
reans; Stoics), and there is nothing in the apostolic 
writings to show that it exercised any important in- 
fluence upon the early Church (comp. 1 Cor. i. 22- 
24). But Eastern speculation penetrated more deeply 
through the mass of the people. The " philosophy " 
against which the Colossians were warned seems un- 
doubtedly of Eastern origin, containing elements 
similar to those afterward embodied in various shapes 
of Gnosticism, as a selfish asceticism, and a super- 
stitious reverence for angels (Col. ii. 8, 16-23); and 
in the Epistles to Timothy, addressed to Ephesus, in 
which city St. Paul anticipated the rise of false teach- 
ing (Acts xx. 30), two distinct forms of error may be 
traced in addition to Judaism, due more or less to 
the same influence ; one a vain spiritualism, insist- 
ing on ascetic observances (Marriage) and inter- 
preting the resurrection as a moral change (1 Tim. 
i. 6, iv. 1-7, vi. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 16-18); the other 
a materialism allied to sorcery (iii. 13 ; compare 
Acts viii. 9, xix. 19). These antagonistic and yet 
complementary forms of heresy found a wide devel- 
opment in later times ; but no trace of dualism 
(Persians, § 2), of the distinction between the Creator 



PHI 



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863 



and Redeemer, the Demiurge and the true God, 
which formed so essential a tenet of the Gnostic 
schools, occurs in the N. T. — The writings of the 
sub-apostolic age generally throw little light upon 
the relations of Christianity and Philosophy. The 
Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, however, con- 
tain a vivid delineation of the speculative struggle 
which Christianity had to maintain with Judaism 
and Heathenism. At the close of the second cen- 
tury, when the Church of Alexandria came into 
marked intellectual preeminence, the mutual influ- 
ence of Christianity and Neo-Platonism opened a new 
field of speculation, or rather the two systems were 
presented in forms designed to meet the acknowl- 
edged wants of the time. Neo-Platonism was, in 
fact, an attempt to seize the spirit of Christianity 
apart from its historic basis and human elements. 
The want which the Alexandrine Fathers (Clement, 
Origen, &c.) endeavored to satisfy is in a great meas- 
ure the want of our own time. If Christianity be 
Truth, it must have points of special connection with 
all nations and all periods. Christian Philosophy 
may be in one sense a contradiction in terms, for 
Christianity confessedly derives its first principles 
from revelation, and not from simple reason ; but 
there is no less a true Philosophy of Christianity, 
which aims to show how completely these meet the 
instincts and aspirations of all ages. 

Philt'c-es (Gr. form of Phinehas). 1. Phinehas 1 
(1 Esd. v. 5, viii. 2, 29 ; 2 Esd. i. 26; Ecclus. xlv. 
23; 1 Mc. ii. 26).— 2. Phinehas 2 (2 Esd. i. 2 a).— 
3. Phinehas 3 (1 Esd. viii. 63).— 4. Paseah 2 (v. 31). 

Phin'e-has (fr. Hob. = mouth of brass, Ges.), in 
Apoc. Phinees. 1. Son of Eleazar 1 and grand- 
son of Aaron (Ex. vi. 25). His mother was a 
daughter of Putiel. Phinehas, while quite a youth, 
by his zeal and energy at the critical moment of the 
licentious idolatry of Shittim, appeased the Divine 
wrath and put a stop to the plague which was de- 
stroying the nation (Num. xxv. 7). For this he was 
rewarded by the special approbation of Jehovah, and 
by a promise that the priesthood 'should remain in 
his family forever (10-13). He was appointed to 
accompany as priest the expedition by which the 
Midianites were destroyed (xxxi. 6). Many years 
later he also headed the party dispatched from 
Shiloh to remonstrate against the altar which the 
Transjordanic tribes built near Jordan (Josh. xxii. 
13-32). In the partition of the country he received 
an allotment of his own — a hill on Mount Ephraim 
which bore his name. Here his father was buried 
(xxiv. 33). During his life Phinehas appears to 
have been the chief of the Korahites or Korhites 
(1 Chr. ix. 20). (Korahite.) After Eleazar's death 
he became high-priest — the third of the series. In 
this capacity he gave the oracle to the nation during 
the struggle with the Benjamites on the matter of 
Gibeah (Judg. xx. 28). The Pentateuch presents 
him as the type of an ardent and devoted priest 
(comp. Ps. cvi. 30, 31). The priests who returned 
from the Captivity were enrolled as " the sons of 
Phinehas" (Ezr. viii. 2). The memory of this cham- 
pion of Jehovah was very dear to the Jews (Ecclus. 
xlv. 25; 1 Mc. ii. 26; Phinees 1). Josephus (iv. 6, 
§ 12) says that so great was his courage and so re- 
markable his bodily strength, that he would never 
relinquish any undertaking, however difficult and 
dangerous, without gaining a complete victory. The 
later Jews are fond of comparing him to Elijah, if 
indeed they do not regard them as one and the same 
individual (so Mr. Grove). The verse which closes 
the Book of Joshua is ascribed to Phinehas, as the 



description of the death of Moses at the end of 
Deuteronomy is to Joshua. The tomb of Phinehas, 
a place of great resort to both Jews and Samaritans, 
is shown at Awertah, four miles S. E. of Ndblus. — 
2. Second son of Eli (1 Sam. i. 3, ii. 34, iv. 4, 11, 
11, 19, xiv. 3), killed with his brother by the Philis- 
tines when the ark was captured. He is introduced, 
apparently by mistake, in the genealogy of Ezra (2 
Esd. i. 2a, A. V. "Phinees"). — 3. A priest or Le- 
vite, father of Eleazar in Ezra's time (Ezr. viii. 33) ; 
perhaps = No. 1. 

Phi SOU (L. fr. Gr. form) = Pison (Ecclus. xxiv. 
25). 

Pllle'gon [fle-] (Gr. burning, blazing), a Christian 
at Rome whom St. Paul salutes (Rom. xvi. 14). 
Pseudo-Hippolytus makes him one of the seventy 
disciples and bishop of Marathon. He is said to 
have suffered martyrdom April 8th. 

Pkce'be [f'ee'be] (L.) = Phebe. 

Phee-iiicc [fee-ni'see or fee'nis], Phoc-ni'da [fee- 
nish'e-ah or f'ee-nish'yah] (both L.). Phenice ; Phe- 

NICIA. 

Pfaoe-ni'cians [fee-nish'yanz]. Phenicians. 

Pho'ros (Gr.) = Parosh (1 Esd. v. 9, ix. 26). 

Phryg'i-a [frij'e-ah] (L. fr. Gr. = parching, from 
its being a hot and dry region, Schl.). Perhaps 
there is no geographical term in the N. T. which is 
less capable of an exact definition. There was no 
Roman province of Phrygia till considerably after 
the first establishment of Christianity in the pen- 
insula of Asia Minor. The word was rather ethno- 
logical than political, and denoted, in a vague man- 
ner, the western part of the central region of that 
peninsula. All over this district the Jews were 
probably numerous (Acts ii. 10). (Antiochus the 
Great.) Through this region the Apostle Paul 
passed in his second and third missionary journeys 
(xvi. 6, xviii. 23). By Phrygia we must understand 
an extensive district, which contributed portions to 
several Roman provinces, and varying portions at 
different times. Colosse, Hierapolis, Iconium, &c, 
were Phrygian towns. Philadelphia. 

Plmd (fr. Gr.) = Phut (Jd. ii. 23 ; compare Ez. 
xxvii. 10). 

Pliu'rall (fr. Heb. = bough, Ges.), servant, prob- 
ably armor-bearer (compare 1 Sam. xiv. 1) of Gideon, 
and his companion in his midnight visit to the camp 
of the Midianites (Judg. vii. 10, 11). 

Phn'rim (L.) = Pdrim (Esth. xi. 1). 

Phut, Put (Heb. Put; L. Phut; see below), 
the third son of Ham (Gen. x. 6 ; 1 Chr. i. 8), 
elsewhere applied to an African country or people. 
In the list it follows Cush and Mizraim, and pre- 
cedes Canaan. AVe cannot place the tract of Phut 
out of Africa, and its position in the list would well 
agree with Libya. The few mentions of Phut in 
the Bible clearly indicate a country or people of 
Africa, and probably not far from Egypt (Jer. xlvi. 
9 [margin " Put," in text " the Libyans "J ; Ez. 
xxvii. 10 [A. V. " Phut "], xxx. 5, xxxviii. 5 [in the 
last two, margin " Phut," text " Libya "] ; Nah. iii. 
9 [A. V. " Put "]). In the ancient Egyptian in- 
scriptions Mr. R. S. Poole finds two names which he 
compares to the Biblical " Phut " or " Put : " viz. 
(1.) that of the tribes or peoples called the Nine 
Bows (IX Pelu or IX Na-Petu — Naphtuhim ?), and 
(2.) that of Nubia, To-Pel (the region of the Bow), 
also called To-Meru-Pet (the region, the island of the 
Bow), whence he conjectures the name of Meroe to 
come. He finds also in the geographical lists the 
latter form as the name of a people, Ana-Mem-Pet, 
He also compares the Coptic Niphaiat with Phut. 



864 



phtj 



PIE 



The first syllable being the article, the word nearly 
resembles the Hebrew name. It is applied to the 
western part of Lower Egypt beyond the Delta ; 
and Champollion conjectures it to mean the Libyan 
part of Egypt, so called by the Greeks. To take a 
broad view of the question, Mr. Poole thinks that 
all the names mentioned may be connected with the 
Hebrew Phut; and he supposes that the Naphtu- 
him were Mizraites in the territory of Phut, perhaps 
intermixed with peoples of the latter stock. He 
regards the Pet of the ancient Egyptians, as a geo- 
graphical designation, corresponds to the Phut of 
the Bible, which would therefore denote Nubia or 
the Nubians. — "Josephus (i. 6, § 2) says, 'Phut 
was the founder of Libya: he called the inhabitants 
Phulites after himself; there is a river in the coun- 
try of the Moors which bears that name ; whence 
it is that we may see the greatest part of the Gre- 
cian historiographers mention that river and the ad- 
joining country by the appellation of Phut; but its 
present name has been given it from one of the 
sons of Mizraim, who was called Libys (the pro- 
genitor of the Lehabim).' Jerome adopts this view, 
which has also been indorsed by Bochart, J. I). 
Michaelis, Gesenius, Roscnmiiller, Von Bohlen, De 
litzseh, Keil, and Kalisch. The versions (LXX., 
Vulgate) corroborate it also" (P. Holmes, D. D., in 
Kitto, article "Ham"). Dr. Holmes also holds 
that the territory of Phut was much more extensive 
than that of the Lehabim (who were only a branch 
of Mizraim), and that, while the Lehabim bordered 
on Upper Egypt, the children of Phut bordered on 
Lower Egypt, and extended westward along the 
northern coast of Africa and into the interior of the 
continent. Tongues, Confusion of. 

Pliu'vah (fr. Heb. — mouth? Ges. ; = Puah), a 
son of Issachar (Gen. xlvi. 13) ; = Pua or Puah 2. 

Pliy-gpl lns [-jel-] (fr. Gr. = fugitive, Cruden), a 
Christian connected with those in Asia of whom 
St. Paul speaks as turned away from himself (2 
Tim. i. 15). It is open to question whether their 
repudiation of the apostle was joined with a declen- 
sion from the faith, and whether the open display 
of the feeling of Asia took place — at least so far 
as Phygellus and Hermogenes were concerned — at 
Rome. Phygellus may have forsaken (see 2 Tim. 
iv. 16) the apostle at some critical time when his 
support was expected ; or he may have been a 
leader of some party of nominal Christians at Rome, 
such as the apostle describes at an earlier period 
(Phil. i. 15, 16) opposing him there. 

Pliy-lat'ter-y (fr. Gr., literally = safeguard, pro- 
tection). Frontlets. 

* Phy-si'eian [fe-zish'an]. Medicine. 

Pi-be'seth (Heb. fr. Egyptian = the goddess Bast 
or Bubastis ; see below), a town of Lower Egypt, 
mentioned only in Ez. xxx. 17. In hieroglyphics 
its name is written Bahest, Bast, and Ha-Bahest. 
The Coptic forms are Bast, with the article Pi ( = 
the) prefixed, Poubasie, Poubast, &c. ; the Greek Bou- 
baslis, Bonbastos ; and the Latin Bubastis. Bubastis 
was situate on the west bank of the Pelusiac or 
Bubastite branch of the Nile, in the Bubastite nome, 
about forty miles from the central part of Memphis. 
Herodotus speaks of its site as having been raised 
by those who dug the canals for Sesostris, and after- 
ward by the labor of criminals under Sabacos the 
Ethiopian, or rather the Ethiopian dominion. He 
mentions the temple of the goddess Bubastis as 
more beautiful than any other known to him. It 
lay in the midst of the city, was built of the finest 
red granite, and had round it a sacred enclosure 



of about 600 feet square, beyond which was a larger 
circuit, 940 feet by 1,200. The temple is entirely 
ruined, but the names of Rameses II. of the nine- 
teenth dynasty, Userken I. (Osorchon I.) of the 
twenty-second, and Nekht-har-heb (Nectanebo I.), 
of the thirtieth, have been found here, as well as 
that of the goddess Bast. There are also remains 
of the ancient houses of the town, and amidst the 
houses on the northwest side are the thick walls of 
a fort which protected the temple below (Sir G. 
Wilkinson, in Rawlinson's Herodotus). The god- 
dess Bast (or Bubastis), who was here the chief ob- 
ject of worship, = Pcshl, the goddess of fire. Both 
names accompany a lion-headed figure, and the cat 
was sacred to them. Herodotus considers the god- 
dess Bubastis = Artemis (Diana). Manetho re- 
lates that a chasm of the earth opened at Bubastis 
in the time of the first king of the second dynasty, 
and many perished. The twenty-second dynasty 
(Siiishak, &c.) was a line of Bubastite kings. Bu- 
bastis was taken and its walls were destroyed by 
the Persians n. c. 352 ; but it was a place of some 
importance under the Romans. 

Flc'tnre. In two of the passages in which "pic- 
ture" is used in A. V. (Idol 17) it denotes (so 
Mr. Phillott) idolatrous representations, either inde- 
pendent images, or more usually stones " por- 
trayed," i. e. sculptured in low relief, or engraved 
and colored (Ez. xxiii. 14). Movable pictures, in 
the modern sense, were doubtless unknown to the 
Jews ; but colored sculptures and drawings on walls 
or on wood, as mummy-cases, must have been fa- 
miliar to them in Egypt. (Ceiling ; Colors, II. 4 ; 
Embalming.) Mr. Phillott supposes the "pictures 
of silver" of Prov. xxv. 11, were wall-surfaces or 
cornices with carvings. — In Is. ii. 16, where the 
A. V. has "pleasant pictures," margin "pictures 
of desire," Dr. J. A. Alexander translates "images 
(i. e. visible objects) of desire, or rather admiration 
and delight," and understands it as a general ex- 
pression for all attractive and majestic objects. 

Piece of Gold. The A. V., in the passage respect- 
ing Naaman, relating that he " took with him ten 
talents of silver, and six thousand of gold, and ten 
changes of raiment" (2 K. v. 5), supplies "pieces" 
as the word understood ; but " shekels," as desig- 
nating the value of the whole quantity, not indi- 
vidual pieces, is preferable. Money. 

* Piece of Mon ey (Mat. xvii. 27) = Stater. 

Pie«c of Sil'ver. I. In theO T. the word "pieces" 
is used in the A. V. for a word understood in the 
Hebrew, except one case (see below). The phrase 
is always "a thousand" or the like "of silver" 
(Gen. xx. 16, xxxvii. 28, xlv. 22; Judg. ix. 4, xvi. 
5; 2 K. vi. 25; Hos. iii. 2; Zech. xi. 12, 13). In 
similar passages the word " shekels " occurs in the 
Hebrew (Gen. xxiii. 15, &c). In other passages the 
A. V. supplies the word " shekels " instead of 
"pieces" (Deut. xxii. 19, 29; Judg. xvii. 2, 3,4, 
10; 2 Sam. xviii. 11, 12), and of these the first two 
require this to be done. The shekel was the com- 
mon weight for money, and therefore most likely 
to be understood in an elliptical phrase. The ex- 
ceptional case in which a word corresponding to 
" pieces " is found in the Hebrew is in Ps. lxviii. 
30, Heb. 31. The Heb. rats, used here only, prob- 
ably = "a piece" broken off, or a fragment: there 
is no reason to suppose that a coin is meant. 
(Money.) — II. In the N. T. two Greek words are 
rendered " piece of silver," viz. drachme and argu- 
rion. (1.) The first (Lk. xv. 8, 9) = drachma or 
drachm, a Greek silver coin, equivalent, at the time 



PIE 



PIL 



865 



of St. Luke, to the Roman denarius (A. V. " Pen- 
ky"). (2.) The second word occurs in the account 
of the betrayal of our Lord for " thirty pieces of 
silver" (Mat. xxvi. 15, xxvii. 3, 5, 6, 9). If the 
most common silver pieces be meant, they would 
be denarii. (Penny.) The parallel passage (Zech. 
xi. 12, 13; Old Testament, C) must, however, be 
taken into consideration, where, if our view be cor- 
rect, shekels must be understood (compare Ex. xxi. 
20). It is more probable that the thirty pieces of 
silver were tetradrachms (= shekels; see Stater) 
than that they were denarii (so Mr. R. S. Poole). — 
In Acts xix. 19 the word "pieces" is supplied in 
the A. V. — " 50,000 pieces of silver," i. e. probably 
50,000 drachms or denarii = $7,500 (Vulgate, Rbn. 
JV. T. Lex.). Ephesus3; Magic. 

Pi'c-ty (fr. L. pielas = dutiful conduct toward 
God, parents, &c). This word occurs but once in 
the A. V. : " Let them learn first to show piety at 
home," better, "toward their own household" (1 
Tim. v. 4). The choice of this word here instead 
of the more usual equivalents of " godliness," " rev- 
erence," &c, was probably determined by the spe- 
cial sense of the L. pielas as toward parents. The 
Greek verb here translated " to show piety " is 
translated in Acts xvii. 23 " worship." 

Pig'eon = Dove. Turtle. 

Pi-lia-lli'roth (Heb. = mouth of the caverns, but 
doubtless fr. Egyptian = place where grans [or sedge] 
grows, Ges.), a place before or at which the Israel- 
ites encamped, at the close of the third march from 
Rameses, when they went out of Egypt (Ex. xiv. 2, 
9 ; Num. xxiii. 7, 8). The name is probably that of 
a natural locality. This or a similar name the late 
M. Freznel recognized in the modern Ghuweybet-el- 
boos (the bed of reeds), a place near where the pas- 
sage of the Red Sea is supposed to have occurred. 
Exonus, THE. 

Pi late (fr. L. Pilatus = armed with a javelin, 
Cruden, &c, or probably [so Prof. Plumptre] cov- 
ered with a felt cap, the badge of manumitted slaves), 
Pou'ti-US [-she-us] (L. of the sea, marine, Cruden ; 
see below). The name indicates that he was con- 
nected, by descent or adoption, with the gens (or 
clan) of the Pontii, first conspicuous in Roman his- 
tory in the person of Caius Pontius Telesinus, the 
great Samnite general. He was the sixth Roman 
procurator of Judea, and under him our Lord 
(Jesus Christ) worked, suffered, and died, as we 
learn, not only from the Scriptural authorities, but 
from Tacitus (Ann. xv. 44). He was appointed a. d. 
25-6, in the twelfth year of Tiberius. One of his 
first acts was to remove the headquarters of the 
army from Cesarea to Jerusalem. The soldiers of 
course took with them their standards, bearing the 
image of the emperor, into the Holy City. No pre- 
vious governor had ventured on such an outrage. 
The people poured down in crowds to Cesarea, where 
the procurator was then residing, and besought him 
to remove the images. After five days of discus- 
sion he gave the signal to some concealed soldiers 
to surround the petitioners, and put them to death 
unless they ceased to trouble him ; but this only 
strengthened their determination, and they declared 
themselves ready rather to submit to death than 
forego their resistance to an idolatrous innovation. 
Pilate then yielded, and the standards were by his 
orders brought down to Cesarea. On two other 
occasions he nearly drove the Jews to insurrection ; 
the first, when he hung up in his palace at Jerusa- 
lem some gilt shields inscribed with the names of 
deities, which were only removed by an order from 
55 



Tiberius ; the second, when he appropriated the 
revenue from the redemption of vows (Corban) to 
the construction of an aqueduct. This order led to 
a riot, which he suppressed by sending amojig the 
crowd soldiers with concealed daggers, who mas- 
sacred a great number, not only of rioters, but of 
casual spectators. To these specimens of his ad- 
ministration from profane authors we must add the 
slaughter of certain Galileans, which was told to 
our Lord as a piece of news (Lk. xiii. 1), and on 
which He founded some remarks on the connection 
between sin and calamity. It must have occurred 
at some feast at Jerusalem, in the outer court of 
the Temple. It was the custom for the procurators 
to reside at Jerusalem during the great feasts, to 
preserve order, and accordingly, at the time of our 
Lord's last passover, Pilate was occupying his of- 
ficial residence in Herod's palace (Jesus Christ ; 
Judgment-hall; Pretorium); and to the gates of 
this palace (so Bishop Cotton, original author of 
this article) Jesus, condemned on the charge of 
blasphemy, was brought early in the morning by 
the chief priests and officers of the Sanhedrim, who 
were unable to enter the residence of a Gentile, lest 
they should be defiled, and unfit to eat the pass- 
over (Jn. xviii. 28). Pilate therefore came out to 
learn their purpose, and demanded the nature of 
the charge. At first they seem to have expected 
him to carry out their wishes without further in- 
quiry, and therefore merely described our Lord as 
a disturber of the public peace ; but as a Roman 
procurator had too much respect for justice, or at 
least understood his business too well to consent to 
such a condemnation, they were obliged to devise a 
new charge, and therefore interpreted our Lord's 
claims in a political sense, accusing Him of assu • 
ming the royal title, perverting the nation, and for- 
bidding the payment of tribute to Rome (Lk. xxiii. 
3 ; an account plainly presupposed in Jn. xviii. 33). 
It is plain that from this moment Pilate was dis- 
tracted between two conflicting feelings : a fear of 
offending the Jews, and a conscious conviction that 
Jesus was innocent. Moreover, this last feeling 
was strengthened by his own hatred of the Jews, 
whose religious scruples had caused him frequent 
trouble, and by a growing respect for the calm dig- 
nity and meekness of the Sufferer. First he exam- 
ined our Lord privately, and asked Him whether 
He was a king? There seems to have been in Pi- 
late's mind a suspicion that the Prisoner really was 
what He was charged with being (34, xix. 8, 12, 
22). He accepted as satisfactory Christ's assurance 
that His kingdom was not of this world, i. e. not 
worldly in its nature or objects, and therefore not 
to be founded by this world's weapons, though he 
could not understand the assertion that it was to be 
established by bearing witness to the truth. His 
famous reply, " What is truth ? " was the question 
of a worldly-minded skeptical politician. At the 
close of the interview he came out to the Jews and 
declared the Prisoner innocent. To this they replied 
that His teaching had stirred up all the people from 
Galilee to Jerusalem. The mention of Galilee sug- 
gested to Pilate a new way of escaping from his 
dilemma, by sending on the case to Herod Antipas ; 
but Herod, though propitiated by this act of cour- 
tesy, declined to enter into the matter. So Pilate 
was compelled to come to a decision ; and first hav- 
ing assembled the chief priests and also the people, 
he announced to them that the Accused had done 
nothing worthy of death ; but at the same time, in 
hopes of pacifying the Sanhedrim, he proposed to 



866 PIL 

scourge Him before he released Him. But as the 
accusers were resolved to have His blood, they re- 
jected this concession, and therefore Pilate had re- 
course to a fresh expedient. It was the custom for 
the Roman governor to grant every year, in honor 
of the passover, pardon to one condemned criminal. 
Pilate therefore offered the people their choice be- 
tween two, the murderer Barabbas, and the Proph- 
et whom a few days before they had hailed as the 
Messiah. To receive their decision he ascended the 
"judgment-seat," a portable tribunal which was 
curried about with a Roman magistrate to be placed 
wherever he might direct. (Uabbatha.) As soon 
as Pilate had taken his seat he received a mysteri- 
ous message from his wife (according to tradition a 
proselyte of the gate, named Procla or Claudia 
Procula), 1 who had " suffered many things in a 
dream," which impelled her to entreat her husband 
not to condemn the Just One. But he had no 
longer any choice in the matter, for the rabble, in- 
stigated of course by the priests, chose Barabbas 
for pardon, and clamored for the death of Jesus; 
insurrection seemed imminent, and Pilate reluc- 
tantly yielded. But, before issuing the fatal order, 
he washed his hands before the multitude, as a sign 
that he was innocent of the crime, in imitation prob- 
ably of the ceremony enjoined in Deut. xxi. As it 
produced no effect, Pilate ordered his soldiers to 
inflict the scourging preparatory to execution ; but 
the sight of unjust suffering so patiently borne 
seems again to have troubled his conscience, and 
prompted a new effort in favor of the victim. But 
the priests only renewed their clamors for His 
death, and, fearing that the political charge of trea- 
son might be considered insufficient, returned to 
their first accusation of blasphemy, and quoting 
the law of Moses (Lev. xxiv. 16), which punished 
blasphemy with stoning, declared that He must die 
" because He made Himself the Son of God." But 
this title augmented Pilate's superstitious fears, al- 
ready aroused by his wife's dream ( Jn. xix. 7) ; he 
feared that Jesus might be one of the heroes or 
demigods of his own mythology ; he took Him 
again into the palace, and inquired anxiously into 
His descent ("Whence art Thou ? ")and His claims, 
but, as the question was only prompted by fear or 
curiosity, Jesus made no reply. When Pilate re- 
minded Him of his own absolute power over Him, 
He closed this last conversation with the irresolute 
governor by saying, " Thou couldest have no power 
at all against Me, except it were given thee from 
above ; therefore he that delivered Ms unto thee 
hath the greater sin." The result of this interview 
was one last effort to save Jesus by a fresh appeal 
to the multitude ; but now arose the formidable cry, 
"If thou let this man go, thou art not Cesar's 
friend ; " and Pilate, to whom political success was 
as the breath of life, again ascended the tribunal, 
and finally pronounced the desired condemnation. 
So ended Pilate's share in the greatest crime which 
has been committed since the world began. That 
he did not immediately lose his feelings of anger 
against the Jews who had thus compelled his ac- 
quiescence, and of compassion and awe for the Suf- 
ferer whom he had unrighteously sentenced, is plain 
from his curt and angry refusal to alter the inscrip- 
tion which he had prepared for the cross, his ready 



1 The system of administration under the Roman Re- 
public forbade the governors of provinces to take their 
wives with them, but the practice had gained ground un- 
der the Empire, and Tacitus (Ann. iii. 33) records the fail- 
ure of an attempt to reenforce the old regulation. 



PIL 

acquiescence in the request by Joseph of Arima- 
thea that the body might be given up to him rather 
than consigned to the common sepulchre reserved 
for those who had suffered capital punishment, and 
his sullen answer to the demand of the Sanhedrim 
that the sepulchre should be guarded. We learn 
from Josephus (xviii. 4, §§ 1, 2) that his anxiety to 
avoid giving offence to Cesar did not save him from 
political disaster. The Samaritans were unquiet 
and rebellious. Pilate led his troops against them, 
and defeated them easily enough. The Samaritans 
complained to Vitellius, now president of Syria, and 
he sent Pilate to Rome to answer their accusations 
before the emperor. When he reached it he found 
Tiberius dead, and Caius (Caligula) on the throne, 
a. d. 36. Eusebius adds that soon afterward, 
" wearied with misfortunes," he killed himself. As 
to the scene of his death there are various tradi- 
tions. One is that he was banished to Vienna Allo- 
brogum (Vienne on the Rhone), where a singular 
monument — a pyramid on a quadrangular base, fif- 
ty-two feet high — is called Pontius Pilate's tomb. 
Another is that he sought to hide his sorrows on 
the mountain by the Lake of Lucerne, now called 
Mount Pilatus ; and there, after spending years in 
its recesses, in remorse and despair rather than 
penitence, plunged into the dismal lake which oc- 
cupies its summit. We learn from Justin Martyr, 
Tertullian, Eusebius, &c, that Pilate made an offi- 
cial report to Tiberius of our Lord's trial and con- 
demnation ; and in a homily ascribed to Chrysostom, 
certain memoranda are spoken of as well-known 
documents in common circulation. The Acts of 
Pi/ate, now extant in Greek, and two Latin epistles 
from him to the emperor, are certainly spurious. 

Pil dash (Beb. flame of fire, Fu.), one of the eight 
sons of Nahor, Abraham's brother, by his wife and 
niece, Milcah (Gen. xxii. 22). 

Pil'e-lia (Heb. a slice, Ges.), a chief of the people, 
probably a family, who sealed the covenant with 
Nehemiah (Neh. x. 24). 

Pil'lar (Heb. usually ammvd ; Gr. stzihs). The 
notion of a pillar is of a shaft or isolated pile, either 
supporting or not supporting a roof. Pillars form 
an important feature in Oriental architecture, partly 
perhaps as a reminiscence of the tent with its sup- 
porting poles, and partly also from the use of flat 
roofs, in consequence of which the chambers were 
either narrower or divided into portions by columns. 
(House.) The general practice in Oriental build- 
ings of supporting flat roofs by pillars, or of cover-' 
ing open spaces by awnings stretched from pillars, 
led to an extensive use of them hi construction. At 
Nineveh the pillars were probably of wood, and it is 
very likely that the same construction prevailed in 
the "house of the forest of Lebanon," with its hall 
and porch of pillars (I K. vii. 2,6). (Palace.) The 
" chapiters" of the two pillars Jachin and Boaz re- 
sembled the tall capitals of the Persepolitan col- 
umns (so Mr. Phillott). (Chapiter; Persepolis; 
Temple.) — But perhaps the earliest application of 
the pillar was the votive or monumental. This in 
early times consisted of nothing but a single stone 
or pile of stones (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxi. 48, &c). — 
Lot's wife became a "pillar" of salt (xix. 26; Heb. 
netsib = a statue, pillar, Ges. ; Garrison 2). — The 
stone Ezel (1 Sam. xx. 19) was probably a terminal 
stone or waymark. — The "place" set np by Saul 
(xv. 12) is explained by Jerome to be a trophy. 
The word used (Heb. yad = hand') is the same as 



1 Perhaps this name for monument in Hebrew may stand 



PIL 



PIR 



867 



that for Absalom's pillar (A. V. " place," 2 Sam. 
xviii. 18). So also Jacob set up a pillar (Heb. 
matstsebdk ; Idol 15) over Rachel's grave (Gen. 
xxxv. 20). The monolithic tombs and obelisks of 
Petra are instances of similar usage. — The Heb. W 
hd-ammud, in the A. V. "by a pillar " (2 K. xi. 14, 
xxiii. 3), "at his pillar "(2 Chr. xxiii. 13), Gesenius, 
Keil, &c, translate on the platform, i. e. raised 
stand or elevated place erected for the king to stand 
on (= the brazen " scaffold " in 2 Chr. vi. 13 ?). The 
figurative use of the term " pillar," in reference to 
the cloud and fire accompanying the Israelites on 
their march, or as in Cant. iii. 6, and Rev. x. 1, is 
plainly derived from the notion of an isolated column 
not supporting a roof. (Clodd, Pillar of ; Earth.) 
" A pillar is the emblem of firmness and steadfast- 
ness (Jer. i. 18 ; Rev. iii. 12), and of that which sus- 
tains or supports (Gal. ii. 9; 1 Tim. iii. 15)" (Dr. 
W. L. Alexander, in Kitto). Pillar, Plain of 
the. * 

Pil'lar, Plain of the, or rather " oak of the pillar " 
(marg., Heb. elon mutstsdb), a tree which stood near 
Shechem, and at which the men of Shechem and the 
house of Millo assembled to crown Abimelech son 
of Gideon (Judg. ix. 6). Meonenim. 

Pilled = peeled, stripped (Gen. xxx. 37, 38 ; Lev. 
xiii. 40 marg.). Peeled. 

* Pillow, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. cebir 
= something braided or plaited, hence, a quilt, mat- 
tress, Ges. ; a net, curtain of goat's hair, Ewald, W. 
A. Wright (1 Sara. xix. 13, 16 only).— 2. Heb. pi. 
cesdlhoth — cushions, pillows, Ges. ; according to the 
Rabbins, long pillows, bolsters (Ez. xiii. 18, 20 only). 
Furst proposes the translation cases of skin or of 
parchment, or boxes, in which oracular little images 
or oracular sayings were kept, and which were fas- 
tened to the joints of the hands or to the arms, as 
an oracle-requisite for lying prophetesses. (Magic.) 
— 3. Heb. pi. meraasho/.h = at the head, under the 
head, LXX., Vulgate, Ges., Fii. (Gen. xxviii. 11, 18), 
once translated "at his head" (IK. xix. 6), else- 
where translated "for his bolster" (1 Sam. xix. 13, 

16) , or "at his bolster" (xxvi. 7, 11, 16).— 4. Gr. 
proskephalaion = a cushion for the head, a pillow 
(Mk. iv. 28 only) ; in LXX. = No. 2. Bed. 

Pil'tai (Heb. = Pelatiah, Ges.), the representa- 
tive of the priestly house of Moarliah, or Maadiah, 
in the time of Joiakim the son of Jeshua (Neh. xii. 

17) . 

Pine, Pine'-tree, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. 
tidhar (Is. xli. 19, lx. 13). What tree is intended is 
not certain. Gesenius inclines to think the oak, as 
implying duration ; the Chaldee has a species of 
plane; the LXX. renders fir; the Vulgate, &c, 
elm; Henderson favors "pine." Pine-trees grew on 
Lebanon; but the etymology is regarded as indicat- 
ing some other tree. — 2. Heb. shemen (Neh. viii. 15), 
elsewhere rendered " Oil-tree," &c. Ash. 

Pin'na-cle, the A. V. translation of Gr. pterugion 
(literally a little wing), which occurs only in Mat. iv. 
5, and Lk. iv. 9. It is plain, 1. that pterugion with 
the article is not a pinnacle, but the pinnacle. 2. 
That by the word itself we should understand an 
edge or border, like a feather or a fin. The only 
part of the Temple which answered to the modern 
sense of pinnacle was the golden spikes erected on 
the roof to prevent birds from settling there. Light- 
foot suggests the porch or vestibule, which projected 



in pome connection with the ancient custom of sculptur- 
ing on the gravestones or sepulrhral columns an uplifted 
hand wilh the arm (Robinson's Ges. Heb. Lex. s. v.). 



like shoulders on each side of the Temple. Robin- 
son (N. T. Lex.), Fairbairn, &c, refer it to the highest 
point of the Temple-buildings, probably the elevation 
of the middle portion of the southern portico, which 
at its eastern end impended at a dizzy height over 
the valley of the Kidron. Mr. Phillott supposes it 
may mean the battlement ordered by law to be added 
to every roof. 

Pi'non (Heb. darkness, Ges.), a " duke " of Edom, 
i. e. head or founder of a tribe of that nation (Gen. 
xxxvi. 41 ; 1 Chr. i. 52). Eusebius and Jerome 
make the seat of the tribe at Punon. 

Pipe (Heb. hdlil or ch&Ul ; Gr. aulos). The " pipe " 
is one of the simplest, and therefore probably one 
of the oldest, of musical instruments. The pipe and 
tabret (Timbrel), instruments of a peaceful and 
social character, were used at the banquets of the 
Hebrews (Is. v. 12), and their bridal processions 
(Mishna), and accompanied the simpler religious 
services, when the young prophets, returning from 
the high-place, caught their inspiration from the 
harmony (1 Sam. x. 5) ; or the pilgrims, on their way 
to the great festivals of their ritual, beguiled the 
weariness of the march with psalms sung to the 
simple music of the pipe (Is. xxx. 29). When Solo- 
mon was proclaimed king, all the people went up 
after him to Gihon, piping with pipes (1 K. i. 40). 
The sound of the pipe was apparently a soft wailing 
note, appropriate in mourning and at funerals (Mat. 
ix. 23), and in the lament of the prophet over the 
destruction of Moab (Jer. xlviii. 36). The pipe was 
the type of perforated wind instruments, and was 
even used in the Temple-choir, as appears from Ps. 
lxxxvii. 7, where " the players on instruments " are 
properly " pipers." Twelve days in the year, ac- 
cording to the Mishna, the pipes sounded before the 
altar. They were of reed, and not of copper or 
bronze, because the former gave a softer sound. Of 
these there were not less than two nor more than 
twelve. In later times the funeral and deathbed 
were never without the professional pipers or flute- 
players (Mat. ix. 23), a custom which still exists. In 
the social and festive life of the Egyptians the pipe 
played as prominent a part as among the Hebrews. 
The Egyptian single pipe was a straight tube, with- 
out any increase at the mouth ; held with both 
hands when played ; apparently not more than a 
foot and a half long, and often much smaller ; with 
three or four holes ; sometimes with a small mouth- 
piece of reed or thick straw. The double pipe con- 
sisted of two pipes, perhaps occasionally united by 
a common mouth-piece ; one, played with the left 
hand, having few holes and serving as a bass ; the 
other, played with the right hand, having more holes, 
and giving a sharp tone. Among the instruments 
used in Egyptian bands, we generally find either the 
double pipe or the flute, and sometimes both ; the 
former being played both by men and women, the 
latter exclusively by women. Any of the instru- 
ments above described would have been called by 
the Hebrews hdlil or chdlil, and not improbably they 
derived their knowledge of them from Egypt. The 
single pipe is said to have been the invention of the 
Egyptians alone, who attribute it to Osiris. Music ; 
Musical Instruments. 

* Pi'per (Rev. xviii. 22). Minstrel ; Pipe. 

Pi'ra (fr. Gr.) (1 Esd. v. 19), apparently a repeti- 
tion of the name Caphira. 

Pi'ram (Heb. wild-ass-like, i. e. indomitable, Ges.), 
Amorite king of Jarmuth, defeated with his four 
confederates by Joshua, and hung at Makkedah 
(Josh. x. 3, 27). 



868 



PIR 



PLA 



Pir'a-thon (Heb. chief? Ges.), a place "in the 
land of Ephraim in the mount of the Amalekite " 
(Judg. xiL 15 only); situated at the modern village 
of Fer'ala, on an eminence about six miles W. S. W. 
of Ndbuhis (Shechem). 

Pir'a-tlion-ifc = the native of, or dweller in, Pir- 
atiion. Two such are named in the Bible. 1, 
Addon 1 the Judge (Judg. xii. 13, 15). — 2. Benaiah 
2 (2 Sam. xxiii. 30 ; 1 Chr. xi. 31, xxvii. 14). 

Pisgah (dial. part,piece, Ges.), a mountain range 
or district (Num. xxi. 20, xxiii. 14 ; Dent. iii. 27, 
xxxiv. 1), the same as, or a part of, that called the 
mountains of Abarim (comp. Deut. xxxii. 49 with 
xxxiv. 1). It lay on the E. of Jordan, contiguous to 
the field of Moab, and immediately opposite Jericho. 
The field of Zophim was situated on it, and its high- 
est point or summit — its " head " — was the Mount 
Neuo. No traces of the name Pisgah have been 
met with in later times on the E. of Jordan, but in 
the Arabic garb of Rds el-Fc&hkhah (almost identical 
with the Hebrew Rosh hap-pisr/ah = top of the Pis- 
e/ah) it is attached to a well-known headland on the 
northwestern end of the Dead Sea, a mass of moun- 
tain bounded on the S. by the H'arfi/ cn-Ndr (Ki- 
iu;on), over ;iL r ;iin>t the northern part of which, on 
a conical hill, about ten miles E. of Jerusalem, is 
situated the great Mussulman sanctuary of Ncby 
Musa (= Prophet Moses), where Mohammedan tradi- 
tion (irreconcilable, of course, with the Scriptures) 
has placed Pisgah and the burial-place of Moses. 
For "the springs of Pisgah," see Ashpoth-pisgah. 

Pi-sid'i-a (Gr. the country of the Pisidce), a district 
of Asia Minor, which cannot be very exactly defined, 
N. of Pamphylia, and stretching along the range 
of Taurus. Northward it reached to, and was part- 
ly included in, Phrygia, which was similarly an in- 
definite district, though far more extensive. Thus 
Antioch in Pisidia (Antioch 2) was sometimes called 
a Phrygian town. Both the country and its inhab- 
itants were wild and rugged ; and probably here the 
apostle encountered some of his " perils of robbers " 
and "perils of rivers." St. Paul passed through 
Pisidia twice in his first missionary journey (Acts 
xiii. 14, xiv. 24). 

Pi'son (fr. Heb. = overflowing, Ges.), one of the 
four " heads " into which the stream flowing through 
Eden 1 was divided (Gen. ii. 11). 

Pis'pab (Heb. a spreaeliwj, Fii.), an Asherite, son 
of Jether, or Ithran (1 Chr. vii. 38). 

Pit. In the A. V. this word appears with a figu- 
rative as well as a literal meaning, and represents 
several Hebrew words. 1. Sheol (Num. xvi. 30, 33 ; 
Job xvii. 16), used only of the hollow, shadowy 
world, the dwelling of the dead. (Hell.) 2. Shahath 
or shachath. Here the sinking of the pit is the pri- 
mary thought. It is dug into the earth (Ps. ix. 15 
[Heb. 16], cxix. 85). Covered lightly over, it served 
as a trap for animals or men (xxxv. 7). It thus be- 
came a type of sorrow and confusion, from which a 
man could not extricate himself, of the dreariness 
of death (Job xxxiii. 18, 24, 28, 30). To "go down 
to the pit," is to die without hope. 3. Bar. In this 
word, as in the cognate Beer, the special thought is 
that of a pit or well dug for water. The process of 
desynonymizing which goes on in all languages, 
seems to have confined the former to the state of the 
well or cistern, dug into the rock, but no longer 
filled with water (Gen. xxxvii. 30 ff., &c). In the 
phrase " they that go down to the pit" it becomes 
even more constantly than the synonyms already 
noticed, the representative of the world of the dead 
(Ez. xxxi. 14, 16, xxxii. 18, 24 ; Ps. xxviii. 1, cxliii. 



7). There may have been two reasons for this trans- 
fer. (1.) The wide deep excavation became the 
place of burial (Ez. xxxii. 24). (2.) The pit, how- 
ever, in this sense, was never simply equivalent to 
burial-place. There is always implied in it a 
thought of scorn and condemnation (Zech. ix. 11; 
Is. li. 14 ; Jer. xxxviii. 6, 9). It is not strange that 
with the associations of material horror clustering 
round, it should have involved more of the idea of a 
place of punishment for the haughty or unjust, than 
did the shed/ or the grave. In Bev. ix. 1, 2, and else- 
where, the " pit" (Gr. phrear ; alussos) is as a dun- 
geon. Prison ; Well. 

Pitch. The three Hebrew words aepheth (Ex. ii. 
3 ; Is. xxxiv. 9 twice), hemdr or chemdr (A. V. 
" slime "), copher (Gen. vi. 4), all represent (so Mr. 
Bevan) the same object, viz. mineral pitch or asphalt, 
in its different aspects: zepheth (the gift of the mod- 
ern Arabs), in its liquid state; hemdr or chemdr, in 
its solid state, from its red color ; a*l copher, in ref- 
erence to its use in overlaying wood-work. Dr. 
Thomson (i. 337) regards the "slime" and " pitch " 
of Ex. ii. 3 as bitumen and tar. The inflammable 
nature of pitch is noticed in Is. xxxiv. 9. Moses; 
Noah. 

Pitcli'er (Heb. usually cad [Barrel], once nebel 
[Bottle] ; Gr. kcramion) is used in A.V. to denote 
the water-jars or pitchers with one or two handles, 
used chiefly by women for carrying water, as in the 
story of Rebecca (Gen. xxiv. 15-20; but see Mk. 
xiv. 13; Lk. xxii. 10). This practice has been, and 
is still usual both in the East and elsewhere. The 
vessels used for the purpose are generally carried on 
the head or the shoulder. (See cut of Fountain of 
Nazareth, p. 312.) The Bedouin women commonly 
use skin-bottles. Such was the "bottle" carried 
by Hagar (Gen. xxi. 14). The same word is used 
of the pitchers employed by Gideon's 300 men 
(Judg. vii. 16). Probably earthen vessels were used 
by the Jews as by the Egyptians for containing both 
liquids and dry provisions. (Barrel ; Bottle; Pot ; 
Vessel.) "Pitcher" is used figuratively of the lip 
of man (Eccl. xii. 6). Medicine, p. 628. 

Pi'thom (Heb. fr. Egyptian — the narrow place, 
Ges. ; the Atum or Turn, a name of the sun-god, so 
R. S. Poole), one of the store-cities built by the 
Israelites for the first oppressor, the Pharaoh 3, 
" which knew not Joseph " (Ex. i. 11) ; probably in 
the most eastern part of Lower Egypt. Herodotus 
mentions a town called Patumus (in the Arabian 
nome on the Canal of the Red Sea), which seems 
= theThoum or Thou of the Itinerary of Antoninus, 
probably the military station Thohu of the Kotitia. 
Pithom and Pathumus have been supposed by the 
scholars of the French expedition, Kitto, Ayre, &c, 
to be at or near the present Abbaseh, at the en- 
trance of the Wady Tumildt. Exodus, the ; Ram- 
eses. 

Pi'thon (Heb.), a descendant of King Saul ; one 
of the four sons of Micah, the son of Mephibosheth 
(1 Chr. viii. 35, ix. 41). 

Plagne, the. The disease now called the Plague, 
which has ravaged Egypt and neighboring countries 
in modern times, is supposed to have prevailed 
there in former ages. Manetho speaks of " a very 
great plague " in the reign of Semempses, the sev- 
enth king of the first dynasty, b. c. about 2500 (so 
Mr. R. S. Poole, original author of this article). 
The difficulty of determining the character of the 
pestilences of ancient and mediaeval times, even 
when carefully described, warns us not to conclude 
that every such mention refers to the Plague. The 



PLA 



PLA 



869 



Plague in recent times has not extended far beyond 
the Turkish Empire and the kingdom of Persia. 
As an epidemic it takes the character of a pesti- 
lence, sometimes of the greatest severity. The 
Plague, when most severe, usually appears first on 
the northern coast of Egypt, having previously bro- 
ken out in Turkey or North Africa, W. of Egypt. 
It ascends the river to Cairo, rarely going much 
further. The mortality is often enormous, and Mr. 
Lane remarks of the plague of 1835 : — " It destroyed 
not less than eighty thousand persons in Cairo, i. e. 
one-third of the population ; and far more, I be- 
lieve, than two hundred thousand in all Egypt." 
The Plague is considered to be a severe kind of 
typhus, accompanied by buboes. Like the cholera, 
it is most violent at the first outbreak, causing al- 
most instant death ; later it may last three days, 
and even longer, but usually it is fatal in a few 
hours. Several Hebrew words are translated " pes- 
tilence " or " plague ; " but not one of these can 
be considered as designating by its signification the 
Plague. 1 Whether the disease be mentioned must 
be judged from the sense of passages, not from the 
sense of words. Those pestilences which were sent 
as special judgments, and were either supernaturally 
rapid in their effects, or in addition directed against 
particular culprits, are beyond the reach of human 
inquiry. But we also read of pestilences which, 
although sent as judgments, have the characteristics 
of modern epidemics, not being rapid beyond na- 
ture, nor directed against individuals (Lev. xxvi. 
25 ; Deut. xxviii. 21). In neither of these passages 
does it seem certain that the Plague is specified. 
The notices in the prophets (Am. iv. 10 ; Zech. xiv. 
18, compare 12) do not sejm to afford sufficiently 
positive evidence that the Plague was known in 
those times. Hezekiah's disease has been thought 
to have been the Plague, and its fatal nature, as 
well as the mention of a boil, makes this not im- 
probable. On the other hand, there is no mention 
of a pestilence among his people at the time. 



1 "Plague" is the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. deber, 
properly = destruction, death, Ges. (Hos. xiii. 14 only) ; 
translated " murrain " (Ex. ix. 3 ; Ps. lxxviii 50 margin) : 
elsewhere = pestilence (Ex. v. 3, ix. 15. and more than 
forty other passages). It is used with a wide signification 
for different pestilences.— 2. Heb. maggephdh (compare 
No. 3) =» a plague sent from God (ix. 14), spoken chiefly 
(so Gesenius) of pestilential and fatal diseases (Num. xiv. 
37, xvi. 48-50 [xvii. 13-15, Heb.], xxv. 8, &c), thrice prop- 
erly translated " slaughter" (1 Sain. iv. 17; 2 Sam. xvii. 
9, xviii. 7).— 3. Heb. negeph (from the same root with No. 
2) = a plague, a divine judgment, mostly (so Gesenins) of 
a fatal disease sent from God (Ex. xii. 13 ; Num. xvi. 46, 
47 [xvii. 11, 12, Heb.], &c), once properly translated 
"stumbling" (la. viii. 14). The verb nagaph itself is 
translated " to plague " (Ex. xxxii. 35, &c), " smite " 
(Judg. xx. 35. &c), &c— 4. Heb. maccuh = a beating or 
smiting, a stroke, blow, or wound, also defeat, slaughter, 
Ges. (Lev. xxvi. 21; Num. xi. 33. &c), also translated 
" stripe " (Deut. xxv. 3 ; Prov. xx. 30), " stroke " (Esth. 
ix. 5 ; Is. xiv. fi), " wound" (1 K. xxii. 35, &c), " sore " 
(Is. i. 6), " blow" (Jer. xiv. 17), " slaughter" (Josh, x.10, 
20, &c), &c— 5. Heb. negcC = a stroke or blow, also a spot, 
mark, or blemish, Ges. (Gen. xii. 17; Ex. xi. 1 ; Lev. xiii. 
2ff., xiv. 3, 32 ff., &c), also translated "stroke" (Deut. 
xvii. 8, &c.),;' stripe" (2 Sam. vii. 14, &c), &c. The orig- 
inal verb nagc? is sometimes translated "to plague" 
(Gen. xii. 17; Ps. Ixiii. 5, 14). or " smite " (2 K. xv. 5, 
&c), but usually " to touch " (Gen. iii. 3, xxxii. 25, 32 [26, 
33, Heb.] ; Lev. v. 2.3. &c.) or " reach " (Gen. xxviii. 12, 
&c), &c— 6. Gr. mastix = a whip, scourge, tropically a 
scourge from God, i. e. disease, plague, Rbn. Jf. T. Lex. 
(Mk. iii. 10, v. 29, 34; Lk. vii. 31), elsewhere "scourging" 
(Acts xxii. 24; Heb. xi. 36).— 7. Gr. plege = a stroke, 
stripe, or blow, also a wound, a stroke or bloiv from God, 
i. e. a plague, or calamity, Rbn. If. T. Lex. (Rev. ix. 20, 
xi. 6, xv. 1 ff., &c. ; only in Rev.), also translated " wound " 
(Rev. xiii. 3, 12, 14), " stripe" (Lk. xii. 48, &c). 



There does not seem, therefore, to be any distinct 
notice of the Plague in the Bible. 

Plagues (see note under Plague), Ibe Ten ; the 
name popularly given to the ten fearful judgments 
(Miracles) from Jehovah inflicted by the hand of 
Moses and Aaron upon Pharaoh 4 and his people 
for their oppression of the Israelites. — I. The Place. 
Although it is distinctly stated that the plagues pre- 
vailed throughout Egypt, yet the descriptions seem 
principally to apply to that part of Egypt which 
lay nearest to Goshen, and more especially to " the 
field of Zoan," or the tract about that city (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, original author of this article). We 
must look especially to Lower Egypt for our illus- 
trations, while bearing in mind the evident preva- 
lence of the plagues throughout the land.— II. The 
Occasion on which the plagues were sent is de- 
scribed in Ex. iii.-xii. — III. The Plagues. 1. The 
Plague of Blood. When Moses and Aaron came be- 
fore Pharaoh, a miracle was required of them. 
Then Aaron's rod became "a serpent" (A. V.), or 
rather " a crocodile." (Dragon 2.) The Egyptian 
magicians called by the king produced what seemed 
to be the same wonder, yet Aaron's rod swallowed 
up the others (vii. 3-12). This passage, taken 
alone, would appear to indicate that the magicians 
succeeded in working wonders, but, if compared 
with the others which relate their opposition on the 
occasions of the first three plagues, a contrary in- 
ference seems more reasonable. A comparison with 
other passages strengthens us in the inference that 
the magicians succeeded merely by juggling. 
(Magic.) Not only was the water of the Nile smit- 
ten, but all the water, even that in vessels, through- 
out the country. The fish died, and the river stank. 
The Egyptians could not drink of it, and digged 
around it for water. This plague was doubly humil- 
iating to the religion of the country, as the Nile 
was held sacred, as well as some kinds of its fish, 
not to speak of the crocodiles, which probably were 
destroyed. Those who have endeavored to explain 
this plague by natural causes, have referred to the 
changes of color to which the Nile is subject, the 
appearance of the Red Sea, and the so-called rain 
and dew of blood of the middle ages ; the last two 
occasioned by small fungi of very rapid growth. 
But such theories do not explain why the wonder 
happened at a time of year when the Nile is most 
clear, nor why it killed the fish and made the water 
unfit to be drunk. — 2. Hie Plague of Frogs. When 
seven days had passed after the smiting of the river, 
Pharaoh was threatened with another judgment, 
and, on his refusing to let the Israelites go, the sec- 
ond plague was sent. The river and all the open 
waters of Egypt brought forth countless frogs, 
which not only covered the land, but filled the 
houses, even in their driest parts and vessels, for the 
ovens and kneading- troughs are specified. The ma- 
gicians again had a seeming success in their oppo- 
sition. This must have been an especially trying 
judgment to the Egyptians, as frogs were included 
among the sacred animals. The frog was sacred to 
the goddess Hekt, who is represented with the head 
of this reptile. — 3. The Plague of Lice. The ac- 
count of the third plague is not preceded by the 
mention of any warning to Pharaoh. Aaron was 
commanded to stretch out his rod and smite the 
dust, which became, as the A. V. reads the word, 
" lice " in man and beast. The magicians again at- 
tempted opposition ; but, failing, confessed that the 
wonder was of God (viii. 16-19). There is much 
difficulty as to the animals meant ; but this plague 



870 



PLA 



PLA 



does not seem to be especially directed against the 
superstitions of the Egyptians. — i. The Plague of 
Flies. In the case of the fourth plague, as in that 
of the first, Moses was commanded to meet Pharaoh 
in the morning as he came forth to the water, and 
to threaten him with a judgment if he still refused 
to give the Israelites leave to go and worship. He 
was to be punished by what the A. V. renders 
"swarms of flies" "a swarm of flies" or, in the 
margin, " a mixture of noisome beasts." The proper 
meaning of the word \irob (Fly) is a question of 
extreme difficulty. Josephus, and almost all the 
Hebrew commentators, explain it as meaning a mix- 
ture, and here a mixture of wild animals. The LXX. 
and Philo suppose it = a dog -fly. The Vulgate has 
"every kind of flies." It is almost certain, from Ex. 
viii. 29, 31 (25, 27 Heb.), that a single creature is 
intended. Oedmann proposes the cockroach (Blatta 
oricntalis), a kind of beetle. Yet our experience 
(so Mr. Poole) does not bear out the idea that any 
kind of beetle is injurious to man in Egypt. If we 
conjecture that a fly is intended, perhaps it is more 
reasonable to infer that it was the common fly, 
which in the present day is probably the most 
troublesome insect in Egypt. — 5. The Plaque of the 
Murrain of Beasts. Pharaoh was next warned that, 
if he did not let the people go, there should be on 
the day following " a very grievous murrain," upon 
the horses, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep of Egypt, 
whereas those of the children of Israel should not 
die. Accordingly, " all the cattle of Egypt died ; 
but of the cattle of the children of Israel died not 
one." Yet Pharaoh still continued obstinate (ix. 1- 
7). This plague fell upon the Egyptian sacred ani- 
mals of two of the kinds specified, the oxen and 
the sheep ; but it would be most felt in the destruc- 
tion of the greatest part of their useful beasts. In 
modern times murrain is not an unfrcquent visita- 
tion in Egypt, and is supposed to precede the Plague. 
— 6. The Plague of Boils. The next judgment ap- 
pears to have been preceded by no warning, except- 
ing, indeed, that, when Moses publicly sent it abroad 
in Egypt, Pharaoh might no doubt have repented at 
the last moment. We read that Moses and Aaron 
were to take ashes of the furnace, and Moses was to 
sprinkle it " toward the heaven in the sight of Pha- 
raoh." It was to become " small dust " throughout 
Egypt, and " be a boil breaking forth with blains 
upon man and upon beast." (Medicine.) Thisplague 
may be supposed to have been either an infliction 
of boils, or a pestilence like the Plague of modern 
times. The former is, however, the more likely ex- 
planation. — 7. The Plague of Hail. The seventh 
plague is preceded by a warning to Pharaoh, respect- 
ing the terrible nature of the plagues that were to 
ensue if he remained obstinate. For the morrow a 
■very grievous and unprecedented hail was threat- 
ened, which would kill all the unsheltered cattle and 
men. Accordingly, " the Lord sent thunder and 
hail, and the fire ran along upon the ground." Thus 
man and beast were smitten, and the herbs and 
every tree broken, save in the land of Goshen. 
Pharaoh acknowledged his wickedness, promised, if 
the plague were withdrawn, to let the Israelites go, 
but again broke his promise (ix. 13-35). The ruin 
caused by the hail was evidently far greater than by 
any of the earlier plagues. Hail is now extremely 
rare, but not unknown, in Egypt, and the narrative 
seems to imply that it sometimes falls there. — 8. 
The Plague of Locusts. Pharaoh was now threat- 
ened with a plague of locusts, to begin the next 
day, by which every thing the hail had left was to be 



devoured. This was to exceed any like visitations 
that had happened in the time of the king's ances- 
tors. " And the locusts went up over all the land 
of Egypt, and rested in all the coasts of Egypt : 
very grievous -were they ; before them there were no 
such locusts as they, neither after them shall be 
such. For they covered the face of the whole earth, 
so that the land was darkened ; and they did eat 
every herb of the land, and all the fruit of the trees 
which the hail had left : and there remained not any 
green thing in the trees, or in the herbs of the field, 
through all the land of Egypt." Pharaoh again 
confessed his sin, the plague was removed ; but 
again he would not let the people go (x. 1-20). 
This plague has not the unusual nature of the one 
that preceded it, but it even exceeds it in severity, 
and so occupies its place in the gradation of the 
more terrible judgments that form the later part of 
the series. Its severity can be well understood by 
those who have been in Egypt in a part of the coun- 
try where a flight of locusts has alighted. In this 
case the plague was greater than an ordinary visita- 
tion, since it extended over a far wider space, rather 
than because it was more intense ; for it is impos- 
sible to imagine anymore complete destruction than 
that always caused by a swarm of locusts. (Lo- 
cust.) — 9. The Plague of Darkness. After the 
plague of locusts we read at once of a fresh judg- 
ment. " There was a thick darkness in all the land 
of Egypt three days : they saw not one another, 
neither rose any from his place for three days : but 
all the children of Israel had light in their dwell- 
ings." Pharaoh then gave the Israelites leave to 
go, if only they left their cattle ; but when Moses 
required that they should take these also, he again 
refused (x. 21-29). This plague has been illustrated 
by reference to the Samoorn and the hot wind of 
the Kliamdseen. The former is a sand-storm which 
occurs in the desert, seldom lasting more than a 
quarter of an hour or twenty minutes, but for the 
time often causing the darkness of twilight, and af- 
fecting man and beast. The hot wind of the Kliamd- 
seen usually blows for three days and nights, and 
carries so much sand with it, that it produces the 
appearance of a yellow fog. It thus resembles the 
Samoom, though far less powerful and distressing 
in its effects. It is not known to cause actual dark- 
ness. (Wind.) The plague may have been an ex- 
tremely severe sand-storm, miraculous in its vio- 
lence and its duration, for the length of three days 
does not make it natural, since the severe storms 
are always very brief. — 10. The Death of the First- 
born. Before the tenth plague Moses warned Pha- 
raoh. "And Moses said, Thus saith the Lord, About 
midnight will I go out into the midst of Egypt : and 
all the first-born in the land of Egypt shall die, 
from the first-born of Pharaoh that sitteth upon his 
throne, even unto the first-born of the maid-servant 
that is behind the mill ; and all the first-born of 
beasts. And there shall be a great cry throughout 
all the land of Egypt, such as there was none like 
it, nor shall be like it any more." He then foretold 
that Pharaoh's servants would pray him to go forth. 
" And he went out from Pharaoh in heat of anger." 
But Pharaoh still refused to let Israel go (xi. 4-10). 
The Passover was then instituted, and the houses 
of the Israelites sprinkled with the blood of the 
victims. The first-born of the Egyptians were 
smitten at midnight, as Moses had forewarned 
Pharaoh (xii. 30). The clearly miraculous nature 
of this plague, in its severity, its falling upon man 
and beast, and the singling out of the first-born, 



PLA 



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871 



puts it wholly beyond comparison with any natural 
pestilence, even the severest recorded in history, 
whether of the peculiar Egyptian Plague, or other 
like epidemics. The history of the Ten Plagues 
strictly ends with the death of the first-born. (Exo- 
dus, the ; Red Sea, Passage of.) Here it is only nec- 
essary to notice that with the event last mentioned 
the recital of the wonders wrought in Egypt con- 
cludes, and the history of Israel as a separate peo- 
ple begins. The gradual increase in severity of 
the plagues is perhaps the best key to their mean- 
ing. They seem to have been sent as a series of 
warnings to the oppressor, to afford him a means of 
seeing God's will and an opportunity of repenting 
before Egypt was ruined. The lesson that Pharaoh's 
career teaches us seems to be, that there are men 
whom the most signal judgments do not affect so 
as to cause any lasting repentance. In this respect 
the after-history of the Jewish people is a commen- 
tary upon that of their oppressor. 

Plain, the,, A. V. translation of seven Hebrew 
words. — 1. Abel perhaps answers more nearly to 
our word meadow than any other (so Mr. Grove, after 
Gesenius, &c). It occurs in the names of Abel- 
maim, Abel-meholah, Abel-shittim, and is rendered 
"plain" in Judg. xi. 33, "plain of vineyards." 
(Abel-ceramim.) — 2. Bik'dh, bik , ath (when followed 
by a connected noun) ; properly (so Gesenius) — a 
cleft of the mountains, a valley ; often also a low 
plain, a wide plain, level country. (Valley 4.) 
The great Plain or Valley of Celosyria or Coelesyria, 
which separates the two ranges of Lebanon and 
Anti-Lebanon, is considered by Mr. Grove to be what 
is called in the Bible the bik'alh (A. V. " plain of") 
Aven (Am. i. 5), and also probably the bik'ath (A. 
V. "valley of") Lebanon (Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7) and 
bik'ath (A. V. " valley of") Mizpeh (xi. 8), and still 
known throughout Syria as el-Bukd'a or Ard el- 
Bukd'a. But Gesenius, Fiirst, &c., regard this " val- 
ley " of Lebanon as that which lies at the foot of 
Hermon and Anti-Lebanon around the sources of 
the Jordan, not el-Bukd'a. The Jordan " valley " 
at Jericho appears (so Mr. Grove) to be once men- 
tioned under this title (Deut. xxxiv. 3). Mr. Grove 
regards the " valley " of Megiddo (2 Chr. xxxv. 22 ; 
Zech. xii. 11, A. V. "Megiddon") and the "plain" 
of Ono as not identified. Out of Palestine we find 
denoted by the word bik'dh the " plain " of the land 
of Shinar (Gen. xi. 2), the " plain " or " valley " of 
Mesopotamia (Ez. iii. 22, 23, viii. 4, xxxvii. 1, 2), 
and the " plain " in the province of Dura (Dan. iii. 
1). — 3. Hac-Ciccdr (= the circuit, the circumjacent 
tract, Ges.) is confined in its topographical sense to 
the Jordan Valley (Gen. xiii. 10-12, xix. 17, 25-29 ; 
Deut. xxxiv. 3 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 23 ; 1 K. vii. 46 ; 2 Chr. 
iv. 17 ; Neh. iii. 22, xii. 28). (Region round about; 
Zoar.) — 4. Ham-Mishor (= the evenness, hence the 
level region, the plain, Ges.) is thought by Mr. Grove, 
as well as No. 3, to be an archaic term existing from 
a pre-historic date. It occurs in the Bible in the 
following passages : — Deut. iii. 10, iv. 43 ; Josh. xiii. 
9, 16, 17, 21, xx. 8 ; 1 K. xx. 23, 25 ; 2 Chr. xxvi. 
10 ; Jer. xlviii. 8, 21. In each of these, with one 
exception, it is used for the district in the neighbor- 
hood of Heshbon and Dibon — the Bclka of the mod- 
ern Arabs, their most noted pasture-ground. But it 
is used in 1 K. xx. 23, 25, apparently with the mere 
general sense of low land, or rather fat land, in 
which chariots could be manoeuvred — as opposed to 
uneven, mountainous ground. In Jer. xxi. J9 the 
term denotes (so Fiirst, Henderson, &c.) the level 
tract of considerable extent on Zion itself, A. V. " the 



rock of the plain." In Zech. iv. 7 mishor is used 
without the article to denote " a plain." — 5. Hd- 
'Ardbdh had an absolutely definite meaning, being 
restricted to the valley of the Jordan, and to its con- 
tinuation S. of the Dead Sea. (Arabah ; Palestine, 
II. § 36, &c). — 6. Hash-Shephelah (= the low coun- 
try, Ges.), the invariable designation of the depressed, 
flat, or gently undulating region which intervened 
between the highlands of Judah and the Mediterra- 
nean, and was commonly in possession of the Philis- 
tines. (Judah 1(11.); Low Country; Palestine, 
II. §§ 29, 30, &c. ; Sephela ; Valley 5.)— 7. Elon. 
Our translators have uniformly rendered this word 
" plain " (once " oak " in the margin, Judg. ix. 6), 
doubtless following the Vulgate, which in about 
half the passages has convallis. But this is not the 
verdict of the majority or the most trustworthy of 
the ancient versions. They regard the word as 
meaning an oak or grove of oaks, a rendering sup- 
ported by all, or nearly all, the commentators and 
lexicographers of the present day. The passages in 
which the word occurs erroneously translated 
" plain," are as follows : — Plain of Moreh (Gen. xii. 
6; Deut. xi. 30), Plain of Mamre (Gen. xiii. 18, xiv. 
13, xviii. 1), Plain of Zaanaim (Judg. iv. 11), Plain 
of the Pillar (ix. 6), Plain of Meonenim (ix. 37), 
Plain of Tabor (1 Sam. x. 3).— 8. The Plain of 
Esdr^elon, A. V. "the valley of Jezreel," is desig- 
nated in the original by'emek. (Valley 1.) — In Lk. 
vi. 17 " plain " in the A. V. is the translation of Gr. 
lopos pedinos, literally a plain (or level) place ; the 
adjective pedinos being also in the LXX. — No. 4 
above (Deut. iv. 43) and No. 6 (Josh. ix. 1). 
*Plais'ter = Plaster. 

* Plaiting, used only of braiding the hair(1 Pet. 
iii. 3). 

* Planes, the A. V. translation of Heb. pi. maktsu- 
'dM, which occurs only in Is. xliv. 13 in describing 
the carpenter's work in making an idol. Gesenius, 
Fiirst, J. A. Alexander, &c, render the word chisels, 
carving-tools. Handicraft. 

* Planc'-trec (Ecclus. xxiv. 14). Chestnut-tree. 

* Plan'ets (2 K. xxiii. 5). Astronomy ; Mazza- 
roth. 

PIas'ter t 1. The mode of making plaster-cement 
has been described above. (Mortar 2.) Plaster is 
mentioned in Scripture: (1.) A house infected with 
leprosy was to be replastered (Lev. xiv. 42, 43, 48). 
(2.) The words of the law were to be engraved on 
Mount Ebal on stones previously coated with plas- 
ter (Deut. xxvii. 2, 4; Josh. viii. 32). The process 
here mentioned was probably like that adopted in 
Egypt for receiving bas-reliefs. The wall was first 
made smooth, and its interstices, if necessary, filled 
up with plaster. When the figures had been drawn, 
and the stone adjacent cut away so as to leave them 
in relief, a coat of lime whitewash was laid on, and 
followed by one of varnish after the painting of the 
figures was complete. (3.) It was probably a sim- 
ilar coating of cement, on which the fatal letters 
were traced by the mystic hand " on the plaster of 
the wall" of Belshazzar's palace at Babylon (Dan. 
v. 5). 2. A plaster of figs was applied to Heze- 
kiah's boil (Is. xxxviii. 21), and " mollifying plaster " 
is spoken of in Wis. xvi. 12. Medicine. 

* Plat, to (Gr. pleko) = to form by interweaving; 
used only of making the crown of thorns (Mat. 
xxvii. 29; Mk. xv. 17; Jn. xix. 2). 

* Plea. Judge; Trial, &c. 
Pledge. Deposit ; Hostages ; Loan. 
Plei'a-des [plee'ya-deez] (L. fr. Gr. — the seven 

stars ; usually derived from Gr. pled [to sail], because 



872 



PLO 



POE 



Greek navigation began at the rise and closed at the 
setting of the Pleiades ; in mythology, seven daugh- 
ters of Atlas and Pleione, placed by Jupiter among 
the stars [L. & S.]). The Heb. cimd/i (properly a 
heap, cluster, especially of stars, Ges.) so rendered 
occurs in Job ix. 9, xxxviii. 31, and Am. v. 8. In 
the last passage our A. V. has " the seven stars," 
although the Geneva version translates the word 
" Pleiades " as in the other cases. In Job the LXX. 
has P/eias (singular of Pleiades), the order of the 
Hebrew words having been altered, while in Amos 
there is no trace of the original. The Vulgate ren- 
ders Hyades in Job ix. 9, Pleiades in Job xxxviii. 31, 
and Arebirus in Am. v. 8. The Jewish commenta- 
tors are no less at variance. K. David Kimchi in 
his Lexicon says: "R. Jonah wrote that it was a 
collection of stars called in Arabic Al Thuraiyd." 
That Al Thuraiyd = the Pleiades is proved by the 
words of Aben Kagel: " Al 'Thuraiyd is the mansion 
of the moon, in the sign Taurus, and it is called the 
celestial hen with her chickens." Hen and chickens 
is an old English name for the same stars. Aben 
Ezra held that Cimdh was a single large star, Alde- 
baran the brightest of the Hyades, while Cesil(A.V. 
" Orion ") was Antares the heart of Scorpio. Gese- 
nius, Fiirst, and most modern commentators agree 
with the A. V. in rendering Cimdh by "Pleiades." 
The Pleiades or Seven Stars constitute a well-known 
cluster of stars in the neck of the constellation 
Taurus (the Bull). Only six are usually seen by the 
naked eye. (Famine.) Hea or Hoa, the third god 
of the Assyrian triad, was known among the stars 
by the name of Kimmut, which Rawlinson compares 
with the Heb. Cimdh, and identifies with, the con- 
stellation Draco. 

Plough or Plow. Agriculture. 

* Plumb -line (Heb. &ndk) — a line with a plum- 
met or weight attached ; used by carpenters, masons, 
&C, for determining perpendicularity (Am. vii. 7, 8). 
Handicraft; Plummet. 

* Plnm met, the A. V. translation of Heb. meshke- 
lelh (Is. xxviii. 17) — mishkolcth (2 K. xxi. 13) - a 
PLOMB-LINE, plummet, used in levelling, Ges. The 
" plumb-line " and " plummet " are used symbolical- 
ly to denote the strict line of justice according to 
which God would deal with those that provoked Him 
(Ayre). 

Pcch'e-retll [pok-]. The children of Pochereth 
of Zebaim were among the children of Solomon's 
servants who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 57 ; 
Neh. vii. 59). 

Po'e-try, Ho'brew (originally by Mr. TV. A. 
Wright). The attributes which are common to all 
poetry, and which the poetry of the Hebrews possess- 
es in a higher degree perhaps than the literature of 
any other people, it is unnecessary here to describe. 
But the points of contrast are so numerous, and the 
peculiarities which distinguish Hebrew poetry so re- 
markable, that these alone require a full and careful 
consideration. It is a phenomenon observed in the 
literature of all nations, that the earliest form in 
which the thoughts and feelings of a people find 
utterance is the poetic. Prose is an aftergrowth, the 
vehicle of less spontaneous, because more formal, 
expression. And so it is in the literature of the 
Hebrews. (Lamech 1.) Of the three kinds of poetry 
illustrated by the Hebrew literature, the lyric occu- 
pies the foremost place. The Shemitic nations have 
nothing approaching to an epic poem, and in propor- 
tion to this defect the lyric element prevailed more 
greatly, commencing in the pre-Mosaic times, flour- 
ishing in rude vigor during the earlier periods of the 



Judges, the heroic age of the Hebrews, growing with 
the nation's growth and strengthening with its 
strength, till it reached its highest excellence in 
David, the warrior-poet, and from thenceforth began 
slowly to decline. Gnomic poetry arises from the 
desire felt by the poet to express the results of the 
accumulated experiences of life in a form of beauty 
and permanence. Its thoughtful character requires 
for its development a time of peacefulness and 
leisure ; for it gives expression, not like the lyric to 
the sudden and impassioned feelings of the moment, 
but to calm and philosophic reflection. Being less 
spontaneous in its origin, its form is of necessity 
more artificial. The period during which it flour- 
ished among the Hebrews corresponds to its domestic 
and settled character. We meet with it at intervals 
up to the time of the Captivity, and, as it is chiefly 
characteristic of the age of the monarchy, Ewald has 
appropriately designated this era the "artificial pe- 
riod " of Hebrew poetry. From the end of the 
eighth century B. c. the decline of the nation was 
rapid, and with its glory departed the chief glories 
of its literature. After the Captivity we have nothing 
but the poems which formed part of the liturgical 
services of the Temple. Whether dramatic poetry, 
properly so called, ever existed among the Hebrews, 
is, to say the least, extremely doubtful (see III. be- 
low, and Canticles). — I. Lyrical Poetry. The liter- 
ature of the Hebrews abounds with illustrations of 
all forms of lyrical poetry, in its most manifold and 
wide-embracing compass, from such short ejacula- 
tions as the songs of the two Lamechs (Gen. iv. 23, 
24, v. 29) and Tsalms xv., cxvii., &c, to the longer 
chants of victory and thanksgiving, like the songs 
of Deborah and David (Judg. v. ; Ps. xviii.). The 
names by which the various kinds of songs were 
known among the Hebrews will supply some illus- 
tration of this : 1. Shir, a " song " in general, adapt- 
ed for the voice alone (Gen. xxxi. 27 ; Judg. v. 12 ; 
1 K. iv. 32 [v. 12 Heb.] ; Ps. xxx. title, &c). 2. 
Mizmor, a " psalm," or song to be sung with any in- 
strumental accompaniment (titles of Ps. iii.-vi. and 
more than fifty others). 1 3. Neginah, probably a 
melody expressly adapted for stringed instruments. 
(Neginoth.) 4. Maschil, probably a lyrical song 
requiring nice musical skill. 5. Michtam, a term 
of extremely doubtful meaning. 6. Shiggaion (Ps. 
vii. 1), probably a wild, irregular, dithyrambic song; 
or, according to some, a song to be sung with varia- 
tions. — But, besides these, there are other divisions 
of lyrical poetry of great importance, which have 
regard rather to the subject of the poems than to 
their form or adaptation for musical accompani- 
ments. Of these we notice: — (1.) Tehilldh (A. V. 
"praise"), a hymn of praise. The plural lehillim 
is the title of the Book of Psalms in Hebrew. 
The 145th Psalm is entitled " David's (Psalm) of 
praise." To this class belong the songs which re- 
late to extraordinary deliverances, such as the songs 
of Moses (Ex. xv.) and of Deborah (Judg. v.), and 
Psalms xviii. and lxviii., which have all the air of 
chants to be sung in triumphal processions. Such 
were the hymns sung in the Temple services. (2.) 
Kindh (A. V. " lamentation "), the lament or dirge, 
of which there are many examples, whether uttered 
over an individual or as an outburst of grief for the 

1 The kindred Het>. nouns zemh- (Ps. xcv. 2 ; elsewhere 
" song," Job xxxv. 10, &c.) and zimrnh (Ps. lxxx i. 2 [Heb. 
3], xevtii. 5; elsewhere "melody," Is. li. 3, &c.) are also 
translated " psalm," and the verhzdmar is twice translated 
"sing psalms" (1 Chr. xvi. 9; Ps. cv. 2: elsewhere usu- 
ally " sing praises," xlvii. 6 [Heb. 7] four times, 7 [Heb. 8], 
&c). 



POE 



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873 



calamities of the land (2 Sam. i. 19-27, ill - 33, 34, 
xviii. 33). (3.) Shir yedidolh (A. V. "song of 
loves "), a love-song (Ps. xlv. 1), in its external form 
at least. — Other kinds of poetry there are which are 
lyric in form and spirit, but gnomic in subject. 
These may be classed as (4.) MdshcJ (A. V. "para- 
ble," proverb, &c), properly a similitude, and then 
a parable, or sententious saying, couched in poetic 
language. Such are the songs of Balaam (Num. 
xxiii. 7, 18, xxiv. 3, 15, 20, 21, 23), which are emi- 
nently lyrical in character ; the mocking ballad in 
Num. xxi. 27-30, which has been conjectured to be 
a fragment of an old Amorite war-song ; and the 
apologue of Jotham (Judg. ix. 7-20), both which 
List are strongly satirical in tone. But the finest of 
all is the magnificent prophetic song of triumph over 
the fall of Babylon (Is. xiv. 4-27). Hiddh or chiddh 
( = mdshdl in Ez. xvii. 2), an enigma (like the " rid- 
dle " of Samson, Judg. xiv. 14), or " dark saying," 
as the A. V. has it in Ps. xlix. 4 [Heb. 5], lxxviii. 
2, &c. Lastly, to this class belongs mSlitsdk, a 
mocking, ironical poem (Hab. ii. 6, A. V. "taunt- 
ing"). (5.) Tephilldh, "prayer," is the title of 
Psalms xvii., Ixxxvi., xc, cii., cxlii., and Hab. iii. 
All these are strictly lyrical compositions, and the 
title may have been assigned to them either as de- 
noting the object with which they were written, or 
the use to which they were applied. — II. Gnomic 
Poetry. This division is occupied by a class of poems 
which are peculiarly Shemitic, and which represent 
the nearest approaches made by the people of that 
race to any thing like philosophic thought. Reason- 
ing there is none : we have only results, and those 
rather the product of observation and reflection than 
of induction or argumentation. As lyric poetry is 
the expression of the poet's own feelings and im- 
pulses, so gnomic poetry is the form in which the 
desire of communicating knowledge to others finds 
vent. It has been already remarked that gnomic 
poetry, as a whole, requires for its development a 
period of national tranquillity. Its germs are the 
floating proverbs which pass current in the mouths 
of the people, and embody the experiences of many 
with the wit of one. The sayer of sententious say- 
ings was to the Hebrews the wise man, the philoso- 
pher. No less than 3,000 proverbs are attributed to 
Solomon (1 K. iv. 32 ; Eccl. xii. 9). (Proverbs, 
Book of.) Of the earlier isolated proverbs but 
few examples remain (I Sam. xxiv. 13; Ez. xii. 22, 
xviii. 2.) — III. Dramatic Poetry. It is impossible 
to assert that no form of the drama existed 
among the Hebrew people ; the most that can 
be done is to examine such portions of their liter- 
ature as have come down to us, for the purpose 
of ascertaining how far any traces of the drama 
proper are discernible, and what inferences may be 
made from them. It is unquestionably true, as 
Ewald observes, that the Arab reciters of romances 
will many times in their own persons act out a 
complete drama in recitation, changing their voice 
and gestures with the change of person and subject. 
Something of this kind may possibly have existed 
among the Hebrews. But the mere fact of the ex- 
istence of these rude exhibitions among the Arabs 
and Egyptians of the present day is of no weight 
when the question to be decided is, whether the 
Song of Songs (Canticles) was designed to be so 
represented, as a simple pastoral drama. Of course, 
in considering such a question, reference is made 
only to the external form of the poem, and, in order 
to prove it, it must be shown that the dramatic is 
the only form of representation which it could as- 



sume, and not that, by the help of two actors and 
a chorus, it is capable of being exhibited in a dra- 
matic form. All that has been done, in our opinion 
(so Mr. Wright), is the latter. M. Renan (Le Can- 
tiqtie des Cantiques) has given a spirited translation 
of the poem, and arranged it in acts and scenes, 
according to his own theory of the manner in which 
it was intended to be represented. He divides the 
whole into sixteen cantos, which form five acts 
and an epilogue. He does not regard the Song of 
Songs as a drama in the same sense as the products 
of the Greek and Roman theatres, but as dramatic 
poetry in the widest application of the term, i. e. 
a composition conducted in dialogue and corre- 
sponding to an action. He conjectures that it is a 
libretto (a little book containing the words) intended 
to be completed by the play of the actors and by 
music, and represented in private families, probably 
at marriage-feasts, the representation being extend- 
ed over the several days of the feast. We must 
look for a parallel to it in the middle ages, when, 
besides the mystery-plays, there were scenic rep- 
resentations sufficiently developed. The ground- 
work of this hypothesis is taken away by M. Re- 
nan's own admission that dramatic representations 
are alien to the spirit of the Shemitic races. The 
simple corollary to this proposition must be that 
the Song of Songs is not a drama, but in its external 
form partakes more of the nature of an eclogue or 
pastoral dialogue. It is scarcely necessary after 
this to discuss the question whether the Book of 
Job is a dramatic poem or not. Inasmuch as it 
represents an action and a progress, it is a drama as 
truly as any poem can be which develops the work- 
ing of passion, and the alternations of faith, hope, 
distrust, triumphant confidence, and black despair, 
in the struggle which it depicts the human mind as 
engaged in, while attempting to solve one of the 
most intricate problems it can be called upon to 
regard. It is a drama as life is a drama, the most 
powerful of all tragedies ; but that it is a dramatic 
poem, intended to be represented upon a stage, or 
capable of being so represented, may be confidently 
denied. — One characteristic of Hebrew poetry, not 
indeed peculiar to it, but shared by it in common 
with the literature of other nations, is its intensely 
national and local coloring. The writers were He- 
brews of the Hebrews, drawing their inspiration 
from the mountains and rivers of Palestine, which 
they have immortalized in their poetic figures, and 
even while uttering the sublimest and most univer- 
sal truths never forgetting their own nationality in 
its narrowest and intensest form. Examples might 
easily be multiplied in illustration of this remark- 
able characteristic of the Hebrew poets : they stand 
thick upon every page of their writings, and in 
striking contrast to the vague generalizations of the 
Indian philosophic poetry. In Hebrew, as in other 
languages, there is a peculiarity about the diction 
used in poetry — a kind of poetical dialect, charac- 
terized by archaic and irregular forms of words, 
abrupt constructions, and unusual inflections, which 
distinguish it from the contemporary prose or his- 
torical style. It is universally observed that archaic 
forms and usages of words linger in the poetry of a 
language after they have fallen out of ordinary use. 
— But the form of Hebrew poetry is its distinguish- 
ing characteristic, and what this form is, has been a 
vexed question for many ages. The Therapeutfe, 
as described by Philo (Alexandria), sang hymns 
and psalms of thanksgiving to God, in divers meas- 
I ures and strains ; and these were either new or an- 



874 



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cient ones composed by the old poets, who had left 
behind them measures and melodies of trimeter 
verses. According to Josephus, the Song of Moses 
at the Red Sea (Ex. xv.) was composed in the hex- 
ameter measure ; and again, the song in Deut. xxxii. 
is described as a hexameter poem. The Psalms of 
David, according to him, were in various metres, 
some trimeters and some pentameters. Eusebius 
characterizes the great Song of Moses and the 118th 
(119th) Psalm as metrical compositions in what the 
Greeks call the heroic metre. They are said to be 
hexameters of sixteen syllables. The other verse 
compositions of the Hebrews are said to be in trim- 
eters. Jerome says that the Book of Job, from 
iiL 3 to xlii. 6, is in hexameters, with dactyls and 
spondees. The conclusion seems inevitable that 
these terms are employed simply to denote a gen- 
eral external resemblance. There are, says Jerome, 
four alphabetical Psalms, the 110th (111th), 111th 
(112th), 118th (119th), and the 144th (145th). In 
the first two, one letter corresponds to each clause 
or versicle, which is written in trimeter iambics. 
The others are in tetrameter iambics, like the song 
in Deuteronomy. In Ps. 118 (119), eight verses 
follow each letter: in Ps. 144 (145), a letter corre- 
sponds to a verse. In Lamentations we have four 
alphabetical acrostics, the first two of which are 
w ritten in a kind of Sapphic metre; for three clauses 
which are connected together and begin with one 
letter (L e. in the first clause) close with a period in 
heroic measure. The third is written in trimeter, 
and the verses in threes each begin with the same 
letter. The fourth is like the first and second. The 
Proverbs end with an alphabetical poem in tetram- 
eter iambics. There can be little doubt that these 
terms are mere generalities, and express no more 
than a certain rough resemblance. Joseph Sealiger 
was one of the first to point out the fallacy of Jer- 
ome's statement with regard to the metres of the 
Psalter and the Lamentations, and to assert that 
these books contained no verse bound by metrical 
laws, but that their language was merely prose, 
animated by a poetic spirit. Gerhard Vossius says, 
that in Job and the Proverbs there is rhythm but 
no metre ; i. e. regard is had to the number of syl- 
lables but not to their quantity. But, in spite of 
the opinions pronounced by these high authorities, 
there were still many who believed in the existence 
of a Hebrew metre, and in the possibility of recov- 
ering it (Gomarus, Marcus Meibomius, Bishop Hare, 
Anton, Sir W. Jones, Greve, Bellermann, &c). The 
theories proposed for this purpose were various, and 
the enumeration of them forms a curious chapter 
in the history of opinion. Among those who be- 
lieved in the existence of a Hebrew metre, but in 
the impossibility of recovering it, were Carpzov, 
Lowth, Pfeiffer, Herder to a certain extent, Jahn, 
Bauer, and Buxtorf. Lowth " begins by asserting 
that certain of the Hebrew writings are not only 
animated with the true poetic spirit, but, in some 
degree, couched in poetic numbers ; yet, he allows, 
that the quantity, the rhythm, or modulation of He- 
brew poetry, not only is unknown, but admits of no 
investigation by human art or industry ; he states, 
after Abrabanel, that the Jews themselves disclaim 
the very memory of metrical composition ; he ac- 
knowledges that the artificial conformation of the 
sentences is the sole indication of metre in these 
poems ; he barely maintains the credibility of atten- 
tion having been paid to numbers or feet in their 
compositions ; and, at the same time, he confesses 
the utter impossibility of determining whether He- 



brew poetry was modulated by the ear alone, or ac- 
cording to any definite and settled rules of prosody" 
(Jebb, Sacr. Lit. p. 16). On the rhythmical charac- 
ter of Hebrew poetry, as opposed to metrical, the 
remarks of Jebb are remarkably appropriate. "He- 
brew poetry," he says (Sacr. Lit, p. 20), " is univer- 
sal poetry : the poetry of all languages, and of all 
peoples : the collocation of words (whatever may 
have been the sound, for of this we are quite ig- 
norant) is primarily directed to secure the best pos- 
sible announcement and discrimination of the sense : 
let, then, a translator only be literal, and, so far as 
the genius of his language will permit, let him pre- 
serve the original order of the words, and he will 
infallibly put the reader in possession of all, or 
nearly all, that the Hebrew text can give to the best 
Hebrew scholar of the present day. Now, had 
there been originally metre, . . . the poetry could 
not have been, as it unquestionably and emphatical- 
ly is, a poetry, not of sounds, or of words, but of 
things." Among those who maintain the absence 
in Hebrew poetry of any regularity perceptible to 
the ear, may be mentioned Richard Simon, Was- 
muth, Alstedius, the author of the book Cozri, and 
Rabbi Azariah de Rossi. Rabbi Azariah appears 
to have anticipated Bishop Lowth in his theory of 
parallelism : at any rate his treatise contains the 
germ which Lowth developed. But Lowth's system 
of parallelism was more completely anticipated by 
Schoettgen in a treatise, found in his Horce Hebrai- 
c<e, vol. i. pp. 1249-1263, diss, vi., "de Exergasia 
Sacra" (literally on sacred working out). This exer- 
gasia he defines to be the conjunction of entire sen- 
tences signifying the same thing: so that exergasia 
bears the same relation to sentences that synonymy 
does to words. But whatever may have been 
achieved by his predecessors, the delivery of 
Lowth's lectures on Hebrew Poetry, ajid the sub- 
sequent publication of his translation of Isaiah, 
formed an era in the literature of the subject. 
Starting with the alphabetical poems as the basis 
of his investigation, because that in them the verses 
or stanzas were more distinctly marked, Lowth 
came to the conclusion that they consist of verses 
properly so called, " of verses regulated by some 
observation of harmony or cadence ; of measure, 
numbers, or rhythm," and that this harmony does 
not arise from rhyme, but from what he denominates 
parallelism. Parallelism he defines to be the corre- 
spondence of one verse or line with another, and 
divides it into three classes, synonymous, antithetic, 
and synthetic. (1.) Parallel lines synonymous cor- 
respond to each other by expressing the same sense 
in different but equivalent terms, as in the follow- 
ing examples, which are only two of the many given 
by Lowth : — 
" O-Jehovah, 1n-thy-strength the-king phall-rejoice ; 

And-in-thy-s alvation how greatly shall-he-exult ! 

The-desire of-his-heart thou-hast-granled unto-him; 

And-the- request of-his-lips thou-hast-not denied." 

Ps. xxi. 1, 2. 

" For the-moth ghall consume-them like-a-garment ; 
And-the-worm ehall-eat-them like wool: 
But-my-iighteonsness shall-endure for-ever ; 
And-my-ealvation to-the-age of-ages." — Is. li. 8. 

To this first division of Lowth's Jebb objects that 
the name synonymous is inappropriate, for the sec- 
ond clause, with few exceptions, " diversifies the 
preceding clause, and generally so as to rise above 
it, forming a sort of climax in the sense." He sug- 
gests as a more appropriate name for parallelism of 
this kind, cognate parallelism (Sacr. Lit. p. 38). (2.) 
Lowth's second division is antithetic parallelism; 



POE 



POL 



875 



when two lines correspond with each other by an 
opposition of terms and sentiments ; when the sec- 
ond is contrasted with the first, sometimes in ex- 
pressions, sometimes in sense only, so that the de- | 
grees of antithesis are various. As for example — 
" A wise son rejoiceth his father ; 
But a foolish son is the grief of his mother.'" 

Prov. x. 1. 

" The memory of the just is a blessing; ; 
But the name of the wicked shall rot." — Prov. x. 7. 

The gnomic poetry of the Hebrews abounds with 
illustrations of antithetic parallelism. (3.) Syn- 
thetic or constructive parallelism, where the parallel 
" consists only in the similar form of construction ; 
in which word does not answer to word, and sen- 
tence to sentence, as equivalent or opposite ; but 
there is a correspondence and equality between dif- 
ferent propositions, in respect of the shape and turn 
of the whole sentence, and of the constructive parts 
— such as noun answering to noun, verb to verb, 
member to member, negative to negative, interroga- 
tive to interrogative." One of the examples of con- 
structive parallels given by Lowth is Is. 1. 5, 6 : — 
" The Lord Jehovah hath opened mine ear, 

And I was not rebellious ; 

Neither did I withdraw myself backward — 

I gave my back to the smiters. 

And my cheeks to them that plucked off the hair ; 

My face I hid not from shame and spitting." 

Jebb gives as an illustration Ps. xix. 7-10. (4.) To 
the three kinds of parallelism above described Jebb 
adds a fourth, which seems rather to be an unneces- 
sary refinement upon than distinct from the others. 
He denominates it introverted parallelism, in which 
he says, " there are stanzas so constructed that, 
whatever be the number of lines, the first line shall 
be parallel with the last ; the second with the pe- 
nultimate ; and so throughout in an order that looks 
inward, or, to borrow a military phrase, from flanks 
to centre" (Sacr. Lit. p. 53). Thus — 

" My son, if thine heart be wise, 
My heart also shall rejoice ; 
Yea, my reins shall rejoice 
When thy lips speak right things." 

Prov. xxiii. 15, 16. 
"Unto Thee do I lift up mine eyes, O Thou that dwellest 
in the heavens ; 
Behold as the eyes of servants to the hand of their 
masters ; 

As the eyes of a maiden to the hands of her mistress, 
Even so look our eyes to Jehovah our God, until he have 
mercy upon us."— Ps. cxxiii. 1, 2. 

A few words may now be added with respect to the 
classification proposed by De Wette, in which more 
regard was had to the rhythm. The four kinds of 
parallelism are — (1.) That which consists in an 
equal number of words in each member, as in Gen. 
iv. 23. Under this head are many minor divisions. 
(2.) Unequal parallelism, in which the number of 
words in the members is not the same. This 
has five subdivisions (Ps. lxviii. 33 ; Job x. 1 ; Ps. 
xl. 10, i. 3, xxiii. 3). (3.) Out of the parallelism 
which is unequal in consequence of the composite 
character of one member, another is developed, so 
that both members are composite (xxxi. 11). This 
has three subdivisions. (4.) Rhythmical parallelism 
which lies merely in the external form of the diction 
(xix. 11, &c). De Wette also held that there were 
in Hebrew poetry the beginnings of a composite 
rhythmical structure like our strophes. Thus in 
Ps. xlii., xliii., a refrain marks the conclusion of a 
larger rhythmical period. The essay of Koester on 
the strophes, or the parallelism of verses in Hebrew 
poetry endeavors to show that the verses are sub- 
ject to the same laws of symmetry as the verse 



members ; and that consequently Hebrew poetry is 
essentially strophical in character. Ewald's treatise 
requires more careful consideration ; but it is im- 
possible here to give a fair idea of it. — -The rules of 
Hebrew poetry, as laid down by the Jewish gram- 
marians, are briefly these : — 1. That a sentence may 
be divided into members, some of which contain 
two, three, or even four words, and are accordingly 
termed Binary, Ternary, and Quaternary members 
respectively. - 2. The sentences are composed either 
of Binary, Ternary, or Quaternary members en- 
tirely, or of these different members intermixed. 
3. That in two consecutive members it is an ele- 
gance to express the same idea in different words. 4. 
That a word expressed in either of these parallel mem- 
bers is often not expressed in the alternate member. 
5. That a word without an accent, being joined to 
another word by Makkeph (a hyphen), is generally 
(though not always) reckoned with that seeond word 
as one. — After reviewing the various theories with 
regard to the structure of Hebrew poetry, it must 
be confessed that, beyond the discovery of very 
broad general laws, little has been done toward 
elaborating a satisfactory system. Probably this 
want of success is due to the fact that there is no 
system to discover ; and that Hebrew poetry, while 
possessed in the highest degree of all sweetness and 
variety of rhythm and melody, is not fettered by 
laws of versification as we understand the term. 

ECCLESIASTES ; INSPIRATION ; LAMENTATIONS. 

Poi'son, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. hemah 
or chein&h, from a root signifying to be hot (Deut. 
xxxii. 24, 33 ; Job vi. 4 ; Ps. lviii. 4, cxl. 3), often trans- 
lated " wrath " (Num. xxv. 11 ; Ps. lxxix. 6, &c), or 
" fury " (Gen. xxvii. 44 ; Lev. xxvi. 28 ; Is. xxvii. 4, 
&c), &c. As a poison, it in all cases denotes animal 
poison, and not vegetable or mineral. The only al- 
lusion to its application is in Job vi. 4, where ref- 
erence seems to be made to the custom of anointing 
arrows with the venom of a snake, a practice the 
origin of which is of very remote antiquity. — 2. 
Heb. rosh, if a poison at all, denoting a vegetable 
poison primarily, and only twice (Deut. xxxii. 33, 
A.V. " venom ; " Job xx. 16, A. V. "poison ") used 
of the venom of a serpent. In other passages where 
it occurs, it is translated " gall " in the A. V., ex- 
cept in Hos. x. 4, where it is rendered " hemlock." 
Whether poisonous or not, it was a plant of bitter 
taste. Gesenius, on the ground that the word in 
Hebrew also signifies " head," rejects the hemlock 
(Celsius), colocynth (Oedmann), henbane, and darnel 
(Michaelis), and proposes the " poppy " instead ; 
from the " heads " in which its seeds are contained. 
" Water of rosh " is then " opium," but there ap- 
pears in none of the above passages to be any allu- 
sion to the characteristic effects of opium. — 3. Gr. 
ios (Rom. iii. 13 ; Jas. iii. 8), used figuratively in both 
cases, the primary reference being to the poison of 
serpents ; = No. 1 in LXX. (Rust.) — A clear 
case of suicide by poison is related in 2 Mc. x. 13, 
where Ptolemeus Macron is said to have destroyed 
himself by this means. But we do not find a trace 
of it among the Jews. It has been suggested, in- 
deed, that the Gr. pharmalceia of Gal. v. 20 (A. V. 
" witchcraft"), signifies poisoning, but it more prob- 
ably refers to the concoction of magical potions and 
love-philtres. Adder; Asp; Gourd 2; Medicine; 
Scorpion ; Serpent ; Tares ; Wormwood. 

* Poll = the head (Num. i. 2, 18, &c). 

* Poll = to cut off, clip, or shave the hair (2 Sam. 
xiv. 26 ; Ez. xliv. 20; Mic. i. 16 ; margin of Jer. ix. 
26, xxv. 23, xlix. 32). Hair. 



876 



POL 



POO 



Pol'lnx. Castor and Pollux. 

Po-lyg'a-my (fr. Gr. = many marriages or much 
marriage). Marriage. 

Pouie-grau ate [pum-] by universal consent is = 
Heb. rimmon, a word which occurs frequently in the 

0. T., and is used to designate either the pomegran- 
ate-tree or its fruit. The pomegranate was doubt- 
less early cultivated in Egypt : hence the complaint 
of the Israelites in the wilderness of Zin (Num. xx. 
5), this " is no place of figs, or of vines, or of pome- 
granates." The tree, with its characteristic calyx- 
crowned fruit, is easily recognized on the Egyptian 
sculptures. The spies brought to Joshua " of the 
pomegranates " of Canaan (Num. xiii. 23 ; compare 
Deut. viii. 8). The trees suffered occasionally from 
the devastations of locusts (Josh. i. 12; compare 
Hag. ii. 19). Mention is made of " an orchard of 
pomegranates " in Cant. iv. 13, and in viii. 2 of 
" spiced wine of the juice of the pomegranate." 
In iv. 3 the cheeks (A. V. " temples") of the Be- 
loved are compared to a section of " pomegranate 
within the locks," in allusion to the beautiful rosy 
color of the fruit. Carved figures of the pome- 
granate adorned the tops of the pillars in Solomon's 
Temple (1 K. vii. 18, 20, &c); and worked repre- 
sentations of this fruit in blue, purple, and scarlet, 
ornamented the hem of the robe of the ephod (Ex. 
xxviii. 33, 34). Russell (Natural History of Aleppo, 

1. 85, 2d ed.) states " that the pomegranate" (rum- 
rndn in Arabic) " is common in all the gardens." 
The pomegranate-tree (Puniea granatum) derives its 
name from the Latin pomum granatum = grained 
apple. It belongs to the natural order Myrtacca;, 




Pomegranate (Punica granatum). 



being, howe^r, rather a bush than a tree. The 
foliage is dark green ; the flowers are crimson ; the 
fruit is red when ripe, and contains a quantity of 
juice. The rind is used in the manufacture of mo- 
rocco leather. It is a native of Asia. 

Pom Diels [pum'melz] (pi. fr. L. = little apples, 
i. e. knobs or balls), the A. V. translation of pi. of 
Heb. gullah (2 Chr. iv. 12, 13 only), translated 
" bowis " (1 K. vii. 41, &c). The Hebrew word = 
convex projections belonging to the capitals of pil- 
lars. Bowl ; Chapiter. 

Pond (Heb. agdm). The ponds of Egypt (Ex. vii. 
19, viii. 5) were doubtless water left by the inunda- 



tion of the Nile. Ponds for fish are mentioned in 
Is. xix. 10. Pool. 

Pon'ti-ns Pi'late. Pilate, Pontius. 

Poil'lns (L. fr. Gr. = the sea, especially the open 
sea ; in ancient geography applies to the Euxine [or 
Black] Sea, called Pontus Euxinus or Pontus simply; 
then to the country at the E. end of the Black Sea, 
L. & S.), a large district in the N. of Asia Minor, ex- 
tending along the coast of the Pontus Euxinus or 
Euxine Sea. It is three times mentioned in the 
N. T. (Acts ii. 9, 10, xviii. 2; 1 Pet. i. 1). All these 
passages agree in showing that there were many 
Jewish residents in the district. The one brilliant 
passage of its history is the life of the great Mithri- 
dates, who reigned more than half a century, and 
was at one time master of twenty-five nations, but 
was defeated by PompeyB. c. 66. The western part 
of his dominions was incorporated with the province 
of Bithynia ; the rest was divided among various 
chieftains. Under Nero the whole region was made 
a Roman province, bearing the name of Pontus. 
Aquila. 

Pool, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. agdm (Is. 
xiv. 23, xxxv. 7, xli. 18, xlii. 15), also translated 
"pond." — 2. Heb. berdchdh, usually "blessing," 
translated " pools " in pi. once only (Ps. lxxxiv. 6). — 
3. Heb. berechdh, the usual word closely connected 
with the Arabic Birkeh, a reservoir for water. 
These pools, like the tanks of India, are in many 
parts of Palestine and Syria the only resource for 
water during the dry season, and the failure of them 
involves drought and calamity (Is. xlii. 15). Of the 
various pools mentioned in Scripture, perhaps the 
most celebrated are the pools of Solomon, about 
three miles S. W. of Bethlehem, called by the Arabs 
el-Eurak, from which an aqueduct was carried which 
still supplies Jerusalem with water (Eccl. ii. 6 ; Ec- 
clus. xxiv. 30, 31). There are three pools, partly 
hewn out of the rock, and partly built with mason- 
ry, but all lined with cement, and all situated in the 
sides of the valley of Etam, with a dam across its 
opening, which forms the eastern side of the lowest 
pool. Dr. Robinson makes the upper pool 380 feet 
long, 236 broad atE., and 229 atW., 25 deep at E., 
160 above middle pool; the middle pool 423 feet 
long, 250 broad at E., and 160 at W., 39 deep, 248 
above lower pool; the lower pool 582 feet long, 207 
broad at E., and 148 at W., 50 deep. They ap- 
pear to be supplied mainly from a spring in the 
ground above. (See cut on p. 877.) — 4. Heb. mikveh 
= a gathering together, collection of waters, Ges. (Ex. 
vii. 19 only, margin "gathering"), translated " gath- 
ering together " in Gen. i. 10, &c. — 5. Gr. kohimbcthra 
(Jn. v. 2, 4, 7, ix. 7, 11) = a swimming place, hence a 
pool, pond, reservoir, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; in LXX. = 
No. 3. Bethesda; Conduit; Jerusalem III., § 9; 
Siloam. 

Poor. The general kindly spirit of the Law tow- 
ard the poor is sufficiently shown by such passages 
as Deut. xv. 7, for the reason that (ver. 11) "the 
poor shall never cease out of the land." Among 
the special enactments in their favor the following 
must be mentioned. 1. The right of gleaning (Lev. 
xix. 9, 10; Deut. xxiv. 19, 21). (Corner.) 2. From 
the produce of the land in the sabbatical year, the 
poor and the stranger were to have their portion 
(Ex. xxiii. 11; Lev. xxv. 6). 3. Reentry upon land 
in the jubilee year, with the limitation as to town 
homes (ver. 25-30). 4. Prohibition of usury, and 
of retention of pledges (ver. 35, 37 ; Ex. xxii. 25- 
27, &c). (Deposit ; Loan.) 5. Permanent bondage 
forbidden, and manumission of Hebrew bondmen 



POP 



POR 



877 




Pools of Solomon, el-Bumk, in Wady JTrti, 
The large stones in the near fore-ground form thi 

its smooth.plastered embank 



lley of Etam) near Bethlehem ; from the S. W. — From a photograph by J. Graham. — (Ayn 
E. corner of the upper pool. The middle pool being empty, the she! 
nt on the E. are visible. The lower pool is in tne distance. 



or bondwomen enjoined in the sabbatical and jubi- 
lee years (Deut. xv. 12-15; Lev. xxv. 39-42, 47-54). 
(Servant; Slave.) 6. Portions from the tithes to 
be shared by the poor after the Levites (Deut. xiv. 
28, xxvi. 12, 13). (Tithe.) 7. The poor to partake 
in entertainments at the feasts of Weeks and Tab- 
ernacles (xvi. 11, 14; see Neh. viii. 10). 8. Daily 
payment of wages (Lev. xix. 13). Principles simi- 
lar to those laid down by Moses are inculcated in 
N. T., as Lk. iii. 11, xiv. 13 ; Acts vi. 1 ; Gal. ii. 10; 
Jas. ii. 15. In later times mendicancy, which does 
not appear to have been contemplated by Moses, 
became frequent. (Agriculture; Alms; Stranger.) 
The word " poor " often occurs in the Scriptures in 
a figurative sense (Mat. v. 3 ; Rev. iii. 17, &c). 

Pop lar, the A.V. translation of Heb. libneh (Gen. 
xxx. 37 ; Hos. iv. 13). Several authorities (Celsius, 
the LXX. in Hos., Vulgate, Henderson, Hamilton 
[in Fbn.], &c.) favor the rendering of the A.V., and 
think the "white poplar" (Populus alba) is the tree 
denoted ; others (the LXX. in Gen., Ar., Rosen- 
miiller, Royle [in Kitto], Furst, &c.) understand the 
" storax-tree " (Slyrax officinale, Linn.), from which 
is obtained the fragrant resin called storax. Both 
poplars and styrax or storax trees are common in 
Palestine, and either would suit the passages where 
the Hebrew term occurs. Storax is mentioned in 
Ecclus. xxiv. 15, together with other aromatic sub- 
stances. The Slyrax officinale is a shrub from nine 
to twelve feet high, with ovate leaves, which are 
white underneath ; the flowers are in racemes, and 
are white or cream-colored. 

Por'a-tha, or Po-ra'tha (Heb. fr. Pers. — given by 
lot? Ges.), one of Hainan's ten sons slain by the 
Jews in Shushan the palace (Esth. ix.' 8). 

Porch [o as in old], the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Heb. ulArn or uldm (1 K. vi. 3, vii. 6 ff . ; 1 Chr. 
xxviii. 11 ; Ez. xl. 7 fF., &c.) = a vestibule, porch, 
norlifo ; applied especially to the vestibule or porch 



erected on the eastern front of the Temple (Gese- 
nius). — 2. Heb. misderon (Judg. iii. 23 only) = the 
open gallery or porch, from which there was access 
to the private apartment (Gesenius). — 3. Gr. pulon 
(Mat. xxvi. 71), probably the passage from the street 
into the first court of the house, in which in East- 
ern houses is the stone-bench, for the porter or 
persons waiting, and where also the master of the 
house often receives visitors and transacts business. 
The word is elsewhere uniformly translated " gate" 
(Lk. xvi. 20; Acts x. 17 ; Rev.'xxi. 12 ff., &c.).— 4. 
Gr. proaulion (Mk. xiv. 68) = the place before a court, 
vestibule, Suidas, L. & S., Rbn. N. T. Lex.).— 5. Gr. 
stoa (Jn. v. 2, x. 23 ; Acts iii. 11, v. 12), used for the 
colonnade or portico of Bethespa, also for that of 
the Temple, called Solomon's porch. House ; Pal- 
ace. 

Por'd-ns Fes'tns (L.) Festus, Porcius. 

* Por'phyre [-fir] (Fr. fr. Gr. porphura = purple) 
= porphyry, a hard rock, usually of feldspar, of 
variegated colors (purple, &c), highly prized for its 
beauty when polished (Esth. i. 6 margin, text "red" 
sc. marble). 

Por ter [pore-] (Heb. shffer ; Chal. tdra 1 ; Gr. 
thurdroa) in the A. V. does not bear its modern sig- 
nification of a carrier of burdens, but in every case 
= a gate-keeper, from the Latin portaHus, the man 
who attended to the porta (= gate). Levites. 

Pos-i-do'ni-us (L. fr. Gr. = of [or from] Neptune 
[Gr. Poseidon]), an envoy sent by Nicanor to Judas 
(2 Mc. xiv. 19). 

Pos-ses'sion. Demoniacs. 

Post, the A. V. translation — I. (In a building) of— 
1. Heb. ayil (Ez. xl. 9 ff., xli. 1, 3), once translated 
" lintel "(IK. vi. 31) ; usually and literally trans- 
lated "ram" (Gen. xv. 9; Ex. xxix. 1 ff., &c). As 
an architectural term, Gesenius makes it " a projec- 
tion in a lateral wall, serving as a post or column, 
i. e. a pilaster.' 1 '' Furst defines it " a pilaster, i. e. 



878 



POR 



POT 



the projection which, always springing, pillar-like, 
out of adjacent recesses on both sides, fronts toward 
the space where is the entrance and through-pas- 
sage." (Arch.) — 2. Heb. amrndh = foundation, 
Ges., Fii. (Is. vi. 4 only) ; translated usually "cubit" 
(Gen. vi. 15 f, &c). — 3. Heb. mczuzdh = a door-post, 
on which a door moves on its hinges, Ges. (Ex. xii. 
7, 22, 23, &c). The posts of the doors of the Temple 
were of olive-wood (1 K. vi. 33). — 4. Heb. saph = sill, 
threshold, Ges. (2 K. xii. 9 [Heb. 10], xxii. 4, &c), 
also translated " threshold " (Judg. xix. 27, &c), 
" basin " (Ex. xii. 22, &c), &c. — 5. Heb. rnashkoph, 
translated " upper door-post" in Ex. xii. 7, = lin- 
tel, Ges., Fii., &c. — II. (= runner, courier) of Heb. 
rdts (2 Chr. xxx. 6, 10 ; Esth. iii. 13, 15, viii. 10, 
14 ; Job ix. 25 ; Jer. li. 31), also translated " guard." 
Compel, to ; Epistle ; Footman 2 ; Guard 2. 

Pot, a term applicable to many sorts of vessels ; 
the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. dsuc, properly a 
vessel for holding ointment, an oil-flask, Kimchi, 
Ges. (2 K. iv. 2 only). — 2. Heb. gSoM once (Jer. 
xxxv. 5) = a cup, goblet, bowl, of a large size 
(Ges.). — 3. Heb. dud — a boiler, pot, Ges. (Ps. 
lxxxL 6, Heb. 7), also translated " seething-pot " 
(Job xii. 20, Heb. 12), "caldron" (2 Chr. xxxv. 
13), "kettle" (1 Sam. ii. 14), "basket." — 4. Heb. 
c.eli or cli (Lev. vi. 28, Heb. 21), elsewhere translated 
"furniture," &c. — 5. Heb. sir = a pot (so Ges.), 
properly for boiling, and then generally (Ex.xxxviii. 
3 ; 1 K. vii. 45; 2 K. iv. 38 fT., &c), sometimes 
translated "caldron," once "pan" (Ex. xxvii. 3). 
Sir is combined with other words to denote special 
uses, as "flesh-pot" (Ex. xvi. 3), "wash-pot" (Ps. 
lx. 8 [Heb. 10], cviii. 9 [Heb. 101), "seething-pot" 
(Jer. i. 13). — 6. Heb. pdrur = a pot for boiling, 
Ges. (Judg. vi. 19; 1 Sam. ii. 14), once translated 
" pan " (Num. xi. 8). — 7. Heb. tsintseneth — a vase, 
vessel, for keeping, preserving, Ges. (Ex. xvi. 33 
only). — 8. Heb. dual shvpihaitayim in Ps. lxviii. 13; 
A. V. " Though ye have lien among the pots." 
Gesenius makes this word = a double enclosure sur- 
rounded with pales, and applies it to the folds or en- 
closures, often in two parts, into which the flocks 
are gathered at night, the phrase to lie among the 
folds being thus spoken proverbially of shepherds 
and husbandmen living in leisure and quiet. Prof. 
J. A. Alexander translates the clause, When ye lie 
down between the borders, i. e. within the boundaries 
of your territory, the general idea being in his view 
also one of peaceful prosperity. — 9. Heb. dual cirayim 
(in part), probably (so Ges.) a cooking-furnace, 
range for pots, perhaps of pottery, as it could be 
broken ; and double, as having places for two pots 
or more (Lev. xi. 35 only, A. V. " ranges for pots "). 
— 10. Heb. matsreph (in part) = a fining-pot, cru- 
cible, Ges. ; A. V. "fining-pot" (Prov. xvii. 3, xxvii. 
21). (Handicraft, § 1.) — 11. Heb. merkdluih or 
merkdchdh (in part) = unguent-kettle, for preparing 
ointment, Ges. ; A. V. " pot of ointment " (Job xii. 
31, Heb. 23). — 12. Gr. xestes, properly a measure 
containing nearly a pint, but in N. T. = any small 
measure or vessel, a cup, pitcher, Rbn. N. T. Lex. 
(Mk. vii. 4, 8). (Weights and Measures.) — 13. Gr. 
starnnos = an earthen jar, jug, pot, vase, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex. (Heb. ix. 4 only) ; in LXX. = Xo. 7. Pitcher ; 
Potsherd ; Pottery ; Water-pot. 

Pot'i-phar (Heb. fr. Egyptian = Potipherah = 
belonging to the sun), " an officer of Pharaoh, chief 
of the executioners (A. V. 'captain of the guard'), 
an Egyptian," to whom Joseph was sold (Gen. 
xxxix. 1 ; compare xxxvii. 36). The word here 
rendered " officer " literally — eunuch ; but it is 



also used for an officer of the court, and this is 
almost certainly the meaning here (so Mr. R. S. 
Poole). He appears to have been a wealthy man 
(xxxix. 4-6). The view we have of Potiphar's house- 
hold is exactly in accordance with the representa- 
tions on the monuments. When Joseph was ac- 
cused by Potiphar's wife, his master cast him into 
prison (19, 20). After this we hear no more of Pot- 
iphar, unless, which is unlikely, the chief of the 
executioners afterward mentioned (xl. 3) be he. 
Egypt ; Pharaoh 2. 

Po-tipli'e-rah, or Pot-i-phc'rah (Heb. fr. Egyptian 
= Potiphar), priest or prince of On. His daughter 
Asenatii was given Joseph to wife by Pharaoh (Gen. 
xii. 45, 50, xlvi. 20). 

Pot sherd ( = a broken piece of earthenware), the 
A. V. translation of Heb. heres or cheres (Job ii. 8 ; 
Prov. xxvi. 23, &c.), also translated "sherd" (Is. 
xxx. 14 ; Ez. xxiii. 34), "earthen" vessel (Lev. vi. 
28 [Heb. 21], xi. 33, &c), "earthen" bottle (Jer. 
xix. 1), " earthen " pitcher (Lam. iv. 2), &c. Pro- 
verbially (so Gesenius) a "potsherd " = any thing 
mean and contemptible (Is. xlv. 9), also any thing 
very dry (Ps. xxii. 15, Heb. 16). Pot. 

* Pottage. Lentiles. 

* Pot'ter. Pottery. 

Pot ter's Field, the ; a piece of ground which, ac- 
cording to Mat. xxvii. 7, was purchased by the 
priests with the thirty pieces of silver rejected by 
Judas Iscariot, and converted into a burial-place 
for Jews not belonging to the city. Mat. xxvii. 9 
adduces this as a fulfilment of an ancient prediction. 
Aceldama ; Old Testament, C ; Pottery. 

Pot'ter-y. The art of pottery is one of the most 
common and most ancient of all manufactures. It 
is abundantly evident, both that the Hebrews used 
earthen vessels in the wilderness, and that the 
potters' trade was afterward carried on in Palestine. 
They had themselves been concerned in the potters' 
trade in Egypt (Ps. lxxxi. 6), and the wall-paintings 
minutely illustrate the Egyptian process. (See cut on 
next page.) The clay, when dug, was trodden by 
men's feet so as to form a paste (Is. xii. 25 ; Wis. xv. 
7 ; Brick) ; then placed by the potter on the wheel be- 
side which he sat, and shaped by him with his hands. 
How early the wheel came into use in Palestine we 
know not, but probably it was adopted from Egypt. 
It consisted of a wooden disk placed on another 
larger one, and turned by an attendant's hand or 
worked by a treadle (Is. xlv. 9 ; Jer. xviii. 3 ; Eeclus. 
xxxviii. 29, 30). The vessel was then smoothed and 
coated with a glaze, and finally burnt in a furnace. 
There was at Jerusalem a royal establishment of pot- 
ters (1 Chr. iv 23), from whose employment, and from 
the fragments cast away in the process, the Pot- 
ter's Field perhaps received its name (Is. xxx. 14). 
Basin ; Pitcher ; Pot ; Potsherd ; Seal ; Water- 
pot. 

Pound. 1. A weight (Heb. mdneh ; Gr. lilra). 
(Weights and Measures.) — 2. A money of account 
(Gr. mnd), mentioned in the parable of the Ten 
Pounds (Lk. xix. 12-27). The reference appears 
to be to a Greek pound, a weight used as a money 
of account, of which sixty went to the talent, the 
weight depending upon the weight of the talent. 
Weights and Measures. 

Prae-to ri-nm (L.) = the general's tent ; or the 
headquarters of the Roman pretor or military gov- 
ernor. Judgment-hall ; Pretorium. 

Prayer (Heb. tehinndh or tcchinndh [A. V. usu- 
ally "supplication"], tephilldh, &c. ; Gr. deesis, pros- 
euche, &c). This article (originally by Mr. Barry) 



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Egyptian Pottery.— (Wilkinson.) 



will touch briefly on (1.) the doctrine of Scripture 
as to the nature and efficacy of prayer; (2.) its 
directions as to time, place, and manner of prayer ; 
(3.) its types and examples of prayer. — (1.) Scrip- 
ture does not give any theoretical explanation of the 
mystery which attaches to prayer. The difficulty 
of understanding its real efficacy arises chiefly from 
two sources : from the belief that man lives under 
general laws, which in all cases must be fulfilled un- 
alterably ; and the opposing belief that he is master 
of his own destiny, and need pray for no external 
blessing. Now Scripture, while, by the doctrine of 
spiritual influence, it entirely disposes of the latter 
difficulty, does not so entirely solve that part of the 
mystery which depends on the nature of God. The 
seference of all events and actions to the will or 
permission of God, and of all blessings to His free 
grace — the principle that our " heavenly Father 
knoweth what things we have need of before we 
ask Him " — and the ignorance of man, who " knows 
not what to pray for as he ought," and his conse- 
quent need of the Divine guidance in prayer — are 
all dwelt upon with earnestness. Yet, while this 
is so, on the other hand the instinct of prayer is 
solemnly sanctioned and enforced in every page. 
Not only is its subjective effect (i. e. its producing 
on the mind that consciousness of dependence which 
leads to faith, and that sense of God's protection 
and mercy which fosters love) asserted, but its real 
objective efficacy, as a means appointed by God for 
obtaining blessing, both spiritual and temporal, is 
both implied and expressed in the plainest terms 
(Mat. vii. 7, 8, &c). Thus, as usual in the case of 
such mysteries, the two apparently opposite truths 
are emphasized, because they are needful to man's 
conception of his relation to God ; their reconcile- 
ment is not, perhaps cannot be, fully revealed. For, 
in fact, it is involved in that inscrutable mys- 
tery which attends on the conception of any free 
action of man as necessary for the working out of 
the general laws of God's unchangeable will. At 
the same time it is clearly implied that such a rec- 
oncilement exists, and that all the apparently iso- 
lated and independent exertions of man's spirit in 
prayer are in some way perfectly subordinated to 



the one supreme will of God, so as to form a part 
of His scheme of Providence (Mat. xxvi. 39 ff. ; 2 
Cor. xii. 7 ff. ; 1 Jn. v. 14, 15). It is also implied 
that the key to the mystery lies in the fact of man's 
spiritual unity with God in Christ, and of the conse- 
quent gift of the Holy Spirit. All true and prevail- 
ing prayer is to be offered in Christ's name (Jn. xiv. 
13, xv. "16, xvi. 23-27). So also is it said of the 
spiritual influence of the Holy Ghost on each indi- 
vidual mind, that while " we know not what to pray 
for," the indwelling " Spirit makes intercession for 
the saints, according to the will of God'''' (Rom. viii. 
26, 27). Here, as probably in all other cases, the 
action of the Holy Spirit on the soul is to free 
agents, what the laws of nature are to things inani- 
mate, and is the power which harmonizes free indi- 
vidual action with the universal will of God. — (2.) 
There are no directions as to prayer in the Mosaic 
law : the duty is rather taken for granted, as an ad- 
junct to sacrifice, than enforced or elaborated. It 
is hardly conceivable that, even from the beginning, 
public prayer did not follow every public sacrifice. 
Such a practice is alluded to as common in Lk. i. 
10; and in one instance, at the offering of the first- 
fruits, it was ordained in a striking form (Deut. xxvi. 
12-15). In later times it certainly grew into a regu- 
lar service, both in the Temple and in the Syna- 
gogue. But, besides this public prayer, it was the 
custom of all at Jerusalem to go up to the Temple, 
at regular hours if possible, for private prayer (Lk. 
xviii. 10; Acts iii. 1); and those who were absent 
were wont to " open their windows toward Jerusa- 
lem," and pray " toward " the place of God's Pres- 
ence (1 K. viii. 46-49 ; Dan. vi. 10 ; Ps. v. 7, xxviii. 
2, cxxxviii. 2). The regular hours of prayer seem 
to have been three (see Ps. lv. 17; Dan. vi. 10), 
"the evening," i. e. the ninth hour (Acts iii. 1, x. 3), 
the hour of the evening-sacrifice (Dan. ix. 21) ; the 
" morning," i. e. the third hour (Acts ii. 15), that 
of the morning-sacrifice ; and the sixth hour, or 
" noonday " (compare Ps. cxix. 164). Grace before 
meat would seem to have been a common practice 
(see Mat. xv. 36 ; Acts xxvii. 35). The posture of 
prayer among the Jews seems to have been most 
often standing (1 Sam. i. 26 ; Mat. vi. 5 ; Mk. xi. 25 ; 



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Lk. xviii. 11) ; unless the prayer were offered with 
especial solemnity and humiliation, which was nat- 
urally expressed by kneeling (1 K. viii. 54 ; com- 
pare 2 Chr. vi. 13 ; Ezr. ix. 5 ; Ps. xcv. 6 ; Dan. vi. 
10), or prostration (Josh. vii. 6 ; 1 K. xviii. 42 ; Nch. 

viii. 6). In the Christian Church no posture is men- 
tioned in the N. T. except kneeling (Acts vii. 60, ix. 
40, xx. 36, xxi. 5; compare Mat. xxvi. 39; Apora- 
tion). — (3.) The only Form of Prayer given for per- 
petual use in the O. T. is the one in Deut. xxvi. 5- 
15, connected with the offering of tithes and first- 
fruits, and containing in simple form the important 
elements of prayer, acknowledgment of God's mercy, 
self-dedication, and prayer for future blessing. To 
this may perhaps be added the threefold blessing of 
Num. vi. 24—26, couched as it is in a precatory form ; 
and the short prayer of Moses (Num. x. 35, 36) at the 
moving and resting of the cloud, the former of 
which was the germ of Ps. lxviii. Of the prayers 
recorded in the 0. T., the two most remarkable are 
those of Solomon at the dedication of the Temple 
(1 K. viii. 23-53), and of Joshua the high-priest, and 
his colleagues, after the Captivity (Nch. ix. 5-38). 1 
Both of these probably exercised a strong liturgical 
influence. It appears from the question of the dis- 
ciples in Lk. xi. 1, and from Jewish tradition, that 
the chief teachers of the day gave special forms of 
prayer to their disciples, as the badge of their dis- 
cipleship and the best fruits of their learning. All 
Christian prayer is, of course, based on the Lord's 
Prayer ; but its spirit is also guided by that of His 
prayer in Gethsemane, and of the prayer recorded in 
Jn. xvii., the beginning of His great work of inter- 
cession. The influence of these prayers is more dis- 
tinctly traced in the prayers contained in the Epis- 
tles (Eph. iii 14-21; Rom. xvi. 25-27; Phil. i. 3- 
11 ; Col. i. 9-15 ; Heb. xiii. 20, 21 ; 1 Pet. v. 10, 11, 
&c), than in those recorded in the Acts. The pub- 
lic prayer probably in the first instance took much 
of its form and style from the prayers of the syna- 
gogues (Acts i. 24, 25, iv. 24-30; Synagogue). In 
the record of prayers accepted and granted by God, 
we observe, as always, a special adaptation to the 
period of His dispensation to which they belong. 
In the patriarchal period, they have the simple and 
childlike tone of domestic supplication for the simple 
and apparently trivial incidents of domestic life 
(Gen. xv. 2, 3, xvii. 18, xxiv. 12-14, xxv. 21), al- 
though sometimes they take a wider range in inter- 
cession (xviii. 23-32, xx. 7-17). In the Mosaic pe- 
riod they assume a more solemn tone and a national 
bearing; chiefly that of direct intercession for the 
chosen people (Num. xi. 2, xii. 13, xxi. 7 ; 1 Sam. vii. 
5, xii. 19, 23; 2 Sam. xxiv. 17, 18; 2 K. xix. 4, 15- 
19 ; 2 Chr. xiv. 11, xx. 6-12, xxxii. 20; Dan. ix. 20, 
21). More rarely are they for individuals (1 Sam. i. 
12, xv. 11, 35 ; 2 K. xx. 2, &c.). A special class are 
those which precede and refer to the exercise of 
miraculous power (Ex. viii. 12, 30, xv. 25 ; IK. xvii. 
20, xviii. 36, 37; 2 K. iv. 33, vi. 17, 18, xx. 11 ; Acts 

ix. 40; Jas. v. 14-16). In the N. T. they have a 
more directly spiritual bearing (Acts iv. 24-30, viii. 
15, x. 4, 31, xii. 5, xvi. 25; 2 Cor. xii. 7-9, &c). 
It would seem the intention of Holy Scripture to 
encourage all prayer, more especially intercession, in 
all relations, and for all righteous objects. Front- 
lets. 

* Prayer of Ma-nas'ses, the. Manasses, the 
Prayer of. 

* Preach, to, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 



J To these may be added Dan. ix. 4-19. 



bdsar ' to bring glad tidings, rarely to bring tidings 
in a general sense, Ges. (Ps. xl. 9, Heb. 10), also 
" to preach good tidings " (Is. Ixi. 1), " to bring good 
tidings" (2 Sam. iv. 10; Is. xl. 9 twice, xii. 27, lii. 7 
twice; Nah. i. 15 [ii. 1 Heb.]), also "to bear tidings " 
(2 Sam. xviii. 19, 20 twice), "to bring tidings " (26, 
31 marg. ; 1 K. i. 42; Jer. xx. 15), "to carry ti- 
dings" (1 Chr. x. 9), "to shew forth" (1 Chr. xvi. 
23; Ps. xcvi. 2; Is. Ix. 6), "to publish" (1 Sam. 
xxxi. 9 ; 2 Sam. i. 20, &c.).— 2. Heb. k&r& (Neh. vi. 
7 ; Jon. iii. 2), usually and literally translated " to 
call" (Gen. i. 5, 10; Num. xvi. 12, and elsewhere 
very often) or " cry " (Dcut. xv. 9 ; Ps. cxix. 146, 147, 
&c), also "to proclaim " (Lev. xxiii. 2, 4, 21, 37, 
&c), &c. — 3. Gr. dianggcUd = to announce fully, 
Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Lk. ix. 60), elsewhere " to signify " 
(Acts xxi. 26), " to declare " (Rom. ix. 17).— 4. 
Gr. dialegomai =. to log out separately before the 
mind of any one, hence to discourse, reason, dispute, 
with any one, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Acts xx. 7, 9), else- 
where " to reason " or " reason with " (xvii. 2, xviii. 
4, 19, xxiv. 25), "to dispute "(Mk. ix. 34; Acts xvii. 
17, xix. 8, 9, xxiv. 12 ; Jude 9), "to speak" (Heb. 
xii. 5). — 5. Gr. euanggelizo = to bring good news, to 
announce glad tidings, Rbn. J$. T. Lex. (Lk. iii. 18, 
iv. 43, xvi. 16; Acts v. 42, viii. 4, 12, 35, 40, x. 36, 
xi. 20, xiv. 15, xv. 35, xvii. 18; 1 Cor. xv. 1, 2; 2 
Cor. xi. 7; Gal. i. 8, 11, 16, 23; Eph. ii. 17, iii. 8; 
Heb. iv. 6 ; Rev. xiv. 6), also translated " to preach 
the gospel " (Mat. xi. 5 ; Lk. iv. ] 8, vii. 22, ix. 6, xx. 
1 ; Acts viii. 25, xiv. 7, 21, xvi. 10 ; Rom. i. 15, x. 
15, xv. 20; 1 Cor. i. 17, ix. 16 twice, 18; 2 Cor. x. 
16; Gal. i. 8, 9, iv. 13; Heb. iv. 2 ; 1 Pet. i. 12, 25, 
iv. 6), "to shew glad tidings" (Lk. i. 19; viii. 1), 
"to bring good tidings" (ii. 10; 1 Th. iii. 6), "to 
bring glad tidings" (Rom. x. 15), "to declare glad 
tidings " (Acts xiii. 32), "to declare" (Rev. x. 7); 
in LXX. = No. 1. — 6. Gr. katanggello, properly to 
bring word down to any one, hence to announce, pub- 
lish, show forth, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Acts iv. 2, xiii. 5, 
38, xv. 36, xvii. 3, 13; 1 Cor. ix. 14; Phil. i. 16, 18; 
Col. i. 28), also translated "to shew" (Acts xvi. 17, 
xxvi. 23; 1 Cor. xi. 26), "teach "(Acts xvi. 21), 
" declare " (xvii. 23 ; 1 Cor. ii. 1), " speak of" (Rom. 
i. 8). — 7. Gr. kensso (from kerux ; see Preacher 
2), in Homer to be a herald, in N. T. to proclaim, an- 
nounce publicly, publish, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Mat. iii. 1, 
iv. 17, 23, ix.35, x. 7, 27, xi. 1, xxiv. 14, xxvi. 13; 
Mk. i. 4, 7, 13, 38, 39, iii. 14, vi. 12, xiv. 9, xvi. 15, 
20; Lk. iii. 3, iv. 18 [Gr. 19], 19, 44, viii. 1, ix. 2, 
xxiv. 47; Acts viii. 5, ix. 20, x. 37, 42, xv. 21, xix. 
13, xx. 25, xxviii. 31 ; Rom. ii. 21, x. 8, 15 ; 1 Cor. 
i. 23, ix. 27, xv. 11, 12; 2 Cor. i. 19, iv. 5, xi. 4 
twice; Gal. ii. 2, v. 11; Phil. i. 15; Col. i. 23 ; 1 
Th. ii. 9 ; 1 Tim. iii. 16 ; 2 Tim. iv. 2 ; 1 Pet. iii. 19), 
also translated " to publish " (Mk. i. 45, v. 20, vii. 
36, xiii. 10 ; Lk. viii. 39), " to proclaim " (Lk. xii. 3 ; 
Rev. v. 2), " preacher " (Rom. x. 14, literally one 
preaching) ; in LXX. = No. 2. — 8. Gr. laleo = to 
sjjeak, to talk, properly to use the voice, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex. (Mk. ii. 2 ; Acts viii. 25, xi. 19, xiii. 42, xiv. 25, 
xvi. 6), usually "to speak" (Mat. ix. 18, 33, x. 19 
twice, 20 twice, and very often elsewhere), also "to 
talk" (x. 46; Mk. vi. 50, &c), "tell" (Mat. xxvi. 
13; Jn. viii. 40, &c), "say" (25, 26, xvi. 6, 18, &c), 
" utter " (2 Cor. xii. 4 ; Rev. x. 3, 4 twice). — 9. Gr. 
prokeruaso (in part ; compound of No. 7) = to pro- 
claim, (or announce) beforehand, Rbn. N. T. Lex. 
(Acts iii. 20 [A. V. " to preach before "], xiii. 24 [A. 
V. "to preach first"]). — 10. Gr. proeicanggelizomai 
fin part; compound of No. 5) = to announce glad 
tidings beforehand (Gal. iii. 8 only, A. V. " preached 



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881 



before the gospel"). — 11. Gr. parrhesiazomai — to 
be forespoken, to be free in speech or action, Rbn. 
N.T. Lex. (Acts ix. 27, A. V. "to preach boldly"), 
also translated " to speak boldly " (xiv. 3, xviii. 26, 
xix. 8 ; Eph. vi. 20), " to wax bold " (Acts xiii. 46), 
" to be bold " (1 Th. ii. 2), also with a verb of speak- 
ing "boldly" (Acts ix. 29, Gr. 28), or "freely" 
(xxvi. 26). — 12. Gr. pleroo = to make fall, fill, fill 
up, fulfil, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Rom. xv. 19, A. V. "fully 
preached "), translated usually " to fulfil " (Mat. i. 22, 
ii. 15, 17, 23, and often), also " to fill up " (xxiii. 32), 
" to fill " (Lk. ii. 40, iii. 5, &c), &c— 13. Gr. akoe 
= the hearing (Heb. iv. 2, A. V. " the word preach- 
ed," literally the word, of hearing or the word of the 
message), usually translated " hearing " (Mat. xiii. 
14 ; Gal. iii. 2, 5, &c), &c. — The verb " to preach " 
is evidently used in the Scriptures in no technical 
or exclusively official signification. See the follow- 
ing articles. 

* Preaeh'er, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
koheleth in Ecclesiastes only (Eecl. i. 1, 2, 12, vii. 
27, xii. 8-10).— 2. Gr. kerux = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
in classic Greek a herald, public crier ; in N. T. a 
preacher, public instructor, e. g. of the divine will 
and precepts, as Noah (2 Pet. ii. 5), of the Gospel, 
as Paul (1 Tim. ii. 7 ; 2 Tim. i. 11). It is once used 
(Rom. x. 14) in translating the kindred verb kerusso. 
Preach 7. 

* Preaeli ing, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
keridh (from kdrd ; see Preach 2) = a public cry- 
ing, proclamation, Ges. (Jon. iii. 2 only). — 2. Gr. 
kerugma (from kerusso ; see Preach 7 ; Preacher 2 ) 
= (so Rbn. iV; T. Lex.) proclamation by a herald, in 
Demosthenes, &c. ; in N. T. preaching, public dis- 
course of prophets (Mat. xii. 41 ; Lk. xi. 32) ; of 
Christ and His apostles, the preaching of the Gospel, 
public instruction (1 Cor. i. 21, ii. 4, xv. 14 ; Tit. i. 
3) ; bv metonymy for the gospel preached (Rom. 
xvi. 25 ; 2 Tim. iv. 17); in LXX. — No. 1. 

* Pre'cions [presh'us] stones. Stones, Precious*. 

* Prc-dcs ti-nate, to. Ordain, to, 18. 

* Prep-a-ra'tlon, the (Mk. xv. 42 ; Lk. xxiii. 54) 
= " the Preparation of the Passover " (Jn. xix. 14, 
31, 42) = " the Day of the Preparation " (Mat. xxvii. 
62). Passover, III. 2, iii., d. 

* Prcs'by-ter-y (1 Tim. iv. 14). Bishop; Elder. 
Pres'ents. Gift. 

Prcs'i-dent, the A. V. translation of Chal. sdrach 
or sdrechd, only used Dan. vi. ; = a high officer of 
the Persian court ; applied to the three highest min- 
isters (Gesenius). 

* Press (Joel iii. 13; Hag. ii. 16). Winepress. 
*Press'-fat (Hag. ii. 16). Fat; Winepress. 
Pre-to ri-nm (L. prcetorium, fr. prcelor = leader, 

chief, pretor) — the headquarters of the Roman 
pretor or military governor, wherever he happened 
to be (Mk. xv. 16); usually translated "Judgment- 
hall." In time of peace some one of the best 
buildings of the city which was the residence of the 
proconsul or pretor was selected for this purpose. 
Thus Verres appropriated the palace of King fliero 
at Syracuse; at Cesarea that of Herod the Great 
was occupied by Felix (Acts xxiii. 35) ; and at Jeru- 
salem the new palace erected by the same prince 
was the residence of Pilate (so Mr. Blakesley, with 
Winer, Robinson, &c, relying on Jos., B. J. ii. 14, 
§ 8). 1 This last was situated on the western, or 



1 "Is it certain, however, that the palace of Herod was 
always so used ? . . . Where in that case would Herod 
Antipas, who had come up to the feast (Lk. xxiii. 7), 
dwell? . . . According to tradition, the governor lived in 
the lower city, and, as some more definitely assert, in the 
56 



more elevated, hill of Jerusalem, and was connected 
with a system of fortifications, the aggregate of 
which constituted the fortified barrack. It was the 
dominant position on the western hill, and — at any 
rate on one side, probably the eastern — was mounted 
by a flight of steps (the same from which St. Paul 
made his speech in Hebrew to the angry crowd of 
Jews, Acts xxii. 1 ff.). From the level below the 
barrack a terrace led eastward to a gate opening 
into the western side of the cloister surrounding the 
Temple, the road being carried across the Valley of 
Tyropojon (separating the western from the Temple 
hill) on a causeway built up of enormous stone 
blocks. At the angle of the Temple-cloister just 
above this entrance, i. e. the northwest corner, stood 
the old citadel of the Temple hill, which Herod re- 
built and called Antonia. After the Roman power 
was established in Judea, a Roman guard was al- 
ways maintained in the Antonia, the commander 
of which for the time being seems (so Mr. Blakes- 
ley) to be the official termed " captain of the Tem- 
ple " in the Gospels and Acts. The guard in the 
Antonia was probably relieved regularly from the 
cohort quartered in the barrack. The Pretorian 
camp at Rome, to which (so Mr. Blakesley, with 
Rosenmiiller, Bloomfield, Robinson, &e.) St. Paul 
refers a (Phil. i. 13, A. V. " palace," margin " Cesar's 
court"), was erected by the Emperor Tiberius, 
acting under the advice of Sejanus. Before that 
time the guards were billeted in different parts of 
the city. It stood outside the walls, at some dis- 
tance short of the fourth milestone, and near either 
to the Salarian or the Nomentane road. From the 
first, buildings must have sprung up near it for 
sutlers and others. St. Paul appears to have been 
permitted for the space of two years to lodge, so to 
speak, " within the rules " of the Pretorium (Acts 
xxviii. 30), although still under the custody of a 
soldier. 

* Pre-vent' (fr. L. pra>venio — to come before), to, 
the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. kddam — to go be- 
fore, precede, anticipate, meet, Ges. (2 Sam. xxii. 6, 
19 ; Job xxx. 27, xii. 11 [Heb. 3] ; Ps. lix. 10 [Heb. 
11], lxxix. 8, &c), also translated " to come before" 
(2 K. xix. 32 ; Ps. xcv. 2, &c), " go before " (Ps. 
lxviii. 25 [Heb. 26], lxxxix. 14 [Heb. 15]), "meet" 
(Deut. xxiii. 4 [Heb. 5] ; Neh. xiii. 2).— 2. Gr. phtha- 
no. - — to go (or come) before, another, to be before- 
hand with, precede, anticipate, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (1 Th. 
iv. 15), elsewhere translated "to be come" (Mat. xii. 
28; Lk. xi. 20; 2 Cor. x. 14 ; 1 Th. ii. 16), "to at- 
tain " (Rom. ix. 31 ; Phil. iii. 16). — 3. Gr. prophthano 
(compounded of pro [= before] and phthano [No. 2]), 
found only in Mat. xvii. 25 ; in LXX. = No. 1. The 
verb to prevent was used in its etymological sense as 
above, by Bacon, Shakspeare, Pope, and other Eng- 
lish writers of their day, but is now used only in a 



fortress Antonia. . . . There is nothing certain to be made 
out. The following fact, however, speaks in support of 
the fortress Antonia. The scourging had taken- place in 
front of the pretorium. Then Christ was handed over to 
the soldiers ; and they, instead of leading Jesus away im- 
mediately, commenced to mock and make a sport of Him. 
To carry this mockery on undisturbed, they conducted 
Jesus into the court of the pretorium . . . 'and gathered 
unto Him the whole band. This is conclusive for the 
place being the fortress Antonia " (Lange's Comm. [trans- 
lated by Dr. Schaff ] on Mat. xxvii. 27). Jesus Christ ; 
Pilate, Pontius. 

' J Calvin, Macknight^Baraes, &c, sustain the A. V. in 
referring the Gr. praitbrion here to the emperor's "pal- 
ace." Wieseler, Conybeare & Howson, &c, suppose it a 
barrack for the emperor's body-guard, situated at or near 
the palace on the Palatine Hill. 



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special sense involving a complete interruption of 
progress toward an object or result. 

* Prick, only in the plural "pricks." "To kick 
against the pricks," i. e. goads, proverbially denotes 
a resistance which brings only harm to the one who 
offers it. Agriculture ; Goad. 

Priest (from Gr. presbuteros = "Elder;" Heb. 
cohen ; Gr. hicreus). The root-meaning of the 
Heb. cohen, uncertain as far as Hebrew itself is 
concerned, is referred by Gesenius (Thesaurus) to 
the idea of prophecy. The cohin delivers a divine 
message, stands as a mediator between God and 
man, represents each to the other. This mean- 
ing, however, belongs to the Arabic, not to the He- 
brew form, and Ewald connects the latter with the 
verb hechin (= to array, put in order). According 
to Saalschutz, the primary meaning of the word = 
minister, and he thus accounts for the wider appli- 
cation of the name. Biihr connects it with an 
Arabic root(= to draw near). Of these etymolo- 
gies, the last lias the merit of answering most closely 
to the received usage of the word (so Prof. Plump- 
tre). In some remarkable passages it takes a wider 
range. It is applied to the priests of other nations 
or religions, to Melchizedek (Gen. xiv. 18), Poti- 
pherah (xli. 45), Jethro (Ex. ii. 16), to those who 
discharged priestly functions in Israel before the ap- 
pointment of Aaron and his sons (Ex. xix. 22). A 
case of greater difficulty presents itself in 2 Sam. 
viii. 18, where the sons of David are described as 
" priests " (Heb. pi. cohunim ; A. V. " chief rulers," 
marg. •' princes ; " compare 1 C'hr. xviii. 17). The 
received explanation is, that the word is used here 
in what is assumed to be its earlier and wider mean- 
ing, = rulers. Ewald sees in it an actual suspension 
of the usual law in favor of members of the royal 
house. De Wette and Gesenius, in like manner, 
look on it as a revival of the old household priest- 
hoods. Prof. Plumptre conjectures that David and 
his sons may have been admitted, not to distinctively 
priestly acts, such as burning incense (Num. xvi. 40 ; 
2 Chr. xxvi. 18), but to an honorary, titular priest- 
hood. — Origin. The idea of a priesthood connects it- 
self, in all its forms, pure or corrupted, with the con- 
sciousness, more or less dist inct, of sin. Men feel that 
they have broken a law. The power above them is 
holier than they are, and they dare not approach it. 
They crave the intervention of some one likely to be 
more acceptable than themselves. He must offer up 
their prayers, thanksgivings, and sacrifices. (Altar ; 
Prayer ; Sacrifice.) He becomes their represent- 
ative in ;i things pertaining unto God." He may 
become also (though this does not always follow) 
the representative of God to man. The functions of 
the priest and prophet may exist in the same person. 
The priest may be also a king or chief. — No trace 
of an hereditary or caste-priesthood meets us in the 
worship of the patriarchal age. Abraham, Isaac, 
and Jacob perform priestly acts, offer sacrifices, 
" draw near " to the Lord (Gen. xii. 8, xviii. 23, xxvi. 
25, xxxiii. 20). Once only does the word cohen 
meet us as belonging to a ritual earlier than the 
time of Abraham. Melchizedek is "the priest of 
the most high God" (xiv. 18). In the worship of 
the patriarchs themselves, the chief of the family, 
as such, acted as the priest. The office descended 
with the birthright, and might apparently be trans- 
ferred with it. (First-born.) In Egypt the Israel- 
ites came in contact with a priesthood of another 
kind, and that contact must have been for a time a 
very close one. The marriage of Joseph with the 
daughter of the priest of On — a priest, as we may 



infer from her name, of the goddess Neith (Asenath) 
— (xli. 45), the special favor which he showed to the 
priestly caste in the years of famine (xlvii. 26), the 
training of Moses in the palace of the Pharaohs, 
probably in the colleges and temples of the priests 
(Acts vii. 22) — all this must have impressed the con- 
stitution, the dress, the outward form of life upon 
the minds of the lawgiver and his contemporaries. 
There is scarcely any doubt that a connection of 
some kind existed between the Egyptian priesthood 
and that of Israel. The latter was not indeed an 
outgrowth or imitation of the former. The symbol- 
ism of the one was cosmic, " of the earth, earthy," 
that of the other, chiefly, if not altogether, ethical 
and spiritual. At the time of the Exodus there was 
as yet no priestly caste. The continuance of solemn 
sacrifices (Ex. v. 1, 3) implied, of course, a priest- 
hood of some kind, and priests appear as a recog- 
nized body before the promulgation of the Law on 
Sinai (xix. 22). There are signs that the priests of 
the old ritual were already dealt with as belonging 
to an obsolescent system. Though they were known 
as those that "come near " to the Lord (ib.), yet 
they are not permitted to approach the Divine Pres- 
ence on Sinai. It is noticeable also that at this trans- 
ition-stage, when the old order was passing away, 
and the new was not yet established, there is the 
proclamation of the truth, wider and higher than 
both, that the whole people was to be a " kingdom 
of priests " (xix. 6). The idea of the life of the na- 
tion was, that it was to be as a priest and a prophet 
to the rest of mankind. — Consecration. The func- 
tions of the High-priest, the position and history of 
the Levites as the consecrated tribe, are discussed 
under those heads. It remains to notice the charac- 
teristic facts connected with " the priests, the sons 
of Aaron," as standing between the two. Solemn 
as was the subsequent dedication of the Levites, 
that of the priests involved a yet higher consecra- 
tion. A special word (Heb. kddash, A.V." to be holy," 
" to hallow," "to sanctify") was appropriated to it. 
Their old garments were laid aside ; their bodies were 
washed with clean water, and anointed with the holy 
anointing-oil (Ointment) ; the new garments of their 
office were put on them ; special sacrifices were of- 
fered for them ; the blood of the ram of consecration 
was sprinkled upon their right ear, foot, and hand ; 
a wave-offering was put in their hands, &c. (Ex. 
xxix. ; Lev. viii.). The whole of this mysterious 
ritual was to be repeated for seven days, during 
which the priests remained within the Tabernacle, 
separated from the people, and not till then was the 
consecration perfect. The consecrated character 
thus imparted did not need renewing. It was a per- 
petual inheritance transmitted from father to son 
through all the centuries that followed. — Dress. The 
'•sons of Aaron " thus dedicated were to wear dur- 
ing their ministrations a special apparel — at other 
times apparently they wore the common dress of the 
people. The material was "linen" (Ex. xxviii. 42; 
comp. Cotton). Linen drawers from the loins to 
the thighs were " to cover their nakedness." Over 
the drawers was worn the cithoneth, or close-fitting 
cassock, also of fine linen, white, but with a diamond 
or chess-board pattern on it. This came nearly to 
the feet, and was to be woven in its garment-shape 
(comp. Jn. xix. 23). The white cassock was gathered 
round the body with a girdle of needlework, into 
which, as in the more gorgeous belt of the high- 
priest, blue, purple, and scarlet were intermingled 
with white, and worked in the form of flowers (Ex. 
xxviii. 39, 40, xxxix. 2; Ez. xliv. 1*7-19). Upon 



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883 



their heads they were to wear caps or bonnets in the 
form of a cup-shaped flower, also of fine linen. 
(Crown ; Head-dress.) They had besides other 
"clothes of service," probably simpler, but not de- 
scribed (Ex. xxxi. 10; Ez. xlii. 14). In all their 



acts of ministration they were to be barefooted (Ex. 
iii. 5 ; Josh. v. 15). In the earlier liturgical cos- 
tume the ephod is mentioned as belonging to the 
high-priest only (Ex. xxviii. 6-12, xxxix. 2-5). — 
Regulations. The idea of a consecrated life, thus as 




DresB of Egyptian Priests.— (Wilkinson.) 



serted at the outset, was carried through a multitude 
of details. Each probably had a symbolic meaning 
of its own. Collectively they educated the power 
of distinguishing between things holy and profane, 
clean and unclean, and so ultimately between moral 




-ss oi ml Egyptian High-priest. 



good and evil (Ez. xliv. 23). Before they entered 
the Tabernacle they were to wash their hands and 
their feet (Ex. xxx. IT— 21, xl. 30-32). During their 
ministration they were to drink no wine or strong 
drink (Lev. x. 9; Ez. xliv. 21). Their function was 



to be more to them than the ties of friendship or of 
blood, and, except in the case of the nearest rela- 
tionships (six degrees are specified, Lev. xxi. 1-5 ; 
Ez. xliv. 25), they were to make no mourning for 
the dead. They were not to shave their heads. 
(Hair.) They were to go through their ministra- 
tions with the serenity of a reverential awe, not with 
the frantic wildness which led the priests of Baal to 
cut their flesh (Lev. xix. 28 ; IK. xviii. 28), and the 
priests of Cybele to castrate themselves (Deut. xxiii. 
1). The same thought found expression in two other 
forms affecting the priests of Israel. The priest 
was to be physically as well as liturgically perfect. 
(Blemish.) The marriages of the sons of Aaron 
were hedged round with special rules. There is in- 
deed no evidence (so Prof. Plumptre) for what has 
sometimes been asserted, that either the high-priest 
or the other sons of Aaron were limited in their 
choice to the women of their own tribe, and we have 
some distinct instances to the contrary. It is prob- 
able, however, that the priestly families frequently 
intermarried, and certain that they were forbidden 
to marry an unchaste woman, or one who had been 
divorced, or the widow of any but a priest (Lev. xxi. 
V, 14 ; Ez. xliv. 22). The prohibition of marriage 
with one of an alien race was assumed, though not 
enacted in the Law. The legitimacy of every priest 
depended on his genealogy. The age at which the 
sons of Aaron might enter upon their duties was not 
defined by the Law, as that of the Levites was. 
Aristobulus (High-priest) at the age of seventeen 
ministered in the Temple in his pontifical robes (Jos. 
xv. 3, § 3). This may have been exceptional, but 
the language of the rabbis indicates that the special 



884 



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PRI 



consecration of the priest's life began with the open- 
ing years of manhood. — Functions. The work of the 
priesthood of Israel was, from its very nature, more 
stereotyped by the Mosaic institutions than any 
other element of the national life. The duties de- 
scribed in Exodus and Leviticus are the same as 
those recognized in the Books of Chronicles and 
Ezekiel. They, assisting the high-priest, were to 
watch over the fire on the altar of burnt-offerings, 
and to keep it burning evermore both by day and 
night (Lev. vi. 12; 2 Chr. xiii. 11), to feed the golden 
lamp ("candlestick") outside the veil with oil (Ex. 
xxvii. 20, 21 ; Lev. xxiv. 2), to offer the morning 
and evening sacrifices (Sacrifice), each accompanied 
with a meat-offering and a drink-offering, at the door 
of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxix. 38-44). These were the 
fixed, invariable duties ; but their chief function was 
that of being always at hand to do the priest's office 
for any guilty, or penitent, or rejoicing Israelite. 
The worshipper might come at any time. (Adul- 
tery ; Leper; Meat-offering ; Nazarite; Peace- 
offering; Purification; Vow, &e.) Other duties 
of a higher and more ethical character were hinted 
at, but were not, and probably could not be, the 
subject of a special regulation. They were to teacli 
the children of Israel the statutes of the Lord (Lev. 
x. 1 1 ; Deut. xxxiii. 10 ; 2 Chr. xv. 3 ; Ez. xliv. 23, 24 ). 
The " priest's lips " were to " keep knowledge " (Mai. 
ii. 7). Through the whole history, except the periods 
of national apostasy, these acts, and others like 
them, formed the daily life of the priests who were on 
duty. The three great festivals of the year were, 
however, their seasons of busiest employment. 
Other acts of the priests of Israel, significant as 
they were, were less distinctively sacerdotal. They 
were to bless the people at every solemn meeting 
(Num. vi. 22-27). During the journeys in the wil- 
derness it belonged to them to cover the Ark and 
all the vessels of the sanctuary with a purple or 
scarlet cloth before the Levites might approach 
them (iv. 5-15). As the people started on each 
day's march they were to blow " an alarm " with 
long silver trumpets (x. 1-8). With these they were 
to proclaim all the solemn days and days of glad- 
ness (ver. 10). Other instruments of music might 
be used by the more highly-trained Levites and the 
schools of the prophets, but the trumpets (Cornet) 
belonged only to the priests. The presence of the 
priests on the field of battle (1 Chr. xii. 23, 27 ; 2 
Chr. xx. 21, 22) led, in the later periods of Jewish 
history, to the special appointment at such times of 
a war-priest. Other functions hinted at in Deuter- 
onomy might have given them greater influence as 
the educators and civilizers of the people. (Educa- 
tion.) They were to act (whether individually or 
collectively does not distinctly appear) as a court 
of appeal in the more difficult controversies in crim- 
inal or civil cases (Deut. xvii. 8-13). It must re- 
main doubtful, however, how far this order kept its 
ground during the storms and changes that followed. 
(Judge.) — Maintenance. Functions such as these 
were clearly incompatible with the common activi- 
ties of men. A distinct provision, therefore, was 
made for them. This consisted — (1.) of one-tenth 
of the tithes (Tithe) which the people paid to the 
Levites, i. e. one per cent, on the whole produce of 
the country (Num. xviii. 26-28). (2.) Of a special 
tithe every third year (Deut. xiv. 28, xxvi. 12). (3.) 
Of the redemption-money, paid at the fixed rate of 
five shekels a head, for the first-born of man or 
beast (Num. xviii. 14-19). (4.) Of the redemption- 
money paid in like manner for men or things spe- 



cially dedicated to the Lord (Lev. xxvii.). (5.) Of 
spoil, captives, cattle, and the like, taken in war 
(Num. xxxi. 25-47). (6.) Of the shew-bread, the 
flesh of the burnt-offerings, peace-offerings, trespass- 
offerings (xviii. 8-14 ; Lev. vi. 26, 29, vii. 6-10), and, 
in particular, the heave-shoulder and the wave- 
breast (x. 12-15). (7.) Of an undefined amount of 
the first-fruits of corn, wine, and oil (Ex. xxiii. 
19; Lev. ii. 14; Deut. xxvi. 1-10). Of some of 
these, as " most holy," none but the priests were 
to partake (Lev. vi. 29). It was lawful for their 
sons and daughters (x. 14), and even in some cases 
for their home-born slaves, to eat of others (xxii. 
11). The stranger and the hired servant were in all 
cases excluded (xxii. 10). (8.) On their settlement 
in Canaan the priestly families had thirteen cities 
assigned them, with "suburbs " or pasture-grounds 
for their flocks (Josh. xxi. 13-19). (Levites.) — 
These provisions were obviously intended to secure 
the religion of Israel against the dangers of a caste 
of pauper-priests, needy and dependent, and unable 
to bear their witness to the true faith. They were, 
on the other hand, as far as possible removed from 
the condition of a wealthy order. The standard of 
a priest's income, even in the earliest days after the 
settlement in Canaan, was apparently low (Judg. 
xvii. 10). — Clamiji 'cation and Statistics. The earliest 
historical trace of any division of the priesthood, 
and corresponding cycle of services, belongs to the 
time of David. Jewish tradition indeed recognizes 
an earlier division, even during the life of Aaron, 
into eight houses, augmented during the period of 
the Shiloh-worship to sixteen, the two families of 
Eleazar and Ithamar standing in both cases on an 
equality. No less than 3,700 priests tendered their 
allegiance to David at Hebron (1 Chr. xii. 27). To 
his reign belonged the division of the priesthood 
into the four-and-twenty "courses" or orders (1 
Chr. xxiv. 1-19 ; 2 Chr. xxiii. 8 ; Lk. i. 5), each of 
which was to serve in rotation for one week, while 
the further assignment of special services during 
the week was determined by lot (i. 9). Each course 
appears to have commenced its work on the Sab- 
bath, the outgoing priests taking the morning-sacri- 
fice, and leaving that of the evening to their succes- 
sors (2 Chr. xxiii. 8). In this division, however, the 
descendants of Ithamar were fewer than those of 
Eleazar, and sixteen courses accordingly were as- 
signed to the latter, eight only to the former (1 Chr. 
xxiv. 4). The division thus instituted was confirmed 
by Solomon, and continued to be recognized as the 
typical number of the priesthood. On the return 
from the Captivity there were found but four 
courses out of the twenty-four, each containing in 
round numbers about a thousand (Ezr. ii. 36-39). 
Out of these, however, to revive at least the idea of 
the old organization, the four-and-twenty courses 
were reconstituted, bearing the same names as be- 
fore, and so continued till the destruction of Jerusa- 
lem. If we may accept the numbers given by Jew- 
ish writers as at all trustworthy, the proportion of 
the priesthood to the population of Palestine, during 
the last century of their existence as an order, must 
have been far greater than that of the clergy has 
ever been in any Christian nation. Over and above 
those that were scattered in the country and took 
their turn, there were not fewer than 24,000 sta- 
tioned permanently at Jerusalem, and 1 2,000 at 
Jericho. It was almost inevitable that the great 
mass of the order, under such circumstances, should 
sink in character and reputation. The Rabbinic 
classification of the priesthood, though belonging to 



PRI 



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885 



a somewhat later date, reflects the contempt into 
which the order had fallen. There were — (1.) the 
heads of the twenty-four courses, known sometimes 
as " chief priests ;" (2.) the large number of repu- 
table officiating but inferior priests ; (3.) the plebeians 
or (to use the extremest formula of Rabbinic scorn) 
the priest's of the people of the earth, ignorant and 
unlettered; (4.) those that, through physical dis- 
qualifications or other causes, were non-efficient 
members of the order, though entitled to receive 
their tithes. — Hiilory. The new priesthood did not 
establish itself without a struggle. (Aaron.) The 
rebellion of Kobah 4, at the head of a portion of 
the Levites as representatives of the first-born, with 
Dathan and Abiram as leaders of the tribe of the 
first-born son of Jacob (Num. xvi. 1), showed that 
some looked back to the old patriarchal order rather 
than forward to the new. Prominent as was the 
part taken by the priests in the daily march of the 
host of Israel (x. 8), in the passage of the Jordan 
(Josh. iiL 14, 15), in the destruction of Jericho (vL 
12-16), the history of Micah 1 shows that within 
that century there was a strong tendency to relapse 
into the system of a household instead of an hered- 
itary priesthood (Judg. xvii.). The frequent inva- 
sions and conquests during the period of the Judges 
must have interfered with the payment of tithes, 
with the maintenance of worship, with the observ- 
ance of all festivals, and with this the influence of 
the priesthood must have been kept in the back- 
ground. For a time the prerogative of the line of 
Aaron was in abeyance. The capture of the Ark, 
the removal of the Tabernacle from Shiloh, threw 
every thing into confusion, and Samuel, a Levite, 
but not within the priestly family, sacrifices, and 
" eomes near" to the Lord: his training under Eli, 
his Nazarite life, his prophetic office, being regarded 
apparently as a special consecration. Though Shi- 
loh had become a deserted sanctuary, Nob (1 Sam. 
xxL 1) was for a time the centre of national worship, 
and the symbolic ritual of Israel was thus kept from 
being forgotten. The reign of Saul was, however, 
a time of suffering for them. He had manifested a 
disposition to usurp the priest's office (xiii. 9). The 
massacre of the priests at Nob (Ahimelech 1) 
showed how insecure their lives were asainst any 
unguarded or savage impulse. They could but wait 
in silence for the coming of a deliverer in David. 
One at least (Abiathar) shared his exile (xxiii. 6, 
9). When the death of Saul set them free they 
came in large numbers to the camp of David, pre- 
pared apparently not only to testify their allegiance, 
but also to support him, armed for battle, against 
all rivals (1 Chr. xii. 27). They were summoned 
from their cities to the great restoration of the wor- 
ship of Israel, when the Ark was brought up to 
the new capital of the kingdom (xv. 4). For a time, 
however, the older order of sacrifices was carried 
on by the priests in the Tabernacle on the high-place 
at Gibeon (xvi. 37-39, xxi. 29; 2 Chr. i. 3). We 
cannot wonder that first David and then Solomon 
should have sought to guard against the evils inci- 
dental to this separation of the two orders, and to 
unite in one great Temple priests and Levites, the 
symbolic worship of sacrifice and the spiritual of- 
fering of praise. The reigns of these two kings 
were naturally the culminating period of the glory 
of the Jewish priesthood. The position of the priests 
under the monarchy of Judah deserves a closer ex- 
amination than it has yet received. The system de- 
scribed above gave them for every week of service 
in the Temple twenty-three weeks in which they had 



no appointed work. To what employment could 
they turn ? (1.) The more devout and thoughtful 
found probably in the schools of the prophets that 
which satisfied them. (Levites ; Prophet.) They 
became teaching priests (2 Chr. xv. 3), students, and 
interpreters of the Divine Law. (2.) Some, per- 
haps, served in the king's army (1 Chr. xii. 27; 2 
Chr. xiii. 12, xxiii. 9; Benaiah 1). (3.) A few 
chosen ones might enter more deeply into the divine 
life, and so receive, like Zechariah, Jeremiah, Eze- 
kiel, a special call to the office of a prophet. (4.) 
We can hardly escape the conclusion that many did 
their work in the Temple of Jehovah with a divided 
allegiance, and acted at other times as priests of 
the high places (Jer. ii. 8, viii. 1, 2 ; Ez. xliv. 7, 12; 
Urijah 1). Those who ceased to be true shepherds 
of the people found nothing in their ritual to sustain 
or elevate them. They became as sensual, covetous, 
tyrannical, as ever the clergy of the Christian 
Church became in its darkest periods ; conspicuous 
as drunkards and adulterers (Is. xxviii. 7, 8, lvi. 10- 
12). The prophetic order, instead of acting as a 
check, became sharers in the corruption (Jer. v. 31 ; 
Lam. iv. 13 ; Zeph. iii. 4). The discipline of the 
Captivity, however, was not without its fruits. A 
large proportion of the priests had either perished 
or were content to remain in the land of their exile, 
but those who did return were active in the work 
of restoration (Ezr. iii. 2, x. 18, 19; Neh. viii. 9-13). 
But in Malachi's time the priests had become de- 
generate again (Mai. i. 10, ii. 7-9). The office of the 
scribe rose in repute as that of priest declined. No 
great changes affected the outward position of the 
priests under the Persian government. Both the 
Persian government and Alexander had respected 
the religion of their subjects ; and the former had 
conferred on the priests immunities from taxation 
(Ezr. vi. 8, 9, vii. 24). The degree to which this 
recognition was carried by the immediate successors 
of Alexander is shown by the work of restoration 
accomplished by Simon the son of Onias (Ecclus. 1. 
12-20) ; and the position which they thus occupied 
in the eyes of the people, not less than the devotion 
with which his zeal inspired them, prepared them 
doubtless for the great struggle which was coming, 
and in which, under the priestly Maccabees, they 
were the chief defenders of their country's freedom. 
Some, indeed, at that crisis, were found among the 
apostates. (Alcimus ; Jason 4 ; Menelaus; Onias 
5.) The majority, however, were true-hearted. (Je- 
rusalem, pp. 452 ff.) — In the N. T. period of their 
history the division into four-and-twenty courses is 
still maintained (Lk. i. 5), and the heads of these 
courses, together with those who have held the 
high-priesthood (the office no longer lasting for life), 
are " chief priests " by courtesy, and take their 
place in the Sanhedrim. The number scattered 
throughout Palestine was, as has been stated, very 
large. Of these the greater number were poor and 
ignorant. The priestly order; like the nation, was 
divided between contending sects. (Pharisees ; 
Sadducees.) The influence of Hyrcanus, himself in 
the latter part of his life a Sadducee, had probably 
made the tenets of that party popular among the 
wealthier and more powerful members ; and the 
chief priests of the Gospels and the Acts, the whole 
" of the kindred of the high-priest " (Acts iv. 1, 6, 
v. 17), were apparently consistent Sadducees. The 
great multitude, on the other hand, who received 
the testimony of the Lord's resurrection and " be- 
came obedient to the faith " (vi. 7) must have been 
free from, or must have overcome, Sadducean pre- 



8S6 



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PRO 



judices. In the scenes of the last tragedy of Jew- 
ish history the order passes away, without honor, 
" dying as a fool dieth." The high-priesthood is 
given to the lowest and vilest of the adherents of 
the frenzied Zealots. Other priests appear as de- 
serting to the enemy. Josephus the historian was 
a priest. The destruction of Jerusalem deprived 
the order at one blow of all but an honorary distinc- 
tion. Their occupation was gone. Many families must 
have altogether lost their genealogies. The influence 
of the Rabbis increased with the fall of the priest- 
hood. (Education ; Rabbi ; Synagogue.) The lan- 
guage of the N. T. writers in relation to the priest- 
hood ought not to be passed over. They recognize 
in Christ, the first-born, the King, the Anointed, 
the representative of the true primeval priesthood 
after the order of Melchizedek (Heb. vii., viii.), from 
which that of Aaron, however necessary for the 
time, is now seen to have been a deflection. But 
there is no trace of an order in the new Christian 
society, bearing the name and exercising functions 
like those of the priests of the older Covenant. 
(Bisnop; Elder; Minister ; Preacher.) The idea 
which pervades the teaching of the Epistles is that 
of a universal priesthood (Rom. xii. 1 ; Heb. x. 19- 
22 ; 1 Pet. ii. 9 ; Rev. i. 6). It was the thought of 
a succeeding age that the old classification of the 
high-priest, priests, and Levites was reproduced in 
the bishops, priests, and deacons of the Christian 
Church (so Prof. Plumptre). 

Prince, the A. V. translation of various Hebrew, 
Chaldee, and Greek terms, most of which are of 
general signification, indicating authority, leader- 
ship, or preeminence. (Captain 1, 2 ; Congrega- 
tion ; Duke 2 ; Governor 5, 6, 10, 11, 13; Judge; 
King ; Priest, &c). The only special uses of the 
word "prince" are — 1. "Princes of provinces" (1 
K. xx. 14), probably = governors of districts, or 
local magistrates. (Province.) 2. The " princes " 
(Chal. pi. ahashdarptnin or Hchashdarpenin) men- 
tioned in Dan. iii. 2, 3, 27, vi. 1 ff. (see Esth. i. 1) 
were the predecessors of the satraps of Darius Hys- 
taspis (Persians) = " lieutenants " in Ezr. viii. 36, 
and Esth. iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3. Jesus Christ is "the 
Prince of life " (Acts iii. 15), and " the Prince of the 
kings of the earth " (Rev. i. 5) : Satan is " the 
prince of this world" (Jn. xii. 31, &c), and "the 
prince of the power of the air " (Eph. ii. 2). Hasji- 
mannim ; Province. 

* Prin'ccss, the A. V. translation of Heb. sdrah 
= princess, noble lady, Ges. (1 K. xi. 3 ; Is. xlix. 23 
margin ; Lam. i. 1), also translated " queen " (Is. 
xlix. 23), and " lady " (Judg. v. 29 ; Esth. i. 18). 
Sarah. 

* Priu-ei-pal'i-ty (= the authority, rule, or do- 
minion of a prince or chief), the A. V. translation 
of — 1. Heb. pi. marasho/h (Jer. xiii. 18 only, margin 
" head-tires "). Gesenius and Henderson translate 
this passage, " From your heads shall come down the 
crown of your glory," instead of "Your principali- 
ties shall come down, even the crown of your glory." 
— 2. Gr. arche = a beginning, what is first in time 
or place, RbD. N. T. Lex. (Rom. viii. 38 ; Eph. i. 21, 
iii. 10, vi. 12; Col. i. 16, ii. 10, 15; Tit. iii. 1), 
usually translated " beginning " (Mat. xix. 4, 8 ; Jn. 
i. 1, 2, &c), also translated "rule" (1 Cor. xv. 24), 
" power " (Lk. xx. 20), " magistrates " in pi. (xii. 
11). In the passages where it is translated "magis- 
trates " and " principality " or " principalities " the 
word is used by metonymy (so Robinson) to denote 
riders, magistrates, princes, potentates, &c. 

* Print, to, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 



ndthan(Lev. xix. 28), usually and literally translated 
"to give" (Gen. i. 29, iii. 12 twice, &c), also "to 
make " (Lev. xix. 28, &c), &c. — 2. Heb. h&kak or 
clulkak =to cut in, inscribe, Ges. (Job xix. 23), also 
translated "to grave" (Is. xxii. 16, xlix. 16), "to 
portray " (Ez. iv. 1), &c. Engraver ; Writing. 

Pris'ca (L. = ancient) = Priscilla (2 Tim. iv. 19). 

Pris-cil'la [ sil-] (L. diminutive of Prisca, Rbn. 
iV. T. Lex.), the wife of Aquila. The name is 
Prisca in 2 Tim. iv. 19, and (according to the true 
reading) in Rom. xvi. 3, also (according to some of 
the best MSS.) in 1 Cor. xvi. 19. Such variation in 
a Roman name is by no means unusual. The wife's 
name is placed before the husband's in Rom. xvi. 3 
and 2 Tim. iv. 19, and (according to some of the 
best MSS.) in Acts xviii. 26. Only in Acts xviii. 2, 
and 1 Cor. xvi. 19, hasAquila unequivocally the first 
place. Hence Dr. Howson and others conclude that 
Priscilla was the more energetic character of the 
two. Yet the husband and the wife are always 
mentioned together. Priscilla (so Dr. Howson) is 
the example of what the married woman may do 
for the general service of the Church, in conjunc- 
tion with home duties, as Phebe is the type of the 
unmarried servant of the Church, or deaconess. 

Pris on fpiiz'n]. For imprisonment as a punish- 
ment, see Punishments. In Egypt it is plain both 
that special places were used as prisons, and that 
they were under the custody of a military officer 
(Gen. xl. 3, xlii. 17). During the wandering in the 
desert we read on two occasions of confinement " in 
ward" (Lev. xxiv. 12; Num. xv. 34); but as im- 
prisonment was not directed by the Law, so we hear 
of none till the time of the kings, when the prison 
appears as an appendage to the palace, or a special 
part of it (1 K. xxii. 27). Later still it is distinctly 
described as in the king's house (Jer. xxxii. 2, 
xxxvii. 21 ; Neh. iii. 25). This was the case also at 
Babylon (2 K. xxv. 27). But private houses were 
sometimes used as places of confinement (Jer. 
xxxvii. 15 ; Jeremiah). Public prisons other than 
these, though in use by the Canaanitish nations 
(Judg. xvi. 21, 25; Samson), were unknown in Ju- 
dea previous to the Captivity. Under the Herods 
we hear again of royal prisons attached to the pal- 
ace, or in royal fortresses (Lk. iii. 20 ; Acts xii. 4, 
10'. By the Romans Antonia was used as a prison 
at Jerusalem (xxiii. 10), and at Cesarea the preto- 
rium of Herod (35). The sacerdotal authorities also 
had a prison under the superintendence of special 
officers (v. 18 ff., viii. 3, xxvi. 10). Chain; Cis- 
tern ; Fetters ; Paul ; Pit ; Rome ; Stocks. 

* Pris'on-gate (Neh. xii. 39), a gate of Jerusa- 
lem, probably (so Gesenius) belonging to the wall 
enclosing the Temple. Sheep-gate. 

Proch 0-rns (L. fr. Gr. = leader of the chorus, 
i Schl.), one of the seven deacons, named next after 
Stephen and Philip (Acts vi. 5). Deacon. 

Pro-eon'sul (L. = one who at the close of his 
consulship in Rome was governor of a province, or 
military commander under a governor, Freund). 
! Deputy. 

Proc'n-ra-tor [in Latin pronounced prok-yu-ra'- 

tor] (L. manager, overseer ; see below). The Gr. 
I Mgcmon, A. V. " governor," is applied in the N. T. 

to the officer who presided over the imperial prov- 
i ince of Judea. It is used of Pontius Pilate (Mat. 
j xxvii., xxviii. ; Lk. xx. 20), of Felix (Acts xxiii., 
i xxiv.), and of Festus (xxvi. 30). In all these cases 

the Vulgate equivalent is praises (L. = president). 
I The same office is also mentioned in Lk. iii. 1. Af- 
I ter the battle of Actium, Augustus divided the 



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887 



provinces of the Roman empire into two portions, 
giving some to the senate and reserving to himself 
the rest. The imperial provinces were administered 
by legates or deputies of the emperor, also called 
presides or presidents. No questor came into the 
emperor's provinces, but the property and revenues 
of the imperial treasury were administered by the 
Rationales (L. = accounta?its), Procuratores (= proc- 
urators), and Adores ( — agents) of the emperor, who 
were chosen from among his freedmen, or from the 
knights (Tae. Hist. v. 9 ; Dio Cassius, liii. 15). These 
procurators were sent both to the imperial and to 
the senatorial provinces. Sometimes a province 
was governed by a procurator with the functions of 
a president. This was especially the case with the 
smaller provinces and the outlying districts of a 
larger province ; and such is the relation in which 
Judea stood to Syria. After the deposition of Ar- 
chelaus Judea was annexed to Syria, and the first 
procurator was Coponius (sent out with Quirinus 
[Cyrenius]), the next Marcus Ambivius, then An- 
nius Rufus, then Valerius Gratus (procurator eleven 
years), then Pontius Pilate. (Pilate, Pontius.) He 
was subject to the governor (or president) of Syria. 
The headquarters of the procurator were at Cesa- 
rea (Acts xxiii. 23), where he had a judgment-seat 
(xxv. 6) in the audience-chamber (23), and was as- 
sisted by a council (12) whom he consulted in cases 
of difficulty. The procurator, as the emperor's rep- 
resentative, had the power of life and death over 
his subjects (Mat. xxvii. 26), which was denied to 
the proconsul (A. V. " dkpcty "). In the N. T. we 
see the procurator only in his judicial capacity. 
Thus Christ is brought before Pontius Pilate as a 
political offender, and the accusation is heard by the 
procurator, who is seated on the judgment-seat 
(Mat. xxvii. 2, 11, 19). Felix heard St. Paul's ac- 
cusation and defence from the judgment-seat at 
Cesarea (Actsxxiv.); and St. Paul calls him "judge " 
(xxiv. 10), as if this term described his chief func- 
tions. The procurator is again alluded to in his 
judicial capacity in 1 Pet. ii. 14 (A. V. " governors "). 
He was attended by a cohort (A. V. " band ; " 
Army, II.) as body-guard (Mat. xxvii. 27), and ap- 
parently went up to Jerusalem at the time of the 
high festivals, and there resided in the palace of 
Herod, in which was the " pretorium," or " judg- 
ment-hall." 

* Pro-gen'i-tors [-jen-] (fr. L.) = parents, or an- 
cestors (Gen. xlix. 26). Genealogy. 

* Prog-nos ti-ca-tors, Month ly (Is. xlvii. 13). 
Magic. 

Proph'ct. I. TJie Name. The ordinary Hebrew 
word for prophet is ndbi, derived from the verb 
ndbd, connected by Gesenius with ndba\ to bubble 
forth, like a fountain. If this etymology is correct, 
ndbi = a person who, as it were, involuntarily bursts 
forth with spiritual utterances under the divine in- 
fluence, or simply one who pours forth words. Bun- 
sen and Davidson suppose ndbi = the man to whom 
announcements are made by God, i. e. inspired. (In- 
spiration.) But it is more in accordance with the 
etymology and usage of the word to regard it as 
signifying (actively) one who announces or pours 
forth the declarations of God (so Mr. Meyrick, 
original author of this article, with Ewald, Hiiver- 
nick, Oehler, Hengstenberg, Lee, Pusey, and most 
Biblical critics). Two other Hebrew words are used 
to designate a prophet, rdeh, and hozeh or chdzeh, 
both signifying one who sees, and rendered in the 
A. V. " seer." The three Hebrew words are found 
in 1 Chr. xxix. 29. Rdeh is a title almost appro- 



priated to Samuel (1 Sam. ix. 9, 11, 18, 19 ; 1 Chr. 
ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 29). It is also applied to 
Zadok 1 (2 Sam. xv. 27), to Hanani 2 (2 Chr. xvi. 
7, 10), to prophets generally (1 Sam. ix. 9 ; Is. xxx. 
10). It was superseded in general use by the word 
ndbi. Hozeh or chdzeh is found in 2 Sam. xxiv. 10 ; 
2 K. xvii. 13 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 9, xxv. S, xxix. 29 (of 
Gad 2) ; 2 Chr. ix. 29, xii. 15, xix. 2, xxix. 25, 30, 
xxxiii. 18, 19, xxxv. 15; Is. xxix. 10, xxx. 10 (A. V. 
"prophets"), xlvii. 13 (A. V. "gazers"); Am. vii. 
12 ; Mic. iii. 7. Whether there is any difference in 
the usage of these three words, and, if any, what 
that difference is, has been much debated. On the 
whole, it would seem that the same persons are des- 
ignated by them. The Heb. ndbi is uniformly trans- 
lated in the LXX. by the Gr. prophetes, and in the 
A. V. by " prophet." In classical Greek, prophetes 
= one who speaks for another, specially one who 
speaks for a god and so interprets his will to man 
(L. & S.). Hence its essential meaning is an inter- 
preter. The use of the word prophetes in its mod- 
ern sense is post-classical, and is derived from the 
LXX. From the mediaeval use of the derivative 
Greek word propheleia, prophecy passed into the 
English language in the sense of prediction, and 
this sense it has retained as its popular meaning. 
The larger sense of interpretation has not, however, 
been lost. In fact, the English word prophet, like 
the word inspiration, has always been used in a 
larger and in a closer sense. The different mean- 
ings, or shades of meaning, in which " prophecy " 
is employed in Scripture, have been drawn out by 
Locke as follows : — " Prophecy comprehends three 
things : prediction ; singing by the dictate of the 
Spirit ; and understanding and explaining the mys- 
terious, hidden sense of Scripture, by an immediate 
illumination and motion of the Spirit" (Paraphrase 
of 1 Cor. xii. note, p. 121, London, 1742). The 
last signification applies to the prophets of theN. T. 
(1 Cor. xii.) ; the second to Miriam, Deborah 2, the 
" sons of Asaph," &c. (1 Chr. xxv. 3). That the 
idea of potential if not actual prediction enters into 
the conception of prophecy, as designating the func- 
tion of the Hebrew prophets, seems to be proved by 
Deut. xviii. 22 ; Jer. xxviii. 9 ; Acts ii. 30, iii. 18, 21 ; 1 
Pet. i. 10 ; 2 Pet. i. 19, 20, iii. 2. Etymologically, how- 
ever, neither prescience nor prediction is implied by 
the term used in the Hebrew, Greek, or English lan- 
guage. (Daniel, the Book of; Divination.) — II. 
Prophetical Order. The sacerdotal order (Priest) 
was originally the instrument by which the mem- 
bers of the Jewish theocracy were taught and gov- 
erned in things spiritual. Teaching by act and 
teaching by word were alike their task. But du- 
ring the time of the Judges, the priesthood sank into 
a state of degeneracy, and the people were no longer 
affected by the acted lessons of the ceremonial ser- 
vice. They required less enigmatic warnings and 
exhortations. Under these circumstances a new 
moral power was evoked — the Prophetic Order. 
Samuel, himself a Levite, of the family of Kohath 
(1 Chr. vi. 28), and almost certainly a priest (so Mr. 
Meyrick), was the instrument for effecting a reform 
in the sacerdotal order (ix. 22), and for giving to 
the prophets a position of importance which they 
had never before held. It is not to be supposed 
that Samuel created the prophetic order as a new 
thing before unknown. The germs both of the pro- 
phetic and of the regal order are found in the Law 
(Deut. xiii. 1, xviii. 20, xvii. 18), but not yet devel- 
oped, because there was not yet the demand for 
them. Samuel took measures to make his work 



8S8 



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of restoration permanent as well as effective for the 
moment. For this purpose he instituted Companies, 
or Colleges of Prophets. One we find in his lifetime 
at Ramah (1 Sam. xix. 19, 20); others afterward at 
Bethel (2 K. ii. 3), Jericho (5), Gilgal (iv. 38), and 
elsewhere (vi. 1). (Elijah; Elisha.) Their con- 
stitution and object were similar to those of theo- 
logical colleges. Into them were gathered promis- 
ing students, and here they were trained for the 
office which they were afterward destined to fulfil. 
Sometimes they were very numerous (1 K. xviii. 4, 
xxii. 6 ; 2 K. ii. 16). So successful were these in- 
stitutions, that from the time of Samuel to the closing 
of the Canon of the Old Testament, there seems 
never to have been wanting a due supply of men to 
keep up the line of official prophets. They are rep- 
resented as extinct in 1 Me. iv. 46, ix. 27, xiv. 41, and 
Ecclus. xxxvi. 15. Their chief subject of study 
was, no doubt, the Law and its interpretation ; oral, 
as distinct from symbolical, teaching being hence- 
forward tacitly transferred from the priestly to the 
prophetical order. Subsidiary subjects of instruc- 
tion were music and sacred poetry, both of which 
had been connected with prophecy from the time 
of Moses (Ex. xv. 20) and the Judges (Judg. iv. 4, 
v. 1).— III. lite Prophetic Gift. To belong to the 
prophetic order and to possess the prophetic gift 
are not convertible terms. Generally, the inspired 
prophet came from the College of the Prophets, and 
belonged to the prophetic order ; but this was not 
always the ease. (Amos ; see also Ahijah 1 ; Aza- 
riah 9; Eliezer 6; Gad 2; Hanani 2; Iddo 4; 
Jahaziel 4 ; Jehu 2 ; Micaiah ; Nathan 1 ; Oded 1, 
2; Shemaiah 1; Urijah 4; Zkchariah 6.) The 
sixteen prophets whose books are in the Canon 
have therefore that place of honor, because they 
were endowed with the prophetic ffi/t as well as or- 
dinarily (so far as we know) belonging to the pro- 
phetic order. (Bible, III. 2.) What, then, are the 
characteristics of the sixteen prophets, thus called 
and commissioned, and intrusted with the messages 
of God to His people? (1.) They were the national 
poets of Judea. (2.) They were annalists and his- 
torians. A great portion of Isaiah, of Jeremiah, 
of Daniel, of Jonah, of Haggai, is direct or indirect 
history. (3.) They were preachers of patriotism ; 
their patriotism being founded on the religious 
motive. (4.) They were preachers of morals and 
of spiritual religion (Is. i. 14-17, iii., v., &c). The 
system of morals put forward by the prophets, if 
not higher, or sterner, or purer than that of the 
Law, is more plainly declared, and with greater, be- 
cause now more needed, vehemence of diction. (5.) 
They were extraordinary, yet authorized, exponents 
of the Law (Is. lviii. 3-7 ; Ez. xviii. ; Mic. vi. 6-8 ; 
Hos. vi. 6 ; Am. v. 21, &c). (6 ) They held a pas- 
toral or quasi- pastoral office. (7.) They were a 
political power in the state. (8.) But their most es- 
sential characteristic is that they were instruments 
of revealing God's will to man, as in other ways, so, 
specially, by predicting future events, and, in par- 
ticular, by foretelling the incarnation of the Lord 
Jesus Christ, and the redemption effected by Him. 
There are two chief ways of exhibiting this fact : 
one is suitable when discoursing with Christians, 
the other when arguing with unbelievers. To the 
Christian it is enough to show that the truth of the 
New Testament and the truthfulness of its authors, 
and of the Lord Himself, are bound up with the truth 
of the existence of this predictive element in the 
prophets. To the unbeliever it is necessary to show 
that facts have verified their predictions. The fulfil- 



ment of a single prophecy does not prove the pro- 
phetical power of the prophet, but the fulfilment of 
a long series of prophecies by a series or number of 
events does in itself constitute a proof that the 
prophecies were intended to predict the events, and, 
consequently, that predictive power resided in the 
prophet or prophets. Now, the Messianic picture 
drawn by the prophets as a body contains at least 
as many traits as these : — That salvation should 
come through the family of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, 
Judah, David : that at the time of the final absorp- 
tion of the Jewish power, Shiloh (the tranquillizer) 
should gather the nations under his rule; that there 
should be a great Prophet, typified by Moses ; a 
King descended from David ; a Priest forever, typi- 
fied by Melchizedek : that there should be born into 
the world a child to be called Mighty God, Eternal 
Father, Prince of Peace : that there should be a 
Righteous Servant of God on whom the Lord would 
lay the iniquity of all; that Messiah the Prince 
should be cut off, but not for Himself : that an ever- 
lasting kingdom should be given by the Ancient of 
Days to one like the Son of Man. (Messiah.) We 
have here a series of prophecies so applicable to the 
person and earthly life of Jesus Christ as to be there- 
by shown to have been designed to apply to Him. 
And if they were designed to apply to Him, prophet- 
ical prediction is proved. — Objection 1. Vagvenesx. 
It has been said that the prophecies are too darkly 
and vaguely worded to be proved predictive by the 
events which they are alleged to foretell. But to 
this might be answered — (a.) That God never forces 
men to believe, but that there is such a union of 
definiteness and vagueness in the prophecies as to 
enable those who are willing to discover the truth, 
while the wilfully blind are not forcibly constrained 
to see it. (b.) That, had the prophecies been 
couched in the form of direct declarations, their f ul- 
filment would have thereby been rendered impossi- 
ble, or, at least, capable of frustration, (c) That 
the effect of prophecy would have been far less 
beneficial to believers, as being less adapted to keep 
them in a state of constant expectation, (d.) That 
the Messiah of Revelation could not be so clearly 
portrayed in His varied character as God and Man, 
as Prophet, Priest, and King, if He had been the 
mere "teacher." (e.) That the state of the Proph- 
ets, at the time of receiving the Divine revelation, 
was such as necessarily to make their predictions 
fragmentary, figurative, and abstracted from the re- 
lations of time. (/.) That some portions of the 
prophecies were intended to be of double application, 
and some portions to be understood only on their 
fulfilment (comp. Jn. xiv. 29; Ez. xxxvi. 33). — 
Objection 2. Obscurity of a part or parts of a proph- 
ecy otherwise clear. The objection drawn from " the 
unintelligibleness of one part of the prophecy, as 
invalidating the proof of foresight arising from the 
evident completion of those parts which are under- 
stood " is akin to that drawn from the vagueness of 
the whole of it, and may be answered like Objection 
1 above. — Objection 3. Application of the several 
prophecies to a more immediate nubject. It has been 
the task of many Biblical critics to examine the dif- 
ferent passages alleged to be predictions of Christ, 
and to show that they were delivered in reference to 
some person or thing contemporary with, or shortly 
subsequent to, the time of the writer. Let it be 
granted that it may be proved of all the predictions 
of the Messiah — it certainly may be proved of many 
— that they primarily apply to some historical and 
present fact : in that case a certain law, under which 



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889 



God vouchsafes His prophetical revelations, is dis- 
covered ; but there is no semblance of disproof of 
the further Messianic interpretation of the passages 
under consideration. Whether it can be proved by 
an investigation of Holy Scripture, that this relation 
between Divine announcements for the future and 
certain present events does so exist as to constitute 
a law, and whether, if the law is proved to exist, it 
is of universal or only of partial application, we do 
not pause to determine. But it is manifest that the 
existence of a primary sense cannot exclude the 
possibility of a secondary sense. 1 (Old Testament, 



1 Prof. S. C. Bartlett (in B. S. xviii. 727 f.) presents the 
references in Mat. ii. 15 to Hos. ii. 1, in Heb. l. 5 to 2 Sam. 
vii. 12-16, In Heb. x. 5-7 to Ps. xi. 6-8 (comp. verse 12), in 
Jn. xix. 28 ff. to Ps. lxix. 21 (comp. ver. 5), in Jn. xix. 35 
to Ex. vii. 46, in Gal. iii. 16 fif. to Gen. xiii. 15 and xvii. 8, in 
Heb. ii. 6-8 to Ps. ii. 4 ff., in Mat. i. 22, 23, to Is. vii. 14, 
in Mat. xv. 7 to Is. xxix. 13, and the reference in 1 Cor. x. 
3-6 to the Israelites as drinking " of the spiritual Rock that 
followed them, and that Rock was Christ," &c , as afford- 
ing " specimens of the chief forms of difficulty surround- 
ing the subject of Messianic prophecy. The problem is to 
discover some fundamental and central principle, accord- 
ing to which these various kinds of passages can be under- 
stood, so as neither to abrogate the authority of the N. T., 
nor to set aside the authority of the Old." Prof. Bartlett 
enumerates five theories which attempt to meet, in whole 
or in part, the difficulties of this problem : 1. "The theory 
of accommodation," which denies that the apostles in- 
tended to cite the passages as veritable prophecies, and 
affirm that they employed them only as apt quotations. 
The supporters of this theory (Tittmann, Stuart, Robin- 
son, Barnes, &c.) render the Gr. hina plerdthe, &c. (A. V. 
" that it might be fulfilled ") sd that it was fulfilled, but the 
best scholarship of the present day (Meyer, Alford, Winer, 
Olshausen, De Wette, Wordsworth, Tholuck, Alexander, 
Davidson. Fairbairn, Lee, &c.) sustains the A. V. transla- 
tion in rendering "that it might he fulfilled." 2. "The 
theory of alternating subjects of prophecy." Thus Psalms 
xxii., xl., lxix., &c, have been interpreted as referring 
partly to David and partly to Christ. This theory arbi- 
trarily introduces two subjects when uie writer evidently 
presents only one. 3. " The theory of a twofold significa- 
tion or ' double sense ' " — primary and secondary — lower 
and higher— literal and allegorical or typical. Thus Chry- 
sostom held that Ps. viii. treats primarily of man, but in a 
higher sense of Christ. This theory is infelicitous in its 
statement, and lacks method, precision, and limitation. 
4. " The theory of a reiterated reference." This view as- 
serts but one signification of the language, hut assigns to 
that one signification repeated applications, eitlier to 
events which lie along on the same level, or to events re- 
lated as members of an ascending series, the fulfllmentin 
this case rising from a lower to aliigher sphere, i. e. from 
a type or symbol to the thing typified or symbolized, from 
a generic or indefinite prophecy to a fulfilment in each of 
a series of separate events or persons culminating in Christ, 
&c. Thus Is. vi. 9, 10, and xxix. 13 plainly refer to the 
prophet's contemporaries, but are applied in Mat. xiii. 14 
If., and xv. 7, 8, by our Saviour Himself to the Jews of His 
time. They were, says Lange (on Mat. xiii. 14 and xv. 7) 
"most completely fulfilled when the Jews resisted the 
Gospel itself." " Isaiah's verbal prophecy about his con- 
temporaries was. in [these respects,] a typical prophecy 
of the times of Jesus." Alford regards "is fulfilled" in 
Mat. xiii. 14 as = "finds one of the stages of its fulfil- 
ment — a partial one having taken place in the contempo- 
raries of the prophet." He regards likewise Is. xxix. 13 
as " one of those deeper and more general declarations of 
God which shall be ever having their successive illustra- 
tions in His dealings with men." Hengstenberg and Prof. 
J. A. Alexander refer Psalmsxxii., lxix., &c , to "an ideal 
person, the righteous servant of Jehovah," or " the right- 
eous man in general," " representing the whole class of 
righteous sufferers," and regard his words as capable of 
being "appropriated, to a certain extent, by any suffering 
believer, and by the whole suffering Church," yet "fully 
verified only in Christ, the head and representative of the 
class in question." 5." The theory of an organic connection 
and correlation sustained by the whole O. T. economy to 
that of the N. T. It finds one continuous scheme of God 
running unbroken through the two dispensations, of which 
the earlier portion sustains a preordained parallelism to 
the later, being typical, or rather representative, of it. [ 
This earlier train of arrangements being not ultimate, but, j 
by the intention of the Holy Spirit, preparatory and rep- 
resentative, points forward, and thus even the language 
describing them involves a prophecy, while also the utter- I 



B.). — Objection 4. Miraculous character. There is no 
question that if miracles are, either physically or 
morally, impossible, then prediction is impossible. 
— IV. The Prophetic Stale. We learn from Holy 
Scripture that it was by the agency of the Spirit of 
God that the prophets received the Divine commu- 
nication (Num. xi. 17, 25, 29 ; 1 Sam. x. 6, xix. 20 ; 
Jer. xxiii. 16; Ez. xiii. 2, 3 ; 2 Pet. i. 21). (Min- 
strel.) The prophet held an intermediate position 
in communication between God and man. God com- 
municated with him by His Spirit, and he, having 
received this communication, was " the spokes- 
man " of God to man (comp. Ex. vii. 1, and iv. 16). 
But the means by which the Divine Spirit commu- 
nicated with the human spirit, and the conditions 
of the human spirit under which the Divine com- 
munications were received, have not been clearly 
declared to us. They are, however, indicated. In 
Num. xii. 6-8 (comp. Joel ii. 28 and Dan. i. 17) we 
have an exhaustive division of the different ways in 
which the revelations of God are made to man. 1. 
Direct declaration and manifestation, " I will speak 
mouth to mouth, apparently, and the similitude of 
the Lord shall he behold." 2. Vision. 3. Dream. 
The tneory of Philo and the Alexandrian school, that 
the prophet was in a state of entire unconsciousness 
when under the influence of Divine inspiration, 
identifies Jewish prophecy in all essential points 
with the heathen manlike (Gr. = divination) as 
distinct from propheteia, or interpretation. Accord- 
ing to the belief of the heathen, of the Alexandrian 
Jews, and of the Montanists, the vision of the prophet 
was seen while he was in a state of ecstatic uncon- 
sciousness, and the enunciation of the vision was 
made by him in the same state. The Fathers of the 
Church opposed the Montanist theory with great 
unanimity. It does not seem possible to draw any 
very precise distinction between the prophetic 
" dream " and the prophetic " vision." In the case 
of Abraham (Gen. xv. 1) and of Daniel (Dan. vii. 1), 
they seem to melt into each other. In both, the 
external senses are at rest, reflection is quiescent, 
and intuition energizes. The action of the ordinary 
faculties is suspended in the one case by natural, in 
the other by supernatural or extraordinary causes. 
(Dreams.) The prophetic trance, in which the 
prophets and other inspired persons, sometimes, at 
least, received Divine revelations, would seem to 
have been of the following nature. (1.) The bodily 
senses were closed to external objects as in deep 
sleep. (2.) The reflective and discursive faculty 
was still and inactive. (3.) The spiritual faculty 
was awakened to the highest state of energy. Hence 
revelations in trances are described by the prophets 
as "seen" or "heard" by them, for the spiritual 
faculty energizes by immediate perception on the 
part of the inward sense, not by inference and 
thought. Hence, too, the prophets' visions are un- 
connected and fragmentary, as they are not the sub- 
ject of the reflective but of the perceptive faculty, 
and succession in time is disregarded or unnoticed. 
Hence, too, the imagery with which the prophetic 



ances that point most distinct'y to the distant future not 
only clothe themselves with the forms of the present, but 
commonly view that future from the point of view and 
through the medium of its present representation." This 
last theory, "advocated substantially by Fairbairn, Wm. 
Lee, Ebrard, Tholuck, &c," Prof. Bartlett presents as the 
basis of the true and comprehensive view of the case, and 
traces in its threefold relation to direct Messianic proph- 
ecy, typical transactions, and typical and representative 
predictions. (See his valuable article in B. S. xviii. 724- 
770.) 



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writings are colored, and the dramatic cast in which 
they are moulded. But though Scripture language 
seems to point out the state of dream and of trance, 
or ecstasy, as a condition in which the human in- 
strument received the Divine communications, it 
does not follow that all the prophetic revelations 
were thus made. The greater part of the Divine 
communications may have been made to the proph- 
ets in their waking and ordinary state, while the 
visions were exhibited to them in the state either of 
sleep, or of ecstasy. — Had the prophets a full knowl- 
edge of that which they predicted ? It follows from 
w r hat we have already said that they had not, and 
could not have. They were the " spokesmen" of 
God (Ex. vii. 1), the "mouth" by which His words 
were uttered, or they were enabled to view, and em- 
powered to describe, pictures presented to their 
spiritual intuition ; but there are no grounds for be- 
lieving that, contemporaneously with this miracle, 
there was wrought another miracle, enlarging the 
understanding of the prophet, so as to grasp the 
whole of the Divine counsels which he was gazing 
into, or which he was the instrument of enunciating 
(Dan. xii. 8 ; Zech. iv. 5 ; 1 Pet. i. 10; Inspiration.) 
— V. Interpretation of Predictive Prophecy. A few 
rules, deduced from the nature of prophecy, are (1.) 
Interpose distances of time according as history may 
show them to be necessary with respect to the past, 
or inference may show them to be likely in respect 
to the future, because, as we have seen, the pro- 
phetic visions are abstracted from relations in time. 
(2.) Distinguish the form from the idea. (3.) Dis- 
tinguish in like manner figure from what is repre- 
sented by it (4.) Hake allowance for the imagery 
of the prophetic visions, and for the poetical diction 
in which they are expressed. (5.) In respect to 
things past, interpret by the apparent meaning, 
checked by reference to events: in respect to things 
future, interpret by the apparent meaning, checked 
by reference to the analogy of the faith. (6.) In- 
terpret according to the principle which may be de- 
duced from the examples of visions explained in the 
0. T. (7.) Interpret according to the principle 
which may be deduced from the examples of proph- 
ecies interpreted in the N. T. (Old Testament, B.) 
— VI. Use of Prophecy. Predictive prophecy is at 
once a part and an evidence of revelation : at the time 
that it is delivered, and until its fulfilment, a part; 
after it has been fulfilled, an evidence. 2 Pet. i. 19 
describes it as " a light shining in a dark place," or 
" a taper glimmering where there is nothing to re- 
flect its rays," i. e. throwing some light, but only a 
feeble light as compared with what is shed from the 
Gospel history. But after fulfilment, " the word of 
prophecy " becomes " more sure " than before ; i. e. 
it is no longer merely a feeble light to guide, but it 
is a firm ground of confidence, and, combined with 
the apostolic testimony, serves as a trustworthy evi- 
dence of the faith. As an evidence, fulfilled proph- 
ecy is as satisfactory as any thing can be, for who 
can know the future except the Ruler who disposes 
future events ; and from whom can come prediction 
except from Him who knows the future 1 — VII. 
Development of Messianic Prophecy. (Messiah ; 
Saviour ; Son of God.) Hengstenberg arranges the 
list of the prophets chronologically thus : Hosea, 
Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Isaiah, Nahum, 
Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, 
Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. Keil arranges the 
minor prophets with their dates thus (B. S. xxiv. 
783) : Obadiah (b. c. 889-884), Joel (875-848), Jonah 
(824-783), Amos (810-783), Hosea (790-725), Micah 



(758-710), Nahum (710-699), Habakkuk (650-624), 
Zephaniah (628-623), Haggai (519), Zechariah (from 
519 on), Malachi (433-422).— VIII. Prophets of the 
New Testament. So far as their predictive powers are 
concerned, the O. T. prophets find their N. T. coun- 
terpart in the writer of the Apocalypse (Antichrist ; 
Revelation of St. John) ; but in their general char- 
acter, as specially illumined revealers of God's will, 
their counterpart will rather be found, first in the 
great Prophet of the Church (Jesus Christ), and His 
forerunner John the Baptist, and next in all those 
persons who were endowed with the extraordinary 
gifts of the Spirit in the apostolic age, the speakers 
with tongues and the interpreters of tongues, the 
prophets and the discerners of spirits, the teachers 
and workers of miracles (1 Cor. xii. 10, 28). That 
predictive powers did occasionally exist in the N. 
T. prophets is proved by the case of Agabus (Acts 
xi. 28), but this was not their characteristic. The 
prophets of the N. T. were supernaturally-illuminated 
expounders and preachers. (For " false prophets," 
see Divination; Idolatry; Magic.) 

* Proph'et-ess (Heb. nibi&h ; Gr. proplietis) = a 
female prophet, spoken of Miriam (Ex. xv. 20), 
Deborah 2 (Judg. iv. 4), Huldah (2 K. xxii. 14 ; 2 
Chr. xxxiv. 22), Noadiah 2 (Neh. vi. 14), Anna 2 
(Lk. ii. 36), and assumed by "Jezebel" in Rev. ii. 
20. In Is. viii. 3 " prophetess " = wife of the 
prophet. 

* Pro-pl-ti-a'tion [pro-pish-e-a'shun] (fr. L.), the 
A. V. translation of — 1. Gr. hilasmos = propitiation, 
expiation, for propitiator, i. e. one who makes atone- 
ment (1 Jn. ii. 2, iv. 10). — 2. Gr. hilasterion = an 
expiatory sacrifice, propitiation, Rbn. N. T. Lex. 
(Rom. iii. 25), translated " mercy-seat " in Heb. ix. 5. 

* Pro'rex (L. for the Icing) = viceroy or regent 
(2 K. i. 17 marg. n.). 

Pros'e-Iyte (fr. Gr. proselutos = a new-comer ; the 
LXX. translation of Heb. ffir). The Hebrew word 
thus translated in the LXX. is in the A. V. com- 
monly rendered " stranger " (Gen. xv. 13; Ex. ii. 
22 ; Is. v. 17, &c). In the N. T. the word = one 
who has come over to Judaism (Mat. xxiii. 15 ; 
Acts ii. 10, vi. 5, xiii. 43). The existence, through 
all stages of the history of the Israelites, of a body 
of men, not of the same race, but holding the same 
faith and adopting the same ritual, is a fact which, 
from its very nature, requires to be dealt with his- 
torically. This article (originally by Prof. Plumptre) 
considers the condition of the proselytes of Israel 
in the five great periods into which the history of 
the people divides itself: viz. (I.) the age of the pa- 
triarchs ; (II.) from the Exodus to the commence- 
ment of the monarchy ; (III.) the period of the 
monarchy; (IV.) from the Babylonian Captivity to 
the destruction of Jerusalem; (V.) from the de- 
struction of Jerusalem downward. — I. The position 
of the family of Israel as a distinct nation, with a 
special religious character, appears at a very early 
period to have exercised a power of attraction over 
neighboring races. In the case of the Shechemites, 
the sons of Jacob require circumcision as an indis- 
pensable condition (Gen. xxxiv. 14). This, and ap- 
parently this only, was required of proselytes in the 
pre-Mosaic period. — II. The life of Israel under the 
Law, from the very first, presupposes and provides 
for the incorporation of men of other races. The 
" mixed multitude " of Ex. xii. 38 implies the pres- 
ence of proselytes more or less complete. It is rec- 
ognized in the earliest rules for the celebration of 
the Passover (Ex. xii. 19,48, &c. ; A.V. "stranger"). 
The laws clearly point to the position of a convert. 



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891 



Among the proselytes of this period the Kenites 
were probably the most conspicuous (Judg. i. 16). 
The presence of the class was recognized in the 
solemn declaration of blessings and curses from Ebal 
and Gerizim (Josh. viii. 33). The period after the 
conquest of Canaan was not favorable to the admis- 
sion of proselytes. The people had no strong faith, 
no commanding position. The Gibeonites (Josh, 
ix.) furnish the only instance of a conversion, and 
their condition is rather that of slaves compelled to 
conform than of free proselytes. (Nethinim.) — III. 
With the monarchy and the consequent fame and 
influence of the people, there was more to attract 
stragglers from the neighboring nations, and, ac- 
cordingly, many names (Araunah ; Doeg ; Ebed- 
melech ; Ithmah ; Shebna (?) ; Uriah 1 ; Zelek) 
suggest the presence of men of another race con- 
forming to the faith of Israel. The Cherethites 
and Pelethites consisted probably of foreigners 
who had been attracted to the service of David, and 
were content for it to adopt the religion of their 
master. A convert of another kind, the type, as it 
has been thought, of the later proselytes of the gate 
is Naaman the Syrian (2 K. v. 15, 18) recognizing 
Jehovah as his God, yet not binding himself to any 
rigorous observance of the Law. The position of 
the proselytes during this period appears to have 
undergone considerable changes. On the one 
hand, men (Doeg, &c. ; see above) rose to power 
and fortune. It might well be a sign of the times 
in the later days of the monarchy that they became 
" very high," the " head " and not the " tail " of 
the people (Deut. xxviii. 43, 44). The picture had, 
however, another side. They were treated by David 
and Solomon as a subject-class, brought under a 
system of compulsory labor from which others were 
exempted (1 Chr. xxii. 2; 2 Chr. ii. 17, 18). The 
statistics of this period, taken probably for that 
purpose, give their number (probably, i. e. the num- 
ber of adult working males) at 153,600 (ib.). They 
were subject, at other times, to wanton insolence 
and outrage (Ps. xciv. 6). They became the special 
objects of the care and sympathy of the prophets 
(Jer. vii. 6, xxii. 3 ; Ez. xxii. 7, 29 ; Zech. vii. 10 ; 
Mai. iii. 5). — IV. The proselytism of the period 
after the Captivity assumed a different character. 
It was for the most part the conformity, not of a 
subject-race, but of willing adherents. Even as 
early as the return from Babylon we have traces of 
those who were drawn to a faith which they recog- 
nized as holier than their own (Neh. x. 28). With 
the conquests of Alexander, the wars between Egypt 
and Syria, the struggle under the Maccabees (An- 
tiochus IV., &c), the expansion of the Roman em- 
pire, the Jews became more widely known and their 
power to proselyte increased. (Dispersion, Jews 
of the.) In most of the great cities of the empire 
were men who had been rescued from idolatry and 
its attendant debasements, and brought under the 
power of a higher moral law. The converts who 
were thus attracted, joined, with varying strictness, 
in the worship of the Jews. In Palestine itself the 
influence was often stronger and better. Even Ro- 
man centurions learned to love the conquered na- 
tion, built synagogues for them (Lk. vii. 5), fasted 
and prayed, and gave alms, after the pattern of the 
strictest Jews (Acts x. 2, 30), and became preachers 
of the new faith to the soldiers under them (v. 7). 
Such men, drawn by what was best in Judaism, were 
naturally among the readiest receivers of the new 
truth which rose out of it, and became in many 
cases the nucleus of a Gentile Church. Proselytism 



had, however, its darker side. The Jews of Pales- 
tine were eager to spread their faith by the same 
weapons as those with which they had defended it. 
TheIdumeans(EDOMiTEs)had the alternative offered 
them by John Hyrcanus, of death, exile, or circum- 
cision (Jos. xiii. 9, § 3). The Itureans (Iturea) were 
converted in the same way by Aristobulus (Jos. xiii. 
11, § 3). Where force was not in their power, they 
obtained their ends by the most unscrupulous fraud. 
Those who were most active in proselyting were pre- 
cisely those from whose teaching all that was most 
true and living had departed. The vices of the Jew 
were engrafted on the vices of the heathen (Mat. 
xxiii. 15). The position of such proselytes was in- 
deed every way pitiable. At Rome, and in other 
large cities, they became the butts of popular scur- 
rility. They had to share the fortunes of the Jews. 
(Aquila.) At a later time, they were bound to 
make a public profession of their conversion, and 
to pay a special tax. Among the Jews themselves 
their case was not much better. For the most part 
the convert gained but little honor even from those 
who gloried in having brought him over to their 
sect and party. Proselytes were regarded as the 
leprosy of Israel. One proverb coupled them with 
the vilest profligates as hindering Messiah's coming, 
and another taught that no wise man would trust a 
proselyte even to the twenty-fourth generation. 
The better Rabbis did their best to guard against 
these evils. Anxious to exclude all unworthy con- 
verts, they grouped them, according to their mo- 
tives, as— (1.) Love-proselytes, where they were 
drawn by the hope of gaining the beloved one ; 
(2.) Man-for-Woman, or Woman-for-Man proselytes, 
where the husband followed the wife's religion or 
conversely; (3.) Esther-proselytes, where conformity 
was assumed to escape danger, as in the original 
Purim (Esth. viii. 17); (4.) King's-table-proselytes, 
who were led by the hope of court-favor and pro- 
motion, like the converts under David and Solomon; 
(5.) Lion-proselytes, where the conversion origi- 
nated in a superstitious dread of a Divine judgment, 
as with the Samaritans of 2 K. xvii. 26. None of 
these were regarded as fit for admission within the 
covenant. When they met with one with whose 
motives they were satisfied, he was warned that, in 
becoming a Jew, he was attaching himself to a per- 
secuted people, and must expect only suffering in 
this life, his reward in the next. On the part of 
some there was a disposition to dispense with cir- 
cumcision, which others regarded as indispensable 
(Jos. xx. 2, § 5 ; comp. Acts xi. 2 ff., xv. ; Paul). The 
centurion of Lk. vii. (probably) and Acts x., pos- 
sibly the Grecians (Hellenist) of Jn. xii. 20 and 
Acts xiii. 42, are instances of men admitted on the 
former footing. (Paul.) The phrases "religious 
proselytes " (Acts xiii. 43), " devout Greeks " (xvii. 
4), or " devout persons " (ver. 17), "devout men" 
(ii. 5, viii. 2), often inaccurately supposed to de- 
scribe the same class — the Proselytes of the Gate — 
were probably used generally of all converts, or, if 
with a specific meaning, applied to the full Prose- 
lytes of Righteousness. (See below, V.) — V. The 
teachers who carried on the Rabbinical succession 
consoled themselves, as they saw the new order wax- 
ing and their own glory waning, by developing the 
decaying system with an almost microscopic minute- 
ness. The precepts of the Talmud may indicate the 
practices and opinions of the Jews from the second 
to the fifth century. They are very untrustworthy 
as to any earlier time. The points of interest which 
present themselves for inquiry are : (1.) The Classi- 



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fication of Proselytes. (2.) The ceremonies of their 
admission. The division which has been in part 
anticipated, was recognized by the Talmudic Rab- 
bis, but received its full expansion at the hands of 
Maimonides. The term " Proselytes of the Gate " 
was derived from the frequently occurring descrip- 
tion in the Law, " the stranger that is within thy 
gates " (Ex. xx. 10, &c). To them were referred 
the greater part of the precepts of the Law as to 
the " stranger." Converts of this class were not 
bound by circumcision and the other special laws 
of the Mosaic code. It was enough for them to ob- 
serve the seven precepts of Noah, i. e. the six sup- 
posed to have been given to Adam against (1.) idol- 
atry, (2.) blasphemy, (3.) bloodshed, (4.) unclean- 
ness, (5.) theft, (6.) of obedience, with (7.) the pro- 
hibition of " flesh with the blood thereof" given to 
Noah. The proselyte was not to claim the privi- 
leges of an Israelite, might not redeem his first-born, 
or pay the half-shekel. He was forbidden to study 
the Law under pain of death. The later Rabbis, 
when Jerusalem had passed into other hands, held 
that it was unlawful for him to reside within the 
holy city. In return they allowed him to offer 
whole burnt-offerings for the priest to sacrifice, and 
to contribute money to the Corban of the Temple. 
They held out to him the hope of a place in the 
paradise of the world to come. They insisted that 
the profession of his faith should be made solemnly 
in the presence of three witnesses. The Jubilee 
was the proper season for his admission. All this 
seems so full and precise, that we Gannot wonder 
that it has led many writers to look on it as repre- 
senting a reality. It remains doubtful, however, 
whether it was ever more than a paper-scheme of 
what ought to be, disguising itself as having actually 
been. All that can be said therefore is, that in the 
time of the N. T. we have independent evidence 
(see IV., above) of the existence of converts of two 
degrees, and that the Talmudic division is the for- 
mal systematizing of an earlier fact. The " prose- 
lytes " and " devout " persons of the N. T. were, 
however, probably limited to the circumcised. — In 
contrast with these were the Proselytes of Right- 
eousness, known also as Proselytes of the Covenant, 
perfect Israelites. Here also we must receive what 
we find with the same limitation as before. All 
seems at first clear and definite enough. The pros- 
elyte was first catechised as to his motives. If these 
were satisfactory, he was first instructed as to the 
Divine protection of the Jewish people, and then cir- 
cumcised. Often the proselyte took a new name. 
All this, however, was not enough. The convert 
was still a " stranger." His children would be 
counted as " bastards," i. e. aliens. Baptism was re- 
quired to complete his admission. When the wound 
was healed, he was stripped of all his clothes, in 
the presence of the three witnesses who had acted 
as his teachers, and who now acted as his sponsors, 
the " fathers " of the proselyte, and led into the 
tank or pool. As he stood there, up to his neck in 
water, they repeated the great commandments of 
the Law. These he promised and vowed to keep, 
and then, with an accompanying benediction, he 
plunged under the water. The baptism was followed, 
as long as the Temple stood, by the offering or Cor- 
ban, consisting of two turtle-doves or pigeons (com- 
pare Lev. xii. 18), for which was substituted, after 
the destruction of Jerusalem, a vow to offer it as 
soon as the Temple should be rebuilt. For women- 
proselytes, there were only baptism and the Corban, 
or, in later times, baptism by itself. — It is obvious 



that this account suggests many questions of grave 
interest. Was this ritual observed as early as the 
commencement of the first century ? If so, was 
the baptism of John, or that of the Christian Church, 
in any way derived from, or connected with, the 
baptism of proselytes? If not, was the latter in 
any way borrowed from the former ? Prof. Plump- 
tre thus sums up the conclusions which seem fairly 
to be drawn from the controversial works on this sub- 
ject: — (1.) There is no direct evidence of the prac- 
tice being in use before the destruction of Jerusa- 
lem. (2.) The negative argument drawn from the 
silence of the 0. T., of the Apocrypha, of Philo, 
and of Josephus, is almost decisive against the 
belief that there was in their time a baptism of pros- 
elytes, with as much importance attached to it as 
we find in the Talmudists. (3.) It remains probable, 
however, that there was a baptism in use at a period 
considerably earlier than that for which we have 
direct evidence. The symbol was in itself natural 
and fit. (4.) The history of the N. T. itself suggests 
the existence of such a custom ( Jn. i. 25, iii. 10, &c). 
A sign is seldom chosen, unless it already has a 
meaning for those to whom it is addressed. The 
fitness of the sign in this case would be in propor- 
tion to the associations already connected with it. 
(5.) It is, however, not improbable that there may 
have been a reflex action in this matter, from the 
Christian upon the Jewish Church. The Rabbis 
saw the new society, in proportion as the Gentile ele- 
ment in it became predominant, throwing off cir- 
cumcision, relying on baptism only. There was 
every thing to lead them to give a fresh prominence 
to what had been before subordinate. Two facts of 
some interest remain to be noticed, (a.) It formed 
part of the Rabbinic hopes of the kingdom of the 
Messiah that then there should be no more prose- 
lytes, (b.) Partly, perhaps, as connected with this 
feeling, partly in consequence of the ill-repute into 
which the word had fallen, there is, throughout the 
N. T. a sedulous avoidance of it. It is used four 
times only (see above). Novice. 
* Pros'ti-tate. Harlot. 

Prov erbs, Book of. I. Title. The title of this 
I book in Hebrew is, as usual, taken from the first 
word, mishley (= proverbs of), or more fully from 
the first two words, mishley Hhelomoh (= proverbs 
of Solomon), and is in this case appropriate to the 
contents. By this name it is commonly known in 
the Talmud. The Heb. mdshd! (pi. meshdlim, pi. 
construct mishley, as above), rendered in the A. V. 
" by-word," " parable," " proverb," expresses all 
and even more than is conveyed by its English rep- 
resentatives. The primary idea involved in it is 
that of likeness, comparison (so Mr. Wright, original 
author of this article). Probably all proverbial say- 
ings were at first of the nature of similes, but the 
term mdshdl soon acquired a more extended signifi- 
cance. It was applied to denote such short, pointed 
sayings as do not involve a comparison directly, but 
still convey their meaning by the help of a figure 
(e. g. 1 Sam. x. 12 ; Ez. xii. 22, 23, xvii. 2, 3). 
From this stage of its application it passed to that 
of sententious maxims generally (e. g. Prov. i. 1, x. 
1, xxv. 1, xxvi. 7, 9 ; Eccl. xii. 9 ; Job xiii. 12), 
many of which, however, still involve a compar- 
ison (Prov. xxv. 3, 11-14,. &c, xxvi. 1-3, &c). 
Such comparisons are either expressed, or the 
things compared are placed side by side, and the 
comparison left for the hearer or reader to supply. 
Next we find it used of those longer pieces in which 
a single idea is no longer exhausted in a sentence, 



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893 



but forms the germ of the whole, and is worked out 
into a didactic poem. Many instances of this kind 
occur in the first section of the Book of Prov- 
erbs : others are found in Job xxvii., xxix. (Par- 
able.) But the Book of Proverbs, according to 
the introductory verses which describe its character, 
contains, besides several varieties of the mdshdl, sen- 
tentious sayings of other kinds, mentioned in i. 6. 
The first of these is the Mddh or cMaAh (apparently 
= a knotty, intricate saying, the solution of which 
demands experience and skill), rendered in the 
A. V. " dark saying," " dark speech," " hard ques- 
tion," " riddle," and once (Hab. ii. 6) " proverb." 
Another was the mslitsdh (Prov. i. 6, A. V. " the 
interpretation," margin " an eloquent speech "), 
probably a dark enigmatical saying, which might 
assume the character of sarcasm and irony, though 
these were not essential to it. — II. Canonicily of 
the book and its place in the Canon. The canonicity 
of the Book of Proverbs has never been disputed 
except by the Jews themselves. It appears to have 
been one of the points urged by the school of Sham- 
mai, that the contradictions in the Book of Proverbs 
rendered it apocryphal. It occurs in all the Jewish 
lists of canonical books, and is reckoned among 
what are called the " writings " (Celhubim) or Ha- 
giographa, which form the third great division of 
the Hebrew Scriptures. (Bible, III. 3.) The Prov- 
erbs are frequently quoted or alluded to in the N. 
T., and the canonicity of the book thereby con- 
firmed. (Compare Prov. iii. 11, 12, with Heb. xii. 
5, 6 ; Prov. iii. 34 with Jas. iv. 6 ; Prov. xx. 20 
with Mat. xv. 4 and Mk. vii. 10; Prov. xxvii. 11 
with 2 Pet. ii. 22, &c. Canon ; Inspiration ; Old 
Testament.) — III. Authorship and dale. The super- 
scriptions affixed to several portions of the Book of 
Proverbs, in i. 1, x. 1, xxv. 1, attribute the author- 
ship of those portions to Solomon the son of David, 
king of Israel. With the exception of the last two 
chapters, which are distinctly assigned to other 
authors, it is probable that the statement of the 
superscriptions is in the main correct, and that the 
majority of the proverbs contained in the book were 
uttered or collected by Solomon. According to 
Bartolocci, quoted by Carpzov, the Jews ascribe the 
composition of the Song of Songs to Solomon's 
youth, the Proverbs to his mature manhood, and 
the Ecclesiastes to his old age. But in the Seder 
Olam Rabba they are all assigned to the end of his 
life. There is nothing unreasonable in the supposi- 
tion that many, or most of the proverbs in the first 
twenty-nine chapters originated with Solomon. 
Whether they were left by him in their present 
form is a distinct question. The book consists of 
three main divisions, with two appendices. 1. Chs. 
i.-ix. form a connected mdshdl (see I. above), in 
which Wisdom is praised and the youth exhorted to 
devote themselves to her. This portion is preceded 
by an introduction and title describing the charac- 
ter and general aim of the book. 2. Chs. x. 1- 
xxiv., with the title, " the Proverbs of Solomon," 
consist of three parts : — x. 1-xxii. 16, a collection 
of single proverbs, and detached sentences out of 
the region of moral teaching and worldly prudence ; 
xxii. 17-xxiv. 21, a more connected mdshdl, with an 
introduction, xxii. 17—22, which contains precepts 
of righteousness and prudence : xxiv. 23-34, with 
the inscription, " these also belong to the wise," a 
collection of unconnected maxims, which serve as 
an appendix to the preceding. 3. The third divi- 
sion, xxv.-xxix., according to the superscription, is 
a collection of Solomon's proverbs, consisting of 



single sentences, which the men of the court of 
Hezekiah copied out. The first appendix, ch. xxx., 
" the words of Agur," is a collection of partly pro- 
verbial and partly enigmatical sayings ; the second, 
ch. xxxi., is divided into two parts, " the words of 
King Lemuel " (1-6), and an alphabetical acrostic 
in praise of a virtuous woman, which occupies the 
rest of the chapter. — At first sight it is evident that 
there is a marked difference between the collections 
of single maxims and the longer didactic pieces, 
which both come under the general head mdshdl. 
The collection of Solomon's proverbs made by the 
men of Hezekiah (xxv.-xxix.) belongs to the former 
class of detached sentences, and in this respect cor- 
responds with those in the second main division (x. 
1-xxii. 16). The expression in xxv. 1, "these also 
are the proverbs of Solomon," implies that the col- 
lection was made as an appendix to another already 
in existence, which we may not unreasonably pre- 
sume to have been that which stands immediately 
before it in the present arrangement of the book. 
Upon one point most modern critics are agreed, that 
the germ of the book in its present shape is the 
portion x. 1-xxii. 16, to which is prefixed the title, 
" the Proverbs of Solomon." At what time it was 
put into the form in which we have it, cannot be 
exactly determined. Ewald suggests as a probable 
date about two centuries after Solomon (compare 
xxv. 1). That all the proverbs in this collection 
are not Solomon's is extremely probable (so Mr. 
Wright) ; that the majority of them are his there 
seems no reason to doubt, and this fact would ac- 
count for the general title in which they are all at- 
tributed to him. The poetical style, says Ewald, is 
the simplest and most antique imaginable. Most 
of the proverbs are examples of antithetic paral- 
lelism, the second clause containing the contrast to 
the first. Each verse consists of two members, 
with generally (in Hebrew) three or four, but seldom 
five words in each. (Poetry, Hebrew.) Further- 
more, the proverbs in this collection have the pecu- 
liarity of being contained in a single verse. In ad- 
dition to the distinctive form assumed by the prov- 
erbs of this earliest collection, may be noticed the 
occurrence of favorite and peculiar words and 
phrases — e. g. "fountain of life " (x. 11, xiii. 14, 
xiv. 27, xvi. 22), "tree of life" (xi. 30, xiii. 12, xv. 
4), "snares of death" (xiii. 14, xiv. 27), &c. — With 
regard to the other collections, opinions differ widely 
both as to their date and authorship. Ewald places 
next in order chs. xxv.-xxix., the superscription to 
which fixes their date about the end of the eighth 
century b. c. " These are also the proverbs of 
Solomon, which the men of Hezekiah copied out," 
or compiled. The memory of these learned men of 
Hezekiah's court is perpetuated in Jewish tradition. 
In the Talmud they" are called the si'dh, " society " 
or " academy " of Hezekiah, and it is there said, 
" Hezekiah and his academy wrote Isaiah, Proverbs, 
Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes." Many of the proverbs 
in this collection are repetitions, with slight varia- 
tions, of some in the previous section. We may 
infer from this that the compilers of this section 
made use of the same sources from which the ear- 
lier collection was derived. The question now 
arises, as in the former section : Were all these 
proverbs Solomon's ? Jahn says Yes ; Bertholdt, 
No ; for xxv. 2-7 could not have been by Solomon 
or any king, but by a man who had lived for a long 
time at a court. In xxvii. 11, it is no monarch who 
speaks, but an instructor of youth; xxviii. 16 cen- 
sures the very errors which stained the reign of 



894 



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PRO 



Solomon, and the effect of which deprived his son I 
and successor of the ten tribes ; xxvii. 23-27 must 
have been written by a sage who led a nomad life. 
The peculiarities of this section distinguish it from 
the older proverbs in x.-xxii. 16. Some of these 
may be briefly noted. The use of the interrogation 
"seest thou ? " in xxvi. 12, xxix. 20 (compare xxii. 
29), the manner of comparing two things by simply 
placing them side by side and connecting them with 
the simple copula " and," as in xxv. 3, 20, xxvi. 3, 
7, 9, 21, xxvii. 15, 20. We miss the pointed antith- 
esis by which the first collection was distinguished. 
The verses are no longer of two equal members. 
The character of the proverbs is clearly distinct. 
Their construction is looser and weaker, and there 
is no longer that sententious brevity which gives 
weight and point to the proverbs in the preceding 
section. Ewald assigns this portion of the book to 
the end of the eighth century b. c. All that we 
know about the section xxv. -xxix. is that in Heze- 
kiah's time, i. e. in the last quarter of the eighth 
century b. c, it was supposed to contain what tradi- 
tion had handed down as the proverbs of Solomon, 
and that the majority of the proverbs were believed 
to be his there seems no good reason to doubt. — 
The date of the sections i.-ix., xxii. 17-xxv. 1, has 
been variously assigned. That they were added 
about the same period Ewald infers from the occur- 
rence of favorite words and constructions, and that 
that period was a late one he concludes from the 
traces of a degeneracy from the purity of the He- 
brew. It is a remarkable fact, and one show ing the 
extreme difficulty of arguing from internal evidence, 
that the same details lead Ewald and Hitzig to pre- 
cisely opposite conclusions ; the former placing the 
date of i.-ix. in the first half of the seventh century, 
while the latter regards it as the oldest portion of 
the book, and assigns it to the ninth century. Their 
arguments, it must be confessed, are by no means 
conclusive, and we must ask for further evidence 
before pronouncing so positively as they have done 
upon a point so doubtful and obscure. In one re- 
spect they are agreed, namely, with regaid to the 
unity of the section. Ewald finds in these chapters 
a certain development which shows that they must 
be regarded as a whole and the work of one author. 
The poet intended them as a general introduction 
to the Proverbs of Solomon, to recommend wisdom 
in general. But, as Bertheau remarks, there ap- 
pears nowhere throughout this section any refer- 
ence to what follows, which must have been the 
case had it been intended for an introduction. The 
unity of plan is no more than would be found in a 
collection of admonitions by different authors refer- 
ring to the same subject, and is not such as to ne- 
cessitate the conclusion that the whole is the work 
of one. There is observable throughout the section, 
when compared with what is called the earlier col- 
lection, a complete change in the form of the prov- 
erb. The single proverb is seldom met with, while 
the characteristics of this collection are connected 
descriptions, continuous elucidations of a truth, and 
longer speeches and exhortations. The style is 
more highly poetical, the parallelism is synonymous 
and not antithetic or synthetic, as in x. 1-xxii. 16 ; 
and another distinction is the usage of Elohim (= 
" God ") in ii. 5, 17, iii. 4, which does not occur in 
x. 1-xxii. 16. Amidst this general likeness, how- 
ever, there is considerable diversity. It is not nec- 
essary to lay so much stress as Bertheau appears 
to do upon the fact that certain paragraphs are dis- 
tinguished from those with which they are placed, 



not merely by their contents, but by their external 
form ; nor to argue from this that they are the work 
of different authors. There is more force in the 
appeal to the difference in the formation of sen- 
tences and the whole manner of the language as 
indicating diversity of authorship. With regard to 
the date as well as the authorship of this section it 
is impossible to pronounce with certainty. In its 
present form it did not exist till probably seme long 
time after the proverbs which it contains were com- 
posed. At whatever time it may have reached its 
present shape there appears no sufficient reason to 
conclude that Solomon may not have uttered many 
or most of the proverbs here collected. — The sec- 
tion xxii. 17-xxiv. contains a collection of proverbs 
marked by certain peculiarities. (1.) The structure 
of the verses is not so regular as in the preceding 
section, x. 1-xxii. 16. (2.) A sentence is seldom 
completed in one verse, but most frequently in two ; 
three verses are often closely connected (xxiii. 1-3, 
6-8, 19-21) ; sometimes as many as five (xxiv. 30- 
34). (3.) The form of address, "my sen," so fre- 
quent in the first nine chapters, occurs also here in 
xxiii. 19, 26, xxiv. 13 ; and the appeal to the hearer 
is often made in the second person. Ewald regards 
this section as a kind of appendix to the earliest 
collection of the proverbs of Solomon, added not 
long after the introduction in the first nine chapters, 
though not by the same author. He thinks it prob- 
able that the compiler of this section added also 
the collection of proverbs made by the learned men 
of the court of Hezekiah, to which he wrote the 
superscription in xxv. 1. This theory of course 
only affects the date of the section in its present 
form. When the proverbs were written there is 
nothing to determine. Bertheau maintains that 
they in great part proceeded from one poet. Keil 
asserts positively the single authorship of chs. i.- 

xxix. , and maintains that " the contents in all parts 
of the collection show one and the same historical 
background, corresponding only to the relations, 
ideas, and circumstances, as well as to the progress 
of the culture and experiences of life, acquired by 
the political development of the people in the time 
of Solomon." — The concluding chapters (xxx., xxxi.) 
are in every way distinct from the rest and from 
each other. The former, according to the super- 
scription, contains " the words of Agcr the son of 
Jakeh." Whoever he was he appears to have had 
for his pupils Ithiel and Ucal, whom he addresses 
in xxx. 1-6, which is followed by single proverbs 
of Agur's. Ch. xxxi. 1-9 contains " the words of 
King Lemuel, the prophecy that his mother taught 
him." The last section of all (xxxi. 10-31 is an 
alphabetical acrostic in praise of a virtuous woman. 
Its artificial form stamps it as the production of a 
late period of Hebrew literature, perhaps about the 
seventh century b. c. The coloring and language 
point to a different author from the previous section, 

xxx. 1-xxxi. 9. — Mr. Wright concludes from a consid- 
eration of the whole question of the manner in which 
the Book of Proverhs arrived at its present shape, 
that the nucleus of the whole was the collection of 
Solomon's proverbs in x. 1-xxii. 16 ; that to this was 
added the further collection made by the learned men 
of the court of Hezekiah (xxv.-xxix.) ; that these two 
were put together and united with xxii. 17-xxiv., and 
to this as a whole the introduction (i.-ix.) was affixed, 
but that whether it was compiled by the same wri- 
ter who added xxii. 16-xxiv. cannot be determined ; 
and that it is impossible to assert that this same 
compiler may not have added the concluding chap- 



PRO 



PSA 



895 



ters of the book to his previous collection. With 
regard to the date at which the several portions of 
the book were collected and put in their present 
shape, the conclusions of various critics are uncer- 
tain and contradictory. — To the views of Mr. Wright 
and others as given above, it may be added that the 
Rabbins and the earlier school of commentators at- 
tribute the whole book to Solomon, even chapters 
xxx., xxxi. being assigned to him by Rashi and his 
school. Keil, Hahn, &c, maintain the ancient view (see 
above). Delitzsch regards the first portion (i.-xxiv. 
22) as put forth in Jehoshaphat's time, the intro- 
duction (i.-ix.) and appendix (xxii. 16-xxiv. 22) being 
written by the compiler, "a highly-gifted didactic 
poet, and an instrument of the Spirit of revelation ; " 
the second portion (xxiv. 23-xxxi.) as published in 
Hezekiah's time, the introductory (xxiv. 23-34) and 
closing (xxx., xxxi.) portions being set on each side 
of the collection of Solomon's proverbs as a kind of 
foil (Rev. E. Venables, in Kitto). Rev. H. Constable 
(in Fairbairn) ascribes chs. i.-xxiv. to the time and 
hand of Solomon ; and regards xxv.-xxix., accord- 
ing to xxv. 1, as also Solomon's own sayings copied 
out and collected in Hezekiah's reign by that king's 
officers, but previously committed to writing ; xxx. 
as the work of Agur, probably " the man of Massa " 
(so Bunsen ; A. V. " the prophecy " ), and brother of 
Lemuel (so Hitzig) ; and xxxi. as written by the 
mother of " Lemuel king of Massa." 

* Prov'en-der = food for cattle (Gen. xxiv. 25, 
&c). Barn; Corn; Grass; Hay; Herd; Ox, &c. 

* Prov'i-dence = foresight, forethought (Acts 
xxiv. 2). God. 

Province (fr. L. ; Heb. and Chal. medindh ; Gr. 
eparchia). (1.) In the 0. T. this word appears in 
connection with the wars between Ahab and Ben- 
hadad (1 K. xx. 14, 15, 19). The victory of the for- 
mer is gained chiefly " by the young men (' armor- 
bearers,' Keil) of the princes of the province," i. e., 
probably, of the chiefs of tribes in the Gilead coun- 
try (so Prof. Plumptre; Prof. Stuart [on Eccl. ii. 8] 
and Fiirst consider the word as used of divisions of 
a kingdom for the collection of revenue, like the 
commissariat districts of Solomon in 1 K. iv. 7 ff. ; 
compare the use of the same word in Eccl. ii. 8, v. 
8 [Heb. 7]). (2.) More commonly the word is used 
of the divisions of the Chaldean (Dan. ii. 49, Hi. 1, 
30) and the Persian kingdoms (Ezr. ii. 1 ; Neh. vii. 
6 ; Esth. i. 1, 22, ii. 3, &c). Each of the Persian 
provinces, which were the smaller sections of a 
satrapy, had its own governor, who communicated 
more or less regularly with the central authority for 
instructions (Ezr. iv., v.). Each province had its own 
system of finance, subject to the king's direction 
(Hdt. iii. 89). The total number of the provinces 
is given at 127 (Esth. i. 1, viii. 9), the satrapies being 
twenty. (Compel 5 ; Epistle ; Governor 7 ; Per- 
sians; Taxes.) (3.) In the N. T. we are brought 
into contact with the administration of the provinces 
of the Roman Empire. Judea was a sub-province in 
Syria. (Achaia ; Asia ; Cilicia ; Cyprus ; Dep- 
uty; Governor 13 ; Procurator; Publican.) The 
right of any Roman citizen to appeal from a provin- 
cial governor to the emperor meets us as asserted 
by St. Paul (Acts xxv. 11). In the "council" of 
Acts xxv. 12 we recognize the assessors appointed to 
take part in the judicial functions of the governor. 

* Pro-vis ion [-vizh'un] = a supply of food, except 
in the phrase "to make provision" (1 K. iv. 7 ; 1 
Chr. xxix. 19 ; Rom. xiii. 14), i. e. to prepare and 
lay up, or make ready for use, a supply of materials, 
fjod, or whatever else is needed or desired. 



* Prn'ning-Hook. Knife. 

* Psalm [sahm] (Heb. usually mizmor; Gr. psalmos) 
= a song in praise of God ( 1 Cor. xiv. 26 ; Eph. v. 
19; Co!, iii. 16), especially one of those contained in 
the Book of Psalms (Lk. xx. 42, &c). In Lk. xxiv. 
44 " the Psalms " are named as the beginning of the 
Hagiographa (Bible, III. 3) and as the portion of 
this containing the most direct Messianic elements 
(Van Osterzee in Lange's Comm., 1. c.). Hymn; 
Music ; Poetry, Hebrew ; Psalms, Book of. 

Psalms [sahmz] (see above and below), Book of. 
(Abridged from Mr. Thrupp's original article.) 1. 
The Collection as a Whole. It does not appear how 
the Psalms were, as a whole, anciently designated. 
Their present Hebrew appellation is Tihillim. = 
Praises. But in the actual superscriptions of the 
psalms the word Tihillah is applied only to Ps. 
cxlv., which is indeed emphatically a praise-hymn. 
(Poetry, Hebrew, I. ; Psalm.) The LXX. entitled 
them Psalmoi or " Psalms." The Christian Church 
obviously received the Psalter or Book of Psalms 
from the Jews not only as a constituent portion of 
the Holy Scripture (Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; 
Old Testament), but also as the liturgical hymn- 
book which the Jewish Church had regularly used 
in the Temple. The number of separate psalms 
contained in it is, by the concordant testimony of all 
ancient authorities, one hundred and fifty ; the 
avowedly " supernumerary " psalm which appears at 
the end of the Greek and Syriac Psalters being mani- 
festly apocryphal. In the details, however, of the 
numbering, both the Greek and Syriac Psalters dif- 
fer from the Hebrew. The LXX. (and so the Vul- 
gate) joined together Psalms ix., x., and cxiv., cxv., 
and then divided Psalm cxvi. and Psalm cxlvii. ; the 
Syriac joined Psalms cxiv., cxv., and divided Psalm 
cxlvii. Of the three divergent systems of number- 
ing, the Hebrew (as followed in our A. V.) is, even 
on internal grounds, to be preferred. The verse- 
numbering of the A. V. frequently differs from the 
Hebrew in consequence of the Jewish practice of 
reckoning the superscription as the first verse. — 2. 
Component Parts of the Collection. Ancient tradition 
and internal evidence concur in parting the Psalter 
into five great divisions or books. The ancient Jew- 
ish tradition is preserved to us by the abundant tes- 
timonies of the Christian Fathers. The doxologies 
at the end of Psalms xli., lxxii., lxxxix., cvi., mark 
the ends of the first four of the five books. It sug- 
gests itself at once that these books must have been 
originally formed at different periods. This is by 
various further considerations rendered all but cer- 
tain, while the few difficulties which stand in the 
way of admitting it vanish when closely examined. 
Thus, there is a remarkable difference between the 
several books in their use of the divine names Jeho- 
vah and Elohim, to designate Almighty God. In 
Book I. (i.— xli.), the former name is found 272 times, 
while Elohirn occurs but 15 times. (We here take 
no account of the superscriptions or doxology, nor 
yet of the occurrences of Elohim when inflected with 
a possessive suffix.) In Book II. (xlii.-lxxii.), Elohim 
is found more than five times as often as Jehovah. 
In Book III. (lxxiii.-lxxxix.), the preponderance of 
Elohim in the earlier is balanced by that of Jehovah 
in the later psalms of the book. In Book IV. (xc. 
-cvi.), the name Jehovah is exclusively employed ; 
and so also, virtually, in Book V. (cvii.-cl.), Elohim 
being there found only in two passages incorporated 
from earlier psalms. Those who maintain, there- 
fore, that the psalms were all collected and arranged 
at once, contend that the collector distributed the 



896 



PSA 



PSA 



psalms according to the divine names which they 
eeverally exhibited. We find the several groups of' 
psalms which form the respective five books distin- 
guished from each other, in great measure, by their 
superscriptions. Book I. is exclusively Davidic, 
thirty-seven of the forty-one psalms having his name 
prefixed, two others (i., ii.) being prefatory, and the 
other two (x., xxxiii.) closely connected with those 
before them. Book II. falls, by the superscriptions 
of its psalms, into two distinct subdivisions, a Le- 
vitic (xlii.-l.) and a Davidic (li.-lxxi.), supplemented 
by lxxii. the Psalm of Solomon. In Book III., the 
psalms are all ascribed, explicitly or virtually, to the 
various Levite singers, except only Psalm lxxxvi., 
which bears the name of David. In Books IV., V., 
we have, in all, seventeen psalms marked with 
David's name. In reasoning from the superscrip- 
tions, we have to meet the preliminary inquiry, Are 
the superscriptions authentic? For the affirmative 
it is contended that they form an integral, and till 
modern times almost undisputed portion of the He- 
brew text of Scripture; that they are in analogy 
with other biblical superscriptions or subscriptions, 
Davidic or otherwise (comp. 2 Sam. i. 18, probably 
based on an old superscription ; xxiii. 1 ; Samuel, 
Bootes of ; Is. xx.wiii. 9 ; Hab. iii. 1,19); and that their 
diversified, unsystematic, and often obscure and enig- 
matical character is inconsistent with the theory of 
their having originated at a later period. On the 
other hand is urged their analogy with the untrust- 
worthy subscriptions of the N. T. epistles ; also the 
fact that many arbitrary superscriptions are added 
in the Greek version of the Psalter. Mr. Thrupp 
believes (with Tholuck, Hengstenberg, Delitzsch, 
Oehler, Keil, J. A. Alexander, &c.) that they are, 
when rightly interpreted, fully trustworthy, and that 
every objection to the correctness of any one of them 
can be fairly met. Let us now trace the bearing of 
the superscriptions upon the date and method of 
compilation of the several books. Book I. is, by 
the superscriptions, entirely Davidic ; nor do we 
find in it a trace of any but David's authorship. We 
may well believe that the compilation of the book 
was also David's work. Book II. appears by the 
date of its latest psalm (xlvi.) to have been com- 
piled in the reign of Hezekiah. It would naturally 
comprise, 1st, several or most of the Levitieal 
psalms anterior to that date ; and 2dly, the remain- 
der of the psalms of David previously uncompiled. 
To these latter, the collector, after properly append- 
ing the single psalm of Solomon, has affixed the no- 
tice that " the prayers of David the son of Jesse are 
ended " (Ps. lxxii. 20) ; evidently implying, at least 
apparently, that no more compositions of the royal 
psalmist remained. How, then, do we find, in the 
later Books III., IV., V., further psalms yet marked 
with David's name ? The name " David " is used to 
denote, in other parts of Scripture, after the original 
David's death, the then head of the Davidic family ; 
and so, in prophecy, the Messiah of the seed of 
David, who was to sit on David's throne (IK. xii. 
16; Hos. iii. 5; Is. lv. 3; Jer. xxx. 9; Ez. xxxiv. 
23, 24). Thus, then, we may explain the meaning 
of the later Davidic superscriptions in the Psalter 
(and so of "Asaph," "Heman," "Ethan"). The 
psalms to which they belong were written by Heze- 
kiah, by Josiah, by Zetubbabel, or others of David's 
posterity. This explanation removes all serious 
difficulty respecting the history of the later Books 
of the Psalter. Book III., the interest of which 
centres in the times of Hezekiah, stretches out, by 
its last two psalms, to the reign of Manasseh : it was 



probably compiled in the reign of Josiah. Book 
IV. contains the remainder of the psalms up to the 
date of the Captivity ; Book V. the Psalms of the 
Return. There is nothing to distinguish these two 
books from each other in respect of outward deco- 
ration or arrangement, and they may have been com- 
piled together in the days of Nehemiah. Many 
critics have assigned various psalms to the age of 
the Maccabees. The three named by De Wette as 
bearing, apparently, a Maccabean impress, are 
Psalms xliv., lx., lxxiv. ; and in fact these, together 
with Ps. lxxix., are perhaps all that would, when 
taken alone, seriously suggest the hypothesis of a 
Maccabean date. But even in the case of these, the 
internal evidence, when more narrowly examined 
(superscription and verses V, 8, of Ps. lx. ; no men- 
tion of the Captivity in xliv. ; lxxiv. 9 unnatural 
200 years after prophecy ceased ; lxxix. 6, " king- 
doms ; " comp. 1 Mc. vii. 6, 7), proves to be in favor 
of an earlier date. 1 — 3. Connection of the Psalms 
vit/t the Israelitish History. The psalms grew, essen- 
tially and gradually, out of the personal and national 
career of David and of Israel. That of Moses (Ps. 
xc), which, though it contributed little to the pro- 
duction of the rest, is yet, in point of actual date, 
the earliest, faithfully reflects the long, weary wan- 
derings, the multiplied provocations, and the conse- 
quent punishments of the wilderness. With David, 
however, Israelitish psalmody virtually commences. 
Previous mastery over his harp had probably al- 
ready prepared the way for his future strains, when 
the anointing oil of Samuel descended upon him, 
and he began to drink in special measure, from that 
day forward, of the Spirit of the Lord. Then vic- 
torious at home over the mysterious melancholy of 
Saul and in the field over the vaunting champion of 
the Philistine hosts, he sang how from even babes 
and sucklings God had ordained strength because 
of His enemies (Ps. viii.). His next psalms (lviii., 
lix.) are of a different character; his persecutions at 
the hands of Saul had commenced. Other psalms 
also (lvi., xxxiv., lvii., Hi., xxxi., liv., xxxv., xxxvi., 
liii. [except verse 6, comp. xiv.], xxii., xxiii., xxxviii. 
-xl.), may be referred to the period before David 
ascended the throne. When David's reign has be- 
gun, it is still with the most exciting incidents of his 
history, private or public, that his psalms are mainly 
associated. There are none to which the period of 
his reign at Hebron can lay exclusive claim. But 
after the conquest of Jerusalem his psalmody opened 
afresh with the solemn removal of the ark to Mount 
Zion ; and in xxiv.-xxix., which belong together, we 
have the earliest definite instance of David's sys- 
tematic composition or arrangement of psalms for 
public use. Psalm xxx. is of the same date, com- 
posed for the dedication of David's new palace. 
Other psalms (lx., lxi., xx., xxi.) show David's feel- 
ings in the midst of his foreign wars. Ps. li. is con- 
nected with the dark episode which made David 
tremble not only for himself, but also for the city on 
which he had labored. To the period of David's 
flight from Absalom we may refer iii.— vii., lv., lxii., 
lxiii. Even of those psalms which cannot be re- 
ferred to any definite occasion, several reflect the 
general historical circumstances of the times. Thus 
Ps. ix. is a thanksgiving for the deliverance of the 

1 The best arrangement for the ordinary student of the 
Psalter is the arrangement of the book itself. Uniform 
tradition and analogy agree in representing it as highly 
probable that this arrangement was the work of Ezka, the 
inspired collector and editor of the Canon (Prof. J. A. 
Alexander, Preface to The Psalms translated and ex- 
plained). 



PSA 



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897 



land of Israel from its former heathen oppressors. 
Ps. x. is a prayer for the deliverance of the Church 
from the high-handed oppression exercised from 
within. The succeeding psalms dwell on the same 
theme, the virtual internal heathenism by which the 
Church of God was weighed down. So that there 
remain very few, e. g. xv.-xvii., xix., xxxii. (with its 
choral appendage xxxiii.), xxxvii., of which some 
historical account may not be given. A season of 
repose near the close of his reign induced David to 
compose his grand personal thanksgiving for the de- 
liverances of his whole life, Ps. xviii. ; the date of 
which is approximately determined by its place in 
the history (2 Sam. xxii.). Probably at this period 
he finally arranged for the sanctuary-service that 
collection of his psalms which now constitutes the 
First Book of the Psalter, designedly excluding from 
it all (li.-lxiv.) unfitted for immediate public use, 
and prefixing by way of preface Psalms i. and ii., the 
concluding psalm (xli.) seeming to be a sortof ideal 
summary of the whole. The course of David's reign 
was not, however, as yet complete. The solemn as- 
sembly convened by him for the dedication of the 
materials of the future Temple (1 Chr. xxviii., xxix.) 
would naturally call forth a renewal of his best ef- 
forts to glorify the God of Israel in psalms ; and to 
this occasion we doubtless owe the great festal 
psalms lxv.-lxvii., lxviii., containing a large review 
of the past history, present position, and prospective 
glories of God's chosen people. The supplications 
of Ps. Ixix. suit best with the renewed distress occa- 
sioned by the sedition of Adonijah. Ps. lxxi., to 
which Ps. lxx., a fragment of a former psalm, is in- 
troductory, forms David's parting strain. Yet that 
the psalmody of Israel may not seem finally to ter- 
minate with him, the glories of the future are forth- 
with anticipated by his son in Ps. lxxii. — For a time 
the single psalm of Solomon remained the only ad- 
dition to those of David. If, however, religious 
psalmody were to revive, somewhat might be not 
unreasonably anticipated from the great assembly 
of King Asa (2 Chr. xv.) ; and Ps. 1. may well be 
assigned to a descendant of " Asaph " (comp. § 2 
above) on that occasion. Of another revival of 
psalmody under Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. xx.) Psalms 
xlvii., xlviii., were the fruits. Ps. xlv. connects it- 
self most readily with the splendors of Jehosha- 
phat's reign. After psalmody had thus definitely 
revived, there would be no reason why it should not 
thenceforward manifest itself in seasons of anxiety, 
as well as of festivity and thanksgiving. Hence Ps. 
xlix. Psalms xlii.-xliv., lxxiv., are best assigned to the 
reign of Ahaz. The reign of Hezekiah is naturally 
rich in psalmody. Psalms xlvi., lxxiii., lxxv., lxxvi., 
connect themselves with the resistance to the su- 
premacy of the Assyrians and the Divine destruction 
of their host. We are now brought to a series of 
psalms of peculiar interest (lxxvii.-lxxxix.), spring- 
ing out of the political and religious history of the 
separated ten tribes. In date of actual composition 
they commence before-the times of Hezekiah. The 
earliest is probably Ps. lxxx., a supplication for the 
Israelitish people at the time of the Syrian oppres- 
sion. Ps. lxxxi. is an earnest appeal to them ; 
Ixxxii. a stern reproof of the oppression prevalent 
in Israel (Am. iv.) ; lxxxiii. a prayer for deliverance 
from the confederacy of enemies (Joel iii. ; Am. i.); 
lxxviii., probably at the opening of Hezekiah's 
reign, reproves the disobedience of the Israelites 
by the parable of the nation's earlier rebellions, 
sets forth the Temple at Jerusalem as the appointed 
centre of religious worship and the heir of David's 
57 



house as the sovereign of the Lord's choice ; Ixxxiv. 
represents the thanks and prayers of the northern 
pilgrims coming up, for the first time in 250 years, 
to celebrate the passover in Jerusalem ; lxxxv. may 
well be the thanksgiving for the happy restoration 
of religion then; lxxvii. the lamentation of the Jew- 
ish Church for the Captivity of the ten tribes soon 
afterward ; in lxxxvi. the king himself (" David," 
see § 2, above) and in lxxxvii. the Levites antici- 
pated the future welcome of all the Gentiles into 
the Church of God ; lxxix. may be a picture of the 
evil days that followed through Manasseh's trans- 
gressions ; and in Ixxxviii., lxxxix. we have the 
pleadings of the nation with God in Manasseh's 
captivity. All these psalms (except lxxxvi.) are 
referred by their superscriptions to the Levite 
singers (" Asaph," see above : " sons of Korah "), 
and thus bear witness to the efforts of the Levites 
to reconcile the two branches of the chosen nation. 
— The captivity of Manasseh himself proved to be 
but temporary ; but the sentence which his sins 
had provoked upon Judah and Jerusalem still re- 
mained to be executed, and precluded the hope that 
God's salvation could be revealed till after such an 
outpouring of His judgments as the nation never 
yet had known. Labor and sorrow must be the lot 
of the present generation ; through these mercy 
might occasionally gleam, but the glory which was 
eventually to be manifested must be for posterity 
alone. The psalms of Book IV. bear generally the 
impress of this feeling. Psalms ci., ciii. (" of Da- 
vid," see above) readily refer themselves to Josiah 
as their author. — We pass to Book V. Ps. cvii. is 
the opening psalm of the Return, sung probably at 
the first Feast of Tabernacles (Ezr. iii.). The en- 
suing Davidic psalms (cviii.-cx.)may well be ascribed 
to Zerubbabel. Ps. cxviii., with which cxiv.-cxvii. 
(and in the estimation of some cxiii. and even cxi., 
cxii.) stand connected, was sung at the laying of the 
foundation of the second Temple. We here pass 
over the questions connected with Ps. cxix. ; but a 
directly historical character belongs to cxx.-cxxxiv., 
styled in our A. V. " Songs of Degrees." (Degrees, 
Songs of.) Internal evidence refers these to the 
period when the Jews under Nehemiah were, in the 
very face of the enemy, repairing the walls of Jeru- 
salem, and the title may signify " Songs of goings 
up upon the walls," the psalms being, from their 
brevity, well adapted to be sung by the workmen 
and guards while engaged in their respective duties. 
Theodoret thinks the " Solomon " of Ps. cxxvii. = 
Zerubbabel ; more probably = Nehemiah (compare 
" David " of cxxii., cxxiv., cxxxi., cxxxiii., and see 
above). Psalms cxxxv., cxxxvi. connect them- 
selves with the fast in Neh. ix. Of somewhat ear- 
lier date, it may be, are Ps. cxxxvii. and the ensu- 
ing Davidic psalms. Of these, cxxxix. is a psalm 
of the new birth of Israel, from the womb of the 
Babylonish captivity, to a life of righteousness ; 
cxl.-cxliii. may be a picture of the trials to which 
the unrestored exiles were still exposed in the 
realms of the Gentiles. Henceforward, as we ap- 
proach the close of the Psalter, its strains rise in 
cheerfulness ; and it fittingly terminates with Psalms 
cxlvii.-cl., which were probably sung on the occa- 
sion of the thanksgiving procession of Neh. xii., 
after the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem had 
been completed. (Aijeleth Shahar ; Alamoth; 
Al-taschith ; Gittith ; Higgaion ; Jeduthun ; Jo- 
nath-elem-rechokim ; Mahalath ; Mahalath Le- 
annoth ; Maschil ; Michtam ; Mosic ; Musical In- 
struments ; Muth-labben ; Neginah ; Neginoth ; 



898 



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PSA 



Nehiloth ; Selah ; Sheminith ; Shiggaion ; Sho- 

Shannim ; Shoshannim-eduth ; Shushan-eduth.) 4. 

Moral Characteristics of the Psalms. Foremost 
among these meets us, undoubtedly, the universal 
recourse to communion with God (Ps. lxxvii. 1, &c). 
Connected with this is the faith by which the psalm- 
ist everywhere lives in God rather than in himself 
(lxxvii.). It is of the essence of such faith that his 
view of the perfections of God should be true and 
vivid. The Psalter describes God as He is: it 
glows with testimonies to His power and providence, 
His love and faithfulness, His holiness and righteous- 
ness ; it correspondingly testifies against every form 
of idol which men would substitute in the living 
God's place. The Psalms not only set forth the 
perfections of God : they proclaim also the duty of 
worshipping Him by the acknowledgment and adora- 
tion of His perfections. They encourage all out- 
ward rites and means of worship. Among these 
they recognize the ordinance of sacrifice as an ex- 
pression of the worshipper's consecration of him- 
self to God's service (iv., v., xxvii., li.). But not 
the less do they repudiate the outward rite when 
separated from that which it was designed to ex- 
press (si., li., lxix.). Similar depth is observable in 
the view taken by the psalmists of human sin. In 
regard to the Law, the psalmist, while warmly ac- 
knowledging its excellence, feels yet that it cannot 
so effectually guide his own unassisted exertions as 
to preserve him from error (xix., li., cxix.). The 
Psalms bear repeated testimony to the duty of in- 
structing others in the ways of holiness (xxxii., 
xxxiv., li.). They indirectly enforce the duty of 
love, even to our enemies (vii. 4, xxxv. 13, cix. 4). 
On the other hand, they imprecate, in the strongest 
terms, the judgments of God on transgressors." 



We may condemn the Imprecatory Psalms, because — 
(a.) We overlook the benevolent temper which character- 
ized the writers of the O. T., and was eminently con- 
spicuous in David, the author of the sternest songs (Lev. 
xix. 17, 18: Dent. xxii. 6, 7; 1 Sam. xxiv. 2 ff. : 2 Sam. i. 
19-27. xvi. 10 ff. : Prov. xxiv. 17. 18, 29. &c). (b.) We fail 
to reccmizp the sentiments of justice breathed forth by 
the N. T. writers, and particularly by Christ Himself (Mat. 
xi. 20 ff.. xxiii. 13 ff. : Mk. iii. 5 ; Acts viii. 20 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 
2-3: Gal. i. 8. 9, v. 12; 2 Tim. iv. 14; Heb. x. 26-31, xii. 
25, 29; Rev. vi. 10, &c). (c.) We are inclined to overlook 
the peculiar genius of their authors — to interpret an an- 
cient and an Oriental poet as we would interpret a modern 
and Occidental essayist (compare Is. Ixii. 5, &c). (d.) We 
regard them as teacfunq some proposition which we infer 
from them, and to exalt the incidental fact which we think 
to be involved in them above the grand aim which they 
obviously propose for themselves. Thus the psalmist's 
entreaties in Ps. xxviii. 4 may have reference only to the 
temporal discomfiture of men who were nuisances to 
society, thongh his words may seem to fly beyond this 
mark, (e.) We overlook their inspiration. When it is 
revealed to men that a particular sinner has been aban- 
doned by Jehovah, they have a right to adopt such a mode 
of speech with regard to the reprobated one, as we have 
no right to originate in reference to a sinner whom we 
may simplv conjecture to have been thus abandoned. We 
may not devise for onrselves a peculiarity of style, which 
may yet be fitly prescribed by heavenly wisdom for other 
penmen. (/.) We imagine all of them must be explained 
on one and the same principle. Different songs and dif- 
ferent parts of the same sonq may be justifiable on dif- 
ferent grounds : and a statement proving some one verse 
of a Psalm to be correct may be inapplicable to some 
other. Thus some threatenings may have been uttered 
with a tacit condition, " if he turn not " (compare Ps. vii. 
9. 11. 12) : the imprecations on the Jews must be explained 
differently from those on the Gentiles, for whom the gen- 
eral atonement had not been distinctly made known, &c. 
— The Imprecatory Psalms illustrate— (1.) The fact that 
there are tinje9 when a man, as a single individual, and 
for his own personal advantage, should not resist his ene- 
mies, and still may resist them as he is identified with 
the public and in union with God (lix. 2, 4, 13, 15, lxxxiii. 
2-5, 12-18, exxxix. 21, 22, &c). (2.) The principle that 



This brings us to notice, lastly, the faith of the 
psalmists in a righteous recompense to all men ac- 
cording to their deeds (xxxvii., &c). — 5. Prophetical 
Character of the Psalms. The moral struggle be- 
tween godliness and ungodliness, so vividly depicted 
in the Psalms, culminates, in Holy Scripture, in the 
life of the Incarnate Son of God upon earth. The 
Psalms themselves definitely anticipated this culmi- 
nation. At least three psalms may be termed di- 
rectly and exclusively Messianic (ii., xlv., ex., per- 
haps lxxii.). It would be strange if these few psalms 
stood, in their prophetical significance, absolutely 
alone among the rest : the more so, as Ps. ii. forms 
part of the preface to the First Book of the Psalter, 
and would, as such, be entirely out of place, did not 
its general theme virtually extend itself over those 
which follow, in which the interest generally centres 
in the figure of the suppliant or worshipper himself. 
And hence the impossibility of viewing the psalms 
generally, notwithstanding the historical drapery in 
which they are outwardly clothed, as simply the 
past devotions of the historical David or the his- 
torical Israel. All the psalms of a personal rather 
than of a national character are marked in the 
superscriptions with the name of David, as proceed- 
ing either from David himself or from one of his 
descendants. It results from this, that while the 
Davidic psalms are partly personal, partly national, 
the Levitic psalms are uniformly national. It thus 
follows that only those psalmists who were types of 
Christ by external office and lineage as well as by 
inward piety were charged by the Holy Spirit to set 
forth beforehand, in Christ's own name and person, 
the sufferings that awaited Him and the glory that 
should follow. The national hymns of Israel are 
indeed also prospective ; but in general they antici- 
pate rather the struggles and the triumphs of the 
Christian Church than those of Christ Himself. 
(Messiah ; Old Testament, B ; Pkophet.) Pas- 
sages from the Psalms are quoted or embodied 
in the N. T. more than seventy times. Old Testa- 
ment, C. 

* Psal'ter [sawl-] (fr. Gr.) = the Book of Psalms. 



private individuals, as mch, ought not to satisfy their 
retributive sentiments by inflicting evil on transgressors; 
but ought to invoke the administrator of law to do what 
the general good requires, in satisfying this sentiment (v. 
10. Ixxvi. 8, 9; compare Rom. xiii. 1 ff., &c). (3.) The 
duty of acquiescing in the evils inflicted upon a fellow- 
being, when these are the minor evils, preventing the oc- 
currence of the larrjer (Ps. cix. 4 ff.). (4.) The principle 
that while we may grieve over an event, viewed in one 
aspect, that of involving certain calamities, we may rejoice 
in the same event, viewed in a different aspect, that of in- 
volving transcendent blessings. The success of the up- 
right is the defeat of the wicked (Ex. xv. 1 ; Ps. vii. 15, 
16" xxxv. 8, Hi. 6, lviii. 11, exxxvii. 7-9; compare Mat. 
xxv. 31-41 ; Rev. xviii. 20-24, &c). (5.) The principle 
that we may pray for a complex event when the blessings 
involved in it are vividly seen to be far greater than the 
evils incidental to it ; when the evils are vividly seen to 
be such as cannot be avoided, even if we do entreat God 
to avert them ; and when the blessings are vividly seen to 
be such as may be gained, in fuller measure, if we pray 
for them than if we refuse to pray. We do not pray for 
the evils unavoidably incident to the blessings, bnt for the 
blessings only, and for them as clearly overbalancing the 
unavoidable evils (Ps. xxxv. 5-10, cxliii. 12, &c). (6.) 
The principle that in particular emergencies we may give 
an unqualified statement of one truth, provided that in 
other emergencies we give an unqualified statement of 
the antithetic truth. The Imprecatory Psalms are shining 
delineations of the justice that punishes the heathen, but 
do not sketch, with equal brilliancy, the grace that offers 
an atonement to Gentiles as well as Jews. Yet they have 
their proper place in the Bible and in God's system as 
truly as the calm sentiments of the Redeemer. Justice 
as well as mercy is involved in a complete love. (Abridged 
from Prof. E. A. Park's article in S. S. xix. 165 ff.) 



PSA 



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899 



(See above.) — Psalter of Solomon ; see Solomon, 
VII. 

Psal ter-}' (fr. Gr., see below). The psaltery was 
a stringed instrument of music to accompany the 
voice. The Heb. nebel, or nebel, is uniformly so 
rendered in the A. V., except in Is. v. 12, xiv. 11, 
xxii. 24 margin, and Am. v. 23, vi. 5, where it is trans- 
lated viol. The ancient viol was a six-stringed guit- 
ar. In the Prayer Book version of the Psalms, the 
Hebrew word is rendered " lute." This instrument 
resembled the guitar, but was superior in tone, be- 
ing larger, and having a convex back, somewhat 
like the vertical section of a gourd, or more nearly 
resembling that of a pear. These three instru- 
ments, the psaltery or sautry, the viol, and the lute, 
are frequently associated in the old English poets, 
and were clearly instruments resembling each other, 
though still different. The Gr. psalterion, from 
which our word is derived, denotes a stringed in- 
strument played with the fingers instead of a plec- 
trum or quill. The LXX. renders the Heb. nebel or 
nebel by the Gr. psalterion in Neh. xii. 2V, &c. ; 
org.xnou ( = instrument ; Organ) in Am. v. 23, vi. 
5 ; and nabla in 1 Sam. x. 5, &c. Josephus appears 
to have regarded the Gr. nabla = Heb. nebel. He 
tells us that the difference between the kinura 
(Heb. einnor, A. V. "harp") and the nabla was, 
that the former had ten strings and was played with 
the plectrum, the latter had twelve notes and was 
played with the hand. We have strong presumptive 
evidence that nabla = nebel ; and that the nabla = 
psalterion appears from the Glossary of Philoxenus. 
Of the psaltery among the Greeks one kind had 
only two or three strings, the other as many as 
twenty, but sometimes only five. Both Isidorus 
and Cassiodorus describe the psaltery as triangular 
in shape, like the Greek delta (A), with the sound- 
ing-board above the strings, which were struck 
downward. The nebel or Hebrew " psaltery " was 
probably of various kinds, as Kimchi says in his 
note on Is. xxii. 24, differing from each other both 
with regard to the position of the pegs and the 
number of the strings. The nebel ^dsor (A. V. 
" psaltery and an instrument of ten strings," Ps. 
xxxiii. 2, xcii. 3 [Heb. 4], cxliv. 9) appears to have 
been an instrument of the psaltery kind which had 
ten strings, and was of a trapezium shape, accord- 
ing to some accounts. (Musical Instruments, 3.) 
The " psaltery " is associated with religious ser- 
vices (1 Sam. x. 5 ; 2 Sam. vi. 5; 1 Chr. xiii. 8, xv. 
16, 20, 28; 2 Chr. v. 12, xx. 28, xxix. 25; Neh. xii. 
27 ; Ps. xxxiii. 2, lxxi. 22, &c), but it had its part 
also in private festivities, and was associated with 
banquets and luxurious indulgence (Is. v. 12, xiv. 
11, xxii. 24; Am. vi. 5). The psalteries of David 
were made of cypress (2 Sam. vi. 5), those of Solo- 
mon of algum or almug trees (1 K. x. 12; 2 Chr. 
ix. 11). Among the instruments of the band which 
played before Nebuchadnezzar's golden image on 
the plains of Dura, we again meet with the " psal- 
tery" (Dan. iii. 5, 10, 15), Chal. pesantervt, ap- 
parently merely a modification of the Gr. psalterion. 

* Ptol-e-mse'us [tol-e-me'us] (L.). Ptolemee and 
Ptolemeus ; Ptolemy. 

* Ptol-e-ma'is [tol-] (Gr., named fr. Ptolemy) = 
Accho. 

Ptol'e-mee, and Ptol-e-me'ns [tol-] (L. Ptolemmus 

= Ptolkmy). 1. " The son of Dorymenes " (1 Mc. 
iii. 38 ; 2 Mc. iv. 45) ; a courtier who possessed 
great influence with Antiochus Epiphanes. He was 
induced by a bribe to support the cause of Mene- 
laus (iv. 45-50), and was afterward active in forcing 



the Jews to apostatize (vi. 8). He took part in the 
great expedition which Lysias organized against 
Judas (1 Mc. iii. 38). — 2. Son of Agesarchus, a Me- 
galopolitan ; surnamed Macron, governor of Cyprus 
during the minority of Ptolemy Philometor. He 
afterward deserted the Egyptian service to join An- 
tiochus Epiphanes. He stood high in the favor of 
Antiochus, and received from him the government 
of Phenicia and Celosyria (2 Mc. viii. 8, x. 11, 12). 
On the accession of Autiochus Eupator, his concilia- 
tory policy toward the Jews brought him into suspi- 
cion at court. He was deprived of his government, 
and in consequence of this disgrace poisoned him- 
self about b. c. 164 (x. 13). — 3. Son of Abubus ; a 
man of great wealth, who married the daughter of 
Simon the Maccabee (Maccabees), and being in- 
vested with the government of the district of Jeri- 
cho, formed the design of usurping the sovereignty 
of Judea. With this view he treacherously mur- 
dered Simon and two of his sons (1 Mc. xvi. 11- 
16); but John Hyrcanus received timely intimation 
of his design, and escaped. Hyrcanus afterward 
besieged him in his stronghold of Docus, but in 
consequence of the occurrence of the Sabbatical 
year, he was enabled to make his escape to Zeno 
Cotylas, prince of Philadelphia. — 4. A citizen of 
Jerusalem, father of Lysimachus 1, the Greek trans- 
lator of Esther (Esth. xi. 1). — 5. Ptolemy VI. Philo- 
metor (1. c. [so Mr. Westcott] ; 1 Mc. i. 18, x. 51 
ff., xi. 1 flf. ; 2 Mc. i. 10, iv. 21).— S. Son of Dosith- 
eus (Esth. xi. 1). Ptolemy. 

Ptol'c-my [ tQ l-] (L- Plolemoeus, fr. Gr. Ploleniaios 
= warlike), the dynastic name of the Greek kings 
of Egypt, the successors of Alexander the Great; 
in A. V. " Ptolemee " and " Ptolemeus " (see Alex- 
andria ; Dispersion, Jews of the ; Hellenist ; 
Philosophy). — 1. Ptol'e-my L So'ter (Gr. Saviour), 
known as the son of Lagus, a Macedonian of low 
rank, was generally supposed to have been an il- 
legitimate son of Philip 1. He distinguished him- 
self greatly during the campaigns of Alexander ; at 
whose death, foreseeing the necessary subdivision 
of the empire, he secured for himself the govern- 
ment of Egypt, where he proceeded at once to lay 
the foundations of a kingdom (b. c. 323). He ab- 
dicated in favor of his youngest sou Ptolemy II. 
Philadelphus, two years before his death, which 
took place in b. c. 283. Ptolemy Soter is described 
very briefly in Dan. xi. 5 (" the king of the south ") 
as one of those who should receive part of the em- 
pire of Alexander when it was " divided toward the 
four winds of heaven." In one of his expeditions 
into Syria, probably b. c. 320, Ptolemy treacherously 
occupied Jerusalem on the Sabbath. He carried 
many Jews and Samaritans captive to Alexandria, 
but gave them full citizenship there. Afterward 
many Jews voluntarily emigrated to Egypt. — 2, 
Ptol'c-my II. Pliil-a-del'phns (L. fr. Gr. = fond of 
his brother), youngest son of Ptolemy I., was made 
king two years before his death, to confirm the ir- 
regular succession. The conflict between Egypt 
and Syria was renewed during his reign in conse- 
quence of the intrigue of his half-brother Magas. 
"But in the end of years they [the kings of Syria 
and Egypt] joined themselves together [in friend- 
ship]. For the king's daughter of the south [Bere- 
nice, the daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus] came 
[as bride] to the king of the north [Antiochus II.], 
to make an agreement' 1 '' (so Mr. Westcott, using for 
history the language of Dan. xi. 6). The unhappy 
issue of this marriage is noticed under Antiochus 
II. The liberal encouragement which Ptolemy be- 



900 



PTO 



PTO 



stowed on literature and science gave birth to a 
new school of writers and thinkers. (Alexandria ; 
Philosophy ; Septuagint.) It was impossible that 
the Jew, who was now become as true a citizen of 
the world as the Greek, should remain passive in 
the conflict of opinions. From this time the Jew 
was familiarized with the great types of Western 
literature, and in some degree aimed at imitating 
them. An elder Philo celebrated Jerusalem in a 
long hexameter poem. Another epic poem, " on 
the Jews," was written by Theodotus. The work 
of Aristobulus 1 on the interpretation of the Law 
was a still more important result of the combina- 
tion of the old faith with Greek culture, as forming 
the groundwork of later allegories. A second time 
and in a new fashion Egypt disciplined a people of 
God. It first impressed upon a nation the firm 
unity of a family, and then in due time reconnected 
a matured people with the world from which it 
had been called out. — 3. Ptol'c-my III. Eu-er'gc-tes 
[-je-teez] (Gr. benefactor), the eldest son of Ptolemy 
Philadelphia and brother of Berenice the wife of An- 
tiochus II. The repudiation and murder of his sis- 
ter furnished him with an occasion for invading Syria 
(about b. c. 246). He "stood up, a branch out of 
her slock [sprung from the same parents] in his 
[father's] estate; and set himself at [the head of] 
nil army, and came against the fortresses of the 
king of the north [Antiochus], and dealt against 
them and prevailed'''' (so Mr. Westcott, as above; 
Dan. xi. 7). He extended his conquests as far as 
Antioch, and then eastward to Babylon, but was re- 
called to Egypt by tidings of seditions there. His 
success was brilliant and complete. " He carried 
captive into Egypt the gods [of the conquered nations] 
with the ir mo/ten images, and with their precious vessels 
of silver and gold" (xi. 8). This capture of sacred 
trophies, which included the recovery of images 
taken from Egypt by Cambyses, earned for the king 
the name Euergetes — recorded in the inscriptions 
which he set up at Adule in memory of his achieve- 
ments. After his return to Egypt (about b. c. 243) 
he suffered a great part of the conquered provinces 
to fall again under the power of Seleucus. But the 
attempts which Seleucus made to attack Egypt ter- 
minated disastrously to himself. He first collected 
a fleet which was almost totally destroyed by a 
storm ; and then, as if by some judicial infatuation, 
" he came against the realm of the king of the south, 
and [being defeated] returned to his own land [to An- 
tioch] " (xi. 9). After this, Ptolemy " desisted some 
years from [attacking] the king of the north" (xi. 8). 
The remainder of his reign seems to have been 
spent chiefly in developing the resources of the em- 
pire. His policy toward the Jews was like that of 
his predecessors. — 1. Ptol'e-my IV. Phi-lop'a-tor 
(Gr. loving his father, spoken ironically). After the 
death of Ptolemy Euergetes the line of the Ptole- 
mies rapidly degenerated. Ptolemy Philopator, his 
eldest son, who succeeded him, was to the last de- 
gree sensual, effeminate, and debased. But exter- 
nally his kingdom retained its power and splendor ; 
and when circumstances forced him to action, Ptol- 
emy himself showed ability not unworthy of his 
race. The description of the campaign of Raphia 
(b. c. 217) in Daniel gives a vivid description of his 
character (so Mr. Westcott, as above). " The sons 
of Seleucus [Seleucus Ceraunus and Antiochus the 
Great] were stirred up, and assembled a multitude o f 
great forces ; and one of them [Antiochus] came and 
overflowed and passed through [even to Pelusium] ; 
and he returned [from Seleucia, to which he had re- 



I tired during a faithless truce] ; and they [Antiochus 
and Ptolemy] were stirred up [in war] even to his 
I [Antiochus'] fortress. And the king of the south 
I [Ptolemy Philopator] leas moved with choler, and came 
forth and fought with him [at Raphia] ; and fie set 
forth a great mul itude ; and the multitude was given 
into his hand [to lead to battle] ; and the mullititde 
raised itself [proudly for the conflict], and his heart 
was lifted up, and he cast down ten thousands (comp. 
Polybius, v. 86), but he was not vigorous" [to reap 
the fruits of his victory] (Dan. xi. 10-12 ; compare 
Polybius, v. 62, 66, 86, and 3 Mc. i. 1-5). After this 
decisive success, Ptolemy Philopator visited the 
neighboring cities of Syria, and among others, Jeru- 
salem. After offering sacrifices of thanksgiving in 
the Temple, he attempted to enter the sanctuary. 
A sudden paralysis hindered his design ; but when 
he returned to Alexandria he determined to inflict 
on the Alexandrine Jews the vengeance for his dis- 
appointment. (Maccabees, Books of, III.) He 
died b. c. 205, and was succeeded by his only child, 
Ptolemy V. Epiphanes, then only four or five years 
old. — 5. Ptol'e-my V. E-piph'a-nes [e-pif'a-neez] (Gr. 
= illustrious). His reign was a critical epoch in 
the history of the Jews. The rivalry between the 
Syrian and Egyptian parties, which had for some 
time divided the people, came to an open rupture 
in the struggles which marked his minority. (An- 
tiochus the Great ; Onias 5.) In the strong lan- 
guage of Daniel, " The robbers of the people exalted 
themselves to establish the vision " (so Mr. Westcott, 
as above; Dan. xi. 14). The accession of Ptolemy 
and the confusion of a disputed regency furnished 
an opportunity for foreign invasion. " Many stood 
up against the king of the south " under Antiochus 
the Great and Philip III. of Macedonia, who formed 
a league to dismember his kingdom. " So the king 
of the north [Antiochus] came, and cast up a mount, 
and took the most fenced city [Sidon], and the arms 
of the south did not withstand" [at Paneas, b. c. 198] 
(xi. 14, 15). The Romans interfered, and in order 
to retain the provinces of Celosyria, Phcnicia, and 
Judea, Antiochus "gave him [Ptolemy, his daughter 
Cleopatra] a young maiden " [as his betrothed wife] 
(xi. 17). But in the end his policy only partially 
succeeded. After the marriage of Ptolemy and 
Cleopatra (b. c. 193), Cleopatra did "not stand on 
his side," but supported her husband in maintaining 
the alliance with Rome. The disputed provinces, 
however, remained in the possession of Antiochus ; 
and Ptolemy was poisoned when preparing an ex- 
pedition to recover them from Seleucus, the suces- 
sor of Antiochus, b. c. 181.— 6. Ptol'e-my VI. Phil- 
0-me'tor(Gr. fond of his mother). On the death of 
Ptolemy Epiphanes, his wife Cleopatra held the re- 
gency for her young son, Ptolemy Philometor, and 
preserved peace with Syria till she died, b. c. 173. 
The government then fell into unworthy hands, and 
an attempt was made to recover Syria (compare 2 
Mc. iv. 21). Antiochus Epiphanes seems to have 
made the claim a pretext for invading Egypt. Ptol- 
emy's generals were defeated near Pelusium, prob- 
ably at the close of b. c. 171 (1 Mc. i. 16 ff.) ; and 
the next year Antiochus, having secured the young 
king's person, reduced almost the whole of Egypt 
(compare 2 Mc. v. 1). Meanwhile Ptolemy Euergetes 
II., also called Physcon, younger brother of Ptolemy 
Philometor, assumed the supreme power at Alex- 
andria ; and Antiochus, under the pretext of recov- 
ering the crown for Philometor, besieged Alexandria 
b. c. 169. But his selfish designs were apparent : 
the brothers were reconciled, and Antiochus was 



PUA 



PUB 



901 



obliged to acquiesce for the time in the arrange- 
ment which they made. But he prepared for an- 
other invasion of Egypt, and was already approach- 
ing Alexandria, when he was met by the Roman 
embassy led by Caius Popillius Lsenas, who, in the 
name of the Roman senate, insisted on his imme- 
diate retreat (b. c. 168), a command which the late 
victory at Pydna made it impossible to disobey. 
These campaigns, which are intimately connected 
with the visits of Antiochus to Jerusalem in b. c. 
170 and 168, are briefly described in Dan. xi. 25-30. 
After the discomfiture of Antiochus, Philometor 
was for some time occupied in resisting the ambi- 
tious designs of his brother, who made two attempts 
to add Cyprus to the kingdom of Cyrene, which 
was allotted to him. Having effectually put down 
these attempts, he turned his attention again to 
Syria. During the brief reign of Antiochus Eupa- 
tor he seems to have supported Philip 3 against 
the regent Ltsias (compare 2 Mc. ix. 29). After 
the murder of Eupator by Demetrius I., Philometor 
espoused the cause of Alexander Balas, the rival 
claimant to the throne, because Demetrius had 
made an attempt on Cyprus ; and when Alexander 
had defeated and slain his rival, he accepted the 
overtures which he made, and gave him his daugh- 
ter Cleopatra in marriage (b. c. 150: 1 Mc. x. 51- 
58). But, according to 1 Mc. xi. 1, 10, &c, the al- 
liance was not made in good faith, but only to se- 
cure possession of Syria. According to others, 
Alexander himself ma le a treacherous attempt on 
the life of Ptolemy (compare 1 Mc. xi. 10), which 
caused him to transfer his support to Demetrius 
II., to whom also he gave his daughter, whom he 
had taken from Alexander. The whole of Syria 
was quickly subdued, an i he was crowned at An- 
tioch king of Egypt and Asia (xi. 13). Alexander 
made an effort to recover his crown, but was de- 
feated by the forces of Ptolemy and Demetrius, and 



shortly afterward put to death in Arabia. But 
Ptolemy did not long enjoy his success. He fell 
from his horse in the battle, and died within a few 
days (xi. 18), b. c. 145. Ptolemy Philometor is the 
last king of Egypt noticed in the Apocrypha, and 
his reign was marked also by the erection of the 
temple at Leontopolis. The consecration of a new 
centre of worship placed a religious as well as a 
political barrier between the Alexandrine and Pales- 
tinian Jews. (Alexandria ; Onias 5.) Henceforth 
the nation was again divided. The date of the 
building of this temple at Leontopolis may per- 
haps be placed after the conclusion of the last 
war with Ptolemy Physcon (about b. c. 154). In 
Palestine the erection of this second temple was 
not condemned so strongly as might have been 
expected. The circumstances under which it 
was erected were evidently accepted as in some 
degree an excuse for the irregular worship. The 
Jewish colony in Egypt, of which Leontopolis was 
the immediate religious centre, was formed of vari- 
ous elements and at different times. The settle- 
ments under the Greek sovereigns, though the most 
important, were by no means the first. In the later 
times of the kingdom of Judah many " trusted in 
Egypt," and took refuge there (Jer. xliii. 6, 7). This 
colony, formed against the command of God, was 
devoted to complete destruction (xliv. 27), but 
probably the Persians, acting on the same policy as 
the Ptolemies, encouraged the settlements of Jews 
in Egypt to keep in check the native population. — 
The following table by Mr. Westcott gives the de- 
scent of the royal line of the Ptolemies as far as it 
is connected with Biblical history. The sign (=) 
in this table denotes marriage of those between 
whom it stands, and in several cases marks this 
connection between brother and sister. The numer- 
als (1, 2, 3, &c.) point out those belonging to the 
family by birth. 



GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE PTOLEMIES. 

1. Ptolemt I. Soter (son of Lagus) (about is. c. 323-285). 



Arsinoe (daughter of Lysimachus) = 2. P. II. Phtladelphus (b. c. 285-247) = (second wife) 3. Arsinoe. 



4. P. m. Eue'rgetes (b. c. 247-222). 



5. Berenice = Antiochus II. 



6. P. IV. Phtlopator (b. c. 222-205) = 7. Arsinoe 



8. P. V. Epiphanes (b. c. 205-181) = Cleopatra (daughter of Antiochus III.). 



9. P. VI. Philometor 
(b. c. 181-146), 
= Cleopatra (11). 



10. P. VII. Euergetes II. (Physcon) 
(b. c. 171-146-117) 



= 11. Cleopatra [compare No. 9]. 
= (second wife) Cleopatra (14). 



12. Cleopatra 
Alexander Balas. 
=Demetriu9 II. 



13. P. Eupator 



14. Cleopatra 



15. P. VITI. Soter n. 
(b. c. 118-81). 



Pu'a (fr. Hcb.) = Phuvah or Puah 2, the son of 
Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23) ; ancestor of the Punites. 

Pn'ah (Heb. mouth? Ges. ; see No. 3 below). 1, 
Father of Tola, a man of Issachar, and Judge of 
Israel after Abimelech (Judg. x. 1). — 2. Son of Is- 
sachar (1 Chr. vii. 1); = Phuvah and Pua. — 3. 
(Heb. mouth, or (so Sim.) splendid, Ges.). One of 
the two midwives whom Pharaoh commanded to kill 
the Hebrew male children after their birth (Ex. i. 
15). The A. V. calls them " Hebrew midwives ; " 
but the original may be translated " the midwives 



of the Hebrew women." The two, Shiphrah and 
Puah, are supposed to have been the chief and rep- 
resentatives of their profession. Mr. Wright (with 
Josephus, Henry Ayre, &c.) supposes them Egyp- 
tians ; Bush, Scott, Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kitto), 
&c, regard them, with the A. V., as Hebrews ; and 
a Jewish tradition makes Shiphrah = Jochebed, 
and Puah = Miriam. 

* Pu-bas'tum (fr. Egyptian) = Pi-beseth (Ez. xxx. 
17 margin). 

Pnb'li-can (fr. L. publicanus ; Gr. telones ; see be 



902 



PUB 



PUL 



low). The class thus designated in the Synoptic 
Gospels were employed as collectors of the Roman 
revenue. The Roman senate found it convenient, 
at a period as early as, if not earlier than, the second 
Punic war, to farm the direct taxes (L. vecligalia) 
and the customs or imposts (L. portoria) to capital- 
ists who undertook to pay a given sum into the 
treasury (L. in publicum), and so received the mime 
of publicani = publicans. Contracts of this kind 
fell naturally into the hands of the knights (L. e.qui- 
te.i), as the richest class of Romans. Not unfre- 
quently they went beyond the means of any indi- 
vidual capitalist, and a joint-stock company was 
formed, with one of the partners, or an agent ap- 
pointed by them, acting as managing director (L. 
maghler — master). Under this officer, who resided 
commonly at Rome, transacting the business of the 
company, paying profits to the partners and the 
like, were the sub-magistri (L. = sub-masters, or dep- 
uties) living in the provinces. Under them, in like 
manner, were the collectors (L. portitores), the actual 
custom-house officers, who examined each bale of 
goods exported or imported, assessed its value more 
or less arbitrarily, wrote out the ticket, and enforced 
payment. The latter were commonly natives of the 
province in which they were stationed, as being 
brought daily into contact with all classes of the 
population. The Gr. leldnes, pi. telouai, which ety- 
mologically might = the publicani or publicans prop- 
erly so called, popularly, and in the N. T. exclu- 
sively, = the portitores or collectors. The publicani 
were thus an important section of the knights or 
equestrian order. The system was, however, essen- 
tially vicious. The publicani were banded together 
to support each other's interest, and at once re- 
sented and defied all interference. They demanded 
severe laws, and put every such law into execution. 
They encouraged their agents, the collectors or por- 
titores (the "publicans " of the A. V.), in the most 
vexatious or fraudulent exactions, and a remedy 
was all but impossible. The popular feeling ran 
strong even against the equestrian capitalists. The 
underlings overcharged whenever they had an op- 
portunity (Lk. iii. 13). They brought false charges 
of smuggling in the hope of extorting hush-money 
(xix. 8). They detained and opened letters on mere 
suspicion. It was the basest of all livelihoods. All 
this was enough to bring the class into ill-favor 
everywhere. In Judea and Galilee there were spe- 
cial circumstances of aggravation. The employment 
brought out all the besetting vices of the Jewish 
character. The strong feeling of many Jews as to 
the absolute unlawfulness of paying tribute at all 
made matters worse. The scribes who discussed 
the question (Mat. xxii. 15), for the most part an- 
swered it in the negative. (Judas of Galilee.) In 
addition to their other faults, accordingly, the 
" Publicans " of the N. T. were regarded as traitors 
and apostates, defiled by their frequent intercourse 
with the heathen, willing tools of the oppressor. 
They were classed with sinners (ix. 11, xi. 19), with 
harlots (xxi. 31, 32), with the heathen (xviii. IV). 
The Talmud enumerates three classes (murderers, 
thieves, publicans), with whom promises need not 
be kept. No money known to come from them was 
received into the alms-box of the synagogue or the 
Corban of the Temple. They were not fit to sit in 
judgment or give testimony. The class thus prac- 
tically excommunicated furnished some of the ear- 
liest disciples both of John the Baptist and of our 
Lord. The publican who cried " God be merciful 
to me a sinner" (Lk. xviii. 13), may be taken as 



the representative of those who had come under 
John's influence (Mat. xxi. 32 ; Lk. iii. 12, 13). 
(Matthew.) The position of Zaccheus as a " chief 
among the publicans" (xix. 2), implies a gradation 
of some kind among the persons thus employed. 
Possibly the balsam-trade, of which Jericho was the 
centre, may have brought larger profits, possibly he 
was one of the deputies or sub-magistri in immediate 
communication with the Bureau at Rome. 

Pub'li-as (L. of the people, public, popular, Schl., 
Pott), " the chief man " — probably the governor — of 
Melita, who received and lodged St. Paul and his 
companions on their being shipwrecked off that 
island, and whose father was miraculously cured of 
a fever by the apostle (Acts xxviii. 7, 8). Publius 
possessed property in Melita : the title given him is 
" the first of the island : " and two inscriptions have 
been found at Cetta Vecchia, in which that appar- 
ently official title occurs. Publius may have been 
the delegate of the Roman pretor of Sicily to whose 
jurisdiction Melita or Malta belonged. Traditions 
make him first bishop of Melita, afterward bishop 
of Athens and a martyr. 

Pn'dons(L. shamefaced, bashful), a Christian friend 
of Timothy at Rome (2 Tim. iv. 21). Papebroch, 
the Bollandist editor, while printing the legendary 
histories, distinguishes between two saints of this 
name, both Roman senators ; one St. Peter's host 
and St. Paul's fiiend, martyred under Nero; the 
other, the grandson of the former, living about a. d. 
150. Earlier writers are disposed to believe in the 
existence of one Pudens only. Martial, the Spanish 
poet, who went to Rome a. d. 66, or earlier, in his 
twenty-third yenr, and dwelt there for nearly forty 
years, mentions two contemporaries, Pudens (an im- 
moral Umbrian, who went, as a military officer, to 
the remote N. ) and Claudia (beautiful and witty, of 
British birth, and mother of a flourishing family), 
as husband and wife (Epig. iv. 13). Modern re- 
searches among the Columbaria at Rome, appropri- 
ated to members of the imperial household, have 
brought to light an inscription in which Pudens ap- 
pears as a servant of Tiberius or Claudius. Al- 
though the identity of St. Paul's Pudens with any 
legendary or heathen namesake is not absolutely 
proved, yet it is difficult to believe that these facts 
add nothing to our knowledge of the friend of Paul 
and Timothy (so Mr. Bullock). 

Pn hites (fr. Heb. sing. Puthi, taken collectively 
= descendant of Pulhijah [which means Jak is reve- 
lation], Fii.), the, according to 1 Chr. ii. 53, belonged 
to the families of Kirjath-jearim. 

Pnl (Heb., see below), a country or nation once 
mentioned, if the Masoretic text be here correct, in 
the Bible (Is. lxvi. 19). The name = that of Pul, 
king of Assyria. It is spoken of with distant na- 
tions : " The nations [to] Tarshish, Pul, and Lud, 
that draw the bow, [to] Tubal, and Javan, [to] the 
isles afar off." If a Mizraite Lud be intended, Pul 
may be African. It has accordingly been compared 
by Bochart and J. D. Michaelis with the island 
Phila> (which in Egyptian = border, far country, 
Ges.). The common LXX. reading suggests that 
the Hebrew had originally Phut (Put) in this place. 

Pnl (Heb. fr. Assyrian = elephant? or better, 
lord, king, Ges.), an Assyrian king, the first of those 
monarehs mentioned in Scripture. He made an ex- 
pedition against Menahem, king of Israel, about b. c. 
770. Menahem appears to have inherited a king- 
dom already included among the dependencies of 
Assyria. Under the Assyrian system the monarehs 
of tributary kingdoms, on ascending the throne, ap- 



PUL 



PUN 



903 



plied for " confirmation in their kingdoms " to the 
Lord Paramount, and only became established on 
receiving it. We may gather from 2 K. xv. 19, 20, 
that Menahem neglected to make any such applica- 
tion to Pul — a neglect which would have been re- 
garded as a plain act of rebellion. Possibly, he was 
guilty of more overt and flagrant hostility. " Men- 
ahem smote Tiphsah " (2 K. xv. 16). Pul marched an 
army into Palestine to punish his revolt, when Mena- 
hem made his submission, and paid 1,000 talents of 
gold to Pul, who then confirmed him as king. The 
Assyrian monuments (so Rawlinson, original author 
of this article) have a king, whose name is read very 
doubtfully as Vul-lush or Iva-lush, at about the pe- 
riod when Pul must have reigned. His probable date 
is b. c. 800-750, while Pul, as we have seen, ruled 
over Assyria in b. c. 770. The Hebrew name Pul 
is undoubtedly curtailed; for no Assyrian name con- 
sists of a single element. If we take the " Phalos " 
or " Phaloch " of the LXX. as probably nearer the 
original, we have a form not very different from Vul- 
lush or Iva-lush. Vul-lush reigned at Calah (Nimrud) 
from about b. c. 800 to 750. He states that he made 
an expedition into Syria, wherein he took Damascus ; 
and that he received tribute from the Medes, Arme- 
nians, Phenicians, Samaritans, Damascenes, Philis- 
tines, and Edomites. He also tells us that he in- 
vaded Babylonia and received the submission of 
the Chaldeans. His wife bears the name of Se- 
miramis. He was probably the last Assyrian mon- 
arch of his race. The list of Assyrian monumental 
kings, traceable without a break and in a direct line 
to him from his seventh ancestor, here comes to a 
stand. Assyria ; Nineveh. 

* Pal'pit, the A. V. translation of the Heb. migd&l 
in Neh. viii. 4 only, usually translated " tower " 
(Gen. xi. 4, 5, &c). Gesenius and Fiirst make the 
Hebrew in Neh. viii. 4 = an elevated stage, pulpit 
(comp. ix. 4). 

Pulse occurs in the A. V. only in Dan. i. 12, 16, 
as the translation of the Hebrew plural nouns zeV- 
dhn and zer'onim, which literally = seeds of any 
kind. "Pulse" now = the grains of leguminous 
vegetables (peas, beans, &c.) (A. V., 2 Sam. xvii. 
28) ; but in Dan. i. probably = uncooked grain of 
any kind, whether barley, wheat, millet, vetches, &c. 
Food. 

Pnn'isli-mentS! The earliest theory of punish- 
ment current among mankind is doubtless the one 
of simple retaliation, " blood for blood." (Blood, 
Avenger of.) Viewed historically, the first case of 
punishment for crime mentioned in Scripture, next 
to the Fall itself (Adam), is that of Cain the first 
murderer. That death was regarded as the fitting 
punishment for murder appears plain from the re- 
mark of Lamech 1 (Gen. iv. 24). In the post-dilu- 
vian code, if we may so call it, retribution by the 
hand of man, even in the case of an offending ani- 
mal, for blood shed, is clearly laid down (ix. 5, 6). 
Passing onward to Mosaic times, we find the sen- 
tence of capital punishment, in the case of murder, 
plainly laid down in the Law. (Law op Moses.) 
The murderer was to be put to death, even if he 
should have taken refuge at God's altar or in a city 
of refuge, and the same principle was to be carried 
out even in the case of an animal (Ex. xxi. 12, 14, 
28, 36 ; Lev. xxiv. 17, 21 ; Num. xxxv. 31 ; Deut. 
xix. 11, 12; 1 K. ii. 28, 34). I. The following of- 
fences also are mentioned in the Law as liable to the 
punishment of death : — 1. Striking, or even reviling, 
or persistently disobeying, a parent (Ex. xxi. 15, 17 ; 
Deut. xxi. 18, 19; Child). 2. Blasphemy (Lev. 



xxiv. 14, 16, 23). 3. Sabbath-breaking (Num. xv. 
32-36 ; Ex. xxxi. 14, xxxv. 2 ; Sabbath). 4. Witch- 
craft, and false pretension to prophecy (Ex. xxii. 18; 
Lev. xx. 27 ; Deut. xiii. 5, xviii. 20; Divination; 
Magic). 5. Adultery (Lev. xx. 10 ; Deut. xxii. 
22). 6. Unchastity (xxii. 21, 23; Lev. xxi. 9; 
Harlot). 7. Rape (Deut. xxii. 25). 8. Incestuous 
and unnatural connections (Lev. xx. 11, 14, 16 ; Ex. 
xxii. 19; Sodomites). 9. Man-stealing (xxi. 16; 
Deut. xxiv. 7 ; Men-stealers). 10. Idolatry, actual 
or virtual, in any shape (Lev. xx. 2 ; Deut. xiii. 6, 
10, 15, xvii. 2-7; see Josh, vii., xxii. 20, and Num. 

xxv. 8). 11. False witness in certain cases (Deut. 
xix. 16, 19). — II. But many offences, some of them 
included in this list, are named in the Law as involv- 
ing the penalty of " cutting off from the people." 
On the meaning of this expression some controversy 
has arisen. This formula is used in the Pentateuch 
in thirty-six or thirty-seven cases, which may be 
thus classified : 1. Breach of Morals. 2. Breach of 
Covenant. 3. Breach of Ritual. 1. Wilful sin in 
general (Num. xv. 30, 31). f 15 cases of incestuous 
or unclean connection (Lev. xviii. 29, xx. 9-21). 
2. j- % Uncircumcision (Gen. xvii. 14; Ex. iv. 24). 
Neglect of Passover (Num. ix. 13). \ Sabbath- 
breaking (Ex. xxxi. 14). Neglect of Atonement-day 
(Lev. xxiii. 29). \ Work done on that day (30 ; 
Atonement, Day of), f \ Children offered to Molech 
(xx. 3). f \ Witchcraft (6). Anointing a stranger 
with holy oil (Ex. xxx. 33 ; Ointment). 3. Eating 
leavened bread during Passover (xii. 15, 19). Eat- 
ing fat of sacrifices (Lev. vii. 25). Eating blood 
(27, xvii. 14). f Eating sacrifice in an unclean con- 
dition (vii. 20, 21, xxii. 3, 4, 9). Offering too late 
(xix. 8). Making holy ointment for private use (Ex. 
xxx. 32, 33). Making holy perfume for private use 
(38 ; Incense). Neglect of purification in general 
(Num. xix. 13, 20). Not bringing offering after 
slaying a beast for food (Lev. xvii. 9). Not slaying 
the animal at the tabernacle-door (4). \ \ Touching 
holy things illegally (Num. iv. 15, 18, 20: see 2 Sam. 
vi. 7; 2 Chr. xxvi. 21). (Sacrifice; Tabernacle.) 
In the foregoing list, classified according to the view 
supposed to be taken by the Law of the principle 
of condemnation, the cases marked with f are (a) 
those which are expressly threatened or actually 
visited with death, as well as with cutting off. In 
those (6) marked \ the hand of God is expressly 
named as the instrument of execution. The ques- 
tion is, whether the phrase " cut off" be likely to 
mean death in all cases, and to avoid that conclusion 
Le Clerc, Michaelis, &c, have suggested that in some 
of them, the ceremonial ones, it was intended to be 
commuted for banishment or privation of civil 
rights. Rabbinical writers explained " cutting off" 
= excommunication, and laid down three degrees 
of severity as belonging to it. But most commen- 
tators agree, that, in accordance with the obvious 
meaning of Heb. x. 28, the " cutting off" must = 
death-punishment of some sort. In two instances 
violations of a ritual command took place without the' 
actual infliction of a death-punishment (1 Sam. xiv. 
32; 2 Chr. xxvi. 19, 21 [here leprosy, a virtual 
death]) ; in other instances the offenders were pun- 
ished with death for similar offences (Lev. x. 1, 2 ; 
Num. xvi. 10, 33 ; 2 Sam. vi. 7). We may perhaps 
conclude (so Mr. Phillott) that the primary meaning 
of " cutting off " is a sentence of death to be exe- 
cuted in some cases without remission, but in 
others voidable: (1.) by immediate atonement on 
the offender's part ; (2.) by direct interposition 
of the Almighty, i. e. a sentence of death always 



904 



PUN 



PUR 



" recorded," but not always executed. — III. Pun- 
ishments in themselves are twofold, Capital and 
Secondary. ]. Of the former kind, the four follow- 
ing only are prescribed by the Law : (a.) Stoning, 
which was the ordinary mode of execution (Ex. xvii. 
4; Lk. xx. 6; Jn. x. 31 ; Acts xiv. 5). In the case 
of idolatry, and probably in other cases also, the 
witnesses, of whom there were to be at least two, 
were required to cast the first stone (Deut. xiii. 9, 
xvii. 7 ; Jn. viii. 7 ; Acts vii. 58). The Rabbinical 
writers add, that the first stone was cast by one of 
them on the chest of the convict, and if this failed 
to cause death, the bystanders proceeded to com- 
plete the sentence, (b.) Hanging is mentioned as a 
distinct punishment (Num. xxv. 4; 2 Sam. xxi. 6, 
9) ; but generally, in the case of Jews, follows death 
by some other means, (c.) Burning, in pre-Mosaic 
times, was the punishment for unchastity (Gen. 
xxxviii. 24). Under the Law it is ordered in the 
case of incest with a mother-in-law, and of unchas- 
tity of a priest's daughter (Lev. xx. 14, xxi. 9) ; but 
it is also mentioned as following death by other 
means (Josh. vii. 25), and some have thought it was 
never used except after death. Among other nations 
burning appears to have been not unusual, and in a 
modified form was not unknown in war among the 
Jews (2 Sam. xii. 31 ; Jer. xxix. 22 ; Dan. iii. 20, 
21). A tower of burning embers is mentioned in 2 
He. xiii. 4-8. ((/.) Death by the sword or spear is 
named in the Law (Ex. xix. 13, xxxii. 27 ; Num. xxv. 
7), and occurs frequently in regal and post-Babylo- 
nian times ( 1 K. ii. 25, 34, xix. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxi. 4, &c). 
(e.) Strangling is said by the Rabbins to have been 
regarded as the most common but least severe of 
the capital punishments, and to have been performed 
by immersing the convict in clay or mud, and then 
strangling him by a cloth twisted round the neck. — 
Besides these ordinary capital punishments, we read 
of others, either of foreign introduction or of an ir- 
regular kind. (/.) Crucifixion', (g.) Browning, 
though not ordered under the Law, -was practised at 
Rome, and is said by Jerome to have been in use 
among the Jews, (h.) Sawing asunder (Isaiah) or 
crushing beneath iron instruments (2 Sam. xii. 31, 
and perhaps Prov. xx. 26; Heb. xi. 37). (i.) Pound- 
ing in a mortar, or beating to death, is alluded to in 
Prov. xxvii. 22, but not as a legal punishment, and 
cases are described (2 Mc. vi. 28, 30). (,;.) Pre- 
cipitation, attempted in the case of our Lord at 
Nazareth (Lk. iv. 29), and carried out in that of 
captives from the Edomites (2 Chr. xxv. 12), and of 
St. James, who is said to have been cast from " the 
pinnacle" of the Temple (see also 2 Mc. vi. 10). — , 
Criminals executed by law were buried outside the 
city-gates, and heaps of stones were flung upon their 
graves (Josh. vii. 25, 26 ; 2 Sam. xviii. 17 ; Jer. xxii. 
19). — 2. Of secondary punishments among the Jews 
the original principles were, (a.) retaliation, " eye for 
eye," &c. (Ex. xxi. 24, 25). (b.) Compensation, 
identical (restitution), or analogous ; payment for 
loss of time or of power (Ex. xxi. 18-36 ; Lev. xxiv. 
18-21 ; Deut. xix. 21), double payment for trespass, 
and double to fivefold for theft, the thief sometimes 
to be sold, &c. (Ex. xxii. 1 ff. ; Deposit ; Robbery ; 
Slave). Slander against a wife's honor was to be 
compensated to her parents by a fine of 100 shekels, 
and the traducer himself to be punished with stripes 
■(Deut. xxii. 18, 19). (c.) Stripes, not to exceed forty 
(Deut. xxv. 3); whence the Jews took care not to 
exceed thirty-nine (2 Cor. xi. 24). (d.) Scourging 
•with thorns is mentioned Judg. viii. 16. The stocks 
are mentioned (Jer. xx. 2) ; passing through fire (2 



Sam. xii. 31); mutilation (Judg. i. 6; 2 Mc. vii. 4; 
2 Sam. iv. 12); plucking out hair (Is. 1. 6); in later 
times, imprisonment and confiscation or exile (Ezr. 
vii. 26 ; Jer. xxxvii. 15, xxxviii. 6 ; Acts iv. 3, v. 18, 

xii. 4 ; Captivity ; Prison). As in earlier times 
imprisonment formed no part of the Jewish system, 
the sentences were executed at once (Esth. viii. 8- 
11). The command for witnesses to cast the first 
stone shows that the duty of execution did not belong 
to any special officer. (Judge; Trial). — Of punish- 
ments inflicted by other nations we have the follow- 
ing notices : — In Egypt the power of life and death 
and imprisonment rested with the king, and to some 
extent also with officers of high rank (Gen. xl. 3, 22, 

xiii. 20). Death might be commuted for slavery 
(xiii. 19, xliv. 9, 33). In Egypt, and also in Baby- 
lon, the chief of the executioners, A. V. " captain 
of the guard," was a great officer of state (Gen. 
xxxvii. 36 ; Dan. ii. 14, &c). Putting out the eyes 
of captives, and other cruelties, as flaying alive, 
burning, tearing out the tongue, &c, were practised 
by Assyrian and Babylonian conquerors (1 Sam. xi. 
2; 2 E, xxv. 7 ; Jer. xxix. 22 ; Dan. iii. 6, &c. ; 
Blindness ; Furnace ; Hook 3 ; War). The exe- 
cution of Haman and the story of Daniel are pic- 
tures of summary Oriental procedure. With the 
Romans, stripes and the stocks were in use, and im- 
prisonment, with a chain attached to a soldier. 
There was also the free custody or confinement in 
private houses (Acts xvi. 23, xxii. 24, xxviii. 16). 
Exposure to wild beasts appears to be mentioned by 
St. Paul (1 Cor. xv. 32 ; 2 Tim. iv. 17), but not with 
any precision. — In regard to Divine punishment, see 
Damnation; Death; Eternal; God; Hell; Jeho- 
vah ; Justify ; Psalms, Book of, n. 2 ; Sin, &c. 

Pn'nites(fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of Pua, 
or Phuvah, the son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 23). 

Pn'non (Heb. darkness, Ges.), a halting-place of 
the Israelite host in the last portion of the Wander- 
ing (Num. xxxiii. 42,43). By Eusebius and Jerome 
it is identified with Pinon, the seat of the Edomite 
tribe of Pinon, and with Phasno, which contained 
the copper-mines, so notorious at that period, and 
was situated between Petra and Zoar ; but its site is 
unknown. Mines ; Wilderness of the Wandering. 

* Pur (Heb. fr. Pers. = a lot, A. V., Ges.) (Esth. 
iii. 7, ix. 24). Purim. 

Pn-ri-fi-ca'tion (fr. L. — a making clean), in its 
legal and technical sense, is applied to the ritual 
observances whereby an Israelite was formally ab- 
solved from the taint of uncleanness, whether evi- 
denced by any overt act or state, or connected 
with man's natural depravity. (Baptism; Levite; 
Priest ; Proselyte ; Sacrifice.) The present article 
(abridged from Mr. Bevan's) relates to the former 
class, in which alone were the ritual observances of 
a special character. The essence of purification, in- 
deed, in all cases, consisted in the use of water, 
whether by way of ablution or aspersion ; but in 
the greater offences of legal uncleanness, sacrifices 
of various kinds were added, and the ceremonies 
throughout bore an expiatory character. Simple 
ablution of the person was required after sexual inter- 
course (Lev. xv. 18 ; 2 Sam. xi. 4) : ablution of the 
clothes, after touching the carcass of an unclean 
beast, or eating or carrying the carcass of a clean 
beast that had died a natural death (Lev. xi. 25, 
40 ; Clean ; Unclean Meats) ; ablution both of the 
person and of the defiled garments in cases of emis- 
sion of seed (xv. 16, 17) — the ceremony in each of the 
above instances to take place on the day on which 
the uncleanness was contracted. A higher degree 



PUR 



PUR 



905 



of unoleanness from " a running issue " in males, 
and menstruation in women, required ablution of 
the person and garments after seven days, and an 
offering of two turtle-doves or young pigeons on the 
eighth (1-15, 19-30). Contact with persons in the 
above states, or even with clothing or furniture that 
had been used by them while in those states, in- 
volved unoleanness in a minor degree, requiring ab- 
lution generally the same day, in one case after 
seven days (5-11, 21-24). The purification after 
childbirth was at the end of forty days for a son and 
eighty for a daughter, the sacrifice being a lamb of 
the first year with a pigeon or turtle-dove, or for the 
poor two turtle-doves or young pigeons (xii. 4 ff. ; 
Lk. ii. 22-24). The uncleannesses already specified 
were comparatively of a mild character: the more 
severe were connected with death, which, viewed as 
the penalty of sin, was in the highest degree con- 
taminating. To this head we refer the two cases of 
(1.) touching a corpse, or a grave (Num. xix. 16), 
or even killing a man in war (xxxi. 19) ; and (2.) 
leprosy, regarded by the Hebrews as a living death. 
In the first of these two cases, the "water of sep- 
aration," prepared by mixing "running water" 
with the ashes of an unblemished red heifer which 
had been slain by the high-priest's eldest son and 
wholly burnt in his sight, with cedar-wooJ and hys- 
sop and scarlet, outside the camp (Olives, Mount 
of), was sprinkled on the third and seventh days up- 
on the unclean person (Num. xix. ; Heb. ix. 13). The 
purification of the leper was a yet more formal pro- 
ceeding, and indicated the highest pitch of unolean- 
ness. One of two clean birds was killed by the 
priest's order over a vessel of " running (i. e. living 
or spring) water," into which the blood fell ; the 
other bird, with cedar-wood and hyssop and scarlet, 
was dipped by the priest into the mixed blood and 
water, and, after the leper to be cleansed had been 
sprinkled seven times with the same liquid, was let 
loose ; and the leper washed himself and his clothes, 
and shaved his head. Then, having passed seven 
days away from his tent, he repeated the washing, 
shaved all his hair, and brought to the tabernacle 
his prescribed offerings of two he-lambs, a yearling 
ewe-lamb (or, if poor, one lamb and two turtle-doves 
or young pigeons), fine flour mingled with oil, and a 
log of oil (Lev. xiv. 4-32 ; Mat. viii. 4 ; Lk. xvii. 14). 
The two stages of the proceedings indicated, the first, 
which took place outside the camp, the readmission 
of the leper to the community of men ; the second, 
before the sanctuary, his readmission to communion 
with God. In the first stage, the slaughter of the 
one bird and the dismissal of the other, symbolized 
the punishment of death deserved and fully remitted. 
In the second, the use of oil and its application to 
the same parts of the body as in the consecration of 
priests (Lev. viii. 23, 24), symbolized the rededica- 
tion of the leper to the service of Jehovah. The 
ceremonies in the purification of a house or a gar- 
ment infected with leprosy, were identical with the 
first stage of those for the leper (xiv. 33-53). The 
necessity of purification was extended in the post- 
Babylonian periods to a variety of unauthorized 
cases. Cups and pots, brazen vessels and couches, 
were washed as a matter of ritual observance (Mk. 
vii. 4). The washing op the hands before meals 
was conducted in a formal manner (vii. 3). These 
ablutions required a large supply of water (Jn. ii. 
6). We know not the specific causes of unclean- 
ness in those who came up to purify themselves be- 
fore the Passover (Jn. xi. 55), or in those who had 
taken upon themselves the Nazarite's vow (Acts xxi. 



24, 26) ; in either case it may have been contact with 
a corpse, though in the latter more probably a gen- 
eral purification preparatory to the accomplishment 
of the vow. — The distinctive feature in the Mosaic 
rites of purification is their expiatory character. The 
idea of unoleanness was not peculiar to the Jew. 
But with all other nations simple ablution sufficed : 
no sacrifices were demanded. The Jew alone was 
taught by the use of expiatory offerings to discern 
to its full extent the connection between the outward 
sign and the inward fount of impurity. 

Pn'rim (Heb. pi. fr. Pers. = lots, Ges.), the annual 
festival instituted to commemorate the preservation 
of the Jews in Persia from the massacre with which 
they were threatened through the machinations of 
Haman (Esth. ix.). (Esther ; Mordecai 1.) Haman 
appears to have been very superstitious, and much 
given to casting lots (iii. 1). The Jews gave the 
name Purim, or Lots, to the commemorative festi- 
val, because he had thrown lots to ascertain what 
day would be auspicious for him to carry into effect 
the bloody decree which the king had issued at his 
instance (ix. 24). The festival lasted two days, and 
was regularly observed on the 14th and 15th of 
Adar ; but if the 14th happened to fall on the Sab- 
bath, or on the second or fourth day of the week, 
the commencement of the festival was deferred till 
the next day. The traditions of the Jews, and their 
modern usage respecting it, are curious. A prelim- 
inary fast was appointed, called " the f ast of Esther," 
to be observed on the 13th of Adar, in memory 
of the fast which Esther and her maids observed 
(iv. 16). If the 13th was a Sabbath, the fast was 
put back to the fifth day of the week. According 
to modern custom, as soon as the stars begin to ap- 
pear, when the 14th of the month has commenced, 
candles are lighted up in token of rejoicing, and the 
people assemble in the synagogue. After a short 
prayer and thanksgiving, the reading of the Book 
of Esther commences. The book is written in a 
peculiar manner, on a roll called " the Roll " (Heb. 
Megitt&h) (Bible, III. 3, b.). The reader reads in a 
histrionic manner, suiting his tones and gestures to 
the changes in the subject matter. When he comes 
to the name of Haman the whole congregation cry 
out, " May his name be blotted out," or " Let the 
name of the ungodly perish." The names of the 
sons of Haman (ix. 7-9) are read as one word to sig- 
nify that they were hanged all at once. When the 
roll is read through, the whole congregation exclaim, 
"Cursed be Haman; blessed be Mordecai; cursed 
be Zeresh (the wife of Haman); blessed be Esther; 
cursed be all idolaters ; blessed be all Israelites, and 
blessed be Harbonah who hanged Haman." The 
volume is then solemnly rolled up. In the morning 
service in the synagogue, on the 14th, after the 
prayers, the passage is read from the Law (Ex. xvii. 
8-16) which relates the destruction of the Amalek- 
ites, the people of Agag (1 Sam. xv. 8), the sup- 
posed ancestor of Haman (Esth. iii. 1). The roll is 
then read again in the same manner. The 14th of 
Adar, as the very day of the deliverance of the Jews, 
is more solemnly kept than the 13th ; but when the 
service in the synagogue is over all give themselves 
up to merrymaking. On the 15th the rejoicing is 
continued. Offerings for the poor are also made 
by all who can afford to do so. When the month 
Adar used to be doubled, in the Jewish leap-year, 
the festival was repeated on the 14th and 15th of 
the second Adar. It was suggested first by Kepler 
that the "feast of the Jews" of Jn. v. 1, was the 
feast of Purim (and so Petavius, Olshausen, Stier, 



906 



PUR 



QUA 



Wieseler, Winer, Anger, &c). It seems to be gen- 
erally allowed that the opinion of most of the Fathers 
(and of Calvin, Beza, &c.) that the feast was Pente- 
cost, and that of Cocceius that it was Tabernacles, 
are precluded by the general course of the narrative, 
and especially by Jn. iv. 35, compared with v. 1. 
The interval indicated by a comparison of these 
texts could scarcely have extended beyond Nisan. 
The choice is thus left between Purim and the Pass- 
over. The principal objections to Purim are (a) that 
it was not necessary to go up to Jerusalem to keep 
the festival ; (b) that it is not very likely that our 
Lord would have made a point of paying especial 
honor to a festival which appears to have had but a 
very small religious element in it, and seems rather 
to have been the means of keeping alive a feeling 
of national revenge and hatred. That the Passover 
= the feast in Jn. v. 1 has been maintained by 
Irenoeus, Eusebius, Theodorct, Luther, Grotius, 
Hengstenberg, Neander, Tholuck, Robinson, and the 
majority of commentators. The only real objection 
to the Passover seems to be that Jn. v. 1 says " a (not 
the) feast of the Jews." But this difficulty, though 
not small, does not seem sufficient to outweigh the 
grave objections against the feast of Purim. Jesus 
Christ, p. 468. 

* Pnr'pK Colors, II. 1 ; Dress, II. 

Purse. The Hebrews, when on a journey, were 
provided with a bag in which they carried their 
money (Gen. xlii. 35 ; Prov. i. 14, vii. 20 ; Is. xlvi. 
6; Lk. x. 4, xii. 33, xxii. 35, 36; Jn. xii. 6, xiii. 29), 
and, if they were merchants, also their weights (Deut. 
xxv. 13 ; Mic. vi. 11). The girdle also served as a 
purse (Mat. x. 9 ; Mk. vi. 8). 

Put (II cb.) = Phct (1 Chr. i. 8; Jer. xlvi. 9 
margin ; Nan. iii. 9). 

Pn-tC O-li (L. plural = Utile wclh, or stinking sc. 
springs; see below), the great landing-place of 
travellers to Italy from the Levant, and the harbor 
to which the Alexandrian corn-ships brought their 
cargoes. Here St. Paul tarried seven days with 
Christian brethren, when on his way to Rome (Acts 
xxvii. 13). Puteoli was at that period a place of 
very great importance, at the N. E. angle of the 
celebrated bay, now " the bay of Naples," and in 
early times " the bay of Cumse," but then called 
" the bay of Puteoli." Close to it was Baiae, one of 
the most fashionable of the Roman watering-places. 
The earlier name of Puteoli, when the lower part of 
Italy was Greek, was Dicacarchia. The word Pu- 
teoli was a true Roman name, and arose from the 
strong mineral (sulphurous) springs which are char- 
acteristic of the place. Cicero had a villa in the 
neighborhood, Vespasian gave the city peculiar 
privileges, and here Hadrian was buried. In the 
fifth century Puteoli was ravaged both by Alaric 
and Genseric, and never afterward recovered its for- 
mer eminence. It is now a fourth-rate Italian town, 
Pozzuoli. A cross-road from Puteoli joined the 
Appian Way at Capua. (Appii Forum; Three Tav- 
erns.) Among the remains of Puteoli are the aque- 
duct, the reservoirs, the great amphitheatre, the 
building called the Temple of Serapis, and sixteen 
piers of the ancient moie, which is formed of the 
concrete called Poz-olana. 

Pn'ti-el (Heb. afflicted of God, Ges.). One of the 
daughters of Putiel was wife of Eleazar the son of 
Aaron, and mother of Phinehas (Ex. vi. 25). 

Py'garg (fr. Gr. pugargos ; L. pygargus) occurs 
only (Deut. xiv. 5) in the list of clean animals as the 
rendering (after the LXX., Vulgate, &c.) of the Heb. 
dishon, the name apparently of some species of an- 



telope. The Greek pugargos denotes an animal 
with a " white rump," and is used by Herodotus as 
the name of some Libyan deer or antelope. It is 
usual to identify the pygarg of the Greek and Latin 
writers with the addax of North Africa, Nubia, &c. 
(Addax naxomaculahis) ; but Mr. Houghton is in- 
clined to consider the pygarg as a generic name to 
denote any of the white-rumped antelopes of North 
Africa, Syria, &c. 

* Py'thon (L. fr. Gr.), in mythology, the name of 
a serpent slain by Apollo, who was hence called the 
Pythian Apollo or Python ; in Acts xvi. 16 margin, 
a soot/isai/er or ventriloquist supposed to be inspired 
by the Pythian Apollo (Rbn. N. T. Lex., L. k S.). 
Divination 5 ; Magic. 



Q 

Quails, the translation by the A. V., the most im- 
portant old versions, and most modern authorities, 
of the Heb. sSldv or selAyv, used collectively (Ex. xvi. 
13; Num. xi. 32; Ps. cv. 40), once salvim. in plural 
(Num. xi. 31), which twice miraculously satisfied the 
appetites of the Israelites in the Wilderness of the 
Wandering. Rudbeck endeavored to show that 
sddv = locusts ; Hermann von der Hardt made them 
= locust birds {Pastor roseus) ; Mr. Forster advocated 
red geese ( Casarca rulila) ; Rudbeck favored flying- 
fish, of the genus Exocetus ; Ehrenberg other flying- 
fish, which he named Trigla (Daclylopterus) Israeli- 
tarum, &c. Some writers, while they hold that the 
original word denotes "quails," are of opinion that 
a species of Sand-grouse (Pterocles Alchata), fre- 
quent in the Bible lands, is also included under the 
term. It is clear, however (so Mr. Houghton), that 
the sel&v of the Pentateuch and Ps. cv. denotes the 
common European " quail " ( Cotiernix dactylisonans), 
and no other bird. The Hebrew word seldv un- 
doubtedly = the Arabic salwd, a " quail." The ex- 
pression " as it were two cubits (high) upon the face 
of the earth "(Num. xi. 31) is explained by the 
LXX., Vulgate, and Josephus, to refer to the height 
at which the quails flew above the ground, in their 
exhausted condition from their long flight. As to 
the enormous quantities which the least successful 
Israelite is said to have taken, viz. " ten homers," 




European Quail (Colurniz daclylistmana). — (Fbn.) 



in the space of a night and two days, there is every 
reason for believing that the " homers " here spoken 
of do not denote strictly the measure of that name, 
but simply a "heap : " this is the explanation given 



QUA 



QUI 



907 



by Onkelos and the Arabic versions of Saadias and I 
Erpenius, in Num. xi. 81. Quails migrate in im- 
mense numbers. The Israelites would have little 
difficulty in capturing large quantities of these birds, 
as they arrive at places sometimes so completely 
exhausted by their flight as to be readily taken, not 
in nets only, but by the hand. They " spread the 
quails round about the camp," to dry them. The 
Egyptians similarly prepared these birds. The ex- 
pression "quails from the sea" (xi. 31) must not be 
restricted to denote that the birds came from the sea 
as their starting-point, but must be taken to show 
the direction from which they were coming. The 
quails were, at the time of the event narrated in the 
sacred writings, on their spring journey of migration 
northward. " It was at even " that they began to 
arrive ; and they no doubt continued to come all the 
night. Many observers have recorded that the quail 
migrates by night. The European quail (Cotumix 
daclylisonans), the only species of the genus known 
to migrate, has a very wide geographical range on 
the Eastern Continent. The common quail of the 
United States (Ortyx Virginiamts) is of a different, 
though allied, genus. Partridge. 

* Quarries (Judg. iii. 19, 26). Idol 20. 

Qaar'tns (L. fourth), a Christian of Corinth (Rom. 
xvi. 23). There is the usual tradition that he was 
one of the seventy disciples ; and it is also said that 
he ultimately became bishop of Berytus (Beirut). 

Qna-ter'ni-on (fr. L. = a four), a military term, 
signifying a guard of four soldiers, two of whom 
were attached to the person of a prisoner, while the 
other two kept watch outside the door of his cell 
(Acts xii. 4). 

Queen (Heb. malcdh, shegdl, gebirdh ; Gr. basilii- 
sa). Of the three Hebrew terms cited as =: " queen " 
in the A. V., the first alone is applied to a queen- 
regnanl (1 K. x. 1 ff. ; 2 Chr. ix. 1 fT.) ; the first 
(Esth. i. 9 ff., vii. 1 ff., &c. ; Cant. vi. 8, 9) and sec- 
ond (Neh. ii. 6 ; Ps. xlv. 9) equally to a queen-con- 
sort, without, however, implying the dignity which 
in European nations attaches to that position ; and 
the third (1 K. xv. 13 ; 2 Chr. xv. 16 ; also [so Mr. 
Bevan, &c. ; see below] 2 K. x. 13 ; and Jer. xiii. 

18, xxix. 2) to the queen-mother, to whom that dig- 
nity is transferred in Oriental courts. The etymo- 
logical force of the Hebrew words accords with 
their application. Malcdh is the feminine of me/ech, 
" king." ShegAl simply means " wife " (Dan. v. 2, 
3). Gebirdh, on the other hand, is expressive of 
authority; = powerful or mistress. It would there- 
fore be applied to the female who exercised the 
highest authority ; and this, in an Oriental house- 
hold, is not the wife but the mother of the master. 
Strange as such an arrangement at first sight ap- 
pears, it is one of the inevitable results of polygamy 
(so Mr. Bevan). The title "queen" (Heb. gebirdh, 
see above) in 1 K. xi. 19 is referred to the queen- 
consorl by Gesenius, Fiirst, Keil, and Kitto ; but Hen- 
derson refers it to the queen-mother, and Mr. Bevan 
(after the LXX.) would read here " elder " instead 
of " queen ; " in 2 K. x. 13 also to the queen-consort 
by Gesenius, &c, but to the queen-mother by Keil 
and Henderson; in Jer. xiii. 18 and xxix. 2 (com- 
pare 2 K. xxiv. 12, 15) also to the queen-»)o//ier by 
Henderson and Mr. Bevan (as above). Athaliah ; 
Bath-sheba; Jezebel; Maachah 3; Nehushta ; 
Queen of Heaven. 

Qaeen of Hew en. In Jer. vii. 18, xliv. IV, 18, 

19, 25, the Heb. melechelh hashshdmayim is thus 
rendered in the A. V., margin " frame or workman- 
ship of heaven." Kimchi says " 'workmanship of 



I heaven,' i. e. the stars ; and some interpret ' the 
queen of heaven,' i. e. a great star which is in the 
heavens." Rashi favors the latter ; and the Targum 
renders throughout " the star of heaven." Kircher 
favors some constellation, the Pleiades or Hyades. 
It is generally believed that the " queen of heaven " 
is the moon, worshipped as Ashtoreth or Astarte, 
to whom the Hebrew women offered cakes in the 
streets of Jerusalem. The Babylonian Venus was 
also styled " the queen of heaven." Mr. Layard 
identifies Hera, " the second deity mentioned by 
Diodorus, with Astarte, Mylitta, or Venus," and 
with the " ' queen of heaven,' frequently mentioned 
in the sacred volumes. . . . The planet which bore 
her name was sacred to her, and in the Assyrian 
sculptures a star is placed upon her head. She was 
called Beltis, because she was the female form of 
the great divinity, or Baal." With the cakes (cav- 
vdnim) which were offered in her honor, with in- 
cense and libations, Selden compares the " bran " 
(Bar. vi. 43) burnt by the women who sat by the 
wayside near the idolatrous temples for prostitution. 
Rashi says the cakes had the image of the god 
stamped on them, and Theodoret that they con- 
tained pine-cones and raisins. 

* Quick in A. V. = alive, living. It stands for — 

1. Heb. hay or chay = alive, living, Ges. (Num. xvi. 
30; Ps. lv. 15 [Heb. 16], exxiv. 3), also translated 
"alive" (Num. xvi. 33, &c), "living" (Gen. viii. 1, 
17, 21, &c), &c. — 2. Heb. mihydh or michydh, a noun 
kindred to No. 1, = the quick, &c. (Lev. xiii. 10, 
24), translated " reviving " (E/.r. ix. 8, 9), &c. — 3. 
Gr. participle zon, from zao, zo, to live, used mostly 
in the phrase " the quick and dead " (Acts x. 42 ; 
2 Tim. iv. 1 ; 1 Pet. iv. 5), once applied to the word 
of God as living or active, enduring, sure (Heb. iv. 
12), often translated "living" (Mat. xvi. 16, xxii. 
32, &c.) or " alive " (Acts i. 3, ix. 41, &c), &c— In 
Is. xi. 3 the Heb. hdriho or haricho (from ruah or 
ruach, to breathe), in A. V. " he shall make him of 
quick understanding," margin " scent or smell," is 
translated "his delight shall be " by Gesenius, with 
whom J. A. Alexander, Barnes, &c, substantially 
agree. 

* Quick'cn, to, in A. V. = to make alive. It rep- 
resents — 1. Heb. Mydh or chiydh (from hdydh or 
chdydh, to live) fourteen times in the Psalms (Ps. 
lxxi. 20, lxxx. 18 [Heb. 19], cxix. 25, 37, 40, 50, 
88, 93, 107, 149, 154, 156, 159, cxliii. 11); else- 
where translated "to keep alive " (Gen. vii. 3, &c), 
" save alive " (Ex. i. 17, 18, 22, &c), "make alive" 
(Deut. xxxii. 39 ; 1 Sam. ii. 6), " revive " (Hab. iii. 

2, &c), &c. — 2. Gr. zoopoied (Jn. v. 21 twice; Rom. 
iv. 17, viii. 11 ; 1 Cor. xv. 36 ; 1 Tim. vi. 13 ; 1 Pet. 
iii. 18), also translated "to make alive " (1 Cor. xv. 
22) ; translated " to quicken," i. e. to give spiritual 
or eternal life to (Jn. vi. 63 ; 1 Cor. xv. 45), and 
in the same sense " to give life " (2 Cor. iii. 6 ; Gal. 
iii. 21). Life; Quick; Regeneration. 

Quick sands (Gr. Surlis ; L. Syrtis, fr. Ar. sert — 
desert, Howson), the, more properly "the Syrtis" 
(Acts xxvii. 17), the broad and deep bight on the 
North African coast between Carthage and Cyrene. 
This region was an object of peculiar dread to the 
ancient navigators of the Mediterranean, partly be- 
cause of the drifting sands and the heat along the 
shore itself, but chiefly on account of the shallows 
and the uncertain currents of water in the bay. 
There were properly two Syrtes : the eastern or 
larger, now called the Gulf of Sidra (referred to in 
Acts 1. a); and the western or smaller, now the 
Gulf of Cabes. Paul. 



908 QUI 

Qnin'tas Mem mi-os (L.) (2 Mc. xi. 34). See Mem- 
Mius, Quintus, and Manlius, Titus. 

Qniv'er = a case or sheath for holding arrows 
(Arms, I. 3) ; the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. leli, 
from a root which signifies to hang (Gen. xxvii. 3 
only). The Hebrew may denote either a quiver (so 
LXX., Vulgate, Gesenius, &c.) or a suspended weap- 
on — for instance, such a sword as in our own lan- 
guage was formerly called a "hanger" (Onkelos, 
Peshito, Arabic). — 2. Heb. ashp&h (Job xxxix. 23 ; 
Ps. cxxvii. 5; Is. xxii. 6, xlix. 2; Jer. v. 16; Lam. 
iii. 13). The root of this word is uncertain. It is 
connected with arrows only in Lam. iii. 13. The 
LXX. usually translate it " quiver," but " bow " in 
Job xxxix. 23, and "desire" in Ps. cxxvii. 5. As 
to the thing itself, there is nothing in the Bible to 
indicate either its form or material, or in what way 
it was carried. See cuts under Arms and Chariot. 



R 

Ra'n-mnh (Heb. a trembling, Ges.), a son of Cusn, 
and father of the Cushite Sheba and Dedan. The 
tribe of Raamah became renowned as traders (Ez. 
xxvii. 22) and probably settled on the shores of the 
Persian Gulf. The name Raamah seems to be re- 
covered in Regma, a city on the Arabian shore of 
the Persian Gulf mentioned by Ptolemy. 

Ba-a-mi ah (Heb. = Reelaiaii, Ges.), one of the 
chiefs who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 7) ; 
= Reelaiaii in Ezr. ii. 2. 

Ka-am'ses [-secz] (Heb.) = Rameses (Ex. i. 10). 

Rabbah (Heb. a great city, metropolis, Ges.), the 
name of several ancient places both E. and W. of 
the Jordan. 1, A very strong place E. of the Jor- 
dan, which when its name is first introduced in the 
sacred records was the chief city of the Ammonites. 
(Ammon.) In five passages (Deut. iii. 11; 2 Sam. 

xii. 26, xvii. 27 ; Jer. xlix. 2 ; Ez. xxi. 20) it is styled 
" Rabbath (or 'Rabbah') of the Ammonites," or 
" of the children of Ammon ; " but elsewhere (Josh. 

xiii. 25 ; 2 Sam. xi. 1, xii. 27, 29 ; 1 Chr. xxi. 1 ; 
Jer. xlix. 3 ; Ez. xxv. 5 ; Am. i. 14) simply " Rab- 
bah." When first named it is in the hands of the 
Ammonites, and is mentioned as containing the bed 
or sarcophagus of the giant Og (Deut. ii. 11). It 
was not included in the territory of the tribes E. 
of Jordan; the border of Gad stops at " Aroer, 
which faces Rabbah " (Josh. xiii. 25). David's first 
Ammonite campaign appears to have occurred early 
in his reign. A part of the army, under Abishai, 
■was sent as far as Rabbah to keep the Ammonites 
in check (2 Sam. x. 10, 14), but the main force un- 
der Joab remained at Medeba (1 Chr. xix. 7). After 
the defeat of the Syrians at Helam, the Ammonite 
war was resumed, and this time Rabbah was made 
the main point of attack (2 Sam. xi. 1). Joab took 
the command, and was followed by the whole of the 
army. The siege must have lasted nearly, if not 
quite, two years. (Bath-sheba; David; Uriah.) 
The sallies of the Ammonites appear to have formed 
a main feature of the siege (xi. 17, &c.) At the 
end of that time Joab succeeded in capturing a por- 
tion of the place — the " city of waters," i. e. the 
lower town, so called from its containing the peren- 
nial stream which rises in and still flows through it. 
But the citadel, which rises abruptly on the north 
side of the lower town, a place of very great 
strength, still remained to be taken : and Joab in- 
sists on reserving for his king the honor of this 
capture. The waters of the lower city once in the 



RAB 

hands of the besiegers, the fate of the citadel was 
certain. The provisions also were at last exhausted, 
and shortly after David's arrival the fortress was 
taken, and its inmates, with a very great booty, and 
the idol of Molech, fell into his hands. We are 
not told whether the city was demolished, or whether 
David was satisfied with the slaughter of its inmates. 
In the time of Amos, two centuries and a half later, 
it had again a " wall " and " palaces," and was still 
the sanctuary of Molech — " the king " (Am. i. 14). 
So it was also at the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar 
(Jer. xlix. 2, 3), when its dependent towns are men- 
tioned, and when it is named in such terms as imply 
that it was of equal importance with Jerusalem (Ez. 
xxi. 20). At Rabbah, no doubt Baalis, king of the 
children of Ammon (Jer. xl. 14), held such court 
as he could muster; and within its walls was plot- 
ted the attack of Ishmael 6, which cost Gedaliah 
his life, and drove Jeremiah into Egypt. In the 
period between the O. and N. T., Rabbah appears 
to have been a place of much importance, and the 
scene of many contests. It lay on the road between 
Hcshbon and Bostra (Bozrah 2 ?), and was the last 
place at which a stock of water could be obtained 
for the journey across the desert, while as it stood 
on the confines of the richer and more civilized 
country, it formed an important garrison-station for 
repelling the incursions of the wild tribes of the 
desert. From Ptolemy Philadelphus (b. c. 285-247) 
it received the name of Philadelphia, b. c. 218, it 
was taken from Ptolemy Philopator by Antiochus 
the Great, after a long and obstinate resistance. Its 
ancient name, though under a cloud, was still used : 
it is mentioned by Polybius under the hardly altered 
form of Rabbatamana. It was taken from the 
Arabs by Herod the Great, b. c. 30. At the Chris- 
tian era Philadelphia formed the eastern limit of the 
region of Perea. It was one of the cities of the 
Decapolis, and as far down as the fourth century 
was esteemed one of the most remarkable and 
strongest cities of Ceelesyria (Celosyria). Its mag- 
nificent theatre (said to be the largest in Syria), 
temples, and other public buildings, were probably 
erected in the second and third centuries. Phila- 
delphia became the seat of a Christian bishop, and 
was one of the nineteen sees of " Palestina tertia," 
which were subordinate to Bostra. The church still 
remains " in excellent preservation," with its lofty 
steeple. The site, now 1 Ammdn, is about twenty- 
two miles from the Jordan, about fourteen from 
Heshbon, and twelve from ex-Salt (Ramoth-gilead ?). 
It lies in a valley which is a branch, or perhaps the 
main course, of the Wady Zerka, usually identified 
with the Jabbok. The Moiet- Ammdn, or water of 
'Amman, a mere streamlet, rises within the basin 
which contains the ruins of the town. When the 
Moslems conquered Syria they found the city in 
ruins ; and in ruins remarkable for their extent and 
desolation even for Syria, the " land of ruins," it 
still remains. The public buildings are said to be 
Roman, in general character like those at Jcraxh 
(Gerasa), except the citadel, which is described as 
of large square stones put together without cement, 
and is probably more ancient than the rest. The 
remains of private houses scattered on both sides 
of the stream are very extensive. — 2. Although 
there is no trace of the fact in the Bible, there can 
be little doubt that the name of Rabbah was also 
attached in Biblical times to the chief city of Moab. 
Its Biblical name is Ar, but in the fourth century 
a. c. it possessed the special title of Rabbath Moab. 
This name was for a time displaced by Areopolis. 




Rabba lies on the highlands at the southeast quar- | 
ter of the Dead Sea, between Kerak and Jibd Shi- 
hdn. — 3i A city of Judah, named with Kirjath-jea- 
rim in Josh. xv. 60 only. No trace of its existence 
has yet been discovered. — 4. In one passage (Josh, 
xi. 8) Zidon is mentioned with the affix Rabbah — 
Zidon-rabbah. This is preserved in the margin of 
the A. V., though in the text it is translated " great 
Zidon." 

Rab'bath (Heb. construct of Rabbah) of the 
Children of Amnion, and Rab'bath cf the Am mon- 
ites = Rabbah 1 (Deut. iii. 11 ; Ez. xxi. 20). 

Rab'bi (Heb. my master, Rbn. ¥. T. Lex. ; see 
below), a title of respect given by the Jews to their 
doctors and teachers, and often addressed to our 
Lord (Mat. xxiii. 1, 8, 1 xxvi. 25, 49; Mk. ix. 5, xi. 
21, xiv. 45 ; Jn. i. 38, 49 [Gr. 39, 50], iii. 2, 26, iv. 
31, vi. 25, ix. 2, xi. 8; A. V. "master" in Mat. 
xxvi., Mk., and Jn. iv., ix., xi.). The title is inter- 
preted in express words by St. John, and by implica- 
tion in St. Matthew, to mean Master, Teacher (Jn. i. 
39, compare xi. 28, xiii. 13; Mat. xxiii. 8). The 
same interpretation is given by St. John of the 
kindred title Rabboni (Jn. xx. 16), which in Mk. x. 
51 is translated in A. V. " Lord." The i which is 
added to the Heb. and Chal. rab (= great, a great 
one, i. e. teacher, master, doctor) and rabbon or rab- 
ban (= our teacher, our master) has been thought to 
be the pronominal affix = My ; but it is to be noted 
that St. John does not translate either of these by 

My Master," but simply "Master," so that the i 
would seem to have lost any special significance as 
a possessive pronoun intimating appropriation or 

1 Rev. Albert Barnes and others have regarded Mat. 
xxiii. 8 — "Be not ye called Rabbi " — as forbidding in its 
spirit the reception of the title D. D., the modern equiva- 
lent of Rabbi ; but P. Schaff, D. D. (in Lanqe on Mat. 1. c.) 
maintains that "the Saviour prohibits not so much the 
titles themselves (of D. B., Rev., Mr. and Mrs., &c.), as 
the spirit of pride and ambition which covets and abuses 
them, the haughty spirit which would domineer over in- 
feriors and also the servile spirit which would basely 
cringe to superiors " (compare ver. 6, 10-12 ; 1 Cor. iv. 15; 
1 Tim. i. 2 ; Tit. i. 4 ; 1 Pet. v. 13). 



| endearment, and, like the "my" in English or 
I French titles of respect (e. g. " My lord," Mon- 
seigneur, 3fons\eur), to be merely part of the formal 
address. The title Rabbi is not known to have 
been used before the reign of Herod the Great, and 
is thought to have taken its rise about the time of 
the disputes between the rival schools of Hillel and 
Shammai. Rabbi was considered a higher title 
than Rab, and Rabban higher than Rabbi. Educa- 
tion ; Scribes. 

Rab'bitb (Heb. multitude, Ge3.), a town in the ter- 
ritory, perhaps on the boundary, of Issachar (Josh, 
xix. 20 only). 

Rab-bo'ni (Heb. my great master, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
(Jn. xx. 16). Rabbi. 

Rab -mag (Heb. fr. Pers. = chief magus, i. e. 
chief of the Magi, Ges. ; chief priest? Sir H. Raw- 
linson) is found only in Jer. xxxix. 3, 13. In both 
places it is a title borne by Nergal-sharezer, prob- 
ably — the king called by the Greeks Neriglissar. 
This king, and certain other important personages, 
bear the title in the Babylonian inscriptions (so 
Rawlinson). It is written indeed with a somewhat 
different vocalization, being read as Rabu-Emya by 
Sir H. Rawlinson. 

Rab'sa-ces [-seez] (L.) = Rabshakeh (Ecclus. 
xlviii. 18). 

Rab'-sa-ris, or Rab-sa'ris (Heb., see below). 1, 
An officer of the king of Assyria sent up with Tar- 
tan and Rabshakeh against Jerusalem in the time 
of Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 17). — 2. One of the princes 
of Nebuchadnezzar, who was present at the capture 
of Jerusalem, B.C. 588 (Jer. xxxix. 3, 13). — Rab- 
saris is probably (so Mr. Eddrup, with Henderson, 
Keil, &c.) rather the name of an office than of an 
individual, the word signifying chief eunuch; in 
Dan. i. 3, Ashpenaz is called the master of the 
eunuchs (Heb. Rab-sdrisim). Not improbably we 
have in Jer. xxxix. not only the title of the Rab- 
saris given, but his name also, either Sarsechim 
(ver. 3) or (ver. 13) Nebu-shasban. 
Rabsba-keh, or Rab-sha'keh (Heb. chief cup- 



910 



RAC 



RAC 



bearer, Ges.), one of the officers of the king of As- 
syria sent against Jerusalem in the reign of Heze- 
kiah. Sennacherib, having taken other cities of 
Judah, was now besieging Lachish ; and Hezekiah, 
terrified at his progress, and losing for a time his 
firm faith in God, sent to Lachish with an offer of 
submission and tribute. But Sennacherib, not con- 
tent with this, sent a great host against Jerusalem 
under Tartan, Rab-saris, and Rabshakeh ; not so 
much, apparently, with the object of immediately 
engaging in the siege of the city, as with the idea 
that, in its present disheartened state, the sight of 
an army, combined with the threats and specious 
promises of Rabshakeh, might induce a surrender 
at once. Many have imagined, from the familiarity 
of Rabshakeh with Hebrew, that he was either a 
Jewish deserter or an apostate captive of Israel. 
Being unable to obtain any promise of submission 
from Hezekiah, who, in the extremity of his peril 
returning to trust in the help of the Lord, was en- 
couraged by the words and predictions of Isaiah, 
Rabshakeh went back to the king of Assyria, who 
had now departed from Lachish (2 K. xviii., xix. ; 



Is. xxxvi., xxxvii.). The A. V. takes Rabshakeh as 
the name of a person ; it may, however, be rather 
the name of the office which he held at the court, 
that of chief cupbearer (compare Rab-mag ; Rab- 
saris). 

Ra'ca (L. fr. Chal. reykA = worthless), a term of 
reproach used by the Jews of our Saviour's age 
(Mat. v. 22). 

Race. Games. 

Ra'cuab [-kab] (Gr.) = Rahab the harlot (Mat. 

i. 5). 

Ra'chal [-kal] (Heb. traffic, Ges.), one of the 
places to which, as one of his haunts during his 
wandering life, David sent a portion of his plunder 
from the Amalekites as a present (1 Sam. xxx. 29 
only). 

Ba'ehel [eh as in child] (L. fr. Heb. = a ewe), also 
written Rahel, the younger of the daughters of 
Laban. She became the wife of Jacob, and mother 
of Joseph and Benjamin. The incidents of her life 
may be found in Gen. xxix.-xxxiii., xxxv. The 
beauty of Rachel, the deep love with which she was 
loved by Jacob from their first meeting by the well 




Rachel's Tomb. — (Cassell't 8ibU Dictionary.) 



of Haban, when he shoved to her the simple cour- 
tesies of the desert-life, and kissed her and told her 
he was Rebekah's son ; the long servitude with 
which he patiently served for her, in which the 
seven years " seemed to him but a few days, for the 
love he had to her ; " their marriage at last, after 
the fraud which substituted the elder sister (Leah) 
in the place of the younger ; and the death of Ra- 
chel at the very time when in giving birth to an- 
other son her own long-delayed hopes were accom- 
plished, and she had become still more endeared to 
her husband ; his deep grief and ever-living regrets 
for her loss (Gen. xlviii. 1) : these things make up 
a touching tale of personal and domestic history 
which has kept alive the memory of Rachel. Yet 
from what is related to us concerning her character 



there does not seem much to claim any high degree 
of admiration and esteem. The discontent and fret- 
ful impatience shown in her grief at being for a 
time childless, moved even her fond husband to 
anger (xxx. 1, 2). She appears, moreover, to have 
shared all the duplicity and falsehood of her family. 
See, e. g., Rachel's stealing her father's images, and 
the ready dexterity and presence of mind with which 
she concealed her theft (xxxi.). From this incident 
we may also infer that she was not altogether free 
from the superstitions and idolatry which prevailed 
in the land whence Abraham had been called (Josh, 
xxiv. 2, 14). (Teraphim.) — Rachel's tomb. " Ra- 
chel died and was buried in the way to Ephrath, 
which is Bethlehem. And Jacob pet a pillar upon 
her grave : that is the pillar of Rachel's grave aa- 



RAD 



RAH 



911 



to this day " (Gen. xxxv. 19, 20). The spot was 
well known in the time of Samuel and Saul (1 Sam. 
2) ; and Jeremiah (xxxi. 15-17) forcibly and beauti- 
fully represents the buried Rachel weeping for the 
loss and captivity of her children, as the bands of 
the exiles, led on their road to Babylon, passed near 
her tomb (so Mr. Eddrup). Mat. ii. 17, 18, applies 
this to the slaughter by Herod of the infants at 
Bethlehem. (Old Testament, B, C ; Prophet, 
note'.) The position of this Ramah (Rama) is dis- 
puted, but the site of Rachel's tomb, " on the way 
to Bethlehem," " a little way to come to Ephrath," 
" in the border of Benjamin," has never been ques- 
tioned. It is about one mile N. of Bethlehem. The 
present building is of stone, plastered, not ancient, 
and now falling to decay. Within it is a tomb in 
the ordinary Mohammedan form. 

Rad'dai (Heb. treading down, Ges.), a brother of 
David, and fifth son of Jesse (1 Chr. ii. 14). Ewald 
conjectures that he = Rei, but this does not seem 
probable. 

Ra'gaa (L. fr. Gr., see below). 1, A place named 
only in Jd. i. 5, 15; probably = Rages. — 2. (fr. 
Heb.) Reo, an ancestor of our Lord (Lk. iii. 35). 

Ra'gCS (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so Strabo] from cer- 
tain chasms [Gr. rhagas, a rent] near it made by an 
earthquake), an important city in northeastern Me- 
dia, where that country bordered upon Parthia. 
It is not mentioned in the Hebrew Scriptures, but 
according to Tobit (i. 14 ff., v. 5, vi. 10, 12, &c.) 
some of the Israelitish captives taken by Enemessar 
(Shalmaneser) had been transported to it, and thither 
the angel Raphael conducted Tobias. In Judith (i. 
5, 15) it is made the scene of the great battle be- 
tween Nabuehodonosor and Arphaxad 2. Rages 
appears as Ragha in the Zendavesta, in Isidore, and 
in Stephen ; as Raga in the inscriptions of Darius ; 
Rhagoe in Dui is of Samos, Strabo, and Arrian ; and 
Rhagaea in Ptolemy. Properly speaking, Rages is a 
town, but the town gave name to a province some- 
times called Rages or Rhagse, sometimes Rhagiana. 
It appears from the Zendavesta that here was one 
of the earliest settlements of the Aryans, who were 
mingled, in Rhagiana, with two other races, and 
were thus brought into contact with heretics. Isi- 
dore calls Rjges " the greatest city in Media." In 
the troubles which followed the death of Alexander 
the Great, Rages appears to have gone to decay, 
but it was soon after rebuilt by Seleucus I. (Nica- 
tor), who gave it the name of Europus. When the 
Parthians took it they called it Arsacia, after the 
Arsaces of the day ; but it soon recovered its an- 
cient appellation, which it has ever since retained, 
with only a slight corruption, the ruins being still 
known by the name of Rheg. These ruins lie about 
five miles S. E. of Teheran, and cover a space 4,500 
yards long by 3,500 yards broad. The walls are 
well marked, and are of prodigious thickness. The 
importance of the city consisted in its vicinity to 
the Caspian Gates, the pass in the range of moun- 
tains on the southern shore of the Caspian Sea. The 
modern Teheran, built out of its ruins, has now 
superseded Rheg. 

Ra-gu'el, or Rag'n-cl (L. form), and Rcn'el (Heb. 
friend of God, Ges.). 1. A prince-priest of Midian, 
the father of Zippouah according to Ex. ii. 18, 21, 
and of Hobab according to Num. x. 29. As the 
father-in-law of Moses is named Jethro in Ex. iii. 
1, and Hobab in Judg. iv. 11, and perhaps in Num. 
x. 29 (though the latter passage admits of another 
sense), the obvious view would be that Raguel, 
Jethro, and Hobab were different names for the 



same individual. Such is probably the case with 
regard to the two first, if not with the third (so Mr. 
Bevan). One of the names may represent an offi- 
cial title. Another solution of the difficulty has 
been sought in the loose use of terms of relationship 
among the Hebrews ; as that the Heb. hot/ten or 
chdthen, translated "father-in-law" in Ex. iii. 1, 
xviii. 1, and Num. x. 29, may = any relation by 
marriage, and so Jethro and Hobab were brothers- 
in-law of Moses ; or that " father " and " daughter " 
in Ex. ii. 16, 21 = grandfather and granddaughter 
(so Targum Jonathan, Aben Ezra, Michaelis, Winer, 
&c). — 2. A pious Jew of "Ecbatane, a city of 
Media ; " father of Sara, the wife of Tobias (Tob. 
iii. 7, 17, &e.). 

Ra'bab (Heb. wide, broad, large, Ges.), or Ra'cbab 
[ kab] (Gr. fr. Heb.), a celebrated woman of Jeri- 
cho, who received the spies sent by Joshua to spy 
out the land, hid them in her house from the pur- 
suit of her countrymen, was saved with all her fam- 
ily when the Israelites sacked the city ; and became 
the wife of Salmon, and ancestress of the Messiah. 
At the time of the arrival of the Israelites in Ca- 
naan she was a young unmarried woman, dwelling 
in a house of her own alone, though she had a father 
and mother, and brothers and sisters, living in Jeri- 
cho. She was a " harlot," and probably combined 
the trade of lodging-keeper for wayfaring men. 
| She seems also to have been engaged in the manu- 
i facture of linen and the art of dyeing, for which 
the Phenicians were early famous ; since we find 
the flat roof of her house covered with stalks of 
flax put there to dry, and a stock of scarlet or 
crimson line in her house. Her house was on the 
wall, probably near the town gate, convenient for 
persons coming in and going out of the city. Rahab 
therefore had been well informed with regard to the 
events of the Exodus. She had heard of the pas- 
sage through the Red Sea, of the utter destruction 
of Sihon and Og, and of the irresistible progress of 
the Israelitish host. The effect upon her mind had 
been to lead her to a firm faith in Jehovah as the 
true God, and to the conviction that He purposed to 
give the land of Canaan to the Israelites. Her re- 
ception of the spies, the artifice by which she con- 
cealed them from the king, their escape, and the sav- 
ing of Rahab and her family at the capture of the 
city, in accordance with their promise, are all told 
in Josh, ii.-vi. The narrator adds, " and she dwell- 
eth in Israel unto this day," not necessarily implying 
that she was alive at the time he wrote, but that the 
family of strangers of which she was reckoned the 
head, continued to dwell among the children of 
Israel. We learn from Mat. i. 5 that Rahab (A. V. 
"Rachab") became the wife of Salmon the son of 
Naasson, and the mother of Boaz, Jesse's grand- 
father. The suspicion naturally arises that Salmon 
may have been one of the spies whose life she saved, 
and that gratitude for so great a benefit led in his 
case to a more tender passion, and obliterated the 
memory of any past disgrace attaching to her name. 
But, however this may be, Rahab became the mother 
of the line from which sprung David, and eventually 
Christ ; for that the Rachab mentioned by St. Mat- 
thew is Rahab the harlot, is as certain as that David 
in the genealogy is the David in the books of Samuel 
(so Lord A. C. Hervey). The mention of an utterly 
unknown Rahab in the genealogy would be absurd. 
The character of Rahab has much and deep interest. 
Dismissing, as inconsistent with truth, the attempt 
to clear her character of stain by saying that she 
was only an innkeeper, and not a harlot, we may yet 



912 



RAH 



RAI 



notice that it is very possible that to a woman of 
her country and religion such a calling may have 
implied a far less deviation from the standard of 
morality than it does with us, and moreover, that 
with a purer faith she seems to have entered upon a 
pure life. As a case of casuistry, her conduct in 
deceiving the king of Jericho's messengers with a 
false tale, and, above all, in tn king part against her 
own countrymen, has been much discussed. With 
regard to the first, strict truth, either in Jew or 
heathen, was a virtue so utterly unknown before the 
promulgation of the Gospel, that, as far as Rahab is 
concerned, the discussion is quite superfluous. Her 
taking part against her own countrymen is fully jus- 
tified by the circumstance that fidelity to her coun- 
try would in her case have been infidelity to God, 
and that the higher duty to her Maker eclipsed the 
lower duty to her native land. If her own life of 
shame was in any way connected with that idolatry, 
one can readily understand what a further stimulus 
this would give, now that her heart was purified by 
faith, to her desire for the overthrow of the nation 
to which she belonged by birth, and the establish- 
ment of that to w hich she wished to belong by a 
community of faith and hope. This view of Rahab's 
conduct is fully borne out by the references to her 
in the N. T. " By faith the harlot Rahab perished 
not with them that believed not, when she had re- 
ceived the spies with peace " (Heb. xi. 31). St. James 
fortifies his doctrine of justification by works, by 
asking, "Was not Rahab the harlot justified by- 
works, when she had received the messengers, and 
had sent them out another way ? " (Jas. ii. 25). And 
in like manner Clement of Rome says, "Rahab the 
harlot was saved for her faith and hospitality." 
Jamks, General Epistle of; Justify. 

Rahab (Heb. a sea-monster, Ges. ; see below), a 
poetical name of Egypt (Ps. lxxxix. 10 ; Is. li. 9). 
The same word signifies fierceness, insolence, pride ; 
if Hebrew, when applied to Egypt it would indicate 
the national character of the inhabitants (so Mr. R. 
S. Poole). This word occurs in Job. xxvi. 12 (A. V. 
" the proud," margin " pride "), where it is usually 
translated, as in the A. V., instead of being treated 
as a proper name. Rahab, as a name of Egypt, oc- 
curs once only without reference to the Exodus (Ps. 
lxxxvii. 4). In Is. xxx. 7 the name is alluded to 
(A. Y. " strength ; " Gesenius translates violence [i. e. 
the violent] they sit slil/). 

Ra ham (Heb. womb, Ges.), son of Shema and 
father of Jorkoam in the genealogy of the descend- 
ants of Caleb the son of Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 44). 

Ra'hel (Heb.) — Rachel (Jer. xxxi. 15 in some 
copies). 

* Rai ment = clothing. Dress. 

Rain, the A. V. translation of the Heb. mdtdr(Ex. 
is. 33, 34; Deut. xi. 11, 14, IV, xxviii. 12, 24,xxxii. 
2, &c. ; Job xxxvii. 6 twice, xxxviii. 28 ; Zech. x. 1 
twice, &c); also of geshem, which, when it differs 
from mdtdr, signifies a more violent rain (Gen. vii. 
12, viii. 2 ; Lev. xxvi. 4; 1 K. xvii. 7, 14, xviii. 41, 
44, 45 ; Ezr. x. 9 [A. V. " great rain," margin 
" showers "], 13 [A. V. " much rain] ; Ez. i. 28, xiii. 
11, 13, xxxiv. 26 twice [A. V. "shower" in Ez. xiii. 
and xxxiv.], xxxviii. 22, &c.), and is also used as a 
generic term, including the early and latter rain 
(Jer. v. 24 ; Joel ii. 23). Early Rain, the rains of 
the autumn, Heb. yoreh (Deut. xi. 14, A. V. " first 
rain;" Jer. v. 24, A. V. "former" sc. rain), also 
moreh (Ps. lxxxiv. 6, Heb. 7, A. V. "rain;" Joel ii. 
23 twice, A. V. " former rain "). Latter Rain, the 
rain of spring, Heb. malkosh (Deut. xi. 14; Job 



xxix. 23; Prov. xvi. 15; Jer. iii. 3, v. 24 ; Hos. vi. 
3; Joel ii. 23; Zech. x. 1). The early and latter 
rains are mentioned together (Deut. xi. 14 ; Jer. v. 
24 ; Hos. vi. 3 ; Joel ii. 23 ; Jas. v. 7). Another 
word, of a more poetical character, is Heb. plural 
ribibim, translated in our version " showers " (Deut. 
xxxii. 2; Ps. lxv. 10 [Heb. 11], lxxii. 6; Jer. iii. 
3, xiv. 22 ; Mic. v. 7 [Heb. 6]). The Hebrews have 
also zerem = violent rain, storm, tempest, accom- 
panied with hail (A. V. "storm "in Is. iv. 6 and 
xxv. 4 twice ; " tempest " and " flood " in xxviii. 2 ; 
"tempest" in xxx. 30 and xxxii. 2; "overflowing" 
in Ilab. iii. 10; "showers" in Job xxiv. 8, the 
heavy rain which comes down on mountains); eag- 
rir (A. V. "very rainy," Prov. xxvii. 15 only) = 
continuous and heavy rain; pi. sCirim — showers, 
Ges. (Deut. xxxii. 2 only, A. V. "small rain "). In 
the N. T. " rain " twice answers to the Gr. broehe 
(Mat. vii. 25, 27), which in LXX. = Heb. geshem ; 
but usually to the Gr. huttos (Acts xiv. 17, xxviii. 2 ; 
Heb. vi. 7; Jas. v. 7, 18; Rev. xi. 6), which in 
LXX. = Heb. geshem and mdtdr. The Greek verb 
brecho is translated " to rain " (Lk. xvii. 29 ; Ja£ v. 
17 twice; Rev. xi. 0), once "to send rain" (Mat. v. 
45), twice " to wash " (Lk. vii. 38, 44). — In a coun- 
try comprising so many varieties of elevation as 
Palestine, there must of necessity occur correspond- 
ing varieties of climate. For six months in the year 
no rain falls, and the harvests are gathered in with- 
out any of the anxiety w ith which we are so familiar 
lest the work be interrupted by unseasonable storms. 
But, in this long absence of rain, the whole land be- 
comes dry, parched, and brown, the cisterns are 
empty, the springs and fountains fail, and the au- 
tumnal rains are eagerly looked for, to prepare the 
earth for the reception of the seed. These, the early 
rains, commence about the latter end of October 
or beginning of November, in Lebanon a month 
earlier: not suddenly, but by degrees ; the husband- 
man has thus the opportunity of sowing his fields 
of wheat and barley. The rains come mostly from 
the W. or S. W. (Lk. xii. 54), continuing for two or 
three days at a time, and falling chiefly during the 
night ; the wind then shifts round to the N. or E., and 
several days of fine weather succeed (Prov. xxv. 23). 
In November and December the rains continue to 
fall heavily, but at intervals ; afterward they return, 
only at longer intervals, and are less heavy ; but at 
no period during the winter do the rains (snow falls 
in the elevated regions) entirely cease. Rain con- 
tinues to fall more or less during March ; it is very 
rare in April, and even in Lebanon the showers that 
occur are generally light. With respect to the dis- 
tinction between the early and the latter rains, 
Robinson observes that there are not at the present 
day " any particular periods of rain or succession of 
showers, which might be regarded as distinct rainy 
seasons. The whole period from October to March 
now constitutes only one continued season of rain 
without any regularly intervening term of prolonged 
fine weather. Unless, therefore, there has been 
some change in the climate, the early and the latter 
rains, for which the husbandman waited with long- 
ing, seem rather to have implied the first showers 
of autumn which revived the parched and thirsty 
soil, and prepared it for the seed ; and the later 
showers of spring, which continued to refresh and 
forward both the ripening crops and the vernal prod- 
ucts of the fields (Jas. v. 7 ; Prov. xvi. 15)." 
(Agriculture; Dew; Famine; Frost; Hail; Pal- 
estine, Climate ; Thunder.) — Rain furnishes the 
writers of the 0. T. with appropriate and beautiful 



RAI 



RAM 



913 



metaphors, varying in character according as they 
regard it as the beneficent and fertilizing shower 
(Deut. xxxii. 2 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 4; Job xxix. 23 ; Ps. 
lxxii. 6 ; Hos. vi. 3, &c), or the destructive storm 
pouring down the mountain-side and sweeping away 
the labor of years (Job xx. 23 ; Ps. xi. 6 ; Prov. 
xxviii. 3 ; Ez. xxviii. 22). 

Rain bow answers to the Heb. kesheth, A. V. 
" bow" (Gen. ix. 13-16 ; Ez. i. 28; Arms, I. 3); Gr. 
tozon (Ecclus. xliii. 11); Gr. iris (Rev. iv. 3, x. 1). 
The rainbow is the token of the covenant which 
God made with Noah when he came forth from the 
ark, that the waters should no more become a flood to 
destroy all flesh. The right interpretation of Gen. 
ix. 13 (A. V. " I do set [Heb. n&ihan, literally Ihave 
given ; see Ordain 4) my bow in the cloud, and it 
shall be for a token of a covenant between me and the 
earth ") seems to be (so Mr. Eddrup, with Henry, 
Gleig, Kitto, Ayre, Wordsworth, &c.) that God took 
the rainbow, which had hitherto been but a beauti- 
ful object shining in the heavens when the sun's rays 
fell on falling rain, and consecrated it as the sign 
of His love and the witness of His promise (Ecclus. 
xliii. 11). Many regard Gen. ix. 13 as indicating 
the first appearance of the rainbow then, because 
(so Dr. Barth) there was no rain until the flood, or 
because (so Keil and Delitzsch), though there was 
rain before the flood, the atmosphere was differently 
constituted, &e. — The figurative and symbolical use 
of the rainbow as an emblem of God's mercy and 
faithfulness must not be passed over. In Rev. iv. 
3 it is said that " there was a rainbow 
round about the throne, in sight like 
unto an emerald : " amidst the awful 
vision of surpassing glory is seen the 
symbol of Hope, the bright emblem of 
Mercy and of Love. 

* Rais ing from the Dead. Resurrec- 
tion. 

Raisins [-znz]. Vine. 

Ra'kem (Heb. = Rekem). Among 
the descendants of Machir the son of 
Manasseh, by his wife Maachah, are 
mentioned Ulam and Rakem, apparently 
sons of Sheresh (1 Chr. vii. 16). 

Rak'katli (Heb. shore, Ges.), a forti- 
fied town of Naphtali, named between 
Hammath and Chinnereth (Josh. xix. 
35); according to the Rabbins, on the 
site afterward occupied by the city of 
Tiberias. 

Rak'kon (Heb. thinness, Ges.), a city 
of Dan (Josh. xix. 46), apparently not 
far from Joppa. 

Ram (Heb. high, Ges.). 1. Second son 
of Hezron, and father of Amminadab 
(Ru. iv. 19; 1 Chr. ii. 9, 10); = Aram 
4. — 2. The first-born of Jerahmeel, and 
nephew of No. 1 (ii. 25, 27).— 3. Elihu, 
the san of Barachel the Buzite, is de- 
scribed as "of the kindred of Ram" 
(Job xxxii. 2). Ewald identifies Ram 
with Aram 2. 

Ram represents usually and appropriately the 
Heb. ayil, which occurs in the 0. T. more than 
150 times (Gen. xv. 9, xxii. 13 twice, &c). 
" Rams " is also thrice the A. V. translation of the 
Chal. pi. dichrin (Ezr. vi. 9, 17, vii. 17), properly = 
males, but specificnlly male sheep, rams, Ges. ; twice 
of Heb. pi. altudim (Gen. xxxi. 10 [marg. "he- 
goats"], 12), = he-goats, Ges. and A. V. elsewhere; 
and once (Ez. xxi. 22 marg., Heb. 27) of Heb. cdrim, 
58 



plural of car. Goat ; Lamb ; Ram, Battering ; Sac- 
rifice ; Sheep ; Shepherd. 

Ram, Bat'tcr-ing (Heb. car ; see Lamb 4 ; named 
[so Mr. Wright] from its iron head shaped like a 
ram's head, or from its movement, battering down a 
wall like a ram butting). This instrument of ancient 
siege operations is twice mentioned in the 0. T. (Ez. 
iv. 2, xxi. 22 [Heb. 27]); and as both references are 
to the battering-rams in use among the Assyrians 
and Babylonians, it will only be necessary to describe 
those known to have been employed in their sieges. 
In attacking the walls of a fort or city, the first step 
appears to have been to form an inclined plane or 
bank of earth (compare Ez. iv. 2, " cast a mount 
against it"), by which the besiegers could bring 
their battering-rams and other engines to the foot 
of the nails. "The battering-rams," says Mr. Lay- 
ard, " were of several kinds. Some were joined to 
movable towers which held warriors and armed men. 
The whole then formed one great temporary build- 
ing, the top of which is represented in sculptures as 
on a level with the walls, and even turrets, of the 
besieged city. In some bas-reliefs the battering- 
ram is without wheels ; it was then perhaps con- 
structed upon the spot, and was not intended to be 
moved. . . . The mode of working the rams cannot 
be determined from the Assyrian sculptures. It 
may be presumed from the representations in the 
bas-reliefs, that they were partly suspended by a 
rope fastened to the outside of the machine, and that 
men directed and impelled them from within. . . . 




Battering Ram. 

The artificial tower was usually occupied by two 
warriors : one discharged his arrows against the be- 
sieged, whom he was able, from his lofty position, 
to harass more effectually than if he had been be- 
low ; the other held up a shield for his companion's 
defence." Engine ; War. 

Ra'ma (L. = Ramah) (Mat. ii. 18, referring to Jer. 
xxxi. 15). The original passage may allude to a 
massacre of Benjamite or Ephraimite prisoners 



914 



RAM 



RAM 



(compare ver. 9, 18), at the Ramah in Benjamin or 
in Mount Ephraim (so Mr. Grove). This is seized 
by the Evangelist and turned into a touching refer- 
ence to the slaughter of the Innocents at Bethle- 
hem, near which was (and is) the sepulchre of 
Rachel. Dr. Thomson thinks this Rama or Ramah 
must have been near Bethlehem, and subject to the 
same calamity. He says, a heap of rubbish, not 
400 yards from Rachel's tomb, is now pointed out 
as Ramah (Thn. ii. 501-503). Prophet, note 
Rachel. 

Ramah (Heb. a hiyh place, Ges.), a word which in 
its simple or compound shape forms the name of 
several places in the Holy Land ; one which, like 
Gibeah, Geba, Gibeon, or Mizpeh, betrays the aspect 
of the country. (Palestine, II. § 46.) As an ap- 
pointive it is found only in one passage (Ez. xvi. 
24-39), in which it occurs four times, rendered in 
the A. V. " high place." 1. One of the cities of 
Benjamin (Josh, xviii. 25), named between Gibeon 
and Beeroth. There is a more precise specification 
of its position in the catalogue of the places N. of 
Jerusalem which were disturbed by the approach 
of the king of Assyria (Is. x. 28-32). At Michmash 
he crosses the ravine ; and then successively dis- 
lodges or alarms Geba, Ramah, and Gibeah of Saul. 
Geba is Jcba, on the southern brink of the great 
valley ; and a mile and a half beyond it, directly 
between it and the main road to the city, is er-Rdm 
( = the Ramah), lying on a high hill, commanding a 
wide prospect — now a miserable village of a few 
half-deserted houses, but with remains of columns, 
squared stones, and perhaps a church, indicating 
former importance (Robinson, i. 576). Its distance 
from the city is five English miles. Its position is 
in close agreement with the notices of the Bible 
(Judg. iv. 5, xix. 13; Jer. xl. 1, &c). In the 
struggles after the disruption of the kingdom, Ra- 
mah, as a frontier town, commanding the northern 
road from Jerusalem, was taken, fortified, and re- 
taken (1 K. xv. 17, 21, 22; 2 Chr. xvi. 1, 5, 6 ; 
Rama). Its proximity to Gibeah is implied in 1 
Sam. xxii. 6 ; Hos. v. 8 ; Ezr. ii. 26 ; Neh. vii. 30 : 
the last two passages show also that its people re- 
turned after the Captivity. The Ramah in Neh. xi. 
33 occupies a different position in the list, and may 
be a distinct place situated further W., nearer the 
plain. — 2, The home of Elkanah, Samuel's father 
(1 Sam. i. 19, ii. 11), the birthplace of Samuel him- 
self, his home and official residence, the site of his 
altar (vii. 17, viii. 4, xv. 34, xvi. 13, xix. 18 ff., xx. 
1), and finally his burial-place (xxv. 1, xxviii. 3) ; = 
Ramathaim-zophim. All that is directly said as to 
its situation is that it was in Mount Ephraim (i. 1), 
and this would naturally lead us to seek it in the 
neighborhood of Shechem. But the whole tenor 
of the narrative of Samuel's public life (in connec- 
tion with which alone this Ramah is mentioned) is 
so restricted to the region of the tribe of Benjamin, 
and to the neighborhood of Gibeah of Saul (vii. 17), 
that it seems impossible not to look for Samuel's 
city in the same locality (so Mr. Grove, original 
author of this article). On the other hand, the 
boundaries of Mount Ephraim are nowhere distinctly 
set forth. In the mouth of an ancient Hebrew the 
expression would mean that portion of the moun- 
tainous district which was at the time of speaking 
in the possession of the tribe of Ephraim. Mount 
Ephraim is mentioned as including the palm-tree of 
Deborah between Bethel and Ramah (Judg iv. 5), 
and Bethel itself (Josh, xviii. 22). Jeremiah con- 
nects Ramah of Benjamin (so Mr. Grove ; see Ra- j 



ma) with Mount Ephraim (Jer. xxxi. 6, 9, 15, 18). 
In this district, tradition, with a truer instinct than it 
sometimes displays, has placed the residence of Sam- 
uel. The Onornaslieon of Eusebius says, "Armatbem 
Seipha: the city of Helkana and Samuel ; it lies near 
Diospolis : thence came Joseph, in the Gospels said to 
be from Arimathea." Diospolis is Lydda, the mod- 
ern Ludd, and the reference of Eusebius is no doubt 
to Ramleh, the well-known modern town two miles 
from Ludd. But Ramleh is on the plain, not in 
Mount Ephraim (compare No. 6 below). Another 
tradition, however, that just alluded to, common to 
Moslems, Jews, and Christians, up to the present 
day, places the residence of Samuel on the lofty and 
remarkable eminence of Neby JSamwil (= Prophet 
Samuel), which rises four miles to the N. W. of Je- 
rusalem (see cut under Gideon, and map of the en- 
virons of Jerusalem, and Mizpah 6). The height 
of this eminence (greater than that of Jerusalem 
itself), its commanding position, and its peculiar 
shape, render it the most conspicuous object in all 
the landscapes of that district, and make the mimes 
of Ramah and Zophim exceedingly appropriate to 
it. Since the days of Arculf (about a. d. 700) the 
tradition appears to have been continuous. The 
miserable modern village bears marks of antiquity 
in cisterns, &c. The mosque is said to stand on 
the foundations of a Christian church, which prob- 
ably Justinian built or added to. The ostensible 
tomb is a mere wooden box ; but below it is a cave 
or chamber, apparently excavated, like that of the 
patriarchs at Hebron. Here, then, Mr. Grove is in- 
clined to place the Ramah of Samuel. It is usually 
assumed that the city in which Saul was anointed 
by Samuel (1 Sam. ix., x.) was Samuel's own city 
Ramah ; but Mr. Grove regards it as different, and 
near Rachel's tomb (x. 2 ; Rachel ; Zuph, the Land 
of). On the assumption that Ramathaim-zophim 
was the city of Saul's anointing, various attempts 
have been made to find a site for it in the neighbor- 
hood of Bethlehem, (a.) Gesenius suggests the 
Jebel Fureidh, four miles S. E. of Bethlehem, the 
ancient Herodium, the "Frank mountain " of more 
modern times. (6.) Dr. Robinson proposes Soba, in 
the mountains six miles W. of Jerusalem, as the 
possible representative of Zophim. (c.) Van de 
Velde, following Rev. S. Wolcott (£. S. for 1843, 
pp. 44 ff.), argues for Rdmeh (or Rdmet el-Khulil), a 
well-known site of ruins about two and a half miles 
N. of Hebron, (d.) Dr. Bonar adopts er-Rdm, which 
he places a short distance N. of Bethlehem, E. of 
Rachel's sepulchre (compare Rama). Two sugges- 
tions in an opposite direction must be noticed: — (a.) 
That of Ewald, who places Ramathaim-zophim at 
Ram-Allah, a mile W. of el-Bireh (Beeroth), and 
nearly five N. of Neby Samwil. (b.) That of Schwarz, 
who, starting from Gibeah of Saul as the home of 
Kish, fixes upon Rdmeh N. of Samaria and W. of 
Sdnur, which he supposes also to be Ramoth or 
Jarmuth, the Levitical city of Issachar. — 3. A for- 
tified city of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 36), named between 
Adamah and Hazor ; apparently, if 1fhe order of 
the list may be accepted, in the mountainous coun- 
try N. W. of the Lake of Gennesaret; not improb- 
ably the place named Rdmeh, discovered by Dr. 
Robinson, lying on the main track between 'Akka 
and the N. end of the Sea of Galilee, and about 
eight miles E. S. E. of Safed. — 4. A place on the 
boundary (A. V. " coast ") of Asher (Josh. xix. 29), 
apparently between Tyre and Zidon. Porter (in 
Kitto), and Mr. Grove (apparently), would make 
this = Rdmeh, about three miles E. of Tyre ; Rob- 



RAM 



RAM 



915 



mson (iii. 78) identifies it with another R&meh, a 
village more than ten miles S. E. of Tyre ; while 
"Van de Velde (i. 114) would place it at el-Hamrah, 
a village on the N. side of the Leontes, about twenty 
miles E. by N. from Tyre. — 5. Ramoth-gilead in 2 
K. viii. 29 and 2 Chr. xxii. 6 only. — G. A place men- 
tioned among those reinhabited by the Benjamites 
after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 33). It may be the 
Ramah of Benjamin (above, No. 1) or the Ramah of 
Samuel, but Mr. Grove thinks that its position in 
the list (remote from Geba, Michmash, Bethel, ver. 
31, compare Ezr. ii. 26, 28) seems to remove it 
further W., to the neighborhood of Lod, Hadid, and 
Ono. The situation of the modern Ramleh agrees 
very well with this. 

Ra'math-lc'hi (Heb. the height [or hill] of Lehi 
[the jaw-bone], Ges.), the name bestowed by Sam- 
son on the scene of his slaughter of the thousand 
Philistines with the jaw bone of an ass ( Judg. xv. 
17). " He cast away the jaw-bone out of his hand, 
and called that place ' Ramath-lehi ' " (A. V. mar- 
gin, " L. e. the lifting up of the jaw-bone, or, the cast- 
ing away of the jaw-bone "). Lehi ; Ramath op the 
South. 

Ra'math-miz'peh (Heb. the height of Wizpeh, or 
of the watch-tower), a place mentioned in Josh. xiii. 
26 only, apparently on the northern boundary of 
Gad ; probably (so Mr. Grove) = Mizpah 1 and 
Ramoth-gilead. 

Ra'math (Heb. construct of Ramah) of the Sonth, 
a city of Simeon (Josh. xix. 8), apparently at its ex- 
treme southern limit, and = Baalath-beeb ; also 
probably = South Ramoth. Mr. Rowlands (in 
Fairbairn) would identify it with Jcbel Barabir, a 
ibill about forty-five miles S. W. of Beer-sheba ; Wil- 
ton ( The Negeb) would place it at the ruined site 
called Kurmib (Kinah? Tamar?), on the southern 
declivity of the low ridge named Kubbet el-Baul, 
about twenty miles S. E. of Beer-sheba. Van de 
Velde takes it as — Ramath-lehi, which he finds 
at Tell el-Lekiyeh, near Beer-sheba. 

Ram-a-tlia'int-zo plum (fr. Heb., see below), the 
full name of the town (Ramah 2) in which 
Elkanah, the father of the prophet Samuel, re- 
sided. It is given in its complete shape in the 
Hebrew text and A V. but once (1 Sam. i. 1). Ram- 
athaim, if interpreted as a Hebrew word, is dual 
(fr. rdmdh) — the double eminence. This may point' 
to a peculiarity in the shape or nature of the place, 
or may be an instance of the tendency, familiar to 
all students, which exists in language to force an 
archaic or foreign name into an intelligible form (so 
Mr. Grove). Of the force of " Zophim " no prob- 
able explanation has been given. It was an ancient 
name on the E. of Jordan (Num. xxiii. 14), and 
there, as here, was attached to an eminence. Even 
without the testimony of the LXX. there is no 
doubt, from the narrative itself, that the Ramah of 
Samuel — where he lived, built an altar, died, and 
was buried — was the same place as the Ramah or 
Ramathaim-zophim in which he was bom. Of its 
position nothing, or next to nothing, can be gath- 
ered from the narrative. It was in Mount Ephraim 
(1 Sam. i. 1). It had apparently attached to it a 
place called Naioth (xix. 18, &c, xx. 1) ; and it had 
also in its neighborhood a great well, the well of 
Sechu (xix. 22). Ramah 2 ; Ramathem. 

Ram a-them (fr. Gr., see below), one of the three 
"governments 1 ' which were added to Judea by 
King Demetrius Nicator, out of the country of 
Samaria (1 Mc. xi. 34). It no doubt derived its 
name from a town Ramathaim, probably that re- 



nowned as the birthplace of Samuel the Prophet, 
though this cannot be stated with certainty. 

Ra'math-ite (fr. Heb. = native [or inhabitant] of 
some Ramah), tile. Shimei the Ramathite had 
charge of the royal vineyards of King David (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 27). 

Rani'e-ses, or Ra-am'ses (both Heb. fr. Egyptian, 
the name [= son of the sun, Ges.] of several kings 
of Egypt, one of whom probably founded the city 
and named it from himself), a city and district of 
Lower Egypt. There can be no reasonable doubt 
(so Mr. R. S. Poole, original author of this article) 
that the same city is designated by Rameses and 
Raamses, and that this was the chief place of the 
land of Rameses, all the passages referring to the 
same region. The first mention of Rameses is in 
the narrative of the settling by Joseph of his father 
and brethren in Egypt, where it is related that a 
possession was given them " in the land of Rame- 
ses" (Gen. xlvii. 11). This land of Rameses either 
corresponds to the land of Goshen, or was a district 
of it, more probably the former (compare 6). 
" Raamses " next occurs as one of the two store- 
cities (A. V. " treasure cities ") built for the Pha- 
raoh who first oppressed the children of Israel (Ex. 
i. 11). There can be no doubt that Raamses (com- 
pare Pithom) is Rameses in the land of Goshen. 
In the narrative of the Exodus, Rameses was the 
starting-point of the journey (xiL 37 ; see also Num. 
xxxiii. 3, 5). If, then, we suppose Rameses or 
Raamses to have been the chief town of the land 
of Rameses, either Goshen itself or a district of it, 
we have' to endeavor to determine its situation. 
Lepsius supposes that Aboo-Kesheyd (see map under 
Exodus, the) is on the site of Rameses. His reasons 
are, that in the LXX. Heroiipolis (which he makes 
= Rameses, and places at Aboo-Kesheyd) is placed 
in the land of Rameses, in a passage where the 
Hebrew only mentions " the land of Goshen " (Gen. 
xlvi. 28), and that there is a monolithic group at 
Aboo-Kesheyd representing Turn, and Ra, and be- 
tween them, Rameses II., who was probably there 
worshipped. The Biblical narrative of the position 
of Rameses seems to point to the western part of 
the land of Goshen, since two full marches, and part 
at least of a third, brought the Israelites from this 
town to the Red Sea ; and the narrative appears to 
indicate a route for the chief part directly toward 
the sea. The one fact that Aboo-Kesheyd is within 
about eight miles of the ancient head of the gulf, 
seems to us fatal to Lepsius's identification. There 
is good reason to suppose that many cities in Egypt 
bore this name. Exodus, the. 

Ra-mes'se (fr. Gr.) = Rameses (Jd. i. 9). 

Ra-mi'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah hath set, 
Ges.), a layman of Israel, one of the sons of Parosh ; 
husband of a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 25). 

Ra'motll (Heb. heights, Ges.), one of the four Le- 
vitical cities of Issachar according to 1 Chr. vi. 73 ; 
perhaps = Jarmuth and Remeth. Ramah, 2, b. 

Ra'motll (see above), an Israelite layman, of the 
sons of Bani (Ezr. x. 29). 

Ra'motib-girc-ad (Heb. the heighli of Gilead), one 
of the great fastnesses on the E. of Jordan, and the 
key to an important district, as is evident not only 
from the statement of 1 K. iv. 13, that it com- 
manded the regions of Argob and of the towns of 
Jair, but also from the obstinacy with which it was 
attacked and defended by the Syrians and Jews in 
the reigns of Ahab, Ahaziah, and Jehoram. It 
seems probable (so Mr. Grove, with Winer, &e.) 
that it was identical with Ramath-mizpeh (Josh, xiii. 



916 



RAM 



RAV 



26), which again there is every reason to believe 
occupied the spot on which Jacob had made his 
covenant with Laban. It was the city of refuge for 
the tribe of Gad (Deut. iv. 43 ; Josh. xx. 8, xxi. 38). 
We next encounter it as the residence of one of 
Solomon's commissariat officers (1 K. iv. 13). In 
the second Syrian war Ramoth-gilead played a con- 
spicuous part. During the invasion related in 1 K. 
xv. 20, or some subsequent incursion, this important 
place had been seized by Ben-hadad I. from Omri. 
Ahab, with Jehoshaphat, planned an attack upon 
it, but the attempt failed, and he lost his life (1 K. 
xxii. ; 2 Chr. xviii.). It probably remained in pos- 
session of the Syrians till the suppression of the 
Moabite rebellion gave Jehonim time to renew the 
siege. He was more fortunate than Ahab. The 
town was taken by Israel, and held in spite of all 
the efforts of Hazael (who was now on the throne 
of Damascus) to regain it (2 K. ix. 14). Jehoram 
was severely wounded in the encounter, and retired 
to his palace at Jezreel (2 K. vjii. 28, ix. 15; 2 Chr. 
xxii. 6). The fortress was left in charge of Jf.iic, 
who was here anointed king (2 K. ix.). He drove 
off to Jezreel, but did not return. Henceforward 
Ramoth-gilead disappears from our view. Eusebius 
and Jerome specify the position of Rumoth as fif- 
teen miles from Philadelphia (Rabbaii 1); but Eu- 
sebius places it W., and Jerome E. of Philadelphia. 
The latter position is obviously untenable. The 
former is nearly that of the modern town of es-Sal/, 
which Gesenius, Porter (in Kitto), Fairbairn, Robin- 
son, &c, would identify with Ramoth-gilead. Es- 
Salt has about 3,000 inhabitants, and occupies a 
strong and picturesque situation, on the summit of 
a steep hill, crowned with a castle, and having its 
lower slopes covered with terraced vineyards. In 
the cliffs and ravines beneatli it arc many tombs and 
grottoes. Its raisins are esteemed the best in Pal- 
estine (Porter). Ewald proposes a site further N., 
at Reimun, a few miles W. of Jerash (Gerasa). Mr. 
Grove is disposed to place it at or near a site named 
JeVdd (= Gilcad), which is mentioned by Seetzen 
as four or five miles N. of es-Safl. 

Ita moth ia Gilo-ad (Deut. iv. 43 ; Josh. xx. 8, 
xxi. 38 ; IK. xxii. 3) = Ramoth-gilead. 

Rams' Horns. Cornet ; Jubilee. 

Rams' Skins dyed rod formed part of the materials 
that the Israelites were ordered to present as offer- 
ings for the making of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 5); 
of which they served as one of the inner coverings. 
There is no doubt that the A. V., following the 
LXX. and Vulga'e, and the Jewish interpreters, is 
correct (so Mr. Houghton). The original words, it 
is true, admit of being rendered " skins of red 
rams.'' The red ram is by Col. C. H. Smith iden- 
tified with the Aoudad sheep (Arnmotragus Tragel- 
aphus). 

* Ranges [rain jez] for Pots (Lev. xi. 35). Pot 9. 

* Ran'som = price of expiation or redemption ; 
the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. cipher, literally 
a cover or that which covers (Ex. xxx. 12 ; 1 Sam. 
xii. 3 margin [text " bribe "] ; Job xxxiii. 34 [mar- 
gin " atonement "], xxxvi. 18 ; Ps. xlix. 7 [Heb. 8] ; 
Prov. vi. 35, xiii. 8, xxi. 18 ; Is. xliii. 3 ; Am. v. 12 
margin [text " bribe "]) ; also translated " sum of 
money " (Ex. xxi. 30), " satisfaction " (Num. xxxv. 
31, 32).— 2. Heb. pidyon (Ex. xxi. 30), also trans- 
lated " redemption " (Ps. xlix. 8 [Heb. 9]).— 3. Gr. 
antilutron, properly an equivalent for redemption, 
i. e. a ransom, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (1 Tim. ii. 6 only). — 
4. Gr. lutron = loosing-money, a ransom, price paid 
for the release of any one, Rbn. N~. T. Lex. ; used 



tropically only (Mat. xx. 28 ; Mk. x. 45) ; in LXX. 
— No. 1. Punishments; Saviour; Slave; War. 

Ra'plia (Heb. high, tall? Ges.). 1. A Philistine 
giant, father or ancestor of a family of tall men 
(margin of 2 Sam. xxi. 16 ff. and 1 Chr. xx. 4, 6). 
(See Rephaim under Giants.) — 2. A son or descend- 
ant of Benjamin (1 Chr. viii. 2). — 3. Son of Binea, a 
descendant of Saul (1 Chr. viii. 3*7) ; = Rephaiah 4. 

Ra'pha-cl, or Rapu'a-el (L. fr. Heb. = the divine 
healer, Mr. Westcott ; whom God heals, Ges.), " one 
of the seven holy angels which ... go in and out 
before the glory of the Holy One" (Tob. xii. 15). 
According to another Jewish tradition, Raphael was 
one of ihefour angels which stood round the throne 
of God (Michael, Uriel, Gabriel, Raphael). In Tobit 
he appears as the guide and counsellor of Tobias. 
Azariah 5 ; Tobit, Book of. 

Itaph'a-im (L. fr. Heb. = Repiiaim), an ancestor 
of Judith (Jd. viii. 1). 

Ra'phon (L.), a city of Gilead, under the walls of 
which Judas Maccabeus defeated Timotheus (1 11c. 
v. 37 only). It may have been identical with Raph- 
ana, mentioned by Pliny as one of the cities of 
the Decapolis. In Kiepert's map accompanying 
Wetzstein's Hawaii, &c. (1860), a place named Er- 
Ra/e is marked, on the E. of Wady Brer, and S. of 
es-Sanamein (Ashteroth Karnaim ?). If Er-R&fe be 
j Raphana, we should expect to find large ruins. 

Ra'phu (Heb. healed, Ges.), father of Palti, the 
Bcnjamite spy (Num. xiii. 9). 

Ras'ses (fr. Gr., see below), Chil'dren of; one of 
the nations whose country was ravaged by Holo- 
fernes in his approach to Judea (Jd. ii. 23 only). 
The old Latin version reads Tiiiras et Ranis. Wolff 
restores the original Chaldee text of the passage as 
Thars ( = Tiras?) and Rosos, and compares the 
latter name with Rhosus, a place on the Gulf cf 
Is6us (compare also Russia). Rosh 3. 

Katli'n-mas (fr. Gr. = Rehum). "Rathumus flic 
story writer" of 1 Esd. ii. 16, 17, 25, 30 = "Rehum 
the chancellor" of Ezr. iv. 8, 9, 17, 23. 

Ra ven (Heb. 'oreb, so called from nts black color, 
Ges.; Gr. korax), a well-known bird mentioned in 
various passages in the Bible. A raven was sent 
out by Noah from the ark to see if the waters were 
abated (Gen. viii. 7). This bird was not allowed as 
food by the Mosaic law (Lev. xi. 15). The Heb. 
''oreb is doubtless used in a generic sense, and in- 
cludes other species of the genus Corvus, such as 
the crow (Corvus Corone), and the hooded crow 
(Corvus Comix). The European raven (Corvus 
Corax, Linn.) and the American raven ( Corvus car- 
nivorus, Bartram) are very closely allied species, 
the largest of the crow family, omnivorous, but by 
preference carnivorous, living on small animals of 
all kinds, carrion, &c. The Hebrew and A. V. in 
Gen. viii. 7 read " the raven went forth to and fro 
[from the ark] until the waters were dried up;" 
but the LXX., Vulgate, and Syriac represent the 
raven as "not returning until the water was dried 
from off the earth." The subject of Elijah's sus- 
tenance at the brook Cherith by means of ravens (1 
K. xvii. 4, 6) has given occasion to much fanciful 
speculation. It has been attempted to show that 
the 'orebim (" ravens ") were the people of Orbo, a 
small town near Cherith. Others have found in the 
ravens merely merchants ; while Michaelis has at- 
tempted to show that Elijah merely plundered the 
ravens' nests of hares and other game ! To the fact 
of the raven being a common bird in Palestine, and 
to its habit of flying restlessly about in constant 
search for food to satisfy its voracious appetite, may 



R4.Z 



REC 



917 



perhaps be traced the reason for its being selected 
by our Lord and the inspired writers as the special 
object of God's providing care (Job xxxviii. 41 ; Ps. 
cxlvii. 9 ; Lit. xii. 24). 




European Raven (Corcui Corax). — (Fbn.) 



Ra'zis (Gr. fr. Heb. = consumption, destruction, or 
a tumult, crowd ? W. L. Alexander, in Kitto), " one 
of the elders of Jerusalem," who killed himself un- 
der peculiarly terrible circumstances, that he might 
not fall " into the hands of the wicked " (2 Mc. xiv. 
37-46). In dying he is reported to have expressed 
his faith in a resurrection (ver. 46). This act of 
suicide, which was wholly alien to the spirit of the 
Jewish law and people, has been rightly urged by 
Protestant writers as an argument against the in- 
spiration of 2 Maccabees (so Mr. Westcott). 

Razor* Besides other usages, the practice of 
shaving the head after the completion of a vow, 
must have created among the Jews a necessity for 
the special trade of a barber (Num. vi. 9, 18, viii. 
1 ; Lev. xiv. 8 ; Judg. xiii. 5 ; Is. vii. 20 ; Ez. v. 1 ; 
Acts xviii. 18). The instruments of his work were 
probably, as in modern times, the razor, the basin, 
the mirror, and perhaps also the scissors (see 2 Sam. 
xiv. 26). Like the Levites, the Egyptian priests 
were accustomed to shave their whole bodies. 
Beard; Hair; Handicraft; Knife; Purifica- 
tion; Steel. 

Re-ai'a [-a yah], or Re-a-i'a (fr. Heb. = Reai- 
ah), a Reubenite, son of Micah, and apparently 
prince of his tribe (1 Chr. v. 5). 

Re-ai'all [-a'yah], or Rc-a-i'ah (Heb. whom Je- 
hovah, cares for, Ges.). 1, Son of Shobal, the son 
of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 2); = Haroeh ? — 2. Ancestor 
of a family of Nethinim who returned from Babylon 
with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 47; Neh. vii. 50). 

* Uenp'inz. Agriculture. 

Rc'ba (Heb. a fourth part, Ges.), one of the five 
kings of the Midianites slain by the children of Is- 
rael, when Balaam fell (Num. xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 
21). 

Re-bcc'ca, the Latinized Greek form of Rebekaii 
(Rom. ix. 10 only). 

lle-bek'all (fr. Heb. = a cord with a noose, not 
unaptly of a female who ensnares by her beauty, 
Ges.), also written Rebecca, daughter of Betiiuel 
(Gen. xxii. 23) and sister of Laban, married to 
Isaac, her father's cousin. She is first presented 
to us in the account of the mission of Eliezer to 
Padan-aram (xxiv.), in which his interview with Re- 
bekah, her consent and marriage are related. For 
nineteen years she was childless : then, after the 
prayers of Isaac and her journey to inquire of the 



Lord, Esau and Jacob were born, and while the 
younger was more particularly the companion and 
favorite of his mother (xxv. 19-28) the elder became 
a grief of mind to her (xxvi. 35). When Isaac was 
driven by a famine into the lawless country of the 
Philistines, Rebekah's beauty became, as was appre- 
hended, a source of danger to her husband (xx. ; 
compare Abraham). It was probably a consider- 
able time afterward when Rebekah suggested the 
deceit practised by Jacob on his blind father. She 
[ directed and aided him in carrying it cut, foresaw 
i the probable consequence of Esau's anger, and pre- 
! vented it by moving Isaac to send Jacob awav to 
Padan-aram (xxvii.) to her own kindred (xxix. 12). 
It has been conjectured that she died during Jacob's 
sojourn in Padan-aram. Her burial is incidentally 
mentioned by Jacob (xlix. 31). St. Paul (Rom. ix. 
10) refers to her as being made acquainted with the 
purpose of God regarding her children before they 
were born. 

* Rf-ceipt' [-seet] of Custom. Publican ; Taxes. 

Rc'cliab [-kab] (Heb. tlie horseman). 1. Father 
or ancestor of Jehonadab and the Rechabites (2K. 
x. 15, 23 ; 1 Chr. ii. 55 ; Jer. xxxv. 6-19) ; identified 
by some writers with Hobab. — 2. One of the two 
" captains of bands," whom Ishbosheth took into 
his service, and who conspired to murder him (2 
Sam. iv. 2). — 3. Father of Malchiah, ruler of " part " 
of Beth-haccerem (Neh. iii. 14). 

Re'chab-ites (fr. Heb. = descendants of Rechab). 
The tribe thus named appears before us in one 
memorable scene. Their history before and after it 
lies in same obscurity. — (I.) In 1 Chr. ii. 55, the 
house of Rechab is identified with a section of the 
Kenites, who came into Canaan with the Israelites 
and retained their nomadic habits, and the name of 
Hemath is mentioned as the patriarch of the whole 
tribe. It has been inferred from this passage that 
the descendants of Rechab belonged to a branch of 
the Kenites settled from the first at Jabez in Judah ; 
but probably this passage refers to the locality oc- 
cupied by the Rechabites after their return from the 
Cjptivity. Of Rechab 1 himself nothing is known. 
He may have been the father, he may have been 
the remote ancestor of Jehonadab. The name may 
have pointed, as in the robber-chief of 2 Sam. iv. 
2, to a conspicuous form of the wild Bedouin life, 
and Jehonadab, the son of the Rider, may have 
been, in part at least, for that reason, the companion 
and friend of the fierce captain of Israel who drives 
as with the fury of madness (2 K. ix. 20). Boulduc 
infers from 2 K. ii. 12, xiii. 14, that the two great 
prophets Elijah and Elisha were known, each of 
them in his time, as the " chariot " (Heb. recheb) of 
Israel. He infers from this that the special disciples 
of the prophets, who followed them in all their auster- 
ity, were known as the " sons of the chariot" (Heb. 
hhtey recheb), and that afterward, when the original 
meaning had been lost sight of, this was taken as a 
patronymic, and referred to an unknown Rechab. — 
(II.) The personal history of Jehonadab has been 
dealt with elsewhere. He and his people had all 
along been worshippers of Jehovah, circumcised 
though not reckoned as belonging to Israel, and 
probably therefore not considering themselves bound 
by the Mosaic law and ritual. The worship of Baal 
was accordingly not less offensive to them than to 
the Israelites. The luxury and license of Phenician 
cities threatened the destruction of the simplicity 
of their nomadic life (Am. ii. 7, 8, vi. 3-6). A 
protest was needed against both evils, and as in the 
case of Elijah, and of the Nazarite's of Am. ii. 11, it 



918 



REC 



RED 



took the form of asceticism. There was to be a more 
rigid adherence than ever to the old Arab life. They 
were to drink no wine, nor build house, nor sow 
seed, nor plant vineyard, nor have any. All their 
days they were to dwell in tents, as remembering 
that (hey were strangers in the land (Jer. xxxv. 6, 7). 
This was to be the condition of their retaining a 
distinct tribal existence. For two centuries and a 
half they adhered faithfully to this rule. The Na- 
bathcans (Nebaioth) and Wahabees (Arabia) sup- 
ply us with a striking parallel. — (III.) The invasion 
of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar, in b. c. 607, drove the 
Rechabites from their tents. Some inferences may 
be safely drawn from the facts of Jer. xxxv. The 
names of the Rechabites show that they continued to 
be worshippers of Jehovah. They are already known 
to the prophet. One of them (ver. 3; Jeremiah 8) 
bears the same name. Their rigid Nazarite life 
gained lor them admission into the house of the 
Lord, into one of the chambers assigned to priests 
and Levites, within its precincts. Here they arc 
tempted and their steadfastness is a reproof for 
the unfaithfulness of Judah and Jerusalem. The 
history of this trial ends with a special blessing: 
"Jonadab, the son of Rechab, shall not want a 
man to stand before me forever" (ver. 19). Prof. 
Plumptre regards the words "to stand before me" 
as not orrly pointing to the perpetuation of the 
name and tribe, but as meaning also that the Re- 
chabites acted as the servants and ministers of Je- 
hovah — that they were solemnly adopted into the 
families of Israel, and were recognized as incorpo- 
rated into the tribe of Levi. (But compare Num. 
iii. 10, xvi. 40, xviii. 1-10.)— (IV.) Prof. Plumptre 
alleges in support of his view the following traces 
of their after-history in the Biblical and later wri- 
ters : — (1.) The singular heading of the Ps. lxxi. in 
the LXX. version, indicating that the "sons of 
Jonadab" shared the captivity of Israel. (2.) The 
mention of a son of Rechab in Neh. iii. 14, as co- 
operating with the priests, Levites, and princes in 
the restoration of the wall of Jerusalem. (3.) The 
mention of the house of Rechab in 1 Chr. ii. 55. 
The Rechabites have become Scribes. They give 
themselves to a calling which, at the time of the re- 
turn from Babylon was chiefly, if not exclusively, 
in the hands of Levites (so Prof. Plumptre). The 
close juxtaposition of the Rechabites with the de- 
scendants of David in 1 Chr. iii. 1, shows also in 
how honorable an esteem they were held at the time 
when that book was compiled. (4.) The account 
of the martyrdom of James the Just given by Heg- 
esippus. While the Scribes and Pharisees were 
stoning him, " one of the priests of the sons of 
Rechab, the son of Rechabim, who are mentioned 
by Jeremiah the prophet," cried out, protesting 
against the crime. Dr. Stanley supposes the name 
" priests " here used loosely, as indicating the ab- 
stemious life of James and other Nazarites, and 
points to the fact that Epiphanius ascribes to 
Symeon the brother of James the words which 
Hegesippus puts into the Rechabite's mouth. Cal- 
met supposes the man was one of the Rechabite 
Nethinim, whom the informant of Hegesippus took, 
in his ignorance, for a priest. (5.) Some later no- 
tices are not without interest. Benjamin of Tudela, 
in the twelfth century, mentions that near ElJubar 
(= Pumbeditha) he found Jews who were named 
Rechabites. They tilled the ground, kept flocks 
and herds, abstained from wine and flesh, and gave 
tithes to teachers who devoted themselves to study- 
ing the Law, and weeping for Jerusalem. A later 



[ traveller, Dr. Joseph Wolff, gives a yet stranger 
and more detailed report. The Jews of Jerusalem 
and Yemen told him that he would find the Rechab- 
ites of Jer. xxxv. living near Mecca. When he 
came near Scnaa, he came in contact with a tribe, 
the Beiii-Khaib7%ytho identified themselves with the 
sons of Jonadab. One of them, Mousa, read to 
Dr. Woltf from an Arabic Bible Jer. xxxv. 6-11, 
and affirmed that it was fulfilled in them, and that 
they were 60,000 in number. After a second inter- 
view with Mousa, he describes them as keeping 
strictly to the old rule, calls them now by the name 
of the B'ne-Arhab,nn{l says that B y ne Israel of the 
tribe of Dan live with them. Signor Pierotti read 
a paper " On recent notices of the Rechabites " be- 
fore the British Association, in October, 1862. He 
met with a tribe about two miles S. E. of the Dead 
Sun, who called themselves by that name, had a 
Hebrew Bible, said their prayers at the tomb of a 
Jewish Rabbi, and told him the same stories as' bad 
been told to Wolff thirty years before. 

Rc'thall [-kah] (Heb. the aide, hinder pari, Ges.). 
In 1 Chr. iv. 12, Beth-rapha, Paseah, and Tehinnah 
the father, or founder, of Ir-nahash, are said to 
have been " the men of Rechah." 

* Re»-cn-< il-i-a tion. Atonement. 

Rc-cord'cr (Heb. mazcir), an officer of high rank 
in the Jewish state, exercising the functions not 
simply of an annalist, but of chancellor or presi- 
dent of the privy council. In David's court the 
recorder appears among the high officers of his 
household (2 Sam. viii. 16, xx. 24 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 15). 
S In Solomon's he is coupled with the three secreta- 
! lies, and is mentioned last, probably as being their 
president (1 K. iv. 3 ; compare 2 K. xviii. 18, 37 ; 2 
Chr. xxxiv. 8). King; Writing. 

* Red. Colors ; Red Heifer ; Red Sea. 

* Ro-deem'cr, the A. V. translation of Heb. guel, 
applied (so Gesenius) to one who redeems a field by 
paying back the price for which it had been sold, 
this right belonging to the nearest kinsman (Lev. 
xxv. 25, 26 ; A. V. in both " to redeem "), and often 
figuratively applied to God as redeeming and deliv- 
ering men, and especially Israel (Job xix. 25 ; Is. 
xlix. 7, 26, &c). The same word is also translated 
"kinsman" (Ru. iv. 1 ff. [= margin "redeemer" 
in 14], &c), "avenger," or "revenger" sc. of blood 
(Num. xxxv. 12 ff., &c). Blood, Avenger of ; Mar- 
riage : Atonement ; Jesus Christ ; Saviour, &c. 

* Rc-dcmp'tion, the A. V. translation of — I. Heb. 
gSullah — the redemption or repurchase of a field, 
&c. (Lev. xxv. 24, 51, 52 ; Jer. xxxii. 7, 8 ; Re- 
deemer). — 2. Heb. piduth (Ex. viii. 23 marg. [Heb. 
19] ; Ps. cxi. 9, exxx. 7), pidyorn (Num. iii. 49), 
pidyon (Ps. xlix. 8 [Heb. 9] ; Ransom), all from a 
Hebrew root signifying (so Gesenius) io cut, to cut in 
two, to cut loom, hence to ransom, to redeem, to set free. 
— 3. Gr. apolutrosis, properly (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
a letting off for a ransom, i. e. redemption, deliverance 
on account of a ransom paid (Lk. xxi. 28 ; Rom. iii. 
24, viii. 23 ; 1 Cor. i. 30 ; Eph. i. 7, 14, iv. 30 ; Col. i. 
14; Heb. ix. 15), once translated "deliverance" 
(xi. 35). — 4. Gr. lutrosis — a ransoming, deliverance 
(Lk. ii. 38; Heb. ix. 12); once, with a verb signi- 
fying to make, translated " redeemed," i. e. made re- 
demption for (Lk. i. 68). Atonement ; Jehovah ; 
Jesus Christ; Redeemer. 

Red Heifer [hef-]. Purification. 

Red Sea. The sea known to us as the Red Sea 
was bv the Israelites called in Heb. havydm = " the 
sea" "(Ex. xiv. 2, 9, 16, 21, 28, xv. 1,'4, 8, 10, 19; 
Josh. xxiv. 6, 7, &c); and specially yamsuph, A.V. 



RED 



RED 



919 



"Red Sea" (Ex. x. 19, xiii. 18, xv. 4, 22, xxiii. 31 ; 
Num. xiv. 25, &c). It is perhaps written in Heb. su- 
phdh in Num. xxi. 14, rendered " Red Sea " in A. V. 
(Numbers, B) ; and in like manner in Deut. i. 1, suph, 
A. V. " Red Sea," margin " Zuph." The LXX. al- 
ways render it he eruihra thalassa (except in Judg. 
xi. 16). The same Greek name occurs in Acts vii. 
36 and Heb. xi. 29. — Of the names of this sea (1.) 
Heb. yam signifies " the sea," or any sea. It is also 
applied to the Nile (exactly as the Arabic bahr is 
so applied) in Nab. iii. 8. (2.) Heb. yam-suph. The 
meaning of suph, and the reason of its being ap- 
plied to this sea, have given rise to much learned 
controversy. Gesenius renders it rush, reed, sedge, 
sea-weed. It is mentioned in the 0. T. almost always 
in connection with the sea of the Exodus ; it also 
occurs in the narrative of the exposure of Moses 
(Ex. ii. 3, 5), and in Is. xix. 6, where it is rendered 
"flag " in the A. V. It only occurs in one place 
besides those already referred to : in Jon. ii. 5, Heb. 
6 (A. V. " wesds "). The suph of the sea, it seems 
quite certain, is a sea-weed resembling wool (so Mr. 
E. S. Poole, original author of this article). Such 
sea-weed is thrown up abundantly on the shores of 
the Red Sea. But it may have been also applied to 
any substance resembling wool, produced by a flu- 
vial rush, such as the papyrus, and hence by a synec- 
doche to such rush itself. (3.) Heb. yeor, signifies 
" a river." Gesenius says it is almost exclusively 
used of the Nile (and so Fiirst, Porter [in Kitto], 
Fairbairn, &c); but Mr. Poole thinks that in the 
passages relating to the exposure of Moses it applies 
to the ancient extension of the Red Sea toward 
Tanis (Zoan, Avaris), or to the ancient canal through 
which the water of the Nile passed to the " tongue 
of the Egyptian Sea." (4.) Gr. he eruihra lhalassa 
(Acts vii. 36 ; Heb. xi. 29) ; L. mare Erythrozum. 
The authors of theories concerning the origin of 
this appellation may be divided into two schools. 
The first have ascribed it to some natural phenom- 
enon ; such as the singularly red appearance of the 
mountains of the western coast; the red color of 
the water sometimes caused by the presence of zo- 
ophytes ; the red coral of the sea ; the red sea- 
weed ; and the red storks that have been seen in 
great numbers, &c. The second have endeavored 
to find an etymological derivation. Of these the 
earliest (European) writers proposed a derivation 
from Edom (red), by the Greeks translated literally.. 
The Greeks and Romans tell us that the sea re- 
ceived its name from a great king, Erythras (Gr. 
Eruthras), who reigned in the adjacent country : 
the stories that have come down to us appear to be 
distortions of the tradition that Himyer was the 
name of apparently the chief family of Arabia Fe- 
lix, the great South-Arabian kingdom, whence the 
Himyerites, and Homeritae. Himyer appears to be 
derived from the Arabic ahmar, red. We can 
scarcely doubt, on these etymological grounds, the 
connection between the Phenicians and the Himyer- 
ites, or that in this is the true origin of the appellation 
of the Red Sea. But when the ethnological side of 
the question is considered, the evidence is much 
strengthened. The South-Arabian kingdom was a 
Joktanite (orShemite) nation mixed with a Cushite. 
The Red Sea, therefore, was most probably the Sea 
of the Red men. — Ancient Limits. The most im- 
portant change in the Red Sea has been the drying 
up of its northern extremity, " the tongue of the 
Egyptian Sea." The land about the head of the 
gulf has risen, and that near the Mediterranean be- 
come depressed. The head of the gulf has conse- 



quently retired gradually since the Christian era. 
Thus the prophecy of Isaiah has been fulfilled (xi. 
15, xix. 5) : the tongue of the Red Sea has dried up 
for a distance of at least fifty miles from its ancient 
head. An ancient canal conveyed the waters of 
the Nile to the Red Sea flowing through the Wddi- 
t-Tumeyldl, and irrigating with its system of water- 
channels a large extent of country (see maps under 
Egypt, and Exodus, the). The drying up of the 
head of the gulf appears to have been one of the 
chief causes of the neglect and ruin of this canal. 
The country, for the distance above indicated, is 
now a desert of gravelly sand, with wide patches 
about the old sea-bottom, of rank marsh-land, now 
called the "Bitter Lakes." At the northern ex- 
tremity of this salt waste is a small lake sometimes 
called the Lake of Heroopolis, now Birkel et-Timsdh 
(the Lake of the Crocodile), and supposed to mark 
the ancient head of the gulf. The canal that con- 
nected this with the Nile was of Pharaonic origin, 
anciently known as the Fossa Rcgum (L. = King's 
Canal), and the Canal of Hero. The time at which 
the canal was extended, after the drying up of the 
head of the gulf, to the present head is uncertain, 
but it must have been late, and probably since the 
Mohammedan conquest. Traces of the ancient 
channel throughout its entire length to the vicinity 
of Bubastis (Pi-beseth), exist at intervals in the 
present day. The land N. of the ancient head of 
the gulf is a plain of heavy sand, merging into 
marsh-land near the Mediterranean coast, and ex- 
tending to Palestine. This region, including Wddi- 
t-Tumeyldt, was probably the frontier-land occupied 
in part by the Israelites, and open to the incur- 
sions of the wild tribes of the Arabian desert. — 
Physical Description. In extreme length the Red 
Sea stretches from the Straits of Bab el-Mendeb (or 
rather Eds Bdb el-Mendeb) in latitude 12° 40' N., to 
the modern head of the Gulf of Suez, latitude 30° 
N., about 1,400 English miles (see map under Ara> 
bia). Its greatest width may be stated roughly at 
about 200 geographical miles ; this is about latitude 
16' 30', but the navigable channel is here really nar- 
rower than in some other portions. From shore to 
shore, its narrowest part is at Rds Bends, latitude 
24°, on the African coast, to Rds Bereedee opposite, 
a little north of Yembo\ the port of Medina ; and 
thence northward to Rds Mohammed, the sea main- 
tains about the same average width of 100 geo- 
graphical miles. At Rds Mohammed, the Red Sea is 
split by the granitic peninsula of Sinai into tvvo 
gulfs : the westernmost, or Gulf of Suez, is now 
about 130 geographical miles in length, with an 
average width of about 18, though it contracts to 
less than 10 miles : the easternmost, or Gulf of El- 
'Akabeh, is only about 90 miles long, from the Straits 
of Tirdn, to the 'Akabeh (Elath), and of propor- 
tionate narrowness. The navigation of the Red Sea 
and Gulf of Suez, near the shore, is very difficult 
from the abundance of shoals, coral-reefs, rocks, 
and small islands ; but in mid-channel, exclusive of 
the Gulf of Suez, there is generally a width of 100 
miles clear, except the Dasdalus reef. The bottom 
in deep soundings is in most places sand and stones, 
from Suez as far as Juddah ; and thence to the 
straits it is commonly mud. The deepest sounding 
in the excellent Admiralty chart is 1,054 fathoms, 
in latitude 22° 30'. Journeying southward from 
Suez, on our left is the peninsula of Sinai : on the 
right is the desert coast of Egypt, of limestone for- 
mation like the greater part of the Nile valley 
in Egypt, the cliffs on the sea-margin stretching 



920 



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landward in a great rocky plateau, while more inland 
a chain of volcanic mountains (beginning about lati- 
tude 28° 4' and running S.) rears its lofty peaks 
at intervals above the limestone, generally about 15 
miles distant, and some of them 6,000 feet or more 
in height. This coast is especially interesting in a 
Biblical point of view, for here were some of the 
earliest monasteries of the Eastern Church, and in 
those secluded and barren mountains lived very 
early Christian hermits. South of the "Elba" 
chain (about latitude 22°), the country gradually 
sinks to a plain, until it rises to the highland of 
Geeddn, latitude 15', and thence to the straits ex- 
tends a chain of low mountains. The greater part 
nl' the African coast of the Red Sea is sterile, sandy, 
and thinly peopled. The Gulf of El- Akabeh (i. e. 
u nl' the Mountain-road") is the termination of the 
loin; valley of the Glior ov'Arabah that runs north- 
ward to the Dead Sea. It is itself a narrow valley ; 
the sides are lofty and precipitous mountains, of en- 
tire barrenness ; the bottom is a river-like sea, run- 
ning nearly straight for its whole length of about 
90 miles. The northerly winds rush down this 
gorge with uncommon fury, and render its naviga- 
tion extremely perilous; while most of the few 
anchorages are open to the southerly gales. The 
western shore is the peninsula of Sinai. The Ara- 
bian chain of mountains skirts the eastern coast. 
The sea, from its dangers and sterile shores, is en- 
tirely destitute of boats. The Arabian coast out- 
side the Gulf of 'Akabeh is skirted by the range 
of Arabian mountains, which generally leave a belt 
of coast country, called Tihdmek, or the G'hdr. This 
tract is generally a sandy parched plain, thinly in- 
habited ; these characteristics being especially strong 
in the N. The mountains of the Ilejdz consist of 
ridges running parallel toward the interior, and in- 
creasing in height as they recede. The distant 
ranges have a rugged pointed outline, and are gra- 
nitic ; nearer the sea many of the hills are fossilifer- 
ous limestone, while the beach hills consist of light- 
colored sandstone, fronted by and containing large 
quantities of shells and masses of coral. Some of 
the mountains on this side are from 6,000 to T^OO feet 
high. The coast-line itself, or Tihdmch, N. of Ycrnbo\ 
is of moderate elevation, varying from 50 to 100 
feet, with no beach. To the southward to Juddah 
it is more sandy and less elevated. The coral of the 
Red Sea is remarkably abundant, and beautifully 
colored and variegated. It is often red, but the 
more common kind is white ; and of hewn blocks 
of tliis many of the Arabian towns are built. — The 
earlie-t navigation of the Red Sea (passing by the 
pre-historical Phenicians) is mentioned by Herodo- 
tus. "Sesostris (Rameses II.) was the first who, 
passing the Arabian Gulf in a fleet of long vessels, 
reduced under his authority the inhabitants of the 
coast bordering the Erythrean Sea." Three cen- 
turies later, Solomon's navy was built " in Ezion- 
geber which is beside Eloth (Elath), on the shore 
of the Red Sea in the land of Edom" (1 K. ix. 26). 
It is possible that the sea has retired here as at 
Suez, and that Ezion-geber is now dry land. Jehosh- 
aphat also " made ships of Tharshish to go to 
Ophir for gold : but they went not, for the ships 
were broken at Ezion-geber " (xxii. 48). The scene 
of this wreck has been supposed to be Edh-Dhahab. 
The fashion of the ancient ships of the Red Sea, or 
of the Phenician ships of Solomon, is unknown. 
From Pliny we learn that the ships were of papyrus 
and like the boats of the Nile (Egypt) ; and this state- 
ment was no doubt in some measure correct. El-Mak- 



\ reczee,in the first half of the fifteenth century, thus 
! describes the ships that sailed from Ei/dhdb on the 
I Egyptian coast to Juddah: "Their '■jelrbehs,' which 
[ carry the pilgrims on the coast, have not a nail used 
in them, but their planks are sewed together with 
fibre, w hich is taken from the coeoanut-tree, and they 
caulk them with the fibres of the wood of tlie date- 
palm ; then they ' pay ' them with butter, or the oil 
of the palma Christi, or with the fat of the kirsh 
(white shark '? Sqvalus Carcharias). . . . The sails 
of these jelebehs are of mats made of the r/<5n<-palm." 
The fleets appear to have sailed about the autumnal 
equinox, and returned in December or the middle 
of January. The Red Sea, as it possessed for many 
centuries the most important sea-trade of the East, 
contained ports of celebrity. Of these, Elath and 
I Ezion-geber alone appear to be mentioned in the 
J Bible. The Heroopolite Gulf (Gulf of Suez) is of 
the chief interest : it was near to Goshen ; it was the 
scene of the passage of the Red Sea ; and it was the 
" tongue of the Egyptian Sea." It was also the seat 
of the Egyptian trade in this sea and to the Indian 
Ocean. Heroopolis is doubtless the same as Hero, 
and its site is probably identified with the modern 
Aboo Kexhri/d, at the head of the old gulf. (Rame- 
ses.) Suez is a poor town, and has only an unsafe 
anchorage, with very shoal water. On the shore of 
the Heroopolite gulf was also Arsinoe, founded by 
Ptolemy Pliiladelphus : its site has not been settled. 
Berenice, founded by the same, on the southern 
frontier of Egypt, rose to importance under the 
Ptolemies and the Romans : it is now of no note. 
On the western coast was also the anchorage of 
Myos Hormos, a little N. of the modern town El- 
Kusei/r, which now forms the point of communica- 
tion with tlie old route to Coptos. On the Arabian 
coast the principal ports are MiPe.yleh, Ycuihd (the 
port of Medina), Juddah (the port of Mecca), and 
Mukhd, by us commonly written Mocha. The com- 
merce of the Red Sea was, in very ancient times, 
unquestionably great. The earliest records tell of 
the ships of the Egyptians, the Phenicians, and the 
Arabs. (Alexandria ; Arabia ; Egypt ; Phenicia.) 
But the shoaling of the head of the gulf rendered 
the navigation, always dangerous, more difficult ; it 
destroyed the former anchorages, and made it neces- 
sary to carry merchandise across the desert to the 
Nile. This change appears to have been one of the 
main causes of the decay of the commerce of Egypt. 
Since the time of Mohammed the Red Sea trade has 
been insignificant. 

Red Sea, Pas sage of the. The passage of the 
Red Sea was the crisis of the Exodus. (Exonus, the.) 
It was the miracle by which the Israelites left Egypt 
and were delivered from the oppressor. (Pharaoh 4.) 
The points that arise are the place of the passage, 
the narrative, and the importance of the event in 
Biblical history. 1. It is usual to suppose that the 
most northern place at which the Red Sea could 
have been crossed is the present head of the Gulf of 
Suez. An examination of the country N. of Suez has 
shown, however, that the sea has receded many 
miles (so Mr. R. S. Poole, original author of this ar- 
ticle). The old bed is indicated by the Birke.t-el-T'tm- 
sdh (Lake of the Croeodile), and the most southern 
Bitter Lakes, the northernmost part of the former 
probably corresponding to the head of the gulf at 
the time of the Exodus. — It is necessary to endeavor 
to ascertain the route of the Israelites before we at- 
tempt to discover where they crossed the sea. The 
point from which they started was Rameses, a place 
certainly in the land of Goshen, which we identify 



RED 



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921 



with the Wddi-t-Tumeyldt (see maps under Egypt 
and Exodus, the). After the mention that the peo- 
ple journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, and before 
that of their departure from Succoth, a passage oc- 
curs which appears to show the first direction of the 
journey, and not a change in the route : " God 
led them not [by] the way of the land of the Philis- 
tines, although that [was] near ; . . . but God caused 
the people to turn [by] the way of the wilderness of 
the Red Sea" (Ex. xiii. IV, 18). At the end of the 
second day's journey the camping-place was at 
Ethaji " in the edge of the wilderness " (Ex. xiii. 
20; Num. xxxiii. 6). Here the Wddi-l-Tumeyldt was 
probably left, as it is cultivable and terminates in 
the desert. After leaving this place the direction 
seems to have changed. The first passage relating 
to the journey, after the mention of the encamping 
at Etham, is a command given to Moses : " Speak 
unto the children of Israel, that they turn [or ' re- 
turn '] and encamp [or ' that they encamp again '] 
before Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, 
over against Baal-zephon " (Ex. xiv. 2). This ex- 
planation is added: "And Pharaoh will say of the 
children of Israel, They [are] entangled in the land, 
the wilderness hath shut them in " (3). The ren- 
dering of the A. V., " that they turn and encamp," 
seems the most probable of those given. At the end 
of the third day's march, for each camping-place 
seems to mark the close of a day's journey, the 
Israelites encamped by the sea. The place of this 
last encampment, and that of the passage, if Mr. 
Poole's views as to the most probable route are 
correct, would not be very far from the Persepolitan 
monument, about thirty miles N. of the present head 
of the Gulf of Suez. Local tradition favors the com- 
mon opinion that the Israelites passed near the pres- 
ent head of the gulf ; but local tradition in Egypt and 
the neighboring countries, judging from the evidence 
of history, is of very little value. The Moslems sup- 
pose the Pharaoh of the Exodus resided at Memphis. 
From opposite Memphis a broad valley leads to the 
Red Sea. It is in part called the WddiA-Teeh = 
Valley of the Wandering. From it the traveller 
reaches the sea beneath the lofty Gebel-et-Tdkah, 
which rises on the N. and shuts off all escape in that 
direction, except by a narrow way along the sea- 
shore, which Pharaoh might have occupied. The 
sea here is broad and deep, as the narrative is gen- 
erally held to imply. All the local features seem 
suited for a great event. The supposition that the 
Israelites took an upper route, now that of the Mecca 
caravan, along the desert to the N. of the elevated 
tract between Cairo and Suez, must be mentioned, 
although it is less probable than that just noticed, 
and offers the same difficulties. It is, however, pos- 
sible to suppose that the Israelites crossed the sea 
near Suez without attaining it through the Wddi-t- 
Teeh. If they went through the Wddi-t-Tumeyldt 
they might have turned southward from its E. end, 
and so reached the neighborhood of Suez ; but this 
would make the third day's journey more than thirty 
miles at least. Mr. Poole therefore thinks that the 
only opinion warranted by the narrative is that al- 
ready stated, which supposes the passage of the sea 
to have taken place near the northernmost part of 
its ancient extension. — The last camping-place was 
before Pi-hahiroth. It appears that Migdol was 
behind Pi-hahiroth, and, on the other hand, Baal- 
zephon and the sea. From Pi-hahiroth the Israel- 
ites crossed the sea. The only points bearing on 
geography in the account of this event are (a.) that 
the sea was divided by an E. wind, whence we may 



reasonably infer that it was crossed from W. to E., 
and (b.) that the whole Egyptian army perished, 
which shows that it must have been some miles 
broad, probably at least twelve miles. 2. A careful 
examination of the narrative of the passage of the 
Red Sea is necessary to a right understanding of the 
event. When the Israelites had departed, Pharaoh 
repented that he had let them go. Mr. Poole sup- 
poses he started from Zoan to pursue them. The 
strength of Pharaoh's army is not further specified 
than by the statement that " he took six hundred 
chosen chariots, and [or 1 even '] all the chariots of 
Egypt, and captains over every one of them " (xvi. 
V ; Chariot). With this army, which, even if a 
small one, was mighty in comparison to the Israelite 
multitude, encumbered with women, children, and 
cattle, Pharaoh overtook the people "encamping by 
the sea" (9). When the Israelites saw the oppress- 
or's army they were terrified and murmured against 
Moses (11, 12). Then Moses encouraged them, bid- 
ding them see how God would save them. It seems 
from the narrative that Moses did not know at this 
time how the people would be saved, and spoke only 
from a heart full of faith, for we read, " And the 
Lord said unto Moses, Wherefore criest thou unto 
Me? speak unto the children of Israel, that they go 
forward : but lift thou up thy rod, and stretch out 
thine hand over the sea, and divide it : and the chil- 
dren of Israel shall go on dry [ground] through the 
midst of the sea" (15, 16). That night the two 
armies, the fugitives and the pursuers, were en- 
camped near together. Between them was "the 
pillar of the cloud," darkness to the Egyptians and 
a light to the Israelites. Perhaps in the camp of 
Israel the sounds of the hostile camp might be heard 
on the one hand, and on the other the roaring of 
the sea. But the pillar was a barrier and a sign 
of deliverance. The time was now come for the 
great decisive miracle of the Exodus. "And Moses 
stretched out his hand over the sea : and the Lord 
caused the sea to go [back] by a strong east wind 
all that night, and made the sea dry [land], and the 
waters were divided. And the children of Israel went 
through the midst of the sea upon the dry [ground] : 
and the waters [were] a wall unto them on their 
right hand, and on their left" (21, 22, compare 29). 
The narrative distinctly states that a path was made 
through the sea, and that the waters were a wall on 
either hand. The term " wall " does not appear to 
oblige us to suppose, as many have done, that the 
sea stood up like a cliff on either side, but should 
rather be considered to mean a barrier, as the for- 
mer idea implies a seemingly-needless addition to the 
miracle, while the latter seems to be not discordant 
with the language of the narrative. It was during 
the night that the Israelites crossed, and the Egyp- 
tians followed. In the morning watch, the last third 
or fourth of the night, or the period before sunrise, 
Pharaoh's army was in full pursuit in the divided sea, 
and was there miraculously troubled, so that the 
Egyptians sought to flee (23-25). Then was Moses 
commanded again to stretch out his hand, and the 
sea returned to its strength, and overwhelmed the 
Egyptians, of whom not one remained alive (26-28). 
From Ps. lxxvii. 15-20 we learn that at the time of 
the passage of the sea there was a storm of rain with 
thunder and lightning, perhaps accompanied by an 
earthquake. 3. The importance of this event in 
Biblical history is shown by the manner in which it 
is spoken of in the books of the 0. T. written in later 
times (Job xxvi. 10-13). In them it is the chief fact 
of Jewish history. — It may be inquired how it is that 



922 



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there seems to have been no record or tradition of 
this miracle among the Egyptians. This question in- 
volves that of the time in Egyptian history to which 
this event should be assigned. The date of the Exo- 
dus according to different chronologers varies more 
than three hundred years ; the dates of the Egyptian 
dynasties ruling during this period of three hundred 
years vary full one hundred. If the lowest date of 
the beginning of the eighteenth dynasty be taken 
and the highest date of the Exodus, both which Mr. 
Poole considers the most probable of those which 
have been conjectured in the two cases, the Israel- 
ites must have left Egypt in a period of which mon- 
» i j 1 1 < ■ 1 1 r — or other records arc almost wanting. CHRO- 
NOLOGY ; Miraclks; Moses. 

Rci'd. Under this name may be noticed several 
Hebrew and Greek words : — 1. Heb. ttgmon occurs in 
Job xl. 2G (A. V. xl;. 2, " hook "), xl'i. 12 (A. V. xli. 
20, "caldron"); Is. ix. 14 (A. V. "rush"). It is 
mentioned also as an Egyptian plant (A. V. " rush ") 
in Is. xix. 15; while from lviii. 5 (A. V. "bulrush") 
we learn that it had a pendulous panicle. There can be 
no doubt th.it it denotes some aquatic reed-like plant, 
whether of the Natural order Cypcracea? (Sedges), or 
that of Qratninece (Grasses). Celsius has argued in 
favor of the Arundo jduagmitis ; Mr. Houghton is 
inclined to adopt his opinion. This is a stout grass- 
like reed, often an inch in diameter at the base, six 
to twelve feet high, found in both continents in 
swamps and about pends and streams, sometimes 
used for thatching, fencing gardens, &.C., and, when 
split, for making strings, mats, &c. The Arundo 
phragmilis (now the Phragmilis communis), if it 
does not occur in Palestine and Egypt, is represented 
by a very closely allied species, viz. the Arundo 
itiaca of Delisle. The drooping panicle of flowers 
of this plant will answer well to the "bowing down 
the head" of which Isaiah speaks. The kindred 
iigdm (Pond ; Pool) is once translated "reed " (Jer. 
li. 32) by the A. V., Gesenius, &e. — 2. Heb. gome, 
in A. V. " rush " (Job viii. 11 ; Is. xxxv. 7) and " bul- 
rush " (Ex. ii. 3; Is. xviii. 2), without doubt denotes 
the celebrated paper-reed of the ancients (Papyrus 
Antiquorum), a plant of the Sedge family (Cyper- 
acece), formerly common in some parts of Egypt. 
According to Bruce the modern Abyssinians use 
boats made of the papyrus reed. (Egypt, pp. 254- 
5.) The ancient material called " papyrus," used 
for writing, was made from the soft cellular portion 
of the stem, cut lengthwise into thin slices, which 
were placed in two layers, one across the other, 
glued together, pressed and dried. The lower part 
of the papyrus reed was used as food by the ancient 
Egyptians. The papyrus reed is not now found in 
Egypt ; it grows, however, in Syria. Mr. Tristram 
found it growing luxuriantly, with a stem sixteen 
feet long and three inches in diameter, in a marsh 
near Klian Minych on the edge of the Lake of Ti- 
berias (Genxesaret), and forming " an impenetrable 
wilderness " in the marsh of the Huleh, ancient 
" waters of Merom " (Trm. 436, 587). The papy- 
rus-plant (Papyrus Antiquorum) has an angular 
stem from three to six feet or more in height ; 
it has no leaves; the flowers are in very small 
spikelets, which grow on thread-like flowering 
branchlets which form a bushy crown to each 
stem. — 3. Heb. pi. 'aroth is erroneously translated 
" paper-reed " in Is. xix. 7. — 4. Heb. kartell = a 
reed of any kind; it occurs in numerous passages 
of the 0. T., and sometimes denotes the " stalk " of 
wheat (Gen. xli. 5, 22), or the "branches" of the 
candlestick (Ex. xxv., xxxvii.) ; in Job xxxi. 22, it 



denotes " the bone " of the arm between the elbow 
and the shoulder ; in Ez. xl.-xlii. it denotes a meas- 
uring " reed " of six cubits. It is translated " reed " 




Papyrus plant or Paper-reed {Papyrus Antiquorum). 



in 1 K. xiv. 15; 2 K. xviii. 21; Job xl. 21; Ps. 
lxviii. 30 marg. (Heb. 31); Is. xix. 6, xxxv. 7, xxxvi. 




Reed (Arundo Donax}. 



6, xlii. 3; Ez. xxix. 6: "calamus" in Ex. xxx. 23: 
i Cant. iv. 14; Ez. xxvii. 19: "sweet cane" in Is. 



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923 



xliii. 24, and Jer. vi. 20 : " balance " in Is. xlvi. 6. 
Strand (Flor. Palcest. 28-30) gives the following 
names of the reed-plants of Palestine : — Saccharum 
officinale (sugar-cane ; see below), Cyperus Papyrus 
(Papyrus Antiquorum), Cyperiis rotundas and Cy- 
perus esculentus, and Arundo scriptoria; but no 
doubt the species are numerous. The Arundo 
Donax, the Arundo jEgyptiaca (?) of Bove, is com- 
mon on the banks of the Nile, and may perhaps be 
" the staff of the bruised reed " to which Sennacherib 
compared the power of Egypt (2 K. xviii. 21 ; Ez. 
xxix. 6, 1). The thick stem of this reed may have 
been used as walking-staves by the ancient Orientals ; 
perhaps the measuring-reed was this plant; at pres- 
ent the dry culms of this huge grass are in much de- 
mand for fishing-rods, &c. Some kind of fragrant 
reed is denoted by kuneh in Is. xliii. 24 ; Ez. xxvii. 
19 ; Cant. iv. 14 ; or more fully by keneh bosem 
(literally cane of fragrance or of spice) in Ex. xxx. 
23, or kdneh hattob (i. e. good [or fragrant] cane, Jer. 
vi. 20) ; which the A. V. renders " sweet cane," and 
" calamus." It was of foreign importation (Jer. vi. 
20). Some writers have sought to identify the kdneh 
bosem with the Acorus Calamus, the sweet sedge, also 
called sweet flag, sweet cane, and calamus. Dr. Royle 
refers the aromatic calamus or sweet cane of Dioscor- 
ides to a species of Andropogon, which he calls 
Andropogon calamus aromalicus, a plant of remark- 
able fragrance, and a native of Central India. Still 
there is no necessity to refer the keneh bosem or 
hattob to the sweet cane of Dioscorides ; it may be rep- 
resented by Dr. Royle's plant or by the Andropo- 
gon Schcenanthus, the lemon-grass of India and 
Arabia. Before the crusades, sugar-cane (Saccha- 




(Andropojon Schcenanthus). 



rum Offianarum or Saccharum officinale) was cul- 
tivated in abundance on the plains of Jericho and on 
the Mediterranean coast around Tripolis and as far S. 
as Tyre. The remains of ancient sugar-mills are still 
seen W. of ' Ain es-Sultdn (Rbn. i. 561-2; Thn. ii. 
457; Jericho). — 5. Gr. kalamos is uniformly trans- 
lated "reed" (Mat. xi. 1, xii. 20, xxvii. 29, 30, 48; 
Mk. xv. 19, 36; Lk. vii. 24; Rev. xi. 1, xxi. 15, 16), 



except once (3 Jn. 13, A. V. "pen ;" Writing); in 
LXX. = No. 4 in Is. xlii. and Ez. xl. In Mat. xxvii. 
48 and Mk. xv. 36 it denotes the stalk or stem of 
hyssop (so Robinson, Lange, Royle [in Kitto], 
Barnes; comp. Jn. xix. 29); in Rev. a measuring- 
reed or rod. 

Kc-e-lai'ail [-la'yah] (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah 
makes tremble, i. e. who fears Jehovah, Ges.), one 
of the children of the province who went up with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2). In Neh. vii. 1 he is called 
Raamiah, and in 1 Esd. v. 8 Reesaias. 

Re-e'li-us (fr. Gr.) = Bigvai in Ezr. ii. 2 (1 Esd. 
v. 8). 

Re-e-sai'as (fr. Gr.) = Reelaiah or Raamiah (1 
Esd. v. 8). 

Uc-fl'ner (Heb. tsoreph, metsdrep\). The refiner's 
art was essential to the working of the precious 
metals. It consisted in the separation of the dross 
from the pure ore, which was effected by reducing 
the metal to a fluid state by the application of heat, 
and by the aid of solvents, such as alkali (Is. i. 25) 
or lead (Jer. vi. 29), which, amalgamating with the 
dross, permitted the extraction of the unadulterated 
metal. The instruments required by the refiner 
were a crucible or furnace, and a bellows or blow- 
pipe. He sat at his work (Mai. iii. 3), and could 
thus better watch the process, and let the metal run 
off at the proper moment. (Handicraft; Metals; 
Mines.) The notices of refining are chiefly figura- 
tive, and describe moral refinement as the result of 
chastening (Is. i. 25 ; Zech. xiii. 9 ; Mai. iii. 2, 3). 

Ref nge, Cit y of. City of Refuge. 

Regent [g as in get] (Heb. friend, sc. of God, 
Ges.), son of Jahdai, among Caleb's descendants (1 
Chr. ii. 41). 

Rc'gcm-Eie'lccll [-lek] (Heb. friend of the king, 
Ges.). Sherezer and Regem-melech were sent on 
behalf of some of the Captivity to make inquiries at 
the Temple concerning fasting (Zech. vii. 2). The 
expression " the people of the land " (ver. 5) seems 
to indicate that those who sent to the Temple were 
not the captive Jews in Babylon, but those who had 
returned to their own country ; hence in verse 2 
" Bethel " (A. V. " house of God ") is probably to 
be taken as the subject of the verb — " and Bethel, 
i. e. the inhabitants of Bethel, sent " (so Mr. Wright, 
with Henderson, &c). Mr. Wright supposes Regem- 
melech (comp. 1 Chr. xxvii. 33) was probably an As- 
syrian title of office. 

* Rc-gen-er-a'tion [-jen-] (fr. L. = a being horn 
again, new birth), the A. V. translation of Gr. paling- 
genesia, which occurs twice only in the N. T. (Mat. xix. 
28 ; Tit. iii. 5). In Mat. 1. c. the best interpreters con- 
nect the phrase " in the regeneration," not with the 
preceding words " followed me," but with the suc- 
ceeding clauses, and consider " when the Son of Man 
shall sit in the throne of His glory " as explanatory 
of " in the regeneration." Robinson (JV. T. Lex.) 
makes the word here = renovation, restoration, res- 
titution, from decay and ruin to a former state ; and 
regards it as spoken of the complete external mani- 
festation of the Messiah's kingdom when all things 
are to be delivered from their present corruption 
and restored to spiritual purity and splendor (comp. 
Acts iii. 21). In Tit. iii. 5 the word is used tropically 
in a moral or spiritual sense (comp. Jn. iii. 3 ff. 
"born again," &c.) to denote the beginning of a 
Christian life, which involves a change by grace from 
a carnal to a Christian state, from sinful to holy affec- 
tions. Death ; Faith ; Life ; Messiah ; Spirit, the 
Holy, &c. 

* Region, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. hebel 



924 



REG 



REH 



or chcbcl (literally a rope or cord) in the phrase " the 
region of Argob " (Deut. iii. 4, 13 ; 1 K. iv. 13), 
once translated " the country of Argob " (Deut. iii. 
14). In Zeph. ii. 5-7, the same Hebrew word is 
translated " coast," as applied to the region border- 
ing on the Mediterranean Sea; also in Josh. xix. 29 
in the phrase "from the coast to Achzib." The 
word is also translated "cord" (Josh. ii. 15; Eccl. 

xii. 6, &c), "line" (2 Sam. viii. 2; Ps. xvi. 6, &c), 
"rope" (1 K. xx. 81, 32, &c.), " lot " (Deut. xxxii. 
9, &c), " portion" (Josh. xvii. 5, 14, &c), " band" 
(Ps. cxix. 61), " company" (1 Sam. x. 5, 10), &c. — 
2. Heb. niiphdh (= high place, height, Gcs.) in the 
phrase "the region of Dor " (1 K. iv. 11), ebewhere 
translated "the coast" (Josh. xii. 23), or "borders 
of Dor" (xu 2). — 3. Gr. klirna = a climate, clime, 
region, Ron. N. T. Lex. (2 Cor. xi. 10; Gal. i. 21), 
also translated in the plural " parts " (Rom. xv. 23). 
— i. Gr. chora (Mat. iv. 10 ; Lk. iii. 1 ; Acts viii. 1, 

xiii. 49, xvi. 6), usually translated " country " (Mat. 
ii. 12, viii. 28, &c), also " land" (Mk. i. 5, &c.), &c. 
See also the next article. 

Re gion round a-bout , the (Gr. he pcrichdros, in 
LXX. =z hae-Ciaar ; Plain 3). The Greek term 
in Mat. iii. 5 and Lk. iii. 3 (A. V. " country about") 
denotes the populous and flourishing region which 
contained Jebicho and its dependencies, in the Jor- 
dan valley, enclosed in t he amphitheatre of the hills 
of Quaranlaua. It is also applied (so Mr. Grove) to 
the district of Gennesaret (Mat. xiv. 36 [A. V. 
"country round about"]; Mk. vi. 55; Lk. iv. 37 [A. 
V. "country round about"], vii. 17). 

Rc-lia-bi ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah enlarges, 
i. e. makes free and happy, Ges.), only son of Eliezer, 
the son of Moses (1 Chr. xxiii. 17, xxiv. 21, xxvi. 
25). 

Re'hob (Heb. a street, area, broad place, Ges.). 1. 
Father of Hadadezcr, king of Zobah, whom David 
smote at the Euphrates (2 Sam. viii. 3, 12). — 2. A 
Levite, or family of Levites, who sealed the covenant 
with Xehemiah (Xeh. x. 11). 

Re' hob (see above). 1. The northern limit of the 
exploration of the spies (Xum. xiii. 21). It is speci- 
fied as being "as men come unto Hamatii," i. e. at 
the commencement of the territory of that name, by 
which in the early books of the Bible the great val- 
ley of Lebanon (Celosyria; Plain 2; Valley 4), 
the BukcVa of the modern Arabs, seems to be roughly 
designated. This seems to fix the position of Rehob 
as not far from Tell eUKddy and B&niAs. Dr. Robin- 
eon proposes to identify Rehob and Beth-reiiob with 
Hunin, Dr. W. M. Thomson with Bdnids. Inas- 
much, however, as Beth-rehob was " far from Zidon " 
(Judg. xviii. 28), it must be distinct from — 2. A 
town of Asher, apparently near Zidon (Josh. xix. 
28) — 3i Asher contained another Rehob (xix. 30); 
but the situation of this, like the former, remains 
unknown. One of the two was allotted to the Ger- 
shonite Levites (xxi. 31 ; 1 Chr. vi. 75), and of one 
the Canaanites retained possession (Judg. i. 31). 

Re-lio-bo'am (fr. Heb. = he enlarges the people, 
Ges.), son of Solomon, by the Ammonite princess 
Naamah (1 K. xiv. 21, 31), and his successor as king 
(xi. 43). From the earliest period of Jewish history 
we perceive symptoms that the confederation of the 
tribes was but imperfectly cemented. The powerful 
Ephraim could never brook a position of inferiority 
(Judg. viii. 1, xii. 1). When Solomon's strong hand 
was withdrawn the crisis came. Rehoboam selected 
Shechem as the place of his coronation, probably as 
a concession to the Ephraimites, and perhaps in def- 
erence to old and wise counsellors of his father, 



whose advice he afterward unhappily rejected (1 K. 
xii. 1 ff.). The people demanded a remission of the 
severe burdens imposed by Solomon, and Rehoboam 
promised them an answer in three days, during which 
time he consulted first his father's counsellors, and 
then the young men " that were grown up with him, 
and which stood before him." Rejecting the advice 
of the elders to conciliate the people at the begin- 
ning of his reign, he returned as his reply the frantic 
bravado of his contemporaries: "My little finger 

shall be thicker than my father's loins I will 

add to your yoke ; my father hath chastised you with 
whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions" (i. c. 
scourges furnished with sharp points, as Bishop 
Cotton, with Gesenius, &c, explains). Thereupon 
rose the formidable song of insurrection, heard once 
before when the tribes quarrelled after David's re- 
turn from the war with Absalom. Rehoboam sent 
Adoram or Adoniram (iv. 6; 2 Sam. xx. 24) to re- 
duce the rebels to reason, but he was stoned to 
death by them ; whereupon the king and his attend- 
ants fled to Jerusalem. Jeroboam, having at the in- 
vitation of his friends returned from Egypt and 
taken part with the Israelites in demanding a remis- 
sion of burdens, was now summoned by them to be 
their king. 1 K. xii. 3 should be translated (accord- 
ing to Sebastian Schmidt, Keil, &c.) " and they sent 
and called him " (a continuation of the parenthesis 
in the latter part of verse 2), " that Jeroboam and 
all the congregation of Israel came, and spake unto 
Rehoboam,'' &c. This translation, which the He- 
brew admits, removes the apparent contradiction be- 
tween verse 3 and verse 20, which states that " when 
all Israel heard that Jeroboam was come again, they 
sent and called him unto the congregation and made 
him king." Bishop Cotton, however, supposes that 
ver. 3 has been interpolated. On Rehoboam's return 
to Jerusalem he assembled an army of 180,000 men 
from the two faithful tribes of Judah and Benjamin, 
in the hope of reconquering Israel. The expedition, 
however, was forbidden by the prophet Shemaiah (xii. 
24) : still during Rehoboam's lifetime peaceful rela- 
tions between Israel and Judah were never restored 
(2 Chr. xii. 15; 1 K. xiv. 30). Rehoboam now oc- 
cupied himself in strengthening the territories which 
remained to him, by building a number of fortresses 
(2 Chr. xi. 6-10). The pure worship of God was 
maintained in Judah. But Rehoboam did not check 
the introduction of heathen abominations into his 
capital: the lascivious worship of Ashtoreth was al- 
lowed to exist by the side of the true religion, 
" images " were set up, and the worst immoralities 
were tolerated (1 K. xiv. 22-24). These evils were 
punished and put down by the terrible calamity of 
an Egyptian invasion. In the fifth year of Reho- 
boam's reign the country was invaded by a host of 
Egyptians and other African nations under Siiishak, 
numbering 1,200 chariots, 60,000 cavalry, and a mis- 
cellaneous multitude of infantry. The line of for- 
tresses which protected Jerusalem to the W. and S. 
was forced, Jerusalem itself was taken, and Reho- 
boam had to purchase an ignominious peace by de- 
livering up all the treasures with which Solomon had 
adorned the Temple and palace, including his golden 
shields, 200 of the larger, and 300 of the smaller size 
(x. 16, 17; Arms, II. 5). After the Egyptians had 
retired, Rehoboam comforted himself by substituting 
shields of brass, which were solemnly borne before 
him in procession by the body-guard, as if nothing 
had been changed since his father's time. Shishak's 
success is commemorated by sculptures discovered 
by Champollion on the outside of the great temple at 



REH 



REM 



925 



Karnak, where among a long list of captured towns 
and provinces occurs the name Melchi Judah (king- 
dom of Judah). After this great humiliation the 
moral condition of Judah seems to have improved 
(2 dir. xii. 12). He died b. c. 958, after a reign of 
seventeen yea.-s, having ascended the throne b. c. 
975 at the age of forty-one (1 K. xiv. 21 ; 2 Chr. xii. 
13). He had eighteen wives, sixteen concubines, 
twenty-eight sons, and sixty daughters. He wisely 
dispersed his sons in command of the new fortresses 
about the country. Israel, Kingdom op; Judah, 
Kingdom of. 

He -ho both (Heb. wide places, streets, Ges. ; wide 
places, spaces, i. e. extension, Fii.), the third of the 
series of wells dug by Isaac (Gen. xxvi. 22). Isaac 
had left Gerar and its turbulent inhabitants before 
he dug this well. A Wady Ruhaibeh, containing the 
ruins of a town of the same name, with a large well, 
lies about twenty miles S. W. of Beer-sheba, and has 
been identified with Rehoboth by Williams, Stewart, 
Van de Velde, Bonar, Porter (in Kitto), Rowlands 
(in Fairbairn), though Dr. Robinson (and apparently 
Mr. Grove) thinks it too far S. 

Rc-ho'both (see above), the Cit'y ; one of the four 
cities built by Asshur, or by Nimrod in Asshur 
(Gen. x. 11). Nothing certain is known of its posi- 
tion. Bunsen and Kalisch propose as the represent- 
ative of Rehoboth a place called Rahabeh-malik, on 
the E. bank of the Euphrates, about twelve miles 
below the mouth of the Khabur. Its distance from 
Kalali-Sherghat and Nimrud (nearly 200 miles) is 
perhaps an obstacle to this identification. Sir H. 
Rawlinson suggests Selemiyah near Nimrud. (Nin- 
eveh.) Jerome considers Rehoboth-Ir (A. V. "the 
city Rehoboth ") as referring to Nineveh, and as 
meaning "the streets of the city" (and so A. V. 
margin). See the next article. 

Re-ho'botn (see above) by the Riv'er, the city of 
Saul or Shaul, an early king of the Edomites (Gen. 
xxxvi. 37; 1 Chr. i. 48). The affix, "the river" 
(Heb. ndhdr; River 1), fixes the situation of Reho- 
both as on the Euphrates. The name still remains 
attached to two spots on the Euphrates, each said to 
contain extensive ancient remains ; one (with which 
Schultens, Bochart, Winer, Gesenius, &c, identify 
this Rehoboth), simply Rahabeh, on the right bank, 
eight miles below the junction of the Khabvr, and 
about three miles W. of the river ; the other, four 
or five miles further down on the left bank. The 
latter is said to be called Rahabeh-malik, i. e. 
" royal," and is on this ground identified by the Jew- 
ish commentators with the city of Saul; but whether 
this is accurate, and whether that city, or either of 
the two sites just named, is also identical with Nim- 
rod's " city Rehoboth " (see above), is not yet 
known. 

Re' hum (Heb. compassionate, Ges.). 1. One of 
the " children of the province " who went up from 
Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 2) ; = Nehum.— 
2. " Rehum the chancellor," one of those who wrote 
to Artaxerxes to stop the rebuilding of the Temple 
(i-v. 8, 9, 17, 23) ; perhaps a kind of lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of the province under the king of Persia, 
holding apparently the same office as Tatnai.— 3. 
A Levite of the family of Bani, who assisted in re- 
building the walls of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 17).— 4. 
One of the chief of the people, who sealed the cov- 
enant with Nehemiah (x. 25). — 5. A priestly family, 
or the head of a priestly house, who went up with 
Zerubbabel (xii. 3) ; = Harim 3 ; perhaps = No. 1. 

Rc'i (Heb. friendly, social, Ges.), a person men- 
tioned (1 K. i. 8 only) as having remained firm to 



David's cause when Adonijah rebelled. Jerome 
makes him = " Hiram the Zairite," i. e. Ira the 
Jairite. Ewald suggests that Rei = Raddai. 

Reins (fr. L. renes = kidneys), the A. V. transla- 
tion of — 1. Heb. ce/dyuth. In ancient physiology 
the kidneys were believed to be the seat of desire 
and longing, and were hence often coupled with the 
heart (Ps. vii. 9, xxvi. 2 ; Jer. xi. 20, xvii. 10, &e.). 
— 2. Heb. halatsayim or chal&tsayim once (Is. xi. 5), 
elsewhere translated "loins" (Gen. xxxv. 11; Job 
xxxviii. 3, &e.). — 3. Gr. nephros, pi. nephroi (Rev. 
ii. 23); in LXX. = No. 1. 

Re'kem (Heb. variegation, flower-gardening, Ges.; 
= Rakem). 1. One of the five " kings" of Midian 
slain by the Israelites (Num. xxxi. 8 ; Josh. xiii. 21). 
— 2. One of the four sons of Hebron ; father of 
Shammai (1 Chr. ii. 43, 44). 

Re'kem (see above), a city of Benjamin (Josh, 
xviii. 27) ; site unknown. May there not be (so 
Mr. Grove) a trace of the name in 'Ain Karim, the 
well-known spring W. of Jerusalem ? 

Rcm-a-li'all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah decks, 
Ges.), father of Pekah, king of Israel (2 K. xv. 25- 
37, xvi. 1, 5 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6 ; Is. vii. 1-9, viii. 6). 

Re'meth (Heb. height, Ges.), a city of Issachar 
(Josh. xix. 21); perhaps — the Ramoth of 1 Chr. 
vi. 73. Porter (in Kitto) suggests its identity with 
Wezdr, a small village on a rocky summit about five 
miles N. of Jenin (En-gannim). 

Rem Dion (L. fr. Heb.) = Rimmon, a city of Simeon 
(Josh. xix. 7). 

Rcm'mon-me-tho'ar (fr. Heb. Rimmon ham-me- 
thoar, see below), a place on the eastern boun- 
dary of Zebulun (Josh. xix. 13 only). Methoar 
does not really form a part of the name ; but 
(being a participle — stretching, extending, Ges.) 
should be translated (as in the margin of the A. V.) 
— " Rimmon which reaches to Neah " (so Mr. Grove, 
with Gesenius, Fiirst, Rashi, &c). This Rimmon, 
Parchi says, is called Rumaneh, and stands an hour 
S. of Sepphoris. If for S. we read N., this is in close 
agreement with the statements of Robinson and 
Van de Velde, who place Rummdneh on the south- 
ern border of the Plain of Buttauf, three miles 
N. N. E. of Seffurieh. It is difficult, however, to 
see how this can have been on the eastern boun- 
dary of Zebulun. Rimmon 2. 

Reni'phan (fr. Gr.) (Acts vii. 43) and China [Id-] 
(fr. Heb.) (Am. v. 26) have been supposed to be 
names of an idol worshipped by the Israelites in the 
wilderness, but seem to be the names of two idols. 
Much difficulty has been occasioned by this corre- 
sponding occurrence of two names so wholly differ- 
ent in sound. The most reasonable opinion seemed 
to be that Chiun was a Hebrew or Shemitic name, 
and Remphan an Egyptian equivalent substituted 
by the LXX. The former, rendered Saturn in the 
Syr., was compared with the Ar. and Pers. kaiwan 
= the planet Saturn. Egyptology has, however, 
shown that this is not the true explanation (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, original author of this article). Among 
the foreign divinities worshipped in Egypt, two, the 
god Renpu, perhaps pronounced Rempu, and the 
goddess Ken, occur together. Besides those di- 
vinities represented on the monuments of Egypt 
which have Egyptian forms or names, or both, 
others have foreign forms or names, or both. Of 
the latter, some appear to have been introduced at 
a very remote age. The foreign divinities that seem 
to be of later introduction are Renpu, and the god- 
desses Ken, Anta, and Astarta. The first and sec- 
ond of these have foreign forms ; the third and 



923 



REM 



REP 



fourth have Egyptian forms : there would there- 
fore seem to be an especially foreign character 
about the former two. Renjm, pronounced Rempu 
(?), is represented as an Asiatic, with the full beard 
and apparently the general type of face given on 
the monuments to most nations E. of Egypt, and 
to the Rebu or Libyans. This type is evidently 
that of the Shemites. His hair is bound with a 
fillet, which is ornamented in front with the head 
of an antelope. A'm is represented perfectly naked, 
holding in both hands corn, and standing upon a 
lion. She is also called Ketcsh. Anata appears to 
be Anaitis. Astarta is of course the Ashtoreth of 
Canaan. The names of these divinities occur as 
early as the period of the eighteenth and nineteenth 
dynasties, and it is therefore not improbable that 
they were introduced by the Shepherds. Rcnpn and 
Ken occur together, and Km is a form of the Syrian 
goddess, and also bears some relation to the Egyp- 
tian god of productiveness, KJiem. Their similarity 
to Baal and Ashtoreth seems strong. The naked 
goddess Ken would suggest such worship as that of 
the Babylonian Mylitta, but the thoroughly Shemite 
appearance ot Renpu is rather in favor of an Arab 
source. The mention of Chiun or Remphan as 
worshipped in the desert shows that this idolatry 
was, in part at least, that of foreigners, and no 
doubt of those settled in Lower Egypt. — We can 
now endeavor to explain the passages in which 
Chiun and Remphan occur. The Masorctic text 
of Am. v. 26 reads thus : — " But ye bear the tent 
[or 'tabernacle'] of your king ('Moloch,' A. V.) 
and Chiun your images, the star of your gods [or 
'your god'], which ye made for yourselves." ' The 
Vulgate agrees with the Masoretic text in the order 
of the clauses, though omitting Chiun or Remphan. 
The passage is cited in the Acts almost in the words 
of the LXX. : " Yea, ye took up the tabernacle 
of Moloch, and the star of your god Remphan 
(' Rhaiphan,' LXX.), figures which ye made to wor- 
ship them " (" your images which ye made for your- 
selves," LXX.). A slight change in the Hebrew 
would enable us to read Molech (Malcam or Milcom) 
instead of " your king." Beyond this it is extremely 
difficult to explain the differences. The tent or tab- j 
ernacle of Moloch is supposed by Gesenius to have 
oecn an actual tent, and he compares the sacred 
tent of the Carthaginians. But there is some diffi- 
culty in the idea that the Israelites carried about so 
large an object for the purpose of idolatry, and it 
seems more likely that it was a small model of a 
larger tent or shrine. The reading Molech appears 
preferable to " your king." There is reason for 
supposing that Molech was a name of the planet 
Saturn, and that this planet was evidently supposed 
by the ancient translators to be intended for Chiun 
and Remphan. The correspondence of Remphan 
or Rhaiphan to Chiun is extremely remarkable, and 
can, we think, only be accounted for by the suppo- 
sition that the LXX. translator or translators of the 
prophet had Egyptian knowledge, and being thus 

1 Gesenius {Hebrew Lexicon, translated by Robinson, 
1854) interprets Am. v. 26 thes : " Ye bore trie tabernacle 
of your kin; (idol), and the statue (or statues) of your 
idols, the star of your god which ye made to yourselves." 
According to this interpretation, the name of the idol so 
worshipped by the Israelites is not given ; and it can only 
be inferred from the mention of a star, that some planet 
is to be understood, which Jerome conjectures to have 
been Lucifer or Venus. The LXX. held Chiun to be the 
proper name of an idol ; although changing 3 (c or ch) into 
-1 (r or rh) they write it corruptly Rhaiphan. Rhephan, I 
which by the further corruption of transcribers became 
Ehemph'an, Rhtmpha. I 



acquainted with the ancient joint worship of Ken 
and Rcupu, substituted the latter for the former, 
as they may have been unwilling to repeat the name 
of a foreign Venus. From the manner in which it 
is mentioned we may conjecture that the star of 
Remphan was of the same character as the taber- 
nacle of Molech, an object connected with false 
worship rather than an image of a false god. Idoi. ; 
Idolatry. 

* Rending, ttcnt. Dress ; Mourning. 

* Rc-pent', to, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. 
niham or mcham, and hithnahem or hithnacMm = 
(so Gesenius) to lament, to grieve — (a) in regard to 
others, hence to pity, to have compassion ; (b) in re- 
gard to one's own doings, hence to repent ; often of 
one who repents, grieves, for the evil he has brought 
on another (Ex. xiii. 17; Judg. xxi. 15; Job xlii. 
6 ; Jer. viii. 6, &c). God is often said " to re- 
pent," i. e. to be grieved on account of the mis- 
conduct, sufferings, &c, of men, in view of which He 
may be moved to take a different course from what 
He has pursued or would otherwise pursue (Gen. vi. 
6, 7 ; 1 Sam. xv. 11,35; Jer. xviii. 8, 10, &c. ; Prayer) ; 
but He does not so grieve over His own course as 
to condemn Himself for the past or change for the 
future what Be has fully resolved to do or bring to 
pass (Num. xxiii. 19 ; 1 Sam. xv. 29 ; Ps. ex. 4). — 
2. Heb. sh&b thrice (IK. viii. 47 ; Ez. xiv. 6, xviii. 
30) ; usually and literally translated " to turn " 
(Josh. xix. 12, 27, 29 twice, 34, &c), "turn away" 
(Num. xiv. 43, xxxii. 15, &c), "turn back" (2 K. i. 
5 ; Jer. xi. 10, kc), and especially "return" (Gen. 
iii. 19, xviii. 33, xxxi. 3, 13, &c). — 3. Gr. mclamcl- 
omai, properly (so Rbn. jV. T. Lex.) to transfer or 
change one's care, hence to change one's mind or 
purpose, after having done any thing (Mat. xxi. 29. 
32 ; Heb. vii. 21 = Ps. ex. 4 in No. 1), especially 
with the idea of regret, sorrow, remorse (Mat. xxvii. 
3; 2 Cor. vii. 8 twice). (Repentance 3.) — 4. Gr. 
mclanoco, properly (so Rbn. V. T. Lex.) to perceive 
afterward, to have an aflerview, hence to change one's 
view, mind, or purpose, implying (in the N. T.) re- 
gret, sorrow, remorse (Lk. xvii. 3, 4 ; 2 Cor. xii. 21); 
in a religious sense, implying sorrow for unbeHtt' 
and sin, and the turning from them to God and the 
Gospel of Christ (Mat. iii. 2, iv. 17, xi. 20, and about 
twenty other passages) ; sometimes spoken of as 
attended with the external acts of sorrow or mourn- 
ing which are characteristic of the East (Mat. xi. 
21, xii. 41 ; Lk. x. 13, xi. 32 ; compare Jon. iii. 5- 
10). Repentance ; Repentings. 

* Rc-pent'anee, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
noham or nocharn (Hos. xiii. 14 only ; compare Re- 
pent 1). — 2. Gr. metanoia = (so Rbn. JY. T. Lex.) 
change of mind or p/urpo:<e, repentance, used in a 
general sense once (Heb. xii. 17, A. V. " he found 
no place of repentance," i. e. in Isaac, compare 
Gen. xxvii. 34 ff.) ; elsewhere in a religious sense = 
repentance, penitence, implying sorrow for unbelief 
and sin, and a turning from them to God and the 
Gospel of Christ (Mat. iii. 8, 11, ix. 13, and twenty 
other passages in N. T.). — 3. Gr. adj. ametameUlos 
(in part) once. This word (= not to be repented of 
unchangeable, Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; compare Repent 3) 
occurs twice only in the N. T. (Rom. xi. 29, 
A. V. " without repentance," i. e. on God's part ; 
2 Cor. vii. 10, A. V. "not to be repented of," i. e. 
on the Christian's part). Faith ; Life ; Love ; Re- 
generation ; Repent, to; Saviour; Spirit, the 
Hoi.y, &c. 

* Re-pent'ings, the A. V. translation of Heb. pi. 
nehUmim or nechumim once (Hos. xi. 8). The He- 



REP 



RES 



927 



brew word here = feelings of compassion, Targum, 
Ges., Fii., Henderson, &c. Compare Repent 1. 

Rc'pha-el, or Repll'a-el (Heb. whom God heals, 
Ges. ; — Raphael), a Levite porter, son of She- 
maiah, the firstborn of Obed-edom (1 Chr. xxvi. 7). 

Re'phall (Heb. riches, Ges.), son of Ephraim, and 
ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25). 

Re-phai'ali [-fa'yah], or Repb-a-i'ah (Heb. whom 
Jehovah healed, Ges.). 1. The sons of Rephaiah ap- 
pear among the descendants of Zerubbabel in 1 
Chr. iii. 21. — 2. A Simeonite chieftain (iv. 42). — 3. 
Son of Tola, the son of Issachar (vii. 2). — 4. Son 
of Binea, and descendant of Saul (ix. 43) ; = Rapha 
3. — b. Son of Hur, and ruler of " the half-PART " 
of Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 9), who aided in repairing 
the wall. 

Reph'a-im, Rrph'a-ints (Heb. plural rZphdim). 
Giants 3. 

Reph'a-im (see above), the Valley of (see below), 
a spot which was the scene of some of David's 
most remarkable adventures (2 Sam. v. 18, 22, xxiii. 
13 ; 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9), and was noted for its fer- 
tility (Is. xvii. 5). He twice encountered the Philis- 
tines there, and inflicted a destruction on them and 
on their idols so signal that it gave the place a new 
name. Probably during the former of these two 
contests the incident of the water of Bethlehem (2 
Sam. xxiii. 13 if., &e.) occurred. The "hold" (ver. 
14) in which David found himself, seems (though it 
is not clear) to have been the cave of Adullam. 
This narrative seems to imply that the valley of 
Rephaim was near Bethlehem. Josephus mentions 
it as " the valley which extends (from Jerusalem) 
to the city of Bethlehem." Since the latter part of 
the sixteenth century (so Mr. Grove) the name has 
been attached to the upland plain which stretches 
S. of Jerusalem, and is crossed by the road to Beth- 
lehem — the cl-Buk'ah of the modern Arabs. Mr. 
Grove regards this plain, though appropriate in re 
spect to its proximity to Bethlehem, as not answer- 
ing at all to the meaning of the Hebrew 'emeX.-, 
which designates an enclosed valley. But Porter (in 
Kitto) and Bonar {Land of Promise) maintain that 
though a wide plain with a scarcely perceptible 
S. W. slope, it is really a valley, being surrounded 
on all sides by low hills. A position N. W. of the 
city is adopted by Fiirst, apparently on the ground 
of the terms of Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 16 (A. V. " valley 
of the giants"). Tobler adopts the Wady Der 
Jasin, one of the side valleys of the Wady Beit 
Hanina. (Elah, Valley of.) The valley appears 
to derive its name from the ancient Rephaim. 
Giants 3. 

Reph'i-dim (Heb. rests or stays, Mr. Hiyman; re- 
freshments, Ges. ; plains, Fii.), a station in the march 
of the Israelites from Egypt to Sinai (Ex. xvii. 1, 
8, xix. 2). Lepsius's view is that Mount Serbdl is 
the true Horeb, and that Rephidim is Wady Feirdn. 
(Paran.) This would account for the expectation 
of finding water here, which, however, from some 
unexplained cause failed. In Ex. xvii. 6, "the rock 
in Horeb " is named as the source of the water mirac- 
ulously supplied. (Massah ; Meribah 1.) On the 
other hand, the language used Ex. xix. 1, 2, seems 
precise, as regards the point that the journey from 
Rephidim to Sinai was a distinct stage. The name 
Horeb is by Robinson taken to mean an extended 
range or region, some part of which was near to 
Rephidim, which he places at Wady esh-Sheikh, run- 
ning from N. E. to S. W., on the west side of Jcbel 
el-Fure'uC , opposite the northern face of the modern 
Horeb. It joins the Wady Feirdn. The exact spot I 



| of Robinson's Rephidim is a defile in the esh-Sheikh 
described by Burckhardt as at about five hours' dis- 
tance from where it issues from the plain Er-Raheh, 
narrowing between abrupt cliffs of blackened gran- 
ite to about forty feet in width. Here is also the 
traditional " Seat of Moses." Keil and Delitzsch, 
Porter (in Kitto), Rowlands (in Fairbairn), also 
place Rephidim in some part of Wady esh-Sheikh. 
Mr. Hayman (original author of this article), Stan- 
ley, Rittcr, Stewart, &c, with Lepsius, place Rephi- 
dim in Wady Feirdn. The fertility and richness of 
the Wady Feirdn account, as Stanley thinks, for 
the Amalekites' struggle to retain possession against 
those whom they viewed as intrusive aggressors. 

* Rep'ro-bilte (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of — 
1. Heb. participle nimds — rejected, worthless, Ges., 
Fii., &c. (fr. mdas, to reject), spoken of silver (Jer. 
vi. 30, margin "refuse"), translated "contemned" 
(Ps. xv. 4).— 2. Gr. adj. adokimos = (so Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.) not approved, rejected; used figuratively in 
N. T. mostly of persons, worthy of condemnation 
(Rom. i. 28 ; 2 Tim. iii. 8), disappointed, disallowed 
(1 Cor. ix. 2*7, A. V. "cast-away;" 2 Cor. xiii. 5— 
7), hence worthless (Tit. i. 16), once of land, worth- 
less, waste (Heb. vi. 8, A. V. " rejected "). 

Re'sen (Heb. a curb, bridle, Ges.), mentioned only 
in Gen. x. 12, as one of the cities built by Asshur, 
"between Nineveh and Calah." Many have been in- 
clined to identify it with Resina or Rhessena of the 
Byzantine authors, and of Ptolemy, near the source 
of the western Khabour, and most probably the 
modern Ras-el-'ain. Bochart found Resen in the 
Larissa of Xenophon, the modern Nimrud (= Ca- 
lah, according to Rawlinson). Assyrian remains 
of some considerable extent are found between 
Nimrud and the remains of Nineveh opposite Mo- 
sul, near the modern village of Selamiyeh, and Raw- 
linson conjectures that these represent the Resen 
of Genesis. The later Jews appear to have identi- 
fied Resen with the Kilch-Sherghat ruins. Assyria ; 
Nimrod. 

* Resli (Heb. reysh = head), the twentieth letter 
of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

Re'shepll (Heb. fame, lightning, fever, Ges.), son 
of Ephraim and brother of Rephah (1 Chr. vii 25). 

* Res-nr-rec'tiOIl (fr. L.) = a rising again from 
the dead. This is the proper and usual A. V. trans- 
lation of the Gr. anastasis, once rendered " rising 
again," i. e. the uprising or salvation, in contrast 
with "fall," i. e. downfall or destruction (Lk. ii. 34); 
and twice, with a preposition, rendered by a verb 
(Acts xxvi. 23, A.V. "that should rise;" Heb. xi. 
35, A. V. " raised to life again ; " both literally from 
a resurrection). The word is used (so Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.) in the N. T., except in Lk. 1. c, to denote the 
rising again of the body from death, the return of 
the dead body to life, with reference — (a.) To in- 
dividuals who have returned to life on earth (Heb. 
xi. 35 ; see above, and compare 1 K. xvii. 17 ff. and 
2 K. iv. 20 ff.), usually of Jesus Christ in this ap- 
plication (Acts i. 22, ii. 31, iv. 33, xvii. 18 ; Rom. 
i. 4, vi. 5; Phil. iii. 10; 1 Pet. i. 3, iii. 21). (b.) 
To the future and general rising from the dead at 
the end of the world, a truth which Jesus taught in 
opposition to the Sadducees, &c. (Mat. xxii. 23 ff. ; 
Mk. xh. 18 fT. ; Lk. xx. 27 ff. ; Jn. xi. 24 ; Acts 
iv. 2, xvii. 32, xxiii. 6, 8, xxiv. 15, 21, xxvi. 23 
[see above] ; 1 Cor. xv. 12 ff. ; 2 Tim. ii. 18 
[Hymeneus ; Philetus] ; Heb. vi. 2). "The res- 
urrection of life " (i. e. of the saints or people of 
God unto eternal happiness) is contrasted with 
" the resurrection of damnation " (i. e. of the wicked 



928 



REU 



RETT 



unto eternal punishment ; compare Mat. xxv. 31-41) 
in Jn. v. 29, and is "the better resurrection" of 
Heb. xi. 35 (i. e. better than the being raised again 
to this mortal life on earth), and "the resurrection 
of the just " (Lk. xiv. 14), or simply " the resur- 
rection " (xx. 35, 36). "The first resurrection" in 
Rev. xx. 5, 6, is by some (Rbn. N. T. Lex., &c.) 
considered — " resurrection of the just " in Lk. xiv. 
14, and that in xx. 35, 36; Prof. Stuart (on the 
Apocaly/wr, ii. 359 ft'., 475), Joseph Mede, &c, re- 
gard it as a literal, but partial resurrection (viz. of 
martyrs and saints especially faithful) before the 
general resurrection; others (Archbishop Whately, 
Essays on (lie Future Stale ; Dr. T. Scott ; Barnes, 
on Rev. xx. 4-6 ; and others) regard it as a figura- 
tive resurrection, i. e. a revival of the principles or 
spirit (compare ver. 4, 14, " souls," " second death ; " 
also Rom. vi. 4 ff. ; Col. iii. 1 ; Mat, xvii. 12, 13, &c.) 
of the martyr-saints, a remarkable prevalence of 
their characteristics, as if they were alive and ruling 
everywhere ; millenaiians hold that it is a literal 
resurrection of all the dead saints preceding their 
personal reign with Christ on earth for 1,000 years, 
&C In Jn. xi. 25, " Jesus said ... I am the res- 
urrection," i. e. the author of the resurrection. — The 
Gr. egersis (literally a waking up from sleep, a rising 
up; compare Dan. xii. 2) occurs once in the N. T. 
to denote the "resurrection" of Jesus (Mat. xxvii. 
53); and the compound cxanaslasis (literally a rising 
up out of; see anastasis above) is once used for the 
" resurrection" of the righteous dead or saints (Phil, 
iii. 1 1 ; see above). — The Gr. verb anistemi (literally 
to make stand up or raise up, and to stand up or rise 
up ; from this comes anastasis above) is often 
used with reference to the resurrection or restora- 
tion of the body to life, both transitively (Jn. vi. 39 
[A. V. " raise up again"], 40, 44, 54 [" raise up"], 
&c.) and intransitively (Mat. xii. 41 [A. V. "rise"], 
xx. 19 ["rise again"], xvii. 9 f" be risen again"], 
&c). So also the Gr. verb cgciro (literally to awaken, 
to it aire up, and, in the middle voice, to awake, to 
arise, Rbn. A 7 . T. Lex.) is used either of a restora- 
tion to life (Mat. x. 8 [A. V. " raise," sc. the dead], 

xiv. 2 [" is risen "J, xxvii. 52 [" arose "], 63 [" rise 
again "], &c.) or of the future resurrection (1 Cor. 

xv. 15, 16, 29, 32 [A. V. "rise" in all these], 35, 
42-44, 52 ["raised" in these], &c). In 1 Cor. xv. 
an argument for a future resurrection of believers, 
&c., is drawn from the resurrection of Jesus Christ. 
Man; Miracles; Pharisees; Sadmjcees, &c. 

Re'n, or Ron (Heb. friend, sc. of God, Ges.), son 
of Peleg, in the line of Abraham's ancestors (Gen. 
xi. 18-21 ; 1 Chr. i. 25) ; = Ragau 2. 

Ren ben (Heb. see ye, a son 1 Ges., A. V. margin ; 
or, provided in my affliction, Gen. xxix. 32 ? Ges. ; or, 
the pity of God, Jos.), Jacob's firstborn child (Gen. 
xxix. 32), son of Leah, apparently not born till an un 
usual interval had elapsed after the marriage (31). 
The notices of the patriarch Reuben in the Book 
of Genesis and the early Jewish traditional liter- 
ature are unusually frequent, and on the whole 
give a favorable view of his disposition. To him, 
and him alone, the preservation of Joseph's life ap- 
pears to have been due. His anguish at the disap- I 
pearance of his brother, and the frustration of his 
kindly artifice for delivering him (xxxvii. 22), his 
recollection of the minute details of the painful 
scene many years afterward (xlii. 22), his offer to 
take the sole responsibility of the safety of the 
brother who had succeeded to Joseph's place in the 
family (xlii. 3T), all testify to a warm and (for those ' 
rough times) a kindly nature. Of the repulsive i 



crime which mars his history, and which turned the 
blessing of his dying father into a curse — his adul- 
terous connection with Bilhah — we know from the 
Scriptures only the fact (xxxv. 22). These traits, 
slight as they are, are those of an ardent, impetuous, 
unbalanced, but not ungenerous nature ; not crafty 
and cruel, as were Simeon and Levi, but rather, to 
use the metaphor of the dying patriarch, boiling up 
like a vessel of water over the rapid wood-fire of* 
the nomad tent, and as quickly subsiding into apathy 
when the fuel was withdrawn. — At the time of the 
migration into Egypt Reuben's sons were four (xlvi. 
9 ; 1 Chr. v. 3). From them sprang the chief fam- 
ilies of the tribe (Num. xxvi. 5-11). Datiian and 
Abiuam were of this tribe (xvi. 1, xxvi. 8-11). The 
census at Mount Sinai (i. 20, 21, ii. 11) shows that 
at the Exodus the tribe had 46,500 men above 
twenty years of age, and fit for active warlike ser- 
vice. On the borders of Canaan there were 43,730 
(xxvi. 7). In the wilderness the position of Reu- 
ben was on the southern side of the Tabernacle. 
The " camp " of Reuben was formed of his own 
tribe, of Simeon, and of Gad. The Reubenitcs, like 
the Gadites, had maintained through the march to 
Canaan the aucient calling of their forefathers. 
(Patriarch; Shepherd.) Their cattle accompanied 
them from Egypt (Ex. xii. 38). It followed natu- 
rally that when the nation arrived on the pasture- 
lands E. of the Jordan, the three tribes of Reuben, 
Gad, and the half of Manasseh, should prefer a re- 
quest to their leader to be allowed to remain in a 
place so perfectly suited to their requirements. 
The part selected by Reuben had at that date the 
special name of the Mishor (Plain 4), with reference 
possibly to its evenness. Under its modern name 
of the Bcllca it is still esteemed beyond all others 
by the Arab sheepmasters. The country E. of Jor- 
dan apparently was not included in the original 
land promised to Abraham. "When the Reubenites 
and their fellows approach Moses with their request, 
his main objection is that by what they propose they 
will discourage the hearts of the children of Israel 
from going over Jordan into the land which Jehovah 
had given them (Num. xxxii. 7). Only on their 
undertaking to fulfil their part in the conquest of 
the western country, the land of Canaan proper, 
and thus satisfying him that their proposal was 
grounded in no selfish desire to escape a full share 
of the difficulties of the conquest, does Moses con- 
sent to their proposal. — From this time it seems as 
if a bar, not only of distance, and of the interven- 
ing river and mountain-wall, but also of difference 
in feeling and habits, gradually grew up more sub- 
stantially between the eastern and western tribes. 
The first act of the former after the completion of 
the conquest, and after they had taken part in the 
solemn ceremonial in the valley between Ebal and 
Gerizim, shows how wide a gap already existed be- 
tween their ideas and those of the western tribes. 
The pile of stones which they erected on the west- 
ern bank of the Jordan to mark their boundary was 
erected in accordance with the unalterable habits 
of Bedouin tribes both before and since. It was an 
act identical with that in which Laban and Jacob 
engaged at parting, with that which is constantly 
performed by the Bedouins of the present day. But 
by the Israelites W. of Jordan, who were fast re- 
linquishing their nomad habits and feelings for 
those of more settled permanent life, this act was 
completely misunderstood, and was construed into 
' an attempt to set up a rival altar to that of the 
I Sacred Tent. — No judge, no prophet, no hero of the 



REU 



REV 



929 



tribe of Reuben is handed down to us. In the dire 
extremity of their brethren in the N. under Deborah 
and Barak, they contented themselves with deba- 
ting the news among the streams of the Mishor ; 
Reuben lingered among his sheepfolds and preferred 
the shepherd's pipe and the bleating of the flocks 
to the clamor of the trumpet and the turmoil of 
battle. His individuality fades more rapidly than 
Gad's. No person, no incident, is recorded, to place 
Reuben before us in any distincter form than as a 
member of the community (if community it can be 
called) of " the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the 
half-tribe of Manasseh" (1 Chr. xii. 37). Thus re- 
mote from the central seat of the national govern- 
ment and of the national religion, it is not to be 
wondered at that Reuben relinquished the faith of 
Jehovah. The last historical notice which we pos- 
sess of them, while it records this fact, records also 
as its natural consequence that the Reubenites and 
Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh were carried 
off by Pul and Tiglath-pileser (v. 25, 26). 

* Kcn'beu-ite (fr. Heb.) = a descendant of Reu- 
ben, and member of his tribe (Num. xxvi. 7 ; Deut. 
iii. 12, 16 ; 1 Chr. xi. 42. &c). 

Ecn'el (Heb. friend of God, Ges.). 1. One of the 
sons of Esau, by his wife Bashemath, sister of Ish- 
raael (Gen. xxxvi. 4, 10, 13, 17; 1 Chr. i. 35, 37). 
— 2. One of the names of Moses' father-in-law (Ex. 
ii. 18); the same whieh, through adherence to the 
LXX. form, is given in another passage of the A.V. 
Raguel. — 3. Father of Eliasaph, the leader of the 
tribe of Gad, at the time of the census at Sinai 
( Num. ii. 14). — 4. A Benjamite, ancestor of Elah (1 
Chr. ix. 8). 

Ron' mall (Heb. raised, high, Ges.), concubine of 
Nahor, Abraham's brother (Gen. xxii. 24). 

* BcT-e-la'tion (fr. L.) ; Gr. apokalupsis; both lit- 
erally = an uncovering or unveiling, hence a dis- 
closure or manifestation, especially from God, of 
what was before unseen or unknown. The word 
" revelation " or " revelations " occurs mostly in the 
Epistles (Rom. ii. 5, xvi. 25 ; 2 Cor. xii. 1, 7, &c), 
once in Rev. i. 1. The infinite wisdom and power 
and skill of God are made known in the Creation : 
the great truths which He has revealed to mankind 
are contained in the Bible (Inspiration ; Miracles ; 
Prophet) : His grace and glory are especially mani- 
fested in Jesus Christ, the Son op God, and Saviour. 
" Revelation " is popularly used to designate the 
Revelation of St. John. 

KcT-e-la'tion (see above) of St. John, often called 
the Apocalypse, from the Gr. title Apokalupns Ioan- 
nou. — A. Canonical Authority and Authorship. The 
question as to the canonical authority of the Reve- 
lation resolves itself into a question of authorship. 
Was St. John the Apostle and Evangelist the writer 
of the Revelation ? This question was first mooted 
by Dionysius of Alexandria. The doubt which he 
modestly suggested has been confidently proclaimed 
in modern times by Luther, and widely diffused 
through his influence. But the general belief of the 
mass of Christians in all ages has been in favor of 
St. John's authorship. The evidence adduced in sup- 
port of that belief consists of (1.) the assertions of 
the author, and (2.) historical tradition. (1.) The au- 
thor's description of himself in chs. i. and xxii. is cer- 
tainly equivalent to an assertion that he is the apos- 
tle, (a.) He names himself simply " John," without 
prefix or addition. He is also described as (b.) a 
servant of Christ ; (c.) one who had borne testimony 
as an eye-witness of the word of God and of the 
testimony of Christ — terms which were surely de- 
5!) 



signed to identify him with the writer of Jn. xix. 
35, i. 14, and 1 Jn. i. 2 ; (rf.) in Patmos for the word 
of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ ; (f.) a 
fellow-sufferer with those whom he addresses ; (/.) 
the authorized channel of the most direct and im- 
portant communication ever made to the seven 
Churches of Asia, of which Churches John the Apos- 
tle was at that time the spiritual governor and 
teacher ; (g.) a fellow-servant of angels and a brother 
of prophets. All these marks are found united to- 
gether in the Apostle John, and in him alone of all 
historical persons. A candid reader of the Revela- 
tion, if previously acquainted with St. John's other 
writings and life, must inevitably conclude that the 
writer intended to be identified with St. John. Yet 
Liicke conjectures that some Asiatic disciple and 
namesake of the apostle may have written the book 
in the course of some missionary labors or some 
time of sacred retirement in Patmos. Unless we are 
prepared to give up the veracity and divine origin 
of the whole book, and to treat the writer's account 
of himself as a mere fiction of a poet trying to 
cover his own insignificance with an honored name, 
we must accept that description as a plain state- 
ment of fact, equally credible with the rest of the 
book, and in harmony with the simple, honest, 
truthful character which is stamped on the face of 
the whole narrative (so Mr. Bullock, original author 
of this article). Besides this direct assertion of St. 
John's authorship, there is also an implication of it 
running through the book. Generally, the instinct 
of single-minded, patient, faithful students has led 
them to recognize not merely the same Spirit as the 
source of this and other books of Holy Scripture, 
but also the same peculiarly-formed human instru- 
ment employed both in producing this book and the 
fourth Gospel (John, Gospel of), and in speaking 
the characteristic words and performing the char- 
acteristic actions recorded of St. John. — (2.) His- 
torical testimonies in favor of St. John's authorship. 
(a.) Justin Martyr, about a. d. 150, says: — "A man 
among us whose name was John, one of the apos- 
tles of Christ, in a revelation which was made to 
him, prophesied that the believers in our Christ 
shall live a thousand years in Jerusalem." (b.) The 
author of the Muratorian Fragment, about a. d. 170, 
speaks of St. John as the writer of the Apocalypse, 
(c.) Melito of Sardis, about a. d. 170, wrote a treatise 
on the Revelation of John. Eusebius (H. E. iv. 26) 
mentions this among the books of Melito ; and it 
may be presumed that he found no doubt as to St. 
John's authorship in the book of this ancient Asiatic 
bishop, (d.) Theophilus, bishop of Antioch (about 
180), in a controversy with Hermogenes, quotes 
passages out of the Revelation of John, (e.) Ire- 
najus (about 195), apparently never having heard a 
suggestion of any other author than the apostle, 
often quotes the Revelation as the work of John. 
He describes John, the writer of the Revelation, as 
the same who was leaning on Jesus' bosom at sup- 
per, and asked Him who should betray Him. (/.) 
Apollonius (about 200) of Ephesus (?), in contro- 
versy with the Montanists of Phrygia, quoted pas- 
sages out of the Revelation of John, and narrated 
a miracle wrought by John at Ephesus. (g.) Clement 
of Alexandria (about 200) quotes the book as the 
Revelation of John, and as the work of an apostle. 
(/(.) Tertullian (a. d. 207) quotes by name " the Apos- 
tle John in the Apocalypse." ()'.) Hippolytus (about 
230) is said, in the inscription on his statue at Rome, 
to have composed an apology for the Apocalypse 
and Gospel of St. John the Apostle, (j.) Origen 



930 



REV 



REV 



(about 233), in his Commentary on St. John, quoted 
by Eusebius (ff. E.\\. 25), says of the apostle, "he 
wrote also the Revelation." The testimonies of 
later writers, in the third and fourth centuries, in 
favor of St. John's authorship of the Revelation 
are equally distinct and far more numerous. All 
the foregoing writers, testifying that the book came 
from an apostle, believed that it was a part of Holy 
Scripture. It is also quoted as having canonical 
authority by Papias, Cyprian, and in the Epistle 
from the churches of Lyons and Vienne, a. d. 177. 
It was admitted into the list of the Third Council 
of Carthage, a. d. 397. Such is the evidence in 
favor of St. John's authorship and of the canonical 
authority of this book. (Bible ; Canon ; Inspira- 
tion ; New Testament.) — The following facts must 
be weighed on the other side. Marcion, who re- 
garded all the apostles, except St. Paul, as corrupt- 
ers of the truth, rejected the Apocalypse and all 
other books of the X. T. which were not written by 
St. Paul. (Li ke, Gospel ok.) The Alogi, an ob- 
scure sect, about a. n. 180, rejected the Revelation, 
saying it was the work, not of John, but of Cerinthus. 
But the testimony which is considered the most im- 
portant of all in ancient times against the Revela- 
tion is contained in a fragment of Dionysius of 
Alexandria, about a. d. 240, the most influential and 
perhaps the ablest bishop in that age. He testifies 
that some writers before him altogether repudiated 
the Revelation as a forgery of Cerinthus; that many 
brethren, however, prized it very highly, and Diony- 
sius would not venture to reject it, but received it 
in faith as containing things too deep and too sub- 
lime for his understanding. He argues that the way 
in which the name "John" is mentioned, and the 
general character of the language, are unlike what 
we should expect from John the Evangelist and 
Apostle ; that there were many Johns in that age. 
He would not say that John Mark was the writer, 
since it is not known that he was in Asia. He sup- 
poses it must be the work of some John who lived 
in Asia. To this extent, and no further, Dionysius 
is a witness against St. John's authorship. It is 
obvious that he knew of no authority for attributing 
it to any other John. A weightier difficulty arises 
from the fact that the Revelation is one of the books 
absent from the ancient Peshito version. (Versions, 
Ancient [Syriac].) Eusebius is remarkably sparing 
in his quotations from the "Revelation of John," 
and the uncertainty of his opinion about it is best 
shown by his statement that " it is likely that the 
Revelation was seen by the second John (the Ephe- 
sian presbyter), if any one is unwilling to believe 
that it was seen by the apostle." Jerome states 
that the Greek Churches felt, with respect to the 
Revelation, a similar doubt to that of the Latins 
respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews. (Hebrews, 
Epistle to the.) Neither he nor Augustine shared 
such doubts. — B. Time and Place of Writing. The 
date of the Revelation is given by the great majority 
of critics as a. d. 95-97. Irenaeus says : " It (i. e. the 
Revelation) was seen no very long time ago, but al- 
most in our own generation, at the close of Domi- 
tian's reign." Eusebius also records that, in the 
persecution under Domitian, John the Apostle and 
Evangelist was banished to the island Patmos for 
his testimony of the divine word. There is no men- 
tion in any writer of the first three centuries of any 
other time or place. Unsupported by any historical 
evidence, some commentators have inferred, from the 
style and contents of the book, that the Revelation was 
written as early as the time of Nero. It has been in- 



ferred from i. 2, 9, 10, that the Revelation was written 
in Ephesus, immediately after the apostle's return 
from Patmos. But the style in which the messages to 
the seven Churches are delivered rather suggests the 
notion that the book was written in Patmos. — C. Lan- 
guage. The doubt first suggested by Harenberg, 
whether the Revelation was written in Aramaic, has 
met with little or no reception. The silence of all an- 
cient writers as to any Aramaic original is alone a 
sufficient answer to the suggestion. Lucke has also 
collected internal evidence to show that the original 
is the Greek of a Jewish Christian. Liicke has also 
examined in minute detail the peculiarities of lan- 
guage which obviously distinguish the Revelation 
from every other book of the N. T. He urges with 
great force the difference between the Revelation on 
one side and the fourth Gospel and first Epistle on the 
other, in respect of their style and composition and 
the mental character and attainments of the writer 
of each. Hengstenberg maintains that they are by 
one writer. It may be admitted that the Revelation 
has many surprising grammatical peculiarities. But 
much of this is accounted for by the fact that it was 
probably written down, as it was seen, "in the 
Spirit," while the ideas, in all their novelty and vast- 
ness, filled the apostle's mind, and rendered him less 
capable of attending to forms of speech. — D. Con- 
tents. After the title of the book, the description of 
the writer, the blessing on the readers, and the salu- 
tation of the seven Churches of Asia (i. 1-4), John 
touches the keynote of the whole book — the Person 
of Christ, the redemption wrought by Him, His sec- 
ond coming to judge mankind, the painful, hopeful 
discipline of Christians in this present world (5-9). 
The first vision (i. 7-iii. 22) shows the Son of Man 
with His injunction, or Epistles to the seven Church- 
es. In the next vision (iv. 1-viii. 1) John in heaven 
sees God on His throne, the seven-sealed book or roll 
produced and received by the slain Lamb, the Re- 
deemer, amid universal adoration, and its seven seals 
opened by Him in order, the apostle narrating the 
signs which he sees as they are opened. Then come 
the seven angels who sound the seven trumpets (viii. 
2-xi. 19), the reign of Christ with the judgment of 
the dead and the destruction of the earth's destroy- 
ers being proclaimed at the last. The second half 
of the Revelation (xii.-xxii.) comprises a series of 
visions connected by various links. It may be de- 
scribed generally as a prophecy of the assaults of 
the devil and his agents (= the dragon, the ten- 
horned beast, the two-horned beast or false prophet, 
and the harlot) upon the Church, and their final de- 
struction. (Antichrist; Babylon 2 ; Judgment; 
Resurrection ; Riddle, &c.) It appears to begin 
with a reference to anterior events, and closes with 
views of the final judgment, the new heaven and the 
new earth, the new Jerusalem with its people and 
their way of life, the last sixteen verses containing 
a solemn asseveration of the truth and importance of 
the foregoing sayings, a blessing on those who keep 
them, a warning of His speedy coming, and of the 
nearness of the time when these prophecies shall be 
fulfilled. — E. Interpretation. A short account of the 
different directions in which attempts have been 
made to interpret the Revelation, is all that can be 
given in this place. The interval between the apos- 
tolic age and that of Constantine has been called the 
Chiliastic period of Apocalyptic interpretation. The 
visions of St. John were chiefly regarded as repre- 
sentations of general Christian truths, scarcely yet 
embodied in actual facts, for the most part to be ex- 
emplified or fulfilled in the reign of Antichrist, the 



REV 



RHO 



931 



coming of Christ, the millennium, and the day of 
judgment. Immediately after the triumph of Con- 
stantine, the Christians, emancipated from oppres- 
sion and persecution, and dominant and prosperous 
in their turn, began to lose their vivid expectation 
of our Lord's speedy advent, and their spiritual con- 
ception of His kingdom, and to look upon the tem- 
poral supremacy of Christianity as a fulfilment of 
the promised reign of Christ on earth. The Roman 
empire, become Christian, was regarded no longer as 
the object of prophetic denunciation, but as the 
scene of a millennial development. This view, how- 
ever, was soon met by the figurative interpretation 
of the millennium as the reign of Christ in the hearts 
of all true believers. As the barbarous and heretical 
invaders of the falling empire appeared, they were 
regarded by the suffering Christians as fulfilling the 
woes denounced in the Revelation. The views to 
which the reputation of Abbot Joachim (of Calabria, 
a. d. 1200) gave currency became the foundation of 
that great historical school of interpretation which 
up to this time seems the most popular of all. 
Modern interpreters are generally placed in three 
great divisions, a. The Historical or Continuous 
expositors, in whose opinion the Revelation is a pro- 
gressive history of the fortunes of the Church from 
the first century to the end of time (Mede, Sir L 
Newton, Vitringa, Bengel, Woodhouse, Faber, B. B. 
Elliott, Wordsworth, H^ngstenberg, Ebrard, Alford 
mainly, &e ). b. The Preterist expositors, who are 
of opinion that the Revelation has been almost, or 
altogether, fulfilled in the time which has passed 
since it was written ; that it refers principally to the 
triumph of Christianity over Judaism and Faganism, 
signalized in the downfall of Jerusalem and of Rome 
(Alcasar, Grotius, Hammond, Bossuet, Calmet, Wet- 
stein, Eichhorn, Hug, Herder, Ewaid, Lucke, De 
Wette, Stuart, Lee, Maurice, &c). c. The Futurist 
expositors,who believe that the whole book, except- 
ing perhaps the first three chapters, refers principal- 
ly, if not exclusively, to events which are yet to come 
(Dr. J. H. Todd, Dr. S. R Maitland, B. Newton, C. 
Maitland, I. Williams, De Burgh, &c). — Two methods 
liave been proposed by which the student of the 
Revelation may escape the incongruities and fallacies 
of the different interpretations, whilst he may derive 
edification from whatever truth they contain. It has 
been suggested that the book may be regarded as a 
prophetic poem, dealing in general and inexact de- 
scriptions, much of which may be set down as poetic 
imagery, mere embellishment. But such a view 
would be difficult to reconcile with the belief that 
the book is an inspired prophecy. A better sugges- 
tion is made, or rather revived, by Dr. Arnold in his 
Sermons On the Interpretation of Prophecy : that we 
should bear in mind that predictions have a lower 
historical sense, as well as a higher spiritual sense : 
that there may be one or more than one typical, im- 
perfect, historical fulfilment of a prophecy, in each 
of which the higher spiritual fulfilment is shadowed 
forth more or less distinctly. Old Testament, B, 
note - ; Prophet. 

* Re-ven'ger of Blood. Blood, Avenger of. 

* Rev'c-nue. King; Publican; Taxes. 
Re'zeph (fr. Deb. = a atone heated to roast meat 

or bake bread on it, Ges.), one of the places which 
Sennacherib mentions in his taunting message to 
Hezekiah, as destroyed by his predecessor (2 K. xix. 
12; Is. xxxvii. 12); a day's march W. of the Eu- 
phrates, on the road from Racca to Hums (so Gese- 
nius, Keil, Thenius, &c); E. of the Euphrates, near 
Bagdad (so Hitzig). • 



Re-zi'a (fr. Heb. = delight, Ges.), an Asherite 
chief, of the sons of Ulla (1 Chr. vii. 39). 

Rc'zill (fr. Heb. = lover, friend? or firm, stable ? or 
prince ? Ges. ; a holding together, regulation, hence 
dominion, Fii.). 1. A king of Damascus, contem- 
porary with Pekah in Israel, and with Jotham and 
Ahaz in Judea. He attacked Jotham during the 
latter part of his reign (2 K. xv. 37) ; but his chief 
war was with Ahaz, whose territories he invaded, in 
company with Pekah (about b. c. 741). The com- 
bined army laid siege to Jerusalem, where Ahaz was, 
but " could not prevail against it" (Is. vii. 1 ; 2 K. 
xvL 5). Rezin, however, " recovered Elath to Syria " 
(xvi. 6). Soon after this he was attacked, defeated, 
and slain by Tiglath-pileser II., king of Assyria 
(xvi. 9). (Isaiah.) — 2. Ancestor of a family of 
Nethinim, who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. iL 
48 ; Neh! vii. 50). 

Re'zon (Heb. prince, Ges.), son of Eliadah; a 
Syrian, who when David defeated Hadadezer, king 
of Zobah, put himself at the head of a band of free- 
booters and set up a petty kingdom at Damascus (1 
K. xL 23). He may have been an officer of Hadade- 
zer, who, foreseeing the destruction which David 
would inflict, prudently escaped with some followers ; 
or more probably (so Mr. Wright) he gathered his 
band of the remnant of those who survived the 
slaughter. Rezon's settlement at Damascus could 
not have been till some time after the battle in 
which Hadadezer's power was broken, for David at 
the same time defeated the army of Damascene 
Syrians who came to the relief of Hadadezer, and 
put garrisons in Damascus. From his position at 
Damascus Rezon harassed the kingdom of Solomon 
during his whole reign. 

Rhe'gi-nm [re'je-um] (L. fr. Gr. rhegnnmi = to 
break, or break through, because the sea anciently 
brolie through there between Italy and Sicily, Pape, L. 
& S., &c), an Italian town on the Bruttian coast, at 
the southern entrance of the straits of Messina ; men- 
tioned (Acts xxviiL 13) in the account of St. Paul's 
voyage from Syracuse to Puteoli, after the shipwreck 
at Malta. (See map under Paul.) The figures on 
its coins are the " twin brothers " ( Castor and Pollux) 
who gave the name to St. Paul's ship. The place 
was originally a Greek colony: it was miserably 
destroyed by Dionysius of Syracuse: from Augustus 
it received advantages which combined with its geo- 
graphical position in making it important through- 
out the duration of the Roman empire. The modern 
Reggio is a town of 10,000 inhabitants, about six 
miles across the straits from Messina. 

Rhr'sa (Gr., see below), son of Zorobabel in the 
Genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 27). Lord A 
C. Hervey has conjectured that " Rhesa" is no per- 
son, but merely the title Rosh, i. e. " Prince," origi- 
nally attached to the name of Zerubbabel. 

* Rhi-noc'e-ros-es [ri-nos-] (fr. Gr.), RM-noc'c-rots 
in some copies, plural of Rhinoceros (Is. xxxiv. 1 
margin). Unicorn. 

Rho'da (fr. Gr. = rose, rose-bush), a maid who an- 
nounced Peter's arrival at the door of Mary's house 
after his miraculous release from prison (Acts xii. 
13). 

Rhodes [pronounced like roads'] (fr. Gr. Rhodos ; 
L. Rhodus ; thus named [so Diodorus Siculus] from 
a daughter of the god Neptune, or [so others] from 
its abounding in roses [comp. Riioda]). St. Paul 
touched at this island on his return voyage to Syria 
from the third missionary journey (Acts xxi. 1). 
Rhodes is immediately opposite the high Carian and 
Lycian headlands at the S. W. extremity of the pen- 



932 



RHO 



RIG 



insula of Asia Minor. Its position has had much to 
do with its history. Its real eminence began (about 
400 b. c.) with the founding of that city at the N. E. 
extremity of the island which still continues to be 
the capital. After Alexander's death it entered on 
a glorious period, its material prosperity being largely 
developed, ami its institutions deserving and obtain- 
ing general esteem. Its Colossus, a statue of Apol- 
lo, 70 cubits or 105 feet high, was one of the won- 
ders of I he ancient world. As we approach the time 
of the consolidation of the Roman power in the Le- 
vant, we have a notice of Jewish residents in Rhodes 
(1 Mc. xv. 23). The Romans, after the defeat of 
Antiochus, assigned, during some time, to Rhodes 
certain districts on the mainland (Caria ; Lycia) ; 
and after these were withdrawn, the island still en- 
joyed (from Augustus to Vespasian) a considerable 
amount of independence. Its Byzantine history is 
again eminent. Under Constantine it was the me- 
tropolis of the " Province of the Islands." It was 
the last place where the Christians of the East held 
out against the advancing Saracens ; and subse- 
quently it was once more famous as the home and 
fortress of the Knights of St. John. (Malta.) Its 
soil is fertile, and its climate delightful. Its present 
population is 28,000, viz. 2 1,000 Turks, 6,000 Greeks, 
1,000 Jews (New Amer. Cyc). 

Kliod o-cus (L. fr. Gr.), a Jew who betrayed the 
plans of his countrymen to Antiochus Eupator (2 
Mc. xiii. 21). 

Rho dus (L.) = Rhodes (1 Me. xv. 33). 

Hi bui (Heb. = Jeribai, Ges.), father of Ittai the 
Benjamite of Gibeah (2 Sam. xxiii. 29 ; 1 Chr. xi. 
31). 

' Rib and = ribbon ; the A. V. translation of Ileb. 
pdlhil once (Num. xv. 38). Hem of Garment; 
Lace. 

Riblah {ELeh. fertility, Ges.). 1. One of the land- 
marks on the eastern boundary of the land of Israel, 
as specified by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 11). It was be- 
tween Shepham and the Sea of Chinnereth (Genne- 
saret, Sea of), and on the " east side of the spring " 
(A. V. " Ain"). Shepham has not yet been identi- 
fied, and which of the great fountains of northern 
Palestine is intended by " the spring " is uncertain 
(so Mr. Grove; but see Ain' 1). Sir. Grove (with 
Parchi, kc.) thinks it hardly possible, without en- 
tirely disarranging the specification of the boundary, 
that this Riblah can be the same with " Riblah in 
the land of Hamath." But Gesenius (Heb. Lex.), 
Robinson (ii. 507, iii. 544-6), Thomson (B. S. v. 693), 
Porter (ii. 335, in Kitto, &c.), Winer, Fiirst, &c., 
make Riblah in Num. xxxiv. = Riblah in 2 K. and 
Jeremiah. — 2. " Riblah in the land of Hamath," a 
place on the great road between Palestine and Baby- 
lonia, at which the kings of Babylonia were accus- 
tomed to remain while directing the operations of 
their armies in Palestine and Phenicia. Here Neb- 
uchadnezzar waited while the sieges of Jerusalem 
and of Tyre were being conducted by his lieuten- 
ants ; here Zedekiah's eyes were put out, his sons 
having been slain before his eyes, and here the 
nobles of Jerusalem were also slain (Jer. xxxix. 5, 
6, lii. 9, 10, 26, 27 ; 2 K. xxv. 6, 20, 21). In like 
manner Pharaoh-necho, after his victory over the 
Babylonians at Carchemish, returned to Riblah and 
summoned Jehoahaz from Jerusalem before him 
(xxiii. 33). This Riblah has no doubt been discov- 
ered, still named Ribleh, a miserable village in avast 
and fertile plain, on the right (E.) bank of the el-Asy 
(Orontes), upon the great road which connects Ba'aL- 
bek and Hums, about thirty-five miles N. E. of the 



I former and twenty miles S. W. of the latter place. 
Diblath. 

Rid dle [-dl] (Heb. hiddh or chiddh = something 
entangled, intricate, Ges.). The Hebrew word (so Mr. 
Farrar, original author of this article) is used for arti- 
fice (Dan. viii. 23, A. V. "dark sentence "), a proverb 
(Prov. i. 6, " dark saying " in this and the two next ; 
Proverbs, Book of), a song (Ps. xlix. 4 [Heb. 5], 
lxxviii. 2), an oracle (Num. xii. 8, " dark speech "), a 
parable (Ez. xvii. 2, " riddle "), and in general any 
wise or intricate sentence (Ilab. ii. 6, " proverb "), as 
well as a" riddle " in our sense of the word (Judg. xiv. 
12-19). The riddles which the queen of Sheba came 
to ask of Solomon (1 K. x. 1 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1) were rather 
" hard questions " referring to profound inquiries. 
Solomon is said, however, to have been very fond of 
the riddle proper. The Greek word ainipma (= enig- 
ma, riddle) occurs only once in the N. T. (1 Cor. xiii. 
12, " darkly ; " compare Num. xii. 8) ; but, in the 
wider meaning of the word, many instances of it oc- 
cur in our Lord's discourses. All ancient nations, and 
especially Orientals, have been fond of riddles. We 
find traces of the custom among the Arabs (Koran 
xxv. 35), and indeed several Arabic books of riddles 
exist ; but these are rather emblems and devices 
than what we call riddles, although they are very 
ingenious. They were also known to the ancient 
Egyptians, and were especially used in banquets 
both by Greeks and Romans. Riddles were gener- 
ally proposed in verse, like the celebrated riddle of 
Samson, which, however, was properly no riddle at 
all, because the Philistines did not possess the only 
clew on which the solution could depend. Francis 
Junius distinguishes bctwten the greater enigma, 
where the allegory or obscure intimation is continu- 
ous throughout the passage (as in Ez. xvii. 2); and 
the lesser enigma, where the difficulty is concentrated 
in the peculiar use of some one word. It only re- 
mains to notice the single instance of a riddle oc- 
curring in the N. T., viz. the number of the beast 
(Rev. xiii. 16-18). This belongs to a class of riddles 
very common among Egyptian mystics, the Gnostics, 
some of the Fathers, and the Jewish Cabbalists. 
The most exact analogies to the enigma on the name 
of the beast are to be found in the so-called Sibylline 
verses. It would be absurd to doubt that St. John 
(not greatly removed in time from the Christian 
forgers of the Sibylline verses) intended some name 
as an answer to the number 666. Most of the 
Fathers supposed the name Lateinos (— Latin) to 
be intended. Number 10; Revelation of St. John. 

* Ri ding. Ass ; Camel ; Cart ; Chariot ; Horse ; 
Mcle ; Wagon. 

* Right eons (Heb. usually tsaddik, sometimes 
j yasliAr, kc. ; Gr. dikaios) denotes one who pursues 
; an undeviatingly right course, one whose character 

and conduct are in strict accordance with justice 
and truth (Ex. ix. 27 ; Ps. exix. 137 ; Rom. iii. 10; 
Rev. xvi. 5, &e.) ; it is likewise applied to actions, 
kc, which are right or just as they should be (Deut. 
i iv. 8 ; Rev. xvi. 7, xix. 2, &c.). In the language of 
1 common life those are called "righteous" whose 
general aim is to be right and to obey God, though 
they are not faultless (Gen. xviii. 23 ff. ; Ps. i. 5, 6 ; 
Mat. x. 41 thrice, xxv. 37, 46 ; 1 Pet. iv. 18, &c). 
Justify ; Perfect ; Righteousness, &c. 

* Right'eons-ness (Heb. tsedek, tseddkdh ; Chal. 
] Uidkdh ; Gr. dikaiosunte usually, sometimes dikaioma, 

once [Heb. i. 8] enlhules) = a doing or being what is 
: just and right, the being righteous. " Righteous- 
j ness " in the strict sense belongs only to God and 

sinless beings (Dan. ix. 7 ; Jn. xvi. 8, 10, &c.) ; but 



RIM 



RIV 



933 



the " faith " of the true believer or of the friend 
of God is " counted unto him for righteousness " 
(Rom. iv. 3, compare iii. 22 ff., &c). Atonement; 
Justification ; Saviour, &c. 

Rim'mon (Heb., see next article), a Benjamite of 
Beeroth, father of Rechab and Baanah, the murder- 
ers of Ishbosheth (2 Sam. iv. 2, 5, 9). 

Rim'mon (Heb., see below), a deity worshipped by 
the Syrians of Damascus, where there was a temple 
or house of Rimmon (2 K. v. 18). Serarius refers 
the name to the Heb. rimmon, a pomegranate, a fruit 
sacred to Venus, who is thus the deity worshipped 
under this title. Ursinus explains Rimmon as the 
pomegranate, the emblem of the fertilizing principle 
of nature, a symbol of frequent occurrence in the 
old religions. ButSelden, Le Clere,Vitringa, Rosen- 
muller, Gesenius, &c., think that Rimmon is from the 
Hebrew root rum, to be high, and signifies most high. 
Movers regards Rimmon as the abbreviated form of 
Hadad-rimmon, Hadad being the sun-god of the Syr- 
ians. Combining this with the pomegranate, which 
was his symbol, Hadad-rimmon would then be the 
sun-god of the late summer who ripens the pome- 
granate and other fruits. 

Rim'mon (Heb. a pomegranate, Ges.). 1, A town 
in the S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 32), allotted to Simeon 
(xix. 7, A. V. " Remmon ; " 1 Chr. iv. 32). In each 
of the above lists the name succeeds that of Ain 2. 
Li the catalogue of the places reoccupied by the 
Jews after the return from Babylon (Neh. xi. 29) 
the two are joined, and appear in the A. V. as En- 
rimmon. It is named as " S. of Jerusalem " in Zech. 
xiv. 10.— 2, A city of Zebulun belonging to the 
Merarite Levites (I Chr. vi. 77); probably = Rem- 

MON-METHOAR and DlMNAH. 

Rim'mon-pa'rez (fr. Heb. = pomegranate of the 
breach, Ayre), a march-station in the wilderness of 
the wandering (Num. xxxiii. 19, 20) ; supposed by 
Rowlands (in Fbn.) to be at Jebei Ikhrimm, about 
seventy-five miles S. S. W. of Beer-sheba. 

Rim'mon (Heb. pomegranate, Ges.), the Rock, a 
cliff or inaccessible natural fastness, in which the 
six hundred Benjamites, who escaped the slaughter 
of Gibeah, took refuge (Judg. xx: 45, 47, xxi. 13). 
It is described as in the " wilderness," i. e. the wild 
uncultivated country which lies on the east of the 
central highlands of Benjamin, on which Gibeah 
was situated — between them and the Jordan Valley. 
The name is identified with the modern Rummon, a 
village three miles E. of Bethel, on the summit of 
a conical chalky hill, visible in all directions, and 
commanding the whole country. 

Ring (Heb. tabba'ath, galil ; Gr. daktulios). The 
ring was regarded as an indispensable article of a 
Hebrew's attire, inasmuch as it contained his sig- 
net. It was hence the symbol of authority, and as 




Egyptian Signet-rings, with impressions from them. — (Fbn.) 



such was presented by Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli. 
42), by Ahasuerus to Haman (Esth. iii. 10), by An- 



tiochus to Philip (1 Mc. vi. 15). Such rings were 
worn not only by men, but by women (Is. iii. 21), 
and are enumerated among the articles presented 
by men and women for the service of the Taber- 
nacle (Ex. xxxv. 22). The signet-ring was worn on 
the right hand (Jer. xxii. 24). We may conclude, 
from Ex. xxviii. 11, that the rings contained a stone 
engraven with a device, or with the owner's name. 




l 2 

Assyrian Rings, irom the British Museum. — (Fbn.^ 
1. Ot'whi.e, yeltyw, and greuuish glass. 2. Ox bronze. 

The Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans often wore a 
profusion of rings. (Ornaments, Personal ; Seal.) 
The custom appears also to have prevailed among 
the Jews of the Apostolic age ; for in Jas. ii. 2 a 
rich man is described as not simply " with a gold 
ring," as in the A. V., but golden-ringed (Gr. clirvso- 
daklulios). In Ez. i. 18 "rings" (Heb. gab in two 
forms of pi.) are the rims of the wheels. 

Rin'nah (Heb. shout, outcry, Ges.), a son of Shimon 
among the descendants of Judah (l Chr. iv. 20). 

Ri'phath (Heb. a breaking in pieces, i. e. extreme 
terror, Sim.), second son of Gomer, and brother of 
Ashkenaz and Togarmah (Gen. x. 3). The Hebrew 
text in 1 Chr. i. 6 has, by a copyist's error, Diphatii. 
The name has been variously identified with that of 
the Rhipa?an Mountains (Knobel), the river Rhebas 
in Bithynia (Bochart), the Rhibii, a people living E. 
of the Caspian Sea (Schulthess), and the Ripheans, 
the ancient name of the Paphlagonians ( Josephus). 
The weight of opinion is, however, in favor of the 
Rhipasan (or Rhiphsean) mountains, which are iden- 
tified with the Carpathian range in the N. E. of 
Dacia. Tongues, Confusion of. 

* Ri sing from the Dead. Resurrection. 

Ris'sah (Heb. a ruin, Ges.), a march-station in the 

WILDERNESS OF THE WANDERING (Num. XXXifi. 21, 22), 

supposed by Winer = Rasa in the Tab. Pent., 32 Ro- 
man miles from Ailah (Elah), and 203 S. of Jerusalem ; 
by Wilton to be at 'Ain el-Jughdmileh, about 125 
miles S. S. W. of Beer-sheba ; by Rowlands (in Fbn.) 
at el-Kusaby, about 55 miles S. W. of Beer-sheba, in 
Wady el- Arish. 

Rith'mah (Heb. the plant called broom, Ges.), a 
march-station in the wilderness of the wandering 
(Num. xxxiii. 18, 19), probably N. E. of Hazeroth 
(so Mr. Hayman) ; supposed by Rowlands (in Fbn.) 
to be at Sahel er-Retemah or Wady Aboo Re/emdt, a 
broad valley or plain a few miles W. of his Kadesh. 

Riv er. In the sense in which we employ the 
word, viz. for a perennial stream of considerable 
size, a river is a much rarer object in the East than 
in the West. With the exception of the Jordan and 
the Litany, the streams of the Holy Land are either 
entirely dried up in the summer months, and con- 
verted into hot lanes of glaring stones, or else reduced 
to very small streamlets deeply sunk in a narrow 
bed, and concealed from view by a dense growth of 
shrubs. For the various aspects of the streams of 
the country which such conditions inevitably pro- 
duced, the ancient Hebrews had very exact terms, 
which they employed habitually with much preci- 
sion. 1. The perennial river = Heb. ndhdr ; pos- 
sibly used of the Jordan in Ps. lxvi. 6 (A. V. 
"flood "), lxxiv. 15 ; of the great Mesopotamian and 
Egyptian rivers generally in Gen. ii. lOff. ; Ex. vii. 19; 



934 



RIV 



ROB 



2 K. xvii. 6 ; Ez. iii. 15, &c. ; with the article, "(Fit 
river," invariably = the Euphrates (Gen. xxxi. 21 ; 
Ex. xxiii. 31 ; Num. xxiv. 6 ; 2 Sara. x. 16, &C, &c.). 
(Abasa ; Aiiava ; Chebar ; Eden ; Habor ; Pharpar ; 
River of Egypt 1). The kindred Chal. nihar is 
translated "river," i. e. Euphrates, in Ezr. iv.-vi., 
and " stream " in Dan. vii. 10. — 2. The term for 
the fleeting fugitive torrents of Palestine is nalial 
or ruxchal, for which our translators have used pro- 
miscuously, and sometimes almost alternately, " val- 
ley " (Num. xxi. 12, xxxii. 9, &c), " brook " (Gen. 
xxxii. 23 [Heb. 24]; Num. xiii. 23, 24, xxi. 14, 15; 
Deut. ii. 13, 14 ; 1 K. xviii. 40, &c), and "river" 
(Lev. xi. 9, 10; Deut. ii. 24, 36, 37, iii. 8, 12, 16 
twice ["valley " here once), iv. 48, x. 7 ; Josh. xii. 
1, 2 [thrice], xiii. 9, 16 [twice each], &c). Many 
of the wadys of Palestine are deep, abrupt chasms 
or rents in the solid rock of the hills, and have a 
savage, gloomy aspect. Unfortunately our language 
dor- not contain any single word which has both 
the meanings of the Hebrew uahal or tiachal and its 
Arabic equivalent wad;/, which can be used at once 
for a dry valley and for the stream which occasion- 
ally flows through it. (Ar.non ; BZSOR; Brook 4; 
CiiEiiiTii ; Esiicol ; Gaasii ; Gerar ; Jabbok ; Ka- 
NAH; Kidp.on ; Kisiiox ; River of Egypt 2; Shit- 
tim ; Sorek ; Valley 3 ; Zered.) — 3. Heb. yCor, a 
word of Egyptian origin, applied to the Nile onlv 
(Gen. xli. 1 ff. ; Ex. i. 22, ii. 3, 5, iv. 9, vii. 15 ff., 
lie), and, in the plural, to the canals by which the 
Nile water was distributed throughout Egypt, or to 
Ft reams having a connection with that country (Ex. 
vii. 19, viii. 5 [Heb. 1] ; 2 K. xix. 24; Job xxviii. 
10 ; Ps. lxxviii. 44, fltc). It is translated " flood " 
(Jcr. xlvi. 7, 8 ; Am. viii. 8, ix. 5), also in pi. 
"brooks" (Brook 2), and "streams" (Is. xxxiii. 21 
only). — 4. Heb. yubiil (from a root signifying to well, 
to flow, sc. copiously and with impetus, Ges.) occurs 
once only ( Jer. xvii. 8). The kindred iibdl or ubal 
is used only of " the river of Ulai " (Dan. viii. 2, 

3, 6), and y&bdl is used only in the plural with 
waters (Is. xxx. 25 [A. V. "streams of waters"], 
xliv. 4 [" water courses "]). — 5. Heb. peleg = a 
brook, rimilct ; commonly taken as a channel OT canal 
from the idea of dividing, Ges. (Job xxix. 6 ; Ps. 
i. 3, Ixv. 9 [Heb. 101, cxix. 136 ; Prov. v. 16, xxi. 
1 ; Is. xxx. 25, xxxii. 2; Lam. iii. 48 , once trans- 
lated " streams " (Ps. xlvi. 4 [Heb. 5]). The kindred 
pi. pelaf/ffolh (= brooks, streams, Ges.) is translated 
" divisions " in Judg. v. 15, 16 ; and " rivers " in Job 
ss. 17. — 6. Heb. dphik (from a root signifying to 
hold, to contain, Ges.) may signify a torrent or any 
rush or body of water (Cant. v. 12 ; Ez. vi. 3, xxxi. 
12, xxxii. 6, xxxiv. 13, xxxr. 8, xxxvi. 4, 6 ; Joel i. 
20, iii. 18 [iv. 18, Heb.]), also translated "channel" 
(2 Sam. xxii. 16 ; Ps. xviii. 15 [Heb. 16] ; Is. viii. 
7), "stream" (Job vi. 15; Ps. exxvi. 4), "brook" 
Ps. xiii. 1 [Heb. 2]). — 7. Gr. potamos ( = a river, 
stream, torrent, flood, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) (Mk. i. 5 ; 
Jn. vii. 38 ; Acts xvi. 13 ; Rev. viii. 10, ix. 14, xvL 

4, 12, xxii. 1, 2), also translated " flood " (Mat. vii. 
25, 27 ; Rev. xii. 15, 16), " stream " (Lk. vi. 48, 49), 
" waters " in pi. (2 Cor. xi. 26) ; in LXX. = 1 & 3, 
above. " Little river3 " in Ez. xxxi. 4 = the pi. of 
the Heb. elsewhere translated Conduit. 

Riv er of E gypt. Two Hebrew terms are thus 
rendered in the A. V. : 1. Nihar Mitsrayim (Gen. 
xv. 18), " the river of Egypt," i. e. the Nile, and 
here thePelusiae or easternmost branch. (River 1.) 
— 2. Nahal (or nachal) Mitsrayim (Num. xxxiv. 5; 
Josh. xv. 4, 47 ; 1 K. viii. 65 ; 2 K. xxiv. 7 ; Is. 
xxvii. 12, in the last passage translated " the stream 



of Egypt"), according to the common opinion, des- 
ignates a desert stream on the border of Egypt, 
still occasionally flowing in the valley called W&dy 
el-Arish. The centre of the valley is occupied by 
the bed of this torrent, which only flows after rains, 
as is usual in the desert valleys. This stream is 
first mentioned as the point where the southern 
border of the Promised Land touched the Mediter- 
ranean, which formed its western border (Num. xxxiv. 
3-6). In the later history we find Solomon's king- 
dom extending from the " entering in of Haniath 
unto the river of Egypt" (I K. viii. 65), and Egypt 
limited in the same manner where the loss of the 
eastern provinces is mentioned (2 K. xxiv. 7). If, 
with the generality of critics, wc think that this 
"river of Egypt" is the Wddy el-Arish, we must 
conclude that the same Suijior or Suior is also ap- 
plied to the latter, although elsewhere designating 
the Nile, for these two terms are used interchange- 
ably to designate a stream on the border of the 
Promised Land. 

Uiz'pah (fr. Heb. = a coal, LXX. and Rabbins ; a 
hot stone, Ges.), concubine to King Sakl, and mother 
of his two sons Armoni and Mepiiibosiieth 1. Mr. 
Grove supposes Rizpah a foreigner, a Hivitc, de- 
scended from Ajah or Aiaii, son of Zibeon. After 
the death of Saul and occupation of the country 
W. of the Jordan by the Philistines, Rizpah accom- 
panied the other members of the royal family to 
their new residence at Mahanaim ; and here her 
name is first introduced to us as the subject of an 
accusation levelled at Abner by Ishbosheth (2 Sam. 
iii. 7). We hear nothing more of Rizpah till the 
tragic story which has made her name familiar (2 
Sam. xxi. 8-11). Every one can appreciate the 
love and endurance with which the mother watched 
over the bodies of her two sons and her five rela- 
tives, to save them from an indignity peculiarly 
painful to the whole of the ancient world (Ps.. lxxix. 
2). But it is questionable whether the ordinary 
conception of the scene is accurate. The seven 
victims were not, as the A. V. implies, " hang ; " 
they were crucified. The seven crosses were planted 
in the rock on the top of the sacred hill of Gibeah. 
The victims were sacrificed at the beginning of the 
barley harvest — the sacred and festal time of the 
Passover — and in the full blaze of the summer sun 
they hung till the fall of the periodical rain in Oc- 
tober. During the whole of that time Rizpah re- 
mained at the foot of the crosses on which the bod- 
ies of her sons were exposed. 

Road occurs but once in the A. V., viz. in 1 Sam. 
xxvii. 10, where it — "raid" or "inroad." Cause- 
way ; Highway. 

Rob'ber-y. Whether in the larger sense of plun- 
der, or the more limited sense of theft, systematic- 
ally organized, robbery has ever been one of the 
principal employments of the nomad tribes of the 
East. From the time of Ishmael to the present 
day the Bedouin has been a " wild man," and a 
robber by trade (Gen. xvi. 12). An instance of an 
enterprise of a truly Bedouin character, but distin- 
guished by the exceptional features belonging to its 
principal actor, is seen in the night-foray of David 
(1 Sam. xxvi. 6-12). Predatory inroads on a large 
scale are seen in the incursions of the Sabeans and 
Chaldeans on the property of Job (Job i. 15, 17) ; 
the revenge coupled with plunder of Simeon and 
Levi (Gen. xxxiv. 28, 29) ; the reprisals of the He- 
brews upon the Midianites (Num. xxxi. 32-54), and 
the frequent and often prolonged invasions of 
" spoilers " upon the Israelites, together with their 



ROB 



ROM 



935 



reprisals { Judg. ii. 14, vi. 3,4; 1 Sam. xi., xV. ; 2 
Sam. viii., x. ; 2 K. v. 2 ; 1 Chr. v. 10, 18-22). Sim- 
ilar disorder in the country, complained of more 
than once by the prophets (Hos. iv. 2, vi. 9 ; Mic. 
ii. 8), continued more or less through Maccabean 
down to Roman times. (Arbela ; Cave ; Judas op 
Galilee ; Pisidia; Thieves, the Two.) In the 
later history also of the country, the robbers, or 
siearii, together with their leader, John of Gischala, 
played a conspicuous part. (Jerusalem.) The 
Mosaic law on the subject of theft is contained in 
Ex. xxii. (Law of Moses ; Punishments.) There 
seems no reason to suppose that the Law underwent 
any alteration in Solomon's time, as " sevenfold " 
restitution in Prov. vi. 30, 31, may be simply resti- 
tution to the full amount. Man-stealing was punish- 
able with death (Ex. xxi. 16; Deut. xxiv. 7). Inva- 
sion of right in land was strictly forbidden (Deut. 
xxvii. IT; Is. v. 8; Mic. ii. 2). 

* Robe. Dress. 

Ro-boam (L. fr. Heb.) = Rehoboam (Ecclus. 
slvii. 23 ; Mat. i. 7). 

* Roek (Heb. sela\ Is&r, &c. ; Gr. usually peird) is 
often used in the Scriptures in its ordinary sense 
(Num. xx. 8 if. ; Judg. vi. 21, &c); also because 
rocks were used for fortresses or strongholds (Etam, 
the Rock; Rimmon, the Rock; Sela, &c), the word 
denotes a place of security, and figuratively a ref- 
uge, defence, or protection (Ps. xviii. 2, 31, 46, Ixi. 
2, &cA Peter; Stone. 

* Rod (Heb. holer or choter, matteh, maikel, shebet ; 
Gr. r/iabdos) = a branch, shoot, or stick, such as 
may be used for a whip (Prov. xiv. 3; Jer. i. 11, 
&c); also a shepherd's staff (Ex. iv. 2 ft*., &c), the 
sceptre or authority of a ruler or king (Ps. ex. 2 ; 
Rev. ii. 27, &c), an instrument for punishment or 
correction (Prov. x. 13 ; 1 Cor. iv. 21, &c), &c. 
King; Moses; Punishments; Sceptre; Scourging; 
Shepherd. 

* Rod'a-nim, or Bo-d,i niai (1 Chr. i. 7 margin). 

DoDANIM. 

Roe, Roc'bnck, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. 
tsebi (masc), tsebiyAk (fern.). There seems to be 
little or no doubt that the Hebrew word, which oc- 




Ariel Gazelle (Gazella Arabica). 



curs frequently in the 0. T., denotes some species 
of antelope, probably the Gazella Dorcas, a native 
of Egypt and North Africa, or the Gazella Arabica 
of Syria or Arabia, which appears to be a variety 
only of the Dorcas (so Mr. Houghton). The gazelle 
was allowed as food (Deut. xii. 15, 22, &c); it was 
very fleet of foot (2 Sara. ii. 18; 1 Chr. xii. 8); it 
was hunted (Is. xiii. 14 ; Prov. vi. 5) ; it was cele- 
brated for its loveliness (Cant. ii. 9, 17, viii. 14). 



The gazelle is found in Egypt, Barbary, and Syria. 
— 2. Heb. ya'uldk (Prov. v. 19 only) = the female 
of the wild or mountain goat, Ges. 

* Ro'gel (Heb. a fuller, Ges.) (1 K. i. 9 margin). 
En-rogel. 

Ro'gc-liin (Heb. fullers' 1 place, Ges.), the residence 
of Barzillai the Gileadite (2 Sam. xvii. 27, xix. 31) 
in the highlands E. of the Jordan ; site unknown. 

Roh'gah (Heb. outcry, Ges.), an Asherite chief,. of 
the sons of Shamer (1 Chr. vii. 34). 

Ro'i-mns (fr. Gr.) = Rehum 1 (1 Esd. v. 8). 

Roll (Heb. and Chal. megiU&h). A book in an- 
cient times consisted of a single long strip of paper 
or parchment, which was usually kept rolled up on 
a stick, and was unrolled when a person wished to 
read it. The Heb. gill&ydn in Is. viii. 1, rendered 
in the A. V. " roll," more correctly means tablet. 
Bible ; Writing. 

Ro-mam'ti-e'zer (Heb. / have exalted his help, 
Ges.), a son of Heman, and chief of the twenty- 
fourth division of the Temple-choir in David's time 
(1 Chr. xxv. 4, 31). 

* Ro man, originally and properly a native or in- 
habitant of Rome (Jn. xi. 48, &c); also one who 
had the rights and privileges of a citizen of Rome 
(Acts xvi. 37, 3S, &c). Latin; Roman Empire. 

Roman ( = of Rome) Em pire. The history of 
the Roman Empire, properly so called, extends from 
the battle of Actium, b. c. 31, when Augustus be- 
came sole ruler of the Roman world, to the abdica- 
tion of Augustulus, a. d. 476. The dominion of Rome 
over a large number of conquered nations had, 
however, reached wide limits some time before the 
monarchy of Augustus was established. The no- 
tices of Roman history in the Bible are confined to 
the last century and a half of the commonwealth 
and the first century of the imperial monarchy. 
There is no historic mention of Rome in the 0. T. 
(Daniel.) 1 Mc. i. 10 first mentions Rome as the 
place where Antiochus Epiphanes was a hostage. 
About 161 b. c. Judas Maccabeus heard of the Ro- 
mans as the conquerors of Philip, Perseus, and An- 
tiochus (1 Mc. viii. 5, 6). To strengthen himself 
against Demetrius, king of Syria, he sent ambassa- 
dors to Rome (viii. 17), and concluded a defensive 
alliance with the senate (viii. 22-32). This was re- 
newed by Jonathan (xii. 1) and by Simon (xv. 17). 
In 65 b. c, when Syria was made a Roman province 
by Pompey, the Jews were still governed by one of 
the Asmonean princes. (High-priest; Maccabees.) 
Aristobulus had lately driven his brother Hyrcanus 
from the high-priesthood, and was now in his turn 
attacked by Aretas, king of Arabia Petrcea, the ally 
of Hyrcanus. Pompey's lieutenant, Marcus ^Emil- 
ius Scaurus, interfered in the contest b. c. 64, and 
the next year Pompey himself marched an army 
into Judea and took Jerusalem. From this time 
the Jews were practically under the government of 
Rome. Hyrcanus retained the high-priesthood and 
a titular sovereignty, subject to the watchful control 
of his minister Antipater, an active partisan of the 
Roman interests. Finally, Antipater's son, Hekod 
the Great, was made king by Antony's interest, b. c. 
40, and confirmed in the kingdom by Augustus, 
b. c. 30. The Jews, however, were all this time 
tributaries of Rome, and their princes in reality 
were mere Roman procurators. On the banishment 
of Archelaus, a. d. 6, Judea became a mere append, 
age of the province of Syria, and was governed by 
a Roman procurator, who resided at Cesarea. 
Such were the relations of the Jewish people to the 
Roman government at the time when the N. T. his- 



930 



ROM 



ROM 



tory begins. (Appeal ; Province ; Taxes, &c.) In 
illustration of the sacred narrative it may be well 
to give a short general account of the position of 
the emperor, the extent of the empire, and the ad- 
ministration of the provinces at the time of our 
Lord and His apostles. I. When Augustus became 
sole ruler of the Roman world he was in theory 
simply the first citizen of the republic, intrusted 
with temporary powers to settle the disorders of the 
state. The old magistracies were retained, but the 
various powers and prerogatives of each were con- 
ferred upon Augustus. Above all, he was the em- 
peror (L. Imperator). This word, used originally to 
designate any one intrusted with the imperium or 
lull military authority over a Roman army, acquired 
a new significance when adopted as a permanent 
title by Julius Cesar. By his use of it as a con- 
stant prefix to his name in the city and in the camp 
he openly asserted a paramount military authority 
over the state. The empire was nominally elective, 
but practically it passed by adoption ; and till Ne- 
ro's time a sort of hereditary right seemed to be 
recognized. (Cesar ; Claudius ; Nero; Tiberius.) 
— II. Extent of the Empire. Cicero's description 
of the Greek states and colonies, as a "fringe on 
the skirts of barbarism," has bcui well applied to 
the Roman dominions before the conquests of Pom- 
pey and Julius Cesar. The Roman Empire was still 
confined to a narrow strip encircling the Mediterra- 
nean Sea. Pompey added Asia Minor and Syria. 
Cesar added Gaul. The generals of Augustus over- 
ran the northwestern portion of Spain, and the 
country between the Alps and the Danube. The 
boundaries of the empire were now, the Atlantic on 
the W., the Euphrates on the E., the deserts of Af- 
rica, the cataracts of the Nile, and the Arabian des- 
erts on the S., the British Channel, the Rhine, the 
Danube, and the Black Sea on the N. The only 
subsequent conquests of importance were those of 
Britain by Claudius and of Dacia by Trajan. The 
only independent powers of importance were the 
Parthians on the E. and the Germans on the N. 
The population of the empire in the time of Augus- 
tus has been calculated at 85,000,000. This popu- 
lation was controlled in the time of Tiberius by an 
army of 25 legions (about 170,000 men), besides 
the pretorian guards (10,000?) and other cohorts 
(5,000 or 6,000 ?) in the capital. (Army, II.) The 
navy may have contained about 21,000 men. — III. 
Hie Provinces. The usual fate of a country con- 
quered by Rome was to become a subject province, 
governed directly from Rome by officers sent out 
for that purpose. Sometimes, however, petty sov- 
ereigns were left in possession of a nominal inde- 
pendence on the borders, or within the natural lim- 
its, of the province. There were differences too in 
the political condition of cities within the provinces. 
Antioch 1, Athens, Ephesus, Tarsus, Thessalonica, 
&c, were free cities, i. e. were governed by their 
own magistrates, and were exempted from occupa- 
tion by a Roman garrison. Antioch 2, Corinth, 
Philippi, Troas, &c, were " colonies," i. e. commu- 
nities of Roman citizens transplanted, like garrisons 
of the imperial city, into a foreign land. (Colony.) 
Augustus divided the provinces into two classes : 
(1.) Imperial, (2.) Senatorial; retaining in his own 
hands, for obvious reasons, those provinces where 
the presence of a large military force was necessary, 
and committing the peaceful and unarmed provinces ! 
to the Senate. The imperial provinces at first were I 
— Gaul, Lusitania, Syria, Phenicia, Cilicia, Cyprus, 
and Egypt. The senatorial provinces were Africa, 



NumiJia, Asia, Acitaia and Epirus, Dalmatia, Mac- 
edonia, Sicily, Crete and Cyrene, Bithynia and 
Pontus, Sardinia, Baetica. Cyprus and Narbonian 
Gaul (i. e. Gaul beyond the Alps) were subsequently 
given up by Augustus, who in turn received Dalma- 
tia from the Senate. Many other changes were 
made afterward. (Deputy; Governor 13; Procu- 
rator.) The provinces were heavily taxed for the 
benefit of Rome and her citizens. (Census ; Pub- 
lican ; Taxes ; Tribute.) They are said to have 
been better governed under the empire than under 
the commonwealth, and those of the emperor better 
than those of the Senate. Two important changes 
were introduced under the empire. The governors 
received a fixed pay, and the term of their com- 
mand was prolonged. The condition of the Roman 
Empire at the time when Christianity appeared has 
often been dwelt upon, as affording obvious illustra- 
tions of St. Paul's expression that the "fulness of 
time had come " (Gal. iv. 4). The general peace 
within the limits of the empire, the formation of 
military roads (Highway), the suppression of piracy 
(Cilicia, &c), the march of the legions, the voy- 
ages of the corn-fleets (Alexandria), the general in- 
crease of traffic (Commerce; Dispersion), the spread 
of the Latin language in the West as Greek had 
already spread in the East, the external unity of the 
empire, offered facilities hitherto unknown for the 
spread of a world-wide religion. The tendency too 
of a despotism like that of the Roman Empire to 
reduce all its subjects to a dead level, was a power- 
ful instrument in breaking down the pride of priv- 
ileged races and national religions, and familiarizing 
men with the truth that " God hath made of one 
blood all nations on the face of the earth " (Acts 
xvii. 24, 26). But still more striking than this out- 
ward preparation for the diffusion of the Gospel 
was the appearance of a deep and wide-spread cor- 
ruption which seemed to defy any human remedy. 
(Adultery; Idolatry; Slave, &c.) The chief pro- 
phetic notices of the Roman Empire are found in 
Daniel. (Daniel, Book or.) According to some 
interpreters the Romans are intended in Deut. 
xxviii. 49-57. Babylon 2 ; Rome. 

Ro niitDS ( = people [i. e. Christians] of Rome), 
E-pis'tle to the. A. The dale of this Epistle is fixed 
with more absolute certainty and within narrower 
limits than that of any other of St. Paul's Epistles. 
The following considerations determine the time of 
writing. 1. Certain names in the salutations point 
to Corinth, as the place from which the letter was 
sent, («.) Phebe, a deaconess of Cenchrea, one of 
the port towns of Corinth, is commended to the 
Romans (xvi. 1, 2). (b.) Gaius, in whose house 
St. Paul was lodged at the time (xvi. 23), is prob- 
ably the person mentioned as one of the chief mem- 
bers of the Corinthian Church in 1 Cor. i. 14, though 
the name was very common (so Mr. Lightfoot, origi- 
nal author of this article), (c.) Erastus, here des- 
ignated " the treasurer of the city" (xvi. 23, A. V. 
" chamberlain ") is elsewhere mentioned in connec- 
tion with Corinth (2 Tim. iv. 20 ; see also Acts xix. 
22). 2. Having thus determined the place of wri- 
ting to be Corinth, we may fix upon the visit record- 
ed in Acts xx. 3, during the winter and spring fol- 
lowing the apostle's long residence at Ephesus, as 
the occasion on which the Epistle was written. For 
St. Paul, when he wrote, was about to carry the 
contributions of Macedonia and Achaia to Jerusa- 
lem (Rom. xv. 25-27), and a comparison with Acts 
xx. 22, xxiv. 17, and with 1 Cor. xvi. 4 and 2 Cor. 
viii. 1, 2, ix. 1 ff, shows that he was so engaged at 



ROM 



ROM 



937 



this period of his life (compare also Rom. xv. 23- 
25 with Acts xix. 21). The Epistle then was writ- 
ten from Corinth during St. Paul's third missionary 
journey, in the second of the two visits recorded in 
the Acts, when he remained three months in Greece 
(Acts xx. 3). It was in the winter or early spring 
of the year that the Epistle to the Romans was 
written, probably a. d. 58. (Paul.) — B. The Epis- 
tle to the Romans is thus placed in chronological 
connection with the Epistles to the Galatians and 
Corinthians, which appear to have been written 
within the twelve months preceding. They present 
a remarkable resemblance to each other in style and 
matter — a much greater resemblance than can be 
traced to any other of St. Paul's Epistles. — C. The 
occasion which prompted this Epistle, and the cir- 
cumstances attending its writing, were as follows. 
St. Paul had long purposed visiting Rome, and still 
retained this purpose, wishing also to extend his 
journey to Spain (Rom. i. 9-13, xv. 22-29). For 
the time, however, he was prevented from carrying 
out his design, as he was bound for Jerusalem with 
the alms of the Gentile Christians, and meanwhile 
he addressed this letter to the Romans, to supply 
the lack of his personal teaching. Phebe, a dea- 
coness of the neighboring Church of Cenchrea, was 
on the point of starting for Rome (xvi. 1, 2), and 
probably conveyed the letter. The body of the 
Epistle was written at the apostle's dictation by 
Tertius (xvi. 22) ; but perhaps we may infer, from 
the abruptness of the final doxology, that it was 
added by the apostle himself. — D. The Origin of 
the Roman Church is involved in obscurity. If it 
had been founded by St. Peter, according to a later 
tradition, the absence of any allusion to him both 
in this Epistle and in the letters written by St. Paul 
from Rome would admit of no explanation. It is 
equally clear that no other apostle was the founder. 
The statement in the Clementines that the first 
tidings of the Gospel reached Rome during the life- 
time of our Lord, is evidently a fiction. On the other 
hand, it is clear that the foundation of this Church 
dates very far back (xvi. 7 ; Aquila, &c). It may be 
that some of those Romans, " both Jews and prose- 
lytes," present on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10), 
carried back the earliest tidings of the new doc- 
trine, or the Gospel may have first reached the im- 
perial city through those who were scattered abroad 
to escape the persecution which followed on the 
death of Stephen (viii. 4, xi. 19). At first we may 
suppose that the Gospel was preached there in a 
confused and imperfect form, scarcely more than a 
phase of Judaism, as in the case of Apollos at Cor- 
inth (xviii. 25), or the disciples at Ephesus (xix. 1- 
3). As time advanced and better instructed teachers 
arrived, the clouds would gradually clear away, till 
at length the presence of the great apostle himself 
at Rome dispersed the mists of Judaism which still 
hung about the Roman Church. 1 — E. A question 
next arises as to the composition of the Roman 
Church, at the time when St. Paul wrote. Probably St. 
Paul addressed a mixed Church of Jews and Gentiles, 
the latter perhaps being the more numerous. There 
are certainly passages which imply the presence of 
a large number of Jewish converts to Christianity 

1 " It ig a noteworthy remark of Bleek that there could 
not have been at the time a regularly constituted Church 
at Rome. For he does not address the 1 church ' (Rom. i. 7) 
as he so generally does, or speak of ' bishops and deacons 
(compare Phil. i. 1), appointed ministers ; some of his 
expressions importing that there were only private com- 
munities (Rom. xvi. 5, 14, 15) instead of a public body ' " 
(Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge). 



(Rom. ii., iii., vii., &c). If we analyze the list of 
names in ch. xvi., and assume that this list approx- 
imately represents the proportion of Jew and Gen- 
tile in the Roman Church (an assumption at least 
not improbable), we arrive at the same result. Al- 
together it appears that a very large fraction of the 
Christian believers mentioned in these salutations 
were Jews, even supposing that the others, bearing 
Greek and Latin names, of whom we know nothing, 
were heathens. Nor does the existence of a large 
Jewish element in the Roman Church present any 
difficulty. The captives carried to Rome by Pompey 
formed the nucleus of the Jewish population in the 
metropolis. Since that time they had largely in- 
creased. On the other hand, situated in the me- 
tropolis of the great empire of heathendom, the 
Roman Church must necessarily have been in great 
measure a Gentile Church ; and the language of the 
Epistle bears out this supposition (Rom. i. 5, 13, 
ix. 3, 4, x. 1, xi. 23, 25, 30). These Gentile con- 
verts, however, were not for the most part native 
Romans. All the literature of the early Roman 
Church was written in the Greek tongue. The 
names of the bishops of Rome during the first two 
centuries are with but few exceptions Greek. A 
very large proportion of the names in the saluta- 
tions of this Epistle are Greek names. From the 
Greek population of Rome, therefore, pure or mixed, 
the Gentile portion of the Church was almost en- 
tirely drawn. When we inquire into the probable 
rank and station of the Roman believers, an analysis 
of the names in the list of salutation again gives 
an approximate answer. These names belong for 
the most part to the middle and lower grades of 
society. Many of them are found in the columbaria 
or subterranean sepulchres of the freedmen and 
slaves of the early Roman emperors. Among the 
less wealthy merchants and tradesmen, among the 
petty officers of the army, among the slaves and 
freedmen of the imperial palace — whether Jews or 
Greeks — the Gospel would first find a firm footing. 
To this last class allusion is made in Phil. iv. 22, 
" they that are of Cesar's household." — F. The het- 
erogeneous composition of this Church explains the 
general character of the Epistle to the Romans. In 
an assemblage so various, we should expect to find 
not the exclusive predominance of a single form of 
error, but the coincidence of different and opposing 
forms. It was therefore the business of the Chris- 
tian teacher to reconcile the opposing difficulties 
and to hold out a meeting point in the Gospel. This 
is exactly what St. Paul does in this Epistle. It 
does not appear that it was specially written to an- 
swer any doubts or settle any controversies then 
rife in the Roman Church. There were therefore 
no disturbing influences, such as arise out of per- 
sonal relations, or peculiar circumstances, to de- 
range a general and systematic exposition of the 
nature and working of the Gospel. Thus the Epis- 
tle to the Romans is more of a treatise than of a 
letter. In this, respect it differs widely from the 
Epistles to the Corinthians and Galatians, which are 
full of personal and direct allusions. In one 
instance alone (xiii. 1) we seem to trace a spe- 
cial reference to the Church of the metropolis. — G. 
This explanation is in fact to be sought in its rela- 
tion to the contemporaneous Epistles. The letter to 
the Romans closes the group of Epistles written 
during the second missionary journey. This group 
contains besides, as already mentioned, the letters 
to the Corinthians and Galatians, written probably 
within the few months preceding. In the Epistles 



938 



ROM 



ROM 



to these two Churches we study the attitude of the 
Gospel toward the Gentile and Jewish world respec- 
tively. These letters are direct and special, evoked 
by present emergencies, directed against actual evils, 
full of personal applications. The Epistle to the 
Romans is the summary of what St. Paul had w rit- 
ten before, the result of bis dealing with the two 
antagonistic forms of error, the gathering together 
of the fragmentary teaching in the Corinthian and 
Galatian letters. — H. Viewing this Epistle, then, 
rather as a treatise than a letter, we are enabled to 
explain certain phenomena in the text. In the re- 
ceived text a doxology stands at the close of the 
Epistle (xvi. 25-27). The preponderance of evi- 
dence is in favor of this position, but there is re- 
spectable authority for placing it at the end of ch. 
xiv. In some texts again it is found in both places, 
while others omit it entirely. The phenomena of 
the MSS. seem best explained by supposing that the 
letter was circulated at an early date (whether dur- 
ing the apostle's lifetime or not it is idle to inquire) 
in two forms, both witli and without the two last 
chapters. (New Testament, I., § 39.) — I. In describ- 
ing the purport of this Epistle we may start from 
St. Paul's own words, which, standing at the begin- 
ning of the doctrinal portion, may be taken as a 
summary of the contents: "The Gospel is the power 
of God unto salvation to every one that believeth ; 
to the Jew first, and also to the Greek. For there- 
in is the righteousness of God revealed from faith 
to faith " (i. 1(5, 17). Accordingly the Epistle has 
been described as comprising " the religious philos- 
ophy of the world's history." The world in its 
religious aspect is divided into Jew and Gentile. 
The atonement of Christ is the centre of religious 
history. The doctrine of justification by faith is the 
key which unlocks the hidden mysteries of the Di- 
vine dispensation. — The Epistle, from its general 
character, lends itself more readily to an analysis 
than is often the case with St. Paui's Epistles. The 
following is a table of its contents: — Salutation (i. 
1-7). The apostle at the outset strikes the keynote 
of the Epistle in the expressions " called 'as an apos- 
tle," " called as saints." Divine grace is every 
thing, human merit nothing. — (I.) Personal explana- 
tions. Purposed visit to Rome(i. 8-15). — (II.) Doc- 
trinal (L 16-xi. 36). The central proposition. The 
Gospel is the salvation of Jew and Gentile alike. 
This salvation comes by faith (i. 16, 17). The rest 
of this section is taken up in establishing this thesis, 
and drawing deductions from it, or correcting mis- 
apprehensions, (a.) All alike were under condemna- 
tion before the Gospel. The heathen (i. 18-32). 
The Jew (ii. 1-29). Objections to this statement 
answered (iii. 1-8). And the position itself estab- 
lished from Scripture (iii. 9-20). (b.) A righteousness 
(justification) is revealed under the Gospel, which 
being of faith, not of law, is also universal (iii. 21- 
26). And boasting is thereby excluded (iii. 27-31). 
Of this justification by faith Abraham is an example 
(iv. 1-25). Thus, then, we are justified in Christ, 
in whom alone we glory (v. 1-11). And this accept- 
ance in Christ is as universal as was the condemna- 
tion in Adam (v. 12-19). (c.) The moral conse- 
quences of our deliverance. The law was given to 
multiply sin (v. 20, 21). When we died to the law 
we died to sin (vi. 1-14). The abolition of the law, 
however, is not a signal for moral license (vi. 15- 
23). On the contrary, as the law has passed away, 
so must sin, for sin and the law are correlative ; at 
the same time this is no disparagement of the law, 
but rather a proof of human weakness (vii. 1-25). 



So henceforth in Christ we are free from sin, wo 
have the Spirit, and look forward in hope, triumph- 
ing over our present afflictions (viii. 1-39). (d.) 
The rejection of the Jiws is a matter of deep sorrow 
(ix. 1-5). Yet we must remember — [i.] That the 
promise was not to the whole people, but only to a 
select seed (ix. 6-13). And the absolute purpose of 
God in so ordaining is not to be canvassed by man 
(ix. 14-19). [ii.] That the Jews did not seek justi- 
fication aright, and so missed it. This justification 
was promised by faith, and is offered to all alike, 
the preaching to the Gentiles being implied therein. 
The character and results of the Gospel dispensa- 
tion are foreshadowed in Scripture (x. 1—21). [iii.] 
That the rejection of the Jews is not final. This 
rejection has been the means of gathering in the 
Gentiles, and through the Gentiles they themselves 
will ultimately be brought to Christ (xi. 1-36). — 
(III.) Practical exhortations (xii. 1-xv. 13). (a.) 
To holiness of life and to charity in general, the 
duty of obedience to rulers being inculcated by the 
way (xii. 1-xiii. 14). (h.) And more particularly 
against giving offence to weaker brethren (xiv. 1- 
xv. 13).— (IV.) Personal matters, (a.) The apos- 
tle's motive in writing the letter, and his intention 
el visiting the Romans (xv. 14-33). (b.) Greetings 
(xvi. 1-23). The letter ends with a benediction and 
doxology (xvi. 24-27). While this Epistle contains 
the fullest and most systematic exposition of the 
apostle's teaching, it is at the same time a very stri- 
king expression of his character. Nowhere do his 
earnest and affectionate nature, and his tact and 
delicacy in handling unwelcome topics, appear more 
strongly than when he is dealing with the rejection 
of his fellow-countrymen, the Jews. — J, Internal 
evidence is so strongly in favor of the genuineness 
<il the Epistle to the Romans that it has never been 
seriously questioned. But the external testimony 
in its favor is not inconsiderable. It is not the 
practice of the Apostolic Fathers to cite the N. T. 
writers by name, but marked passages from the Ro- 
mans are found embedded in the Epistles of Clement 
and Polycarp. It seems also to have been directly 
cited by the elder quoted in Irenaius, and is alluded 
to by the writer of the Epistle to Diognetus, and 
by Justin Martyr. It has a place, moreover, in the 
Muratorian Canon, and in the Syriac and Old Latin 
Versions. Nor have we the testimony of orthodox 
i writers alone. The Epistle was commonly quoted 
as an authority by the heretics of the sub-apostolic 
age, by the Ophites, by Basilides, by Valentinus, by 
the Valentinians Heracleon and Ptolemajus, and per- 
haps also by Tatian, besides being included in Mar- 
cion's Canon. In the latter part of the second cen- 
tury the evidence in its favor is still fuller. Bible ; 
Canon ; Inspiration ; New Testament. 

Rome [o as in rose] (L. Ruma ; Gr. Rhome ; said 
to have been named by the Pelasgi from their strength 
or might [Gr. rhome] in war, or by the Trojans in 
honor of their wise matron Roma, or by Romulus from 
himself, &c. [so Plutarch]), the famous capital of 
the ancient world, situated on the Tiber, about fif- 
teen miles from its mouth. The "seven hills " (Rev. 
xvii. 9) which formed the nucleus of the ancient 
city stand on the left bank. On the opposite side 
I of the river rises the far higher ridge of the Janicu- 
lum. Here, from very early times, was a fortress 
I with a suburb beneath it extending to the river. 
Modern Rome lies to the N. of the ancient city, cov- 
ering with its principal portion the plain N. of the 
seven hills, once known as the Campus Martins 
I (Field of Mars), and on the opposite bank extending 



ROM 



ROM 



939 



over the low ground beneath the Vatican to the N. 
of the ancient Janiculum. Romulus, a fabled son 
of Mars, and afterward worshipped as the god 
Quirinus, is reputed to have founded the city (b. c. 
753) on the summit of Mount Palatine, and to have 



the republic the supreme authority was committed 
to two consuls elected annually, at first exclusively 
from the patricians or Roman nobility. Tribunes 
of the people, whose duty it was to defend the op- 



been the first of its seven kings, the last of them, 
Tarquin the Proud, being dethroned b. c. 509. The 
Roman republic, which succeeded the monarchy, 
lasted nearly 500 years, until the battle of Actium, 
after which it gave place to the Roman Empire. In 



pressed plebeians, and who could stop any law or 
abolish any decree of the senate by pronouncing 
the word Veto (= I forbid), were first chosen b. c. 
493. After this, intermarriages between the differ- 




940 



ROM 



ROM 



ent orders were legalized ; one consul (and still later 
two) might be elected from the plebeians ; and by 
these and other changes, gradually introduced, the 
government became practically democratic. The 
laws of the twelve tables, which were long preserved 
and acted upon, were arranged and ratified b. c. 451. 
By them nine crimes (including nightly meetings) 
were punishable by death. Rome was taken and 
burnt by the Gauls b. c. 390 ; but a dictator was ap- 
pointed as in other times of extreme danger, and 
the Gauls were repelled. After many wars with 
neighboring nations, the Romans became masters 
of all ancient Italy about B. c. 264. Then began 
the first Punic war (with Carthage, which was origi- 
nally a 1'hcnician colony in Africa, near the modern 
Tunis), at the end of which, B. c. 242, Sicily became 
a Roman province. In the second Punic war, b. c. 
219-201, Hannibal led the Carthaginians, but he 
was finally defeated by Scipio Africanus at Zama, 
in Africa, b. c. 202, and Spain was ceded to Koine. 
The third Punic war, b. c. 149-6, ended with the 
capture and destruction of Carthage, long the for- 
midable rival of Rome. Rome had now become a 
conquering nation. The Romans first entered Asia 
B. c. 190, and defeated Astiochus the Great at 
Magnesia. Dalmatia became a Roman province 
b. c. 155 ; Greece, under the name of Aciiaia, b. c. 
146; Xumidia (modern Algiers) b. C. 105 ; afterward 
Syria, &c. But while the limits of their dominions 
were thus extended abroad, the Romans were by no 
means free from troubles at home. Dissensions 
often arose respecting the agrarian laws, &c. The 
civil wars of Marius and Sylla filled Rome with blood, 
B. c. 88-82. The two wars of the slaves in Sicily 
(b. c. 135-2 and b. c. 104-99), the social war be- 
tween the Romans and the allied states of Italy 
(b. c. 91-89), the war of Spartacus or of the gladiators 
(b. c. 73-71), the two conspiracies of Catiline (b. c. 
66 and 63), were some of the most prominent dis- 
turbances before b. c. 60. Julius Cesar now pur- 
sued a career of conquest in Gaul (modern France), 
Germany, and Britain. Pompey had been victorious 
over the pirates of C.licia, had conquered Mithri- 



dates, king of Pontus, and Tigranes, king of Arme- 
nia, had subdued Stria, taken Jerusalem, &c. ; 
Crassus had defeated Spartacus and the gladiators, 
but was more noted for his immense wealth. These 
three, agreeing to share the supreme power between 
them, formed the first triumvirate b. c. 60. After 
; the death of Crassus, b. c. 53, in an expedition 
against the Parthians, the dissensions between 
Pompey and Cesar produced a civil war ; but the 
battle of Pharsalia, b. c. 48, and the death of Pom- 
pey soon after it, made Cesar master of the civilized 
world. He was made dictator, but was assassinated 
in the senate-house, March 15, b. c. 44, by Brutus, 
! Cassius, and other senators, who aimed to restore 
j the republic. Rome, however, was now too corrupt 
j to be free ; and the next year after his death a 
' second triumvirate was formed between Antony, 
Octavius, and Lepidus. In the battle at Philippi, 
' b. c. 42, the republican forces under Brutus and 
Cassius were defeated by the triumvirs. Lepidus 
having been stripped of his power, b. c. 36, the 
battle of Actium, in which Antony was defeated, 
left Octavius without a rival, and he became the first 
Roman emperor, under the name of Augustus Cesar. 
Henceforward, till Constantine transferred the seat 
of government to Byzantium, now named Constan- 
tinople, a. n. 330, Rome was the capital of the Roman 
Empire. From the division of the empire into East- 
ern and Western, Rome was for about a century the 
capital of the Western Empire. The city was taken 
and partially burnt by Alaric the Goth, a. d. 410; 
I it was again taken and plundered by Genseric the 
Vandal in 455 ; and in 476, when the Western Em- 
pire fell, it was taken by Odoacer, chief of the He- 
ruli, who for seventeen years was king of Italy. 
After this Rome was thrice (493, 547, 550) taken 
by the Ostrogoths or Eastern Goths, and thrice (537, 
547, 553) by the forces of the Emperor of the East. 
From 553 to 726, Rome, with the adjacent territory, 
was governed by an officer called prefect, duke, or 
patrician, appointed by the emperor; but in 726 it 
became an independent commonwealth, retaining 
its title of duchy. The Pope of Rome is said to 




Rome — the Forum and Modem CaDitoL — From Hakewell's Italy. — tFbn.) 



have been constituted universal bishop by the Em- 
peror Phocas in 606, but the temporal authority of 
the Pope is usually traced to the action of King 
Pepin of France, in conferring on Pope Stephen III. 



the title of Patrician (i. e. chief magistrate) of Rome 
in 751, and in bestowing on him the exarchate of Ra- 
venna in 756. Yet the Emperor Charlemagne, Pe- 
pin's son, was styled Patrician of the Romans, and 



ROM 



ROM 



941 



exercised imperial authority in Rome, though he is 
declared to have confirmed his father's donations. 
The Countess Matilda, it is said, by her will, dated in 
1102, gave her territories in central and northern 
Italy to the Pope ; but after her decease, the Em- 



peror Henry V. of Germany took possession of the 
whole of her property. About 1200, however, Pope 
Innocent III. asserted the claims of the Roman see 
in connection with these donations, and received the 
allegiance of the magistrates of Rome and a uum- 




Ruina of the Palace of the Cesars.— (Conyh. & H. ii. 419.) 



ber of other Italian towns, and in May, 1278, the 
limits of the States of the Church were formally 
recognized and defined by a charter from the Ger- 
man Emperor Rudolph of Hapsburg. In the four- 
teenth century the Popes resided for seventy years 
at Avignon, in France. In 1347 Cola di Rienzo or 
Rienzi, at the head of a popular movement, pro- 
claimed the republic, and was appointed tribune by 
acclamation ; but the republic lasted only a few 
months. In 1376 Rome became again the residence 
of the Papal court, which with brief intervals (1797- 
9, 1808-14, 1848-9) has continued there till the 
present time. — Rome is not mentioned in the 0. T., 
but in the Apocrypha (1 & 2 Mc. ; Roman Empire), 
and in three books of the N. T. (Acts ; Rom. ; 2 
Tim.). The conquests of Pompey seem to have 
given rise to the first settlement of Jews at Rome. 
The Jewish King Aristobulus and his son formed 
part of Pompey's triumph, and many Jewish cap- j 



tives and emigrants were brought to Rome at thai 
time. A special district was assigned them, not on 
the site of the modern Ghetto (where they now live) 
between the Capitol and the island of the Tiber, 
but across the Tiber. Many of these Jews were 
made freedmen. Julius Cesar showed them some 
kindness. They were favored also by Augustus. 
Claudius " commanded all Jews to depart from 
Rome " (Acts xviii. 2 ; Aquila), on account of tumults 
connected, possibiy,with the preaching of Christianity 
at Rome. This banishment cannot have been of 
long duration, for we find Jews residing at Rome, 
apparently in considerable numbers, at St. Paul's 
visit (xxviii. 17). — It maybe useful to give some ac- 
count of Rome in the time of Nero, the " Cesar " 
to whom St. Paci. appealed, and in whose reign he 
suffered martyrdom. 1. The city at that time was 
a large and irregular mass of buildings unprotected 
by an outer wall. Conybeare & Howson (ii. 367) 



942 



ROM 



ROS 



estimate its circuit at more than twelve miles, about 
twice that of the old Servian wall. St. Paul's visit 
lies between two famous epochs in the history of the 
city, viz. its restoration by Augustus and its resto- 
ration by Nero. Augustus boasted " that he had 
found the city of brick, and left it of marble." The 
Streets were generally narrow and winding, flanked 
by densely-crowded lodging-houses (or tenement- 
houses) of enormous height. St. Paul's first visit 
to Rome took place before the Neronian conflagra- 
tion, but even after the restoration of the city sub- 
sequent to that event, many of the old evils con- 
tinued. The population of the city has been vari- 
ously estimated : at half a million, at two millions 
and upward, and even at eight millions. Probably 
Gibbon's estimate of one million two hundred thou- 
sand is nearest to the truth. One-half of the pop- 
ulation consisted, in all probability, of slaves. 
(Slave.) The larger part of the remainder con- 
sisted of pauper citizens supported in idleness by 
the miserable system of public gratuities. There 
appears to have been no middle class and no free 
industrial population. Side by side with the 
wretched classes just mentioned was the compara- 
tively small body of the wealthy nobility, of whose 
luxury and profligacy we hear so much in the 
heathen writers of the time. Such was the popula- 
tion of Rome at the time of St. Paul's visit. 2. 
The localities in and about Rome especially con- 
nected with the life of St. Paul are — («. ) The Appian 
Way ', by which he approached Rome (Acts xxviii. 
15; Afpii Forum), (b.) "The palace," or "Cesar's 
court" (Phil. i. 13). This may mean either the 
great camp of the Pretorian guards which Tiberius 
established outside the walls on the N. E. side 
of the city, or, more probably (so Mr. Hornby, 
with Wieseler, &c.), a barrack attached to the 
imperial residence on the Palatine. (Prktorium.) 
— 3. The connection of other localities at Rome with 
St. Paul's name rests only on traditions of more or 
less probability, as — (a.) The Mamertine or Tullian 
prison, built by Ancus Martius near the forum. It 




Mamertine Pri6on at Rome.— (Kitto. ) 



still exists beneath the church of San Giuseppe, dei 
Falegnami. Here it is said that St. Peter and St. 
Paul were fellow-prisoners for nine months. The 
story, however, of the imprisonment in the Mamer- 
tine prison seems inconsistent with 2 Tim., especially 
iv. 11. (6.) The chapel on the Ostian road which 
marks the spot where the two apostles are said to 
have separated on their way to martyrdom, (c.) 
The supposed scene of St. Paul's martyrdom, viz. 



1 Desijmated (in L.) Via Appia. on the " Plan of Ancient 
Rome " here given. This Plan is taken from Adam's Bo- 
man Antiquities, edited by James Boyd, LL. D., Glasgow, 
1835. On it Porta (or P.) = Gate, and Aqua = ^qatuuci. 



the church of San Paolo alle tre fontane on the Ostian 
road, (d.) The supposed scene of St. Peter's mar- 
tyrdom, viz. the church of San Pietro in Montorio, 
on the Janiculum. (e.) The chapel Domine quo 
Vadis (L. = Lord, whither goest Tlion ?), on the 
Appian road, the scene of our Lord's legendary ap- 
pearance to St. Peter as he was escaping from mar- 
tyrdom. (/.) The places where the bodies of the 
two apostles, deposited first in the catacombs, are 
supposed to have been finally buried — that of St. 
Paul by the Ostian road — that of St. Peter beneath 
the dome of the famous Basilica which bears his 
name. — 4. Sites unquestionably connected with the 
Roman Christians of the apostolic age are — (a.) 
The gardens of Nero in the Vatican, not far from the 
spot where St. Peter's now stands. Here Christians 
wrapped in the skins of beasts were torn to pieces 
by dogs, or, clothed in inflammable robes, were 
burned to serve as torches during the midnight 
games. Others were crucified, (b.) The Catacombs. 
These subterranean galleries, commonly from eight 
to ten feet high, and four to six wide, and extending 
for miles, especially in the neighborhood of the old 
Appian and Nomentan Ways, were used as places of 
refuge, of worship, and of burial by the early Chris- 
tians. Babylon 2; Clement; Latin; Linus; Ro- 
mans, Epistle to the, &c. 

Roof. House; Palace; Pinnacle; Temple. 
Room, the A. V. translation of the Heb. mdkom 
(Gen. xxiv. 23 ff. ; usually — "place"), ken(\\. 14; 
usually = " nest ; " see Noah), &c. ; Gr. lopos (Lk. 
ii. 7, xiv. 9, 10, 22, and 1 Cor. xiv. 16 ; usually and 
literally = "place"), &c. The Gr. andgeon or 
anagaion (properly [so Rbn. N. T. Lcx.~\ = any 
thing above ground, hence an upper room, in the up- 
per story or connected with the roof, for the recep- 
tion of guests) is twice translated " upper room " 
(Mk. xiv. 15; Lk. xxii. 12). The Gr. huperoon 
(originally an adjective = upper ; oftener, an upper 
chamber — anagaion above, Rbn. TV. T. Zcx.)is once 
translated " upper room" (Acts i. 13), and thrice 
"upper chamber" (ix. 37-39, xx. 8; see House). 
The Gr. protoklhia (properly = the first reclimng- 
place at table, the chief place at rneah, i. e. the mid- 
dle place on the highest couch ; see Meals) is trans- 
lated " uppermost room " in Mat. xxiii. 6 and Mk. 
xii. 39, " chief room " in Lk. xiv. 7 and xx. 46, and 
" highest room " in xiv. 8. 

* Root (Heb. shoresh ; Gr. rhiza) — the part of a 
tree or plant which is usually underground (Job viii. 
17, xxx. 4; Mat. xiii. 6, &c). In poetry (so Gese- 
nius) persons and nations are often compared to a 
plant or tree, and then the root is the chief part 
mentioned (Is. v. 24 ; Hos. ix. 16). " Root " figura- 
tively = (he lowest jjart, bottom (Job xxviii. 9, &c.) ; 
a stock, race (Is. xiv. 29) ; an abode, scat (Judg. v. 
14) ; a ground or source (Job xix. 28 ; 1 Tim. vi. 10, 
&c). "Root" also = a shoot, sprout, springing 
from the root (Is. liii. 2; Dan. xi. 7); and metaphor- 
ically descendant, offspring (Is. xi. 10, comp. 1 ; Rev. 
v. 5, xxii. 16). 

Rose, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. Mbalsfse- 
leth or chabatstselelh in Cant. ii. 1 — " I am the rose 
of Sharon ; " and Is. xxxv. 1 — " The- desert shall re- 
joice and blossom as the rose." There is much 
difference of opinijn as to what particular flower is 
here denoted. Tremellius and Diodati, with some 
of the Rabbins, believe the rose is intended. Celsius, 
the Targum on Cant. ii. 1, Bochart, Dr. Royle (in 
! Kitto), Mr. Houghton, &c, favor the narcissus (Polu- 
' anlhas Narcissus), a bulbous plant celebrated for its 
J fragrance. Gesenius (from its etymological mean- 



ROS 



RUT 



943 



ing, acid [or acrid] bulb) favors the meadow saffron 
( Colchicum autumiiale), a plant with a bulb-like root- 
stock much used in medicine. Mr. Houghton says 
the narcissus and the lily (Lilium candidum) would 
be in blossom together in the early spring, while the 
Colchicum aulumnale is an autumn plant. Chateau- 
briand mentions the narcissus as growing in the 
plain of Sharon. — 2. Gr. rkodon (Wis. ii. 8 ; Ecclus. 
xxiv. 14, xxxix. 13, 1. 8). Roses (genus Rosa of 
botanists) are greatly prized in the East, especially 
for the sake of the rose-water, which is in much re- 
quest. Dr. Hooker observed seven species of wild 
roses in Syria, The hundred-leaved rose (Rosa cen- 
tifolia) and damask rose (Rosa Damascena) are cul- 
tivated everywhere, and are very fragrant. The so- 
called " Rose of Jericho " is a small cruciferous an- 
nual plant (Anastatica Hicrochuntica), bearing small 
white flowers, not uncommon in sandy soil in Pales- 
tine and Egypt. Palestine, Botany. 

Rosh (Heb. head, chief). 1. In Gen. xlvi. 21, 
Rosh is reckoned among the sons of Benjamin, but 
the name does not occur elsewhere, and probably 
" Ehi and Rosh" is a corruption of " Ahiram." — 2. 
Gall 2 (Deut. xxix. 18 marg.).— 3. The Heb. Rosh, 
translated " chief" in the A. V. of Ez. xxxviii. 2, 3, 
xxxix. 1, is by the LXX., Bochart, Gesenius, Fiirst, 
Fairbairn, Stanley, &c., regarded as a proper name. 
Fairbairn translates the words in xxxviii. 2, rendered 
by the A. V. " Gog, the land of Magog, the chief 
prince of Meshech and Tubal," thus : " Gog, of the 
land of Magog, prince of Rosh (or Rhos), Meshech, 
and Tubal." Gesenius considers it beyond doubt 
that by Rosh is intended the tribe on the N. of the 
Taurus, so called from the neighborhood to the Rha, 
or Volga, and that in this name and tribe we have 
the first trace of the Russ or Russian nation. The 
name probably = Rasses, in Jd. ii. 23. 

Ros in — the resin or residuum of turpentine after 
distillation. 1. In Ez. xxvii. 17 the A. V. marg. has 
" rosin," but the text " balm." — 2. In the Song of the 
Three Holy Children (23), the servants of the king 
of Babylon are said to have " ceased not to make the 
oven hot with rosin (properly naphtha, so Mr. 
Wright, with the LXX., Vulgate, and Peshito-Syriae), 
pitch, tow, and small wood." Slime. 

Ru bit's, the A. V. translation of the Heb. plurals 
peniyim, peninim, concerning the meaning of which 
there is much difference of opinion and great uncer-. 
tainty (Job xxviii. 18 ; Prov. iii. 15, viii. 11, xx. 15, 
xxxi. 10 ; Lam. iv. 7). In Lam. iv. 7 the A. V. has 
" Her Nazarites were purer than snow, they were 
whiter than milk, they were more ruddy in body 
than rubies." A. Boote (and so J. D. Michaelis, 
Gesenius, Fiirst) supposed " coral " to be intended. 
Bochart (with whom Mr. Houghton and Rosen- 
miiller agree) contends that the Hebrew term de- 
notes pearls, and supposes the " ruddy " = bright 
in color, or of a reddish tinge. (Pearl.) The ruby 
is supposed by Gesenius to be = Heb. cadedd, trans- 
lated " agate " in Is. liv. 12 and Ez. xxvii. 16. The 
common ruby of jewelry or spinel ruby is a red 
variety of spinel, a compound usually of sesquioxide 
of iron and alumina, found in octahedrons. The 
oriental ruby is red sapphire. 

* Rudder. Ship. 

Rne (Gr. peganon), in Lk. xi. 42 only, is doubtless 
the common garden rue (Rula graveolais), a shrubby 
plant about two feet high, of strong medicinal vir- 
tues, and powerful odor, anciently used both as a 
condiment and as a medicine. It is a native of the 
Mediterranean coasts, and has been found by Has- 
selquist on Mount Tabor. The Talmud enumerates 



rue among kitchen-herbs, and considers it free of 
tithe, as not cultivated in gardens. In our Lord's 
time, however, rue was doubtless a garden-plant, 
and therefore tithable. In the middle ages it was 
used by the priests to sprinkle holy water, and was 
called herb of grace. 

Rn'fus (L. red, reddish), mentioned in Mk. xv. 21 
with Alexander, as a son of Simon 6 the Cyrenian (Lk. 
xxiii. 26). Again, in Rom. xvi. 13, the Apostle Paul 
salutes Rufus " chosen in the Lord." It is gener- 
ally supposed that this Rufus = the one to whom 
Mark refers. Yet Rufus was not an uncommon 
name, and possibly, therefore, Mark and Paul may 
have had in view different individuals. 

Rn-ba'niah (Heb. pitied, compassionated, Ges.), iu 
A. V. margin " having obtained mercy " (Hos. ii. 1). 
The name, if name it be, is like Lo-ruhamah, sym- 
bolical, and as that was given to the daughter of 
Hosea, to denote that God's mercy was turned away 
from Israel, so the name Ruhamah is addressed to 
the daughters of the people to denote that they were 
still the objects of His love and tender compassion. 

* Ruler. Duke; Governor; Judge; King; 
Prince ; Synagogue. 

Ru'inah (Heb. lofty, Ges.), the place to which be- 
longed Pedaiah, the father of King Jehoiakim's 
mother (2 K. xxiii. 36 only), possibly = Arumah, 
near Shechem. Mr. Grove supposes rather that 
Rumah = Dumah, near Hebron. Van de Velde 
(ii. 303) identifies Arumah with the ruin el-Arma 
or el-Orma, on a hill about five miles S. E. of 
Shechem. Some make Rumah = the Rumah in 
Galilee of Josephus (B. J. iii. 7, § 21), which was 
probably (so Ritter, Robinson, Thomson) at Rumeh, 
a ruin on a hill about seven miles X. of Nazareth. 

* Run'uer. Footman 2 ; Guard 2 ; Post, II. 
Rush. Reed. 

Rust is the A. V. translation in Mat. v. 19, 20, of 
the Gr. brosis, which joined with "moth" has by 
some been understood to denote the larva of some 
moth injurious to corn, as the Tinea granclla ; but 
probably (so Mr. Houghton, with Lange, &c.) refers 
in a general sense to any corrupting and destroying 
substance that may attack treasures of any kind 
long undisturbed. The Vulgate, with Robinson 
(N. T. Lex.), and the A. V. renders "rust," In 
Jas. v. 3 "rust" is the translation of Gr. ios, which 
here (so Mr. Houghton) — the tarnish which over- 
spreads silver rather than " rust," which now = 
oxide of iron. 

Rutli (Heb. female friend., Ges.), a Moabitish 
woman, the wife, first, of Mahlon, secondly of Boaz, 
and by him mother of Obed ; ancestress of David 
and of Christ; one of the four women named by 
Matthew in the genealogy or Christ (Ru. i.-iv. ; 
Mat. i. 5). A severe famine in Judah induced Elim- 
elech, of Bethlehem Ephratah, to emigrate into the 
land of Moab, with his wife Xaomi, and his two sons, 
Mahlon and Chilion. At the end of ten years 
Xaomi, now a childless widow, having heard that 
there was plenty again in Judah, resolved to return 
to Bethlehem, and her daughter-in-law, Ruth, 
attached to the mother, land, and religion of her 
deceased husband, returned with her. They arrived 
at Bethlehem just at the beginning of barley har- 
vest, and Ruth, going out to glean, chanced to. 
go into the field of Boaz, a wealthy man, and near 
kinsman of her father-in-law Elimelech. Upon 
learning who the stranger was, Boaz, already ac- 
quainted with her reputation for kindness and vir- 
tue, treated her with the utmost kindness and re- 
spect, and sent her home laden with corn which she 



RUT 



SAB 



had gleaned. Encouraged by this incident, Naomi 
instructed Ruth to claim at the hand of Boaz that 
he should perform the part of her husband's near 
kinsman, by purchasing the inheritance of Elime- 
lech, and taking her to be his wife. But there was 
a nearer kinsman than Boaz, and it was necessary 
that he should have the option of redeeming the in- 
heritance for himself. He, however, declined, fear- 
ing to mar his own inheritance. Upon which, with 
all due solemnity, Boaz took Ruth to be his wife, 
amidst the blessings and congratulations of their 
neighbors. Marriage; Ruth, the Book of. 

" Kulli. the Book of, contains the history of Ruth 
the Moabitess. Its canonicity is unquestioned. It 
is generally understood that the ancient Jews reck- 
oned it a part of the Book of Judges ; but in our 
Hebrew Bibles it is arrayed in the Hagiographa, be- 
tween Canticles and Lamentations. (Bible ; Canon ; 
Inspiration ; Old Testament.) The date and au- 
thorship are unknown. The Talmud and most 
writers ascribe it to Samuel; some have ascribed it 
to Hezekiah, Ezra, &c. Prof. Weir (in Fairbairn) 
supposes the events occurred somewhat earlier than 
the priesthood of Eli, but were not committed to 
writing till some time afterward under the monarchy. 
The genealogy in ch. iv. IS— 22 is more commonly 
regarded as incomplete, though Usher and others 
have supposed that David's ancestors, as persons of 
preeminent piety, were divinely favored with un- 
usual length of life. " The scope of the book is to set 
forth the origin of David historically and genealogi- 
cally, showing how a heathen, belonging to a people 
so hostile to the theocracy as the Moabites, was 
honored to become the progenitor of the great and 
pious King David, because she placed unlimited trust 
in the Lord, and sought protection from the God of 
Israel" (Davidson, with Umbreit, &c). Prof. Bush 
(in Kitto) thinks the leading design of the book was 
" to preintimate, by the recorded adoption of a Gen- 
tile woman into the family from which Christ was to 
derive His origin, the final reception of the Gentile 
nations into the true Church, as fellow-heirs of the 
salvation of the Gospel." " The picture given of do- 
mestic life is attractive and graphic, not merely or 
chiefly because of the writer's ability to place his 
theme in so good a light, but because he narrates an 
episode of domestic life beautiful in itself, which had 
really happened" (Davidson's Text of the 0. T. con- 
sidered, 655). 

Rye (Heb. cimemeih) occurs in Ex. ix. 32 and Is. 
xxviii. 25: in the latter the margin reads "spelt." 
In Ez. iv. 9 the text has " fitches," and the margin 
" spelt." Some authorities maintain that the He- 
brew denotes fitches, others oats, and others rye. 
Celsius has shown that in all probability "spelt" is 
intended (so Mr. Houghton, with Dr. Hamilton [in 
Fairbairn], Gesenius, J. A. Alexander, &c). Rye 
(Secale cereale) is a well-known cereal plant, more 
hardy than wheat, the principal cultivated grain of 
a large part of the north temperate zone, but prob- 
ably not cultivated in Egypt or Palestine in early 
times, whereas spelt has been long cultivated and 
held in high esteem in the East. " Spelt " ( T rili- 
cum Spelta) differs but slightly from our common 
w heat ( Triticum vulgare). There are three kinds 
of spelt, viz. Triticum Spelta, Triticum dicoccum, 
(Rice wheat), and Triticum monococcum. Food. 



s 

* Sa-bach'tha-ni. Eli, eli, lama sabachthani. 

Sab'a-Otb, or Sa-ba'oth (fr. Heb., see below), the 
Lord of. This name is found in the English Bible 
twice (Rom. ix. 29 ; Jas. v. 4). Sabaoth is the Greek 
form of the Hebrew plural tsibdolh = " armies," 
which occurs in the oft-repeated formula translated 
in the A. V. of the 0. T. by " Lord of hosts," " Lord 
God of hosts." Mr. Grove thinks that in the mouth 
and mind of an ancient Hebrew, " the Lord of 
hosts " was the leader and commander of the armies 
of the nation, who "went forth with them" (Ps. 
xliv. 9), and led them to certain victory over the 
| worshippers of liaal, Chemosh, and other false gods ; 
but Gesenius, Fairbairn, W. L. Alexander (in Kitto), 
and most scholars make " hosts " here = the angels 
and powers of heaven (comp. Gen. xxxii. 2, 3 ; Josh, 
v. 14; Ps. ciii. 21, cxlviii. 2; Dan. viii. 10, 11). Je- 

! HOVAH. 

Sa'bat (fr. Gr.). 1. Ancestor of certain sons of 
Solomon's servants who returned with Zorobabel (1 
Esd. v. 34); not in Ezra and Nchcmuh.— 2. Sebat 
(1 Mc. xvi. 14). Month. 

Sab-a-te'as (fr. Gr.) = Shabbethai (1 Esd. ix. 48 ; 
comp. Neh. viii. 7). 

Saba-tus (fr. Gr.) - Zabad (1 Esd. ix. 28; comp. 
Ezr. x. 27). 

Sab ban (fr. Gr.) = Binnui 1 (1 Esd. viii. 63 ; 
comp. Ezr. viii. 33). 

Sabbath (Heb. shahbdth, a day of rent, from 
shdbuth, to cease to do, to rest ; Gr. sabbaton, fr. Heb.). 
The name Sabbath is applied to divers great festi- 
vals (Lev. xxiii. ; Passover), but principally and 
usually to the seventh day of the week, the strict 
observance of which is enforced not merely in the 
general Mosaic code (Law of Moses), but in the 
Decalogue itself (Ten Commandments). The first 
, Scriptural notice of the weekly Sabbath, though it 
is not mentioned by name, is in Gen. ii. 3, at the 
close of the record of the six days' creation. And 
hence it is frequently argued that the institution is 
as old as mankind, and is consequently of universal 
concern and obligation (see below). In Ex. xvi. 23- 
29 we find the first incontrovertible institution of 
the day, as one given to, and to be kept by, the 
children of Israel. Shortly afterward it was re- 
enacted in the Fourth Commandment. Many of the 
Rabbis date the institution from the incident record- 
ed in Ex. xv. 25. This, however, seems to want 
foundation (comp. 26). The words in ch. xvi. in 
connection with the gathering of manna are not in 
| themselves enough to indicate whether such institu- 
I tion was altogether a novelty, or referred to a day 
; the sanctity of which was already known to those to 
! whom it was given. There is plausibility certainly 
in the opinion of Grotius, that the day was already 
known, and in some measure observed as holy, but 
that the rule of abstinence from work was first given 
then, and shortly afterward more explicitly imposed 
in the Fourth Commandment. There it is distinctly 
set forth, and extended to the whole of an Israelite's 
household, his son and his daughter, his servants, 
male and female, his ox and his ass, and the stranger 
within his gates. Penalties and provisions in other 
parts of the Law construed the abstinence from 
labor prescribed in the commandment. Isaiah ut- 
ters solemn warnings against profaning, and prom- 
ises large blessings on the due observance of, the day 
(Is. lviii. 13, 14). In Jeremiah's time there seems 
to have been an habitual violation of it (Jer. xvii. 



SAB 



SAB 



945 



21-27). By Ezekiel (xx. 12-24) the profanation of j 
the Sabbath is made foremost among the national 
sins of the Jews. From Neh. x. 31, we learn that 
the people entered into a covenant to renew the 
observance of the Law, in which they pledged 
themselves neither to buy nor sell victuals on the 
Sabbath. The practice was then not infrequent, 
and Nehemiah tells us (xiii. 15-22) of the successful 
steps which he took for its stoppage. Hencefor- 
ward there is no evidence of the Sabbath being 
neglected by the Jews, except such as (1 Mc. i. Il- 
ls, 39-45) went into open apostasy. In the N. T. 
we find the most marked stress laid on the Sabbath. 
In whatever ways the Jew might err respecting it, 
he had altogether ceased to neglect it. On the con- 
trary, wherever he went its observance became the 
most visible badge of his nationality. Our Lord's 
mode of observing the Sabbath was one of the main 
features of His life, which His Pharisaic adversaries 
most eagerly watched and criticised. — Mr. Garden, 
in the original article from which this is abridged, 
attempts to consider and determine the true idea 
and purpose of the Sabbath in the Mosaic Law and 
as designed for the Hebrews — I. By considering, 
with a view to their elimination, the Pharisaic and 
Rabbinical prohibitions. II. By taking a survey 
of the general Sabbatical periods of Hebrew time. 
III. By examining the actual enactments of Scrip- 
ture respecting the seventh day, and the mode in 
which such observance was maintained by the best 
Israelites. — I. Nearly every one is aware that the 
Pharisaic and Rabbinical schools invented many 
prohibitions respecting the Sabbath of which we 
find nothing in the original institution. Of these 
some may have been legitimate enforcements in 
detail of that institution, such as the Scribes and 
Pharisees " sitting in Moses' seat " (Mat. xxiii. 2, 
3) had a right to impose. How a general law is to 
be carried out in particular cases, must often be 
determined for others by such as have authority to 
do so. To this class may belong the limitation of a 
Sabbath-day's journey. Many, however, of these 
prohibitions were fantastic and arbitrary, in the 
number of those " heavy burdens and grievous to 
be borne " which the later expounders of the Law 
" laid on men's shoulders." The harmless act of 
the disciples in the corn-field, and the beneficent 
healing of the man in the synagogue with the with- 
ered hand, were alike regarded as breaches of the 
Law (Mat. xii. 1-13 ; Jn. v. 10). A man might 
throw some needful nourishment to the animal that 
had fallen into the pit, but must not pull him out 
till the next day. It was unlawful to catch a flea 
on the Sabbath, except the insect were actually 
hurting its assailant, or to mount into a tree, lest a 
branch or twig should be broken in the process. 
That this perversion of the Sabbath had become 
very general in our Saviour's time is apparent both 
from the recorded objections to acts of His on that 
day, and from His marked conduct on occasions to 
which those objections were sure to be urged. There 
is no reason, however, for thinking that the Phari- 
sees had arrived at a sentence against pleasure of 
every sort on the sacred day. The duty of hos- 
pitality was remembered. It was usual for the rich 
to give a feast on that day ; and our Lord's attend- 
ance on such a feast, and making it the occasion of 
putting forth His rules for the demeanor of guests, 
and for the right exercise of hospitality, show that the 
gathering of friends and social enjoyment were not 
deemed inconsistent with the true scope and spirit of 
the Sabbath. It was thought right that the meats, 
60 



though celd, should be of the best and choicest, nor 
might the Sabbath be chosen for a fast. Such are 
the inferences to which we are brought by our 
Lord's words concerning, and works on, the sacred 
day. The declaration that " the Son of Man is 
Lord also of the Sabbath," must not be viewed as 
though our Lord held Himself free from the Law 
respecting it. It is to be taken in connection with 
the preceding words, " the Sabbath was made for 
man," &c, from which it is an inference (Mk. ii. 27, 
28). If, then, our Lord, coming to fulfil and rightly 
interpret the Law (Mat. v. 17), did thus protest 
against the Pharisaical and Rabbinical rules respect- 
ing the Sabbath, we are supplied by this protest 
with a large negative view of that ordinance. The 
acts condemned by the Pharisees were not violations 
of it. — II. The Sabbath was the keynote to a scale 
of Sabbatical observance — consisting of itself, the 
seventh month, the seventh year, and the year of 
Jubilee. As each seventh day was sacred, so was 
each seventh month, and seventh year. (Festivals ; 
Number.) The seventh month opened with the Feast 
of Trumpets, and contained the Day of Atonement 
and Feast of Tabernacles — the last named being the 
most joyful of Hebrew festivals. (Atonement, Day 
op ; Tabernacles, Feast of ; Trumpets, Feast of.) 
The rules for the Sabbatical Year are very precise. 
As labor was prohibited on the seventh day, so the 
land was to rest every seventh year. And as each 
forty-ninth year wound up seven of such weeks of 
years, so it either was itself, or it ushered in, " the 
year of Jubilee." In Ex. xxiii. 10, 11, the Sabbat- 
ical year is placed in close connection with the Sab- 
bath-day, and the words in which the former is pre- 
scribed are analogous to those of the Fourth Com- 
mandment. This is immediately followed by a re- 
newed proclamation of the law of the Sabbath. The 
aim of the two institutions, as here exhibited, is emi- 
nently a beneficent one. To give rights to classes 
that would otherwise have been without such, to 
the bondman and bondmaid, nay, to the beast of 
the field, is viewed here as their main end. " The 
stranger," too, is comprehended in the benefit (com- 
pare also Lev. xxv. 2-7). One great aim of both 
the Sabbath-day and the Sabbatical year, clearly 
was to debar the Hebrew from the thought of abso- 
lute ownership of any thing. The year of Jubilee 
must be regarded as completing this Sabbatical 
Scale. — III. We must consider the actual enact- 
ments of Scripture respecting the seventh day. We 
commence our inquiry with the institution of it in 
the wilderness, in connection with the gathering of 
manna (Ex. xvi. 23). The prohibition to gather the 
manna on the Sabbath is accompanied by one to 
bake or to seethe on that day. The Fourth Com- 
mandment gives us but the generality, " all manner 
of work," and we are left to seek elsewhere for 
the particular application of the general principle. 
That general principle in itself, however, obviously 
embraces an abstinence from worldly labor or occu- 
pation, and from enforcing such on servants or de- 
pendents, or on the stranger. By him is most prob- 
ably meant the partial proselyte (but see Proselyte 
and Stranger). The naming him therefore in the 
commandment helps to interpret its whole principle, 
and testifies to its having been a beneficent privilege 
for all who came within it. It gave rights to the 
slave, to the despised stranger, even to the ox and 
the ass. This beneficent character of the Fourth 
Commandment is very apparent in the version of it 
in Deut. v. 12-15 — "that thy bondman and thy 
bondwoman may rest as well as thou," &c. But al- 



946 



SAB 



SAB 



tbough this be so, and though it be plain that to 
come within the scope of the commandment was to 
possess a franchise, to share in a privilege, yet does 
the original proclamation of it in Exodus place it 
on a ground which, closely connected no doubt with 
these others, is yet higher and more comprehensive. 
The divine method of working and rest is there pro- 
posed to man as the model after which he is to work 
and to rest. Time, then, presents a perfect whole, is, 
then, well rounded and entire, when it is shaped into 
a week, modelled on the six days of creation and 
their following Sabbath. Six days' work and the 
seventh day's rest conform the life of man to the 
method of his Creator. In distributing his life thus, 
man may look up to God as his Archetype. It is 
important to remember that the Fourth Command- 
ment is not limited to a mere enactment respecting 
one day, but prescribes the due distribution of a 
week, and enforces the six day's work as much as 
the stventh clay's rest. This higher ground of ob- 
servance was felt to invest the Sabbath with a 
theological character, and rendered it the great wit- 
ness for faith in a personal and creating Cod. Hence 
its supremacy over all I he Law, being sometimes 
taken as the representative of it all (Xeh. ix. 14). — 
In all this, however, we have but an assertion of the 
general principle of resting on the Sabbath, and must 
seek elsewhere for information as to the details 
wherewith that principle was to be brought out. 
We have already seen that the work forbidden is 
not to be confounded with action of every sort. 
The terms in the commandment show plainly 
enough the sort of work which is contemplated. 
They are servile work (A. V. "labor") and business 
(A. V. " work "). The Pentateuch presents us with 
but three applications of the general principle — not 
to go out of the camp (i. e. to gather manna), not to 
light a fire in any house, not to gather sticks (Ex. 
xvi. 29, xxxv. 3 ; Num. xv. 32-36). The reference 
of Isaiah to the Sabbath gives us no details (Is. lvi. 
1-7, hiii. 13, 14). Those in Jeremiah and Nehemiah 
show that carrying goods for sale, and buying such, 
were equally profanations of the day. There is no 
ground for supposing that to engage the enemy on 
the Sabbath was considered unlawful before the 
Captivity. At a subsequent period we know (1 Mc. 
ii. 34—38) the scruple existed and was acted on with 
most calamitous effects. These effects led Matta- 
thias and his friends to determine that action in self- 
defence was lawful on the Sabbath, initiatory attack 
unlawful (ii. 41). Yet the scruple, like many other 
scruples, proved a convenience, and under the Ro- 
man Empire the Jews procured exemption from mili- 
tary service by means of it. It was not, however, 
without its evils. In the siege of Jerusalem by 
Pompey, as well as in the final one by Titus, the 
Romans took advantage of it, and, abstaining from 
attack, prosecuted on the Sabbath, without moles- 
tation from the enemy, such works as enabled them 
to renew the assault with increased resources. So 
far therefore as the negative side of Sabbatical ob- 
servance is concerned, it would seem that servile 
labor, whether that of slaves or of hired servants, 
and all worldly business on the part of masters, was 
suspended on the Sabbath, and the day was a com- 
mon right to rest and be refreshed, possessed by all 
classes in the Hebrew community. It was thus, as we | 
have urged, a beneficent institution. — We must now 
quit the negative for the positive side of the insti- 
tution. In the first place, we learn from the Penta- 
teuch that the morning and evening sacrifice were j 
both doubled on the Sabbath-day, ami that the fresh I 



shew-bread was then baked, and substituted on the 
Table for that of the previous week. And this at 
once leads to the observation that the negative rules, 
proscribing work, lighting of fires, &c, did not ap- 
ply to the rites of religion. It became a saying that 
there loan 7>o Sabbath in holy things (compare Mat. 
xii. 5). Next, it is clear that individual offerings 
were not breaches of the Sabbath ; and from this 
doubtless came the feasts of the rich on that day, 
which were sanctioned by our Saviour's attendance 
on one such (Lk. xiv. 1 ff.). It was, we may be 
pretty sure, a feast on a sacrifice, and therefore a 
religious act. All around the giver, the poor as well 
as others, were admitted to it. We have no ground 
for supposing that any thing like the didactic insti- 
tutions of the synagogue formed part of the origi- 
nal observance of the Sabbath. But from an early 
period, if not, as is most probable, from the very in- 
stitution, occupation with holy themes was regarded 
as an essential part of the observance .of the Sab- 
bath. It would seem to have been an habitual prac- 
tice to repair to a prophet on that day, in order, it 
must be presumed, to listen to his teaching (2 K. iv. 
23). Certain Psalms too (e. g. Ps. xcii.) were com- 
posed for the Sabbath, and probably used in private 
as well as in the Tabernacle. At a later period we 
come upon precepts that on the Sabbath the mind 
should be uplifted to high and holy themes— to 
God, His character, Mis revelations of Himself, His 
mighty works. Still the thoughts with which the 
day was invested were ever thoughts, not of restric- 
tion, but of freedom and of joy. Such indeed would 
seem, from Neh. viii. 9-12, to have been essential to 
the notion of a holy day. We have pointed out that 
pleasure, as such, was never considered by the Jews 
a breach of the Sabbath. We have seen, then, that, 
for whomsoever else the provision was intended, the 
chosen race were in possession of an ordinance, 
whereby neither a man's time nor his property 
could be considered absolutely his own, the seventh 
of each week being holy to God, and dedicated to 
rest after the pattern of God's rest, and giving 
equal rights to all. We have also seen that this 
provision was the tonic to a chord of Sabbatical ob- 
servance, through which the same great principles 
of God's claim and society's, on every man's time 
and every man's property, were extended and devel- 
oped. Of the Sabbatical year, indeed, and of the 
year of Jubilee, it may be questioned whether they 
were persistently observed. But no doubt exists 
that the weekly Sabbath was always partially, and 
in the Pharisaic and subsequent times very strictly, 
however mistakenly, observed. — We have hitherto 
viewed the Sabbath merely as a Mosaic ordinance. 
It remains to ask (A.) whether there be indications 
of its having been previously known and observed ; 
and, (B.) whether it have a universal scope and 
authority over all men. (A.) The first and chief ar- 
gument of those who maintain that the Sabbath was 
known before Moses, is the reference to it in Gen. 
ii. 2, 3. This is considered to represent it as coeval 
with man, being instituted at the Creation. But we 
have no materials for ascertaining, or even conjec- 
turing, which was put forth first, the record of the 
Creation, or the Fourth Commandment. Gen. iv. 3 
reads — "And in process of time it came to pass 
! that Cain brought of the fruit of the ground an of- 
fering unto the Lord." The words rendered " in 
process of time" mean literally "at the end of 
days " (margin), and it is contended by some that 
j they designate a fixed period of days, probably the 
I end of a week, the seventh or Sabbath-day. Again, 



SAB 



SAB 



947 



the division of time into weeks seems recognized in 
Jacob's courtship of Rachel — " Fulfil her week " 
(Gen. xxix. 27, 28). Lastly, the opening of the 
Fourth Commandment, the injunction " Remember 
the Sabbath-day," is appealed to as proof that that 
day was already known. It is easy (so Mr. Garden, 
but see note 1 below) to see that all this is but a 
precarious foundation on which to build. It is not 
clear that the words in Gen. iv. 3 denote a fixed 
division of time of any sort. Those in Gen. xxix. 
obviously do, but carry us no further than proving 
that the week was known and recognized by Jacob 
and Laban, though it must be admitted that, in the 
case of time so divided, sacred rites would prob- 
ably be celebrated on a fixed and statedly-recurring 
day. The argument from the prevalence of the 
weekly division of time would require a greater ap- 
proach to universality in such practice than the facts 
exhibit, to make it a cogent one. The injunction 
in the Fourth Commandment to remember the Sab- 
bath-day may refer only to its previous institution 
in connection with the gathering of manna, or may 
be but the natural precept to keep in mind the rule 
about to be delivered : on the other hand, the per- 
plexity of the Israelites respecting the double sup- 
ply of manna on the sixth (Ex. xvi. 22) leads us to 
infer that the Sabbath for which such extra supply 
was designed was not then known to them. More- 
over, the language of Ez. xx. seems to designate it 
as an ordinance distinctively Hebrew and Mosaic. 
We cannot, then, from the uncertain notices which 
we possess, infer more than that the weekly division 
of time was known to the Israelites and others be- 
fore the Law of Moses. 1 (Week.) — (B.) But to come 
to our second question, it by no means follows, 
that even if the Sabbath were no older than Moses, 
its scope and obligation are limited to Israel, and 
that itself belongs only to the obsolete enactments 
of the Levitical Law. That Law contains two ele- 
ments, the code of a particular nation, and com- 
mandments of human and universal character. 
(Law of Moses.) To which class belongs the 
Sabbath, viewed simply in itself, is a question which 
will soon come before us, and one which does not 
appear hard to settle. Meanwhile, we must inquire 
into the case as exhibited by Scripture. And here 
we are at once confronted with the fact that the 
command to keep the Sabbath forms part of the 
Decalogue, which has a rank and authority above the 
other enactments of the Law (Mat. xix. 17-19; 
Rom. xiii. 8, 9 ; Eph. vi. 2, 3). In some way, there- 
fore, the Fourth Commandment has an authority 
over, and is to be obeyed by, Christians, though 
whether in the letter, or in some large spiritual 
sense and scope, is a question which still remains. 
The phenomena respecting the Sabbath presented 



1 The argument for the pre-Mosaic institution of the 
Sabbath may be stated more cogently thus: The Israel- 
ites, like all the nations around them, were familiar with 
the week as a division of time : Moses, when giving an 
account of the creation of the world, declared that God 
rested on the seventh day and blessed and sanctified it; 
and still further, God Himself in the Fourth Command- 
ment, after speaking of the Sabbath just as if it was 
something previously known the observance of which was 
enforced, "Remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy," 
subjoins as the reason, "For in six days the Lord made 
heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and 
rested the seventh day : wherefore the Lord blessed the 
Sabbath-day. and hallowed it." The natural conclusion 
from these facts is, that God instituted .the Sabbath in 
Paradise for the human race — a conclusion coincident with 
the language oi our Saviour, " The Sabbath was made for 
man," not for Israelites or Jews only, but for man as man 
(Mk. ii. 27). 



by the N. T. are (1.) the frequent reference to it in 
the four Gospels ; and (2.) the silence of the Epis- 
tles, except one place (Col. ii. 16, 17), where its re- 
peal would seem to be asserted, and perhaps one 
other (Heb. iv. 9). (1.) The references to it in the 
four Gospels are numerous. We have already seen 
the high position which it took in the minds of the 
Rabbis, and the strange code of prohibitions which 
they put forth in connection with it (see I. above). 
Consequently no part of our Saviour's teaching and 
practice seems to have been so eagerly and narrowly 
watched as that which related to the Sabbath. We 
have already seen the kind of prohibitions against 
which both His teaching and practice were directed ; 
and His two pregnant declarations, " The Sabbath 
was made for man, not man for the Sabbath " (Mk. ii. 
27), and " My Father worketh hitherto, and I work" 
(Jn. v. 17), surely exhibit to us the Law of the Sab- 
bath as human and universal. The former sets it 
forth as a privilege and a blessing. The latter 
wonderfully exalts the Sabbath by referring it to 
God as its archetype. (2.) The Epistles, it must be 
admitted, with the exception of Col. ii. 16, 17, and 
perhaps Heb. iv. 9, are silent on the subject of the 
Sabbath. No rules for its observance are ever 
given by the apostles — its violation is never de- 
nounced by them, Sabbath-breakers are never in- 
cluded in any list of offenders. Col. ii, 16, 17 
seems (so Mr. Garden, but see note 2 ) a far stronger 
argument for the abolition of the Sabbath in the 
Christian dispensation than is furnished by Heb. iv. 
9 (A. V. " rest," margin " keeping of a Sabbath ") 
for its continuance ; and while the first day of the 



2 The apostle says (Col. ii. 16, 17)— "Let no man, there- 
fore, judge you in meat, or drink, or in respect of an holy 
day, or of the new moon, or of the Sabbath-days; which 
are a shadow of good things to come ; but the body is of 
Christ." He had been speaking of "the handwriting of 
ordinances that was against us, which was contrary to 
us ; " and here he enumerates the ceremonial ordinances 
respecting food and drink and festivals, the term " Sab- 
bath-days '* here in the plural ("holy day" and "new 
moon " being in the singular) naturally including other 
holy days (e. g. the first, tenth, fifteenth, and twenty-sec- 
ond days of the seventh month, compare Lev. xxiii. 24, 
32, 39) besides the seventh day of the week. These were 
" shadows of good things to come," types of which Christ 
was the " body " or fulfilment, " carnal ordinances im- 
posed until the time of reformation " (Heb. ix. 10). Chris- 
tians might discontinue keeping these and all similar days 
without disobedience to God. Now, if there were conten- 
tions among the Colossians in respect to observing the 
first day of the week as the day of holy rest, as was per- 
haps the case, the apostle might properly, as the first day 
of the week (Lord's Day) was undoubtedly observed by 
the early Christians, add the observance of the seventh 
day of the week as the Sabbath to the catalogue of bur- 
densome ordinances, without interfering at all with the 
Fourth Commandment, which plainly distinguishes ".the 
Sabbath-day" as an institution from "the seventh day" 
of the week on which the Israelites observed it. The Son 
of Man as "Lord of the Sabbath" (Mk. ii. 28) might 
change it from the seventh day to the first ; and then the 
sanctification of the seventh day as the Sabbath might be 
gradually discontinued without taking away the Sabbath 
or setting aside the Fourth Commandment. The per- 
petual obligation of the Sabbath is argued — (1.) From its 
adaptation to the physical and moral nature of man, and 
its necessity for the promotion of his highest well-being. 
Mankind must have a Sabbath, or be morally and physically 
degraded.— (2.) From its havin" been instituted by God for 
mankind. Whether instituted by God in Paradise or not 
(see note '), the reason for its institution as given in the 
Fourth Commandment (which reason is not inconsistent 
with, but only supplemented by. another in Deut. v. 15 
peculiar to the Israelites) is one which applies to the whole 
race of man. — (3.) From the manifest favor with which 
God has always regarded it. Both under the Old Dispen- 
sation and the New the Sabbath has been a delight to 
God and His people; it has been "the holy of the Lord, 
honorable " (Is. Iviii. 13). God has made it a blessing, 
spiritually as well as temporally, to all who have heartily 
and faithfully observed it. 



948 



SAB 



SAB 



week is more than once referred to as one of reli- 
gious observance, it is never identified with the Sab- 
bath. When we turn to the monuments which we 
possess of the early Church, we find ourselves on 
the whole carried in the same direction. The sev- 
enth day of the week continued, indeed, to be ob- 
served ; but not as obligatory on Christians in the 
same way as on Jews. Again, the observance of 
the Lord's Day as a Sabbath would have been well- 
nidi impossible tn tin- majority of Christians in tin- 
first ages, so connected were they with persecuting 
heathen masters, fathers, and neighbors. When the 
early Fathers speak of the Loitn's Day, they some- 
times, perhaps, by comparing, connect it with the 
Sabbath; but we have never found a passage, pre- 
vious to the conversion of Constantino, prohibitory 
of any work or occupation on the former, and any 
such, did it exist, would have been in a great meas- 
ure nugatory, for the reasons just alleged. After 
Constantine things become dilferent at once. His 
celebrated edict prohibitory of judicial proceedings 
on the Lord's Day was probably dictated by a wish 
to give the great Christian festival as much honor 
as was enjoyed by those of the heathen, rather than 
by any reference to the Sabbath or the Fourth Com- 
mandment; but it was followed by several which 
extended the prohibition to many other occupations, 
and to many forms of pleasure held innocent on 
ordinary days. But it was surely impossible to ob- 
serve both the Lord's Day, as was done by Chris- 
tians after Constantine, and to read the Fourth Com- 
mandment without connecting the two; and, seeing 
that such was to be the practice of the developed 
Church, we can understand how the silence of the 
N. T. Epistles, and even the strong words of St. 
Paul (Col. ii. 16, 17), do not impair the human and 
universal scope of the Fourth Commandment, ex- 
hibited so strongly in the very nature of the Law, 
and in the teaching respecting it of Him who came 
not to destroy the Law, but to fulfil (Mat. v. 11). 
In the East, indeed, where the seventh day of the 
week was long kept as a festival, that would pre- 
sent itself to men's minds as the Sabbath, and the 
first day of the week would appear rather in its 
distinctively Christian character (Lord's Day), than 
in connection with the Old Law. But in the West 
the seventh day was kept for the most part as a 
fast, and that for a reason merely Christian, viz. in 
commemoration of our Lord's lying in the sepulchre 
throughout that day. Its observance therefore 
would not obscure the aspect of the Lord's Day as 
that of hebdomadal rest and refreshment. An ex- 
position which has been given of Heb. iv. 8-10, by 
Owen and Wardlaw, is singularly illustrative of the 
view just suggested. Ver. 9 is, '"there remaineth 
therefore a rest for the people of God." Now, it is 
important that throughout the passage the Greek 
word for " rest" is katapausis, and that in the words 
just quoted it is changed into sabbalismos, which 
certainly means the keeping of rest, the act of sab- 
batizing rather than the objective rest itself. It has 
accordingly been suggested that those words are 
not the author's conclusion — which is to be found 
in the form of thesis in the declaration " we which 
have believed do enter into rest " — but a parenthesis 
to the effect that " to the people of God," the Chris- 
tian community, there remaineth, there is left, a Sab- 
batizing, the great change that has passed upon 
them and the mighty elevation to which they have 
been brought as on other matters, so as regards the 
Rest of God revealed to them, still leaving scope for 
and justifying the practice. The objections, how- 



ever, to this exposition are many and great, and most 
commentators regard the passage as having no ref- 
erence to the weekly Sabbath. — The Gr. sabbaton, or 
pi. snbhata, sometimes = " week " in the N. T., i. e. 
(so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) the interval from Sabbath to 
Sabbath (Mat. xxviii. 1; Mk. xvi. 2, 9; Lk. xviii. 
12, xxiv. 1 ; Jn. xx. 1, 19 ; Acts xx. 7 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 
2). " The second Sabbath after the first " (Lk. vi. 
1, literally the second-first Sabbnth) - the first Sab- 
bath after the second day (Sabbath) of unleavened 
bread connected with the passovkr (Robinson, 
Doddridge, Jahn, &e.) ; or the first Sabbath after 
the beginning of the second year in a cycle of seven 
years which was connected with the Sabbatical 
Year (Wieseler, Van Oosterzee [in Lange], &c). 
Day ; Lord's Day. 

Sabbath-day's Journey (Acts i. 12). On a 
violation of the commandment by some who went 
to look for manna on the seventh day, Moses 
enjoined every man to " abide in his place," and 
forbade any man to "go out of his place" on 
that day (Ex. xvi. 29). It seems natural to 
look on this as a mere enactment for the occa- 
sion, and having no bearing on any state of af- 
fairs subsequent to the journey through the wilder- 
ness and the daily gathering of manna. Whether 
the earlier Hebrews did or did not regard it thus, it 
is not easy to say. In after-times the precept in Ex. 
xvi. was undoubtedly viewed as a permanent law. 
But as some departure from a man's own place was 
unavoidable, the Scribes and Pharisees fixed the 
allowable amount at 2,000 paces, or about six 
furlongs, from the wall of the city. Our Saviour 
seems to refer to this law in warning the dis- 
ciples (Jewish Christians, who would not feel 
free from the restrictions on journeying on that 
day) to pray that their flight from Jerusalem in 
the time of its judgment should not be on the 
Sabbath-day (Mat. xxiv. 20). The permitted dis- 
tance seems to have been grounded on the space to 
be kept between the Ark and the people (Josh. iii. 
4) in the wilderness, which tradition said was that 
between the Ark and the tents. We find the same 
distance given as the circumference outside the walls 
of the Levitical cities to be counted as their suburbs 
(Num. xxxv. 5). The place reckoned from was thus 
not a man's own house, but the wall of the city 
where he dwelt, and thus the amount of the lawful 
Sabbath-day's journeying must have varied greatly. 
When a man was obliged to go farther than a Sab- 
bath-day's journey, on some good ground, he must, 
according to the Talmud, furnish himself the even- 
ing before w ith food for two meals, sit down and 
eat at the appointed distance, bury what he had 
left, and thank God for the appointed boundary, 
and then the next morning make this the point 
to reckon the distance from. Weights and Meas- 
ures. 

Sab-ba-tlie'os (fr. L.) = Shabbethai the Levite 
(1 Esd. ix. 14 ; compare Ezr. x. 15). 

Sab-bat'ic-al (fr. Sabbath) Year. As each seventh 
day and month were holy, so was each seventh year, 
by the Mosaic code. The law of the Sabbatical year, 
first given in Ex. xxiii. 10, 11, is, to sow and reap 
for six years, and to let the land rest on the sev- 
enth, "that the poor of thy people may eat ; and 
what they leave the beasts of the field shall eat." 
It is added, " In like manner thou shalt deal with 
thy vineyard and thy oliveyard." We next meet 
with the enactment in Lev. xxv. 2-1, and finally in 
Deut. xv., in which last place the new feature pre- 
sents itself of the seventh year being one of release 



SAB 



SAC 



949 



to debtors. When we combine these several notices, 
we find that every seventh year the land was to have 
rest to enjoy her Sabbaths. Neither tillage nor cul- 
tivation of any sort wns to be practised. (Corner ; 
Gleaning; Loan ; Poor.) This singular institution 
has the aspect, at first sight, of total impracticabil- 
ity. This, however, wears off when we consider 
that in no year was the owner allowed to reap the 
whole harvest (Lev. xix. 9, xxiii. 22), and so there 
would usually be some crop from spontaneous pro- 
duction, besides the produce of the vines and olives. 
Moreover, it is clear that the owners of land were 
to lay by corn in previous years for their own and 
their families' wants (xxv. 20-22). And though the 
right of property was in abeyance during the Sab- 
batical year, it has been suggested that this applied 
only to the fields, and not to the gardens attached to 
houses. The release of debtors during the Sabbat- 
ical year must not be confounded with the release of 
bondservants on the seventh year of their service. 
(Slave.) The spirit of this law, like that of the 
weekly Sabbath, was beneficent, limiting the rights 
and checking the sense of property ; the one puts in 
God's claims on time, the other on the land. There 
may also have been an eye to the benefit which 
would accrue to the land from lyinj fallow every 
seventh year, in a time when the rotation of crops 
was unknown. The Sabbatical year opened in the 
Sabbatical month, and the whole Law was to be 
read every such year, during the Feast of Taber- 
nacles, to the assembled people. At the completion 
of a week of Sabbatical years, the Sabbatical scale 
received its completion in the year of Jubilee. It 
has been inferred from Lev. xxv. 2, that the Sabbat- 
ical year was to be held by the people on the first 
year of their occupying Canaan, but this would con- 
tradict ver. 3, 4. It is niore reasonable to suppose, 
with the best Jewish authorities, that the law be- 
came obligatory fourteen years after the first en- 
trance into the Promised Land, the conquest of 
which took seven years, and the distribution seven 
more. A further question arises : Was this law in 
point of fact obeyed ? In the threatenings in Lev. 
xxvi., judgments on the violation of the Sabbatical 
year are particularly contemplated (ver. 33, 34) ; 
and that it was greatly if not quite neglected ap- 
pears from 2 Chr. xxxvi. 20, 21, where the Captivity 
is spoken of as lasting " until the land had enjoyed 
her Sabbaths ; for as long as she lay desolate, she 
kept Sabbath, to fulfil threescore and ten years." 
Some of the Jewish commentators have inferred 
from this that their forefathers had neglected ex- 
actly seventy Sabbatical years. If such neglect 
was continuous, the law must have been disobeyed 
490 years, i. e. through nearly the whole duration 
of the monarchy ; and as there is nothing in the 
previous history leading to the inference that the 
people were more scrupulous then, we must look 
to the return from Captivity for indications of the 
Sabbatical year being actually and punctiliously ob- 
served. The dates of three Sabbatical years Mr. 
R. S. Poole gives as b. c. 163, 135, 37 (Jos. xii. 9, 
§ 5, xiii. 8, § 1, xiv. 16, § 2, xv. 1, § 2 ; B.J. i. 2, 
| 4; 1 Mc. vi. 49, 53). Alexander the Great is 
said to have exempted the Jews from tribute during 
it ; so too did Julius Cesar. Chronology ; Festi- 
vals ; Sabbath ; Year. 

Sab-bc'us (fr. Gr.) = Shemaiah 14 (1 Esd. ix. 32). 

Sa-bc'ans (fr. L.) = people of Sheba, or of Seba. 

Sa'bi (fr. Gr.) = Zebaim ? (1 Esd. v. 34). 

Sab tali (Gen. x. 7), or Sab'ta (1 Chr. i. 9) (both 
Heb. = a striking, breaking, i. e. terror, Sim.), 



the third in order of the sons of Cush, who prob- 
ably settled on the southern coast of Arabia. The 
statements of Pliny, Ptolemy, &c, respecting Sab- 
balha, Sabota, or Sobotal?, metropolis of the Atrami- 
ta; (probably the Chatramotitoe), seem (so Mr. E. 
S. Poole, with Winer, Knobel, Keil, &c.) to point to 
a trace of the tribe descended t'roni Sabtah, always 
supposing that this Sabbatha was not a corruption 
or dialectic variation of Saba, Seba, or Sheba. 
Ptolemy places Sabbatha in 77° long., 16° 30' lat. 
It was an important city, containing no less than 
sixty temples. Gesenius thinks that Sabtah corre- 
sponds to the Ethiopian city Sabat, Saba, Sabai, on 
the southwestern coast of the"Red Sea, not far from 
the present Arkiko. Michaelis removes Sabtah to 
Ceu'.a opposite Gibraltar, called in Arabic Sebtah ; 
Bochart places Sabtah near the western shore of the 
Persian Gulf, with the Saphtha of Ptolemy, the 
name also of an island in that gulf. 

Sab'tc-clia [-kah] (Heb. a striking, i. e. extreme 
terror, Sim.), and Sab'tc-cUab (fr. Heb., id.), the fifth 
in order of the sons of Cush (Gen. x. 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 
9), whos£ settlements would probably be near the 
Persian Gulf in Arabia. Bochart would place him 
in Carmania on the Persian shore of the Gulf; Ge- 
senius and the Targum in Ethiopia. 

Sa'car (Heb. hire, reward, Ges.). 1. A Hararite, 
father of Ahiam (1 Chr. xi. 35); — Sharar. — 2. A 
Levite porter, fourth son of Obed-edom (xxvi. 4). 

Sack'bnt(Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, 15), the A. V. render- 
ing of the Chal. sabbechd. If this musical instru- 
ment = the Gr. sambuke and L. sambuea, the English 
translation is entirely wrong. The sackbut was 
a wind-instrument ; the sambuea was played with 
strings. Mr. ChappelVsays : "The sackbut was a 
bass trumpet with a slide, like the modern trom- 
bone." The sambuea was a triangular instrument 
with four or more strings played with the fingers. 
Harp ; Music. 

Sack' cloth (Heb. sale ; Gr. sakkos), a coarse tex- 
ture of a dark color, made of goats'-hair (Is. 1. 3 ; 
Rev. vi. 12) ; used (1.) for making sacks (Gen. xlii. 
25 ; Lev. xi. 32 ; Josh. ix. 4); and (2.) for making 
the rough garments used by mourners, which were 
in extreme cases worn next the skin (1 K. xxi. 27 ; 
2 K. vi. 30; Job xvi. 15; Is. xxxii. 11), and this 
even by females (Joel i. 8 ; 2 Mc. iii. 19), but at 
other times were worn over the coat (Jon. iii. 6) in 
lieu of the outer garment. The robe probably re- 
sembled a sack in shape, was confined by a girdle 
of similar material (2 Sam. iii. 31 ; Is. iii. 24, &c), 
and was sometimes worn through the night (1 K. 
xxi. 27). It was a garment of ascetics and prophets 
(Is. xx. 2). Dress ; Mourning. 

Sac'ri-fice [sak're-fize] (fr. L. mcrificiurn) — an 
offering to Gcd of a slain animal or other gift as an 
atonement for sin, an acknowledgment of His good- 
ness, or a means of securing His favor ; or the ani- 
mal or gift thus offered. I. The words used to denote 
Sacrifice in Scripture. 1. Heb. minhdh or minchdh 
= a " gift " or " present " (Gen. xxxii. 13, 18, 20, 
21, &c), a sacrifice or " offering " generally (iv. 3- 

5, &c), especially an unbloody sacrifice or " meat- 
offering " (Lev. ii. 1, 3 ffi, &c). — 2. Heb. korbdn, 
translated " offering" (Lev. i. 2 ff, ii. 1, 13, &c.) or 
" oblation (ii. 4 ff, &c. ; Corban). — 3. Heb. zebah 
or zebach, Chal. debah or debach (Ezr. vi. 3) refers 
emphatically to a bloody sacrifice, in which the 
shedding of blood is the essential idea (Gen. xxxi. 
54; Lev. iii. 1 ff., &c), opposed to No. 1 in Ps. xl. 

6, and to No. 4 in Ex. x. 25, &c. (compare Ps. Ii. 16, 
17, 19 [Heb. 18, 19, 21]).— 4. Heb. 'oldh = the 



950 



SAC 



SAC 



" burnt-offering " or " burnt-sacrifice," to be wholly 
consumed. — 5. Heb. cdlil ( = complete, finished, per- 
fect, Ges.), translated " whole burnt-sacrifice " (Deut. 
xxxiii. 10), " whole burnt-offering " (Ps. li. 19, Heb. 
21), translated also "wholly" when used with other 
words denoting sacrifice (Lev. vi. 22, 23 [Heb. 15, 16] ; 
1 Sam. vii. 9). — 6. Heb. ske/em = " peace -offering." 
— 7. Heb. hattdth or chattdth = "sin-offering." — 
8. Heb. dshd/n = " trespass-offering." — 9. Gr. 
thusia, uniformly translated " sacrifice " in N. T. 
(Mat. ix. 13, &c."); in LXX. = No. 1, 3, 7, above.— 
10. Gr. doron, uniformly translated "gift" in N. T. 
(Mat. ii. 1 1, v. 23, 24, ic.) ; in LXX. = No. 1, 2, 3, 
above. — 11. Gr. eidolothuton ( = idol sacrifice, Kbn., 
N. T. Lex.), translated " meats (or 1 things ') offered 
to idols," SC. (Acts xv. 29, xxi. 25 ; 1 Cor. viii. 1,4, 
7, 10, x. 19, 28 ; Rev. ii. 14, 20).— 12. Gr. prosphora 
= "offering" (Acts xxi. 2C>, xxiv. 17; Eph. v. 2; 
Heb. x. 5, 8, 10, 14, 18), once "offering up" (Rom. 
xv. 10); in LXX. = No. 1 above. — II. The histor- 
ical development of Sacrifice in the O, T. embraces — 
1. Origin of Sacrifice. In tracing the history of 
sacrifice from its first beginning to its perfect devel- 
opment in the Mosaic ritual, we are at once met by 
the long-disputed question as to the origin of sac- 
rifice ; whether it arose from a natural instinct of 
man, sanctioned and guided by God, or was the sub- 
ject of some distinct primeval revelation. There 
can be no doubt (so Mr. Barry, whose article is here 
abridged), that sacrifice was sanctioned by God's 
Law, with a special typical reference to the Atone- 
ment of Christ ; its universal prevalence, independent 
of, and often opposed to, man's natural reasonings 
on his relation to God, shows it to have been prime- 
val, and deeply rooted in the, instincts of humanity. 
Whether it was first enjoined by an external com- 
mand, or was based on that sense of sin and lost 
communion with God which is stamped by His hand 
on the heart of man — is an historical question, per- 
haps insoluble. The great difficulty in the theory 
which refers it to a distinct command of God, is the 
total silence of Holy Scripture. Nor is the mys- 
terious and supernatural character of the Atone- 
ment, with which the sacrifices of the O. T. are ex- 
pressly connected, any conclusive argument on this 
side of the question. All allow that the eucharistic 
and deprecatory ideas of sacrifice are perfectly nat- 
ural to man. The higher view of its expiatory 
character, dependent, as it is, entirely on its typical 
nature, appears but gradually in Scripture. Only in 
the X. T. (especially in Hebrews) is its nature clearly 
unfolded. It is to be noticed that, except in Gen. 
xv. 9, the method of patriarchal sacrifice is left free. 
The inference is at least probable, that when God 
sanctioned formally a natural rite, then, and not till 
then, did He define its method. The question, there- 
fore, of the origin of sacrifice is best left in the si- 
lence with which Scripture surrounds it. — 2. Ante- 
Mosaic History of Sacrifice. In examining the vari- 
ous sacrifices recorded in Scripture before the estab- 
lishment of the Law, we find that the words spe- 
cially denoting expiatory sacrifice (hattdth or chat- 
tdth and dshdm ; see above) ate not applied to them. 
This fact does not at all show that they were not 
actually expiatory, but it justifies the inference that ! 
this idea was not then the prominent one in the 
doctrine of sacrifice. The sacrifice of Cain and 
Abel is called minhdh or minchdh (see above, and 
Gift), although in the case of the latter it was a 
bloody sacrifice. In the case of both it would ap- 
pear to have been eucharistic. The sacrifice of 
Noah after the Flood (Gen. viii. 20) is called burnt- 



offering ('oldh; see above). This sacrifice is ex- 
pressly connected with the institution of the Cove- 
nant in ix. 8-17. The same ratification of a cove- 
nant is seen in Abraham's burnt-offering (xv. 9). 
The sacrifice (zebah or zebach) of Jacob at Mizpah 
also marks a covenant with Laban, to which God is 
called to be a witness and a party. In all these, 
therefore, the prominent idea seems to have been 
what is called the fiderative, the recognition of a 
bond between the sacrificer and God, and the dedi- 
cation of himself, as represented by the victim, to 
the service of the Lord. The sacrifice of Isaac 
(xxii. 1-13) stands by itself. Yet in its principle it 
appears to have been of the same nature as befoie : 
the voluntary surrender of an only son on Abra- 
ham's part, and the willing dedication of himself on 
Isaac's, are in the foreground ; the expiatory idea, 
if recognized at all, holds certainly a secondary po- 
sition. In the burnt-offerings of Job for his chil- 
dren (Job i. 5) and for his three friends (xlii. 8), we 
for the first time find the expression of the desire 
of expiation for sin. The same is the case in the 
words of Moses to Pharaoh (Ex. x. 25). Here the 
main idea is at least deprecatory. — 3. Sacrifices of 
the Mosaic Period. These are inaugurated by the 
offering of the Passover and the sacrifice of Ex. 
xxiv. The Passover, indeed, is unique in its char- 
acter, and seems to embrace the peculiarities of all 
the divisions of sacrifice soon to be established ; 
but it is clear that the idea of salvation from death 
by means of sacrifice is brought out in it with a 
distinctness before unknown. The sacrifice of Ex. 
xxiv., offered as a solemn inauguration of the Cove- 
nant of Sinai, has a similarly comprehensive char- 
acter, but the solemn use of the blood (compare 
Heb. ix. 18-22) distinctly marks the idea that ex- 
piatory sacrifice was needed for entering into cove- 
nant with God. The Law of Leviticus now unfolds 
distinctly the various forms of sacrifice : — (a.) The 
burnt-offering. S< If -dedicatory. — (b.) The meat- 
offering (unbloody) ; the peace-offering (bloody). 
Eucharistic. — (c.) The sin-offering; the trespass- 
offering. Expiatory. — To these may be added, — 
(d.) 77ie incense offered after sacrifice in the Holy 
Place, and (on the Day of Atonement) in the Holy 
of Holies, the symbol of the intercession of the 
priest (as a type of the Great High-Priest), accom- 
panying and making efficacious the prayer of the 
people. In the consecration of Aaron and his sons 
(Lev. viii.) we find these offered in what became 
ever afterward the appointed order : first came the 
sin-offering, to prepare access to God ; next, the 
burnt-offering, to mark their dedication to His ser- 
vice; and thirdly, the meat-offering of thanksgiving. 
Henceforth, the sacrificial system was fixed in all 
its parts, until He should come whom it typified. 
It is to be noticed that the Law of Leviticus takes 
the rite of sacrifice for granted (Lev. i. 2, ii. 1, &e.), 
and is directed chiefly to guide and limit its exercise. 
In every case but that of the peace-offering, the 
nature of the victim was carefully prescribed, so as 
to preserve the idea symbolized. 1 The place of of- 
fering was expressly limited, first to the Taber- 
nacle, afterward to the Temple. This ordinance 
also necessitated their periodical gathering as one 
nation before God, and so kept clearly before their 
minds their relation to Him as their national King. 



J Of living creatures, the Hebrews " offered only these 
five kinds : bullocks, goats, sheep, turtles, pigeons. Their 
offerings of other kinds were : tithe, first-fruits, flour, wine, 
frankincense, salt" (Lightfoot). Banquet; Blemish; 
Clean ; Unclean Meats. 



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951 



(Jehovah.) Both limitations brought out the great 
truth, that God Himself provided the way in which 1 
man should approach Him, and that the method of 
reconciliation was initiated by Him, and not by 
them. In consequence of the peculiarity of the 
Law, it has been argued that the whole system of 
sacrifice was only a condescension to the weakness 
of the people, borrowed, more or less, from the 
heathen nations, especially from Egypt, in order to 
guard against worse superstition and positive idol- 
atry. Taken as an explanation of the theory of 
sacrifice, it is weak and superficial ; but as giving a 
reason for the minuteness and elaboration of the 
Mosaic ceremonial, it mny probably have some value. 
— I. Post-Mosaic Sacrifices. The regular sacrifices 
in the Temple service were : — (a.) Burnt-offerings. 
(1.) The daily burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 38-42 ; Num. 
xxviii. 3-8). (2.) The double burnt-offerings on the 
Sabbath (xxviii. 9, 10). (3.) The burnt-offerings at 
the great festivals, and at the new moon, Day of 
Atonement, and Feast of Trumpets (xxviii. 11-xxix. 
39). — (6.) Meat-offerings. (1.) The daily meat-offer- 
ings (flour, oil, and wine) accompanying the daily 
burnt-offerings (Ex. xxix. 40, 41). (2.) The shew- 
bread, renewed every Sabbath (Lev. xxiv. 5, 9). (3.) 
The special meat-offerings at the Sabbath and the 
great festivals (Num. xxviii., xxix.) (4.) The first- 
frdits, at the Passover (Lev. xxiii. 10-14), at Pente- 
cost (xxiii. 17-20), both "wave-offerings ;" the first- 
fruits of the dough and threshing-floor at the 
harvest-time (Num. xv. 20, 21 ; Deut. xxvi. 1-11), 
called "heave-offerings." — (c.) Sin-offerings. (1.) 
Sin-offering (a kid) each new moon (Num. xxviii. 15). 
(2.) Sin-offerings at the Passover, Pentecost, Feast 
of Trumpets, and Tabernacles (xxviii. 22, 30, xxix. 
5, 16, 19, 22, 25, 28, 31, 34, 38). (3.) The offering 
of the two goats for the people, and of the bullock 
for the priest himself, on the Great Day of Atone- 
ment (Lev. xvi. ; Atonement, Day of). — (d.) Incense. 
(1.) The morning and evening incense (Ex. xxx. 7, 
8). (2.) The incense on the Great Day of Atone- 
ment (Lev. xvi. 12). Besides these public sacrifices, 
there were offerings of the people for themselves in- 
dividually; at the purification of women (Lev. 
xii.), the presentation of the first-born, and circum- 
cision of all male children, the cleansing of the 
leprosy (xiv.) or any uncleanness (xv.), at the ful- 
filment of Nazarite and other vows (Num. vi. 1- 
21 ; Vow), on occasion of marriage and of burial, 
&C, &c. — III. The Theory of Sacrifice, as set forth 
in the O. and N. T. By the order of sacrifice in its 
perfect form (as in Lev. viii.) it is clear that the sin- 
offering occupies the most important place, the 
burnt-offering comes next, and the meat-offering or 
peace-offering last of all. The second could only 
be offered after the first had been accepted ; the 
third was only a subsidiary part of the second. Yet, 
in actual order of time, it has been seen that the 
patriarchal sacrifices partook much more of the na- 
ture of the peace-offering and burnt-offering ; and 
that, under the Law, by which was " the knowledge 
of sin " (Rom. iii. 20), the sin-offering was for the 
first time explicitly set forth. This is but natural, 
that the deepest ideas should be the last in order of 
development. — It is needless to dwell on the uni- 
versality of heathen sacrifices, and difficult to re- 
duce to any single theory the various ideas involved 
therein. It is clear that the sacrifice was often 
looked upon as a gift or tribute to the gods, also 
that sacrifices were used as prayers to obtain bene- 
fits, or to avert wrath. On the other hand, that | 
they were regarded as thank-offerings, and the feast- i 



I ing on their flesh as a partaking of the " table of 
■ the gods " (compare 1 Cor. x. 20, 21), is equally 
certain. Nor was the higher idea of sacrifice, as a 
representation of the self-devotion of the offerer, 
body and soul, to the god, wholly lost, although gen- 
erally obscured by the grosser and more obvious 
conceptions of the rite. But, besides all these, 
there seems always to have been latent the idea of 
propitiation, i. e. the belief in a communion with 
the gods, natural to man, broken off in some way, 
and by sacrifice to be restored. — Now, the essential 
difference between these heathen views of sacrifice 
and the Scriptural doctrine of the O. T. is not to be 
found in its denial of any of these ideas. In fact, 
it brings out, clearly and distinctly, the ideas which 
in heathenism were uncertain, vague, and perverted. 
But the essential points of distinction are two. 
First, that whereas the heathen conceived of their 
gods as alienated in jealousy or anger, to be sought 
after, and to be appeased by the unaided action of 
man, Scripture represents God Himself as approach- 
ing man, as pointing out and sanctioning the way 
by which the broken covenant should be restored. 
The second mark of distinction is closely connected 
with this, inasmuch as it shows sacrifice to be a 
scheme proceeding from God, and, in His foreknowl- 
edge, connected with the one central fact of all 
human history. It is to be found in the typical 
character of all Jewish sacrifices, on which, as the 
Epistle to the Hebrews argues, all their efficacy de- 
pended. — The nature and meaning of the various 
kinds of sacrifice is partly gathered from the form 
of their institution and ceremonial, partly from the 
teaching of the Prophets, and partly from the N. T., 
especially the Epistle to the Hebrews. All had re- 
lation, under different aspects, to a Covenant be- 
tween God and man. The Sin-offering represented 
that Covenant as broken by man, and as knit to- 
gether again, by God's appointment, through the 
" shedding of blood." Its characteristic ceremony 
was the sprinkling of the blood before the veil of 
the Sanctuary, the putting some of it on the horns 
of the altar of incense, and the pouring out of all 
the rest at the foot of the altar of burnt-offering. 
The shedding of the blood, the symbol of life, signi- 
fied that the death of the offender was deserved for 
sin, but that the death cf the victim was accepted 
for his death by the ordinance of God's mercy. Be- 
yond all doubt the sin-offering distinctly witnessed 
that sin existed in man, that the " wages of that 
sin was death," and that God had provided an 
Atonement by the vicarious suffering of an appointed 
victim. The ceremonial and meaning of the Burnt- 
offering were very different. The idea of expiation 
seems not to have been absent from it, for the blood 
was sprinkled round about the altar of sacrifice ; 
but the main idea is the offering of the whole victim 
to God, representing (as the laying of the hand on 
its head shows) the devotion of the sacrificer, body 
and soul, to Him (Rom. xii. 1). The death of the 
victim was, so to speak, an incidental feature. The 
Meat-offering, the peace or thank-offering, the 
first-fruits, &c, were simply offerings to God of His 
own best gifts, as a sign of thankful homage, and 
as a means of maintaining His service and His ser- 
vants. The characteristic ceremony in the peace- 
offering was the eating of the flesh by the sacrificer. 
It betokened the enjoyment of communion with God. 
It is clear from this that the idea of sacrifice is a 
complex idea, involving the propitiatory, the dedi- 
catory, and the eucharistic elements. Any one of 
these, taken by itself, would lead to error and super- 



952 



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SAD 



stition. All three, probably, were more or less im- 
plied in each sacrifice, each element predominating 
in its turn. Now, the Israelites, while they seem al- 
ways to have retained the ideas of propitiation and 
of eucharistic offering, constantly ignored the self- 
dedication which is the link between the two, and 
which the regular burnt-offering should have im- 
pressed upon them as their daily thought and duty. 
It is therefore to this point that the teaching of the 
prophets is mainly directed (1 Sam. xv. 22 ; Is. i. 
10-20; Jer. vii. 22, 23 ; Ez. xx. 39-44; Hos. vi. 6; 
Am. v. 21-27 ; Mic. vi. 6-8, &c.). The same truth 
is recognized by the Psalmist (Ps. xl. 8-11, 1. 13, 14, 
li. 16, 17, cxli. 2). It is not to be argued from these 
passages that the idea of self-dedication is the main 
one of sacrifice. The idea of propitiation lies below 
it, taken for granted by the Prophets as by the 
whole people, but still enveloped in mystery until 
the Antitype should come to make all clear. For 
the evolution of this doctrine we must look to the 
N. T. Without entering directly on the great sub- 
ject of the Atonemknt (which would be foreign to 
the scope of this article), it will be sufficient to refer 
to the connection, established in the X. T., between 
it and the sacrifices of the Mosaic system. To do 
this, we need do little more than analyze the Epistle 
to the Hebrews, which contains the key of the whole 
sacrificial doctrine. In the first place, it follows the 
prophetic books by stating, in the most emphatic 
terms, the intrinsic nullity of all mere material sacri- 
fices (Heb. ix. 9, 10, x. 4). The very fact of their 
constant repetition is said to prove this imperfection ; 
but it docs not follow that they actually had no spirit- 
ual efficacy, if offered in repentance and faith. On 
the contrary, the object of the whole Epistle is to 
show their typical and probationary character, and 
to assert that in virtue of it alone they had a spirit- 
ual meaning. Our Lord is declared (see 1 Pet. i. 
20) " to have been foreordained " as a sacrifice " be- 
fore the foundation of the world ; " or (as it is more 
strikingly expressed in Rev. xiii. 8) "slain from the 
foundation of the world." The material sacrifices 
represented this Great Atonement as already made 
and accepted in God's foreknowledge : and to those 
who grasped the ideas of sin, pardon, and self-dedi- 
cation, symbolized in them, they were means of en- 
tering into the blessings which the One True Sacri- 
fice alone procured. They could convey nothing in 
themselves ; yet, as types, they might, if accepted 
by a true, though necessarily imperfect, faith, be 
means of conveying in some degree the blessings of 
the Antitype. (Saviour.) — This typical character 
of all sacrifice being thus set forth, the next point 
dwelt upon is the union in our Lord's Person of the 
priest, the offerer, and the sacrifice. It is clear 
that the Atonement, in this Epistle, as in the N. T. 
generally, is viewed in a twofold light. On the one 
hand, it is set forth distinctly as a vicarious sacri- 
fice, which was rendered necessary by the sin of 
man, and in which the Lord "bare the sins of 
many." It is its essential characteristic that in it 
He stands absolutely alone, offering His sacrifice 
without any reference to the faith or the conversion 
of men. In it He stands out alone as the Mediator 
between God and man ; and His sacrifice is offered 
once for all, never to be imitated or repeated. Now, 
this view of the Atonement is set forth in the Epistle 
to the Hebrews, as typified by the sin-offering (Heb. 
ix. 7-23). All the expiatory and propitiatory sacri- 
fices of the Law are now for the first time brought 
into full light. As the sin-offering, though not the 
earliest, is the most fundamental of all sacrifices, so 



the aspect of the Atonement, which it symbolizes, 
is the one on which all others rest. On the other 
hand, the sacrifice of Christ is set forth to us, as the 

I completion of that perfect obedience to the will of 
the Father which is the natural duty of sinless man, 
in which lie is the representative of all men, and in 
which He calls upon us, when reconciled to God, to 
" take up the Cross and follow Him." In this view 
His death is not the principal object ; we dwell rather 
on His lowly Incarnation, and His life of humility, 
temptation, and suffering, to which that death was 
but a fitting close. The main idea of this view of 
the Atonement is representative rather than vica- 
rious. It is typified by the burnt-offering, in re- 
spect of which the N. T. merely quotes and enforces 
the language already cited from the 0. T., and es- 
pecially (see Heb. x. 6-9) the words of Ps. xl. 6, &c, 
which contrast with material sacrifice the " doing 
the will of God." As, without the sin-offering of the 
Cross, this, our burnt-offering, would be impossible, 
so also without the burnt-offering the sin-offering 
will to us be unavailing. With these views of our 
Lord's sacrifice on earth, as typified in the Levitical 
sacrifices on the outer altar, is also to be connected 
the offering of His Intercession for us in heaven, 
which was represented by the incense (Heb. ix. 24- 
28, comp. iv. 14-16, vi. 19, 20, vii. 25; Adoration; 

j Prayer). The typical sense of the meat-offering, or 
peace-offering, is less connected with the sacrifice of 
Christ Himself, than with those sacrifices of praise, 
thanksgiving, charity, and devotion, which we, as 
< 'hristians, offer to Cod, and " u ith h Inch lie is 
well pleased " (xiii. 15, 16), as with "an odor of 

! sweet smell, a sacrifice acceptable to God" (Phil, 
iv. 18). 

Sad-a-mi'as (fr. L.) = Siiallum, ancestor of Ezra 
(2 Esd. i. 1). 

Sa das = Azgad (1 Esd. v. 13 ; comp. Ezr. ii. 12). 
Sad-do'ns = Iddo 6 (1 Esd. viii. 45); = Daddeus. 
* Sad'dle. Ass; Camel; Horse; Mule. 
Sad due (fr. Gr.) — Zadok the high-priest (1 Esd. 
viii. 2). 

Sad'dn-cecs [-seez] (fr. L. Sadducoei ; Gr. Saddou- 
kaioi ; see below), a religious party or school among 
the Jews at the time of Christ, who denied that the 
oral law was a revelation of God to the Israelites, 
and who deemed the written law alone to be obliga- 
tory on the nation, as of divine authority (Mat. iii. 
7, xvi. 1, 6, 11, 12, xxii. 23, 34; Mk. xii. 18; Lk. 
xx. 27; Acts iv. 1, v. 17, xxiii. 6-8). — Origin of the 
name. The Hebrew word by which they are called 

\ in the Mishna is Tsedukim, 1 the plural of Tsddok = 
just, or righteous ; used in the Bible only as a proper 
name, Zadok. The most obvious translation of the 
word, therefore, is to call them Zadoks or Zadokites. 
The ordinary Jewish statement is that they are 
named from a certain Zadok, a disciple of the Antig- 
onus of Socho, who is mentioned in the Mishna as 
having received the oral law from Simon the Just, 

I the last of the men of the Great Synagogue. But 
this statement is unsupported by Josephus or the 
Talmud, and appears unworthy of credit. Epiphanius 
states that the Sadducees called themselves by that 
name from Heb. tsedek = righteousness, " and that 
there was likewise anciently a Zadok (Heb. Tsddok) 
among the priests, but that they did not continue in 
the doctrines of their chief." This explanation of 
the origin of the word Sadducees must be rejected 
with that given by the Jews (so Mr. Twisleton, origi- 



1 A Heb. singular Tseduki (= Sadducee) occurs in the 
I Mishna (Wr.). 



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SAD 



953 



nal author of this article). If now recourse is had 
to conjecture, the word is less likely to have arisen 
from the meaning of righteousness than from the 
name of an individual, inasmuch as Zadok (Heb. 
Tsddok) never occurs in the Bible, except as a proper 
name. Now, according to the existing records of 
Jewish history, there was one Zadok of transcendent 
importance, and only one: viz. the priest who was 
so prominent in David's time, and who declared in 
favor of Solomon, when Abiathar took the part of 
Adonijah as successor to the throne (1 K. i. 32-45). 
His line of priests appears to have had decided pre- 
eminence in subsequent history. Now, as the tran- 
sition from the expression " sons of Zadok " and 
" priests of the seed of Zadok," to Zadokites, is easy 
and obvious, and as in Acts v. 17, it is said, " Then 
the high-priest rose, and all they that were with him, 
which is the sect o f the Saddueees, and were filled with 
indignation," it has been conjectured by Geigerthat 
the Saddueees or Zadokites were originally identical 
with the sons of Zadok, and constituted what may 
be termed a kind of sacerdotal aristocracy. To 
these were afterward attached all who for any reason 
reckoned themselves as belonging to the aristoc- 
racy ; e. g. the families of the high-priest, who had 
attained consideration under the dynasty of Herod. 
These were for the most part judges, and individuals 
of the official and governing class. — I. As the Phari- 
sees asserted, so the Saddueees denied, that the Is- 
raelites were in possession of an Oral Law transmitted 
to them by Moses. That doctrine (of the existence 
of a Mosaic Oral Law) is at the present day rejected, 
probably by almost all, if not by all, Christians ; and 
the greater number of Christians have never even 
heard of it, though it is older than Christianity, and 
has been the support and consolation of the Jews 
under the most cruel persecutions, and is likewise 
now maintained, all over the world, by those who 
are called the orthodox Jews. It must not be as- 
sumed that the Saddueees, because they rejected a 
Mosaic Oral Law, rejected likewise all traditions and 
all decisions in explanation of passages in the Pen- 
tateuch. Although they protested against the as- 
sertion that such points had been divinely settled 
by Moses, they prooably, in numerous instances, 
followed practically the same traditions as the Phar- 
isees. This will explain why in the Mishna specific 
points of difference between the Pharisees and Sad- 
dueees are mentioned, which are so unimportant, 
e. g. whether the stream of water from a clean vessel 
into an unclean one is itself clean or unclean, &c. — 
II. The denial of man's resurrection after death, 
followed in the conception of the Saddueees as a 
logical conclusion from their denial that Moses had 
revealed to the Israelites the Oral Law. For on a 
point so momentous as a second life beyond the 
grave, no religious party among the Jews would 
have deemed themselves bound to accept any doc- 
trine as an article of faith, unless it had been pro- 
claimed by Moses, their great legislator ; and it is 
certain that in the written Law of the Pentateuch 
there is -a total absence of any assertion by Moses 
of the resurrection of the dead. This fact is pre- 
sented to Christians in a striking manner by the well- 
known words of the Pentateuch which are quoted 
by Christ in argument with the Saddueees on this 
subject (Ex. Hi. 6, 16; Mk. xii. 26, 27; Mat. xxii. 
31, 32; Lk. xx. 37). It cannot be doubted that 
in such a case Christ would quote to His powerful 
adversaries the most cogent text in the Law ; and 
yet the text actually quoted does not do more than 
suggest an inference on this great doctrine. It is 



true that passages in other parts of the 0. T. express 
a belief in a resurrection (Is. xxvi. 19; Dan. xii. 2; 
Job xix. 26 ; and in some of the Psalms) ; and it 
may at first sight be a subject of surprise that the 
Saddueees were not convinced by the authority of 
those passages. But although the Saddueees re- 
garded the books which contained these passages as 
sacred, it is more than doubtful whether any of the 
Jews regarded them as sacred in precisely the same 
sense as the written Law. To the Jews Moses was 
and is a colossal Form, preeminent in authority above 
all subsequent prophets. — In connection with the 
disbelief of a resurrection by the Saddueees, it is 
proper to notice the statement (Acts xxiii. 8) that 
they likewise denied there was " angel or spirit." 
A perplexity arises as to the precise sense in which 
this denial is to be understood. The two principal 
explanations which have been suggested are, either 
that the Saddueees regarded the angels of the 0. T. 
as transitory unsubstantial representations of Jeho- 
vah, or that they disbelieved, not the angels of the 
0. T., but merely the angelical system which had be- 
come developed in the popular belief of the Jews 
after their return from the Babylonian Captivity. 
Perhaps, however, another suggestion is admissible. 
It appears from Acts xxiii. 9, that some of the 
scribes on the side of the Pharisees suggested the 
possibility of a spirit or an angel having spoken to 
St. Paul, on the very occasion when it is asserted 
that the Saddueees denied the existence of angel or 
spirit. Now, the Sudducees may have disbelieved 
in the occurrence of any such phenomena in their 
own time, although they accepted all the statements 
respecting angels in the 0. T. ; and thus the key to 
the assertion in ver. 8, that the Saddueees denied 
" angel or spirit," would be found exclusively in ver. 
9. — III. The opinions of the Saddueees respecting 
the freedom of the will, and the way in which those 
opinions are treated by Josephus, have been noticed 
under Pharisees. Possibly the stress laid by the 
Saddueees on the freedom of the will may have had 
some connection with their forming such a large 
portion of that class from which criminal judges 
were selected. The sentiment of the lines — 

*' Our acts our Angels are, or good or ill. 
Our fatal shadows that walk by us still," 

would express that portion of truth on which the 
Saddueees, in inflicting punishments, would dwell 
with most emphasis : and as, in some sense, they 
disbelieved in angels, these lines have a peculiar 
claim to be regarded as a correct exponent of Sad- 
ducean thought. — IV. Some of the early Christian 
writers, e. g. Epiphanius, Origen, and Jerome, attrib- 
ute to the Saddueees the rejection of all the Sacred 
Scriptures except the Pentateuch ; but this state- 
ment is now generally admitted to have been found- 
ed on a misconception of the truth, and probably to 
have arisen from a confusion of the Saddueees with 
the Samaritans. Josephus is wholly silent as to an 
antagonism on this point between the Saddueees and 
the Pharisees. What probably had more influence 
than any thing else in occasioning this misconception 
respecting the Saddueees, was the circumstance that 
in arguing with them on the doctrine of a future life 
(see II. above), Christ quoted from the Pentateuch 
only, although there are stronger texts in favor of 
the doctrine in some other books of the 0. T. — 
V. It may be proper to notice a fact which, while 
it accounts for misconceptions of early Christian 
writers respecting the Saddueees, is on other grounds 
well worthy to arrest the attention. This fact is the 



954 



SAD 



SAL 



rapid disappearance of the Sadducees from history 
after the first century, and the subsequent predomi- 
nance among the Jews of the opinions of the Phari- 
sees. Two circumstances indirectly, but powerfully, 
contributed to produce this result: (1.) The state 
of the Jews after the capture of Jerusalem by Titus ; 
(2.) The growth of the Christian religion. (1.) Itis 
difficult to over-estimate the consternation and dis- 
may which the destruction of Jerusalem occasioned 
in the minds of sincerely religious Jews. In this 
their hour of darkness and anguish, they naturally 
turned to the consolations and hopes of a future 
state ; and the doctrine of the Sadducees, that there 
was nothing beyond the present life, would have ap- 
peared to them cold, heartless, and hateful. (2.) 
While they were sunk in the lowest depths of de- 
pression, a new religion which they despised as a 
heresy and a superstition, of which one of their own 
nation (Jesus Christ) was the object, and another 
(Paul) the unrivalled missionary to the heathen, was 
gradually making its way among the subjects of their 
detested conquerors, the Romans. One cause of its 
success was undoubtedly the vivid belief in the resur- 
rection of Jesus, and a consequent resurrection of all 
mankind. Consciously, therefore, or unconsciously, 
many circumstances combined to induce the Jews, 
who were not Pharisees, but who resisted the new 
heresy, to rally round the standard of the Oral Law, 
and to assert that their holy legislator, Moses, had 
transmitted to his faithful people by word of mouth, 
although not in writing, the revelation of a future 
state of rewards and punishments. This doctrine is 
still maintained by the majority of our Jewish con- 
temporaries. — The Karaites, who are found in Rus- 
sia, Austria, Constantinople, &c., and number about 
5,000 or 6,000, hold doctrines which are, with few 
exceptions, the same as those of the Sadducees 
(Ginsburg, in Kitto). 

Sa'dof (L. = Z.vdok). 1. Zadok 1 (2 Esd. i. 1).— 
2. A descendant of Zerubbabel in the genealogy of 
Jesus Christ (Mat. i. 14). 

Saffron (fr. Ar. zafran, yellovi), the A. V. (and 
doubtless correct) translation of the Heb. careom, 
mentioned only with other odorous substances in 
Cant. iv. 14; the Arabic Kurkum is similar to the 
Hebrew, and denotes the Croon salivus, or " saffron 
crocus." Saffron has from the earliest times been 
in high esteem as a perfume. It was also used in 
seasoning dishes. The part of the'plant which was 
used was the stigma, which was pulled out of the 
flower and then dried. These, when prepared, are 
dry, narrow, threadlike, and twisted together, of an 
orange-yellow color, having a peculiar aromatic and 
penetrating odor, with a bitterish and somewhat 
aromatic taste, tingeing the mouth and saliva yellow. 
Saffron was formerly highly esteemed as a stimulant 
medicine, and is stiil in high repute in the East (Dr. 
Rovle, in Kitto). 

* Sail. Ship. 

•Saint (fr. L. ; Heb. hasii or chAiid, k&dosh, &c. ; 
Chal. kadduh ; Gr. hagiox) = a My one, applied to 
angels (Dan. viii. 13; Zech. xiv. 5; 1 Th. iii. 13, 
&c), but especially to the people of God, dead (Mat. 
xxvii. 52; Rev. xvi. 6, &c.) or living (Ps. xvi. 3, 
xxxvii. 28 ; Acts ix. 32, 41 ; Rom. i. 7, &c). All 
the words translated "saint" are in other passages 
translated " holv " (Ps. lxxxvi. 2 ; Is. iv. 3 ; Dan. iv. 
8, 13; 1 Th. v.26, 27, &c.). Faith; Righteous; 
Saviour. 

Sa'la (Gr.) = Salah (Lk. iii. 35). 

Sa'lah (fr. Heb. = Shelah ; see below), son of 
Arphaxad and father of Eber (Gen. x. 24, xi. 12-14 ; 



Lk. iii. 35); = Shelah 2. The name is significant 
of extension. It thus seems to imply the historical 
fact of the gradual extension of a branch of the 
Shemitic race from its original seat in Northern As- 
syria toward the river Euphrates. 

Sura-mis (Gr., probably named from Gr. salos, i. e. 
the breaking o f the waves against the steep shores 
of the island, L. & S.), a city at the E. end of the 
island of Cyprus, and the first place visited by Paul 
and Barnabas, on the first missionary journey, after 
leaving the mainland at Selcucia. Here alone, among 
all the Greek cities visited by St. Paul, we read of 
"synagogues" in the plural (Acts xiii. 5). Hence 
we conclude that there were many Jews in Cyprus. 
And this is in harmony with what we read elsewhere. 
Jewish residents were in the island when the Seleu- 
eidae reigned at Antioch (1 Mc. xv. 23). At a later 
period, in the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, dread- 
ful tumults here, caused by a vast multitude of Jews, 
made the whole city a desert. Salamis, afterward 
rebuilt and called Constantia, was not far from the 
modern Famagousla. It was situated near a river 
called the Pediasus, on low ground, which is in fact 
a continuation of the plain running up into the in- 
terior toward the place where Nicosia, the present 
capital of Cyprus, stands. Its harbor was very good. 
It was anciently the capital of Cyprus, and was, un- 
der the Romans, the most important mercantile town, 
if not the seat of government. 

Sal-a-sad'a-i (Gr.) = Zurishaddai (Jd. viii. 1). 

Sa-la'thi-el (Gr.) = Shealtiel, son of Jechonias 
(= Jeconiaii or Jkiioiachin), king of Judah, and 
father of Zorobabcl (Zkruiiuauel), according to 
Mat. i. 12 ; but son of Neri, and father of Zorobabel, 
according to Lk. iii. 27 ; while the genealogy in 1 
Chr. iii. 17-19 leaves it doubtful whether he is the 
son of Assir or Jechonias, and makes Zerubbabel his 
nephew. Upon the principle that no genealogy 
would assign to the true son and heir of a king any 
inferior and private parentage, whereas, on the con- 
trary, the son of a private person would naturally be 
placed in the royal pedigree on his becoming the 
rightful heir to the throne ; we may assert, with the 
utmost confidence (so Lord A. C. Hervey), that St. 
Luke gives us the true state of the case, when he in- 
forms us that Salathiel was the son of Neri, and a 
descendant of Nathan the son of David. And from 
his insertion in the royal pedigree, both in 1 Chr. 
and Matthew, after the childless Jechonias, we in- 
fer, with no less confidence, that, on the failure of 
Solomon's line, he was the next heir to the throne 
of David. It may therefore be considered as cer- 
tain, that Salathiel was the son of Neri, and the heir 
of Jeconiah. Dr. W. L. Alexander (in Kitto) prefers 
the hypothesis that Salathiel " was really the son of 
Jeconiah, and was counted for a son to Neri from 
having married his daughter." Genealogy op 
Jesus Christ. 

Sal call (fr. Heb. = a moving along, moving about, 
Ges.), a city named in the early records of Israel as 
the extreme limit of Bashan (Deut. iii. 10, " Sal- 
chah ; " Josh. xiii. 11) and of the tribe of Gad (1 
Chr. v. 11). On another occasion the name seems 
to denote a district rather than a town (Josh. xii. 
5). It is doubtless identical with the town of Si.il- 
khad, which stands at the southern extremity of the 
Jebel Hauran, twenty miles S. of Kunawdl (the an- 
cient Kenath). Immediately below Snlkhad com- 
mences the plain of the great Euphrates desert. 
The town is of considerable size, two or three miles 
in circumference, surrounding a castle on a lofty 
isolated hill, which was probably once the crater of 



SAL 



SAL 



955 



a volcano. Many of the houses, though long de- 
serted, are still perfect, with their stone roofs, doors, 
and walls ; the city walls are still tolerably good ; 
but the. region is uninhabited and desolate. 

Sal chah [-kah] (Heb.) = Salcah (Deut. iii. 10). 

Sa lem (Gr. fr. Heb. sh&lem — peace, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.). 1, The place of which Melchizedek was king 
(Gen. xiv. 18 ; Heb. vii. 1, 2). Dr. Wolff, Stuart ap- 
parently ( Comm. on Heb. 1. a), &c, regard Salem as a 
title ( = peace), not the name of a place. But Salem 
and Shaveb are generally regarded as lying near each 
other in Abram's road from Hobah to the plain of 
Mamre. The various opinions in regard to this Salem 
are : — 1. That of the Jewish commentators, who with 
one voice affirm that Salem is Jerusalem, on the 
ground that Jerusalem is so called in Ps. lxxvi. 2 (so 
Jos. i. 10, § 2, the Targums, and most commentators). 
2. Jerome maintained that the Salem of Melchize- 
dek was not Jerusalem, but a town near Scythopolis, 
which in his day was still called Salem. Elsewhere 
he places it more precisely at eight Roman miles from 
Scythopolis, and gives its name then as Salumias. 
Further, he identifies this Salem with the Salim 
of John the Baptist (so also Rosenmiiller, Tuch, 
Rodiger, &c). 3. Ewald pronounces that Salem is a 
town on the E. side of Jordan, on the road from 
Damascus to Sodom, quoting at the same time Jn. 
iii. 23. 4. A tradition given by Eupolemus (Euse- 
bius Pro?p. Ev. ix. 17) differs in some important 
points from the Biblical account. According to this 
the meeting took place in the sanctuary of the city 
Argarizin, which is interpreted by Eupolemus to 
mean "the Mountain of the Most High." Argarizin 
is of course har Gerizzim (Heb. = Mount Gerizim). 
Stanley (246) thinks Gerizim was the scene of the 
meeting with Melchizedek. (Shalem.) 5. A Salem 
is mentioned in Jd. iv. 4, among the places seized 
and fortified by the Jews on the approach of Holo- 
fernes. If the Gr. Avion, here translated "valley," 
is, according to frequent usage, the Jordan valley, 
then the Salem referred to must be that mentioned by 
Jerome. Or, as is perhaps still more likely, it refers 
to another Salim near Zer'in ( Jezreel). — 2. It seems 
to be agreed on all hands that Salem in Ps. lxxvi. 2 
= Jerusalem, but whether as a mere abbreviation 
to suit some exigency of the poetry, and point the 
allusion to the peace (salem) which the city enjoyed 
through the protection of God, or whether, after a 
well-known habit of poets, it is an antique name 
preferred to the more modern and familiar one, is a 
question not yet decided. 

Sa'lim (L. — Salem), a place named (Jn. iii. 23) 
to point out the situation of Enon, the scene of 
John's last baptisms — Salim being the well-known 
town or spot, and Enon a place of fountains, or other 
water, near it. Eusebius and Jerome both affirm 
unhesitatingly that it existed in their day near the 
Jordan, eight Roman miles S. of Scythopolis. Je- 
rome adds (under " Salem ") that its name was then 
Salumias. Various attempts have been more re- 
cently made to determine the locality of this spot. 
1. Some (as Alford, Greek Testament) propose Shil- 
him and Ain, in the arid country far in the S. of 
Judea, entirely out of the circle of associations of 
John and of our Lord. Others identify it with the 
Shalim of 1 Sam. ix. 4, but this latter place is itself 
unknown. 2. Robinson (iii. 298, 333) suggests the 
modern village of Salim, three miles E. of Nahu- 
Im, but this is no less out of the circle of John's 
ministrations, and is too near the Samaritans. A 
writer in the Colonial Church Chronicle, No. cxxvi. 
464, who concurs in this opinion, was told of a vil- 



lage one hour E. (? ; about five miles N. ?) of Salim 
" named 'Ain-un, with a copious stream of water." 
(Enon.) 3. Dr. Barclay maintains that Salim is to 
be found in Wady Seleim, and Enon in the copious 
streams of 'Ain Farah, among the deep and intri- 
cate ravines some five miles N. E. of Jerusalem. 
This opinion Porter (in Kitto) favors. 4. The name 
of Salim has been lately discovered by Van de Velde 
(ii. 345) in a position exactly in accordance with the 
notice of Eusebius, viz. six English miles S. of Beisan, 
and two miles W. of the Jordan. Salim fulfils also 
the conditions implied in the name of Enon (springs), 
and the direct statement of the text, that the place 
contained abundance of water. 

Sal'lai, or Sal'la-1 (Heb. basket-maker? Ges.). 1. 
A Benjamite, who settled in Jerusalem after the 
Captivity (Neh. xi. 8). — 2. Head of one of the 
courses of priests who went up from Babylon with 
Zerubbabel (xii. 20) ; = Sallu 2. 

Sal'ln (Heb. weighed, Ges.). 1. Son of Meshullam; 
a Benjamite in Jerusalem after the Captivity (1 Chr. 
ix. 1 ; Neh. xi. V).— 2. Sallai 2 (xii. V). 

Sal-ln'mns (fr. Gr.) = Shallum 11 (1 Esd. ix. 25). 

Sal'ma (Heb. garment, Ges.), or Salmon (Heb. 
clothed, Ges.), son of Nahshon, the prince of Judah ; 
father of Boaz, the husband of Ruth. On the en- 
trance of the Israelites into Canaan, Salmon took 
Rahab of Jericho to be his wife, and from this union 
sprang the Christ (Mat. i. 4, 5 ; Lk. iii. 32, &c). Two 
circumstances connected with Salmon have caused 
some perplexity. As regards the first, the orthog- 
raphy, the variation in proper names is so extreme- 
ly common, that such slight differences are scarcely 
worth noticing (Rev. iv. 20, 21 ; comp. Shimea, Shim- 
eah, Shammah, Shimma, names of David's brother, 
&c). As to the other difficulty, the variation in Sal- 
ma's genealogy, which has induced some to think 
the Salma of 1 Chr. ii. 51, 54 is not the Salma of ii. 
11, is more apparent than real. It arises from the 
circumstance that Bethlehem Ephratah, which was 
Salmon's inheritance, was part of the territory of 
Caleb, the grandson of Ephratah ; and this caused 
him to be reckoned among the sons of Caleb (so 
Lord A. C. Hervey). 

* Sal man (Heb.) = Salma (Ru. iv. 20marg.). 

* Sal-man-as'ser = Shalmaneser (Hos. xi. 5 
margin). 

Sal-man-a'sar (L.) = Shalmaneser (2 Esd. xiii. 40). 

Sal mon (L. fr. Heb. tsalmon = shady, Ges. ; see 
below). It is usually supposed that a hill near 
Shechem, on which Abimelech and his followers cut 
down the boughs with which they set the tower of 
Shechem on fire (Judg. ix. 48, A. V. " Zalmon ") is 
the " Salmon " or Zalmon mentioned in Ps. Ixviii. 
14 ; and this is probable, though the passage is pe- 
culiarly difficult, and the precise allusion intended 
by the poet seems hopelessly lost (so Mr. Twisleton). 
The literal translation of the word is, " Thou makest 
it snow " in Salmon, or " It snows in Salmon," with 
liberty to use the word either in the past or in the 
future tense. As, notwithstanding ingenious at- 
tempts, this supplies no satisfactory meaning, re- 
course is had to a translation of doubtful validity, 
" Thou makest it white as snow," or " It is white as 
snow " — words to which various metaphorical mean- 
ings have been attributed. The allusion which, 
through the lexicon of Gesenius, is most generally 
received, is that the words refer to the ground being 
snow-white with bones after a defeat of the Canaanite 
kings. Some (Targum, Kimchi, &c.) suppose that 
Salmon (Heb. Tsalmon) is not a proper name in this 
passage, but merely signifies darkness. 



956 



SAL 



S4.L 



Sal mon (Ilcb. clothed, Ges.), the father of Boaz 
(Ru. iv. 20, 21 ; Mat. i. 4, 5 ; Lk. iii. 32). Salma. 

Sal-mo'ne (Or.), the E. point of the island of Crete 
(Acts xxvii. 7). Paul. 

Sa lom, the Greek form of — 1. Siialll-m, father of 
Hilkiah (Bar. i. 7).— 2. Salu, father of Zimri (1 Mc. 
ii. 26). 

Sa-lo'me [as an English word often pronounced 
Sa-lome' ; comp. Magdalene, &c.](fr. Heb. = pacific, 
Schl.). 1. The wife of Zebedee (comp. Mat. xxvii. 
66 with Mk. xv. 40). It is the opinion of many mod- 
ern critics (Wieselcr, Lange, Meyer, Alford, &c.) that 
she was the sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus, 
to whom reference is made in Jn. xix. 25. The 
words admit, however, of another and hitherto 
generally received explanation, according to which 
they refer to the " Mary the Wife ok Cleopiias " 
immediately afterward mentioned. The only events 
recorded of Salome are that she preferred a request 
on behalf of her two sons for seats of honor in the 
kingdom of heaven (Mat. xx. 20), attended at the 
crucifixion of Jesus (Mk. xv. 40), and visited his 
sepulchre (xvi. 1). She is mentioned by name only 
on the two later occasions.— 2. The " daughter of 
Herodias" by her first husband, Herod Philip 1 
(Mat. xiv. 6). She married first Philip the tetrarch 
of Trachonitis, her paternal uncle, and secondly 
Aristobulus, the king of Chalcis. 

Salt [sawlt] (Heb. mclah or mclach ; Gr. halx). 
Indispensable as salt (chloride of sodium : is to our- 
selves, it was even more so to the Hebrews, being 
to them not only an appetizing condiment in the 
food both of man (Job vL 6) and beast (Is. xxx. 24 
margin), and a most valuable antidote to the effects 
of the heat of the climate on animal food, but also 
entering largely into their religious services as an 
accompaniment to the various offerings presented 
on the altar (Lev. ii. 13). (Sacrifice.) They pos- 
sessed an inexhaustible and ready supply of it on 
the southern shores of the Dead Sea. (Ska, the 
Salt.) Salt might also be procured from the Medi- 
terranean Sea, and from this source the Phenicians 
would naturally obtain the supply necessary for 
salting Fisn (Neh. xiii. 16) and for other purposes. 
The Jews appear to have distinguished between 
rock-salt and that gained by evaporation, as the 
Talmudists particularize one species (probably the 
latter) as the " salt of Sodom." The salt-pits formed 
an important source of revenue to the rulers of the 
country, and Antiochus conferred a valuable boon 
on Jerusalem by presenting the city with 375 bush- 
els of salt for the Temple-service. In addition to 
the uses of salt already specified, the inferior sorts 
were applied as a manure to the soil, or to hasten 
the decomposition of dung (Mat. v. 13; Lk. xiv. 
35). Too large an admixture, however, .was held 
to produce sterility, as exemplified on the shores of 
the Dead Sea (Deut. xxix. 23; Zeph. ii. 9): hence 
"a salt land" = a barren land (Job xxxix. 6 mar- 
gin ; Jer. xvii. 6) ; and hence also arose the custom 
of sowing with salt the foundations of a destroyed 
city (Judg. ix. 45), as a token of its irretrievable 
ruin. — " The salt used in this country (Syria and 
Palestine) is not manufactured by boiling clean salt 
water, nor quarried from mines, but is obtained 
from marshes along the sea-shore, as in Cyprus, or 
from salt-lakes in the interior, which dry up in sum- 
mer, as the one in the desert X. of Palmyra, and 
the great lake of Jebbul, S. E. of Aleppo. Maun- 
drell, who visited the lake at Jebbul, found salt 
there which had entirely lost its savor (Mat. v. 
13 ; Mk. is. 50), and the same abounds among the 



debris at Uxdum, and in other localities of rock-salt 
at the south end of the Dead Sea. Indeed, it is 

j a well-known fact the salt of this country, when in 

' contact with the ground, or exposed to rain and 
sun, does become insipid and useless. From the 
manner in which it is gathered, much earth and 

[ other impurities are necessarily collected with it. 

; Not a little of it is so impure that it cannot be used 
at all, and such salt soon effloresces and turns to 
dust — not to fruitful soil, however. It is not only 
good for nothing itself, but it actually destroys all 
fertility wherever it is thrown, and this is the reason 
why it is cast into the street" (Thn. ii. 43, 44). — 
The associations connected with salt in Eastern 
countries arc important. As one of the most es- 

| sential articles of diet, it symbolized hospitality ; 
as an antiseptic, durability, fidelity, and purity. 
Hence the expression, " covenant of salt " (Lev. ii. 

[ 13; Num. xviii. 19; 2 dir. xiii. 5), as betokening 
an indissoluble alliance between friends ; and again 
the expression, "salted with the salt of the palace" 
(Ezr. iv. 14), not necessarily meaning that they 
had " maintenance from the palace," as the A. V. 
has it, but that they were bound by sacred obli- 
gations of fidelity to the king. So in the pres- 
ent day, "to eat bread and salt together" is an 
expression for a league of mutual amity. It was 
probably with a view to keep this idea prominently 
before the minds of the Jews that the use of salt 
was enjoined on the Israelites in their offerings to 

I God. The purifying property of salt, as opposed 
to corruption, led to its selection as the outward 
sign in Elisha's miracle (2 K. ii. 20, 21), and is also 

■ developed in the N. T. (Mat. v. 13 ; Col. iv. 6). The 
custom of rubbing infants with salt (Ez. xvi. 4) 

I originated in sanitary considerations, but received 

| also a symbolical meaning. 

Salt, t'it'y of (Heb. 'ir hammelah or -lach ; see 
City 1, and Salt), the fifth of the six cities of Ju- 
dah which lay in the " wilderness " (Josh. xv. 62 ; 
Desert 2). Robinson, Porter (in Kitto), &c., would 
place it somewhere near the plain at the S. end 
of the Salt Sea. (Salt, Valley of.) Van de Velde 
mentions a Kahr Maleh ('!), a ravine or wady which 
begins W. S. W. from Sebbeli (Masada), and runs 
S. E. to the Dead Sea. 

* Salt Sea, the. Sea, the Salt. 
Salt, Val ley of (Heb. gey melah, and gey hammelah 
or -lach; see Valley 2, and Salt), a certain valley, 
or perhaps more accurately a " ravine," in which 
occurred two memorable victories of the Israelite 
arms. 1. That of David over the Edomites (2 Sam. 
viii. 13; 1 Chr. xviii. 12; compare 1 K. xi. 15, 16; 
Ps. lx. title; Adishai ; Joab 1). 2. That of Ama- 
ziah (2 K. xiv. 7; 2 Chr. xxv. 11). Neither of 
these notices affords any clew to the situation of the 
Valley of Salt. Seetzen was probably the first to 
suggest that it was the broad open plain which lies 
at the lower end of the Dead Sea, and intervenes 
between the lake itself and the range of heights 
which crosses the valley at six or eight miles to the 
S. (Akrabbim.) The same view is taken (more de- 
cisively) by Dr. Robinson (ii. 109), who notes that 
it is adjacent to the mountain of salt (Khanhrn Us- 
dum), and separates the ancient territories of Judah 
and Edom. Porter (in Kitto) suggests that it might 

be the Wady Zuweireh, a well-known pass at the 

northern end of the salt-range of Usdum, though 

the scope of the narrative would rather seem to 

locate it nearer Edom. Mr. Grove also thinks it 

might be nearer Petra, and raises objections to Dr. 

Robinson's identification from the peculiar Hebrew 



SAL 



SAM 



957 



word (gey) here translated valley (Valley 2), from 
the word (Arabah) elsewhere uniformly applied to 
the more northern parts of the same valley, and 
from the possibility that the Hebrew name (see 
above) translated " valley of salt " may be the rep- 
resentation of some archaic Edomite name (compare 
cl-Milh [ = salt ], the Arabic representative of Mol- 
adah). Some have thought the place of David's 
victory in 2 Sam. viii. 13 was the remarkable valley 
of salt S E. of Aleppo (Robinson's Ges. Heb. Lex.). 

Sa'lu (Heb. = Sallu, Ges.), father of Zimri the 
Simeonite prince whom Phinehas slew (Num. xxv. 
14) ; = Salom 2. 

Salnm (fr. Gr.). 1. Shallum 8 (1 Esd.v. 28).— 2. 
Shallum 6 (viii. 1). 

Sal-u-ta'tion (fr. L.). Salutations may be classed 
under the two heads of conversational and episto- 
lary. The salutation at meeting consisted in early 
times of various expressions of blessing, such as 
"God be gracious unto thee" (Gen. xliii. 29); 
" Blessed be thou of the Lord " (Ru. iii. 10 ; 1 Sam. 
xv. 13) ; "The Lord be with you," " The Lord bless 
thee " (Ru. ii. 4) ; " The blessing of the Lord be upon 
you; we bless you in the name of the Lord" (Ps. 
cxxix. 8). Hence the term " bless " received the 
secondary sense of " salute " (Gen. xlvii. V, 10 ; 1 K. 
viii. 66, &c). The Hebrew term used in these in- 
stances (shdlom) has no special reference to " peace," 
as stated in the margin, but to general well-being, 
and strictly answers to our " welfare." The saluta- 
tion at parting consisted originally of a simple bless- 
ing (Gen. xxiv. 60, xxviii. 1, xlvii. 10; Josh. xxii. 6), 
but in later times the term shdlom was introduced 
here also in the form " Go in peace," or rather 
"Farewell" (1 Sam. i. 1*7, xx. 42; 2 Sam. xv. 9). 
This was current in our Saviour's time (Mfc. v. 34 ; 
Lk. vii. 50; Acts xvi. 36), and is adopted by Him 
in His parting address to His disciples (Jn. xiv. 27). 
It had even passed into a salutation on meeting in 
such forms as " Peace be to this house" (Lk. x. 5), 
" Peace be unto you " (xxiv. 36 ; Jn. xx. 19). The 
more common salutation, however, at this time was 
borrowed from the Greeks, their word chairein (A. V. 
"hail," "God speed" in 2 Jn. 10, 11) being used 
at meeting (Mat. xxvi. 49, xxviii. 9 ; Lk. i. 28), and 
probably also at departure. In modern times the 
ordinary mode of address current in the East re- 
sembles the Hebrew : — Es-seldm aleykum, " Peace 
be on you," and the term " salam " has been intro- 
duced into our own language to describe the Oriental 
salutation. — The greetings noticed above were freely 
exchanged among persons of different ranks, even 
strangers, on meeting (Ru. ii. 4 ; Ps. cxxix. 8 ; Prov. 
xxvii. 14). The only restriction appears to have 
been in regard to religion, the Jew saluting only 
" brethren " (Mat. v. 47). The Apostle John forbids 
an interchange of greeting where it implied a wish 
for the success of a bad cause (2 Jn. 11, A. V. 
"God speed"). The modern Orientals are famed 
for the elaborate formality of their greetings, which 
occupy a very considerable time ; the instances in 
the Bible are not such, and therefore the address to 
persons on urgent business, " S.ilute no man by the 
way" (2 K. iv. 29; Lk. x. 4), may best be referred 
to the delay likely to ensue from subsequent conver- 
sation (so Mr. Bevan). — The Persian monarch was 
never approached without the salutation, " O king, 
live for ever " (Dan. ii. 4, &c). There is no evi- 
dence that this ever became current among the 
Jews (1 K. i. 31, compare 30). (Adoration; Kiss.) 
The epistolary salutations in the period subsequent j 
to the O. T. were framed on the model of (he Latin I 



style : the addition of the term " peace " may, how- 
ever, be a vestige of the old Hebrew form (2 Mc. i. 
1). The writer placed his own name first, and then 
that of the person whom he saluted ; only in special 
cases was this order reversed (i 1, ix. 19 ; 1 Esd. vi 
7). A combination of the first and third persons in 
the terms of the salutation was not unfrequent (Gal. 
i. 1, 2 ; Phn 1 ; 2 Pet. i. 1). The Gr. chairein (A.V. 
" greeting ") was used elliptically (expressed or 
understood) in the introductory salutation (1 Mc. x. 
18; 2Mc. ix. 19 [" wisheth joy"] ; 1 Esd viii. 9; 
Acts xv. 23, xxiii. 26 ["send greeting" in the last 
3] ; Jas. i. 1). A form of prayer for spiritual mer- 
cies was also used, e. g. "grace and peace" (Rom. 
i. 7, &c). The concluding salutation consisted oc- 
casionally of a translation of the Latin valete (Gr. 
ronnumai, A. V. " farewell ; " Acts xv. 29, xxiii. 30), 
but more generally of the Gr. verb aspazomai, " I 
salute" (Rom. xvi. 5, 7, 9 ff, &c.) or "greet" (xvi. 
3, 6, 8, &c), or the cognate substantive aspasmos, 
A.V. "salutation " (1 Cor. xvi. 21, &c), accompanied 
by a prayer for peace or grace. Epistle. 

*Sal-va'tion (fr. L. ; Heb. yeshu'dh, yesha\ &c. ; 
Gr. soleria, soterion) sometimes denotes deliverance 
from temporal evils or earthly destruction (Ex. xiv. 
13, xv. 2 ; 1 Sam. xiv. 45 ; Phil. i. 19, &c), but es- 
pecially deliverance from the punishment and mis- 
ery consequent on sin, with restoration to the favor 
of God and the bestowment of eternal life and bless- 
edness in the kingdom of heaven (Is. lxii. 11 ; Zech. 
ix. 9 ; Lk. i. 77 ; Rom. i. 16, &c). God is figura- 
tively called " salvation," i. e. the author or giver of 
salvation (Ps. xxvii. 1 ; Is. xii. 2, xxxiii. 2, &c). 
The Lord Jesus Christ has provided the salvation 
of the Gospel, and is therefore preeminently "the 
Saviour" (Mat. i. 21 ; 1 Tim. iv. 10). Atonement; 
Damnation ; Death ; Faith ; Justification ; Life ; 
Righteous ; Sin, &c. 

Sam'a-el (fr. Gr.), a variation for (margin) Salamiel 
(Shelumiel) in Jd. viii. 1. 

Sa-mai'as [-ma'yas] (Gr. = Shemaiah). 1. She- 
maiah 23 (1 Esd. i. 9). — 2. Shemaiah 11 (viii. 39). 
— 3. The " great Samaias," father of Ananias and 
Jonathas (Tob. v. 13). 

Sa-ma'ri-a [in L. pronounced Sam-a-ri'a] (L. fr. 
Heb. Shomeron — watch-post, Ges. ; see below). 1. 
A city of Palestine. The word Shomeron means, 
etymologically (so Dr. Hessey, the original author 
of this article), pertaining to a watch, or a watch- 
mountain; and we should almost be inclined to 
think that the peculiarity of the situation of Samaria 
gav§ occasion to its name (see below). In the terri- 
tory originally belonging to the tribe of Joseph, 
about six miles N. W. of Shechem, there is a wide 
basin-shaped valley, encircled with high hills, almost 
on the edge of the great plain (Sharon) which bor- 
ders upon the Mediterranean. In the centre of this 
basin, which is on a lower level than the valley of 
Shechem, rises a less elevated oblong hill, with steep 
yet accessible sides, and a long flat top. This hill 
was chosen by Omri as the site of the capital of the 
kingdom of Israel. (Israel, Kingdom of.) He 
" bought the hill of Samaria of Shemer for two 
talents of silver, and built on the hill, and called 
the name of the city which he built after the name 
of the owner of the hill, Samaria" (1 K. xvi. 23, 
24). This statement, of course, dispenses with the 
etymology above alluded to ; but the central posi- 
tion of the hill admirably adapted it for a place of 
observation and a fortress. From the date of Omri's 
purchase, n. c. 925, Samaria retained its dignity as 
the capital of the ten tribes. Ahab built a temple 



958 



SAM 



SAM 



to Baal there (xvi. 32, 33) ; and hence a portion of 
the city, possibly fortified by a separate wall, was 
called " the city of the house of Baal " (2 K. x. 25). 
Samaria must have been a place of great strength. 
It was twice besieged bv the Syrians, in d. c. 901 (1 
K. xx. 1), and in B. c. 892(2 K. vi. 24-vii. 20); but 
on both occasions the siege was ineffectual. The 
possessor of Samaria was considered de facto king 
of Israel (2 K. xv. 13, 14); and woes denounced 
against the nation were directed against it by name 
(Is. vii. 9, &c). In B. c. 721, Samaria was taken, 
after a siege of three years, by Shai.mankskk, king 
of Assyria (2 K. xviii. 9, 10), and the kingdom of 
the ten tribes was terminated. (See No. 3 below.) 
Some years afterward the district of which Samaria 
was the centre was repeopled by Esar-haddon ; but 
we iln not hear especially of the city until the days 
of Alexander the Great. That conqueror took the 
city, which seems to have somewhat recovered it- 
self, killed a large portion of the inhabitants, and 
suffered the remainder to settle at Shechcm. He 
replaced them by a colony of Syro-Macedonians, 
and gave the adjacent territory to the Jews to in- 
habit. These Syro-Macedonians occupied the city 
until the time of John Uyrcanus, who took it after a 
year's siege, and did his best to demolish it entirely 
(b. c. 109). After this disaster the Jews inhabited 
what remained of the city ; at least we find it in 
their possession in the time of Alexander Jannaus, 
and until Pompey gave it back to the descendants 
of its original inhabitants. By directions of (iabiu- 
ius, Samaria and other demolished cities were re- 
built. But its more effectual rebuilding was under- 
taken by Hkrop the Great. He called it Sebaste 
(Gr. = venerable, august) — Augusta, after his pa- 
tron AfGCSTtrs; built a wall round it twenty stadia 
(two and a half miles) long, and a magnificent tem- 
ple in the centre, dedicated to Cesar; and colonized 
it with 6,000 veterans and others. How long Sama- 
ria maintained its splendor after Herod's improve- 
ments we are not informed. In the N. T. the city it- 
self does not appear to be mentioned, but rather a 
portion of the district to which, even in older times, 
it had extended its name (compare Mat. x. 5 ; Jn. 
iv. 4, 5). Henceforth its history is very unconnected. 
Septimus Severus planted a Roman colony there in 
the beginning of the third century. It had a Chris- 
tian bishop probably as early as the third century. 
It fell into the hands of the Mohammedans during 
the siege of Jerusalem. During the crusades a 
Latin bishopric was established there. At this day 
the city is represented by a small village retaining 
few vestiges of the past except its name, Sebuslieh, 
an Arabic corruption of Sebaste. Some architec- 
tural remains it has, partly of Christian construction 
or adaptation, as the ruined church of St. John the 
Baptist, partly, perhaps (colonnades, &c), traces of 
Idumean magnificence. Jerome, whose acquaintance 
with Palestine imparts a sort of probability to the 
tradition which prevailed so strongly in later days, 
asserts that Sebaste, which he invariably identifies 
with Samaria, was the place in which John the Bap- 
tist was imprisoned and suffered death. He also 
makes it the burial-place of the prophets Elisha 
and Obadiah. — 2. The "Samaria'' of 1 Mc. v. 66 is 
in Josephus, doubtless correctly, Marissa (i. e. Mare- 
sha). — 3. "Samaria" (the district), "Samaritans." 
In the strictest sense of the term, a Samaritan 
would be an inhabitant of the city of Samaria. But 
it is found in the O. T. only once, and then in a 
wider signification (2 K. xvii. 29), designating those 
whom the king of Assyria had " placed in the cities \ 



of Samaria instead of the children of Israel." 
" Samaria " at first included all the tribes over which 
Jeroboam made himself king, whether E. or W. of 
the river Jordan (1 K. xiii. 32). In other places in 
the historical books of the O. T. (except 2 K. xvii. 
24, 26, 28, 29) " Samaria " seems to denote the city 
exclusively. But the prophets use " Samaria " in a 
greatly extended sense (Ez. xvi. 53 ; Hos. viii. 5, 6 ; 
Am. iii. 9). Hence " Samaritan " must have denoted 
every one subject to the king of the northern capi- 
tal. But whatever extent the word might have ac- 
quired, it necessarily became contracted as the lim- 
its of the kingdom of Israel became contracted. 
In all probability the territory of Simeon and that 
of Dan were very early absorbed in the kingdom of 
Judah. This would be one limitation. Next, in 
n. o. 771 and 740 respectively, Pul, king of As- 
syria, and Tiglath-pileser, king of Assyria, carried 
away the Reubenites and the Gadites, and the half- 
tribe of Manasseh (1 dir. v. 26; compare also 2 
K. x. 32, 33). This would be a second limitation. 
But the latter of these kings went further: "He 
took Ijon, and Abcl-beth-niaachah, and Janoah, and 
Kcdesh, and Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, all the 
land of Naphtali, and carried them captive to As- 
syria" (2 K. xv. 29). This would be a third limita- 
tion. But we have yet to arrive at a fourth limita- 
tion of the kingdom of Samaria, and, by conse- 
quence, of the word Samaritan. It is evident from 
an occurrence in Hczckiah's reign, that just before 
the deposition and death of Hoshea, the last king 
of Israel, the authority of the king of Judah, or, at 
least, his influence, was recognized by portions of 
Asher, Issaehar, and Zcbulun, and even of Ephraim 
and Manasseh (2 Chr. xxx. 1-26). Men came from 
all those tribes to the Passover at Jerusalem. This 
was about b. c. 726. Samaria (the city), and a few 
adjacent cities or villages only, represented that do- 
minion which had once extended from Bethel to 
Dan northward, and from the Mediterranean to the 
borders of Syria and Amnion eastward (compare 2 
K. xvii. 5, 6, 23 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 6). — This brings us 
more closely to the second point of our discussion, 
the origin of those who are in 2 K. xvii. 29, and in 
the N. T., called Samaritans. Shalmaneser (2 K. 

xvii. 5, 6, 26) carried Israel, i. e. the remnant of the 
ten tribes which still" acknowledged Hoshea's au- 
thority, into Assyria. This remnant consisted, as has 

! been shown, of Samaria (the city) and a few adja- 
i cent cities and villages. Now, (1.) Did he carry 
away all their inhabitants, or no ? (2.) Whether 
they were wholly or only partially desolated, who 
replaced the deported population ? In reference to 
(1.) the language of Scripture admits of scarcely a 
doubt. "Israel was carried away" (xvii. 6, 23), 
and other nations were placed " in the cities of Sa- 
maria instead of the children of Israel " (xvii. 24, 
compare 26, 28, and xxi. 13). There is no mention 
whatever, as in the case of the somewhat parallel 
destruction of the kingdom of Judah, of " the poor 
of the land being left to be vine-dressers and hus- 
bandmen" (xxv. 12; Captivity). We may then 
conclude that the cities of Samaria were not merely 
partially but wholly evacuated of their inhabitants 
in b. c. 721 (see below), and that they remained in 
this desolated state until, in the words of 2 K. xvii. 
24, " the king of Assyria brought men from Babylon 
(Babel), and from Cuthah, and from Ava (Ivah, 

xviii. 34), and from Hamath, and from Sepharvaim, 
and placed them in the cities of Samaria instead of 
the children of Israel : and they possessed Samaria, 
and dwelt in the cities thereof." Thus the new 



SAM 

Samaritans were Assyrians by birth or subjugation, 
were utterly strangers in the cities of Samaria, and 
were exclusively the inhabitants of those cities. — 
An incidental question, however, arises, Who was 
the king of Assyria that effected this colonization ? 



SAM 959 

Josephus apparently attributes it to Shalraaneser; 
but the Samaritans themselves, in Ezr. iv. 2, 10, at- 
tributed their colonization to " Esar-haddon, king 
of Assur," or to " the great and noble Asnapper," 
either the king himself or one of his generals (about 




b. c. 67*7). The fact, too, that some of these for- 
eigners came from Babylon would seem to direct us 
to Esar-haddon, rather than to his grandfather, Shal- 
maneser. And this date coincides with the termi- 
nation of the sixty-five years of Isaiah's prophecy, 
delivered b. c. 742, within which " Ephraim should 
be broken that it should not be a people " (Is. vii. 
8). — These strangers, placed in "the cities of Sama- 
ria" by Esar-haddon, were of course idolaters, and 
worshipped a strange medley of divinities. God's 
displeasure was kindled, and they were infested by 
beasts of prey, which had probably increased to a 
great extent before their entrance upon it. On 
their explaining their miserable condition to the 
king of Assyria, he dispatched one of the captive 
priests to teach them " how they should fear the 
Lord." The priest came accordingly, and hence- 
forth, in the language of the sacred historian, they 
" feared the Lord, and served their graven images, 
both their children and their children's children : as 
did their fathers, so do they unto this day" (2 K. 
xvii. 41). Such was the origin of the new Samari- 
tans — men not of Jewish extraction, but from 
the further East. A gap occurs in their history 
until Judah has returned from Captivity. They 
then desire to be allowed to participate in the re- 
building of the Temple at Jerusalem. But they do 
not call it a national undertaking. They advance 
no pretensions to Jewish blood. They confess their 
Assyrian descent, and even put it forward osten- 
tatiously, perhaps to enhance the merit of their par- 
tial conversion to God. The Jews, however, do not 
listen favorably to their overtures. Ezra, no doubt, 
who records the transaction, saw them through and 
through. On this the Samaritans become open ene- 
mies, frustrate the operations of the Jews through 
the reigns of two Persian kings, and are only ef- 
fectually silenced in the reign of Darius Hystaspis, 



b. c. 519. The feud, thus unhappily begun, grew 
year by year more inveterate. Matters at length 
came to a climax. About b. c. 409, Manasseh, a 
priest expelled from Jerusalem by Nehemiah for an 
unlawful marriage, obtained permission from the 
Persian king of his day, Darius Nothus, to build a 
temple on Mount Gerizim, for the Samaritans, with 
whom he had found refuge (so Dr. Hessey, with Pri- 
deaux, &c. ; but see Gerizim ; Nehemiah, Book of). 
The animosity of the Samaritans became more in- 
tense than ever. They are said to have done every 
thing in their power to annoy the Jews. Their own 
temple on Gerizim they considered much superior 
to that at Jerusalem. There they sacrificed a pass- 
over. Toward the mountain, even after the temple 
on it had fallen, wherever they were, they directed 
their worship. To their copy of the Law (Samari- 
tan Pentateuch) they arrogated an antiquity and 
authority greater than attached to any copy in the 
possession of the Jews. The Law (i. e. the five 
books of Moses) was their sole code ; they rejected 
every other book in the Jewish Canon. The Jews, 
on the other hand, were not more conciliatory in 
their treatment of the Samaritans. The copy of the 
Law possessed by that people they declared to be 
the legacy of an apostate (Manasseh), and cast grave 
suspicions upon its genuineness. Certain other Jew- 
ish renegades had from time to time taken refuge 
with the Samaritans. Hence, by degrees, the Samar- 
itans claimed to partake of Jewish blood, especially 
if doing so happened to suit their interest. A re- 
markable instance of this is exhibited in their unsuc- 
cessful request of Alexander the Great, about b. c. 
332 (before he besieged and destroyed the city of 
Samaria), to be excused from payment of tribute in 
the Sabbatical year, on the plea that, as true Israel- 
ites, descendants of Ephraim and Manasseh, sons 
of Joseph, they refrained from cultivating their land 



960 



SAM 



SAM 



in that year. Another instance of claim to Jewish 
descent appears in the words of the woman of Sa- 
maria to our Lord (Jn. iv. 12), "Art thou greater 
than our father Jacob, who gave us the well ? " 
Very far were the Jews from admitting this claim 
to consanguinity on the part of these people. They 
were ever reminding them that they were after all 
mere Cutheans, mere strangers from Assyria. They 
would have no dealings with them that they could 
possibly avoid (iv. 9). " Thou art a Samaritan and 
hast a devil" was an expression of bitter reproach 
(viii. 48). The Samaritan was publicly cursed in 
their synagogues — could not be a witness in Jewish 
courts — could not be admitted to any sort of pros- 
elytism. The traditional hatred in which the Jew 
held the Samaritan is expressed in Ecclus. 1. 25, 26. 
Even the apostles believed that an inhospitable 
slight shown by a Samaritan village to Christ would 
be not unduly avenged by calling down fire from 
heaven (Lk. ix. 52 ff. ; compare Mat. x. 5, 6 ; Lk. x. 
33, xvii. 16 ; Jn. iv. 22 ; Acts i. 8, viii. 5, ff.). Such 
were the Samaritans of our Lord's day : a people 
distinct from the Jews, though lying in the very 
midst of the Jews, a people preserving their identity, 
though seven centuries had rolled away since they 
had been brought from Assyria by Esar-haddon, and 
though they had abandoned their polytheism for a 
sort of ultra Mosaicism : a people, who — though 
their limits had gradually contracted, and the rally- 
ing-place of their religion on Mount Gerizim had 
been destroyed by John Hyrcanus (n. c. 130), and 
though Samaria (the city) had been again and again 
destroyed, and though their teritory had been the 
battle-field of Syria and Egypt — still preserved their 
nationality, still worshipped from Shechem and their 
impoverished settlements toward their sacred hill ; 
still retained their nationality, and could not coa- 
lesce with the Jews. Not, indeed, that we must sup- 
pose that the whole of the country called in our 
Lord's time Samaria was in the possession of the 
Cuthean Samaritans, or that it had ever been so. It 
was bounded northward by the range of hills which 
commences at Mount Carmel on the W., and, after 
making a bend to the S. AV., runs almost due E. to 
the valley of the Jordan, forming the southern bor- 
der of the plain of Esdralon. It touched toward 
the S., as nearly as possible, the northern limits of 
Benjamin. Thus it comprehended the ancient ter- 
ritory of Epiihaim, and of the Manassites W. of 
Jordan. The Cuthean Samaritans, however, pos- 
sessed only a few towns and villages of this large 
area, and these lay almost together in the centre of 
the district. They observe the Law, and celebrate 
the Passover in a sacred spot on Mount Gerizim. 
The Samaritans were very troublesome, both to 
Jews and Romans, in the first century a. c. Pilate 
chastised them with a severity which led to his own 
downfall, and a slaughter of 10,600 of them took 
place under Vespasian. Yet, they increased greatly 
in numbers and importance. Epiphanius (fourth 
century) considers them the chief and most danger- 
ous enemies of Christianity. An outrage on the 
Christians at Neapolis (Shechem), toward the end 
of the fifth century, was so severely punished that 
they sank into obscurity. They are just noticed 
by travellers in the twelfth and fourteenth cen- 
turies. In the latter part of the sixteenth century 
a correspondence with them was commenced by 
Joseph Scaliger. At Ndblus (Shechem) the Samari- 
tans have still a settlement, consisting of about 200 
persons. The view maintained above, as to the 
purely Assyrian origin of the New Samaritans, is 



that of Suicer, Reland, Hammond, Drusius (in the 
Criliri Sm-ri), Maldonatus, Hengstenberg, Hiivei- 
nick, Robinson, and Archbishop Trench. Others, 
as De Sacy, Gesenius, Winer, Dollinger, Davidson, 
Mill-, Ayre, &c, have held a different view, which 
may be expressed thus in Dollinger's words : " In 
the northern part of the Promised Land (as opposed 
to Judca proper) there grew up a mingled race 
which drew its origin from the remnant of the Israel- 
ites who were left behind in the country on the re- 
moval of the Ten Tribes, and also from the heathen 
j colonists who were transplanted into the cities of 
Israel. Their religion was as hybrid as- their ex- 
traction : they worshipped Jehovah, but, in addition 
to Bim, also the heathen idols of Phenician origin 
which they had brought from their native land." 

* Sa-mar'i-tan (L. Samaritanus) — one from Sa- 
maria (Lk. x. 23, xvii. 16; Jn. viii. 48, &c). Sa- 
maria 8. 

Sa-mar'i-tan Pen'ta-teudi (see above, and Penta- 
n i i in. I. The Samaritan Pentateuch is a Recen- 
sion of the commonly received Hebrew Text of the 
Mosaic Law, in use with the Samaritans, and written 
in the ancient Hebrew or so-called Samaritan char- 
acter. This recension is quoted by Origen, Jerome, 
Eusebius, and other Fathers. The Talmud men- 
tions the Samaritan Pentateuch distinctly and con- 
temptuously as a clumsily-forged record. Down to 
within the last two hundred and fifty years, how- 
ever, no copy of this divergent Code of Laws had 
reached Europe, and it began to be pronounced a 
fiction. In 1616, Pietro dclla Valle acquired a 
complete MS. from the Samaritans in Damascus. 
In 1 623 it was presented by Achille Harley de Sancy 
to the Library of the Oratory in Paris, and in 1628 
tin re appeared a brief description of it by J. Mo- 
rin in his preface to the Roman text of the LXX. 
It was published in the Paris Polyglott, whence it 
was copied, with lew emeu da t ions from other copies, 
by Walton. The number of MSS. in Europe has 
gradually grown to eighteen. These MSS. vary in 
size from 12mo to folio, and no scroll, such as the 
Jews and the Samaritans use in their synagogues, 
is found among them. Their material is vellum or 
cotton-paper ; the ink used is black in all cases save 
the scroll used by the Samaritans at Ndblus, the let- 
ters of which are in gold. There are neither vowels, 
accents, nor diacritical points. The individual words 
are separated from each other by a dot. Greater 
or smaller divisions of the text are marked by two 
dots placed one above the other, and by an asterisk. 
A small line above a consonant indicates a peculiar 
meaning of the word, an unusual form, a passive, 
&c. : it is, in fact, a contrivance to bespeak attention. 
The whole Pentateuch is divided into nine hundred 
and sixty-four paragraphs, or Katsin, the termina- 
tion of which is indicated by these figures, 
or <. To none of the MSS. which have as yet reached 
Europe can be assigned a higher date than the 10th 
century a. c. The scroll used in Nabbm is said by 
the Samaritans to have been written by Abishuathe 
son of Phinehas. Its true date is not known. (Old 
Testament; Writing.) Morin and others after him 
\ placed the Samaritan Pentateuch far above the Re- 
| ceived Text in point of genuineness, but Ravius suc- 
I ceeded in finally disposing of this point of the supe- 
riority (1755). It was from his day forward allowed, 
almost on all hands, that the Masoretic text was the 
genuine one, but that in doubtful cases, when the 
' Samaritan had an " unquestionably clearer " reading, 
! this was to be adopted, since a certain amount of 
i value, however limited, did attach to it. Here the 



SAM 



SAM 



961 



matter rested until 1815, when Gesenius, in his mas- 
terly dissertation on its origin and character, abol- 
ished the remnant of the authority of the Samaritan 
Pentateuch. Gesenius divides all the peculiar read- 
ings of the Samaritan Pentateuch into eight classes, 
viz. — I. Readings by which emendations of a gram- 
matical nature have been attempted, (a.) The quies- 
cent letters, or malres lectionis (Old Testament, A 
1), are supplied, (6.) The more poetical forms of 
the pronouns are altered into the more common 
ones, (c.) The same propensity for completing ap- 
parently incomplete forms is noticeable in the flexion 
of the verbs, (d.) On the other hand, the paragogi- 
cal letters vdv (-|) and yod (i), at the end of nouns, 
are almost universally struck out by the Samaritan 
corrector ; and, in the ignorance of the existence of 
nouns of a common gender, he has given them gen- 
ders according to his fancy, (e.) The infinite abso- 
lute is reduced to the form of the finite verb. For 
obsolete or rare forms, the modern and more com- 
mon ones have been substituted in a great number 
of places. 2. Glosses and interpretations received 
into the text. 3. Conjectural emendations of real 
or imaginary difficulties in the Masoretic text. 4. 
Readings in which apparent deficiencies have been 
corrected or supplied from parallel passages in the 
common text. 5. An extension of class 4, com- 
prising larger phrases, additions, and repetitions 
from parallel passages. 6. Emendations of passages 
and words of the Hebrew text which contain some- 
thing objectionable in the eyes of the Samaritans, on 
account either of historical improbability or apparent 
want of dignity in the terms applied to the Creator. 
Thus, in the Samaritan Pentateuch, no one, in the 
antediluvian times, begets his first son after he has 
lived 150 years: but one hundred years are, where 
necessary, subtracted before, and added after the 
birth of the first son. (Chronology; Septuagint.) 
Thus Ex. xii. 40 in our text reads, " Now the sojourn- 
ing of the children of Israel who dwelt in Egypt was 
four hundred and thirty years." « The Samaritan has 
"The sojourning of the children of Israel [and their 
fathers who dwelt in the land of Canaan and. in the 
land of Hggpt] was four hundred and thirty years : " 
an interpolation of very late date indeed. Again, in 
Gen. ii. 2, " And God [? had] finished on the seventh 
day" is altered into "the sixth" lest God's rest on 
the Sabbath-day might seem incomplete. 7. Samar- 
itanisms, i. e. certain Hebrew forms, translated into 
the idiomatic Samaritan. 8. Alterations made in 
favor or on behalf of Samaritan theology, herme- 
neutics, and domestic worship. Thus the word 
Elohim (Gon), four times construed with the plural 
verb in the Hebrew Pentateuch, is in the Samaritan 
Pentateuch joined to the singular verb (Gen. xx. 13, 
xxxi. 53, xxxv. 7; Ex. xxii. 9); and further, an- 
thropomorphisms as well as anthropopathisms are 
carefully expunged — a practice very common in later 
times. The last and perhaps most momentous of 
all intentional alterations is the constant change of 
all the phrases, "God will choose a spot," into "He 
has chosen," viz. Gerizim, and the well-known sub- 
stitution of Gerizim for Ebal in Deut. xxvii. 4 (A. V. 
5). In Exodus as well as in Deuteronomy the Sa- 
maritan has, immediately after the Ten Command- 
ments, the following from Deut. xxvii. 2-7 and xi. 
30 : " And it shall be on the day when ye shall pass 
over Jordan ... ye shall set up these stones . . . 
on Mount Gerizim . . . and there shalt thou build 
an altar . . . ' That mountain ' on the other side 
Jordan by the way where the sun goeth down . . . 
in the champaign over against Gilgal, beside the 
61 



plains of Moreh, ' over against Sheehem ; ' " — this 
last superfluous addition, which is also found in Deut. 
xi. 30 of the Samaritan Pentateuch, being ridiculed 
in the Talmud. — From the immense number of these 
worse than worthless variants Gesenius has singled 
out the following four, which he thinks preferable 
on the whole to those of the Masoretic text ; yet 
they too have since been, all but unanimously, re- 
jected : (1.) After the words, "And Cain spoke to 
his brother Abel" (Gen. iv. 8), the Samaritan adds, 
"let us go into the field." (2.) In Gen. xxii. 13 in- 
stead of " behind him a ram," the Samaritan reads, 
"owe ram." (3.) For (Gen. xlix. 14) "an ass of 
bone," i. e. " a strong ass," the Samaritan has " an 
ass of strangers." (4.) For " he led forth his trained 
servants" (Gen. xiv. 14), the Samaritan reads, "he 
numbered." — Important additions to the preceding 
classes of Gesenius have been made by Frankel, such 
as the Samaritans' preference of the imperative for 
the third person ; ignorance of the use of the infin- 
itive absolute for the imperative ; Galileanisms — to 
which also belongs the permutation of the letters 
Ahevii&leph [g], he [,-|],wdv [-|], yod [->]), in the Sa- 
maritan ; the occasional softening down of the pe 
(fj) into beyth (3), of caph (2) into gimel (3), tsddey 
(2) into zayin (x), &c, and chiefly the presence of 
words and phrases in the Samaritan which are not 
interpolated from parallel passages, but are entirely 
wanting in our text. Frankel derives from these 
passages chiefly the conclusion that the Samaritan 
Pentateuch was, partly at least, emendated from the 
LXX., Onkelos, and other very late sources. Kirch- 
heim makes thirteen classes of peculiarities instead 
of the eight of Gesenius : 1. Additions and altera- 
tions in the Samaritan Pentateuch in favor of Ger- 
izim. 2. Additions for the purpose of completion. 
3. Commentary, glosses. 4. Change of verbs and 
moods. 5. Change of nouns. 6. Emendation of 
seeming irregularities by assimilating forms, &c. 
7. Permutation of letters. 8. Pronouns. 9. Gen- 
der. 10. Letters added. 11. Addition of preposi- 
tions, conjunctions, articles, &c. 12. Junction of 
separated, and separation of joined words. 13. 
Chronological alterations. — Mr. Deutsch, the original 
author of this article, gives four reasons for the di- 
vergency of existing opinions : (a.) the obscurity of 
the history of the Samaritans (Samaria 3) ; (b.) the 
small number of MSS., all comparatively recent ; (e.) 
the imperfect collation of these MSS. ; (d.) the lack 
of any thorough comparison of the various readings 
of the Samaritan Pentateuch and those of the LXX. 
The following are the leading opinions, and the 
chief arguments for and against them : — (1.) The 
Samaritan Pentateuch came into the hands of the Sa- 
maritans as an inheritance from the ten tribes whom 
they succeeded (so J. Morin, Walton, Cappellus, 
Kennicott, Michaelis, Eichhorn, Bauer, Jahn, Ber- 
tholdt, Steudel, Mazade, Stuart, Davidson, &c). Be- 
cause (a.) It seems improbable that the Samaritans 
should have accepted their code at the hands of the 
Jews after the Exile, since there existed an intense 
hatred between the two nationalities. (6.) The Sa- 
maritan Canon has only the Pentateuch in common 
with the Hebrew Canon : had that book been re- 
ceived at a period when the Hagiographa and the 
Prophets were in the Jews' hands, it would be sur- 
prising if they had not also received those, (c.) The 
Samaritan letters, avowedly the more ancient, are 
found in the Samaritan copy : therefore it was written 
before the alteration of the character into the square 
Hebrew — which dates from the end of the Exile — 
took place. On the other side it is argued : — (a.) 



962 



SAM 



SAM 



There existed no religious animosity whatsoever be- 
tween Judah and Israel when they separated. The 
ten tribes could not therefore have bequeathed such 
an animosity to those who succeeded them. On the 
contrary, the contest between the slowly Judaized 
Samaritans and the Jews only dates from the mo- 
ment when the latter refused to recognize the c laims 
of the former, of belonging to the people of God, 
and rejected their aid in building the Temple. ((>.) 
The jealousy with which the Samaritans regarded 
Jerusalem, and the intense hatred which they nat- 
urally conceived against the post-Mosaic writers of 
national Jewish history, would sufficiently account 
for their rejecting the other books, in all of which, 
save Joshua, Judges, and Job, either Jerusalem, as 
the centre of worship, or David and his House, arc 
extolled, (c) The present Hebrew character was 
vol introduced by Ezra after the return from the 
Exile, but came into use at a much later period. 
The Samaritans might therefore have received the 
Pentateuch at the hands of the returned exiles, who, 
according to the Talmud, afterward changed their 
writing, and in the Pentateuch only, so as to distin- 
guish it from the Samaritan. (2.) The second lead- 
ing opinion on the age and origin of the Samaritan 
Pentateuch is that it was introduced by Manasseh 
at the time of the foundation of the Samaritan Sanc- 
tuary on Mount Gerizim (so Ant. van Dale, R. Simon, 
Prideaux, Fulda, Hasse, De Wctte, Gesenius, Hup- 
feld, Hengstenberg, Eeil, &c). In support of this 
opinion are alleged, the idolatry of the Samaritans 
before they received a Jewish priest through Esar- 
haddon (2 K. xvii. 24-33), and the immense number 
of readings common to the LXX. and this Code, 
against the Masoretic text. (3.) Other, but very 
isolated notions, are those of Morin, Le Clerc, Pon- 
cet, &c, that the Israelitish priest sent by the king 
of Assyria to instruct the new inhabitants in the re- 
ligion of the country brought the Pentateuch with 
him. Further, that the Samaritan Pentateuch was 
the production of an impostor, Dositheus, who lived 
during the time of the apostles, and who falsified the 
sacred records in order to prove that he was the 
Messiah (Usher). Against which there is only this 
to be observed, that there is not the slightest altera- 
tion of such a nature to be found. Finally, that it 
is a very late and faulty recension, made after the 
Masoretic Text (sixth century after Christ), into 
which glosses from the LXX. had been received 
(Frankel). — The chief opinions with respect to the 
agreement of the numerous and as yet uninvesti- 
gated readings of the LXX. and the Samaritan Pen- 
tateuch are: — 1. That the LXX. have translated 
from the Samaritan (De Dieu, Selden, Hottinger, 
Hassencamp, Eichhorn, &c). 2. That mutual in- 
terpolations have taken place (Grotius, Usher, 
Ravius, &c). 3. That both versions were formed j 
from Hebrew copies, which differed among them- 
selves as well as from the one which afterward ob- 
tained public authority in Palestine; that, however, 
very many wilful corruptions and interpolations have 
crept in in later times (Gesenius). 4. That the Sa- 
maritan has in the main been altered from the LXX. 
(Frankel). — But the Samaritan and LXX. quite as 
often disagree with each other, and follow each the 
Masoretic Text. Further, the quotations in the X. T. 
from the LXX., where they coincide with the Samari- 
tan against the Hebrew Text, are so few and unimpor- 
tant that they cannot be adduced as any argument 
whatsoever. — II. Fem'on.sfrom the Samaritan Penta- 
teuch. 1. Samaritan. According to the Samaritans 
themselves, their high-priest Nathaniel, who died 



about 20 n. c, is its author. Gesenius puts its date a 
few years a. C. J uynboll thinks that it had long been 
in use in the second century a. c. Frankel places 
it after Mohammed. Other investigators date it 
from the time of Esar-haddon's priest (so Schwarz), 
or either shortly before or after the foundation of 
the temple on Mount Geri/.im. It seems certain, 
however, that it was composed before the destruc- 
tion of the second temple; and being intended, like 
the Targums, for the use of the people exclusively, 
it was written in the popular Samaritan idiom, a 
mixture of Hebrew, Aramaic, and Syriac. In this 
version the original has been followed, with a very 
few exceptions, in a slavish and sometimes perfectly 
childish manner, the sense evidently being of minor 
consideration. In other cases, where no Samaritan 
equivalent c ould be found for -the Hebrew word, the 
translator, instead of paraphrasing it, simply trans- 
poses its letters, so as to make it look Samaritan. 
On the whole it may be considered a very valuable 
aid toward the study of the Samaritan Text, on ac- 
count of its very close verbal adherence. A few 
cases, however, may be brought forward, where the 
Version has departed from the Text, cither under 
the influence of popular religious notions, or for 
the sake of explanation. Anthropomorphisms arc 
avoided. "Angel" is frequently found instead of 
" God." A great difficulty is offered by the proper 
names which this version often substitutes, they be- 
ing, in many cases, less intelligible than the original 
ones. The similarity it has with Onkelos occasion- 
ally amounts to complete identity ; but no safe con- 
clusion as to the respective relation of the two ver- 
sions can be drawn from this. This Version has 
likewise, in passing through the hands of copyists 
and commentators, suffered many interpolations and 
corruptions. The first copy of it was brought to 
Europe by De la Valle, together with the Samaritan 
Text, in 1616, J. Nedrinus first published it to- 
gether with a faulty Latin translation in the Paris 
Polyglott, whence it was, with a few emendations, 
reprinted in Walton, with some notes by Castell. — 
2. Greek-Samaritan. The hatred between the Sa 
maritans and the Jews is supposed to have caused 
the former to prepare a Greek translation of their 
Pentateuch in opposition to the LXX. of the Jews. 
In this way at least the existence of certain frag- 
ments of a Greek Version of the Samaritan Penta- 
teuch, preserved in some MSS. of the LXX., to- 
gether with portions of Aquila, Symmachus, Theo- 
dotion, &c., is accounted for. These fragments are 
supposed to be alluded to by the Greek Fathers 
under the name Samarcilikon (Gr. — Samaritan). 
It is doubtful, however, whether it ever existed (as 
Gesenius, Winer, Juynboll suppose) in the shape 
of a complete translation, or only designated (as 
Castell, Voss, Herbst hold) a certain number of 
scholia translated from the Samaritan Version. 
Other critics (Haverniek, Hengstenberg, &c.) see 
in it only a corrected edition of certain passages of 
the LXX. — 3. In 1070 an Arabic Version of the 
Samaritan Pentateuch was made by Abu Said in 
Egypt, on the basis of the Arabic translation of 
Saadiah haggaon. (Versions, Ancient [Arabic].) 
Like the original Samaritan it avoids anthropo- 
morphisms and anthropopathisms, replacing the 
latter by euphemisms, besides occasionally making 
some slight alterations, especially in proper nouns. 
It appears to have been drawn up from the Samar- 
itan Text, not from the Samaritan Version. Its 
language is far from elegant, or even correct. — i. 
To this Arabic version Abu Barachat, a Syrian, 



SAM 



SAM 



963 



wrote in 1208 a somewhat paraphrastic commen- 
tary, which has by degrees come to be looked upon 
as a new Version — the Syriac. — III. Samaritan 
Literature, besides the Pentateuch and its versions. 
1. Chronicon Samaritanum (L. — Samaritan Chron- 
icle). " There is no Prophet but Moses " is a chief 
dogma of the Samaritans. Fierce invectives are 
uttered against Samuel, Eli, Solomon, Ezra, &c. 
Joshua alone seems to have found favor in their 
eyes ; but the Book of Joshua, which they perhaps 
possessed in its original form, gradually came to 
form only the groundwork of a fictitious national 
Samaritan history, overgrown with the most fantas- 
tic and anachronistic legends. This is the so-called 
" Samaritan Joshua," or Chronicon, Samaritanum, 
sent to Scaliger by the Samaritans of Cairo in 1584. 
It was edited by Juynboll (Leyden, 1848), and his 
acute investigations have shown that it was re- 
dacted into its present form about a. d. 1300, out 
of four special documents, three of which were 
Arabic, and one Hebrew (i. e. Samaritan). The 
chronicle embraces the time from " King Joshua " 
to about a. d. 350, and was originally written in, or 
subsequently translated into, Arabic. 2. From this 
work chiefly has been compiled another chronicle 
written in 1355, by Abu'l Fatah. This comprises 
the history of the Jews and Samaritans from Adam 
to the years of the Hegira 756 and 798 (a. d. 1355 
and 139*7) respectively. It is of equally low his- 
torical value ; its only remarkable feature being the 
adoption of certain Talmudical legends, which it 
took at second hand from Josippon ben Gorion. 3. 
A work on the history and genealogy of the patri- 
archs, from Adam to Moses, attributed to Moses 
himself ; perhaps the same which Petermann saw 
at N&blus, and which consisted of sixteen vellum 
leaves (supposed, however, to contain the history 
of the world down to the end). 4. Other Samaritan 
works chiefly in Arabic — their Samaritan and He- 
brew literature having mostly been destroyed by 
the Emperor Commodus — are : some Commentaries 
upon the whole or parts of their Pentateuch ; a few 
theological works chiefly in Arabic, mixed with Sa- 
maritanisms ; and some grammatical works. 5. 
Their Liturgical literature consists chiefly of hymns 
(Defter, Durrdn) and prayers for Sabbath and Feast 
days, and of occasional prayers at nuptials, circum- 
cisions, burials, &c. — IV. We shall only briefly 
touch here upon the strangely contradictory rab- 
binical laws framed for the regulation of the inter- 
course between the two rival nationalities of Jews 
and Samaritans in religious and ritual matters ; dis- 
crepancies due partly to the ever-shifting phases of 
their mutual relations, partly to the modifications 
brought about in the Samaritan creed, and partly to 
the now less now greater acquiescence of the Jews 
in the religious state of the Samaritans. Thus we 
find the older Talmudical authorities disputing 
whether the Cuthim (Samaritans) are to be consid- 
ered as " Real Converts," or only converts through 
fear — " Lion Converts." (Proselyte IV.) It would 
appear that notwithstanding their rejection of all 
but the Pentateuch, they had adopted many tradi- 
tional religious practices from the Jews — principally 
such as were derived direct from the Books of Mo- 
ses. It was acknowledged that they kept these or- 
dinances with even greater rigor than those from 
whom they adopted them. The utmost confidence 
was therefore placed in them for their ritually 
slaughtering animals, even fowls ; their wells are 
pronounced to be conformed to all the conditions 
prescribed by the Mishna ; their unleavened bread 



for the Passover is commended ; their cheese ; and 
even their whole food is allowed to the Jews. Their 
testimony was valued in that most stringent matter 
of the letter of divorce. They were admitted to 
the office of circumcising Jewish boys. The criminal 
law makes no difference between them and the 
Jews. By degrees, however, inhibitions began to 
be laid upon the use of their wine, vinegar, bread. 
We hear of their exclusion by R. Meir, in the third 
generation of the Tanaim (Aram. = repeaters, or 
teachers of the Law), and later again under R. 
Abbuha, the Amora (Aram. = expositor, or later 
doctor of the Law), at the time of Diocletian ; this 
time the exclusion was unconditional and final. 
Partaking of their bread was considered a trans- 
gression, to be punished like eating the flesh of 
swine. In Mat. x. 5 Samaritans and Gentiles are 
already mentioned together; and in Lk. xvii. 18 the 
Samaritan is called " a stranger." The reason for 
this exclusion is variously given. 

Sam'a-tus (fr. Gr.), one of the sons of Ozora in 
the list of 1 Esd. ix. 34. 

*Sa'mech [-mek] (Heb. fulcrum, support, Ges.), 
the fifteenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. 
cxix.). Writing. 

Sa-mei'ns [-me'yus] (fr. Gr.) = Shemaiah 13 (1 
Esd. ix. 21). 

Sam'gar-ne'bo (Heb. fr. Pers. = sword of Nebo, • 
i. e. of Mercury ? Ges. ; Fiirst makes Samgar = 
cupbearer, and connects Nebo with the following 
Sarsechim ; Von Bohlen makes Samgar = war- 
rior), one of the princes or generals of the king of 
Babylon who commanded the army of the Chal- 
deans at the capture of Jerusalem (Jer. xxxix. 3). 

Sa'mi = Shobai (1 Esd. v. 28). 

Sa'mis = Shimei 13 (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Sam'Iall (Heb. a garment), a king of Edom, suc- 
cessor to Hadad or Hadar (Gen. xxxvi. 36, 3*7 ; 1 
Chr. i. 47, 48). Mr. E. S. Poole supposes Masre- 
kah was his chief city. 

Snm'mns (fr. Gr. ) = Shema (1 Esd. ix. 43). 

Sa'tnas (Gr. a height, especially by the sea-shore, 
Str., L. & S.), a very illustrious Greek island off that 
part of Asia Minor where Ionia touches Caria. 
Samos is a very lofty and commanding island. It 
was celebrated for its fertility, its pottery, its temple 
of Juno, and as the birth-place of Pythagoras. It 
is noticed in the account of St. Paul's return from 
his third missionary journey (Acts xx. 15). He had 
been at Chios, and was about to proceed to Miletus, 
having passed by Ephesus without touching there. 
The night was spent at the anchorage of Trogyl- 
lium, in the narrow strait between Samos and the 
extremity of the mainland-ridge of Mycale. This 
spot is famous for the great battle of the old Greeks 
against the Persians in b. c. 479, and for a gallant 
action of the modern Greeks against the Turks in 
1824. Jews resided here (1 Mc. xv. 23). Samos 
was anciently mistress of the sea, afterward a val- 
uable dependency of Athens. In the time of Herod 
the Great, and when St. Paul was there, it was po- 
litically a " free city " in the province of Asia. Ro- 
man Empire. 

Sam-o-thra'ci-a [-she-a] (L. fr. Gr. — the Samos 
[or height] of Thrace, Str.), an island in the ^Egean 
Sea, off the coast of Thrace, mentioned in the ac- 
count of St. Paul's first voyage to Europe (Acts 
xvi. 11). Being a very lofty and conspicuous island, 
it is an excellent landmark for sailors, and must 
have been full in view, if the weather was clear, 
throughout that voyage from Troas to Neapolis. 
This voyage, made with a fair wind, occupied only 



9G4 



SAM 



SAM 



parts of two days, and the technical word here 
used (A. V. "came with a straight course") implies 
that they ran before the wind (compare the five 
days of a subsequent return-voyage, xx. 6). Now, 
the position of this island exactly corresponds with 
these notices. St. Paul and his companions an- 
chored for the night off Samothracia. The ancient 
city, and therefore probably the usual anchorage, 
was on the north side, which would be sufficiently 
sheltered from a S. E. wind. In St. Paul's time 
Samothracia (or Samothrace) had, according to 
Pliny, the privileges of a small free state, though 
it was doubtless considered a dependency of the 
province of Macedonia. The n:\sterious divinities 
called Oabiri were here worshipped. 

Samp sa-mcs [meez] (Gr.), a name in the list of 
those written to by the Romans in behalf of the 
Jews (1 Mc. xv. 23). It was probably a place, 
which Grimm identifies with Samsun on the coast 
of the Black Sea, between Sinope and Trebizond. 

Sam SOD (L. ; Gr. Samjisun ; fr. Ueb. Shims/ton = 
sunlike, Ges. ; strong, Jos. ; the distinguished, the 
hero, Fii.), son of Manoah, a man of Zokaii, in the 
tribe of Dan, on the border of Judah (Josh. xv. 33, 
xix. 41). The account of his birth, life, and exploits 
is given in Judg. xiii.-xvi. His birth was foretold 
by an angel of the Lord, w ho said that he should 
be "a Nazaritk unto God from the womb," and 
should " begin to deliver Israel out of the hand of 
the PiiiLiSTiNF.s." He sought, contrary to his pa- 
rents' wish, to marry a Philistine female of Tim- 
Natii, acting in this under the prompting and secret 
control of Jehovah, who saw fit thus to bring upon 
the Philistines a righteous retribution. On his way 
to Timnath he slew a lion, in the carcass of which 
he afterward found a swarm of bees and honey. 
(Bee.) At the marriage feast he put forth a riddle, 
the solution of which the guests obtained through 
his wife's treachery. He then went to Ashkelon 
and slew thirty Philistines, whose garments (Dress) 
he give as the prize to those who expounded the 
riddle. His wife was given to another, and Samson 
then caught 300 foxes or jackals (Fox), fastened a 
firebrand to each pair, and turned them into the 
standing corn of the Philistines. The enraged 
Philistines burnt his wife and her father ; Samson 
slew many of the Philistines, and retired to the rock 
Etam (Etam, the Rock); and afterward, bound by 
the men of Judah and delivered up to the Philis- 
tines, he slew a thousand of the latter in Lehi with 
the jaw-bone of an ass, and was then refreshed by 
drinking of the spring En-hakkore. Subsequently 
visiting a harlot in Gaza, and watched by his ene- 
mies, he escaped them by carrying off both doors 
or leaves of one of the city-gates with their posts 
and bar to the top of a hill in the direction of He- 
bron. After (his, he loved a woman in the valley 
of Sorek, named Delilah, who enticed him to re- 
veal to her the secret of his great strength and 
then betrayed him to his enemies, who put out his 
eyes (Punishments) and made him grind corn in the 
prison-house at Gaza. (Mill.) After his hair be- 
gan to grow and his strength returned, the Philis- 
tines made a great sacrifice to Dagon and brought 
out Samson to make sport for them. He then, 
taking hold of the two middle pillars on which the 
house stood, pulled down the whole edifice, and 
thus slew at his death about 3,000 men and women. 
(1.) As a judge his authority seems to have been 
limited to the district bordering upon the country 
of the Philistines, and his action as a deliverer does 
not seem to have extended beyond desultory attacks 



upon the dominant Philistines. It is evident from 
Judg. xiii. 1, 5, xv. 9-11, 20, and the whole history, 
that the Israelites, or at least Judah and Dan, which 
are the only tribe? mentioned, were subject to the 
Philistines through the whole of Samson's judge- 
ship; so that Samson's twenty years of oflice (xvi. 
31) would be included in the forty years of the 
Philistine dominion. From the angel's speech to 
Samson's mother (xiii. 5), it appears further that 
the Israelites were already subject to the Philistines 
at liis birth ; and as Samson cannot have begun to 
be judge before he was twenty years of age, it fol- 
lows that his judgeship must have coincided with 
the last twenty years of Philistine dominion. But 
in 1 Sam. vii. 1-14, &c, we find that the Philistine 
dominion cra.-cd under the judgeship of Samuel. 
Hence Lord A. C. Hcrvey concludes that the early 
part of Samuel's judgeship coincided with the latter 
pari of Samson's; and that the capture of the ark 
by the Philistines in the time of Eli occurred dur- 
ing Samson's lifetime. Lord A. C. Hcrvey also 
argues the proximity of the times of Samson and 
Samuel from the general prominence of the Philis- 

I tines in their relation to Israel, the Nazaritism of 

I both Samson and Samuel (xiii. C, xvi. 17; compare 
I Sam. i. ill, ancl the similar notices of the house 
of Dagon and of the lords of the Philistines (Judg. 
xvi. 8, 1 8, 23, 27 ; 1 Sam. v. 2, 7 ; Juoges, Book ok). 
There is no allusion whatever to other parts of Is- 
rael during Samson's judgeship, except the single 
fact of the men of the borde r tribe of Judah, :;,<i()() 

[ in number, fetching him from the rock Etam to 
deliver him up to the Philistines (Judg. xv. 9-13). 
The whole narrative is entirely local, and, like the 
following story concerning Micah (xvii., xviii.), 
seems to be taken from the annals of the tribe of 
Dan. (2.) As a Nazarite, Samson exhibits the law 
in Num. vi. in full practice (Judg. xiii. 5, xvi. 17). 
(3.) Samson was endowed with supernatural power 
by the Spirit of the Lord. " The Spirit of the Lord 
began to move him at times in Mahaneh-dan." 
" The Spirit of the Lord came mightily upon him, 
and the cords that were upon his arms became as 
flax burnt with fire." " The Spirit of the Lord came 
upon him, and he went down to Ashkelon, and slew 
thirty men of them " (Judg. xiii. 25, xv. 14, xiv. 19). 
After his locks were cut, and his strength was gone 
from him, it is said, "he wist not that the Lord 
was departed from him" (xiii. 25, xiv. 6, 19, xv. 
14, xvi. 20). The phrase, " the Spirit of the Lord 
came upon him," is common to him with Othniel and 
Gideon (hi. 10, vi. 34); but the connection of super- 
natural power with the integrity of the Nazaritic 
vow, and the particular gift of great strength of 
body, as seen in tearing in pieces a lion, breaking 

| his bonds asunder, carrying the gates of the city on 

J his back, and throwing down the pillars which sup- 
ported the house of Dagon, are peculiar to Samson. 
Indeed, his whole character and his history have no 
exact parallel in Scripture. It is easy, however, to 
see how forcibly the Israelites would be taught, by 
such an example, that their national strength lay in 
their complete separation from idolatry, and conse- 
cration to the true God ; and that He could give 
them power to subdue their mightiest enemies, if 

i only they were true to His service (compare 1 Sam. 
ii. 10). — Samson was one of the most remarkable 
personages in history. God seems to have raised 
him up " to baffle the power of the whole Philistine 

' nation by the prowess of a single individual. . . . 
The enrolment of his name by an apostolic Jew 
(Heb. xi. 32) in the list of the ancient worthies, who 



SAM 



SAM 



965 



had by faith obtained an excellent report, warrants 
us undoubtedly in a favorable estimate of his char- 
acter on the whole, while at the same time the 
fidelity of the inspired narrative has perpetuated the 
record of infirmities which must for ever mar the 
lustre of his noble deeds " (Bush, in Kitto). — It is an 
interesting question whether any of the legends re- 
specting Hercules were derived from Phenician 
traditions of the strength of Samson. The combina- 
tion of great strength with submission to the power 
of women ; the slaying of the Nemean lion ; the 
coming by his death at the hands of his wife ; and 
especially the story told by Herodotus of the cap- 
tivity of Hercules in Egypt, are certainly remarkable 
coincidences. Phenician traders might easily have 
carried stories concerning the Hebrew hero to 
Greece, Italy, &c, and such stories would have been 
moulded according to the taste or imagination of 
those who heard them. 

Sam'u-el (L. fr. Heb. Shemuel = name of God, Ori- 
gen ? Ges. ; placdby God ; asked of God, Jos. ; heard 
of God, Stl., &c.), also written Shemuel, the last 
Judge, the first of the regular succession of Prophets 
(Prophet), and the founder of the monarchy. (King.) 
He was son of Elkanah 4, an Ephrathite or Ephraim- 
ite (Ephrathite 2), and of Hannah. His birth-place 
(1 Sam. i. 1, 19; Kamah 2 ; Ramathaim-zophim) is 
one of the vexed questions of sacred geography, as 
his descent is of sacred genealogy. Elkanah's family 
must have been large. His wife Peninnah had sev- 
eral children, and Hannah had, besides Samuel, 
three sons and two daughters. In the account of 
Samuel's birth Hannah is described as a woman of 
a high religious mission. Almost a Nazarite by 
practice (i. 15), and a prophetess in her gifts (ii. l), 
she sought from God the gift of the child for which 
she longed with a passionate devotion of silent 
prayer, of which there is no other example in the 
O. T., and when the son was granted, the name 
which he bore, and thus first introduced into the 
world, expressed her sense of the urgency of her en- 
treaty — Samuel ( = " the Asked [or Heard] of 
God"). Living in the great age of vows, she had 
before his birth dedicated him to the office of a 
Nazarite. As soon as he was weaned (Child), she 
herself with her husband brought him to the Taber- 
nacle at Shiloh, where she had received the first 
intimation of his birth, and there solemnly conse- 
crated him (i. 24). Then his mother made him over 
to Eli (25, 28), and the child himself performed an 
act of worship. The hymn which followed on this 
consecration is the first of the kind in the sacred 
volume (ii. 1-10 ; Poetry, Hebrew). From this 
time the child is shut up in the Tabernacle. The 
priests furnished him with an ephod, and his mother 
every year, apparently at the only time of their 
meeting, gave him a little mantle. (Dress ; Man- 
tle 2.) He seems to have slept within the Holiest 
Place (iii. 3), and his special duty was to put out, as 
it would seem, the sacred candlestick, and to open 
the doors at sunrise. In this way his childhood was 
passed. Whilst thus sleeping in the Tabernacle he 
received his first prophetic call (iii. 1-18). The 
stillness of the night — the sudden voice — the child- 
like misconception — the venerable Eli — the contrast 
between the terrible doom and the gentle creature 
who has to announce it — give to this portion of the 
narrative a universal interest. From this moment 
the prophetic character of Samuel was established. 
His words were treasured up, and Shiloh became 
the resort of those who came to hear him (iii. 19- 
21). In the overthrow of the sanctuary, which fol- 



lowed shortly on this vision, we hear not what be- 
came of Samuel (iv. 11). He next appears, prob- 
ably twenty years afterward, suddenly among the 
people, warning them against their idolatrous prac- 
tices (vii. 3, 4). He convened an assembly at Miz- 
peh. As he was offering up a sacrifice, and sustain- 
ing his loud cry of supplication, the Philistine host 
suddenly burst upon them. A violent thunderstorm 
came to the timely assistance of Israel. The Philis- 
tines fled, and, exactly at the spot where twenty 
years before they had obtained their great victory, 
they were entirely routed. A stone was set up, 
which long remained as a memorial wf Samuel's tri- 
umph, and gave to the place its name of Eben-ezer 
= the Stone of Help (vii. 12). This was Samuel's 
first and, as far as we know, his only military achieve- 
ment. But it was apparently this which raised him 
to the office of "Judge" (comp. xii. 11 and Ecclus. 
xlvi. 15-18). He visited, in discharge of his duties 
as ruler, the three chief sanctuaries on the W. of 
Jordan — Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh (1 Sam. vii. 
16). His own residence was still his native city, 
Ramah or Ramathaim, which he further conse- 
crated by an altar (vii. IV). Here he married, and 
two sons (Abiah 3 ; Joel 1 ; Vashni) grew up to 
repeat under his eyes the same perversion of high 
office that he had himself witnessed in his child- 
hood in the case of the two sons of Eli. In his 
old age he shared his power with them (viii. 1- 
4). — Down to this point in Samuel's life there is little 
to distinguish his career from that of his predeces- 
sors. But his peculiar position in the sacred narra- 
tive turns on the events which follow. He is the 
inaugurator of the transition from what is commonly 
called the theocracy (Jehovah ; King) to the mon- 
archy. The misdemeanor of his own sons precipi- 
tated the catastrophe which had been long prepar- 
ing. The people demanded a king. For the whole 
night he lay fasting and sleepless, in the perplexity 
of doubt and difficulty (so Dean Stanley, original 
author of this article, after Josephus). In the vision 
of that night, as recorded by the sacred historian, is 
given the dark side of the new institution, on which 
Samuel dwells on the following day (1 Sam. viii. 9- 
18). This presents his reluctance to receive the 
new order of things. The whole narrative of the 
reception and consecration of Saul gives his ac- 
quiescence in it. The final conflict of feeling and 
surrender of his office is given in the last assembly 
over which he presided, and in his subsequent rela- 
tions with Saul. The assembly was held at Gilgal, 
immediately after the victory over the Ammonites. 
The monarchy was a second time solemnly inaugu- 
rated, and " Saul (so the Hebrew text ; ' Samuel,' 
according to the LXX.) and all the men of Israel re- 
joiced greatly." Then takes place his farewell ad- 
dress. He appeals to their knowledge of his integ- 
rity, and sums up the new situation in which they 
have placed themselves, and although the wicked- 
ness of asking a king is still strongly insisted on, 
and the thunderstorm (in May or June ; Rain ; 
Thunder), in answer to his prayer, is urged as a 
sign of the Divine displeasure, the king is repeatedly 
acknowledged as the Lord's " anointed " (Anoint- 
ing), the future prosperity of the nation is declared 
to depend on their use or misuse of the new consti- 
tution, and Samuel retires with expressions of good- 
will and hope (xii.). It is the most signal example 
afforded in the 0. T. of a great character reconci- 
ling himself to a changed order of things, and of the 
Divine sanction resting on his acquiescence. — His 
subsequent relations with Saul are of the same mixed 



966 



SAM 



SAM 



kind. The two institutions which they respectively 
represented ran on side by side. Samuel was still 
Judge. He judged Israel "all the days of his life" 
(vii. 15), and from time to time came across the 
king's path. Samuel is called emphatically " the 
Prophet" (Acts iii. 24, xiii. 20). He was especially 
known in his old age as "Samuel the Seer" (1 Sam. 
ix. 11, 18, 19; 1 dir. ix. 22, xxvi. 28, xxix. 29). 
He was consulted far and neat- on the small affairs 
of life (1 Sam. ix. 7, 8). From this prophetic gift, 
combined with his office of ruler, an awful rever- 
ence grew up around him. No sacrificial feast was 
thought complete without his blessing (ix. 18). A 
peculiar virtue was believed to reside in his inter- 
cession. He was conspicuous in later times among , 
those that " call upon the name of the Lord " (Ps. 
xcix. 6 ; 1 Sam. xii. 18; Jer. xv. 1). There was 
something peculiar (so Stanley) in the long-sustained 
cry or shout of supplication, which seemed to draw 
down as by force the Divine answer (1 Sam. vii. 8, 
9, xv. 11). But two points more especially placed 
him at the head of the prophetic order as it after- 
ward appeared. The first is brought out in his re- 
lation with Saul, the second in his relation with 
David. (1.) He represents the independence of the 
moral law, of the Divine Will, as distinct from regal 
or sacerdotal enactments, which is so remarkable a 
characteristic of all the later prophets. He was, if 
a Levite, yet certainly not a priest ; and all the at- 
tempts to identify his opposition to Saul with a hier- 
archical interest are founded on a complete miscon- 
ception of the facts of the case. From the time of 
the overthrow of Shiloh, he never appears in the re- 
motest connection with the priestly order. When 
he counsels Saul, it is not as the priest but as the 
prophet. Saul's sin, in both cases where he came 
into collision with Samuel, was not of intruding into 
sacerdotal functions, but of disobedience to the pro- 
phetic voice. The first was that of not waiting for 
Samuel's arrival, according to the sign given by 
Samuel at his original meeting at Ramah (x. 8, xiii. 
8) ; the second (xv.) was that of not carrying out the 
stern prophetic injunction for the destruction of the 
Amalekites. The aged prophet with his own hand 
hacked Agag limb from limb, and with true pro- 
phetic utterance said to Saul, "To obey is better than 
sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams." The 
parting was not one of rivals, but of dear though 
divided friends. The king throws himself on the 
prophet with all his force ; not without a vehement 
effort the prophet tears himself away. A long 
shadow of grief fell over the prophet. " Samuel 
mourned for Saul" (xv. 11, 35; xvi. 1). (2.) He is 
the first of the regular succession of prophets (Acts 
iii. 24). Moses, Miriam, and Deborah, perhaps 
Ehud, had been prophets. From Samuel, however, 
the continuous succession was unbroken. His 
mother, though not expressly so called, was in fact 
a prophetess. But the connection of the continuity 
of the office with Samuel appears to be still more 
direct. It is in his lifetime, long after he had been 
" established as a prophet " (1 Sam. iii. 20), that we 
hear of the companies of disciples, called in the 
0. T. " the sons of the prophets," by modern writers 
"the schools of the prophets." Samuel is expressly 
described as " standing appointed over them " (xix. 
20). In those schools, and learning to cultivate the 
prophetic gifts, were some, whom we know for cer- 
tain, others whom we may almost certainly conjec- 
ture, to have been so trained or influenced. One 
was Saul. Twice at least he is described as having 
been in the company of Samuel's disciples (x. 10, 



11, xix. 24). Another was David. The first ac- 
quaintance of Samuel with David was when he pri- 
vately anointed him at the house of Jesse. But the 
connection thus begun with the shepherd-boy nnist 
have been continued afterward. David, at first, fli d 
to " Naioth in Ramah," as to his second home (xix. 
19). Samuel there becomes the spiritual father of 
the Psalmist king. He is also the founder of the 
first regular institutions of religious instruction, and 
communities for the purposes of education. — The 
death of Samuel is described as taking place in 
the year of the close of David's wanderings. It 
is said with peculiar emphasis, as if to mark the 
loss, that " all the Israelites were gathered together " 
I from all parts of this hitherto divided country, and 
"lamented him," and " buried him," not in any con- 
secrated place, nor outside the w alls of his city, but 
within his own house, thus in a manner consecrated 
by being tinned into his tomb (xxv. 1). The place 
long pointed out as his tomb is the height, most 
conspicuous of all in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, 
immediately above the town of Gibeon, now called 

Yi hij S'tmiril ( — //„ /*,->/.•/('/ Stimuli). His relics 
were translated from Judea (the. place is not speci- 
fied) a. d. 400, to Constantinople, and received there 
with much pomp by the Emperor Arcadius. Heman, 
his grandson, was one of the chief singers in the 
Levitical choir (1 Chr. vi. 33, xv. 17, xxv. 5). On the 
apparition of Samuel at En-dor (1 Sam. xxviii. 14 ; 
Ecclus. xlvi. 20), see Magic, p. 585. It has been sup- 
posed that Samuel wrote a Life of David, of course 
of his earlier years (1 Chr. xxix. 29); but this ap- 
pears doubtful. Various other books of the 0. T. 
have been ascribed to him by the Jewish tradition. 
(Judges; Ruth; Samuel, Books of.) He is regard- 
ed by the Samaritans as a magician and an infidel. 
Samaritan Pentateuch, III. 1; Samuel, Books of. 

Samn-el (see above), Cooks of, two historical books 
of the O. T., which are not separated from each other 
in the Hebrew MSS., and which, from a critical point 
of view, must be regarded as one book. The pres- 
ent division was first made in the LXX., and was 
adopted in the Vulgate from the LXX. It was not 
till a. d. 1518 that the division of the LXX. was 
adopted in Hebrew, in the edition of the Bible print- 
ed by the Bombergs at Venice. (Old Testament.) 
The book was called by the Hebrews " Samuel," 
probably because the birth and life of Samuel were 
the subjects treated of in the beginning of the work. 
The whole consists of three large sections: — (I.) 
The history and administration of Samuel (1 Sam. 
i.-vii.). (II.) The establishment of a monarchy, and 
the history of Saul's reign (viii.-xxxi.), including (1.) 
Saul's advancement and administration till God re- 
jected him (viii.-xv.), and (2.) his downward course 
till his death (xvi.-xxxi.). (III.) David's reign (2 
Sam. i.-xxiv.), including (1.) his career of conquest 
and prosperity (i.— ix.), (2.) his great sin, and the 
troubles which afterward afflicted his house (x.- 
xxiv.). — A, Authorship and Date of the Book. 1. 
In common with all the historical books of the O. T., 
except the beginning of Nehemiah, the Book of 
Samuel contains no mention in the text of the name 
of its author. It is indisputable that the title 
" Samuel " does not imply that the prophet was the 
author of the Book of Samuel as a whole ; for the 
death of Samuel is recorded in the beginning of 1 
Sam. xxv. The absence of the historian's name 
from both the text and the title of the book is not 
supplied by any statement of any other writer, made 
within a reasonable period from the time when the 
book may be supposed to have been written. No 



SAM 



SAM 



967 



mention of the author's name is made in the Book 
of Kings, nor, as will be hereafter shown, in the 
Chronicles, nor in any other of the sacred writ- 
ings. It is not mentioned in the Apocrypha or 
in Josephus, or in the Mishna. In the Babylonian 
Gemara, which is supposed to have been completed 
in its present form somewhere about a. d. 500, 
it is for the first time asserted that " Samuel 
wrote his book," i. e. as the words imply, the book 
which bears his name. But this statement cannot 
be proved to have been made earlier than 1,550 
years after the death of Samuel, and is unsupported 
by reference to any authority of any kind. Abar- 
banel, a learned Jew, who died a. d. 1508, pro- 
pounded the opinion that the Book of Samuel was 
written by the prophet Jeremiah, and this opinion 
was adopted by Hugo Grotius. But this opinion is 
highly improbable. In our own time the most prev- 
alent idea seems to be that the first twenty-four 
chapters of the Book of Samuel were written by 
the prophet himself, and the rest of the chapters 
by the prophets Nathan and Gad. Mr. Twisleton 
thinks that two circumstances have contributed to 
the adoption of this opinion at the present day : — 
(a.) the growth of stricter ideas as to the impor- 
tance of knowing who was the author of any histor- 
ical work which advances claims to be trustworthy ; 
(b.) the mistranslation of 1 Chr. xxix. 29, which Mr. 
Twisleton, with the LXX., &c, would translate thus: 
— " Now the history of David first and last, behold 
it is written in the history of Samuel the seer, and 
in the history of Nathan the prophet, and in the 
history of Gad the seer " — the Hebrew word dibrey 
(— "acts" and "book," A. V., Vulg., &c.) being 
here translated " history " in each of the four times 
that it is used. Mr. Twisleton thinks it morally 
certain that this passage of the Chronicles is no 
authority for the supposition that, when it was writ- 
ten, any work was in existence of which either Gad, 
Nathan, or Samuel, was the author. 2. Although 
the authorship of the Book of Samuel cannot be 
ascertained with any certainty, there are some in- 
dications as to the date of the work. The earliest 
undeniable external evidence of the existence of 
the book seems to be the Greek translation of it in 
the Septuagint. The next best external testimony 
is 2 Mc. ii. 13, in which it is said of Nehemiah that, 
" he, founding a library, gathered together the acts 
of the kings, and the prophets, and of David, and 
the epistles of trie kings concerning the holy gifts." 
Now, although this passage (Maccabees, Books of, 
II.) cannot be relied on for proving that Nehemiah 
himself did in fact ever found such a library, yet it 
is good evidence to prove that the Acts of the 
Kings were in existence when the passage was writ- 
ten ; and it cannot reasonably be doubted that this 
phrase was intended to include the Book of Samuel, 
which is equivalent to 1 and 2 Kings in the LXX. 
(Kings, First and Second Books of.) Hence there 
is external evidence that the Book of Samuel was 
written before 2 Maccabees. And lastly, 1 Chr. xxix. 
29 seems likewise to prove externally that the Book 
of Samuel was written before the Chronicles, " the 
history (A. V. ' book ') of Samuel the seer" in this 
passage being most naturally understood as referring 
to this work. — The internal evidence respecting the 
Book of Samuel indicates that it was written some 
centuries earlier; for (a.) It seems to have been 
written at a time when the Pentateuch was not 
acted on as the rule of religious observances (1 Sam. 
vii. 9, 10, 17, ix. 13, x. 3, xiv. 35 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 18- 
25 ; High Places ; Sacrifice). This circumstance 



points to its date as earlier than the reformation of 
Josiah. (b.) It is in accordance with this early 
date that allusions in it even to the existence of 
Moses are so few (1 Sam. xii. 6, 8). To a religious 
Jew, when the laws of the Pentateuch were ob- 
served, Moses could not fail to be the predominant 
idea in his mind ; but Moses would not necessarily 
be of equal importance to a Hebrew historian who 
lived before the reformation of Josiah. (c.) It tal- 
lies with an early date that it is one of the best 
specimens of Hebrew prose in the golden age of He- 
brew literature. In prose it holds the same place 
which Joel and the undisputed prophecies of Isaiah 
hold in poetical or prophetical language. At the 
same time this argument from language must not be 
pushed so far as to imply that, standing alone, it 
would be conclusive; for some writings, the date of 
which is about the time of the Captivity (e. g. Hab- 
akkuk), are in pure Hebrew. — Mr. Twisleton con- 
cludes, from the above arguments and from 1 Sam. 
xxvii. 6, that the work was composed at a period 
not later than the reformation of Josiah (about b. c. 
622), — that the very earliest point of time at which 
it could have existed in its present form was subse- 
quent to the secession of the Ten Tribes (b. c. 975), 
— but that the precise time between 975 b. c. and 
622 b. c, when it was composed, cannot be definitely 
ascertained. Dr. Samuel Davidson thinks " that 
the writer or compiler of the whole lived after Re- 
hoboam, perhaps under Abijah, Rehoboam's son." 
The death of David, although evidently implied in 
2 Sam. v. 5, is not directly recorded in Samuel. 
From this fact Havernick infers that the author 
lived not long after the death of David. Dr. Eadie 
(in Fbn.) thinks that " the Books " of Samuel, " or 
rather the materials out of which they have been 
formed, were contemporaneous with the events re- 
corded." — B. Sources of the Book of Samuel. The 
only work actually quoted in this book is the Book 
of Jasher, i. e. the Book of the Upright, respecting 
which there have been many unsatisfactory conjec- 
tures. (Jasher, Book of.) It, however, contains 
several poetical compositions : (1.) David's Lamen- 
tations over Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. i. 19-27), 
called " The Bow" (i. 18) ; universally admitted to 
be a genuine production of David. (2.) David's 
Lamentation on the death of Abner (iii. 33, 34) ; 
undoubtedly genuine. (3.) 2 Sam. xxii. A Song 
of David ; = Ps. xviii., with a few unimportant 
verbal differences. For poetical beauty, the song 
is well worthy to be the production of David. The 
following difficulties, however, are connected with 
it. (a.) The date of the composition is assigned to 
the day when David had been delivered not only 
out of the hand of all his enemies, but likewise 
" out of the hand of Saul." " This form of expres- 
sion does not imply that Saul was the last of his 
enemies, but rather that he was the first, both in 
time and in importance, so that he might be con- 
sidered equal to all the others put together. . . . 
The psalm was not occasioned by any particular 
event, but by a retrospect of all the deliverances 
from persecution which the writer had experienced" 
(Prof. J. A. Alexander, on Ps. xviii.). (b.) In the 
closing verse (2 Sam. xxii. 51), Jehovah is spoken 
of as showing " mercy to His anointed, unto David 
and his seed for evermore." These words would be 
more naturally written of David than by David. 
They may, however, be 'a later addition (so Mr. 
Twisleton ; but compare Pentateuch, II. 2). (c.) In 
some passages of this song (xxii. 21-25) the strong- 
est assertions are made of the poet's uprightness 



968 



SAN 



SAN 



and purity. Now, it is a subject of surprise that, at 
any period after the painful incidents of his life in 
the matter of Uriah, David should have used this 
language concerning himself (so Mr. Twisleton). 
"The 'righteousness' here claimed (ver. 21, 25) is 
not an absolute perfection or entire exemption from 
all sinful infirmity, but what Paul calls submission 
to the righteousness of God (Bom, X, 3), including 
faith in His mercy and a sincere governing desire to 
do His will, . . . The essential idea in the writer's 
mind (ver. 22) was that of apostasy or total abjuration 
of God's service. It is of this mortal sin, and not 
of all particular transgressions, that the Psalmist 
here professes himself innocent" (Prof. J. A. Alex- 
ander, on JPt, xviii.). (Perfect.) (4.) A song, called 
" last words of David " (2 Sam. xxiii. 2-7). There is 
no sufficient reason to deny that this song is David's. 
(5.) The Song of Hannah (1 Sara. ii. 1-10).— Mr. 
Twisleton thinks that perhaps the two conjectures 
respecting the composition of the Book of Samuel 
which are most entitled to consideration, arc — first, 
That the list which it contains of officers or public 
functionaries under David is the result of contempo- 
rary registration ; and secondly, That the Book of 
Samuel was the compilation of some one connected 
with the schools of the prophets, or penetrated by 
their spirit. " It is universally admitted," says Dr. 
Davidson, " that the contents of these books (of 
Samuel) were drawn from various written sources. 
This, indeed, is manifest from internal evidence. 
The narrative is so extended, in most parts, that it 
approaches to the nature of a biography, though it 

is occasionally brief and chronicle-like The 

historical character of the books rests on sufficient 
evidence, internal and external. Every impartial 
reader feels that the narrative bears the impress of 
truth. The biographical portraits arc striking and 
natural, having a vividness like that proceeding 
from an eye-witness. The delincatkin is artless, nat- 
ural, lively ; the connection of the events probable 
and just. . . . Places, times, and minute sketches 
evince the hand of persons who were well acquainted 
with the facts related. . . . The books are some- 
times quoted or referred to in the N. T., as 2 Sam. 
vii. 14 in Heb. i. 5, and 1 Sam. xiii. 14 in Acts xiii. 22. 
Allusions to them also occur in the Psalms " ( Text of 
the 0. T. considered, pp. 657, 664). (Bible ; Canon ; 
Inspiration.) — A comparison of the Books of Sam- 
uel and Chronicles tends to throw light on the state 
of the Hebrew mind at the time when the Book of 
Samuel was written, compared with the ideas prev- 
alent among the Jews some centuries later, at the 
time of the compilation of the Chronicles. — In the 
numerous instances wherein there is a close verbal 
agreement between passages in Samuel and in the 
Chronicles, the sound conclusion seems to be that 
the Chronicles were copied from Samuel, and not 
that both were copied from a common original. 
Abner ; Absalom : Achish ; Ark ; Bath-sheba ; 
Chronology; David; Elhaxan 1; Goliath; Ish- 
bosheth ; joab; mlchal ; moab ; philistines; 
Kizpah ; Sacl 2 ; Satan ; Tabernacle, &c. 

San-a-bas'sar (fr. Gr.) = Sheshbazzar (1 Esd. ii. 
12, 15). 

San-a-bas'sa-rus (fr. Gr.) = Sheshbazzar (1 Esd. 
vi. 18, 20). 

San a-sib (Gr.), ancestor of certain priests said 
to have returned with Zorobabel (1 Esd. v. 24). 

San-bal lat (Heb. fr. Pers. = lauded by the army, 
or giving strength to the army ? Von Bohlen, Ges. ; 
a chestnut-tree, Fii.), a Moabite of Horonaim (so Lord 
A. C. Hervey, with Gesenius, and most), called " San- 



ballat the Horonite" (Nch. ii. 10, 19, xiii. 28). All 
that we know of him from Scripture is that he had 
apparently some civil or military command in Sama- 
ria, in the service of Artaxerxes (iv. 2), and that, 
from the moment of Nehemiah's arrival in Judca, he 
set himself to oppose every measure for the welfare 
of Jerusalem, and was a constant adversary to the 
Tirshatha. His companions in this hostility were 
Tobiah the Ammonite, and Gesiiem the Arabian (ii. 
19, iv. 7). For the details of their opposition see 
Nehemiah, and Nehemiah, Book of, and Neh. vi. 
The only other incident in his life is his alliance 
with the high-priest's family by the marriage of his 
daughter with one of the grandsons of Eliashib, 
» hieh, from the similar connection formed by Tobiah 
the Ammonite (xiii. 4), appears to have been part 
of a settled policy conceited between Eliashib and 
the Samaritan faction. The expulsion from the 
priesthood of the guilty son of Joiada by Nehemiah 
must have still further widened the breach between 
him and Sanballat, and between the two parties in 
the Jewish state. Here, however, the Scriptural 
narrative ends — owing, probably, to Nehemiah's re- 
turn to Persia — and with it likewise our knowledge 
of Sanballat. Samaria 3. 

* Sam-ll-fl-ca tloil (properly a making holy, hence 
a being holy or slate of holiness), and to sanc'tl-fy 
(= to make clean or holy, to set apart as sacred, 
h, rii/nril a,,:/ In,, I ax holy). The Cornier occurs only 
in the N. T. as the translation of Gr. hagiasmus (1 
Cor. i. 30; 1 Th. iv. 3, 4 ; 2 Th. ii. 13; 1 Pet. i. 2), 
elsewhere translated "holiness" (Horn. vi. 19, 22; 
1 Th. iv. 7 ; 1 Tim. ii. 15 ; Heb. xii. 14). The verb 
"to sanctify" is the usual translation of the Heb. 
Ladash or kibhxh ((Jen. ii. 3 ; Ex. xiii. 2, xix. 10, 14, 
22, 23, &c), and Gr. hagiazd (Mat. xxiii. 17, 19; Jn. 
x. 36, xvii. 17, 19 twice, &c), each also translated 
"to hallow" (Ex. xx. 11, xxix. 21; Mat. vi. 9, &c.), 
"to be holy" (Ex. xxix. 37 ; Is. lxv. 5; Rev. xxii. 
11, kc). Atonement ; Clean ; Justification ; Per- 
fect ; Priest ; Purification ; Saint ; Sanctuary ; 
Spirit, the Holy. 

* Sanc'tu-a-ry (fr. L. ; Heb. mikddeh, kodesh ; Gr. 
nagion) = a holy or consecrated place ; a place for 
keeping sacred things (Ex. xv. 17, xxv. 8, xxx. 13, 
24 ; Heb. vii. 2, kc). Sanctification ; Tabernacle ; 
Temple. 

* Sand (Heb. hoi or chol ; Gr. ammos). "The 
sand of the sea" is often used as an image of great 
abundance or innumerable multitude (Gen. xxii. 17, 
xli. 49 ; Rom. ix. 27 ; Heb. xi. 12, &c.), sometimes 
also of a great burden or weight (Job vi. 3; Prov. 
xxvii. 3). House ; Mortar 2 ; Palestine II., §§ 26, 
32, Geology, § 16. 

San'dal (fr. Gr. sandalon), the A. V. translation 
of the Gr. sandalion, literally = little sandal (Mk. 
vi. 9 ; Acts xii. 8); = Heb. na?al ; see below. The 
sandal appears to have been the article ordinarily 
used by the Hebrews for protecting the feet. It 
consisted simply of a sole attached to the foot by 
thongs. The Heb. wa'aZ(A. V. "shoe" (Ex. iii. 5, 
xii. 11, and elsewhere) implies such an article, its 
proper sense being that of confining or shutting in 
the foot with thongs : we have also express notice 
! of the thong (A. V. "shoe-latchet ")in several pas- 
j sages (Gen. xiv. 23; Is. v. 27 ; Mk. i. 7). The Gr. 
| hupodema (also translated " shoe " in A. V., Mat. 

iii. 11, x. 10, and elsewhere) properly applies to the 
: sandal exclusively, as it means what is bound under 
! the foot ; but the Alexandrine and later writers used 
[ it to denote any covering of the foot. A similar 
; observation applies to the Gr. sandalion, in A. V. 



SAN 



SAN 



969 



"sandal" (Mk. vi. 9; Acts xii. 8). — We learn from 
the Talmudists that the sole was made of leather, 
felt, cloth, or wood, and was occasionally shod with 
iron. In Egypt various fibrous substances, such as 
palm-leaves and papyrus-stalks, were used in addi- 
tion to leather, while in Assyria wood or leather 
was employed. In Egypt the sandals were usually 
turned up at the toe like our skates, though other 
forms, rounded and pointed, are also exhibited. In 
Assyria the heel and the side of the foot were en- 
cased, and sometimes the sandal consisted of little 
else than this. In Palestine a heel-strap was es- 
sential to a proper sandal. Great attention was 
paid by the ladies to their sandals ; they were made 
of the skins of an animal (" Badger-skins," Ez. xvi. 
10), and the thongs were handsomely embroidered 
(Cant. vii. 1 , Jd. x. 4, xvi. 9). Sandals were worn 
by all classes of society in Palestine, even by the 




12 3 




4 6 6 



Assyrian Sandals. — (Fbn.) 

1. Embroidered Shoe of Queen of Sardanapalus III. 

2. Shoe of a Priest. — Both from Kouyunjik sculptures, British Museum. 

3. Shoe of a Jewish captive. — From the Black Obelisk from Nimroud. 
4-6. Assyrian Sandals. — From sculptures, British Museum. 

very poor (Am. viii. 6), and both the sandal and the 
thong or shoe-latchet were so cheap and common, 
that they passed into a proverb for the most insig- 
nificant thing (Gen. xiv. 23 ; Ecclus. xlvi. 19). They 




Egyptian Sandals. — From Rosellini. — (Fbn.) 



were, however, dispensed with in-doors, and were 
only put on by persons about to undertake some 
business away from their homes ; such as a military 
expedition (Is. v. 27 ; Eph. vi. 15), or a journey 
(Ex. xii. 11 ; Josh. ix. 5, 13; Acts xii. 8) : on such 
occasions persons carried an extra pair, which our 
Lord in Mat. x. 10 (compare Mk. vi. 9; Lk. x. 4) 
forbade the apostles to do on their first journey. 
During meal-times the feet were undoubtedly un- 
covered, as implied in Lk. vii. 38 and Jn. xiii. 5, 6, 
and in the exception in regard to the Passover (Ex. 
xii. 11). It was a mark of reverence to cast off 
the shoes in approaching a place or person of emi- 
nent sanctity (Ex. iii. 5 ; Josh. v. 15). This is now 
the well-known custom in the East. The modern 
Egyptians take off their shoes before stepping on 
the carpeted leewdn (House), that spot being de- 
voted to prayer. It was also an indication of vio- 



lent emotion, or of mourning, if a person appeared 
barefoot in public (2 Sam. xv. 30 ; Is. xx. 2 ; Ez. 
xxiv. 17, 23). To carry or to unloose a person's 
sandal was a menial office betokening great infe- 
riority on the part of the person performing it (Mat. 
iii. 11 ; Mk. i. 7; Jn. i. 27 ; Acts xiii. 25). The ex- 
pression in Ps. lx. 8, cviii. 9, " over Edom I cast 
out my shoe," evidently signifies the subjection of 
that country, and may refer to the custom of hand- 
ing the sandal to a slave, or of claiming possession 
of a property by planting the foot on it, or of ac- 
quiring it by the symbolical action of casting the 
shoe, or Edom may be regarded as a shelf on which 
the sandals were rested while the owner bathed his 
feet (so Mr. Bevan). The use of the shoe in the 
transfer of property is noticed in Eu. iv. 7, 8, and 
that connected with repudiating a levirate marriage 
in Deut. xxv. 5. Dress ; Handicraft ; Leather ; 
Washing the hands and feet. 

San 'hf-drini (accurately Sanhedrin, a Heb. or 
Aram, form of Gr. sunedrion = " council"), called 
also in the Talmud the great Sanhedrin, the supreme 
council of the Jewish people in the time of Christ 
and earlier. 1. The origin of this assembly is traced 
in the Mishna to the seventy elders whom Moses 
was directed (Num. xi. 16, 17) to associate with him 
in the government of the Israelites. This body 
continued to exist, according to the Rabbinical ac- 
counts, down to the close of the Jewish common- 
wealth. But since the time of Vorstius it has been 
generally admitted that the tribunal established by 
Moses was probably temporary, and did not con- 
tinue to exist after the Israelites had entered Pal- 
estine. In the lack of definite historical informa- 
tion as to the establishment of the Sanhedrim, it 
can only be said in general that the Greek etymology 
of the name seems to point to a period subsequent 
to the Macedonian supremacy in Palestine, prob- 
ably in the time of Alexander's successors or of the 
Maccabees (so Prof. G. E. Day, original author of 
this article). We gather from the few incidental 
notices in the N. T. that it consisted of chief priests, 
or the heads of the twenty-four classes into which 
the priests were divided, elders, men of age and ex- 
perience, and scribes, lawyers, or those learned in 
the Jewish law (A. V. " council ; " Mat. xxvi. 57, 
59 ; Mk. xv. 1 ; Lk. xxii. 66 ; Acts v. 21). 2. The 
number of members is usually given as seventy-one 
(i. e. seventy besides Moses, so the Mishna) ; but 
some say seventy. The president of this body was 
styled Nasi (Heb. = "prince" or "chief"), and, 
according to Maimonides and Lightfoot, was chosen 
on account of his eminence in worth and wisdom. 
Often, if not generally, this preeminence was ac- 
corded to the high-priest (Mat. xxvi. 62). The vice- 
president, called in the Talmud "father of the house 
of judgment," sat at the right hand of the president. 
Some writers speak of a second vice-president, but 
this is not sufficiently confirmed. The Babylonian 
Gemara states that there were two scribes, one of 
whom registered the votes for acquittal, the other 
those for condemnation. (Minister ; Officer.) 
While in session the Sanhedrim sat in the form of 
a half-circle. 3. The place in which the sessions of 
the Sanhedrim were ordinarily held was, according 
to the Talmud, a hall called Gazzith, supposed by 
Lightfoot to have been situated in the southeast 
corner of one of the courts near the Temple-build- 
ing. In special exigencies, however, it seems to 
have met in the residence of the high-priest (Mat. 
xxvi. 3). Forty years before the destruction of 
Jerusalem, and consequently while the Saviour was 



970 



SAN 



SAR 



teaching in Palestine, the sessions of the Sanhedrim 
were removed from the hall Gazzith to a somewhat 
greater distance from the Temple-building, although 
still on Mount Moriah. After several other changes, 
its seat was finally established at Tiberias. — As a 
judicial body the Sanhedrim constituted a supreme 
court, to which belonged in the first instance the 
trial of a tribe fallen into idolatry, false prophets, 
and the high-priest ; also the other priests. As an 
administrative council it determined other important 
matters. Jesus was arraigned before this body as 
a false prophet (Jn. xi. 47), and Peter, John, Stephen, 
and Paul as teachers of error and deceivers of the 
people. From Acts ix. 2 it appears that the San- 
hedrim exercised a degree of authority beyond the 
limits of Palestine. According to the Jerusalem 
Gemara the power of inflicting capital punishment 
was taken away from this tribunal forty years be- 
fore the destruction of Jerusalem. With this agrees 
the answer of the Jews to Pilate (Jn. xix. 81). The 
Talmud also mentions a lesser Sanhedrim of twenty- 
three members in every city in Palestine in which 
were not less than 120 householders. Adultery ; 
Appeal ; Assembly ; Elder; Judos; Punishments; 
Synagogue, the Great ; Trial. 

" San-he rib illeb.) = Sennacherib (2 K. xviii. 13 
margin). 

San-sun nab ( Beb. palm-branch, Ges.), a city in the 
southern district of Judah (Josh. xv. 31 only). Wil- 
ton (Xtgtb) makes this = Hazar-si'sah and Hazar- 
si sim, and supposes it may be in the Wady es-Suni/, 
W. of Beer-sheba. Rowlands (in Kairbairn, article 
" South Country ") supposes these names may = 

SlTNAH. 

Sapb (Beb. threshold, basin, Ges.), one of the sons 
of " the giant;" slain by Sibbechai the Bushathite 
(2 Sam. xxi. 18) ; called Sippai in 1 Chr. xx. 4. 

Sa'phat (Gr.) = Shephatiaii 2 (1 Esd. v. 9). 

Sapb-a-tl as (Gr.) = Shephatiaii 2 (1 Esd. viii. 
34). 

Sa'pheth (fr. Gr.) = Shephatiaii 3 (1 Esd. v. 33). 

Sa'pbir I L. fr. Beb. = fair, Ges.), one of the vil- 
lages addressed by the Prophet Micah (i. 11 only). 
By Eusebius and Jerome it is described as " in the 
mountain-district between Elcutheropolis and Asca- 
lon." In this direction a village called es-Savafir 
still exists (or rather three of that name, two with 
affixes), possibly the representative of the ancient 
Saphir (Rbn. ii. 34 n.). Es-Sawdfir lies seven or 
eight miles N". E. of Ascalon, and about twelve W. 
of Beit Jibrin (Eleutheropolis). Tobler prefers a 
village called Saber, close to Baw&fir. Schwarz 
suggests the village of Sdfiriyeh, a couple of miles 
N. W. of Lydda. 

Sap-phi ra [saf-fi'rah] (fr. Gr. = sapphire, or fr. 
Syr. = beautiful), the wife of Ananias 10, and the 
participator both in his guilt and in his punishment 
(Acts v. 1-10). 

Sap phire [saf'fire] (L. sapphirus ; Gr. sapphei- 
ros ; Beb. sappir), a precious stone, apparently of 
a bright blue color (Ex. xxiv. 10); the second stone 
in the second row of the high-priest's breastplate 
(xxviii. 18); extremely precious (Job xxviii. 16); 
one of the precious stones that ornamented the king 
of Tyre (Ez. xxviii. 13). " Sapphire" occurs in the 
N. T. only as the second of the twelve foundations 
of the wall of the New Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 19). 
The sapphire of the ancients = our lapis-lazuli, 
which is a mineral of a beautiful blue color, highly 
esteemed for ornamental purposes, used also for 
making the blue ultramarine pigment. It was much 
used in ancient Egyptian jewelry for signet-stones, 



j pendants, and amulets (King). The modern sap- 
phire is a precious stone of a bright blue color, next 
I in hardness to the diamond. The sapphire, Oriental 
ruby, Oriental amethyst, Oriental emerald, and 
' Oriental topaz, are all varieties of corundum, dis- 
tinguished by their different colors. Emery (Ada- 
mant) and adamantine spar are also varieties of 
corundum, which in modern mineralogy denotes 
alumina (the characteristic basis of clay) as found 
native in a crystalline state. Rosenmiiller and 
Braun regard the " sapphire " of the O. T. as our 
modern sapphire or precious corundum. 

Sa'ra (L. = Sarah). 1. Sarah, the wife of Abra- 
ham (Beb. xi. 11 ; 1 Pet. iii. 6).— 2, Daughter of 
Ragucl, said to have been married successively to 
seven husbands, all killed by Asmodeus ; but sub- 
sequently the happy wife of Tobias (Tob. iii. 7, vi. 
10 ff., vii., &c). Tobit, Book op. 

Sar-a-bl'as (Gr.) = Shkrebiah (1 Esd. ix. 48). 

Sa rah (lleb. princess). 1. The wife of Abraham, 
and mother of Isaac; originally Sarai; in N. T. 
Sara. Ber name is first introduced in Gen. xi. 29, 
as follows : " Abram and Nahor took them wives : 
the name of Abram's wife was Sarai ; and the name 
of Nahor's wife was Milcah, the daughter of Baran, 
the father of Milcah and the father of Iscah." In 
Gen. xx. 12, Abraham speaks of her as "his sister, 
the daughter of the same father, but not the daugh- 
ter of the same mother." The common Jewish 
tradition is that Sarai is the same as Iscah, the 
daughter of Baran, and the sister of Lot. The 
change of her name from "Sarai" to "Sarah" 
was made at the same time that Abram's name was 
changed to Abraham, on the establishment of the 
Covenant of Circumcision between him and God. 
Ber history is of course that of Abraham. She 
came with him from Ur to Baran, from Baran to 
Canaan, and accompanied him in all the wanderings 
of his life. Ber only independent action is the de- 
mand that Hagar and Isiimakl should be cast out 
— a demand symbolically applied in Gal. iv. 22-31 
to the displacement of the Old Covenant by the 
New. The times in which she plays the most im- 
portant part in the history are when Abraham was 
sojourning, first in Egypt, then in Gerar, and where 
Sarah shared his deceit toward Pharaoh (Gen. xii. 
11-15) and toward Abimelech (xx. 9-11). Ber per- 
sonal beauty is expressly mentioned in xii. 11 fF. 
(compare xx. 11). Ber character is represented as 
deeply and truly affectionate, but impulsive, jealous, 
and imperious in its affection. She died at Bebron 
at the age of 127 years, 28 years before her hus- 
band, and was buried by him in the cave of Macii- 
pelah. She is referred to in the N. T. as a type of 
conjugal obedience in 1 Pet. iii. 6, and as one of the 
types of faith in Beb. xi. 11. — 2. Serah, the daugh- 
ter of Asher (Num. xxvi. 46). 

Sa rai (Beb. my princess, Jerome ; Jah is ruler, 
Fii. ; contentious, Ewald, &c), the original name of 
Sarah, the wife of Abraham. It is always used in 
the history from Gen. xi. 29 to xvii. 15, when it was 
changed to Sarah. 

Sa-rai'as [-ra'vas] (Gr. = Seraiah). 1. Seraiah 
the high-priest (1 Esd. v. 5). — 2. Seraiah, the father 
of Ezra (viii. 1 ; 2 Esd. i. 1). 

Sar'a-mel (Gr. fr. Beb. or Syr. ? see below ; the 
Latin and some Greek MSS. read Asararnel), the 
name of the place in which the assembly of the 
Jews was held at which the high-priesthood was 
conferred upon Simon Maccabeus (1 Mc. xiv. 28). 
Some (as Castellio) have treated it as a corruption 
of Jerusalem, but this is altogether improbable. 



SAR 



SAR 



971 



Others have conjectured that it is a corruption of — 
(1.) Hahatsar Millo — the court of Millo (Grotius). 
2. Hahatsar Am El — the court of the people of God, 
i. e. the great court of the Temple (Ewald). 3. Hash- 
sha'ar Am El = the gale of the people of God (Wi- 
ner). 4. Hassar Am El = the prince of the people of 
God, as if not the name of a place, but the title of 
Simon (Grimm). None of these explanations, how- 
ever, can be regarded as entirely satisfactory (so 
Mr. Grove). 

Sa'raph (Heb. fiery, poisonous ; see under Serpent 
1), mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 22, among the descend- 
ants of Shelah the son of Judah, as having had do- 
minion in Moab. 

Sar-clied'o-nas (fr. Gr. Sacherdonos) = Esar-had- 
don (Tob. i. 21). 

Sar-deos (fr. Gr.) = Aziza (1 Esd. ix. 28). 

Sar'dinc [ din]. In Rev. iv. 3 St. John declares 
that He whom he saw sitting on the heavenly throne 
" was to look upon like a jasper and a sardine 
stone" (= Sardius). Sardine occurs only here, 
from Gr. sardinos ( =: sai dios) of the Received Text, 
for which later editions have sardios. 

Sar'dis (said to be from an old Lydian word = 
the sun, Creuzer), a city about two miles S. of the 
river Hermus, just below the range of Tmolus (Bos 
Dagh), on a spur of which its acropolis was built. 
It was the ancient residence of the kings of Lydia. 
After its conquest by Cyrus the Persians always 
kept a garrison in the citadel, and it was so occu- 
pied by Alexander the Great. Sardis was in very 
early times, both from the extremely fertile charac- 
ter of the neighboring region, and from its conve- 



nient position, a commercial mart of importance. 
Chestnuts were first produced in the neighborhood. 
The art of dyeing wool is said by Pliny to have been 
invented there; and at any rate Sardis was the 
entrepot of the dyed woollen manufactures. Sardis 
too was the place where the metal electrum was pro- 
cured (Amber); and thither the Spartans sent, in 
the sixth century b. c, to purchase gold for gilding 
the face of the Apollo at Amyclte. This was prob- 
ably furnished by the auriferous sand of the Pacto- 
lus, a brook which ran through the forum by the 
side of the great temple of Cybele. Sardis recovered 
the privilege of municipal government (and, as was 
alleged several centuries afterward, the right of a 
sanctuary) upon its surrender to Alexander the 
Great. It changed hands more than once in the 
contests after the death of Alexander. In 214 b. c. 
it was taken and sacked by the army of Antiochcs 
the Great. After the ruin of Antiochus's fortunes 
it passed, with the rest of Asia on that side of Tau- 
rus, under the dominion of the kings of Pergamos, 
whose interest led them to divert the course of 
traffic between Asia and Europe away from Sardis. 
Its productive soil must always have continued a 
source of wealth ; but its importance as a central 
mart appears to have diminished from the time of 
the invasion of Asia by Alexander. Of the few in- 
scriptions discovered, all, or nearly all, belong to the 
time of the Roman empire. The massive temple of 
Cybele still bears witness in its fragmentary re- 
mains to the wealth and architectural skill of the 
people that raised it. The two columns represented 
in the engraving belonged to it. They are 6 feet 




Ruina of Pardia. 



4^ inches in diameter at about 35 feet below the 
capital. One stone in their architrave in 1812 was 
calculated to weigh twenty-five tons. The present 
soil is more than twenty-five feet above the pave- 
ment. On the N. side of the acropolis, overlook- 
ing the valley of the Hermus, is a theatre near 400 
feet in diameter, attached to a stadium of about 1,000. 
This probably was erected after the restoration of 
Sardis by Alexander. The modern name of the 
ruins at Sardis is Sert-Kalessi. Travellers describe 



the appearance of the locality, on approaching it 
from the N. W., as that of complete solitude. The 
Pactolus is a mere thread of water, all but evanes- 
cent in summer-time. The Wadis-tchai (Hermus), 
in the neighborhood of the town, is between fifty 
and sixty yards wide, and nearly three feet deep. 
In the time of the Emperor Tiberius, Sardis was 
desolated by an earthquake, and a pestilential fever 
followed. Its tribute was remitted for five years, 
and it received a benefaction from the emperor. It 



972 



SAR 



SAT 



was nearly destroyed by Tamerlane about a. d. 1400. 
In 1850 uo human being lived there. Its site is ex- 
tremely unhealthy (Rev. H. Christmas, in Fairbairn). 
Sardis is mentioned in the Bible only in Rev. iii. 1- 
6. There the Church is pointedly reproved. Melito, 
bishop of Sardis (second century), wrote various 
works. Canon. 

Sar'dltes (fr. Heb.), (lie = the descendants of 
Sered the son of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 26). 

Sar di-Ds (Ileb. Mem; Ur. sardios, from Sardis, 
where it was first found, Pliny), a precious stone 
which occupied the first place in the first row of the 
high-priest's breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 17, xxxix. 10), 
and was one of the ornaments of the king of Tyre 
(Ez. xxviii. 13). The A. V. margin has "ruby" in 
all these passages ; but there can scarcely be a doubt 
that either the sard (= sardius) or sardonyx is here 
denoted (so Mr. Houghton). The LXX., Josephus, 
Vulgate, &c, agree with the A. V. in rendering 
"sardius." The sixth foundation of the wall of the 
heavenly Jerusalem was a sardius (Rev. xxi. 20). 
The sard or sardius (also called carnclian) is a chal- 
cedony, or translucent quartz, red or yellow. It 
has long been a favorite stone for the engraver's art. 
A bright-red sort was in Pliny's time most esteemed. 
Engraver; Ornaments, Personal; Sardius; Seal. 

Sar do-njx ( I., fr. Gr. = sardius and onyx), a 
sort of chalcedony in which layers of dark or light 
sard (Saboids) and white were regularly united 
(Rev. xxi. 20 only). It is frequently employed by 
engravers for the purposes of a signet-ring. 

Sa-re'a (L.), one of the five scribes " ready to write 
swiftly" whom Esdras was commanded to take (2 
Esd. xiv. 24). 

Sa-repta (Gr.) = Zabefhatb (Lk. iv. 26). 

Sargon (Ileb. fr. Pers. = prince of the sun? Ges.), 
one of the greatest of the Assyrian kings. His name 
is read in the native inscriptions as Sargina, while a 
town which he built and called after himself (now 
Khorsabad) was known as Sarghun to the Arabian 
geographers (so Prof. Rawlinson, original author of 
this article). He is mentioned by name only once in 
Scripture (Is. xx. 1). Vitringa, Offerhaus, Eiehhorn, 
and Ilupfeld, identified him with Siiai.maneser ; Gro- 
tius, Lowlh, and Ceil, with Sennacherib ; Perizonius, 
Kolinsky, and Michaelis, with Esar-haddon. The As- 
syrian inscriptions prove Sargon to have been distinct 
from the several nionarchs named, and fix his place 
in the list (as did Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, Ewald, 
and Winer) between Shalmaneser and Sennacherib. 
He was certainly Sennacherib's father, and doubtless 
his immediate predecessor. He ascended the throne 
of Assyria, as we gather from his annals, in the 
same year that Merodach-baladan ascended the 
throne of Babylon, which, according to Ptolemy's 
Canon, was b. c. 721. He seems to have been a 
usurper, but was undoubtedly a great and success- 
ful warrior. In Babylonia he deposed Merodach- 
baladan, and established a viceroy ; in Media he 
built a number of cities, which he peopled with cap- 
tives from other quarters ; in Armenia and the neigh- 
boring countries he gained many victories ; while in 
the far west he reduced Philistia, penetrated deep 
into the Arabian peninsula, took Tyre, conquered 
(as his inscriptions claim) Samaria, received trib- 
ute from Cyprus, and forced Egypt to submit to his 
arms and consent to the payment of a tribute. In 
this last direction he seems to have waged three wars 
— one in his second year (b. c. 720), for the possession 
of Gaza ; another in his sixth year(B. c 715), when 
Egypt itself was the object of attack ; and a third in 
his ninth (b. c. 712), when the special subject of 



contention was Ashdod, which Sargon took by one 
of his generals. (Tartan.) This is the event which 
causes the mention of Sargon's name in Scripture 
(Is. x\. 1 IT.). The year of the attack, being b. c. 
712, w ould fall into the reign of the first Ethiopian 
king, Sabaco I. (So ?), who probably conquered Egypt 
in b. c. 714. Sargon was also the builder of useful 
w orks, and of the magnificent palace at KJiorsabad. 
He probably reigned nineteen years, from b. c. 721 
to b. c. 702, when he left the throne to his son, the 
celebrated Sennacherib. Assyria; Nineveh. 

Sa'rld (Heb. one left, a survivor, Ges.), a place on 
the border of Zebulun, W. of Chisloth-tabor (Josh, 
xix. 10-12). 

Sa ion (Gr.) = Sharon, the district in which 
Lydda stood (Acts ix. 35 only). 

Sa-rothi-e (Gr. Alex. MS.), ancestor of certain 
sons of (lie si-rvants of Solomon said to have returned 
w ith /.orobabel (1 Esd. v. 34); not in Ezra or N( he- 
rnial). 

Sar'se-riiim [-kim] (Ileb. chief of the eunuchs = 
I!aiisai:is? ties. ; sec below ), one of the generals of 
Nebuchadnezzar's army at the taking of Jerusalem 
(Jer. xxxix. 3). He appears to have held the office 
of chief eunuch ; = Nebusiiashan and Rabsaris? 

Sa'rnch [-ruk] (fr. Cr.) = Serug (Lk. iii. 35). 

Sa tan. The word itself, the Heb. satdn, is simply 
I an " adversary," and is so translated in 1 Sam. xxix. 
4 ; 2 Sam. xix. 22 ; 1 K. v. 4, xi. 14, 23, 25 ; Num. 
xxii. 22, 32 marg. ; Ps. cix. 6 marg.). This original 
sense is still found in our Lord's application of the 
name to Peter in Mat. xvi. 23. It is used as a 
proper name or title in the 0. T., viz. (with the ar- 
ticle) in Job i. 6-12, ii. 1-7, and Zeeh. iii. 1, 2, also 
(without the article) in 1 Chr. xxi. 1. In the N. T. 
" Satan " (Gr. Satanas, from Hebrew) is found in 
twenty-five places (exclusive of parallel passages), 
and the corresponding Greek term ho diabolos, A. V. 
" the devil " (Devil 1) in about the same number. 
The title "the prince of this world" is used three 
times (Jn. xii. 31, xiv. 30, xvi. 11), " the wicked one " 
is used certainly six times (Mat. xiii. 19, 38; 1 Jn. ii. 
13, 14, iii. 12, v. 18), probably more frequently, and 
" the tempter " twice (Mat. iv. 3 ; 1 Th. iii. 5). The 
scriptural revelation on the subject, it is clear from 
this simple enumeration of passages, is to be sought 
in the N. T. rather than in the O. T. It divide.- it- 
self naturally into the consideration of his existence, 
his nature, and his pov'er and action. — A. His ex- 
istence. The personal existence of a Spirit of Evil is 
revealed, in various degrees of clearness, again and 
again in Scripture. Every quality, every action which 
can indicate personality, is attributed to him in lan- 
guage which cannot be explained away (see below). 
The tendency of the mind in its inquiry as to the ori- 
gin of evil is generally toward one or other of two 
extremes (so Mr. Barry). The first is to consider evil 
as a negative imperfection, arising, in some unknown 
and inexplicable way, from the nature of matter, or 
from some disturbing influences which limit the ac- 
tion of goodness on earth. The other is the old Per- 
sian or Manichean hypothesis, which traces the exist- 
ence of evil to a rival Creator, not subordinate to the 
Creator of Good, though perhaps inferior to Him in 
power, and destined to be overcome by Him at last. 
(Persians, § 2 ; Philosophy.) The Revelation of 
Scripture, speaking with authority, meets the truth, 
and removes the error, inherent in both these hy- 
potheses. It asserts in the strongest terms the per- 
fect supremacy of God, so that under His permission 
alone, and for His inscrutable purposes, evil is al- 
lowed to exist (Prov. xvi. 4 ; Is. xiv. 7 ; Am. iii. 6 ; 



SAT 



SAT 



973 



comp. Rom. ix. 22, 23). It regards this evil as an 
anomaly and corruption, to be taken away by a new 
manifestation of Divine Love in the Incarnation and 
Atonement. (Jesus Christ ; Saviour.) The con- 
quest of it began virtually in God's ordinance after 
the Fall itself, was effected actually on the Cross, 
and shall be perfected in its results at the Judgment 
Day. Still Scripture recognizes the existence of 
evil in the world, not only as felt in outward cir- 
cumstances (" the world "), and as existing by na- 
ture in the soul of man (" the flesh "), but also as 
proceeding from the influence of an Evil Spirit, ex- 
ercising that mysterious power of free will, which 
God's rational creatures possess, to rebel against 
Him, and to draw others into the same rebellion 
(" the devil "). In accordance with the " economy " 
and progressiveness of God's revelation, the exist- 
ence of Satan is but gradually revealed. In the first 
entrance of evil into the world, the temptation is re- 
ferred only to the serpent. (Adam; Eve.) Through- 
out the patriarchal and Jewish dispensation, this 
vague and imperfect revelation of the Source of Evil 
alone was given. The Source of all Good is set forth 
in all His supreme and unapproachable Majesty; 
evil is known negatively as the falling away from 
Him ; and the " vanity " of idols is represented as 
the opposite to His reality and goodness. (Atone- 
ment, Day of.) The Book of Job stands alone on 
the basis of " natural religion," apart from the grad- 
ual and orderly evolutions of the Mosaic revelation. 
In it, for the first time, we find a distinct mention 
of " Satan," the " adversary " of Job. But it is im- 
portant to remark the emphatic stress laid on his 
subordinate position, on the absence of all but dele- 
gated power, of all terror, and all grandeur in his 
character. It is especially remarkable that no power 
of spiritual influence, but only a power over outward 
circumstances, is attributed to him. The Captivity 
brought the Israelites face to face with the great 
dualism of the Persian mythology, the conflict of Or- 
muzd with Ahriman, the coordinate Spirit of Evil. 
(Persians § 2.) In the books written after the Cap- 
tivity we have again the name of " Satan " men- 
tioned (1 Chr. xxi. 1 ; Zech. iii. 1, 2); but it is con- 
fessed by all that the Satan of Scripture bears no re- 
semblance to the Persian Ahriman. His subordina- 
tion and inferiority are as strongly marked as ever. 
In the interval between the 0. T. and N. T. the Jew- 
ish mind had pondered on the scanty revelations 
already given of evil spiritual influence. But the 
Apocryphal Books, while dwelling on demons (As- 
modeus; Devil 2; Demon) have no notice of Satan, 
except in Wis. ii. 24. The same may be observed 
of Jossphus. But, while a mass of fable and super- 
stition grew up on the general subject of evil spirit- 
ual influence, still the existence and nature of Satan 
remained in the background, felt, but not under- 
stood. <The N, T. first brings it plainly forward. 
From the beginning of the Gospel, when he appears 
as the personal tempter of our Lord (Jesus Christ), 
through all the Gospels, Epistles, and Apocalypse, 
it is asserted or implied, again and again, as a famil- 
iar and important truth ( Jn. viii. 44, &c. ; Angels ; 
Demoniacs). — B. Hist nature. Satan is spoken of 
as a " spirit " in Eph. ii. 2, as the prince or ruler of 
the demons (A. V. " devils ; " Demon ; Devil 2) in 
Mat. xii. 24-26, and as having " angels " subject to 
him in Mat. xxv. 41 and Rev. xii. 7, 9.' The whole 
description of his power implies spiritual nature and 
spiritual influence. We conclude, therefore, that he 
was of angelic nature, a rational and spiritual crea- 
ture, superhuman in power, wisdom, and energy ; 



j and not only so, but an archangel, one of the 
" princes " of heaven. But of the time, cause, and 
manner of his fall, Scripture tells us scarcely any 
thing. 1 It limits its disclosures, as always, to that 
which we need to know. The passage on which all 
the fabric of tradition and poetry has been raised is 
Rev. xii. 7, 9, which speaks of " Michael and his an- 
gels " as " fighting against the dragon and his an- 
gels," till the " great dragon, called the devil and 
Satan, was cast out into the earth, and his angels 
cast out with him ; " but this (so Mr. Barry) cannot 
refer to the original fall of Satan. The only other 
passage which refers to the fall of the angels is 2 Pet. 
ii. 4 ('• God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast 
them down to hell, and delivered them into chains 
of darkness to be reserved unto judgment "), with 
the parallel passage in Jude 6 (see note 3 below). 
The declaration of our Lord in Lk. x. 18, "I beheld 
Satan, as lightning, fall from heaven," may refer to 
the fact of his original fall ; but tells nothing of its 
cause or method. John viii. 44, it seems likely, re- 
fers to the beginning of his action upon man. From 

1 Tim. iii. 6, "lest being lifted up by pride he fall 
into the condemnation of the devil," it is a probable 
inference that pride was the cause of the devil's con- 
demnation. — But Scripture describes to us distinctly 
the moral nature of the Evil One. This is no matter 
of barren speculation to those who, by yielding to 
evil, may become the " children of Satan," instead of 
" children of God." The ideal of goodness is made 
up of the three great moral attributes of God — Love, 
Truth, and Purity or Holiness ; combined with that 
spirit which is the natural temper of a finite and 
dependent creature, the spirit of Faith. We find, 
accordingly, that the opposites of these qualities are 
dwelt upon as the characteristics of the devil (Mat. 

iv. 1-10; Jn. viii. 44; 1 Tim. iii. 6 ; 1 Jn. iii. 10- 
15, &c). — C. His power and action. The power 
of Satan over the soul is represented as exercised 
either directly or by his instruments. His direct in- 
fluence over the soul is simply that of a powerful 
and evil nature on those in whom lurks the germ 
of the same evil, differing from the influence exer- 
cised by a wicked man in degree rather than in 
kind ; but he has the power of suggesting thoughts, 
without the medium of action or words — a power 
which is only in very slight degree exercised by 
men upon each other. This influence is spoken of 
in Scripture in the strongest terms, as a real ex- 
ternal influence, correlative to, but not to be con- 
founded with, the existence of evil within (Mat. xiii. 
19, 39; Acts xxvi. 18; Rom. xvi. 20; 1 Cor. v. 5 ; 

2 Cor. ii. 11 ; 1 Th. ii. 18 ; 2 Th. ii. 9 ; 1 Tim. i. 20, 

v. 15 ; Rev. ii. 9, 10, 13, 24, iii. 9). The Bible puts 
before us in plain and terrible certainty the fact of 
Satanic influence over the soul. Yet its language is 
very far from countenancing the Manichean theory. 
The influence of Satan is always spoken of as tem- 
porary and limited, subordinated to the Divine coun- 
sel, and broken by the Incarnate Son of God. It 
is brought out visibly, in the form of possession, in 
the earthly life of our Lord, only in order that it 
may give the opportunity of His triumph (Rom. xvi. 
20; compare Gen. iii. 15). The history of Job 
shows plainly, what is elsewhere constantly implied, 

1 There is no impossibility in the nature of things that 
God has created or should create beings of just such pow- 
ers as are ascribed to " the devil and his angels :" and there 
is no more impossibility that such beings have sinned or 
should sin than that men have sinned or should sin. The 
existence of fallen angels is no more impossible than the 
existence of holy angels ; the same God may not only have 
created both, but may have made both originally alike. 



974 



SAT 



SAT 



that Satanic influence is permitted in order to be 
overruled to good, to teach humility, and, therefore, 
faith. The mystery of the existence of evil is left 
unexplained, but its present subordination and fu- 
ture destruction are familiar truths. So, according- 
ly, on the other hand, his power is spoken of as 
capable of being resisted by the will of man, when 
aided bv the grace of God (2 Cor. ii. 11 ; Eph. iv. 
27, vi. '10-17; 1 Tim. iii. 7, vi. 9 ; 2 Tim. ii. 26; 
Jas. iv. 7; 1 Pet. v. 8; 1 Jn. v. 18). Besides his 
own direct influence, the Scripture discloses to us 
the fact that Satan is the leader of a host of evil 
spirits or angels who share his evil work, and for 
whom the "everlasting fire is prepared" (Mat. xxv. 
41; Eternal; Judgment, &c.). Mat. xii. 24-26 
identifies them distinctly with the demons (A. V. 
" devils ") who had power to possess the souls of 
men. (Beelzebul ; Demon ; Demoniacs.) They arc 
mostly spoken of in Scripture in reference to pos- 
session ; but in Eph. vi. 12 they are described in 
various lights, as " principalities," " powers," " ru- 
lers of the darkness of this world," and " spiritual 
powers of wickedness in heavenly places " (or 
"things"); and in all as " wrestling " against the 
soul of man. In Rev. xii. 7-9, they are spoken of 
as fighting with " the dragon, the old serpent called 
the devil and Satan," against "Michael and his 
angels," and as cast out of heaven with their chief.' 
Taking all these passages together, we find them 
sharing the enmity to God and man implied in the 
name and nature of Satan ; but their power and 
action are but little dwelt upon in comparison with 
his. The Evil One is not only the " prince cf the 
demons," but also the " prince of this world " (Jn. 
xii. 31, xiv. 30, xvi. 11), and even the "god of this 
world " (2 Cor. iv. 4 ; compare Eph. vi. 12; Idol- 
atry). This power he claimed for himself, as a del- 
egated authority, in the temptation of our Lord (Lk. 
iv. 6; Jesus Christ); and the temptation would 
have been unreal, had he spoken altogether falsely. 
It implies another kind of indirect influence exer- 
cised through earthly instruments. There are some 
indications in Scripture of the exercise of this power 
through inanimate instruments, of an influence over 
the powers of nature, and what men call the 
" chances" of life (Lk. xiii. 16; Jn. vi. 70, viii. 44; 
Acts xiii. 10; 2 Cor. xi. 14, 15, xii. 7; 1 Th. ii. 18 ; 

5 These and other passages respecting the state of the 
fallen angels may be harmonized thus:~The "chains of 
darkness ' with which they are bound represent the utter 
hopelessness of their escape from the judgment of God 
which awaits them: their trial and condemnation at the 
appointed time are just as certain as in the case of a mur- 
derer against whom the evidence is conclusive and fully 
in readinees while the guilty one is closely confined with 
heavy chains in a strong prison. They may have a par- 
ticular place called " hell," or " the deep " (Lk. viii. 31), 
or "the bottomless pit" (Rev. xx. 1), for their proper 
abode, and at their first banishment from heaven, and at 
other particular times, may have been sent thither, while yet 
none of them may now be compelled to remain there con- 
stantly, but all may be allowed for a time or at times to 
visit the earth and fully manifest their abominable char- 
acter. They may sometimes be sent by the irresistible 
power of God to desert places on the earth : they may be 
some of the time not in the heaven of heavens where God 
and holy angels dwell, but in the air or in some other 
part of the heavens where they may meet the holy angels 
and strive to hinder them in their discharge of the sacred 
trusts committed to them. In this sense there may be 
" war in heaven " (Rev. xii. 71, i. e. in the air or in some 
other part of that vast region called "heaven." There 
the "prince of the power of the air " may marshal his 
host and be defeated by the holy angels. Thus " the devil 
and his angels" may have their proper home in hell and 
yet not be always there. They will disobey God and leave 
their prison or abode of torment, if they can : but God 
will ultimately confine them there without a respite (Mat. 
Tiii. 29, xxv. 41 S . ; 2 Pet. ii. 4 ; Jude 6 ; Rev. xx. 10, &c). 



1 .In. iii. 8-10 ; Rev. ii. 10). Most of all is this in- 
j direct action of Satan manifested in those who de- 
liberately mislead and tempt men. The method of 
his action is best discerned by an examination of 
the title by which he is designated in Scripture. He 
is called emphatically " the devil " (Gr. ho diabotos ; 
1 \ ii. 1 ). The derivation of the word in itself im- 
plies only the endeavor to break the bonds between 
others, and " set them at variance ; " but common 
usage adds to this general sense the special idea of 
" setting at variance lit/ slander." In the application 
of the title to Satan, both the general and special 
senses should be kept in view. His general object 
is to breaks the bonds of communion between God 
and man, and the bonds of truth and love which 
bind men to each other. He slanders God to man, 
and man to God. The slander of God to man is 
seen best in Gen. iii. 4, 5, " Ye shall not surely die : 
for God doth know, that in the day that ye eat 
thereof, your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be 
as gods, knowing good and evil." These words at- 
tribute selfishness and jealousy to the Giver of all 
good. The slander of man to God is illustrated by 
Job i. 9-11, ii. 4, 6. In reference to it, Satan is 
called the " adversary " of man in 1 Pet. v. 8, and 
represented in that character in Zech. iii. 1, 2 ; and 
is designated in Rev. xii. 10 as " the accuser of our 
brethren, who accused them before our God day 
and night." The method of Satanic action upon 
the heart itself may be summed up in two words — 
Temptation and Possession. The subject of tempta- 
tion is illustrated, not only by abstract statements, 
but also by the record of the temptations of Adam 
and of our Lord. (Jesus Christ.) It is expressly 
laid down (as in Jas. i. 2-4), that "temptation," 
properly so called, i. e. " trial," is essential to man, 
and is accordingly ordained for him and sent to 
him by God (as in Gen. xxii. 1). Man's nature is 
progressive ; his faculties, which exist at first only 
in capacity, must be brought out to exist in actual 
efficiency by free exercise. His appetites and pas- 
sions need to be checked by the reason and con- 
science, and this need brings on a trial. Besides 
this, the will itself delights in independence of ac- 
tion. The need of giving up the individual will 
freely and by conviction, so as to be in harmony 
with the will of God, is the occasion of a still 
severer trial. It is this tentability of man, even in 
his original nature, which is represented in Scrip- 
ture as giving scope to the evil action of Satan. 
He is called the " tempter " (Mat. iv. 3 ; 1 Th. iii. 
5). He has power, first, to present to the appetites 
or passions their objects in vivid and captivating 
forms ; and next, to act upon the desire of the will 
for independence. It is a power which can be re- 
sisted, because it is under the control and overruling 
j power of God (1 Cor. x. 13; Jas. iv. 7, &c). It is 
j exercised both negatively and positively. Itte nega- 
tive exercise is referred to in the parable of the 
I sower (Mat. xiii. 19). Its positive exercise is set 
forth in the parable of the wheat and the tares (25, 
38, 39). This exercise of the Tempter's power is 
possible, even against a sinless nature. We see 
this in the Temptation of our Lord (iv. 1 rf. &c). 
But in the temptation of a fallen nature Satan has 
j a greater power. "Whosoever committeth sin is 
! the servant of sin " (Jn. viii. 34 ; compare Rom. vi. 
j 16, vii. 14-24). His own " lust " or the " flesh " 
sympathizes with, and aids, the temptation of the 
Evil One. This is a fact recognized by experience. 
The power of sin is broken by the Atonement and 
i the gift of the Spirit, but yet not completely cast 



SAT 



SAU 



975 



out (Gal. v. 17). (Ananias 10; David; Judas Is- 
cariot ; Redemption ; Repentance ; Sanctifica- 
tion ; Saviour ; Sin ; Spirit, the Holy.) This two- 
fold power of temptation is frequently referred to 
in Scripture, as exercised, chiefly by the suggestion 
of evil thoughts, but occasionally by the delegated 
power of Satan over outward circumstances. (Ex- 
communication ; Hymeneus ; Philetus.) On the 
subject of Possession, see Demoniacs. 

Sath-ra-lm za-nes [-neez] (L.) = Shethar-boznai 
(1 Esd. vi. 3, 7, 27). 

Sa'tyr [-tur] (fr. Gr.), the A. V. translation in Is. 
xiii. 21, xxxiv. 14, of the Heb. s&Hr, pi. seHrim, lit- 
erally translated " hairy " in Gen. xxvii. 11, 23, and 
" rough " in Dan. viii. 21, is frequently applied to 
he-goats (Goat), and is translated in plural " devils " 
(Devil 3) iu Lev. xvii. 7, and 2 Chr. xi. 15; but in 
Is. xiii. 21, and xxxiv. 14, where the prophet pre- 
dicts the desolation of Babylon, our translation is 
correct, and Satyrs, i. e. demons of woods and desert 
places, are intended (so Mr. Houghton, with Bochart, 
Gesenius, Rosenmiiller, Parkhurst, Maurer, &c). 
The satyrs in classical mythology were imaginary 
beings, represented as partly (usually half or more) 
human and partly goat-like in form, and regarded 
as constituting a class of deities or superhuman 
beings that frequented forests and lonely places. The 
Hebrew word translated " satyr " in the A. V. is 
here rendered demon in the LXX. ; hairy or shaggy 
animal (see above) in the Vulgate ; shaggy beast (or 
wild goat) by Prof. J. A. Alexander (on Is.), Dr. W. 
L. Alexander (in Kitto), Henderson, Fairbairn, Ayre, 
&c. ; ape by Michaelis, Lichtensteiu, &c. " If the 
question is determined by tradition and authority, 
it denotes demons ; if by the context and usage of 
the word, it signifies wild goals, or more generically, 
hairy, shaggy animals " (J. A. Alexander, on Is. xiii. 
21). The Mendesians of Egypt worshipped the 
goat, especially the he-goat (Herodotus) ; and some 
species of Cynocephalus (dog-faced baboon) also en- 
tered into the theology of the ancient Egyptians (so 
Mr. Houghton, &c). The " devils" in Lev. xvii. 7 
and 2 Chr. xi. 15 were probably goats or idols in 
the form of goats (Gesenius, J. A. Alexander, &c). 

Sanl (L. fr. Heb. = asked for, desired, Ges.), more 
accurately Shaul. 1. " Saul of Rehoboth by the 
River " was one of the early kings of Edom, and 
successor of Samlah (Gen. xxxvi. 37, 38). In 1 
Chr. i. 48 he is called Shaul. — 2. The first king of 
Israel. His character is in part illustrated by the 
fierce, wayward, fitful nature of his tribe (Benjamin 
1), and in part accounted for by the struggle be- 
tween the old and new systems in which he found 
himself involved. To this we must add a taint of 
madness, which broke out in violent frenzy at times, 
leaving him with long lucid intervals. He was re- 
markable for his strength and activity (2 Sam. i. 
23), and like the Homeric heroes, of gigantic stat- 
ure, taller by head and shoulders than the rest of 
the people, and of that kind of beauty denoted by 
the word " goodly " (1 Sam. ix. 2), and which caused 
him (so Dean Stanley, original author of this article) 
to be compared to the gazelle, " the gazelle (A. V. 
'beauty') of Israel" (2 Sam. i. 19). The birth- 
place of Saul is not expressly mentioned; but, as 
Zelah was the place of Kish's sepulchre (2 Sam. 
xxi.), it was probably his native village. 1 His father, 



1 The following is the genealogy of Saul according to 
the most common mode of reconciling the different state- 
ments (1 Sam. ix. 1, 2, xiv. 49-51 ; 2 Sam. ix. 12, xxi. 8 : 1 
Chr. viii. 29 ff., ix. 35 ff.). This table makes Aeiel 1 = Je- 
hiel 11, "son of Abiel" in 1 Sam. ix. 1 (a link in a He- 



Kish, was a powerful and wealthy chief, though the 
family to which he belonged was of little impor- 
tance (1 Sam. ix. 1, 21). A portion of his property 
consisted of a drove of asses. In search of these 
asses, gone astray on the mountains, he sent his son 
Saul, accompanied by a servant, who acted also as 
a guide and guardian of the young man (ix. 3-10). 
After a three days' journey through Ephraim and 
Benjamin (Shalim; Shalisha ; Zuph), Saul met 
with Samuel for the first time (11 ff.). A Divine 
intimation had indicated to him the approach and 
the future destiny of the youthful Benjamite. Sur- 
prised at his language, but still obeying his call, 
they ascended to the high place, and in the inn or 
caravanserai at the top (so LXX.) found thirty or 
(LXX., and Josephus) seventy guests assembled, 
among whom they took the chief place. In antici- 
pation of some distinguished stranger, Samuel had 
bade the cook reserve a boiled shoulder, from which 
Saul, as the chief guest, was bidden to tear off the 
first morsel (LXX. ix. 22-24). They then descended 
to the city, and a bed was prepared for Saul on the 
housetop. At daybreak Samuel roused him. They 
descended again to the skirts of the town, and there 
(the servant having left them) Samuel poured over 
Saul's head the consecrated oil, and with a kiss of 
salutation announced to him that he was to be the 
ruler and (LXX.) deliverer of the nation (ix. 25-x. 
1). From that moment a new life dawned upon him. 
He returned by a route which, like that of his 
search, it is impossible to make out distinctly 
(Rachel ; Tabor, Plain op ; Zelzah) ; and at every 
step homeward it was confirmed by the incidents 
which, according to Samuel's prediction, awaited 
him (x. 9, 10). The finding of the asses was an- 
nounced to him, and loaves of bread were offered 
him as if to indicate his new dignity. At " the 
hill of God " (ver. 5, 10 ; possibly his own city, Gib- 
eah), he met a band of prophets (Prophet) descend- 
ing with musical instruments, and he caught the in- 
spiration from them as a sign of his new life. This 
may be styled the private, inner view of his call. 
The outer call, related independently of the other, 
was as follows : — An assembly was convened by 
Samuel at Mizpeh, and lots were cast to find the 
tribe and family which was to produce the king. 
Saul was named — and, by a Divine intimation, found 
hid in the circle of baggage which surrounded the 
encampment (x. 17-24). His stature at once con- 
ciliated the public feeling; the shout was raised, 
" Long live the king " (x. 23-24) ; and he returned 
to Gibeah, accompanied by the fighting part of the 
people, of whom he was now to be the especial head. 
The murmurs of the worthless part of the com- 
munity who refused to salute him with the usual 
presents were soon dispelled. He was (having ap- 
parently returned to his private life) on his way 
home, driving his herd of oxen, when he heard one 
of those wild lamentations in the city of Gibeah, 
such as mark in Eastern towns the arrival of a great 



brew genealogy being often omitted ; see Chronology 
I.) = grandson of Abfel, "Saul's uncle" in xiv. 50 de- 
scriptive of Abner rather than of Ner, and " Michal" in 
2 Sam. xxi. 8, a copvist's mistake for Merab. But some 
have supposed that frer was " Saul's uncle,".and thus Ab- 
ner was Saul's cousin, in which case there may have been 
either two named Ner, (viz. Saul's grandfather and Saul's 
uncle), or only one Kish (viz. the grandson of Jehiel and 
brother of Ner), who might have been reckoned as Jehiel'a 
son in consequence of the distinct and important family 
of which he became the head (compare the cases of Ephra- 
im and Manasseh who were reckoned as " sons" of their 
grandfather Jacob, and of Anah who appears among the 
" sons " of Seir in Gen. xxxvi. 20 and 1 Chr. I. 38). 



976 



SAU 



SAU 



calamity. It was the tidings of the threat issued 
by NahaSH,' king of Amnion, against Jabesh-gilead. 
"The Spirit of the Lord came upon him," as on the 
ancient Judges. The shy, retiring nature which we 
have observed, vanished never to return. Three (or 
six, LXX.) hundred thousand followed from Israel, 
and thirty (or seventy, LXX.) thousand from Judah : 
and Jabesh was rescued. The effect was instantane- 
ous on the people — the punishment of the murmur- 
era was demanded — but refused by Saul, and the 
monarchy was inaugurated anew at Gilgal(xi. 1-15). 
Saul becomes king of Israel. But he still so far re- 
sembles the earlier judges (jODGE)as to be virtually 
king only of his own tribe, Benjamin, or of the im- 
mediate neighborhood. Almost all his exploits are 
confined to this circle of territory or associations. 
Samuel, who had up to this time been still named as 
ruler with Saul (xi. 7, 12, 14), now withdrew, and 
Saul became the acknowledged chief. In the second i 
year of his reign, he began to organize an attempt to j 
shake off the Philistine yoke which pressed on his j 
country; not least on his own tribe, where a Philis- 
tine officer had long been stationed even in his own 
field (x. 5, xiii. 3). An army of 3,000 was formed, ! 
which he soon afterward gathered together round j 
him; and Jonathan, apparently with his sanction, 
rose against the officer (" Garrison " 2) and slew 
him (xiii. 2-4). ThN roused the whole force of the 
Philistine nation against him. The spirit of Israel 



was completely broken. Tn this crisis, Saul, now on 
the very confines of his kingdom at Gilgal, found 
himself in the position long before described by 
Samuel ; longing to exercise his royal right of sacri- 
fice, yet deterred by his sense of obedience to the 
prophet (xiii. 13, comp. x. 8). At last, on the sev- 
enth day, he could wait no longer, but just after the 
sacrifice was completed Samuel arrived, and pro- 
nounced the first curse, on his impetuous zeal (xiii. 
5-14). Meanwhile the adventurous exploit of Jon- 
athan at Miciimash brought on the crisis which ul- 
timately drove the Philistines back to their own ter- 
ritory. It was signalized by two remarkable inci- 
dents in the life of Saul. One was the first appear- 
ance of his madness in the rash vow which all but 
cost the life of his son (xiv. 24, 44). The other was 
the erection of his first altar, either to celebrate the 
victory, or to expiate the savage feast of the famished 
people (xiv. 35). The expulsion of the Pjiilistinks 
(although not entirely completed, xiv. 52) at once 
placed Saul in a position higher than that of any 
previous ruler of Israel. Probably from this time 
was formed the organization of royal state. Abner 
became captain of the host. A body-guard was also 
formed, of which David afterward became chief, 
Doeg the Edomite was " the chief of the herdmen." 
The high-priest (Ahimelech or Am aii) was in at- 
tendance on him with the ephod, when he desired it 
(xiv. 3), and felt himself bound to assist his secret 



GENEALOGY OF SAUL. 
(— indicates married.) 

APtllAH 



Zeror 

Ablcl or Jehlel i. Manchah (1 Sam. far. 1 j I Cbr. vlll. 29, far. i 

I 



I I I 

Abdon. Zar. Klih. 



I 

Ner 

I 



aJab. 



Abner 
(1 Sam. xiv. 50, 61). 



Ahlnoam — SAUL — Rltpah. 



Able Zir-hnrlnh, 
or Zacber. 



Shimeab, or 
Shi mean). 



Jonathan. Iahol M«lchl-«h<ia, AMuadab. 

L(l Sam. xiv. ; < . or Melchi-sbaa, 
banl, or 
Mephiboshetb. 

Micah, or 
Micba. 



Merab — AdrleL 



David — Micb'al — Phaltiel. Arm'onl 
(2 Sam. xxl. 8) 



Mepblboaheth 
(2 Sam. xxl. 8). 



Tahrea, 
or Tarea. 



Jehoadah, 
or Jarah. 

i 



Azrijca: 



m. Bocheru. IshmaeL Shearish. 



Moza. 

Binea. 

Rapla, or 
Rtphaiab. 

Eleasah. 

i 

i. 



Obadluh. Hanan. Ulam. Jehush. Eliphelet. 

I 

150 descendants. 



9 A state of hostility or of actual war with Nahash 
Beema to have existed some time hefore he offered to the 
inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead the reproachful condition of 
thrusting out their right eyes which was the immediate 
occasion of Saul'e vigorous effort to deliver them; for in 



1 Sam. xii. 12 the Israelites are said to have demanded a 
king when they saw that Nahash came against them. 
This demand may, however, have been a repetition of a 
previous request made in viii. 4 ff. In either case there ia 
no necessary inconsistency in the narrative. 



SAU 



SAV 



977 



commissioners (xxi. 1-9, xxii. 14). Saul himself 
had a tall spear (Arms, I. 2, a), which never left 
him. In battle he wore a diadem (A. V. " crown ") 
on his head and a bracelet on his arm (2 Sam. i. 
10). The warlike character of his reign naturally still 
predominated, and he could now attack the neigh- 
boring tribes of Mo ab, Ammon, Edom, Zobah, and final- 
ly Amalek (1 Sam. xiv. 47). The war with Amalek 
is twice related, first briefly (xiv. 48), and then at 
length (xv. 1-9). Saul's disobedience to the pro- 
phetical command of Samuel was shown in the 
sparing of the king (Agag), and the retention of the 
spoil. This second act of disobedience called down 
the second curse, and the first distinct intimation of 
the transference of the kingdom to a rival. The 
struggle between Samuel and Saul in their final part- 
ing is indicated by the rent of Samuel's robe as he 
tears himself away from Saul's grasp, and by the 
long mourning of Samuel for the separation (xv. 27, 
35, xvi. 1). The rest of Saul's life is one long 
tragedy. The frenzy (Madness) which had given in- 
dications of itself before, now at times took almost 
entire possession of him. It is described as "an 
evil spirit from the Lord" (comp. the phrase "re- 
ligious madness;" Demoniacs), which, when it came 
upon him, almost choked or strangled him from its 
violence (xvi. 14, LXX. ). In this crisis David was 
recommended to him by one of the young men of 
his guard. From this time forward their lives are 
blended together. In Saul's better moments he 
never lost the strong affection which he had con- 
tracted for David. Occasionally too his prophetical 
gift returned, blended with his madness (xix. 24). 
But his acts of fierce, wild zeal increased (xxii., 
xxviii. 3, 9 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 1). At last the monarchy 
itself, which he had raised up, broke down under the 
weakness of its head. The Philistines reentered the 
country, and with their chariots and horses occupied 
the plain of Esdrselon. Their camp was pitched on 
the southern slope of the range now called Little 
Hermon, by Shunem. On the opposite side, on 
Mount (jtilboa, was the Israelite army, clinging as 
usual to the heights which were their safety. It 
was near the spring of Gideon's encampment (Harod 
= trembling) — and now the heart of the king as he 
pitched his camp there " trembled exceedingly" (1 
Sam. xxviii. 5). in the loss of all the usual means 
of consulting the Divine Will, he determined, with 
that wayward mixture of superstition and religion 
which marked his whole career, to apply to one of 
the necromancers who had escaped his persecution. 
She was a woman living at En-dor, on the other side 
of Little Hermon. According to the Hebrew tradition 
mentioned by Jerome, she was the mother of Abner. 
She recognizes the disguised king first by the ap- 
pearance of Samuel. Saul apparently saw nothing, 
but listened to her description of a god-like figure 
of an aged man, wrapped round with the royal or 
sacred robe. (Divination 5 ; Magic, p. 585.) On 
hearing the denunciation, which the apparition con- 
veyed, Saul fell the whole length of his gigantic stat- 
ure (xxviii. 20 margin) on the ground, and remained 
motionless till the woman and his servants forced 
him to eat. The next day the battle came on, and 
according to Josephus, perhaps according to the 
spirit of the sacred narrative, his courage and self- 
devotion returned. The Israelites were driven up 
the side of Gilboa. The three sons of Saul were 
slain (xxxi. 2). Saul himself with his armor-bearer 
was pursued by the archers and charioteers of the 
enemy (xxxi. 3 ; 2 Sam. i. 6). He was wounded. 
His shield was cast away (i. 21). He fell upon his 
62 



own sword (1 Sam. xxxi. 4). According to another 
account, an Amalekite (Jewish tradition makes him 
the son of Doeg) came up at the moment of his 
death-wound, and found him " fallen," but leaning 
on his spear (2 Sam. i. 6, 10). The dizziness of 
death was gathered over him (LXX., 2 Sam., i. 9), 
but he was still alive ; and he was, at his own re- 
quest, put out of his pain by the Amalekite, who 
took off his royal diadem and bracelet, and carried 
the news to David (i. 7-10). 3 The body, on being 
found by the Philistines, was stripped and decapi- 
tated. The armor was sent into the Philistine cities, 
as if in retribution for the spoliation of Goliath, and 
finally deposited in the temple of Astarte (Ashta- 
roth), apparently in the neighboring Canaanitish 
city of Beth-shan; and over the walls of the same 
city was hung the naked headless corpse, with those 
of his three sons (ver. 9, 10). The head was de- 
posited (probably at Ashdod) in the temple of Dagon 
(1 Chr. x. 10). The corpse was removed from Beth- 
shan by the gratitude of the inhabitants of Jabesh- 
gilead, who came over the Jordan by night, carried 
off the bodies, burnt them, and buried them under 
the tamarisk (A. V., with Onkelos, Syriac, Arabic, 
Fiirst, &c, " tree ; " compare " oak " in 1 Chr. x. 12) 
at Jabesh (1 Sam. xxxi. 13). Thence, after the lapse 
of several years, his ashes and those of Jonathan 
were removed by David to their ancestral sepulchre 
atZelah in Benjamin (2 Sam. xxi. 14). (Chronology.) 
— 3. The Jewish name of St. Paul. 

Sav'a-ran (fr. Gr.), an erroneous form of the title 
A varan, borne by Eleazar 9 (1 Mc. vi. 43). 

* Save, tOi Salvation ; Saviour. 

Sa-vi'as (fr. Gr.) = Uzzi, ancestor of Ezra (1 Esd. 
viii. 2). 

Sa vior, or Sa'vionr [save'yur] (Heb. participle 
musliia\ from i/dsha\ to save ; Gr. soler) = one who 
saves or brings salvation, i. e. one who delivers or 
rescues from actual or impending danger. The He- 
brew and Greek terms express, beyond this, assist- 
ance and protection of every kind ; and, in a second- 
ary sense, the results of such assistance — victory, 
safety, prosperity, and happiness. Thus, the Judges 
are termed " saviours " (If eh. ix. 27 ; Judg. iii. 9 
margin); "the Lord gave Israel a saviour," viz. 
Jeroboam II., to deliver Israel from the Syrians (2 
K. xiii. 5). In the Psalms are numerous petitions 
to God to save from the effects of sin (Ps. xxxix. 8, 
Ixxix. 9, &c). Isaiah appropriates the term "Sa- 
viour" to Jehovah (xliii. 11), and connects it with 
the notions of justice and righteousness (xiv. 21, lx. 
16, 17) ; adduces it as the special manner in which Je- 
hovah reveals Himself to man (xiv. 15); hints at the 
means to be adopted in passages where he connects 
"Saviour" with "Redeemer" (xli. 14, xlix. 26, lx. 
16, &e.), and with "ransom" (xliii. 3, &c). (See 
also Zech. ix. 9 ; Hos. i. 7, &c.) In the N. T. the 
term " Saviour " is especially applied to the Lord 
Jesus Christ (Lk. ii. 11 ; Jn. iv. 42, &c.). He 
wrought the miracles that were to be the credentials 
of the Messiah ; He laid down the principles of the 
Gospel morality, until He had established in the 
minds of the Twelve the conviction that He was the 
Christ of God. Then He taught that His work in- 
cluded suffering as well as teaching (Mat. xvi. 20, 
21, xx. 28, &c). The words of the institution of the 
Lord's Supper speak most distinctly of a sacrifice 
(Mat. xxvi. 27, 28, &c). In John iii. 14, 15, under 



3 This Amalckite's account, may have described a later 
incident, or it may have been feigned as a supposed recom- 
mendation to David's favor. 



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the figure of the brazen serpent lifted up, the atoning 
virtue of the Lord's deatli is fully set forth (comp. 
vi. 51,53, x. 11, 17, 18, xvii. 17, 19, &c). The 
apostles, after the Resurrection, preach no moral 
system, but a belief in and love of Christ, the cruci- 
fied and risen Lord, through whom, if they repent, 
men shall obtain salvation (Acts ii., iii. 18, viii., 
oomp. Is. liii., &c). We are able to complete from 
the Epistles our account of the teaching of the apos- 
tles on the doctrine of Atonement (2 Cor. v. 21 ; 
Gal. iii. 13 ; 1 Tim. ii. 5 ; Heb. vii. 25 ; 1 Pet. ii. 24 ; 
1 Jn. ii. 1, 2, &c). The teaching of the X. T. on the 
effects of the death of Jesus may be thus roughly de- 
scribed (so Archbishop Thomson, original author of 
this article): (I.) Coo sent His Son into the world to 
redeem lost and ruined man from sin and death, 
anil the Son willingly took upon Him the form of a 
servant for this purpose; and thus the Father and 
the Son manifested their love for us. (II.) God the 
Father laid upon His Son the weight of the sins of 
the whole world, so that He bare in His own body 
the wrath which men must else have borne, because 
there was no other way of escape for them ; and 
thus the Atonement was a manifestation of Divine 
justice. (III.) The effect of the Atonement thus 
wrought is, that man is placed in a new position, 
freed from the dominion of sin, and able to follow 
holiness ; and thus the doctrine of the Atonement 
ought to work in all the hearers a sense of love, of 
obedience, and of self-sacrifice. In shorter words, 
the sacrifice of the death of Christ is a proof of 
Divine love, and of Divine justice, and is for us a 
document of obedience. Faith; Heaven; Justifi- 
cation; Love; Ransom; Repentance; Righteous; 
Saint, &c. 

Saw (Heb. mtgerah, masidr). Egyptian saws, so 
far as has yet been discovered, were single-handed, 
though Jerome has been thought to allude to circu- 
lar saws. The teeth, as in modern Oriental saws, 
usually incline toward the handle, instead of away 
from it like ours. They have, in most cases, bronze 
blades, apparently attached to the handles by 
leathern thongs, but some of those in the British 
Museum have their blades let into them like our 
knives. A double-handed iron saw has been found 
at Ximrud. No evidence exists of the use of the 
saw applied to stone in Egypt, nor without the 
double-handed saw does it seem likely that this 
should be the case ; but we read of sawn stones used 
in the Temple (1 K. vii. 9). The saws "under" or 
" in " which David is said to have placed his captives 
were of iron. The expression in 2 Sam. xii. 31 does 
not necessarily imply torture, but the word "cut" 
in 1 Chr. xx. 3 can hardly be understood otherwise. 
Handicraft ; Punishments; War. 

* Scales, the A. V. translation of the Heb. peles 
= a balance, Ges. (Is. xl. 12), also translated 
"weight" (Prov. xvi. 11). Fish. 

Scape'-goat. Atonement, Day of. 

Scarlet. Colors. 

Scep'trc [sep'ter] (Fr. fr. Gr., see below). The 
Hebrew term shehct, like its Greek equivalent slep- 
tron, and our derivative sceptre, originally meant a 
rod or staff. It was thence specifically applied to 
the shepherd's crook (Lev. xxvii. 32; Mic. vii. 14), 
and to the wand or sceptre of a ruler. The sceptre 
of the Egyptian kings resembled a plough. The use 
of the staff as a symbol of authority was not con- 
fined to kings ; it might be used by any leader, as in 
Judg. v. 14, where for " pen of the writer," as in the 
A. V., we should read "sceptre of the leader" (so 
Mr. Bevan). The allusions to the sceptre are all of 



I a metaphorical character, and describe it simply as 
one of the insignia of supreme power (Gen, xlix. 10; 

! Num. xxiv. 17; Ps. xlv. 6; Is. xiv. 5; Am. i. 5; 
Zeeh. x. 11 ; Wis. x. 14; Bar. vi. 14). The sceptre 
of the Jewish kings was probably made of wood. 
That of the Persian monarch is described as " gold- 
en," i. e. probably of massive gold (Esth. iv. 11). A 

I carved ivory stall' discovered at Nimrud is supposed 
to have been a sceptre. 

Sec va [sec-] (L. IV. Gr. - furnished, prepared, 

| Schl.), a Jew residing at Ephesus at St. Paul's sec- 
ond visit to that town (Acts xix. 14-16), described 
as a high priest (Gr. archiereus, A. V. "chief of the 
priests "), either as having exercised the office at 
Jerusalem, or as being chief of one of the twenty- 
lour classes. His seven sons were exorcists. De- 
moniac; Exorcist. 

SehlD [shin ] (a German spelling of Heb. shin = 
a tooth, Ges.), the twenty-first letter of the Hebrew 
alphabet (Ps. cxix.), sin being the same letter with 
tin point differently placed. Writing. 

Schism |sizm], an Anglicized form of Gr. schis- 
ma (1 Cor. i. 10 marg., xi. 18 marg., xii. 25), usually 
translated " division " (Jn. vii. 43, ix. 16, &c), or 
"rent" (Mat. ix. 10; Mk. ii. 21). 

* School [skool] occurs in the A. V. only in Acts 
xix. 9 as the translation of Gr. schole = leisure ; 
hence a school, a place of learned leisure, where a 
ti n her and his disciples came together, and held 
discussions and disputations (Rbn. N. T. Lex.). 
Education; Philosophy ; Prophet. 

Sri cnee | si-] I Fr. fr. L. scientia = knowledge). In 
the A. V. this word occurs only in Dan. i. 4 as the 
translation of Heli. mwldn' , and in 1 Tim. vi. 20 as 
the translation of Gr. gnosis, both being elsewhere 
literally and usually rendered " knowledge." St. 
Paul is speaking of the " knowledge " of which both 
the Judaizing and the mystic sects of the apostolic 
age continually boasted, against, which he so ur- 
gently warns men (1 Cor. viii. 1,7), the counterfeit 
of the true knowledge which he prizes so highly (xii. 
8, xiii. 2; Phil. i. 9; Col. iii. 10). Magi; Philos- 
ophy. 
•Scorn. Laugh. 

Scor'pi-on (Heb. y akrtd> ; Gr. skorjnos), the com 
mon name of certain well-known animals of the 
class Araclinkla and family Scorpionida (genu?; 
Scorpio, Linn.). Scorpions (so Mr. Go'sse, in Fair 
bairn) " agree with spiders in breathing by means of 
lung-sacs, but differ from them by having large ex> 
tended palpi (or feelers) with pincer-shaped extrem- 
ities, and an abdomen divided into distinct segments, 
and invested in a crustaceous integument (or crust- 
like shell)." They are mentioned in Deut. viii. 15; 
Ez. ii. 6 ; Lk. x. 19, xi. 12 ; Rev. ix. 3, 5, 10). The 
wilderness of Sinai was inhabited by scorpions at the 
time of the Exodus, and to this day these animals 
are common in the same district, as well as in some 
parts of Palestine. Ehrenberg enumerates five 
species as occurring near Mount Sinai, some of which 
are found also, with other species, in Lebanon. 
Scorpions are generally found in dry and in dark 
j places, under stones and in ruins, chiefly in warm 
I climates. They are carnivorous in their habits, and 
i move along in a threatening attitude with the tail 
i elevated. The sting, which is situated at the ex- 
tremity of the tail, has at its base a gland which 
I secretes a poisonous fluid, which is discharged into 
the wound by two minute orifices at its extremity. 
| In hot climates the sting often occasions much suf- 
! fering, and sometimes alarming symptoms. The 
i " scorpions " of 1 K. xii. 11, 14, and 2 Chr. x. 1 1 , 14, 



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979 



have clearly no allusion to the animal, but to some 
instrument of scourging — probably a whip armed 
with iron points (so Mr. Houghton) — unless indeed 
the expression is a mere figure. Celsius thinks the 
" scorpion " scourge was the spiny stem of what the 
Arabs call Hedek, the Solanum melongena, variety 
esculent urn, i. e. egg-plant (allied to the tomato). 




Scorpion. 



Scourging [skurj-]. The punishment of scourg- 
ing was prescribed by the Law in the case of a be- 
trothed bondwoman guilty of unchastity, and per- 
haps in the case of both the guilty persons (Lev. xix. 
20). The instrument of punishment in ancient 
Egypt, as it is also in modern times generally in the 
East, was usually the stick, applied to the soles of the 
feet — bastinado. Under the Roman method the cul- 
prit was stripped, stretched with cords or thongs on 
a frame, and beaten with rods. After the Porcian 
law, b. c. 300, Roman citizens were exempted from 
scourging, but slaves and foreigners were liable to 
be beaten even to death. Adultery ; Punishments ; 
Scorpion. 

Scroeeh'-owl. Owl. 

Stribe, pi. Scribes (fr. L. scriba = writer ; Gr. 
grammatms ; Heb. sopher, pi. sopherim). I. Name. 
(1.) Three meanings (so Prof. Plumptre, original 
author of this article) are connected with the Heb. 
verb sdphar, the root of sopher, sopherim — (a.) to 
write, (b.) to set in order, (c.) to count. The 
sopherim or scribes were so called because they 
wrote out the Law, or because they classified and 
arranged its precepts, or because they counted with 
scrupulous minuteness every clause and letter it 
contained. The traditions of the Scribes were in 
favor of the last of these etymologies. The second 
fits in best with the military functions connected 
with the word in the earlier stages of its history. 
The authority of most Hebrew scholars is with the 
first. The Greek equivalent (grammateus) answers 
to the derived rather than the original meaning of 
the word. The grammatms or scribe of a Greek 
state was not the mere writer, but the keeper and 
registrar of public documents (Thucydides, iv. 118, 
vii. 10 ; so in Acts xix. 35). (2.) The name of Kir- 
jath-sepher (Josh. xv. 15; Judg. i. 12) may pos- 
sibly connect itself with some early use of the title. 
In Judg. v. 14 the Hebrew word (A. V. " writer ") 
appears to point to military functions of some kind. 
The " pen of the writer " of the A. V. here is prob- 
ably the rod or sceptre of the commander number- 
ing or marshalling his troops. Three men are men- 
tioned as successively filling the office of Scribe 
under David and Solomon (2 Sam. viii. 17, xx. 25; 



1 K. iv. 3 ; King). We may think of them as the 
king's secretaries, writing his letters, drawing up his 
decrees, managing his finances (compare 2 K. xii. 
10). At a later period the word again connects 
itself with the act of numbering the military forces 
of the country (Jer. lii. 25, and probably Is. xxxiii. 
18). Other associations, however, began to gather 
round it about the same period. The zeal of Heze- 
kiah led him to foster the growth of a body of men 
whose work it was to transcribe old records, or to 
put in writing what had been handed down orally 
(Prov. xxv. 1). To this period accordingly belongs 
the new significance of the title. It no longer des- 
ignates only an officer of the king's court, but a 
class, students and interpreters of the Law, boast- 
ing of their wisdom (Jer. viii. 8). (3.) The seventy 
years of the Captivity gave a fresh glory to the 
name. The exiles would be anxious to preserve 
the sacred books, the laws, the hymns, the proph- 
ecies of the past. Ezr. vii. 10 — " to seek the Law 
of the Lord, and to do it, and to teach in Israel 
statutes and judgments " — describes the high ideal 
of the new office. The Scribes publicly read and 
expounded the Law, perhaps also translated it from 
the already obsolescent Hebrew into the Aramaic 
of the people (Neh. viii. 8-13). (4.) Of the time 
that followed we have but scanty records. The 
Scribes' office apparently became more and more 
prominent. They appear as a distinct class, " the 
families of the Scribes," with a local habitation (1 
Chr. ii. 55). They compile, as in the two Books of 
Chronicles, extracts and epitomes of larger histories 
(1 Chr. xxix. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29).— II. Development 
of Doctrine. (1.) Of the Scribes of this period, 
except Ezra and Zadok (Neh. viii. 9, xiii. 13), we 
have no names. A later age honored them collec- 
tively as the men of the Great Synagogue. (Canon ; 
Synagogue, the Great.) Never, perhaps, was so 
important a work done so silently. In the words 
of later Judaism they devoted themselves to the 
mikrd (i. e. recitation, " reading," as in Neh. viii. 8), 
the careful study of the text, and laid down rules 
for transcribing it with the most scrupulous preci- 
sion. (2.) A saying is ascribed to Simon the Just 
(b. c. 300-290), which embodies the principle on 
which they had acted, and enables us to trace the 
next stage of the growth of their system. " Our 
fathers have taught us," he said, " three things, to 
be cautious in judging, to train many scholars, and 
to set a fence about the Law." They wished to 
make the Law of Moses the rule of life for the 
whole nation and for individual men. The Jewish 
teacher could recognize no principles beyond the 
precepts of the Law. (3.) In this as in other in- 
stances, the idolatry of the letter was destructive of 
the very reverence in which it had originated. Step 
by step the Scribes were led to conclusions at which 
we may believe the earlier representatives of the 
order would have started back with horror. Deci- 
sions on fresh questions were accumulated into a 
complex system of casuistry. The new precepts, 
still transmitted orally, more precisely fitting in to 
the circumstances of men's lives than the old, came 
practically to take their place. The " Words of the 
Scribes" were honored above the Law. The right 
relation of moral and ceremonial laws was not only 
forgotten, but absolutely inverted. (4.) The first 
work of the Scribes in our Lord's time was to re- 
port the decisions of previous Rabbis. These were 
the Haldchoth (the current precepts of the schools) 
— precepts binding on the conscience. From these 
grew up the Mishna, and afterward the Gemara, 



9S0 



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SCR 



which together constitute the Talmud. (Old Tes- I 
tamest, B; Pharisees.) (5.) But the sacred books 1 
were not studied as a code of laws only. To search 
into their meaning had from the tirst belonged to 
the ideal office of the Scribe. But here also the 
book suggested thoughts which could not logically 
be deduced from it. The fruit of their interpreta- 
tive effort appears in the Midrdshim (— searching!, 
investigation*, commentaries) on the several book6 
of the 0. T. The process by which the meaning, 
moral or mystical, was elicited, was known as Hag- 
gi'uld/i (=r saying, opinion). The mystical school of 
interpretation culminated in the Kabbdhih (= recep- 
tion, the received doctrine). Every letter, every num- 
ber, became pregnant with mysteries. (Old TESTA- 
MENT, B.)— 111. History. (1.) The names of the 
earlier Scribes passed away, as has been said, mostly 
unrecorded. Simon the Just (about b. c. 300-290) 
appears as the last of the men of the Great Syna- 
gogue, the beginner of a new period. The names 
of the times that followed — Antigonus of Socho, 
Zadok, Boethus — connect themselves with the rise 
of the first opposition (Saddccees) to the traditional 
system which was growing up. (Philosophy.) The 
tenet of the Sadducees, however, was embraced by 
only a small minority. It tended, by maintaining 
the sufficiency of the letter of the Law, to destroy 
the very occupation of a Scribe, and the class, as 
such, belonged to the party of its opponents. The 
words " Scribes " and " Pharisees " were bound 
together by the closest possible alliance (Mat. xxiii. ; 
Lk. v. 30). To understand their relation to each 
other in our Lord's time, or their connection with 
His life and teaching, we must look back to what is 
known of the five pairs of teachers who represented 
the scribal succession. (2.) The two names that 
stand first in order arc Joses ben-Joezcr, a priest, 
and Joses ben-Jochanan (about n. c. 140-130). The 
precepts ascribed to them indicate a tendency to a 
greater elaboration of all rules connected with cere- 
monial defilement. The struggle with the Syrian 
kings (Axtiochus Epiphaxes ; Maccabees, &c.) i 
had turned chiefly on questions of this nature, and 
it was the wish of the two teachers to prepare the 
people for any future conflict by founding a frater- 
nitv (the IL'iberim or Chabirim = associates) bound 
to the strictest observance of the Law. (Assideass.) 
(3.) Joshua ben-Perachiah and Nithai of Arbela 
were contemporary with John Hyrcanus (about B.C. 
135-108), and enjoyed his favor till toward the close 
of his reign, when caprice or interest led him to 
pass over to the Sadducees. (4.) The secession of 
Hyrcanus involved the Pharisees, and therefore 
the Scribes as a class, in difficulties, and a period 
of confusion followed. The meetings of the San- 
hedrim were suspended or became predominantly 
Sadducean. Under his successor, Alexander Jan- j 
nseus, the influence of Simon ben-Shetach over the 
queen-mother Salome reestablished for a time the 
ascendancy of the Scribes. The Sanhedrim once j 
again assembled, with none to oppose the dominant 
Pharisaic party. The return of Alexander from 
his campaign against Gaza again turned the tables. 
Eight hundred Pharisees took refuge in a fortress, 
were besieged, taken, and put to death. Joshua 
ben-Perachiah, the venerable head of the order, was 
driven into exile. Simon ben-Shetach, his succes- 
sor, had to earn his livelihood by spinning flax. 
The Sadducees failed, however, to win the confidence 
of the people. On the death of Jannaeus his widow 
Alexandra favored the Scribes, and Simon ben-She- 
tach and Judah ben-Tabbai entered on their work 



as joint teachers. Under them the juristic side of 
the Scribe's functions became prominent. Their 
rules turn chiefly on the laws of evidence. They 
showed what sacrifices they were prepared to make 
in support of those laws. Judah, rebuked by his 
colleague for having unlawfully condemned a false 
witness to death, resolved never to give judgment 
without consulting Simon, and threw himself daily 
on the grave of the condemned man, imploring par- 
don. Simon, having sentenced his own son to 
death, allowed the execution to go on, the son also 
urging it, after the witnesses confessed that they 
had spoken falsely. (5.) The two that followed, 
Shemaiah and Abtalion, were proselytes themselves, 
or the sons of proselytes; but their preeminence 
in the knowledge of the Law raised them to this 
office. The high-priest was jealous of them. She- 
maiah checked the grow ing love of titles of honor 
(Rabbi, &c). Abtalion rebuked the tendency to 
new opinions. The two attempted to check the 
rising power of Herod in his bold defiance of the 
Sanhedrim. When he showed himself to be irresist- 
ible, they had the wisdom to submit, and were suf- 
fered to continue their work in peace. Its glory 
was, however, ill great measure, gone. The doors 
of their school were no longer thrown open to all 
comers so that crowds might listen to the teacher. 
A fixed fee had to be paid on entrance. On the 
death of Shemaiah and Abtalion there were no 
qualified successors to take their place. Two sons 
ol Bethera, otherwise unknown, for a time occu- 
pied it, but were themselves conscious of their in- 
competence. (6.) Hillel (born about B. c. 112 '), 
" the son of David," was the noblest and most 
genial representative of his order, the best fruit 
which the system of the Scribes was capable of 
producing. It is instructive to mark at once how 
far he prepared the way. for the higher teaching 
w hich was to follow, how far he inevitably fell short 
of it. He came from Golah in Babylonia to study 
under Shemaiah and Abtalion. He worked to earn 
his livelihood and pay the fees for attendance; but 
one day, unable to find employment and pay the 
fee, he eagerly listened at a window outside till 
the snow lay on him six cubits high (!), and the 
teachers then received him as a student without 
payment. In the earlier days of his activity Hillel 
had as his colleague Menahem, probably = the Es- 
sene Manaen of Josephus. He, however, and a 
large number of his followers, entered the service 
of Herod, and abandoned at once their calling as 
Scribes and their habits of devotion. The place 
thus vacant was soon filled by Shammai. The two 
were held in nearly equal honor. One was the pres- 
ident, the other the vice-president, of the Sanhedrim. 
They did not teach, however, as their predecessors 
had done, in entire harmony with each other. With- 
in the party of the Pharisees, within the order of 
the Scribes, there came for the first time to be two 
schools with distinctly opposed tendencies, one (that 
of Shammai) vehemently, rigidly orthodox, the other 
orthodox also, but with an orthodoxy which, in the 
language of modern politics, might be classed as 
liberal conservative. The points on which they dif- 
fered were almost innumerable, e. g. as to the causes 
and degrees of uncleanness, as to the law of eon- 
tracts or of wills, &c. The school of Shammai were 



1 Dr. Ginsburs dn Kitto) gives as the date of Hillel'? 
birth about e. c." 75, of his settlement in Jerusalem about 
B. c. 36, of his becoming president of the Sanhedrim 
about b. c. 80. and of his death about a. d. 10, after being 
I president about forty years. 



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981 



most scrupulous in regard to uncleanness, rigidly 
Sabbatarian, and strict in maintaining the marriage- 
law. (Divorce; Sabbath; Unclean Meats, &c.) 
Yet Shammai himself was said to be rich, luxurious, 
self-indulgent Hillel was poor to the day of his 
death. (7.) The teaching of Hillel showed some 
capacity for wider thoughts. His personal character 
was more lovable and attractive. While on the one 
side he taught as from a mind well stored with the 
traditions of the elders, he was, on the other, any 
thing but a slavish follower of those traditions. He 
was the first to lay down principles for an equitable 
construction of the Law with a dialectic precision 
which seems almost to imply a Greek culture. His 
teaching as to the year of release, divorce, &c., was an 
adaptation to the times or the temper of the age. 
In one memorable rule we find the nearest approach 
yet made to the great commandment of the Gospel : 
" Do nothing to thy neighbor that thou wouldest 
not that he should do unto thee." (8.) The con- 
trast showed itself in the conduct of the followers 
not less than in the teachers. The disciples of 
Shammai were fierce, appealed to popular passions, 
and used the sword" to decide their controversies. 
Out of that school grew the party of the Zealots, 
fierce, fanatieal, vindictive. Those of Hillel were 
like their master (compare, e. g., the advice of Gama- 
liel, Acts v. 34-42), cautious, gentle, tolerant, un- 
willing to make enemies, content to let things take 
their course. One sought to impose upon the pros- 
elyte from heathenism the full burden of the Law, 
the other to treat him with some sympathy and in- 
dulgence. (9.) Outwardly the teaching of our Lord 
must have appeared to men different in many ways 
from both (Mat. vii. 29, ix. 36, &c). But in most 
of the points at issue between the two parties, He 
must have appeared in direct antagonism to the 
school of Shammai, in sympathy with that of Hillel 
(vii. 12, xii. 1-14, xv. 1-11; Jn. v. 1-16, &c). So 
far, on the other hand, as the temper of the Hillel 
school was one of mere adaptation to the feeling of 
the people, cleaving to tradition, wanting in the in- 
tuition of a higher life, the teaching of Christ must 
have been felt as unsparingly condemning it. (10.) 
Hillel himself lived, according to the tradition of 
the Rabbis, to the great age of 120 (see note '), and 
may therefore have been present among the doctors 
of Lk. ii. 46, and Gamaliel, his grandson and suc- 
cessor, was at the head of this school during the 
whole of the ministry of Christ, as well as in the 
early portion of the history of the Acts. We are 
thus able to explain the fact, which so many pas- 
sages in the Gospels lead us to infer, the existence 
all along of a party among the Scribes themselves, 
more or less disposed to recognize Jesus of Naza- 
reth as a teacher (Mk. x. IV, xii. 34 ; Lk. xxiii. 50, 
51 ; Jn. iii. 1, vii. 51, xii. 42). — IV. Education and 
Life. (1.) The special training for a Scribe's office 
began, probably, about the age of thirteen. Ac- 
cording to the Mishna the child began to read the 
Mikrd ( — Scripture) at five, and the Mishna at 
ten. Three years later every Israelite became a 
child of the Law, and was bound to study and obey 
it. The great mass of men rested in the scanty 
teaching of their synagogues, in knowing and re- 
peating their Tcphillin, the texts inscribed on their 
phylacteries. (Frontlets.) For the boy who was 
destined by his parents, or who devoted himself to 
the calling of a Scribe, something more was re- 
quired. He made his way to Jerusalem, and ap- 
plied for admission to the school of some famous 
Rabbi. If he were poor, it was the duty of the 



synagogue of his town or village to provide for the 
payment of his fees, and in part also for his main- 
tenance. The master and his scholars met, the for- 
mer sitting on a high chair, the elder pupils on a 
lower bench, the younger on the ground, both lit- 
erally " at his feet." The class-room might be the 
chamber of the Temple set apart for this purpose, 
or the private school of the Rabbi. The education 
was chiefly catechetical, the pupil submitting cases 
and asking questions, the teacher examining the 
pupil (Lk. ii.). Parables entered largely into the 
method of instruction. (Education; Parable.) 
(2.) After a sufficient period of training, probably 
at the age of thirty, the probationer was solemnly 
admitted to his office. The presiding Rabbi pro- 
nounced the formula, " I admit thee, and thou art 
admitted to the Chair of the Scribe," solemnly or- 
dained him by the imposition of hands, and gave to 
him, as the symbol of his work, tablets on which 
he was to note down the sayings of the wise, and 
the "key of knowledge " (compare Lk. xi. 52), with 
which he was to open or to shut the treasures of 
Divine wisdom. (3.) There still remained for the 
disciple after his admission the choice of a variety 
of functions, the chances of failure and success. 
He might rise to high places, become a doctor of 
the Law, an arbitrator in family litigations (xii. 14), 
the head of a school, a member of the Sanhedrim. 
He might have to content himself with the humbler 
work of a transcriber, copying the Law and the 
Prophets for the synagogues, or Tephillin for the 
devout, or a notary writing out contracts of sale, 
covenants of espousals, bills of repudiation. The 
position of the more fortunate was of course attrac- 
tive enough. Theoretically the Scribe's office was 
not to be a source of wealth. It is doubtful how 
far the teacher appropriated the pupil's fees. The 
indirect payments were, however, considerable. (4.) 
In regard to social position there was a like contra- 
diction between theory and practice. The older 
Scribes had had no titles (Rabbi) ; Shemaiah warned 
his disciples against them. In our Lord's time the 
passion for distinction was insatiable. Drawing to 
themselves, as they did, nearly all the energy and 
thought of Judaism, the priesthood was powerless 
to compete with them. Unless the Priest became 
a Scribe also, he remained in obscurity. (5.) The 
character of the order was marked under these in- 
fluences by a deep, incurable hypocrisy, all the more 
perilous because, in most cases, it was unconscious. 
We must not infer from this that all were alike 
tainted, or that the work which they had done, and 
the worth of their office, were not recognized by 
Him who rebuked them for their evil. Writing. 

Scrip (Heb. yalkul, Mklon ; Gr. pera), a bag or 
sack in which shepherds, travellers, &c, carried 
their food or other necessaries (IK. xvii. 40; 2 
K. iv. 42 margin ; Mat. x. 10 ; Mk. vi. 8 ; Lk. ix. 3, 
x. 4, xxii. 35, 36). The scrip of the Galilean peas- 
ants was of leather, used especially to carry their 
food on a journey, and slung over their shoulders. 
A similar article is still used by the Syrian shep- 
herds. 

Script' are (fr. L. scriptura — a writing ; = Heb. 
ctth&b ; Gr. graplie ; see below), a distinctive name 
applied, individually and collectively, to the books 
included in the Bible. (See Canon, Inspiration, 
and the articles on the various books of the Old 
Testament and New Testament.) In the earlier 
books we read of the Law, the Book of the Law. 
In Ex. xxxii. 16, the Commandments written on th« 
tables of testimony are said to be " the writing 



9S2 



SCR 



SEA 



(Fleb. miehUtb) of God." In Dan. x. 21, whore the 
A. V. has " the Scripture of Truth," the words do 
not probably mean more than a true writing (so 
Prof. Plumptre, kc ; tiesenius, Stuart, kc, translate 
this the book of truth, i. e. the book of God's de- 
crees, the book which contains what is or will be 
true or accordant with facts). The thought of the 
Scripture as a whole is hardly to b« found in them. 
This first appears in 2 Chr. xxx. 5, 18 ("as it was 
written," A. V. ; cac-edthub, Heb. ; IceUa ten graphen, 
LXX.), and is probably connected with the profound 
reverence for the Sacred Books which led the earlier 
Scribes to confine their own teaching to oral tradi- 
tion, and gave therefore to the Writing a. distinctive 
preeminence (compare " it is written," Mat. iv. 4, 6, 
xxi. 13, kc). The Greek word, as will be seen, kept 
its ground in this 6ense.* A slight change passed 
over that of the Hebrew and led to the substitution 
of another. The word cethubim ( = writings) was 
used, in the Jewish arrangement of the 0. T., for a 
part and not the whole of the 0. T. (the Hagi- 
ographa; Bible, III. S\ In the tfishna we find the 
Hiked (Keh. viii. 8, A. V. " reading," i. e. the thing 
read or recited, recitation) used to designate the 
collective Sacred Books. — In the X. T. the Gr. graph)}, 
A. V. " Scripture," is in the singular applied often 
to this or that passage (i. c. Scripture declaration, 
promise, prophecy, &c.) quoted from the 0. T. (Mk. 
xii. 10 j Lk. iv. 21 ; Jn. xiii. 18, six. 3V; Rom. ix. 
17; Gal. hi. 8, kc). In Acts viii. 32, it takes a 
somewhat larger extension, as denoting the writing 
of Isaiah; but in ver. 35 the more limited meaning 
reappears. (On 2 Tim. iii. 1G and 2 Pet. i. 20, see 
Inspiration, I. 2, and III. 1). In the Gr. pi graphai, 
A. V. " scriptures," the collective meaning is prom- 
inent (Mat. xxi. 42, xxii. 29; Jn. v. 39 ; Acts xvii. 
1 1 ; 1 Cor. xv. 8, &c.). We have " all the Script- 
ures" (Lk.xxiv. 27), "the holy Scriptures" (Rom. 
i. 2), "the Scriptures of the prophets" (xvi. 20). 
In 2 Pet. iii. 10 we find an extension of the term to 
the Epistles of St. Paul ; but it remains uncertain 
whether " the other Scriptures " are the Scriptures 
of the 0. T. exclusively, or include other writings 
of the X. T. In 2 Tim. iii. 15 the Gr. ta Mara 
grammala (= the sacred writings; compare "writ- 
ings " of Moses, Jn. v. 47) answers to " The Holy 
Scriptures " of the A. V. 

* Stroll [o as in note] = a MS. roll. The A. V. 
thus correctly translates in Is. xxxiv. 4 the Heb. 
tcpher, and in Rev. vi. 14 the Gr. billion (each 
usually translated " book "). New Testament ; Old 
Testament ; Writing. 

•Scurvy. Medicine. 

* Scythe (Jer. 1. 16 marg.). Agriculture ; Sickle. 
Scyth i-an [situ-] (fr. Gr. Skul/ies) occurs in Col. 

iii. 1 1 as a generalized term for rude, ignorant, de- 
graded. The same view of Scythian barbarism ap- 
pears in 2 Mc. iv. 47, and 3 Me. vii. c. The Scyth- 
ians dwelt mostly on the north of the Black Sea 
and the Caspian, stretching thence indefinitely into 
inner Asia, and were regarded by the ancients as 
standing extremely low in point of intelligence and 
civilization. Magog ; Scythopolis. 

Scy-thop'o-liS (L. fr. Gr. = the city of the Scyth- 
ians) = Beth-shean, now Beisan (Jd. iii. 10 ; 2 Mc. 
xii. 29). A mound close to it on the W. is called 
Tell Shvk, in which possibly a trace of Scythopolis 
may linger. The LXX. and Pliny attribute the 
origin of the name Scythopolis to the Scythians, 
who, in the words of the Byzantine historian George 
Syncellus, " overran Palestine, and took possession 
of Baisan, which from them is called Scythopolis." 



' This has been in modern times generally referred 
to the invasion recorded by Herodotus (i. 104-0), 
when the Scythians (Magog; Scythian), after their 
occupation of Media, passed through Palestine on 
their road to Egypt (about n. c. 600). Rcland, how- 
i \ ci'(\vho doubted the truth of Herodotus's account), 
and, after him, Gesenius and Grimm, make Scythop- 
olis a corruption of Succothopolis, i. e. the chief 
town of the district of Succoth ; but this would be 
naming the most important place in the region after 
one comparatively unknown ; and besides, this der- 
ivation, it' true, would rather have m.ide the Gr. name 
Skenopolis, L. Seenopolis. Dr. Robinson thinks that 

! Scythopolis may have been named after the Scyth- 
iatis, not literally, but as = rude people, barbarians 
(Scythian), in which sense the term might well be 
applied to the wild Arabs, who then, as now, inhab- 
ited the O'hor, and at times may have had possession 
of Beth-shean. Scythopolis was the largest city of 
the Decapolis, and the only one of the ten which lay 
W. of Jordan. It was surrounded by a district of its 
ow ii of the most abundant fertility. About a. d. 65 the 
heathen inhabitants massacred (so Josephus) 13,000 
.b us. It became the seat of a Christian bishop, 
and its name i-- found in the lists of signatures as 
late as the Council of Constantinople, a. d. 536. It 
was plundered by Saladin and burnt a. d. 1183. 
The latest mention of it under the title of Scythop- 
olis is probably that of William of Tyre, about a. n. 
1185. The population of Beisan is about 500 (Rbn. 

I iii. 332). 

" Srjtli-o-pol'i-tans fsith-] = inhabitants of Scy- 
thopolis (2 Mc. xii. 30). 

Sea. The Sea (Heb. yarn, pi. yammtm) is used 
in Scripture to denote — 1. The collection of waters 
encompassing the land, or what we call, in a more 
or less definite sense, " the Ocean " (Gen. i. 10 ; Dent, 
xxx. 13, &c.). 2. Some portion of this, as the 
Mediterranean Sea (Deut. xi. 24 ; Sea, the Great), 
or the Red Sea (Ex. xv. 4, kc). 3. Inland lakes, 
whether of salt or fresh water. (Gennesarkt, Sea 
of; Sea, the Salt, kc). 4. Any great collection 
of water, as the Nile (Is. xviii. 2 ; Nah. iii. 8, &c), 
or the Euphrates (Jer. li. 36). — The common Gr. 
word for "sea" in the N. T. is thalassa (in LXX. 
= Heb. yam), which occurs more than ninety times ; 
the Gr. pelagos, especially denoting the high or open 
sea, being translated once "sea" (Acts xxvii. 5), 
and once with thalassa following " the depth of the 
sea " (Mat. xviii. 6). The qualities or characteristics 
of the sea and sea-coast mentioned in Scripture are, 
1. The sand, whose abundance on the coast both of 
Palestine and Egypt furnishes so many illustrations 
(Gen. xxii. 17, xii. 49; Judg. vii. 12; 1 Sam. xiii. 
5; IK. iv. 20, 29 ; Is. x. 22, &c). 2. The shore 
(Gen. xxii. 17 ; Ex. xiv. 30, &c.). 3. Creeks or in- 
lets (Acts xxvii. 39). 4. Harbors (Gen. xlix. 13 ; 
Ps. cvii. 30; Breaches, &c). 5. Waves or billows 
(Ps. xiii. 7, lxv. 7, &c). It may be remarked that 
almost all the figures of speech taken from the sea 
' in Scripture, refer either to its power or its danger. 
The place "where two seas met" (Acts xxvii. 41 ; 
Melita) perhaps means where two currents, caused 
by the intervention of the island, met and produced 
an eddy, which made it desirable at once to ground 
the ship. Earth. 

Sea, Molt'en [o pronounced as in no], i. e. melted 
sea, or one made of melted metal. In the place of 
the later of the Tabernacle, Solomon caused a 
laver to be cast for a similar purpose, which from 
its size was called a sea. It was made partly or 
wholly of the brass, or rather copper, which had 



SEA 



SEA 



983 



been captured by David from " Tibhath and Chun, 
cities of Hadarezer king of Zobah " (1 K. vii. 23- 
26 ; 1 Chr. xviii. 8). Its dimensions were : — Height, 
5 cubits ; diameter, 10 cubits ; circumference, 30 
cubits ; thickness, 1 handbreadth ; and it is said to 
have been capable of containing 2,000, or according 
to 2 Chr. iv. 5, 3,000 baths. Below the brim there 
was a double row of " knops," 10 (i. e. 5 + 5) in 
each cubit. These were probably a running border 
or double fillet of tendrils, and fruits, said to be 
gourds of an oval shape. The brim itself, or lip, 
was wrought " like the brim of a cup, with flowers 
of lilies," i. e. curved outward like a lily or lotus 
flower. The laver stood on twelve oxen, three tow- 
ard each quarter of the heavens, and all looking 
outward. It was mutilated by Ahaz, by being re- 
moved from its basis of oxen and placed on a stone 
base, and was Anally broken up by the Assyrians 
(2 K. xvi. 14, 17, xxv. 13). Josephus says that the 
form of the sea was hemispherical, and that it held 
3,000 baths, i. e. 25,920 gallons. (Weights and 
Measures.) The question arises, which occurred to 
the Jewish writers themselves, how the contents of 
the laver, as they are given in the sacred text, are 
to be reconciled with its dimensions. The Jewish 
writers supposed that it had a square hollow base 
for 3 cubits of its height, and 2 cubits of the circular 
form above. A far more probable suggestion is 
that of Thenius, in which Keil agrees, that it was 
of a bulging form below, but contracted at the 
mouth to the dimensions named in 1 K. vii. 23. 
The laver is said to have been supplied in earlier 
days by the Gibeonites, afterward by a conduit from 
the pools at Bethlehem. 

* Sea, the East. Sea, the Salt. 

* Sea, the Great = the sea now known as the 
Mediterranean Sea (Num. xxxiv. 6, 7 ; Jr>sh. i. 4, 
ix. 1, xv. 12, 47, xxiii. 4; Ez. xlvii. 10, 15, 19, 20; 
Dan. vii. 2) ; also called " the uttermost sea " (Deut. 
xi. 24), "the utmost sea" (xxxiv. 2; Joel ii. 20), 
"the sea of the Philistines" (Ex. xxiii. 31), "the 
hinder sea " (Zech. xiv. 8), or " the sea " simply 
(Gen. xlix. 13; Ps. lxxx. 11, cvii. 23, &c). This 
sea, the largest with which the Hebrews were ac- 
quainted, washes the western coast of Palestine. 
It is 2,300 miles in length, and 1,200 in its greatest 
width, and averages more than half a mile in depth. 
It covers an area of 1,000,000 square miles. It 
separates Africa from Europe, and partially from 
Asia. It communicates with the Atlantic Ocean 
only by the Strait of Gibraltar, through which it 
receives water, as its loss from evaporation exceeds 
all its supply f rom rains and rivers. Its water is 
Salter than that of the Atlantic. " The shores of 
the Mediterranean have for thousands of years been 
the principal seats of civilization. The most im- 
portant periods of the history of mankind have 
been determined by the rule of different nations 
over the countries bordering on this vast inland 
ocean. The Egyptians, the Phenicians, the Hebrews, 
the Greeks, Rom ins, Carthaginians, and Saracens 
flourished there under distinct forms of society " (New 
American Cyclopaedia, article " Mediterranean Sea "). 
For the biblical relations of the Mediterranean, see 
Accho ; Alexandria ; Commerce ; Egypt ; Greece ; 
Italy; Jonah; Joppa ; Libya; Melita ; Paul; 
Sea; Ship, &c. 

Sea, the Salt 1 (Heb. y&m hammelah or -lack ; see 
Sea and Salt), the usual, and perhaps the most 
ancient name for the remarkable lake, which to the 

1 This article is abricteed, and, in some parts, essentially 
altered, from the original by Mr. Grove. 



Western world is now generally known as the Dead 
Sea. — I. Names. 1. This name, " the Salt Sea," is 
found in Gen. xiv. 3 ; Num. xxxiv. 3, 12 ; Deut. iii. 
17; Josh. iii. 16, xii. 3, xv. 2, 5, xviii. 19. 2. An- 
other, and possibly a later name, is the " sea of the 
plain " (Arabah ; Plain), which is found in Deut. 

iv. 49, and 2 K. xiv. 25 ; and combined with the 
former — " the sea of the plain, (even) the salt sea " 
— in Deut. iii. 17 and Josh. iii. 16, xii. 3. 3. In the 
prophets (Ez. xlvii. 18; Joel ii. 20; Zech. xiv. 8 
[A. V. " the former sea "]) it is entitled " the East 
sea." 4. In Ez. xlvii. 8, it is styled " the sea " and 
distinguished from "the great sea" — the Mediter- 
ranean (ver. 10). (Sea, the Great.) 5. In 2 Esd. 

v. 7 it is called " the Sodomitish sea." Josephus 
once calls it " the lake of Sodom." 6. In the Tal- 
mudical books it is called both the " Sea of Salt," 
and "Sea of Sodom." 7. Josephus, and before him 
Diodorus Siculus, names it, from its asphalt or bitu- 
men (Slime), " Lake Asphaltitis," or " Lake Asphal- 
tites" = the Asphaltic Lake. 8. The name "Dead 
Sea" appears to have been first used in Greek by 
Pausanias and Galen, and in Latin (Mare Morluum) 
by Justin, or rather by the older historian, Trogus 
Pompeius (about b. c. 10), whose work he epito- 
mized. It is used by Eusebius, Jerome, &c. 9. The 
Arabic name is Bahr Lut = the Sea of Lot. — II. 
Description. 1. The so-called Dead Sea is the final 
receptacle of the river Jordan, the lowest and the 
largest of the three lakes which interrupt the rush 
of its downward course. It is the deepest portion 
of that very deep natural fissure which runs like a 
furrow from the Gulf of ^Akabah to the range of 
Lebanon, and from the range of Lebanon to the ex- 
treme N. of Syria. 2. The lake is of an oblong form, 
of tolerably regular contour, interrupted only by a 
large and long peninsula which projects from the 
eastern shore, near its southern end, and virtually 
divides the expanse of the water into two portions, 
connected by a long, narrow, and somewhat devious 
passage. It lies between 31° 6' 20" and 31° 46' N. 
latitude nearly; and between 35 c 24' and 35° 37' E. 
longitude nearly. It is thus from N. to S. about 40 
geographical, or 46 English miles long. Its greatest 
width (some 3 miles S. of 'Am Jidy) is about 9 geo- 
graphical miles, or 10^ English miles. The ordinary 
area of the upper portion is about 174 square geo- 
graphical miles ; of the channel, 29 ; and of the 
lower portion or " the lagoon," 46 ; in all about 250 
square geographical miles. At its northern end the 
lake receives the stream of the Jordan ; on its east- 
ern side the Zerka Ma'in (the ancient Callirrhoe 
[Lash a ?], and possibly the more ancient En-eglaim), 
the Mojib (Arnon), and the Beni-Hemdd (on the map 
just N. of the Wady ed-Dera , ah, or 20) : on the S. 
the Kurdhy or el-Ahsy (in the Ghor es-SAfieh), and the 
Tufileh ; and on the W. that of 'Ain Jidy. These 
are probably all perennial, though variable, streams ; 
but, in addition, the beds of the torrents which lead 
through the mountains E. and W., and over the flat 
shelving plains both N. and S. of the lake, show that 
in the winter a very large quantity of water must be 
poured into it. There are also all along the western 
side a considerable number of springs — some fresh, 
some salt, some warm and fetid — which appear to 
run continually, and all find their way into its 
waters. The lake has no outlet. 3. The de- 
pression of its surface, and the depth which it at- 
tains below that surface, combined with the absence 
of any outlet, render it one of the most remarkable 
spots on the globe. According to the observations 
of Lieutenant Lynch, the surface of the lake in May, 



984 



SEA 



SEA 



1S4S, was 1,310.7 feet below the level of the Medi- 
terranean at Jaffa; according to the observations of 
the French Expedition of Due de Luynes in 1864, 
the surface was 1,286 feet below the Mediterranean. 
The upper portion, according to Lieutenant Lynch, 



is a perfect basin, descending rapidly till it attains, at 
about one-third of its length from the N. end, a 
depth of 1,308 feet. Immediately W. of the upper 
extremity of the peninsula, however, this depth de- 
creases suddenly to 336 feet, then to 114, and by the 




Map and Longitudinal Section tfro:n N. to S.), of the DEAD SEA, from the Observations, Surveys, and Soundings of Lynch, Robinson, De Snulcy, Van 
dt Velde, Ac, drawn under the superintendence of Mr. Grove by Trelawney SnundtrB. 

SUftrmcet. — ]. Jericho. S. Ford ot Jordjin. 3. Wady Gximran. 4. Wad; Zerka ila'm. 5. Oil tl-Ft>hU,ah. 6. 'A in Ttrihth. 1. lUt Mtrnd. 8. 
Wad; Mi jilj. 9 'Ainjidy. 10. Birttl <l-giuhl. 11. SMek. 12. (f ady Zuvcirah from N. W, and Wady tl-Muhauwat from S. W. 13. Um 
2*1. 14. Kkatkm Uidum. 15. Wady Fikrtk. 16. Wady tl-Jeih. 17. Wad; Tu/ilth. 18. Ohir U-Bitfith. 19. Plain a-Sabkak. SO. Wady ed- 
D*raak,or Wady Ktrak. 21. The Peninsula. 22. The Lagoon. 23. The Frank Mountain. 24. Bethlehem. 25. Hebron. 



time the west point of the peninsula is reached, to 
18 feet. Below this the south -rn portion is a mere 
lagoon of almost even bottom, varying in depth from 
12 feet in the middle to 3 at the edges. 4. The 
level of the lake is liable to variation according to 
the season of the year. Since it has no outlet, if 
more water is supplied from the clouds and streams 
than the evaporation can carry off, as in winter, the 
lake will rise until the evaporating surface is so 
much increased as to restore the balance. On the 
other hand, should the evaporation drive off a larger 
quantity than the supply, as in summer, the lake 
will descend until the surface becomes so small as 
again to restore the balance. The extreme differ- 
ences in level resulting from these causes have not 
yet been carefully observed. 5. The change in level 
necessarily causes a change in the dimensions of the 
lake. This chiefly affects the southern end. The 
shore of that part slopes up from the water with an 



extremely gradual incline. Over so flat a beach a 
very slight rise in the lake would send the water a 
considerable distance. Dr. Anderson, the geologist 
j of the American expedition, conjectured that the 
i water occasionally extended as much as eight or ten 
! miles S. of its position then. On the peninsula, the 
acclivity of which is much greater than that of the 
southern shores of the lagoon, and in the early part 
, of the summer (June 2d), Irby and Mangles found the 
" high-water mark a mile distant from the water's 
edge." At the northern end the shore being steeper, 
the water-line probably remains tolerably constant. 
The variation in breadth will not be so much. 6. 
' The mountains which form the walls of the great 
1 fissure in whose depths the lake is contained, continue 
a nearly parallel course through its entire length. 
Viewed from the beach at the northern end of the 
lake, there is little perceptible difference between 
the two ranges. Each is equally bare and stern to 



SEA 



SEA 



985 



the eye. On the left the eastern mountains stretch 
their long, hazy, horizontal line, till they are lost in 
the dim distance. The western mountains on the 
other hand do not appear so continuous, since the 
Rds el-Feshkhah projects so far as to conceal the 
southern portion of the range when viewed from 
most points. 7. Of the eastern side but little is 
known. One traveller in modern times (Seetzen in 
1807) has succeeded in forcing his way along its 
whole length. Both Dr. Robinson from 'Ain Jidy, 
and Lieut. Molyneux from the surface of the lake, 
record their impression that the eastern mountains 
are much more lofty than the western, and much 
more broken by clefts and ravines. In color they 
are brown or red — a great contrast to the gray and 
white tones of the western mountains. Both sides 
of the lake, however, are alike in the absence of 
vegetation — almost entirely barren and scorched, ex- 
cept where a spring or perennial stream nourishes 



reeds, thorn-bushes, stunted palms, acacias, &e. 8. 
Seetzen started in January, 1807, from the ford of 
the Jordan through the upper country, by Jebel At- 
tdrus and the ravine of the Wady Mojib to the pen- 
insula; returning immediately after by the lower 
level, as near the lake as it was possible to go. He 
was on foot, with but a single guide. He represents 
the general structure of the mountains as limestone, 
capped in many places by basalt, and having at its 
foot a red ferruginous sandstone, which forms the 
immediate margin of the lake. The rocks lie in a 
succession of enormous terraces, apparently more 
vertical in form than those on the W. The streams 
of the Mojib and Zerka Ma' in issue forth from por- 
tals of dark-red sandstone of romantic beauty, the 
overhanging sides of which no ray of sun ever enters. 
Palms are numerous ; but except near the streams 
there is no vegetation. Lynch found volcanic for- 
mations on the eastern shore, a whole mountain S. 




The Dead Sea. — View from 'Ain Jidy, looking S. — From a drawing made on the spot in 1842, by W. Tipping, Esq. 



of Wady Zerka Ma? in appearing " one black mass of 
scorias and lava " (Expedition to Bead. Sea, 280, 369). 
Between Wady Zerka MaHn and the Jordan volcanic 
eruptions have produced immense flows of basaltic 
rock. Among other smaller basaltic streams, three 
were found on the E. border of the Dead Sea, S. of 
the little plain of Zara (Report by M. Lartet, geolo- 
gist in Due de Luynes's French expedition in 1864, 
noticed in Journal of Sacred Literature, July, 1865). 
9 One remarkable feature of the northern portion of 
the eastern heights is a plateau which divides the 
mountains half-way up, apparently forming a gigantic 
landing-place in the slope, and stretching northward 
from the Wady Zerka MaHn. 10. The western shores 
of the lake have been more investigated than the 
eastern, although they cannot be said to have been 
yet more than very partially explored. Some trav- 
ellers have passed over their entire length : as De 
Saulcy in January, 1851 ; Poole in November, 1855 ; 
Tristram in January, 1864, &c. Others have passed 



over considerable portions of it, as Dr. Robinson in 
1838, Messrs. Wolcott and Tipping in 1842, Lieut. 
Lynch in 1848, Lieut. Van de Vehle in 1852, Mr. Hol- 
man Hunt in 1854, &c. 11. The western range pre- 
serves for the greater part of its length a course 
hardly less regular than the eastern. The Rds el- 
Feshkhah is one of the few spurs from the range — a 
bold headland at the mouth of the Kidron, which in- 
terrupts the view from the N. The coast-line is 
low, with indentations and irregularities, from Rds 
el-Feshkhah to Rds Mcrsed (Trm. 253, 255). 1 2. The 
accompanying woodcut represents the view looking 
southward from the spring of 'Ain Jidy, a point 
about 700 feet above the water. It is taken from a 
drawing by Mr. Tipping, and gives a good idea of 
the course of that portion of the western heights, 
and of their ordinary character. 13. The portion 
actually represented in this view is described by Dr. 
Anderson as "varying from 1,200 to 1,500 feet in 
height, bold and steep, admitting nowhere of the as- 



986 



SEA 



SEA 



cent or descent of beasts of burden, and practicable 
only here and there to the most intrepid climber." 
14. Further south the mountain-sides assume a more 
abrupt and savage aspect, and in the Wady Zuweirah, 
and still more at Sebbeh — the ancient Masada — reach 
a pitch of rugged and repulsive, though at the same 
time impressive, desolation, which perhaps cannot be 
exceeded anywhere on the face of the earth. Beyond 
Usdum the mountains continue their general line, 
Out the district at their feet is occupied by amass of 
lower eminences, which, advancing inward, gradu- 
ally encroach on the plain at the S. end of the lake, 
and finally shut it in completely (sec §22; Akuab- 
Dim.) 16. The region on the top of the western 
heights was probably at one time a wide table-land, 
rising gradually toward the high lands which form 
the central line of the country. It is now cut up by 
deep and difficult ravines, separated by steep and 
inaccessible summits; but portions of the table- 



lands still remain in many places to testify to the 
original conformation. The material is a soft white 
cretaceous limestone, containing a good deal of sul- 
phur. The surface is entirely desert, with no sign 
of cultivation. 16. Between 'Ain Jidy and 'Ain 
Terdbeh the summit is a table-land 740 feet above 
the lake. Further N., above 'Ain Terdbeh, the sum- 
mit of the pass is 1,305.75 feet above the lake, the 
height of the plain between the Wady en-Ndr (Kid- 
ronj and Gtimran is given by Mr. Poole at 1,340 
feet. This appears also to be about the height of 
the rock of Sebbeh, and of the table-land on the east- 
ern mountains N. of Wady Zerka Ma' in, and coin- 
cides nearly with the ocean level. 17. A beach of 
varying width skirts the foot of the mountains on 
the western side. Above 'A in Jidy it consists mainly 
of the deltas of the torrents — fan-shaped banks of 
debris of all sizes, at a steep slope, spreading from 
the outlet of the torrent. In one or two places — 





as at the mouth of the Kidron and at 'Ain Terdbeh I 
— the beach may be 1,000 or 1,400 yards wide, but 
usually it is much narrower, and often is reduced to 
almost nothing by the advance of the headlands. 
For its major part it is impassable. Below 'Ain 
Jidy, however, a marked change occurs in the char- 
acter of the beach. Alternating with the shingle, 
solid deposits of a new material, soft friable chalk, 
marl, and gypsum, with salt, begin to make their 
appearance. The width of the beach thus formed 
is considerably greater than that above 'Ain Jidy. 
From the Birket e'-Khulil (a shallow depression on 
the shore, which forms a natural salt-pan) to the 
wady S. of Sebbeh, a distance of six miles, it is 
from one to two miles wide, and is passable for the 
whole distance. One feature of the beach is the I 
line of driftwood which encircles the lake, and 
marks the highest, or the ordinary high, level of the 
water. 18. At the southwest corner of the lake, 
fielow where the wadys Zuweirah and Mahauwat 
break down through the enclosing heights, the beach 
is encroached on by the salt mountain or ridge of 
Khashm Usdum (Khashm [so Robinson] = cartilage 



of the nose ; Usdum — Sodom). This remarkable 
ridge, which has a breadth of from a mile to a mile 
and a half, and a height of from 300 to 400 feet, 
and extends " from its northern end for three miles 
N. E. and S. W., and then for three miles further 
due N. and S. (magnetic)," "is a solid mass of rock- 
salt of a greenish-white transparency, covered at 
the top with a loose crust of debris of gravel, rolled 
flints, and gypsum, but chiefly with a chalky marl. 
. . . Portions of the salt-cliff are continually split- 
ting off and falling, leaving perpendicular faces, and 
when this is not the case, the debris is far too loose 
and steep to permit of any climbing. Wide as the 
hill is, there is no plateau on the top, but a front of 
little peaks and ridges, furrowed and scarped angu- 
larly in every direction " (Trm. 322-5). Mr. Tris- 
tram ascended one pinnacle with great difficulty. 
Between the north end of Khashm Usdum and the 
lake is a mound covered with stones and bearing 
the name of Urn Zoyhal (the " Sodom " of M. de 
Saulcy). It is about sixty feet in diameter and ten 
or twelve high, evidently artificial, and not improb- 
ably the remains of an ancient structure. 19. It 



SEA 



SEA 



987 



follows from the fact that the lake occupies a por- 
tion of a longitudinal depression, that its northern 
and southern ends are not enclosed by highland, as 
its east and west sides are. (Arabah ; Jordan ; 
Palestine.) 20. A small piece of land lies off the 
shore about half-way between the entrance of the 
Jordan and the western side of the lake. It is 
nearly circular in form. Its sides are sloping, and 
therefore its size varies with the height of the water. 
When Mr. Grove went to it in September, 1858, it 
was about 100 yards in diameter, 10 or 12 feet 
out of the water, and connected with the shore by 
a narrow neck or isthmus of about 100 yards in 
length. It is an island when the water is at its full 
height. 21. Beyond the island the northwestern 
corner of the lake is bordered by a low plain, ex- 
tending up to the foot of the mountains of Ncby 
Musa, and S. as far as Rds Feshkhah. This plain 
must be considerably lower than the general level 
of the land N. of the lake, since its appearance im- 
plies that it is often covered with water. A similar 
plain (the Ghor el-Belka, or Ghor Seisaban) appears 
to exist on the N. E. corner of the lake between 
the mouth of the Jordan and the slopes of the 
mountains of Moab. 22. The southern end is like 
the northern, a wide plain, the el-Ghor. It has 
been visited by but few travellers. The plain is 
bounded on the W. and S., below the Khashm Us- 
dum, by a tract thickly studded with a confused 
mass of unimportant eminences (Akrabbim), "low 
cliffs and conical hills," of chalky indurated marl. 
In height they vary from 50 to 150 feet. In color 
they are brilliant white. All along their base are 
springs, the overflow from which forms a tract of 
marsh-land, overgrown with canes, tamarisks, thorn 
and other shrubs, with here and there a stunted palm 
(see § 14, above). 23. The waters of two-thirds of 
the Arabah drain northward into the plain at the 
S. of the lake, and thence into the lake itself. The 
Wady el-Jeib — the principal channel by which this 
Vast drainage is discharged on to the plain — is very 
large, "a huge channel," "not far from half a mile 
wide," " bearing traces of an immense volume of 
water, rushing along with violence, and covering the 
whole breadth of the valley." 24. The eastern 
boundary of the plain is formed by the mountains 
of Moab and Edom, which, adjacent to the lake, con- 
sist of sandstone, red and yellow, with conglomer- 
ate containing porphyry and granite. 25. The plain 
itself consists of two very distinct sections, divided by 
a line running nearly N_ and S. Of these the western 
is a region of salt and barrenness, bounded by the 
salt mountain of Khashm Usdum. (Sodom.) Near 
the lake it bears the name of es-Sabkah, i. e. the 
plain of salt mud. " This is a large flat of at least 
six by ten miles from N". to S., occasionally flooded," 
" the whole formed of fine sandy mud" (Trm. 332- 
3). 26. The eastern section of the plain, divided 
from the Sabkah by a dense thicket of reeds, al- 
most impenetrable, is a thick copse of shrubs simi- 
lar to that around Jericho, and, like that, cleared 
here and there in patches where the Ghaivdrinch, or 
Arabs of the Ghor, cultivate their wheat, durra 
(Millet), barley, and indigo, and set up their 
wretched villages. This fertile district, abounding 
in trees of various kinds, and well watered, is called 
the Ghor es-SAfieh. Mr. Tristram makes its length 
from N. to S. ten or twelve miles, and its greatest 
width three miles. 27. The eastern mountains which 
form the background to this district of woodland 
are no less naked and rugged than those on the op- 
posite side of the valley. They consist, according 



to Seetzen, Poole, and Lynch, of a red sandstone, 
with limestone above it— the sandstone in horizontal 
strata with vertical cleavage. Travellers concur in 
estimating them as higher than those on the VV., 
and as preserving a more horizontal line to the S. 
After passing from the Ghor cs-Sdfich to the N., a 
salt plain is encountered resembling the Sabkah, 
and like it overflowed by the lake when high. With 
this exception the mountains come down abruptly 
to the water on the whole eastern side of the lagoon. 
28. The peninsula which projects from the eastern 
shore and forms the north enclosure of the lagoon 
appears to bear, among the Arabs, the names Ghor 
el-Mczra'ah and Ghor el-Lisdn. 29. Its entire length 
from N. to S. is about ten geographical miles — and its 
breadth from five to six — though these dimensions 
are subject to some variation according to the time 
of year. It appears to be formed entirely of recent 
aqueous deposits, late or post-tertiary, very similar 
to, if not identical with, those which face it on the 
western shore, and with the " mounds " which skirt 
the plains at the S. and N. W. of the lake. It con- 
sists of a friable carbonate of lime intermixed with 
sand or sandy marls, and with frequent masses of 
sulphate of lime (gypsum). The whole is impreg- 
nated strongly with sulphur, and with salt. At the 
N. it is worn into a short ridge or mane, with very 
steep sides and serrated top. Toward the S. the 
top widens into a table-land, over which is a very 
scanty growth of shrubs. On the W., S., and N. E. 
are steep declivities to the shore. On the E. the 
highland descends to a depression which appears to 
run across the isthmus. Into this valley lead the 
mountain torrents from the E. ( Wady ed-Dera'ah or 
Kerak, &c). Here is a wretched village called 
Mezra'ah. 30. There seems no reason to doubt 
that this peninsula is the remnant of a bed of 
aqueous strata deposited when the water of the lake 
stood very much higher than it now does, but grad- 
ually being disintegrated and carried down into the 
depths of the lake. It may have been deposited 
either by the general action of the lake, or by the 
special action of a river, possibly in the direction 
of Wady Kcrak. 31. The extraordinary difference 
between the depth of the two portions of the lake 
— N. and S. of the peninsula — has been already al- 
luded to. The former is a bowl, which at one place 
attains the depth of more than 1,300 feet, while the 
average depth along its axis may be taken as not 
far short of 1,000. On the other hand, the south- 
ern portion is a flat plain, a very few feet only be- 
low the surface. The channel connecting the two 
portions gradually increases in depth from S. to N. 
32. Thus the circular portion below the peninsula, 
and a part of the channel, form a mere lagoon. 
This portion, and the plain at the S. as far as the 
rise or offset at which the Arabah commences, 
would appear to have been left by the last great 
change in the form of the ground at a level not far 
below its present one, and consequently much higher 
than the bottom of the lake itself. But surrounded on 
three sides by highlands, the waters of which have 
no other outlet, it has become the delta into which 
those waters discharge themselves. 33. The water 
of the lake is not less remarkable than its other 
features. Its most obvious peculiarity is its great 
weight. Its specific gravity has been found to bo 
12 - 28; i. e. a gallon of it weighs over 12j lbs. in- 
stead of 10 lbs., the weight of distilled water. Tho 
buoyancy of its water is a common theme of remark 
by the travellers who have been upon it or in it. 
Dr. Robinson " could never swim before, either in, 



98S 



SEA 



SEA 



fresh or salt water," vet here he "could sit, stand, 
lie, or swim without difficulty." 34. 01* the weight 
and inertia of its water, the American expedition 
under Lieut. Lynch had practical experience. In 
the gale in which the party were caught on their 
first day on the lake, between the mouth of the Jor- 
dan and the 'Ain Feshkhah, "it seemed as if the 
bows of the boats were encountering the sledge- 
hammers of the Titans." When, however, " the 
wind abated, the sea rapidly fell ; the water, from 
its ponderous quality, settling as soon as the agi- 
tating cause had ceased to act." At ordinary 
times there is nothing remarkable in the action of 
the surface of the lake. Its waves rise and fall, 
and surf beats on the shore, just like the ocean. 
35. One or two phenomena of the surface may be 
mentioned. Many travellers mention that the turbid 
yellow stream of the Jordan is distinguishable for a 
long distance in the lake. Lines of foam on its sur- 
face are also mentioned. The haze or mist which 
perpetually broods over the water is the result of 
the prodigious evaporation. 30. The remarkable 
weight of this water is due to the very large quan- 
tity of mineral salts which it holds in solution. From 
the analysis of the United States expedition it ap- 
pears that each gallon of the water, weighing 124; 
lbs., contains nearly 3i lbs. (3"319)of matter in solu- 
tion — an immense quantity when we recollect that 
sea-water, weighing 10J lbs. per gallon, contains less 
than A lb. Of this 3i lbs. nearly 1 lb. is common 
salt (chloride of sodium); about 2 lbs. chloride of 
magnesium, and less than i lb. chloride of calcium 
(or muriate of lime). The most unusual ingredient 
is bromide of magnesium, which exists in truly ex- 
traordinary quantity. The magnesium compounds 
impart a nauseous and bitter llavor to the water. 
37. The sources of the components of the water may 
be named generally without difficulty. The lime and 
magnesia proceed from the dolomitic limestone of 
the surrounding mountains ; from the gypsum which 
exists on the shores, nearly pure, in large quantities ; 
and from the carbonate of lime and carbonate of 
magnesia, found on the peninsula and elsewhere. 
The chloride of sodium is supplied from Khaxhm 
Usdum, and the copious brine-springs on both shores. 
Balls of nearly pure sulphur (probably the deposit 
of some sulphurous stream) are found in the neigh- 
borhood of tiie lake, on the peninsula, on the west- 
ern beach and the northwestern heights, and on the 
plain S. of Jericho. Manganese, iron, and alumina 
have been found on the peninsula, and the other 
constituents are the product of the numerous min- 
eral springs which surround the lake, and the wash- 
ings of the aqueous deposits on the shores, which 
are gradually restoring to the lake the salts they re- 
ceived from it ages back when covered by its waters. 
The strength of these ingredients is heightened by 
the continual evaporation. 38. It has been long 
supposed that no life whatever existed in the lake. 
But recent facts show (so Mr. Grove) that some in- 
ferior organizations can and do find a home even in 
these salt and acrid waters. The Cabinet of Natural 
History at Paris contains a fine specimen of a coral 
called Slylophora pistillata, which is stated to have 
been brought from the lake in 1837 by the Marquis 
de l'Escalopier, and has every appearance of having 
been a resident there, and not an ancient or foreign i 
specimen. Ehrenberg discovered microscopic ani- 
malcules, molluscs, &c, viz. 11 species of Poly- 
ffasler, 2 of Polythalamitz, and 5 of Fhyiolitharia, j 
in mud and water brought home by Lepsius, the 
mud having been taken from the N. end of the lake, | 



one hour N. W. of the Jordan. The copious phos- 
phorcsccncc mentioned by Lynch is also a token of 
the existence of life in the waters. 5 39. The state- 
ments of ancient travellers and geographers, that no 
living creature could exist on the shores of the lake, 
or bird fly across its surface, are amply disproved bv 
later travellers. The cam-brakes of 'Ain Feshkliafi, 
and the other springs on the margin of the lake, 
harbor snipe, partridges, ducks, nightingales, ami 
other birds, as well as frogs ; hawks, doves, and 
hares are found along the shore, and the thickets of 
'Ain Jidy emit ain " innumerable birds." Ducks and 
other birds swim and dive in the water. 40. Of the 
temperature of the water more observations arc ne- 
cessary before any inferences can be drawn. Lynch 
states that a stratum at 59 Fahrenheit is almost 
invariahh found at ten fathoms below the surface. 
Between Wady Znkn und W in Tvrubth the temper- 
ature at Surface was 76°, gradually decreasing to 
02° at 1.044 feet deep, with the exception just named. 
At other times, and in the lagoon, the temperature 
langcd from N2 to '.hi , and from 5 to 10° below 
thai of the air. 41. Nor docs there appear to be 
any thing inimical to life in the atmosphere of the 
lake or its shores, except what naturally proceeds 
from the great heat of the climate. The tlliavArineh 
and /i'n lii'iidih Arabs, who inhabit the southern and 
west i in sides and the peninsula, are described as a 
poor stunted race ; but this is easily accounted for 
by the heat and relaxing nature of the climate, and 
by their meagre way of life. 42. For the botany of 
the |ii ad Sea, see the article PALESTINE, Botany II. 
43. The birds and animals mentioned by Lynch and 
"Robinson have been already named (g 39, above). 
Mr. Tristram saw at the N. end traces of the leop- 
ard, wild boar, wolf, hyena, jackals, foxes, jerboas, 
marmots; he obtained a hare (Ztptis Sinailicus) ; 
he mentions also numerous birds — the black stork, 
eagle, rawn ( < 'uri'ns iimln i/iiix), king-hshvr (Aire do 
ixpida), wheatear (Saxicola Dcsirti), Norfolk plover, 
pochard-ducks, partridges (the Greek and Hey's), 
warblers, red-shanks, sandpipers, gulls, &c. (Tim. 
242-8). Near 'Ain Feshkhah he found a small sand- 
colored night-jar (Cnprinndgus Tamarich), and a 
coney {Hyrax Syrlaois), rats, porcupine mice, ga- 
zelles, ibex, &c. (Tim. 250-8). At the S. end he 
found in the Sabkah such birds as the ruddy shield- 
rake (Casarca rulila), the common red-shank, the 
little stint ( Tringa minuta), the ash-colored martin 
(Colyle paluxtrh), dotterels, &c. ; in the Ghor cs-Sd- 
fieh, numerous doves (Turtur risorius and Turtur 
uEgyptivs), bulbuls, or Palestine nightingales {Ixos 
zanmopygim), hopping thrush, shrikes, sun-bird, 
sparrow (Passer Moabiticus), Abyssinian lark, pipits, 
wagtails, ravens, kites, vultures, &c. (Trm. 333, 336, 
344). (Palestine, Zoology; Partridge, &c.) 44. 
The appearance of the lake does not fulfil the idea 
conveyed by its popular name. " The Dead Sea," 



2 Mr. Tristram notices the abundance of dead land-shells, 
and of very small dead fish. &c. found on the heach near the 
mouth of the Jordan, and says, " It is quite certain that no 
form of either vertebrate or" molluscous life can exist for 
more than a very short time in the sea itself, and that all 
that enter it are almost immediately poisoned and salted 
down."' At the southern end near Usdum, '•some of onr 
party employed themselves in searching, but without avail, 
for life in the Dead Sea, and especially for any traces of the 
coral (Stylophora pistillata). exhibited in the Museum of 
Paris as from hence. No person who has examined the 
southern portion of the fake can for one instant believe 
that this specimen, or any other coral, ever came from it, 
unless as a semi-fossil, thongb microscopic crustaceans 
may possibfy be found, as they five in the salt lagoons close 
to the shore, but which are not so strongly impregnated 
with salt" (Trm. 245, 324). 



SEA 



SEA 



989 



says a recent traveller, " did not strike me with that 
sense of desolation and dreariness which I suppose 
it ought. I thought it a pretty, smiling lake — a nice 
ripple on its surface." Seetzen enthusiastically ex- 
tols the beauties of the view from the delta at the 
mouth of the Wady Mojib, and the advantages of 
that situation for a permanent residence. 45. The 
truth lies, as usual, somewhere between these two 
extremes. The lake certainly is not a gloomy, dead- 
ly, smoking gulf. But, with all the brilliancy of its 
illumination, its frequent beauty of coloring, the 
fantastic grandeur of its enclosing mountains, and 
the tranquil charm afforded by the reflection of that 
unequalled sky on the no less unequalled mirror of 
the surface — with all these there is something in the 
prevalent sterility and the dry, burnt look of the 
shores, the overpowering heat, the occasional smell 
of sulphur, the dreary salt marsh at the southern 
end, and the fringe of dead driftwood round the mar- 
gin, which must go far to excuse the title which so 
many ages have attached to the lake, and which we 
may be sure it will never lose. 46. This singular 
lake lias a peculiar connection with the Biblical his- 
tory. In the topographical records of the Penta- 
teuch and the Book of Joshua, it forms one among 
the landmarks of the boundaries of the whole coun- 
try as well as of the inferior divisions of Judah and 
Benjamin (see above, I., 1, 2). It is also named as 
a landmark in the account of the restoration of the 
coast of Israel under Jeroboam II. (2 K. xiv. 25 ; 
comp. Num. xxxiv. 8-12). The name also occurs in 
the imagery of the prophets (gee above, I., 3, 4). 
The N. T. does not contain the 4iame. " The Salt 
Sea " is also mentioned as having been in the time 
of Abraham the Vale of Siddim (Gen. xiv. 3 ; Sid- 
dim, the Vale op). 47. Mr. Grove claims that the 
evidence of the spot is sufficient to show that no ma- 
terial change has taken place in the upper and deeper 
portion of the lake for a period very long anterior to 
the time of Abraham, and that in the lower portion 
— the lagoon and the plain below it — if any change 
has occurred, it appears to have been rather one of 
reclamation than of submersion — the gradual silting 
up of the district by the torrents which discharge 
their contents into it. Mr. Grove proposes, as a 
possible explanation of the clause " which is the Salt 
Sea " in Gen. xiv. 3, the hypothesis that some tem- 
porary fluctuation in the level of the lake may have 
laid under water the district S. of the lagoon, and 
thus made the Vale of Siddim (assumed to have been 
that plain) for the time, perhaps for some years, a 
part of " the Salt Sea ; " but thinks it more natural 
to consider this clause (which in his view is a note 
long afterward added to the text ; see Pentateuch) as 
representing that the present lake covered a district 
which in historic times had been permanently habi- 
table dry land. Mr. Grove maintains, however, that 
the Vale of Siddim " was somewhere N. of the lake, 
perhaps on the plain at its N. W. corner (Siddim, 
the Vale op), and that the cities of Sodom, 
Gomorrah, &c, were also situated to the N. of the 
lake. " It has usually been assumed," says Dr. 
Robinson, " that this lake has existed only since the 
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah ; . . . but . . . 
every circumstance goes to show that a lake must 
have existed in this place, into which the Jordan 
poured its waters, long before the catastrophe of 
Sodom. The great depression of the whole broad 
Jordan valley and of the northern part of the Ara- 
bah, the direction of its lateral valleys, as well as the 
slope of the high western desert toward the N., all 
go to show that the configuration of this region, in 



its main features, is coeval with the present condi- 
tion of the surface of the earth in general ; and not 
the effect of any local catastrophe at a subsequent 
period. It seems also to be a necessary conclusion, 
that the Dead Sea anciently covered a less extent of 
surface than at present" (Rbn. ii. 188). Dr. Robin- 
son maintains what has been — at least, until very 
recently — the almost universal opinion, that the 
cities of the plain and the Vale of Siddim were at 
the S. end of the Dead Sea, and "that the fertile 
plain is now in part occupied by the southern bay, 
or that portion of the sea lying S. of the peninsula " 
(ii. 189). 48. The destruction of Sodom, Gomorrah, 
&c, is recorded in Gen. xix. 24 ff. as having oc- 
curred in the time of Abraham. (Chronology.) The 
catastrophe which destroyed them is described as a 
shower of ignited sulphur descending from the skies. 
Mr. Tristram, who, with Mr. Grove and others, places 
the cities of the plain at the N. end of the Dead Sea, 
and maintains that they were not submerged, found 
in the Wady el-Maliaiiwat, which leads down to the 
Dead Sea at the N. end of Khashm Usdum, traces 
of volcanic action, of which he says, "The whole ap- 
pearance points to a shower of hot sulphur and an 
irruption of bitumen upon it, which would naturally 
be calcined and impregnated by its fumes; and this 
at a geological period quite subsequent to all the 
diluvial and alluvial action of which we have such 
abundant evidence. The vestiges remain exactly as 
the last relics of a snow-drift remain in spring — an 
atmospheric deposit" (Trm. 356-1). (See above, 
§ 8.) Dr. Robinson, holding that the cities and the 
Vale of Siddim were at the S. part of the present 
sea (see §47), explains Gen. xix. 24 ff. by supposing 
that in a tempest of thunder and lightning, the ac- 
companiments perhaps of an earthquake or of some 
volcanic action, or of both, these masses of bitumen 
(which were in the Vale of Siddim, probably a de- 
pression in the plain adjacent to the Salt Sea, and 
at least near to Sodom and Gomorrah [xiv. 2, 3, 10]) 
were ignited by the lightning, and a conflagration 
produced which not only destroyed the cities, but 
also consumed and scooped out the surface of the 
plain itself; so that the waters of the lake, rushing 
in, spread themselves out over the once fertile tract 
(Rbn. Phys. Geog. 234-5). Mr. Grove also admits 
that the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah may 
have been by volcanic action, but thinks it can have 
had no connection with that far more ancient event 
which opened the great valley of the Jordan and the 
Dead Sea, and at some subsequent time cut it off 
from communication with the Red Sea, by forcing 
up between them the tract of the Wady 'Arabah. 

Seal (Heb. Mtham or cholhdm ; Gr. sphragis). 
The importance attached to seals in the East is so 
great that without one no document is regarded as 
authentic. The use of some method of sealing is 
obviously, therefore, of remote antiquity. Among 
such methods used in Egypt at a very early period 
were engraved stones, pierced lengthwise, and hung 
by a string or chain from the arm or neck, or set in 
rings for the finger. The most ancient form used 
for this purpose was the scarabasus (the beetle), 
formed of precious or common stone, or even of 
blue pottery or porcekiin, on the flat side of which 
the inscription or device was engraved. Cylinders 
of stone or pottery bearing devices were also used 
as signets. But in many cases the seal consisted of 
a lump of clay, impressed with the seal and at- 
tached to the document, whether of papyrus or other 
material, by strings. The use of clay in sealing is 
noticed in Job xxxviii. 14, and the signet-ring as an 



990 



SEA 



SEB 



ordinary part of a man's equipment in the case of 
Judah (Gen. xxxviii. 18), who probably, like many 
modern Arabs, wore it suspended by a String from 
his neck or arm (Cant. viii. G). The ring or the seal 
as an emblem of authority in Egypt, Persia, &c, is 
mentioned in the cases of Fharaoh with Joseph 




Babylonian Seals.— From Laynid.— UUwllnton'i Ilmdrtut, I., 5«5). 
I. External view of • cylindrical Seal. S. SeeUon of the same. 3. Impres- 
sion from a Seal on* a clay tablet. 

(Gen. xli. 42), of Ahab (1 K. xxi. 8), of Ahasuerus 
(Esth. iii. 10, 12, viii. 2), of Darius (Dan. vi. 17; 1 
11c. vi. 15), and as an evidence of a covenant in Jer. 




Impressions of the Signets of the kings of Assyria and Egypt.— (Original 
size.) 

xxxii. 10, 54; Neh. ix. 38, x. 1; Flag. ii. 23. Its 
general importance is denoted by the metaphorical 
use of the word, denoting privacy and security, au- 




Part of cartouche of Sabaco, king of Egypt, enlarged from the preceding cat 

thentication, proof, &c. (Rom. iv. 11; Bev. v. 1, ix. 
4, &c). The phrase in Jn. iii. 33, " hath set to his 
seal " = has affixed his seal, i. e. has attested or 



I confirmed as if by his seal. Engraved signets were 
in use among the Hebrews in early times, as is evi- 
dent in the description of the high-priest's breast- 
plate (Ex. xxviii. 11, 86, xxxix. 0), and the work of 
the engraver its a distinct occupation is mentioned 
in Ecclus. xxxviii. 27. Nineveh ; Ornaments, Per- 
sonal. 

* Sea men. Commerce ; Snip, &c. 

* Sca'-nion-stcrs. Dragon; Whale. 

* Season [sec'zn]. Agriculture; Chronology; 
Palestine, Climate; Rain. 

* Seat. Furniture ; House ; Meals ; Room ; 
Throne. 

Se'ba (Heb. drinker or drunkard? R. S. Poole; 
fr. Ethiopia = a man ? Ges. ; p). Sib&im : A. V. in- 
coiTeeih rendered " Sabcans ") heads the HsMf»tlic 
sons of Ctjsb. Nimrod, mentioned at the clnK of 
the list, ruled at first in Babylonia, and apparently 
afterward in Assyria: of the names between Seba 
and Nimrod, probably some belong to Arabia. We 
thus may conjecture (so Mr. R. S. Poole) a curve of 

i Cushite settlements, one extremity of which is to be 
placed in Babylonia, the other, if prolonged far 
enough in accordance with the mention of the Af- 
rican Cu.-h, in Ethiopia (see below). Besides the 

I mention of Seba in the list of the sons of Cush 
(Gen. x. 7 ; 1 Chr. i. 9), there are but three, or, as 
some hold, four notices of the nation (Ps. lxxii. 10; 
Is. xliii. 3, xlv. 14 [A. V r . "Sabcans, men of stat- 
ure "|). The doubtful notice is in Ez. xxiii. 42, in 
a difficult passage: "and with men of the multitude 
of Adam (so Mr. Poole; A. V. 'men of the com- 

i sort,' margin ' multitude of men ')w/>re brought 

drunkards (A. V. margin; but the A. V. text has 
'Sabeans,' and the Keri reads 'people of Seba') 
from llie wilderness, which [nil bracelets upon their 
hands, and beautiful crowns upon their heads." 
The first clause would seem to favor the idea that a 
nation is meant, but the reading of the Hebrew text 
and A. V. margin is rather supported by what fol- 
lows the mention of the "drunkards." These pas- 
sages seem to show (if we omit the last) that Seba 
was a nation of Africa, bordering on or included in 
Cush, and in Solomon's time independent and of 
political importance. Herodotus speaks of the 
Ethiopians as the tallest and handsomest men in 
the world (compare Is. xlv. 14, above). No ancient 
Ethiopian kingdom of importance could have ex- 
cluded the island of Meroe, and therefore this one 
of Solomon's time may be identified with that which 
must have arisen in the period of weakness and 
division of Egypt that followed the empire, and 
have laid the basis of that power that made Shebek, 
or Sabaco, able to conquer Egypt, and found the 
Ethiopian dynasty which ruled that country as well 
as Ethiopia. Josephus says that Saba (= Seba) 
was the ancient name of the Ethiopian island and 
city of Meroii, but he writes for Seba, in the notice 
of the Noachian settlements, Rabas. The island of 
Meroe lay between the Astaboras (modern Albara), 
the most northern tributary of the Nile, and the 
Astapus (modern Bahr el-Azrak or " Blue River "), 
the eastern of its two great confluents ; it is also 
described as bounded by the Astaboras, the Asta- 
pus, and the Astasobas, the latter two uniting to 
form the Blue River, but this is essentially the same 
thing. It was in the time of the kingdom rich and 
productive. The chief city was Meroe, which was 
an oracle of Jupiter Ammon. The remains of the 
city Meroe are (so Gesenius, &c.) between 16° and 
17* N. lat. on the Nile near Slundy. 
*Se-bas'tc (Gr.) = Samaria 1. 



SEB 



SEL 



991 



Se'bat. Month. 

Sec'a-Clh (fr. Heb. = enclosure, Ges.), one of the 
six cities of Judah in the "wilderness " (Deskrt 2), 
i. e. the tract bordering on the Dead Sea (Josh. xv. 
61). Its position is not known. 

Sech-e-ni'as [sek-] (Gr. fr. Heb. = Shechaniah). 
1. Shechaniah 2 (1 Esd. viii. 29). — 2. Shechaniah 
3 (viii. 32). 

Se'cha [-ku] (Heb. watch-tower, Ges.), a place (1 
Sam. xix. 22 only), apparently lying on the route 
between Saul's residence, Gibeah, and Ramah (Ra- 
mathaim-zophim), that of Samuel. It was noted 
for " the great well " (or rather cistern) which it 
contained. If Saul started from Gibeah 5 (Tuleil 
el-Ful), and if Neby Samwil is Ramah 2, then Dir 
Nebala {the well of Nebala), alleged by Schwarz to 
contain a large pit, would be in a suitable position 
for the great well of Sechu (so Mr. Grove). 

Sc-cun'dns (L. second, favorable), a Thessalonian 
Christian who went with the Apostle Paul from 
Corinth as far as Asia, on his return to Jerusa- 
lem from his third missionary tour (Acts xx. 4). 

Sed-e-ei'as (L. = Zedekiah). 1. Father of Maa- 
seiah (Bar. i. 1), and apparently identical with the 
false prophet in Jer. xxix. 21, 22. — 2. Zedekiah, 
king of Judah (Bar. i. 8). 

* Seed. Agriculture ; Child ; Corn ; Seed-time, 
&c. 

* Sced'-time. Agriculture ; Palestine, Climate ; 
Rain ; Sowing. 

Seer = one who sees, especially one who sees into 
the future. Prophet. 

* Seethe [th as in this], to = to boil (Ex. xvi. 23, 

xxiii. 19, &c). Cooking; Lentiles ; Milk, &c. 
Se'gub (Heb. elevated, Ges.). 1. Youngest son of 

Hiel the Bethelite, who rebuilt Jericho (IK. xvi. 
34). Rabbinical tradition says he died when his 
father had set up the gates of the city. — 2. Son of 
Hezron (1 Chr. ii. 21, 22). 

Seir [seer] (Heb. rough, rugged, Ptr. ; hairy, 
shaggy, Ges.). 1. A Horite chief or phylarch who 
originally inhabited the land of Edom (Gen. xxxvi. 
20, 21; 1 Chr. i. 38; see No. 2 below).— 2. "The 
land of Seir " (Gen. xxxii. 3, xxxvi. 30), or Mount 
Seir (xiv. 6, xxxvi. 8, 9 ; Deut. i. 2, ii. 1, 5 ; Josh. 

xxiv. 4 ; 2 Chr. xx. 10, 22, 23 ; Ez. xxxv. 2, 3, 7, 
15), or Seir simply (Gen. xxxiii. 14, 16; Num. xxiv. 
18; Deut. i. 44, ii. 4, 8, 12, 22, 29, xxxiii. 2; Josh, 
xi. 17, xii. 7; Judg. v. 4 ; 2 Chr. xx. 23, xxv. 11, 
14; Is. xxi. 11 ; Ez. xxv. 8); the original name of 
the mountain-ridge extending along the east side of 
the valley of Arabah, from the Dead 

Sea to the Elanitic Gulf ; also called 
Edom. The name may either have 
been derived (so Porter, with Gese- 
nius, &c.) from Seir the Horite, chief 
of the aboriginal inhabitants (Gen. 
xxxvi. 20), or, what is perhaps more 
probable, from the rough aspect of 
the whole country. The Mount Seir 
of the Bible had the Arabah on the 
W. (Deut. i. 1, 8) ; it extended as far 
S. as the head of the Gulf of 'Akct- 
bah (ver. 8) ; its eastern border ran 
along the base of the mountain-range 
where the plateau of Arabia begins. 
Its northern border Mr. Porter would 
place at " the Mount Halak that 
goeth up to Seir, even unto Baal-gad " 
(Josh. xi. 17), and he would identify 
this Mount Halak with the line of 
" naked " (halak = " naked ") white 



hills or cliffs (Akrabbim) which runs across the 
great valley about eight miles S. of the Dead 
Sea, forming the division between the Arabah 
proper and the deep Ghor N. of it, and appear- 
ing, when viewed from the shore of the Dead Sea, 
as a line of hills shutting in the valley, and extend- 
ing up to the mountains of Seir. Wilton ( The Ne- 
geb, 73, n.) and Rowlands (in Fairbairn) distinguish 
" the land of Seir " or " Seir " from " Mount Seir," 
making the former extend further W. or N. W. than 
the latter and embrace a part of " the south coun- 
try " of Judah. Wilton identifies Mount Halak 
with Jebel Yelek, and Rowlands with Jebel el-Halal, 
both situated S. W. from Beer-sheba, one about 
seventy-five miles, the other about fifty. — 3. "Mount 
Seir ; " one of the landmarks on the north boun- 
dary of Judah (Josh. xv. 10 only). It lay westward 
of Kirjath-jearim, and between it and Beth-shemesh. 
If Kuriet el- Enab be the former, and 'Ain-shems the 
latter of these two, then Mount Seir must be the 
ridge between the Wady 'Aly and the Wady Ghu- 
rdb. The name may be derived from some incur- 
sion by the Edomites which has escaped record, or 
more probably from some peculiarity in the form or 
appearance of the spot. Whether this has any 
connection with Seirath, is doubtful (so Mr. Grove). 

Sciratll [see-] (fr. Heb. = a she-goat, Ges.), the 
place to which Ehud fled after his murder of Eglon 
(Judg. iii. 26, 27). It was in " Mount Ephraim " 
(27), a continuation, perhaps, of the same wooded 
shaggy hills (such seems to be the signification of 
Seir and Seirath) which stretched even so far S. as 
to enter the territory of Judah (Josh. xv. 10). 

Sc'la (Is. xvi. 1) and Se'lali (2 K. xiv. 7) (Heb. 
sela\ a rock, Ges. ; in LXX. Petra), rendered " the 
rock" (Judg. i. 36; 2 Chr. xxv. 12; Ob. 3), prob- 
ably the famous city and stronghold of Edom, later 
known as " Petra," the ruins of which are found 
in Wady Musa, S. of the Dead Sea, about two days' 
journey N. of the top of the gulf of ' ' Akabah, and 
three or four S. from Jericho. It was taken by 
Amaziah, and called Joktheel, but seems to have 
afterward come under the dominion of Moab. In 
the end of the fourth century b. c. it was the head- 
quarters of the Nabatheans. (Nebaioth.) About 
70 b. c. it was the residence of the Arab princes 
named Aretas. It was by Trajan reduced to sub- 
jection to the Roman empire. The city Petra lay, 
though at a high level, in a hollow shut in by moun- 
tain-cliffs of reddish sandstone, and approached 
only by a narrow ravine (from twelve feet to forty 




Sela or Petra. General view of the ruins, looking toward the theatro,— (Ayre.) 



992 SEL 

(ir fifty feet wide), through which, ami across the 
city's site, the river winds. The principal ruins are 
— (1.) el- Khxunth (= the treasure), an edifice (an an- 
cient temple, or a dwelling for the dead ?), forming 
a portion of the lofty mass of rock, and having a 
beautiful facade, with columns and statues and elab- 
orately sculptured ornaments of delicate workman- 
ship and soft coloring; (2.) the theatre, which might 
seat perhaps 3,500 persons ; (3.) a tomb with three 
rows of columns ; (4.) a tomb with a Latin inscrip- 
tion ; (5.) ruined bridges; (6.) a triumphal arch; 
(7.) Zab Far'dn, a lone column connected with the 
foundations of a temple ; (8.) Kusr Far'dn ( = 
Pharaoh's easth), the only structure of mason-work 
now standing. 

Se la-liam-mah le-koth (Ileb. the cliff of escapes 
or of divisions ; more literally rock of tlie escapes), 
a rock or clifF in the wilderness of Maon, the scene 
of one of David's remarkable escapes from Saul (1 
Sam. xxiii. 28). So identification has yet been sug- 
gested. 

• Sc lab (fr. Ileb.) = Sela, a city of Edom (2 K. 
xiv. 7). 

Selah (Ileb., see below). This word, which is 
only found in the poetical books of the 0. T., oc- 
curs seventy-one times in the Psalms, and three 
times in Ilabakkuk. In sixteen Psalms it is found 
once, in fifteen twice, in seven three times, and in 
one four times — always at the end of a verse, ex- 
cept in Ps. lv. 19 [Heb. 20], lvii. 3 [Ileb. 4], and 
Hab. Hi. 3, 9, where it is in the middle, though at 
the end of a clause. All the Psalms in which it oc- 
curs, except eleven (iii., to., xxiv., xxxii., xlviii., 1., 
Ixxxii., lxxxiii., lxxxvii., lxxxix., cxliiL), have also 
the musical direction, "to the chief musician" 
(compare also Hab. iii. 19); and in these exceptions 
we find the Hebrew words mizmor (A. V. " Psalm ; " 
Poetry, Hebrew), " Shiggaion," or " Maschil," 
which sufficiently indicate that they were intended 
for music. Besides these, in the titles of the 
Psalms in which Selah occurs, we meet with the 
musical term 11 Alamotii " (xlvi.), " Al-tabchith " 
(lvii., lix., lxxv.), " Gittitii " (lxxxi., lxxxiv.), "Ma- 
Halath Leaxsotit" (lxxxviii.), " Miciitam " (lvii., 
lix., lx.), "Negisah" (lxi.), " Neginoth " (iv., liv., 
lv., lxvii., lxxvi. ; compare Hab. iii. 19), and " Shc- 
shas-edctii " (lx.) ; and on this association alone 
might be formed a strong presumption that, like 
these, Selah itself is a term which had a meaning in 
the musical nomenclature of the Hebrews. What 
that meaning may have been is now a matter of 
pure conjecture. In by far the greater number of 
instances the Targum renders the word by " for- 
ever," in Ps. xlviii. 8 [Heb. 9] " forever and ever." 
In Ps. xlix. 13 [Heb. 14] it has "for the world to 
come ; " in Ps. xxxix. 5 [Heb. 6] " for the life ever- 
lasting;" and in Ps. cxl. 5 [Heb. 6] "continually." 
This interpretation, adopted by the majority of Rab- 
binical writers, is purely traditional, based upon no 
etymology whatever, yet followed by Aquila, Sym- 
machus, Theodotion, Jerome, and the Peshito Syriac 
in some instances. That this rendering is mani- 
festlv inappropriate in some passages, e. g. Ps. xxi. 
2 [Heb. 3], xxxii. 4, lxxxi. 7 [Heb. 8], and Hab. iii. 
3, and superfluous in others, as Ps. xliv. 8 [Heb. 9], 
lxxxiv. 4 [Heb. 5], lxxxix. 4 [Heb. 5], was pointed 
out long since by Aben Ezra. In the Psalms the 
uniform rendering of the LXX. is Gr. diapsalma. 
The Vulgate omits it entirely. The rendering of 
the LXX., &c., is as traditional as that of the Tar- 
gum, and has no foundation in any known etymol- 
ogy. With regard to the meaning of diapsalma it- 



SEL 

self there is great doubt. Jerome enumerates vari- 
ous opinions ; that dinpsahna denotes a change of 
metre, a cessation of the Spirit's influence, or the 
beginning of another sense. Aben Ezra (on Ps. iii. 3) 
expressed his opinion that Selah was a word of em- 
phasis, used to give weight and importance to what 
was said, and to indicate its truth. Kimchi explained 
it as a musical term, signifying a raising or elevating 
the voice. Gesenius makes Selah the imperative 
from the verb sAluh, and hence = rent I pause! 
" Its use seems to have been, in chanting the words 
of the Psalms, to direct the singer to rest, to pause 
a little, while the instruments played an interlude 
or symphony. It is a sign of pause " (Gesenius, 
Hebrew Lexicon, translated by Robinson, 1854). 
Ewald derives Selah from salal, to rise, and regards 
the phrase " Iliggaion, Selah," in Ps. ix. 10 [Ileb. 
17], as the full form, signifying "music, strike 
up ! " — an indication that the voices of the choir 

"ere In cease >\ Idle (he instruments alone C8 in. 

Hengstenberg follows Gesenius, De Wette, &c, in 
the rendering pause! but refers it to the contents 
of the psalm, and understands it of the silence of 
tin music in order to give room for quiet reflection. 
If this were the case, Selah at the end of a psalm 
would be superfluous. Fiirst makes Selah = to 
the end, i. e. ended, pause of the song ; and says it 
may refer mainly to the musical accompaniment. 
Sommer (followed by Kcil, &c.) regards Selah as 
having an essentially religious aim, the words with 
which it is connected being such as before all others 
would come up in remembrance before Jehovah, and 
says, " It is placed by the poet at the passages, 
where, in the Temple-song, the choir of priests, 
standing opposite to that of the Levites, sounded 
the trumpets (Ileb. salal), and with the powerful 
tones of this instrument, the words just spoken were 
marked and borne upward to Jehovah's ear. This 
intercessory music of the priests was probably sus- 
tained on the part of the Levites by the vigorous 
tones of the psaltery and harp ; hence the Greek 
term diapsalma. The same appears further from 
the full phrase, 'Higgaion, Selah' (Ps. ix. 16), the 
first word denoting the sound of the stringed instru- 
ments (xcii. 3); the latter, the blast of the trum- 
pets, both of which would here sound together. 
The less important word (Higgaion) disappeared 
when the expression was abbreviated, and Selah 
alone remained " (B. S. v. 72 ff.). Davidson says : — 
" The word denotes elevation or ascent, i. e. loud, 
clear. The music which commonly accompanied 
the singing was soft and feeble. In cases where it 
was to burst in more strongly during the silence of 
the song, Selah was the sign. At the end of a verse 
or strophe, where it commonly stands, the music 
may have readily been strongest and loudest." Au- 
gust! thought it was an exclamation, like hallelujah ! 
and the late Prof. Lee classed it among the inter- 
jections, and rendered it jrraise ! Beyond the fact 
that Selah is a musical term, we know absolutely 
nothing about it (so Mr. Wright). 

Se'led (Heb. exultation, Ges.), son of Nadab, a 
descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 30). 

Sel-e-mi a (L. = Shelemiah), one of the five men 
" ready to write swiftly," whom Esdras was com- 
manded to take (2 Esd. xiv. 24). 

S'el-e-mi'as (Gr.) = Shelemiah 1 (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Se-Ien'ei-a [se-lu'she-a ; in L. pronounced sel-lu- 
si'ah] (L. fr. Gr., named from its founder = the city 
of Seleucus ; see below), a town near the mouth of 
the Orontes, was practically the seaport of Antioch 
1. The distance between the two towns was about 



SEL 



SEN" 



993 



sixteen miles. We are expressly told that St. Paul, 
in company with Barnabas, sailed from Seleucia at 
the beginning of his first missionary circuit (Acts 
xiii. 4) ; and it is almost certain that he landed 
there on his return from it (xiv. 26). This strong 
fortress and convenient seaport was constructed by 
the first Seleucus, a successor of Alexander the 
Great, and here he was buried. It is mentioned in 
1 Mc. xi. 8. It retained its importance in Roman 
times, and in St. Paul's day it had the privileges of 
a free city. The remains are numerous, including 
an immense excavation extending from the higher 
part of the city to the sea, two piers (called " Paul " 
and " Barnabas ") of the old harbor, &c. 

Se-lea'cQS (L. fr. Gr.) IV. Phi-lop' a-tor (Gr. loving 
his father), " king of Asia " (2 lie. iii. 3), i. e. of 
the provinces included in the Syrian monarchy of 
the Seleucidte ; son and successor of Antiochus 
the Great. He took part in the disastrous battle 
of Magnesia (b. c. 190), and three years afterward, 
on the death of his father, ascended the throne. 
He was murdered, after a reign of twelve years (b. c. 
175), by Heliodorus, one of his own courtiers (Dan. 
xi. 20). His son Demetrius I. Soter, whom he had 
sent, while still a boy, as hostage to Rome, gained 
the crown in 162 b. c. (1 Mc. vii. 1 ; 2 Mc. xiv. 1). 
The general policy of Seleucus toward the Jews, 
like that of his father (iii. 2, 3), was conciliatory, 
and he undertook a large share of the expenses of 
the Temple-service (iii. 3, 6). On one occasion, by 
the false representations of Simon 3, he was induced 
to make an attempt to carry away the treasure de- 
posited in the Temple, by means of the same Helio- 
dorus who murdered him. The attempt signally 
failed, but it does not appear that he afterward 
6howed any resentment against the Jews (iv. 5, 6) ; 
though his want of money to pay the enormous 
tribute due to the Romans may have compelled him 
to raise extraordinary revenues (compare his title 
" a raiser of taxes" in Dan. xi. 20). Syria. 

* Sell'er. Colors ; Commerce ; Fairs ; Market, 
&c. 

Sem (Gr.) = Shem the patriarch (Lk. iii. 36). 

Sem-a-elli all [-ki-] (fr. Heb. — Jehovah sustains 
him, Ges.), a Levite, son of Shemaiah 9 (1 Chr. 
xxvi. 7). 

Sem'e-1 (Gr. = Shimei). 1. Shimei 14 (1 Esd. ix. 
S3).— 2. Shimei 16 (Esth. xi. 2).— 3. Father of Mat- 
tathias in the genealogy of Jesus Christ (Lk. iii. 26). 

Se-mcHi-us (fr. Gr.) = Shimshai (1 Esd. ii. 16, 17, 
25, 30). 

Se'mis (fr. Gr.) = Shimei 13 (1 Esd. ix. 23). 
Scm-it'ic (fr. Sem = Shem) Lan'gna-gcs. Shemitic 
Languages. 

Se-na'all (ileb. thorny, Ges.). The "children of 
Senaah " are enumerated among the " people of 
Israel" who returned from the Captivity with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 35 ; Neh. vii. 38). In Neh. iii. 3, the 
name is given with the Hebrew article, Hassenaah. 
The names in these lists are mostly those of 
towns ; but Seuaah does not occur elsewhere in the 
Bible as a town. The Magdal-Senna, or " great 
Senna " of Eusebius and Jerome, seven miles N. of 
Jericho, however, is not inappropriate in position. 
Bertheau suggests that Senaah represents not a 
single place but a district ; but there is nothing to 
corroborate this (so Mr. Grove). 

* Sen' ate, the A. V. translation of Gr. gerousia = 
(so Khn. N. T. Lex.) eldership, i. e. the elders, taken 
collectively (Acts v. 21 only). Elder. 

Se'neh (Heb. thorn, thorn bush), the name of the 
southern one — that toward Geba — of the two iso- 



lated rocks which stood in the " passage of Mich- 
mash" (1 Sam. xiv. 4). Bozez. 

Se'nir (Heb. coat-of-mail, or cataract, Ges. ; see 
below). This name occurs twice in the A. V., viz. 
1 Chr. v. 23, and Ez. xxvii. 5 ; but the Hebrew word 
occurs in Deut. iii. 9, and Cant. iv. 8, though some 
Hebrew copies have shlnir here (so Gesenius), and 
the A. V. has Shenir. It is the Araorite name for 
the mountain (or perhaps rather a portion of the 
mountain) in the N. of Palestine which the Hebrews 
called Hermon. Abulfeda reports that the part of 
Anti-Lebanon N, of Damascus — that usually denom- 
inated Jebel esh-Shurky, " the East Mountain" — was 
in his day called Senir. 

Sen-nacll'e-rib [-nak-] (L. ; Heb. Sanhcrib or San- 
cherib ; fr. Sansc. = conqueror of armies, Bohlen, 
Ges. ; see below), the son and successor of Sargon, 
king of Assyria. His name in the Assyrian in- 
scriptions is read by Rawlinson Tsin-akki-irib, which 
is understood to mean " Sin (or the Moon) increases 
brothers : " an indication that he was not the first- 
born of his father. We know little or nothing of 
Sennacherib during his father's lifetime. From his 
name, and from Polyhistor's mention (after Bero- 
sus) that his brother held the tributary kingdom of 
Babylon, we may gather that he was not the eldest 
son, and not the heir to the crown till the year be- 
fore his father's death. (Nineveh.) Sennacherib 
mounted the throne b. c. 702. His first efforts 
were directed to crushing the revolt of Babylonia, 
which he invaded with a large army. Merodach- 
baladan ventured on a battle, but was defeated and 
driven from the country. Sennacherib then made 
Belibus, an officer of his court, viceroy, and, quit- 
ting Babylonia, ravaged the lands of the Aramean 
tribes on the Tigris and Euphrates, whence he car- 
ried off 200,000 captives. The next year he made 
war on the independent tribes in Mount Zagros, and 
reduced a portion of Media. In his third year (b. c. 
700) he turned his arms toward the West, chastised 
Sidon, took tribute from Tyre, Aradu?, and the 
other Phenieian cities, as well as from Edom and 
Ashdod, besieged and captured Ascalon, made war 
on Egypt, which was still dependent on Ethiopia, 
took Libnah and Lachish on the Egyptian frontier, 
and, having probably concluded a convention with 
his chief enemy, finally marched against Hezekiah, 
king of Judah. It was at this time (so Rawlinson) 
that " Sennacherib came up against all the fenced 
cities of Judah, and took them," &c. (2 K. xviii. 13- 
16). In b. c. 699 Sennacherib invaded Babylonia 
for the second time. He made a second expedition 
into Palestine, perhaps in this same year. Hezekiah 
had again revolted, and claimed the protection of 
Egypt. Instead, therefore, of besieging Jerusalem, 
the Assyrian king marched past it to the Egyptian 
frontier, attacked once more Lachish and Libnah, 
but apparently failed to take them, sent messengers 
from the former to Hezekiah (2 K. xviii. 17), and on 
their return without his submission wrote him a 
threatening letter (xix. 14). Tirhakah was hasten- 
ing to the aid of the Egyptians when an event oc- 
curred which relieved both Egypt and Judea from 
their danger. In one night the Assyrians lost, 
either by a pestilence or by some more awful mani- 
festation of Divine power (Angels III.), 185,000 
men ! Tlie camp immediately broke up — the king 
fled. Sennacherib reached his capital in safety, and 
was r;ot deterred from engaging in other wars, 
though he seems thenceforward to have carefully 
avoided Palestine. In his fifth year he led an ex- 
pedition into Armenia and Media ; after which, from 



63 



994: 



SEN 



SEP 



his sixth to his eighth year, he was engaged in wars 
with Susiana and Babylonia. From this point his 
annals tail us. Sennacherib reigned twenty-two 
years. The date of his accession is fixed by the 
Canon of Ptolemy to b. c. 702, the first year of Bel- 
ibus or Elibus. The date of his death is marked 
in the same document by the accession of Asarida- 
nus (Esar-haddon) to the throne of Babylon in u. c. 
CSO. The monuments are in exact conformity with 
these dates (so Rawlinson), for the twenty-second 
year of Sennacherib (but none later) has been found 
upon them. It is impossible to reconcile these 
dates with the chronology of Ilezekiah's reign, ac- 
cording to the present Hebrew text. Some suppose 
that in 2 K. xviii. 13 and Is. xxxvi. 1 the year has 
been altered by a copyist from " twenty-seventh " 
to " fourteenth." Others suppose a dislocation as 
well as alteration of the text. Sennacherib was one 
of the most magnificent of the Assyrian kings. He 
seems to have been the first who fixed the seat of 
government permanently at Nineveh, which he care- 
fully repaired and adorned with splendid buildings. 
His greatest work is the grand palace at KoyunjUr. 
He built also, or repaired, a second palace at Nebbi 
Yurnts, confined the Tigris to its channel by an em- 
bankment of brick, restored the ancient aqueducts, 
&c, (Nineveh.) ne also erected monuments in 
distant countries, o:ic, a rock-hewn tablet, at the 
mouth of the Nahr el-A'elb, two hours from Beirut. 
Of the death of Sennacherib it is only known that, 
" as he was worshipping in the house of Nisroch his 
god, Adranimclech and Sharczcr his sons smote him 
with the sword, and escaped into the land of Ar- 
menia " (2 K. xix. 37; Is. xxxvii. 38). Throne. 

Scn'n-:lll (1Kb., properly Hassinuah = the brix- ! 
tling, Oes.), a Benjamitc, the father of Judah, who 
was second over the city after the return from Bab- 
ylon (Neb. xx 9) ; = Hasenuaii. 

Sc-o'lim (Hub. barley, Ges.), chief of the fourth 
of the twenty-four courses of priests instituted by 
David ( 1 Chr. xxiv. 8). 

Sc'pbar (Heb. a numbering, census, Ges.). It is 
written, after the enumeration of the sons nf Joktan, 
"and their dwelling was from Mesha as thou goest 
unto Scphar, a mount of the cast" (Gen. x. 30). 
The immigration of the Joktanites was probably 
from \V. to E., and they occupied the southwestern 
portion of the peninsula. (Arabia.) The undoubted 
identifications of Arabian places and tribes with i 
their Joktanitc originals are included within these 
limits, and point to Sephar as the eastern boundary. I 
There appears to be little doubt that the ancient 
seaport town called Dhafdri or Zafdri, and Dhafdr 
OP Zafdr, without the inflexional termination, rep- 
resents the Biblical site or district (so Mr. E. S. 
Poole, with most critics). It appears to preserve 
the name mentioned in Gen. x. 3<~>, and to be in the 
district anciently so named. It is situated on the 
coast, in the province of Hadramawt, and near the 
district which adjoins that province on the E., called 
Esh-Shihr. II. Fresnel tells us that Zafdr, pro- 
nounced by the modern inhabitants Ixfor, is now 
the name of a series of villages situate some of 
them on the shore, and some close to the shore, of j 
the Indian Ocean, between Mirbai and Rds-Sdjir, ex- j 
tending a distance of two days' journey, or seventeen 1 
or eighteen hours, from E. to W. Proceeding in 
this direction, those near the shore are named Tdkah, ; 
Ed-Dahdreez, El-Beleed, ElHdfeh, Saldhah, and 
Awkad. The first four are on the sea-shore, and the 
last two at a small distance from it. El-Beleed, 
otherwise called Harkdm, is, in M. Fresnel's opinion, 



the ancient Zafdr. It is on a small peninsula lying 

between the ocean and a bay, and the port is on 
the land-side of the town. The classical writers 
mention Sapphar metropolis or Saphar, the capital 
of the Sappharita;, placed by Ptolemy near the 
HomerittB. 

Soph a-rud (Ileb. fr. Assyrian = boundary, limit, 
Wr.), a place whence the captive Jews were to re- 
turn to possess the cities of the South (Ob. '20 only). 
Its situation is uncertain. (\.) The reading of the 
LXX., lads {= as far ax) Ephrathd, is probably a 
mere conjecture. (2.) The reading of the Vulgate, 
Boxportis (Cimmerian, or Thracian ?), was adopted 
by Jerome from his Jewish instructor. TheTargum 
Jonathan and the Peshito-Syriac, and from them 
the modern Jews, interpret Sepharad as Spain (h- 
pamia and Ispania). (3.) Others have suggested 
the identity of Sepharad with SHjiphara in Mesopo- 
tamia, but that is more probably Sepharvaim. (4.) 
The name has perhaps been discovered in the cunei- 
form Persian inscriptions of Naksh-i-Rustum and 
Behistun ; and also in a list of Asiatic nations given 
by Niebuhr. In the latter it occurs between " Cap- 
padocia" and "Ionia." De Sacy was the first to 
propose the identilication of this with Sepharad, 
and subsequently it was suggested by Lassen that 
8-Pa-Ba-D = Saudis, the ancient capital of Lydia. 
Winer and Pusey approve this identification. (5.) 
Ewald considers that Sepharad has a connection with 
Zarepbatb in the preceding verse; and suggests 
that the true reading is Sepharant, and that it is to 
be found in a place three hours from ' Akka (Accho), 
i. e. doubtless the modern Shefa 'Omar, ((>.) Mi- 
chaelis suggests that the " Spartans " of 1 Me. xii. 
15 are accurately " Sepharadites." 

Srpli-ar-vn'in) (L. fr. Heb. dual ; see below), men- 
tioned by Sennacherib in his letter to Hezekiah as 
a city whose king had been unable to resist the As- 
syrians (2 K. xix. 13; Is. xxxvii. 13; compare 2 K. 
xviii. 34). It is coupled with Hena and Ava, or 
Ivah, towns on the Euphrates above Babylon. 
Again, it is mentioned, in 2 K. xvii. 24, where it is 
a^;iin joined with Ava, and also with Cuthah and 
Babylon. The^e indications justify us in identifying 
the place with the famous town of Sippara or Sip- 
phara, on the Euphrates above Babylon, near the site 
of the modern Mosaib. The dual form indicates 
that there were two Sipparas, one on either side of 
the river. Berosus called Sippara, " a city of the 
sun;" and in the inscription it bears the same title, 
being called Tsipar sha Shamas, or " Sippara of the 
Sun " — the sun being the chief object of worship 
there (compare 2 K. xvii 31). Sepharvites. 

* Se-phar'vites = people of Sepharvaim, who 
burnt their children in the fire to Adrammelech and 
Anahmelech, 2 K. xvii. 31). 

Sc-phc'la, the Gr. form of the Heb. hash-S/iephS- 
lah, the native name for the southern division of 
the low-lying flat district which intervenes between 
the central highlands of the Holy Land and the 
Mediterranean (1 Mc. xii. 38), the other and north- 
ern portion of which was known as Sharon. The 
Hebrew name occurs throughout the topograph- 
ical records of Joshua, the historical works, and 
the topographical passages in the Prophets. In 
these passages, however, the word is treated in the 
A. V. not as a proper name, but as a mere appella- 
tive, and rendered " the vale," " the valley," " the 
plain," "the low plains," and "the low country." 
(Judah 1 (II.); Low Country; Palestine, II., §§ 
29, 30, &c. ; Plain 6 ; Valley 5.) The name is re- 
tained in the old versions, and was actually in use 



SEP 



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995 



down to the fifth century. No definite limits are 
mentioned to the Shepheldh, nor is it probable that 
there were any. In Josh. xv. 33-47 " the val- 
ley" (Heb. hash- Shepheldh) contains forty-three 
" cities," as well as the hamlets and temporary vil- 
lages dependent on them. Of these, as far as our 
knowledge avails us, the most northern was Ekron, 
the most southern Gaza, and the most eastern Ne- 
zib (about seven miles N. N. W. of Hebron). A 
large number of these towns, however, were situated 
not in the plain, nor even on the western slopes of 
the central mountains, but in the mountains them- 
selves. 

Sep'tn-a-gint (fr. L. sepluaginia — 70; see below). 
The causes which produced this Greek version of 
the Old Testament, the number and names of the 
translators, the times at which different portions 
were translated, are all uncertain (so Prof. Selwyn, 
original author of this article). — Printed Editions. It 
appears at the present day in four principal editions. 
1. The Complu tensian Polyglott (Old Testament, I., 
§ 3), a. d. 1514-1517. 2. The Aldine Edition, Ven- 
ice, a. d. 1518. 3. The Roman Edition, edited un- 
der Pope Sixtus V., a. d. 1587. 4. Facsimile Edi- 
tion of the Alexandrine MS. (New Testament, I., 
§ 28, A), by H. H. Baber, a. d. 1816. The texts of 
1 and 2 were probably formed by collation of several 
MSS. The Roman edition, 3, is printed from the ven- 
erable Vatican MS. (New Testament, I., § 28, B). 
A transcript of this MS., prepared by Cardinal Mai, 
was published at Rome, by Vercelloni, in 1857; this 
edition is not so accurate as to preclude the neces- 
sity of consulting the MS. The Facsimile Edition, 
4, by Mi'. Baber, is printed with types made after 
the form of the letters in the Alexandrine MS. 
Other editions are — Walton's Polyglott, 1657 ; Cam- 
bridge edition, 1665; Grabe, Oxford, 1707-1720, 
reprinted by Breitinger, Zurich, 1730; Bos, Frane- 
ker (Netherlands), 1709 ; Holmes, continued by Par- 
sons, Oxford, 1798-1827; Oxford edition, by Gais- 
ford, 1848; Tischendorf 's editions, Leipsic, 1850, 
1856, &c. ; Field, 1859, to,.— Manuscripts. The 
various readings given by Holmes and Parsons en- 
able us to judge, in some measure, of the character 
of the several MSS., and of the degree of their ac- 
cordance with the Hebrew text. They are distin- 
guished thus by Holmes: the uncial, by Roman nu- 
merals, the cursive by Arabic figures. Among them 
may be specially noted, with their probable dates 
and estimates of value as given by Holmes in his 
Preface to the Pentateuch : — 

Probable 



Uncial. 1 date. 

Century. 

I. Cottonian. British Museum (fragments).. . 4 

n. Vatican. Vatican Library, Rome 4 

III. Alexandrine. British Museum 5 

VII. Ainbroaian. Ambrosian Library, Milan 7 

X. Coislinian. Imperial Library, Paris 7 

Cursive. 

16. Medicean. Laurentian Library, Florence... 11 
19. Chiqian at Rome. Similar to Complutensian 

Text and 103, 118 10 

25. Monachian. at Munich 10 

58. Vatican (No. x.) Vatican Library, similar 

to 72 13 

59. Glaiauan at Glasgow 12 

61. Bodleian. Laud. 36, excellent 13 

64. Parisian (11). Imperial Library 10 or 11 

72. Venetian. Excellent 13 

75. O core/an at Oxford (University College) 12 

84. Vatican (1991), excellent 11 

107 \ Ferra, '' arl at Ferrara. These two agree . . -j 14 

108. I Vatican (330) I Similar to Complu- j 14 

118,f Parisian. Imp. Lib. ( tensian Text, and 19. | 13 



1 The Sinaitic MS., uncial, is supposed by Tischendorf 



The texts of these MSS. differ considerably from 
each other, and consequently differ in various de- 
grees from the Hebrew original. The following are 
the results of a comparison of the readings in Ex. i. 
-viii. : — 1. Several of the MSS. agree well with the 
Hebrew ; others differ very much. 2. The chief 
v&riance from the Hebrew is in the addition or omis- 
sion of words and clauses. 3. Taking the Roman 
text as the basis, there are found eighty places (a) 
where some of the MSS. differ from the Roman text, 
either by addition or omission, in agreement with the 
Hebrew; twenty-six places (b) where differences of 
the same kind are not in agreement with the Hebrew. 
There is therefore a large balance against the Roman 
text, in point of accordance with the Hebrew. 4. 
Those MSS. which have the largest number of differ- 
ences of class (a) have the smallest number of class 
(6). There is evidently some strong reason for this 
close accordance with the Hebrew in these MSS. 5. 
The divergence between the extreme points of the 
series of MSS. may be estimated from this statement : 

No. 72 differs from the Roman text in 40 places, with Heb. 
" " " " " 4 " against " 

" 59 " " " 40 " with " 

" " " " " 9 " against " 

Between these and the Roman text lie many shades 
of variety. The Alexandrine text is about half-way 
between the two extremes ; 

Differing from Roman text in 25 places, with Ilebrew. 
" '• " " 16 " against " 

But whence these varieties of text? Was the Ver- 
sion at first more in accordance with the Hebrew, as 
in 72 and 59, and did it afterward degenerate into 
the less accurate state of the Vatican MS. ? Or was 
the Version at first less accurate, like the Vatican 
text, and afterward brought, by critical labors, into 
the more accurate form of the MSS. which stand 
highest in the scale ? History supplies the answer. 
Jerome speaks of two copies, one older and less ac- 
curate (koine [Gr.] = common), fragments of which 
are believed to be represented by the still extant 
remains of the old Latin Version ; the other more 
faithful to the Hebrew, which he took as the basis 
of his own new Latin Version. He also speaks of 
the corruption of the ancient translation, and the 
great variety of copies used in different countries. 
Origen, finding great discordance in the several copies 
in the LXX., laid this version side by side with the 
the other three translations of Aquila, Theodotion, 
and Symmachus ; and, taking their accordance with 
each other as the test of their agreement with the He- 
brew, marked the copy of the LXX. with an obelos 
—-, where he found superfluous words, and supplied 
the deficiencies of the LXX. by words taken from 
the other versions, with an asterisk *, prefixed. 
From Eusebius we learn that this work of Origen 
was called Telrapla, the fourfold Bible. But this 
was only the earlier and the smaller portion of Ori- 
gen's labors : he rested not till he had acquired the 
knowledge of Hebrew, and compared the Septu- 
agint directly with the Hebrew copies. The result 
of his subsequent labors was embodied in the Hex- 
apla or sixfold Bible, in which he arranged the four 
above-mentioned translations with two or three 
others and the Hebrew text in separate columns, so 
that the whole could be seen at one view. From 
Jerome we learn that in the Hexapla the Hebrew 
text was placed in one column in Hebrew letters, in 
the next column in Greek letters. The fate of this 

to be as ancient as the Vatican (II.). New Testament, 
L, §28, N. 



996 



SEP 



SEP 



laborious work is unknown. It was brought from 
Tyro and laid up in the library at Cesarea, and there 
probably perished by the flames, a. d. GOIS. One 
copy, however, had been made by I'amphilus and 
Eusebius, of the column containing the corrected 
text of the Septuagint, with Origen's asterisks and 
obeli, and the letters denoting from which of the 
other translators each addition was taken. This 
copy is probably the ancestor of those MSS. which 
now approach most nearly to the Hebrew, and are 
entitled Ihxiplar. To these main sources of our 
existing MSS. must be added the recensions of the 
Septuagint mentioned by Jerome and others, viz. 
those of Lucian of Antioeh and llesyehius of Egypt, 
not long after the time of Origen. Each of these 
had a wide range: that of Lucian (supposed to be 
corrected by the Hebrew) in the Churches from Con- 
stantinople to Antioeh ; that of llesyehius in Alex- 
andria and Egypt; while the churches lying between 
these two regions used the Hoxaplar text copied 
by Eusebius and I'amphilus. — [. History of the Ver- 
non. Before attempting to ascertain whence came 
the ancient text called koine or common, which was 
current before the time of Origen, we may notice — 
(a.) This version was highly esteemed by the Hel- 
lenistic Jews before the coming of Christ. An an- 
nual festival was held at Alexandria in remembrance 
of the completion of the work. The manner in which 
it is quoted by the writers of the N. T. proves that 
it had been long in general use. It was found 
wherever the Greek language prevailed, or Jews 
were settled among Gentiles. To the wide disper- 
sion of this version we may ascribe in great measure 
that general persuasion which prevailed over the 
whole East of the near approach of the Redeemer. 
(Mkssiaii.) (b.) Not less wide was the influence of 
the Septuagint in the spread of the Gospel. Many 
of the Jews assembled at Jerusalem on the day of 
Pentecost, from Asia Minor, Africa, Crete, and 
Rome, used the Grekk language ; from Antioeh and 
Alexandria in the East, to Rome and Massilia (Mar- 
seilles) in the West, the voice of the Gospel sounded 
forth in Greek. For a long period the Septuagint 
was the 0. T. of the far larger part of the Christian 
Church. (Canon.) — Can we now find any clear, 
united, consistent testimony to the origin of the 
Septuagint? 1. Where? 2. When ? 3. By whom? 
4. Whence the title ? 1. The only point in which 
all agree is that Alexandria was the birthplace of 
the Version. 2. The Version was made, or at least 
commenced, in the time of the earlier Ptolemies, in 
the first half of the third century n. c. 3. By whom 
wax it made? The following are some of the tradi- 
tions current among the Fathers: — Irenteus relates 
that Ptolemy Lagi, wishing to adorn his Alexan- 
drian Library with the writings of all nations, re- 
quested from the Jews of Jerusalem a Greek version 
of their Scriptures ; that they sent seventy elders 
well skilled in the Scriptures and in later languages ; 
that the king separated them from one another, and 
bade them all translate the several books. When 
they came together before Ptolemy and showed their 
versions, God was glorified, for they all agreed exactly, 
from beginning to end, in every phrase and word, so 
that all men may know that the Scriptures are trans- 
lated by the inspiration of God. Justin Martyr gives 
the same account, and adds that he was taken to see 
the cells where the interpreters worked. Epipha- 
nius says that the translators were divided into 
pairs, in thirty-six cells, each pair being provided 
with two scribes ; and that thirty-six versions, agree- 
ing in every point, were produced, by the gift of the 



Holy Spirit. Among the Latin Fathers Augustine 
adheres to the inspiration of the translators. But 
Jerome boldly throws aside the whole story of the 
cells and the inspiration, and refers to the relation 
of Arista>us, or Aristeas, and to Josephus, the for- 
mer being followed by the latter. This (so called) 
letter of Aristeas to his brother Philocratcs is still 
extant. It gives a splendid account of the origin of 
the Septuagint ; of the embassy and presents sent 
by King Ptolemy to the high-priest at Jerusalem, by 
the advice of Demetrius Phulcrcus, his librarian, 
fifty talents of gold and fifty talents of silver, &c. : 
the Jewish slaves whom he set free, paying their 
ransom himself; the letter of the king; the answer 
of the high-priest ; the choosing of six interpreters 
from each of the twelve tribes, and their names; 
the copy of the Law, in letters of gold ; their arrival 
at Alexandria on the anniversary of the king's vic- 
tory over Antigonus ; the feast prepared for the 
seventy-two, which continued for seven days; the 
question proposed to each of the interpreters in 
turn, with the answers of each ; their lodging by the 
sea-shore ; and the accomplishment of their work in 
seventy-two days, by confirtnce and comparison. 
This is the story which probably gave to this version 
the title of the Septuagint. A simpler account, and 
probably more genuine, is that given by Aristobu- 
lus 1 (second century b. c): "Before Demetrius 
Pbalereus a translation had been made, by others, 
of the history of the Hebrews' going forth out of 
Egypt, and of all that happened to them, and of the 
conquest of the land, and of the exposition of the 
whole Law. . . . But the entire translation of our 
whole Law was made in the time of the king named 
Philadelphia, a man of greater zeal, under the di- 
rection of Demetrius Phalereus." The Prologue of 
the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach (Ecclesias- 
tigts) makes mention of "the Law itself, the 
Prophets, and the rest of the books," having been 
translated from the Hebrew into another tongue. 
The letter of Aristeas was received as genuine and 
true for many centuries ; but the general belief of 
scholars now is, that it was the work of some Alex- 
andrian Jew, whether with the object of enhan- 
cing the dignity of his Law, or the credit of the 
Greek version, or for the meaner purpose of gain. 
But the Pseudo-Aristeas had a basis of fact for his 
fiction ; on three points of his story there is no 
material difference of opinion, and they are con- 
firmed by the study of the Version itself: — (1.) The 
Version was made at Alexandria. (2.) It was be- 
gun in the time of the earlier Ptolemies, about b. c. 
280. (3.) The Law(i. e. the Pentateuch) alone was 
translated at first. But by whom was the Version 
made ? As Hody justly remarks, " it is of little 
moment whether it was made at the command of 
the king or spontaneously by the Jews ; but it is a 
question of great importance whether the Hebrew 
copy of the Law, and the interpreters (as Pseudo- 
Aristeas and his followers relate), were summoned 
from Jerusalem, and sent by the high-priest to Alex- 
andria." The Version itself bears upon its face 
the marks of imperfect knowledge of Hebrew, and 
exhibits the forms and phrases of the Macedonic 
Greek prevalent in Alexandria, with a plentiful 
sprinkling of Egyptian words. The reader of the 
LXX. will readily agree with Body's conclusion — 
that, whether by the king's command or by the 
Jews spontaneously, it was made by Alexandrine 
Jews. The question as to the moving cause which 
gave birth to the Version is one which cannot be so 
decisively answered either by internal evidence or 



SEP 



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997 



by historical testimony. The balance of probability 
must be struck between the tradition of the king's 
intervention and the simpler account suggested by 
the facts of history, and the phenomena of the Ver- 
sion itself. It is well known that, after the Jews 
returned from the Captivity of Babylon, having lost 
in great measure the familiar knowledge of the 
ancient Hebrew, the readings from the Books of 
Moses in the synagogues of Palestine were explained 
to them in the Clialdaic tongue, in Targums or Para- 
phrases ; and the same was done with the Books of 
the Prophets, when, at a later time, they also were 
read in the synagogues. (Old Testament, B ; Ver- 
sions, Ancient [Targum].) The Jews of Alexandria 
had probably still less knowledge of Hebrew ; their 
familiar language was Alexandrian Greek. They 
had settled in Alexandria in large numbers soon 
after the time of Alexander, and under the earlier 
Ptolemies. They would naturally follow the same 
practice as their brethren in Palestine ; the Law 
first and afterward the Prophets would be explained 
in Greek, and from this practice would arise in time 
an entire Greek Version. 4. Whence the title? It 
seems unnecessary to suppose, with Eichhorn, that 
the title Septuagint arose from the approval given 
to the Version by an Alexandrian Sanhedrim of 
seventy or seventy-two ; that title appears sufficient- 
ly accounted for above by the prevalence of the 
letter of Aristeas, describing the mission of seventy- 
two interpreters from Jerusalem. — II. Character of 
the Septuagint. A minute examination shows that 
the Hebrew MSS. used by the Greek translators 
were not pointed as at present, that they were writ- 
ten without intervals between the words, and that 
the present final forms of the letters caph, mem, 
nun, pe, tsMeii (Writing), were not then in use. In 
a few cases the translators appear to have preserved 
the true pointing and division of the words where 
the Masorets have gone wrong. (A.) Is the Septua- 
gint faithful in substance? — 1. It has been clearly 
shown by Hody, Frankel, &c, that the several books 
were translated by different persons, without any 
comprehensive revision to harmonize the several 
parts. Names and words are rendered differently 
in different books ; particular words and phrases 
are used in some books and not in others. 2. Thus 
the character of the Version varies much in the 
several books, that of the Pentateuch being the 
best. 3. The poetical parts are, generally speaking, 
inferior to the historical, the original abounding 
with rarer words and expressions. The Psalms and 
Proverbs are perhaps the best of the poetical parts. 
4. In the Major Prophets (probably translated nearly 
100 years after the Pentateuch) some of the most im- 
portant prophecies are sadly obscured. Ezekiel and 
the Minor Prophets (speaking generally) seem to be 
better rendered. 5. Supposing the numerous glosses 
and duplicate renderings, which have evidently crept 
from the margin into the text, to be removed, and 
forming a rough estimate of what the Septuagint 
was in its earliest state, we may perhaps say of it 
that it is the image of the original seen through a 
glass not adjusted to the proper focus ; the larger 
features are shown, but the sharpness of definition 
is lost. — (B.) We have anticipated the answer to 
the second question — Is the Version minutely ac- 
curate in de'ails? — but will give a few examples. (1.) 
The same word in the same chapter is often rendered 
by differing words, as "will pass over" in Ex. xii. 
13, 23. (2.) Differing words by the same word, as 
" will pass through " and " will pass over " in xii. 
23. (3.) The Divine names are frequently inter- 



changed, as " Lord " for " God," and " God " for 
" Jehovah." (4.) Proper names are sometimes trans- 
lated, sometimes not, as " Pisgah " translated in 
Deut. hi. 27, but not in xxxiv. 1. (5.) The transla- 
tors are often misled by the similarity of Hebrew 
words, as " for thy works " instead of " for thy 
sake " in Gen. III. 17. In very many cases the error 
may be thus traced to the similarity of some of the 
Hebrew letters (e. g. ddlclh and resh, he and tdv, yod 
and vdv ; see Writing) ; in some it is difficult to 
see any connection between the original and the 
Version. (6.) Besides the above deviations, and many 
like them, which are probably due to accidental 
causes, the change of a letter, or doubtful writing 
in the Hebrew, there are some passages which seem 
to exhibit a studied variation in the LXX. from the 
Hebrew (e. g. Gen. ii. 2 ; Ex. xii. 40). Frequently 
the strong expressions of the Hebrew are softened 
down, where human parts are ascribed to God (e. g. 
Ex. iv. 16). The Version is therefore not minutely 
accurate in details. — (C.) We shall now be prepared 
to weigh the tradition of the Fathers, that the Ver- 
sion was made by inspiration. If there be such a 
thing as an inspiration of translators, it must be an 
effect of the Holy Spirit on their minds, enabling 
them to do their work of translation more perfectly 
than by their own abilities and acquirements ; to 
overcome the difficulties arising from defective 
knowledge, from imperfect MSS., from similarity of 
letters, from human infirmity and weariness ; and 
so to produce a copy of the Scriptures, setting forth 
the Word of God, and the history of His people, in 
its original truth and purity. If the Septuagint 
Version satisfies this test, it will be found not only 
substantially faithful, but minutely accurate in de- 
tails ; it will be, in short, a republication of the 
original text, purified from the errors of human 
hands and eyes, stamped with fresh authority from 
Heaven. This is a question to be decided by facts, 
by the phenomena of the Version itself. We will 
simply declare our own conviction that, instead of 
such a Divine republication of the original, we find 
a marked distinction between the original and the 
Septuagint — a distinction well expressed in the 
words of Jerome : " There the Spirit predicts things 
to come ; here learning and abundance of words 
translates what it understands." — III. What, then, 
are the benefits to be derived from the study of the 
Septuagint?— \. For the 0. T. The Septuagint 
gives evidence of the character and condition of the 
Hebrew MSS. from which it was made, with respect 
to vowel points and the mode of writing. Being 
made from MSS. far older than the Masoretic re- 
cension, the Septuagint often indicates readings 
more ancient and more correct than those of our 
present Hebrew MSS. and editions; and often speaks 
decisively between the conflicting readings of the 
present MSS. (e. g. Ps. xvi. 10, xxii. 17; Hos. vi. 5). 
In Gen. iv. 8 a clause ("Let us go into the field"), 
which Prof. Selwyn and others consider necessary 
to the sense, is contained in the LXX., but not in 
the Hebrew ; but some of the best interpreters sus- 
tain the Hebrew text here, though they translate 
the preceding Hebrew word (vayyomcr, literally and 
usually = " and said ") differently — the translation 
of Gesenius being ana 'said sc. it, viz. what God has 
told him (Cain) in ver. 7 ; of Fiirst, and spoke, viz. 
from ver. 7 ; of A. V. " and talked," &c. In all these 
cases Prof. Selwyn does not attribute any paramount 
authority to the Septuagint on account of its superior 
antiquity to the extant Hebrew MSS.; but takes 
it as an evidence of a more ancient Hebrew text, as 



99S 



SEP 



SER 



an eve-witness of the texts, 280 or 180 years d. c. 
2. The close connection between the 0. and N. T. 
makes the study of the Septuagint extremely val- 
uable, and almost indispensable to the theological 
student. It was manifestly the chief storehouse 
from which the apostles drew their proofs and pre- 
cepts. (Old Testament, C.) 3. Further, the lan- 
guage of the Septuagint is the mould in which the 
thoughts and expressions of the apostles and evan- 
gelists are cast. In this Version Divine Truth has 
taken the Greek language as its shrine, and adapted 
it to the things of God. Hence the Septuagint is a 
treasury of illustration for the Greek Testament. 4. 
The frequent citations of the LXX. by the Greek 
fathers, and of the Latin Version of the LXX. by 
the Fathers who wrote in Latin, form another reason 
for the study of the Septuagint. 5. On the value 
of the Septuagint as a monument of the Greek lan- 
guage in one of its most curious phases, this is not 
the place to dwell. — IV. Objects to be attained by the 
Critical Scholar. 1. A question of much interest 
still waits for a solution : the relation between the 
Septuagint and the Samaritan Pentateuch. 2. For 
the critical scholar it would be a worthy object of 
pursuit to ascertain, as nearly as possible, the origi- 
nal text of the Septuagint as it stood in the time 
of the apostles and Philo. The critic would prob- 
ably take as his basis the Roman edition, from the 
Vatican MS., as representing most nearly the ancient 
(koine or common) texts. The collection of frag- 
ments of Origen's Hexapla, by Montfaucon, &c, 
would help him to eliminate the additions to the 
LXX. from other sources, and to purge out the 
glosses and double renderings ; the citations in the 
N. T. and in Philo, in the early Christian Fathers, 
both Greek and Latin, would render assistance of 
the same kind ; and perhaps the most effective aid 
of all would be found in the fragments of the Old 
Latin A'ersion collected by Sabatier in three volumes 
folio (Rhcims, 1743). Another work of more prac- 
tical and general interest still remains to be done, 
viz. to provide a Greek version, accurate and faith- 
ful to the Hebrew original, for the use of the Greek 
Church, and of students reading the Scriptures in 
that language for purposes of devotion or mental 
improvement. Apocrypha; Bible ; Daniel, Apoc- 
ryfhal Additions to; Esther; Maccabees, Book 
of ; Versions, Ancient (Greek), &c. 

Sop ul chre \_-ker] (fr. L. = a burial-place or tomb). 
Burial; Tomb. 

Se'rall (Heb. abundance, Gcs.), daughter of Asher 
(Gen. xlvi. 17; 1 Chr. vii. 30); = Sarah 2. 

Se-rai'ali [-ra'yah], or Ser-a-i'ah (Heb. warrior of 
Jehovah, Ges.). 1. The king's scribe or secretary 
in David's reign (2 Sam. viii. 17). (Shavsha.)— 2. 
High-priest in Zedekiah's reign, taken captive by 
Nebuzaradan and slain at Riblah (2 K. xxv. 18; 1 
Chr. vi. 14 ; Jer. lii. 24).— 3. Son of Tanhumeth the 
Netophathite ; one of the captains who came to Ged- 
aliah (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. xl. 8). — i. Son of Kenaz, 
and brother of Otiiniel ; father of Joab 2 (1 Chr. 
iv. 13, 14). — 5. Ancestor of Jehu, a Simeonite chief 
(iv. 35). — 6. One of " the children of the province " 
who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. li. 2); = Aza- 
kiah 20. — 7. Father or ancestor of Ezra the scribe 
(vii. 1) ; = No. 2 ? — 8. A priest, or priestly family, 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (Nch. x. 2). 
— 9. A priest and " ruler of the house of God " 
after the Captivity (compare Azariah 7) ; son of 
Hilkiah (xi. 11). — 10. Head of a priestly house 
which went up from Babylon with Zerubbabel (xii. 
1, 12). — U, Son of Neriah, and brother of Baruch 



(Jer. li. 59, 61). He went with Zcdckiah to Baby- 
lon in the fourth year of his reign, or, as the Tar- 
gum has it, " in the mission of Zedekiah," and is 
described in Heb. as tar mSnuhdh or mSn&eh&h (lit- 
erally "prince of rest ; " A. V. "a quiet prince;" 
margin "or, prince of Menucha, or, chief chamber- 
lain"), a title interpreted by Kimchi as = cham- 
berlain ; by Gcsenius as perhaps = chief of the 
quarters, i. c. quartermaster-general. Perhaps (so 
Mr. Wright) be was an ofliccr who took charge of 
the royal caravan on its march, and fixed the place 
where it should halt (Maurer, Ilitzig, &c). Seraiah 
was commissioned by the prophet Jeremiah to take 
with him on his journey the roll in which he had 
written the doom of Babylon, and sink it in the 
midst of the Euphrates, as a token that Babylon 
should sink, never to rise again (Jer. li. G0-G4). — 12. 
Son of Azricl ; one of those commanded by Jehoia- 
kim to apprehend Jeremiah and Baruch (xxxvi. 26). 

Scr'a-plllni (Heb. pi. seraphim = chvated ones, 
princes, Ges., Fii., &c. ; burning ones, or angels of 
fire, Kimchi, &c. [compare suraph = "fiery ser- 
pent"]), an order of celestial beings whom Isaiah 
beheld in vision stending above Jehovah as He sat 
upon His throne (Is. vi. 2). They arc described as 
having each of them three pairs of wings, with one 
of which they covered their faces (a token of humil- 
ity) ; with the second they covered their feet (a 
token of respect) ; while with the third they flew. 
They seem to have borne a general resemblance to 
the human figure, for they are represented as having 
a face, a voice, feet, and hands (ver. 6). Their oc- 
cupation was twofold — to celebrate the praises of 
Jehovah's holiness and power (ver. 3), and to act 
as the medium of communication between heaven 
and earth (ver. 6). From their antiphonal chant 
("one cried unto another") we may conceive them 
to have been ranged in opposite rows on each side 
of the throne. The idea of a winged human figure 
was not peculiar to the Hebrews: among the sculp- 
tures found at Mourghaub in Persia, we meet with 
a representation of a man with two pairs of wings, 
springing from the shoulders, and extending, the 
one pair upward, the other downward, so as to ad- 
mit of covering the head and the feet. Angels ; 
Cherubim. 

Sc'rcd (Heb. fear, Ges.), first-born of Zebulun, 
and ancestor of the Sardites (Gen. xlvi. 14; Num. 
xxvi. 26). 

Ser'gi-ns(L., the name of the members of a certain 
Roman clan) Pan'lus (L. = Paul), proconsul (A.V. 
" deputy ") of Cyprus when the Apostle Paul vis- 
ited that island with Barnabas on his first mission- 
ary tour (Acts xiii. 7 ff.). He is described as an 
intelligent man, truth-seeking, eager for information 
from all sources w ithin his reach. Thus he was led 
first to admit to his society Elymas the Magian, and 
afterward to seek out the missionary strangers and 
learn from them the nature of the Christian doc- 
trine. On becoming acquainted with the apostle 
he examined at once the claims of the Gospel, and 
yielded his mind to the evidence of its truth. 

* Ser'jc.mt, the A. V. translation of Gr. rhabdou- 
chos, literally a rod-holaer, a lictor, an officer who 
attended on certain Roman magistrates of the higher 
class and executed their decrees (Acts xvi. 35, 38). 
Such an officer at Rome bore a bundle of rods, but 
in a province a staff or wand (Hackftt, Ayre, &c). 

Sc'roa (Gr.), a general of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
in chief command of the Syrian army ; defeated at 
Beth-horon by Judas Maccabeus, b. c. 166 (1 Mc. 
iiL 13, 24). 



SER 



SER 



999 



Ser'pcnt (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
ndhdsh or ndchdsh, the generic name of a "ser- 
pent" (Gen. iii. 1 ff., xlix. 17; Ex. iv. 3, vii. 15; 
Num. xxi. 6 ff., &c, frequently in 0. T.). — 2. Heb. pi. 
participle construct zohuley or zoehaley (from zdhal or 
zdchal) -'- crawling ones, crawlers, serpents, Ges. 
(Deut. xxxii. 24 only), also translated " worm " (Mic. 
vii. 17 only). — 3. Heb. sdrdph (in part), literally (so 
Gesenius) burning, fiery, hence poisonous, venomous, 
deadly, as an attribute of a serpent, from the burn- 
ing inflammation caused by its bite ; translated 
"fiery serpent" (Num. xxi. 8; Is. xiv. 29, xxx. 6), 
and "fiery" (Num. xxi. 6; Deut. viii. 15, ndhdsh or 
ndchdsh being expressed in both these). In Isaiah 
" flying " (Heb. me 'opheph) is connected with sdrdph 
(see below).— 4. Heb. tannin (Ex. vii. 9, 10, 12), 
elsewhere translated " dragon," " whale," &c. — 5. 
Gr. hcrpeton (Jas. iii. 7 only), elsewhere translated 
literally "creeping thing" (Acts x. 12, xi. 6 ; Rom. 
i. 23). — 6. Gr. ophis, uniformly and properly trans- 
lated "serpent" in N. T. (Mat. vii. 10, x. 16, xxiii. 
33, &c.) ; in LXX. = No 1.— The following are the 
principal Biblical allusions to this animal : — Its 
subtlety is mentioned in Gen. iii. 1 ; its wisdom is 
alluded to by our Lord in Mat. x. 16 ; the poisonous 
properties of some species are often mentioned 
(Adder; Asp; Viper); the sharp "tongue" of the 
serpent is poetically mentioned as the instrument 
of poison in Ps. cxl. 3 and Job xx. 16 (" the viper's 
tongue shall slay him ") ; in other places (e. g. 
Prov. xxiii. 32; Eccl. x. 8, 11 ; Num. xxi. 9), the 
venom is correctly ascribed to the bite, while in 
Job xx. 14 the " gall " is said to be the poison ; 
the serpents' habit of lying concealed in hedges is 
alluded to in Eccl. x. 8, and in holes of walls, in 
Am. v. 19; their dwelling in dry sandy places, in 
Deut. viii. 15; their wonderful mode of progression 
is mentioned by the author of Prov. xxx. 19, as one 
of the things which were too wonderful for him ; 
the oviparous nature of most of the order is alluded 
to in Is. lix. 5, where the A. V., however, has " cock- 
atrice," margin " adder." The art of taming and 
charming serpents is of great antiquity, and is al- 
luded to in Ps. 1 viii. 5 ; Eccl. x. 11 ; Jer. viii. 17 ; 
probably in Jas. iii. 7. (Serpent-charming.) It 
was under the form of a serpent that the devil 
seduced Eve : hence in Scripture Satan is called 
"the old serpent" (Rev. xii. 9; compare 2 Cor. xi. 
3). The part which the serpent played in the 
Temptation and Fall (Gen. iii. ; Adam ; Eve) is full 
of deep and curious interest. First, we note the 
subtilty ascribed to this reptile. It was an ancient 
belief, both amongst Orientals and the people of the 
Western world, that the serpent was endued with a 
large share of sagacity. The particular wisdom al- 
luded to by our Lord refers, it is probable, to the 
sagacity displayed by serpents in avoiding danger. 
The disciples were warned to be as prudent in not 
incurring unnecessary persecution. It has been 
supposed by many commentators that the serpent, 
prior to the Fall, moved along in an erect attitude, 
as Milton represents him in Paradise Lost, i\. But 
an erect mode of progression is utterly incompatible 
with the structure of a serpent, whose motion on 
the ground is effected by the mechanism of the ver- 
tebral column and the multitudinous ribs which, like 
so many pairs of levers, enable it to move its body 
from place to place; consequently, had the snakes 
before the Fall moved in an erect attitude, they 
must have been formed on a different plan alto- 
gether. All the fossil serpents hitherto found differ 
in no essential respects from modern representatives 



of the order. The sun and moon were in the heav- 
ens before they were appointed " for signs and for 
seasons, and for days and years." (Rainbow.) Cain 
was " cursed from the earth " without any essential 
change in his mental and physical constitution. 
The typical form of the serpent and its mode of 
progression were in all probability the same before 
the Fall as after it : but subsequent to the Fall its 
form and progression were to be regarded with 
hatred and disgust by all mankind, and thus the 
animal was cursed " above all cattle," and a mark 
of condemnation was forever stamped upon it. 
That part of the curse is literally fulfilled which 
speaks of the enmity henceforth to exist between 
the serpent and mankind, though this has more 
especial reference to the devil whose instrument the 
serpent was in his deceit. There is no more diffi- 
culty in Satan's being permitted to use the ser- 
pent for his purpose in Eden than in the possession 
of the swine by the demons in Mat. viii. 32 (De- 
moniacs), or in the serpent's use of language in 
Gen. iii. than in the ass's address to Balaam in Num. 
xxii. 28, 30. (Magic; Miracles.) Serpents are 
said in Scripture to "eat dust" (Gen. iii. 14; Is. 
lxv. 25 ; Mic. vii. 17) ; these animals, which for the 
most part take their food on the ground, do conse- 
quently swallow with it large portions of sand and 
dust. " Almost throughout the East," writes Dr. 
Kalisch, "the serpent was used as an emblem of 
the evil principle, of the spirit of disobedience and 
contumacy. A few exceptions only can be discov- 
ered. The Phenicians adored that animal as a benefi- 
cent genius ; and the Chinese consider it as a sym- 
bol of superior wisdom and power, and ascribe to 
the kings of heaven (tien-hoangs) bodies of serpents. 
Some other nations fluctuated in their conceptions 
regarding the serpent. The Egyptians represented 
the eternal spirit Kncph, the author of all good, un- 
der the mythic form of that reptile; they under- 
stood the art of taming it, and embalmed it after 
death ; but they applied the same symbol for the 
god of revenge and punishment ( Tithrarnbo), and 
for Typhon, the author of all moral and physical 
evil ; and in the Egyptian symbolical alphabet the 
serpent represents subtlety and cunning, lust and 
sensual pleasure." (Idolatry.) — The evil spirit in 
the form of a serpent appears in the Ahriman or 
lord of evil who, according to the doctrine of Zoro- 
aster, first taught men to sin under the guise of this 
reptile. (Persians.) — Serpents are divided into two 
great sections — the poisonous, embracing all those 
with movable tubular fangs and poison-bags in 
the upper jaw, and constituting (so Col. C. H. Smith, 
in Kitto) not quite one-fifth of the whole number 
(Adder ; Asp ; Viper) — and the colubrine, embracing 
those destitute of this apparatus, but not therefore 
always innocuous. — Much has been written on the 
question of the " fiery serpents " of Num. xxi. 6,, 8 
and Deut. viii. 15, with which it is usual erroneously 
(so Mr. Houghton) to identify the "fiery flying ser- 
pent" of Is. xxx 6, and xiv. 29. There is no occa- 
sion to refer the venomous snakes in question to 
the kind of which Niebuhr speaks, and which the 
Arabs at Basra denominate Heie snrsurie^ or Heie 
thidre, " flying serpents," which obtained that name 
from their habit of " springing " from branch to 
branch of the date-trees they inhabit. The species 
of poisonous snake which destroyed the Israelites 
in the Arabian desert may have been the Cerastes, 
or the Naia Haje, or any other venomous species 
frequenting Arabia. (Adder ; Asp.) Mr. Houghton 
supposes that some kind of flying lizard {Draco, Bra- 



1000 SER 

cocel/a, or Dracunculus), of formidable appearance, 
though harmless, may have been as terrible to the 
Hebrews as a venomous snake, and may thus denote 
the " fiery living serpent" of Isaiah (1. c.), which he 
says can have no existence in nature. Mr. Gosse 
(in Fairbaitn) would refer the "fiery flying serpent" 
to the poisonous Egyptian cobra (Xaia Hajc ; Asp), 
which, when excited, erects its head and fore parts 
perpendicularly to the height of four feet or more, 
raises and brings forward its anterior ribs so as to 
stretch the skin of that part into a broad and thin 
flattened disk, and sways its head and disk gently 
from side to side with a motion like a hovering bird, 
till suddenly it strikes its victim. Monstrous forms 
of snakes with birds' wings occur on the Egyptian 
sculptures. Serpent, Brazen. 

Ser pent, Bra zen. When the murmuring Israel- 
ites in the wilderness were bitten by the " fiery ser- 
pents " (Serpent), and many died in consequence, 
Moses was directed to make a serpent of brass, and 
put it on a pole, that the bitten Israelites might look 
upon it and live (Num. xxi. 5-9). The scene of the 
history, determined by a comparison of Mum. xxi. 
3, and xxxiii. -12, must have been either Zalmonah 
or PuNON. I. Tlie truth of the history will, in this 
place, be taken for granted. (Inspiration; Mir- 
acles; Pentateccii.) To most of the Israelites it 
must have seemed as strange then as it did after- 
ward to the later Rabbis, that any such symbol 
should be employed. The Second Commandment 
appeared to forbid the likeness of any living thing. 
The golden calf had been destroyed as an abomina- 
tion. What reason was there for the ditference ? 
In part, of course, the answer may be, that the Sec- 
ond Commandment forbade, not all symbolic forms 
as such, but those that men made for themselves to 
worship ; but the question still remains, why was 
tfiis form chosen? It is hardly enough to say, with 
Jewish commentators, that any outward means 
might have been chosen, or, with most Christian 
interpreters, that it was intended to be a type of 
Christ. (Salvation.) If the words of our Lord 
in Jn. iii. 14, 15, point to the fulfilment of the type, 
there must yet have been another meaning for the 
symbol. Two views have been held. One, main- 
taining that the serpent was the representative of 
evil, claims that to present the serpent-form as de- 
prived of its power to hurt, impaled as the trophy 
of a conqueror, was to assert that evil, physical and 
spiritual, had been overcome, and thus help to 
strengthen the weak faith of the Israelites in a 
victory over both. To some writers (Ewald, Patrick, 
Jackson, Vitringa, &c.) this has commended itself 
as the simplest and most obvious view. Others, 
again, have started from a different ground. They 
look to Egypt as the starting-point for all the 
thoughts which the serpent could suggest, and they 
find there that it was worshipped as a good deity, 
the symbol of health and life. Contrasted as these 
views appear, they have, it is believed, a point of 
contact (so Prof. Plumptre, original author of this 
article). The idea primarily connected with the 
serpent in the history of the Fall, as throughout the 
proverbial language of Scripture, is that of wisdom 
(Gen. iii. 1; Mat. x. 16; 2 Cor. xi. 3). Wisdom, 
apart from obedience to a divine order, allying it- 
self to man's lower nature, passes into cunning. 
Man's nature is envenomed and degraded by it. But 
wisdom, the self-same power of understanding, yield- 
ing to the divine law, is the source of all healing 
and restoring influences, and the serpent-form thus 
becomes a symbol of deliverance and health. The 



SER 

Israelites were taught that it would be so to them in 
proportion as they ceased to be sensual and rebel- 
lious. — II. The brazen serpent next appears as an 
object of worship. Hezckiah's zeal leads him to 
destroy it. (Nehusiitan.) Wc are left to conjec- 
ture when the worship began, or what was its local- 
ity. All that we know of the reign of Ahaz makes 
it probable that it was under his auspices that it re- 
ceived a new development. The church of St. Am- 
brose, at Milan, has boasted for nearly nine cen- 
turies of possessing the brazen serpent which Moses 
set up in the wilderness. — III. When the material 
symbol had perished, its history began to suggest 
deeper thoughts to the minds of men. The writer 
ot the Book of Wisdom sees in it " a sign of salva- 
tion ; " "he that turned himself toward it was not 
saved by the thing that he saw, but by Thee that art 
the Saviour of all " (Wis. xvi. 6, 7). TheTargumof 
Jonathan paraphrases Num. xxi. 8 : " He shall be 
healed if he direct his heart unto the Name of the 
Word of the Lord." Philo, with his characteristic 
taste for an ethical, mystical interpretation, repre- 
sents the history as a parable of man's victory over 
his lower sensuous nature. The facts just stated 
may help us to enter into the bearing of the words 
of Jn. iii. 14, 15. — IV A full discussion of the 
typical meaning here unfolded belongs to Exegesis 
rather than to a Dictionary. It will be enough to 
note here that which connects itself with facts or 
theories already mentioned. On the one side, the 
typical interpretation has been extended to all the 
details — that the pole was like the cross in form, the 
si-i-pi nt was nailed to it as Christ was nailed, and 
represented His being made sin for us, &c. On the 
Other, it has been maintained that the serpent was 
from the beginning, and remains still, exclusively the 
symbol of evil ; that the Hfting-up of the Son of 
Man answered to that of the serpent, because on 
the cross the victory over the serpent was accom- 
plished. In the spiritual as in the historical inter- 
pretation, both theories may have an element of 
truth. Faith; Medicine; Old Testament, B; 
Poison ; Saviour. 

Ser'pfnt-cuarm'ing. There can be no question 
at all of the remarkable power which, from time 
immemorial, has been exercised by certain people 
in the East over poisonous serpents. The art is 




Serpent-charming. 



distinctly mentioned in the Bible. (Serpent.) The 
usual species operated upon, both in Africa and in 
India, are the hooded snakes (Naia tripridiant, and 



SER 



SET 



1001 



Naia Haje) and the horned Cerastes. (Adder ; Asp.) 
That the charmers frequently, and perhaps generally, 
extract the poison-fangs before the snakes are sub- 
jected to their skill, there is much probability for 
believing ; but that this operation is not always 
attended to is clear from the testimony of Bruce 
and numerous other writers. Some have supposed 
that the practice of taking out or breaking off the 
poison-fangs is alluded to in Ps. lviii. 6, " Break 
their teeth, God, in their mouth." The serpent- 
charmer's usual instrument is a flute. Those who 
professed the art of taming serpents were called by 
the Hebrews menahashim or mSiiachashim, while 
the art itself was called lahash or lachash (Jer. viii. 
17; Eecl. x. 11); but these terms were not always 
used in this restricted sense. Divination 8 ; En- 
chantments 3. 

Se'rug (Heb. shoot, branch, Ges.), in N. T. Saruch ; 
a patriarch, son of Reu, and great-grandfather of 
Abraham. His age is given in the Hebrew Bible as 
230 years (Gen. xi. 20-23) ; 30 years before he begat 
Nahor 1, and 200 years afterward. (Chronology.) 
Bochart conjectures that the town of Seruj, a day's 
journey from Charrre in Mesopotamia, was named 
from this patriarch. Suidas and others ascribe to 
him the deification of dead benefactors of mankind. 
Epiphanius states that, though in his time idolatry 
took its rise, yet it was confined to pictures. 

* Scr'vant (fr. L.) = "one who serves or does 
services, voluntarily or involuntarily'' (Webster's 
Diet). This word is the A. V. translation of — 1. 
Heb. Snosh once (1 Sam. xxiv. 7, Heb. 8), usually 
and literally " man." — 2. Heb. na'ar (Num. xxii. 22 ; 
Judg. vii. 10, 11, xix. 3, 9, 11, 13; Ru. ii. 5, 6 ; 1 
Sam. ii. 13, 15, ix. 3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 22, 27, x. 14, xvi. 
18, xxi. 2 [Heb. 3], xxv. 19; 2 Sam. ix. 9, xiii. 17, 
28, 29, xvi. 1, xix. 17 [Heb. 18]; 1 K. xviii. 43, xix. 
3; 2 K. iv. 12, 24, 25, 38, v. 20, 23, vi. 15, viii. 4, 
xix. 6; Neh. iv. 16, 22, 23 [Heb. 10, 16, 17], v. 10, 
15, 16, vi. 5, xiii. 19 ; Esth. ii. 2, vi. 3, 5 ; Job i. 15 
-17; Is. xxxvii. 6), once literally " boy " (Gen. xxv. 
27), often " lad " (xxi. 12 ff., xxii. 5, 12, &c), " young 
man" (xiv. 21, xviii. 7, xxii. 3, 5, 19, &c), "child" 
(Judg. xiii. 5 ff. ; 1 Sam. i. 22 ff., &c), " babe " (Ex. 
ii. 6), &c. — 3. Heb. participle mesh&relh (fr. sharath 
= to wait on, serve, minister, A. V., Ges., &c.) (Ex. 
xxxiii. 11; Num. xii. 28; 2 Sam. xiii. 17, 18; 2 K. 

vi. 15; Prov. xxix. 12), once translated "servitor" 
(2 K. iv. 43), usually and properly " minister."— 4. 
Heb. 'ebed, found in the O. T. about 800 times, and 
usually rendered "servant" (Gen. ix. 25-27, xiv. 15, 
&c), sometimes " man-servant" (xii. 16, xx. 14, &c. ), 
" bondman " (xliii. 18, xliv. 9, 33, &c), &c. The kin- 
dred Heb. verb 'dbad {—to labor, till, loork, serve, &c, 
A. V., Ges., &c.)(l Chr. xix. 9), or its participle 'obed 
(Gen. xlix. 15; 2 K. x. 19, &c), is sometimes trans- 
lated " servant." The Chal. ''abed in Ezr. iv. 11, v. 
11, &c. = Heb. 'ebed. Both the verb and noun are ap- 
plied to those who have been bought with money or 
are slaves, to common soldiers and court-officers who 
are styled "servants "of their chief, to tributary 
nations, to worshippers or ministers of God, &c. — 5. 
Heb. sAchir (in part), translated " hired servant " 
(Ex. xi. 45 ; Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. 6, 40, 50, 53 ; Deut. 

xv. 18, xxiv. 14), also translated "hireling" (Job 

vii. 1, 2, &c.), &c. — 6. Gr. diakonos (Mat. xxii. 13, 
xxiii. 11; Mk. ix. 35; Jn. ii. 5, 9, xii. 26; Rom. 

xvi. 1), also translated " minister " and "deacon." 
(Deaconess.) — 7. Gr. doulos, occurring in N. T. near- 
ly 150 times, and usually translated " servant" (Mat. 

viii. 9, x. 24, 25, &c), sometimes " bond "(1 Cor. xii. ] 
13; Gal. iii. 28, &c), — a bondman, slave, servant, \ 



properly by birth, but is applied (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
to both involuntary and voluntary service, denoting 
court-officers and worshippers or ministers of God 
as well as slaves, and in LXX. = No. 4. Of kin- 
dred words, the plural adjective doida is twice used 
(Rom. vi. 19 only, A. V. "servants"); the verb 
doicloo is translated "to become servant" (vi. 18, 
22), " to make servant" (1 Cor. ix. 19), "to bring 
into bondage" (Acts vii. 6; 2 Pet. ii. 19), "to be 
under bondage" (1 Cor. vii. 15), "in bondage" 
(Gal. iv. 3), and in a passive participle is translated 
"given," i. e. enslaved (Tit. ii. 3); the verb douleuo 
is ordinarily translated " to serve " (Mat. vi. 24 twice ; 
Lk. xv. 29, &c), sometimes "to be in bondage" (Jn. 
viii. 33 ; Acts vii. 7 ; Gal. iv. 9), and " to do service" 
(iv. 8, 25 ; Eph. vi. 7 ; 1 Tim. vi. 2) ; douleia uni- 
formly = " bondage " (Rom. viii. 15, 21 ; Gal. iv. 24, 
v. 1 ; Heb. ii. 15) ; doule = " handmaid " (Lk. i. 38) 
or "handmaiden" (48; Acts ii. 18); and the com- 
pound verb doulxcfdr/eo = " to bring into subjection " 
(1 Cor. ix. 27 only). — 8. Gr. therapon = an attend- 
ant or minister of God. viz. Moses (Heb. iii. 5 only). 
— 9. Gr. oikelcs = a house-companion, domestic, Rbn. 
K T. Lex,. (Lk. xvi. 13 ; Rom. xiv. 4 ; 1 Pet. ii. 18), 
once " household servant " (Acts x. 7). Both No. 9 
and 8 in LXX. are used for No. 4. — 10. Gr. pais 
(Mat. viii. 6, 8, 13, xii. 18, xiv. 2; Lk. i. 54, 69, vii. 
7, xv. 26 ; Acts iv. 25), also translated " man-ser- 
vant" (Lk. xii. 45), often literally "child" (Mat. ii. 

16, xvii. 18, xxi. 15 ; Lk. ii. 43, ix. 42 ; Acts iv. 27, 
30), also "young man" (xx. 12), "son" (Jn.iv. 51 ; 
Acts iii. 13, 26), "maiden" (Lk. viii. 51), "maid" 
(54) ; in LXX. =: No. 2 and 4.— 11. Gr. huperetes (Mat. 
xxvi. 58 ; Mk. xiv. 54, 65 ; Jn. xviii. 36), also trans- 
lated " officer " and " minister." The kindred verb 
hupereteo is translated "to serve" (Acts xiii. 36), 
"to minister" (xx. 34, xxiv. 23). — 12. Gr. misthios 
(in part), translated "hired servant" (Lk. xv. 17, 19 
only) ; in LXX. = No. 5. — 13. Gr. mislhotos (in 
part), translated " hired servant " in Mk. i. 20, and 
" hireling " in Jn. x. 12, 13 twice ; in LXX. = No. 5. 
Lord ; Slave. 

* Scr'vi-tor = a servant or attendant (2 K. iv. 
43). Minister. 

Se'sis (Gr.) = Shasitai (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Ses'thcl (Gr.) = Bezaleel of the sons of Pahath- 
moab (1 Esd. ix. 31). 

Setll (Gr. fr. Heb. = Siieth; sec below) (Gen. iv. 
25, 26, v. 3-S ; Lk. iii. 38), the third son of Adam ; 
father of Enos, and ancestor of Noah; = Shetii. 
The signification of his name is " appointed " or 
"put" in the place of the murdered Abel; but 
Ewald thinks that another signification, which he 
prefers, is indicated in the text, viz. " seedling," or 
" germ." In the fourth century there existed in 
Egypt a sect calling themselves Sethians, who re- 
garded Seth as a divine effluence or virtue, and are 
classed by Neander among those Gnostic sects which, 
in opposing Judaism, approximated to paganism. 
Giant 2 ; Patriarch. 

Se'thnr (Heb. hidden, Ges.), the Asherite spy, son 
of Michael (Num. xiii. 13). 

* Sot' tic [-tl] (= a part settled or sunk lower), the 
A.V. translation of Heb. y az&rAh (Ez. xliii. 14 thrice, 

17, 20, xiv. 19), elsewhere translated (by A. V., Gc- 
senius, Fiirst) " court " sc. of the Temple (2 Chr. iv. 
9 twice, vi. 13). In the passages from Ezekiel, Gese- 
nius explains the Hebrew word as — a ledc/e around 
the altar, formed by drawing in or diminishing the 
part above, an offset, terrace ; Fiirst regards it a3 
metaphorically = a ledge or border of the altar, and 
Fairbairn (on Ez.) also translates ledge. 



1002 



SEV 



SUA 



Scv'en (Ilcb. shcba' ; Gr. hrpta), in the sacred lit- 
erature of the Hebrews, may fairly be termed the 
rcprescutative symbolic NUMBER — the keystone on 
which the symbolism of numbers depends. The 
views of Biblical critics as to the origin of this sym- 
bolism may be ranged under two heads, according 
as the symbolism is attributed to theoretical specu- 
lations as to the internal properties of the number 
itself, or to external associations of a physical or 
historical character. According to the former view 
(Biihr, &c), the symbolism of the number seven 
would be traced back to the symbolism of its com- 
ponent elements three and four, the first of which = 
Divinity, and the second = Humanity, whence seven 
= Divinity + Humanity, or, in other words, the 
unity between God and Man, as effected by the mani- 
festations of the Divinity in creation and revelation. 
This theory is seductive from its ingenuity, .and its 
appeal to the imagination, but there appears to be 
little foundation lor it (so Mr. Bevan, original au- 
thor of this article). The second class of opinions 
attribute the symbolism of the number seven to ex- 
ternal associations, and may be subdivided into two 
sorts, according as the symbolism is supposed to 
have originated in the observation of purely physi- 
cal phenomena, or in the pcculiur religious enact- 
ments of Mosaism. The influence of the number 
seven was not restricted to the Hebrews ; it prevailed 
among the Persians (Esth. i. 10, 14), among the an- 
cient Indians, among the Greeks and Romans to a 
certain extent, and probably among all nations where 
the w eek of seven days was established, as in China, 
Egypt, Arabia, ic. The wide range of the word 
seven is in this respect an interesting and significant 
fact : it is the only numeral, except " six," which the 
Shemitic languages have in common with the Indo- 
European. In the countries above enumerated, the 
institution of seven as a cyclical number is attrib- 
uted to the observation of the changes of the moon, 
or to the supposed number of the planets. The pe- 
culiarity of the Hebrew view consists in the special 
dignity of the seventh, and not simply in that of 
seven. We cannot trace back the peculiar associa- 
tions of the Hebrews farther than to the point when 
the seventh day was consecrated to the purposes of 
religions rest. Assuming this, therefore, as our 
starting-point, the first idea associated with seven 
would be that of religious periodicity. The Sabbath, 
being the seventh day, suggested the adoption of 
seven as the coefficient, so to say, for the appointment 
of all sacred periods. (Festivals ; Jubilee ; Sab- 
batical Year, kc.) From the idea of periodicity, 
it passed by an easy transition to the duration or repe- 
tition of religious proceedings ; and thus seven days 
were appointed as the length of the Feasts of Pass- 
over and Tabernacles ; seven days for the ceremo- 
nies for the consecration of priests, &c. ; seven things 
to be offered in sacrifice (oxen, sheep, goats, pigeons, 
wheat, oil, wine); seven victims to be offered on any- 
special occasion, as in Balaam's sacrifice (Num. xxiii. 
1), and especially at the ratification of a treaty, the 
notion of seven being embodied in the Hebrew term' 
(nuhba 1 ) signifying to swear, literally meaning to do 
seven times (Gen. xxi. 28). The number seven, hav- 
ing thus been impressed with the seal of sanctity as 
the symbol of all connected with the Divinity, was 
adopted generally as a cyclical number, with the sub- 
ordinate notions of perfection or completeness (iv. 
15; Lev. xxvi. 18, 28; Ps. lxxix. 12; Prov. vi. 31; j 
Mat. xviii. 21). It is mentioned in numerous pas- i 
sages (e. g. Job v. 19; Jer. xv. 9 ; Mat. xii. 45) in a 
sense analogous to that of a " round number," but 



with the additional idea of sufficiency and complete- 
ness (see also Gen. xli. 2-1 ; Josh. vi. 4 ; 2 K. v. 
10; Number; Seven, the, &c.). The foregoing ap- 
plications of the number seven become of great prac- 
tical importance in connection with the interpreta- 
tion of some of the prophetical portions of the Bible, 
and particularly of the Apocalypse. We have but 
to run over the chief subjects of that book (the 
seven churches, seals, trumpets, vials, angels, spirits 
before the throne, &c.), to see the necessity of de- 
ciding whether the number is to be accepted in 
a literal or metaphorical sense — in other words, 
whether it represents a number or a quality. The 
decision of this question affects not only the number 
seven, but also the number which stands in antago- 
nism to seven, viz. the half of seven, which appears 
under the form of forty-two months = 3^ years 
(Rev. xiii. 5), twelve hundred and sixty days, also := 
3A years (xi. 3, xii. C), and again a time, times, and 
half a time = 3^ years (xii. 14). If seven express 
tin notion of completeness, then half-seven = incom- 
pleteness and the secondary ideas of suffering and 
disaster : if the one represent divine agency, the 
other may represent human agency. Old Testa- 
ment, B ; Prophet. 

* Sev'cn, the (Acts xxi. 8, compare vi. 3 ff.), com- 
monly regarded as deacons of the Church in Jeru- 
salem, or as appointed to an office out of which grew 
that of DEACON. 

" Sev en Stars, the = the Pleiades. 

' Se-ve'neh (Ilcb.) = Syene (Ez. xxix. 10 marg.). 

* Scv'en-ty, the. 1. The seventy disciples sent 
by our Lord into the places which He was about to 
visit (Lk. x. 17, comp. 1). — 2. The phrase is also 
used (not in the Scriptures) to denote the translators 
of the Septuagint version of the O. T., or the Sep- 
tuagint itself. 

* Sex-ta'rl-us (L. ; Gr. testis) = (so Rbn. N. T. 
/.'S.i nearly one pint English (Mk. vii. 4 margin). 
Pot 12; Weights and Measures. 

Sha-al-ab'blD (Heb.) = Shaalbim, a town of Dan, 
named between Ir-shemesh and Ajalon (Josh. xix. 
42). 

Shu-al'blDi (Heb. city of foxes, Ges.), one of the 
towns held by the original inhabitants of Canaan 
after the general conquest (Judg. i. 35); mentioned 
with Aijalon again in Josh. xix. 42 (" Shaalabbin "), 
and with Beth-shemesh both there and in 1 K. iv. 9, 
in the last passage as making up one of Solomon's 
commissariat districts ; site unknown. Shaalbonite. 

Sha-al'bon-ite (fr. Heb., see below), the. Eliahba 
the Shaalbonite was one of David's thirty-seven 
heroes (2 Sam. xxiii. 32 ; 1 Chr. xi. 33). He was 
the native of a place named Shaallon, unmentioned 
elsewhere, unless = Siiaalbim or Shaalabbin. 

Sba'aph (Heb. division, Ges.). 1. Son of Jahdai 
(1 Chr. ii. 4V). — 2. Son of Caleb 1 by his concubine 
Maachah (ii. 49). 

Sha-a-ra'im (fr. Heb. dual = two gates, Ges.), a 
city of Judah (Josh. xv. 36, A. V. incorrectly " Sha- 
raim "), mentioned again in the account of the rout 
which followed the fall of Goliath (1 Sam. xvii. 52); 
probably somewhere W. of Shuv-cikth (Socoh 1), on 
the lower slopes of the hills, where they subside 
into the great plain. We find the name in a list of 
the towns of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 31), occupying the 
same place with Shari'hen and Shilhim, in the cor- 
responding lists of Joshua. It is impossible (so Mr. 
Grove) that the same Shaaraim can be intended, and 
indeed it may be a mere corruption of one of the 
other two names. 
Sha-ash'gaz (Heb. fr. Pers. = beauty's servant [so 



SHA 



SHA 



1003 



Bohlen] ? Ges.), the eunuch in the palace of Ahas- 
uerus who had the custody of the women in the sec- 
ond house (Esth. ii. 14). Hegai. 

Shab be-thai, or Shab-beth'a-i (Heb. sabbath-bom, 
Ges.). 1. A Levite who assisted Ezra in investiga- 
ting the marriages with! foreigners (Ezr. x. 15) ; appar- 
ently the same who with Jeshua and others in- 
structed the people in the knowledge of the Law 
(Neh. viii. 7). — 2. One of the chiefs of the Levites 
after the return from Babylon (xi. 16); possibly = 
No. 1. 

Slia-clli'a [-ki-] (fr. Heb. slidchcydh — accusation, 
Ges. Many Hebrew MSS. and editions have Shdbe- 
ydh, Ges., which would become Shabiah according 
to the analogv of the A. V.), a son of Shaharaim by 
his wife Hodesh (1 Chr. viii. 10). 

Shad dai, or Shad da-i (Heb. shadday = the Al 
mighty, Ges.), an ancient name of God, rendered 
" Almighty " everywhere in the A. V. In all pas- 
sages of Genesis, except xlix. 25, in Ex. vi. 3, and 
in Ez. x. 5, it is found in connection with el, " God," 
El-Shaddai being there rendered " God Almighty," 
or " the Almighty God." It occurs six times in 
Genesis (xvii. 1, xxviii. 3, xxxv. 11, xliii. 14, xlviii. 
3, xlix. 25), once in Exodus (vi. 3), twice in Num- 
bers (xxiv. 4, 16), twice in Ruth (i. 20, 21), thirty- 
one times in J»b, twice in the Psalms (lxviii. 14 
[Heb. 15 ], xci. 1), once in Isaiah (xiii. 6), twice in 
Ezekiel (i. 24, x. 25), and once in Joel (i. 15). In 
Genesis and Exodus it 13 found in what are called 
the Elohistic portions of those books (Pentateuch), 
in Numbers in the Jehovistic portion, and through- 
out Job the name Sfcaddai stands in parallelism with 
Elohim, and never with Jehovah. 

* Sliad'ow. Cloud; Darkness; Death; Old Tes- 
tament, B ; Prophet. 

Sha'draeli [-drak] (fr. Pers. = rejoicing in the 
way [so Bohlen], or royal [so Benfey] ? Ges.), the 
Chaldee name of H ananiau 7, the chief of the " three 
holy children," who were cast into the burning fiery 
furnace, and miraculously preserved (Dan. i.-iii.). 
(Meshach ; Daniel, Apocryphal Additions to, 1, a.) 
After their deliverance from the furnace, we hear 
no more of Sliadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego in 
the 0. T. ; and they are spoken of in the N. T. only 
in the pointed allusion to them as having " through 
faith quenched the violence of fire" (Heb. xi. 33, 
34). But there are repeated allusions to them in 
the Books of Maccabees, and the martyrs of the 
Maccabean period seem to have been much encour- 
aged by their example (1 Mc. ii. 59, 60; 3 Mc. vi. 
6; 4 Mc. xiii. 9, xvi. 3, 21, xviii. 12). 

Slia'gc (Heb. erring, Ges.), father of Jonathan the 
Hararite, on» of David's " valiant men" (1 Chr. xi. 
34). Shammaii 5. 

Sha-Iia-ra'im (fr. Heb. = the two dawm, Ges.), a 
Benjamite whose history and descent are alike ob- 
scure in the present text (1 Chr. viii. 8). It has 
been proposed to remove the full stop from the end 
of verse 7, and read on thus : " and [Gera] begat 
Uzza and Ahihud, and Shaharaim he begat in the 
field of Moab," &c. He had three wives and nine 
children. 

Sha-haz'l-mah (fr. Heb. = heights, Ges.), a city of 
Issachar, apparently between Tabor and the Jordan 
(Josh. xix. 22 only). 

Sha'li'm (lleb. whole, sound, sa fe, Ges.). Mr. Grove 
believes that this word in Gen. xxxiii. 18 should not 
be taken as a proper name, but that the sentence 
should be rendered, " Jacob came safe to the city of 
Shechem," though he considers it remarkable that 
there should be a modern village named Salim in a 



position to a certain degree consistent with the re- 
quirements of the narrative when so interpreted : — 
viz. three miles E. of Ndblus (the ancient Shechem), 
and therefore between it and the Jordan Valley, 
where verse 17 leaves Jacob settled. But he ad- 
duces several considerations whicli weigh very much 
against this being more than a fortuitous coincidence. 
(1.) If Shalem was the city in front of which Jacob 
pitched his tent, then it certainly was the scene of 
the events of chapter xxxiv. ; and Jacob's well and 
Joseph's tomb must be removed from the situation 
in which tradition has so appropriately placed them 
to some spot further E. and nearer to Salim. (2.) 
Though E. of Ndblus, Salim does not appear to lie 
near any actual line of communication between it 
and the Jordan Valley. (3.) With the exception of 
the LXX., Peshito-Syriac, and Vulgate, among the 
ancients, and Luther's and the A. V. among the 
moderns, the unanimous voice of translators and 
scholars is in favor of treating shdlim as a mere 
appellative. Salim does not appear to have been 
visited by any traveller. 

Sha'lim (fr. Heb. = foxes' 1 region, Ges. ; see be- 
low), the Land of ; a district through which Saul 
passed on his journey in quest of his father's asses 
(1 Sam. ix. 4 only). The name in the original, 
properly Sha'alim, had no connection with Shalem, 
or with the modern Salim, E. of Ndblus. Mr. Grove 
conjectures that the district may = the " land of 
Shual." 

Shal'i-sha (fr. Heb. = Mad, Ges.), the Land of; one 

of the districts traversed by Saul when in search of 
the asses of Kish (1 Sam. ix. 4 only). It apparently 
lay between " Mount Ephraim " and the " land of 
Shalim," a specification which with all its evident 
preciseness is irrecognizable. The difficulty is in- 
creased by placing Shalisha with some at Sdris or 
Khirbet Sdris, a village a few miles W. of Jerusalem. 
If the land of Shalisha contained, as it not impos- 
sibly did, the place called Baal shalisha (2 K. iv. 
42), then the whole disposition of Saul's route would 
be changed (so Mr. Grove). 

Shal'Ic-chfth [-keth] (Heb. a casting-down, or fell- 
ing, Ges.), the Gate; one of the gates of the " house 
of Jehovah," whether by that be intended the sa- 
cred tent of David or the Temple of Solomon (1 Chr. 
xxvi. 16). It was the gate " to the causeway of the 
ascent," and is identified by Mr. Grove with the Bab 
Silsileh, or Sinsleh, which enters the western wall 
of the Haram, about 600 feet from the southwestern 
corner of the Haram wall. 

Shal'lum (Heb. retribution, Ges.). 1. Fifteenth 
king of Israel, and son of Jabesh, conspired against 
Zachariah 1, son of Jeroboam II., killed him, 
brought the dynasty of Jehu to a close (Israel, 
Kingdom of), and was made king, but after reigning in 
Samaria for a month only, was in his turn dethroned 
and killed by Menahem (2 K. xv. 10-15).— 2. Hus- 
band (or son, according to the LXX. in 2 K.) of 
Huldah the prophetess (2 K. xxii. 14 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 
22) in the reign of Josiah. He appears to have 
been keeper of the priestly vestments in the Temple. 
— 3. A descendant of Sheshan (1 Chr. ii. 40, 41). 
— 4. Son of Josiah, king of Judah ; known as Je- 
hoahaz (iii. 15; Jer. xxii. 11). — 5. Son of Shaul 
the son of Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 25). — 6. A iiigh-priest, 
son of Zadok and ancestor of Ezra (vi. 12, 13 ; Ezr. 
vii. 2) ; ----- Meshullam 7. — 1. A son of Naphtali 
(1 Chr. vii. 13). — 8. Chief of a family of porters or 
gatekeepers of the eastern gate of the Temple (ix. 
17). His descendants were among those who re- 
turned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45). 



1004 



SHA 



siia 



—9. Son of Kore, a Korahitc (1 Chr. ix. 19, SI); 
probably (so Lord A. C. Hcrvey) = Mesiieleuiaii 
ami Shelehiah g. — 10. Father of Jehizkiah, an 
Ephraimite (2 Chr. xxviii. 12). — II. One of the por- 
ters of the Temple who had married a foreign wife 
(K/r \. 21). — 12. One of the sons of Bani, husband 
of a foreign wife (x. 42). — 13. Son of Halohesfa and 
ruler of a district (Part) of Jerusalem. He and 
his daughters helped to repair the wall (Neh. iii. 12). 
— It. Uncle of Jeremiah and father of Hanameel 
(Jer. xxxii. 7); perhaps = No. 2 (so Lord A. C. 
Hervey). — 15. Father or ancestor of Maaseiah 19 
(Jer. xxxv. 4) ; perhaps = No. 9. 

Sliiil'lon (Hob. probably = Siiam.um, Ges.), son 
of Col-hozeh, and ruler of a district (" Part") of 
Mi/pah, repaired the fountain-gate and the wall of 
the pool of Siloah (Neh. iii. 15). 

Slinl mal, or Shal ma-1 (Heb. my thanks, Ges.), an- 
cestor of certain Xcthinim who returned with Ze 
rubbabel (Ezr. ii. 46, " Shamlai " margin; Neh. vii. 
48, Hob. "Salmai"). 

Slial man (Heb.) = Siialmaneser, king of Assyria 
(Ilos. x. 14). 

Shal-man-e'ser [-zer] (neb. fr. Pers. = reverential 
toward fire? Bohlen), the Assyrian king who reigned 
immediately before Saroon, and probably imme- 
diately after Tig lath-pi leser. He can scarcely 
have ascended the throne earlier than n. c. 730, 
and possibly not till a few years later (so Raw- 
linson). Soon after his accession he led the forces 
cf Assyria into Palestine, where Hoshea, the last 
king of Israel, had revolted against his authority (2 
K. xviL 3). Hoshea submitted and consented to 
pay him a fixed tribute annually, but soon after 
concluded an alliance with the king of Egypt, and 
withheld his tribute in consequence. In n. c. 723 
Siialmaneser invaded Palestine for the second time, 
and, as Hoshea refused to submit, laid siege to 
Samaria. The siege lasted to the third year (n. c. 
721), when the Assyrian arms prevailed (2 K. xvii. 
4-6, xviii. 9-11). It is uncertain whether Siialman- 
eser conducted the siege to its close, or was, suc- 
ceeded by Sargon before the city was taken. 

Slia'ma (Heb. hearing, obedient, Ges.), one of Da- 
vid's "valiant men;" son of Hothan of Aroer(l 
Chr. xi. 44). 

Sbam-a-ri'ah (fr. Heb. = Shemariah), son of Re- 
hoboam (2 Chr. xi. 19). 

* Sham bles [-biz], the A. V. translation of Gr. 
makeUon = (so Rbn. N. T. L>x.) a meat-market, or 
place for the sale of provisions of all kinds (1 Cor. 
x. 25). Meats might first be offered in sacrifice to 
idols, and, after the heathen priest and altar had 
received their shares, might then be taken to the 
market to be sold. A Christian might buy or eat 
6uch meats, unless informed of the idolatrous rela- 
tion, when he was to abstain for the sake of others. 
Idolatrt. 

Sha'med (Heb. in some MSS., = extinction, perse- 
cution, Ges. ; but most read Shamer or Siiemer), one 
of the sons of Elpaal the Benjamite " who built Oso 
and Lod, with the towns thereof" (1 Chr. viii. 12). 

Sha mer (Heb. kept, preserved, lees of wine, Ges.). 
1. A Merarite Levite, ancestor of Ethan (1 Chr. vi. 
46). — 2. Shomer 1, son of Heber, an Asherite (vii. 
34). 

Sbam gar (Heb. perhaps = Samgar [see Samgar- 
nebo], or fr. Ar. = fleeing, Fii.), judge of Israel 
after Ehud, and before Barak, though possibly con- 
temporary with the latter, since he seems to be 
spoken of in Judg. v. 6, as a contemporary of Jael, 
if the reading is correct. Lord A. C. Hervey con- 



jectures from his being " son of Analli " that Sham- 
gar may have been of the tribe of Naphtali, since 
BETH-ANATH is in that tribe. In the days of Sham- 
gar, Israel was in a most depressed condition, and 
the whole nation was cowed (Judg. v. 6). At this 
conjuncture Shamgar was raised up to be a deliv- 
erer. With no arms in his hand but an ox-goad 
(iii. 31 ; compare 1 Sam. xiii. 21), he made a des- 
perate assault upon the Philistines, and slew COO 
of them. But it was reserved for Deborah and 
Barak to complete the deliverance. 

Sham Imtli (Heb. = Shammah, Ges.), the fifth cap- 
tain for the filth month in David's arrangement of 
his army (1 Chr. xxvii. 8); = Shammotii. 

Sha mir (Heb. a thorn, adamant, A. V., Ges.). 1. 
A town in the mountain district of Judah (Josh. xv. 
4 8 only) ; probably eight or ten miles S. of Hebron, 
but not yet discovered (so Mr. Grove). — 2. A place 
in Mount Ephraim, the residence and burial-place 
of Tola the judge (Judg. x. 1, 2). It is singular 
ili a this judge, a man of Issachar, should have 
taken up his official residence out of his own tribe. 
Schwarz would identify Shamir with Sanur (Betiiu- 
lia?); Van de Velde proposes Khirbet Sammer, a 
ruined site ten miles E. S. E. of N&hlus (Shechem). 

Sha'mlr (see above), a Kohathite, son of Micah, 
or Michah, the first-born of Uzziel (1 Chr. xxiv. 24). 
* Sbam'lal = Shalmai (Ezr. ii. 46 margin). 
Sham ina (Heb. desolation, Ges.), an Asherite chief, 
son of Zophar (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Sliiim'mali (Heb. astonishment, desolation, Ges.). 1. 
An Edoniitc "duke," son of Reuel the son of Esau 
(Gen wxvi. 13,17; 1 Chr. i. 37).— 2. Third son of 
Jesse, and brother of David (1 Sam. xvi. 9, xvii. 
13); = Shimea 4, Shimeaii 1, and Shimma. — 3. One 
of the three greatest of David's mighty men. He 
was with him during his outlaw life in the cave of 
Adullam, and signalized himself by defending a 
piece of ground full of lcntilcs against the Philis- 
tines on one of their marauding incursions. This 
achievement gave him a place among the first three 
heroes, who, on another occasion, cut their way 
through the Philistine garrison, and brought David 
water from the well of Bethlehem (2 Sam. xxiii. 11- 
17). Keil and Bertheau suppose that, by a copyist's 
error, several verses have been omitted from the 
parallel passage in 1 Chr. xi. 13 after the words " to 
battle," and that the discrepancy between the field 
of "lentiles " in 2 Sam., and of "barley" in 1 dir., 
arose from a transposition in the letters of the orig- 
inal Hebrew word. Kennicott proposes in both 
cases to read " barley." — 4. " The Harodite," one 
of David's thirty " valiant men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 25) ; 
called " Shammoth the Harodite " in 1 Chr. xi. 27, 
and (so Mr. Wright, Gesenius, &c.) in 1 Chr. xxvii. 8 
"Shamhuth the Izrahite." Kennicott maintained 
the true reading in both to be "Shamhoth the Ha- 
rodite." — 5. In the list of David's thirty " valiant 
men " in 2 Sam. xxiii. 32, 33, we find " Jonathan, 
Shammah the Hararite ; " while in the correspond- 
ing verse, 1 Chr. xi. 34, it is " Jonathan, the son of 
Shage the Hararite." Combining the two, Kenni- 
cott proposes to read " Jonathan, the son of Sham- 
ha, the Hararite," i. e. Jonathan 2. 

Sham mai, or Sbam'ma-i (Heb. desolated, Ges.). 
The name of three descendants of Judah. 1. Son 
of Onam (1 Chr. ii. 28, 32).— 2. Son of Rckem (ii. 
44, 45). — 3. Brother of Miriam and Ishbah the 
founder of Eshtemoa (iv. 17). 

Sham moth (Heb. desolations, Ges.), " the Hnror- 
ite," one of David's "valiant men" (1 Chr. xi. 
27) ; = Shammuah 4 and Shamhuth. 



SHA 



SHE 



1005 



Sham-mn'a (Heb. = Shimea, Ges.). 1, The Reu- 
benite spy, son of Zaceur (Num. xiii. 4). — 2. Son of 
David, by Bath-sheba (1 Chr. xiv. 4); = Shammuah 
and Shimea 1. — 3. A Levite, father of Abda (Neh. 
xi. 17); — Shemaiah 6. — 4. The representative of 
the priestly family of Bilgah, or Bilgai, in the days 
of Joiakim (xii. 18). 

Sham-ma'ah (fr. Heb.) = Shammua 2 and Shimea 
1, son of David (2 Sam. v. 14). 

Sham'she-rai (Heb., fr. Shimshai and Shimri, 
Ges.), a Benjamite chief, son of Jeroham (1 Chr. 
viii. 26). 

Sha'pham (Heb. cold, or bald, shaven? Ges.), a 
Gadite of Baslian (1 Oir. v. 12). 

Shaphan (Heb. = coney, A. V.), the scribe or 
secretary of King Josiah ; son of Azaliah (2 K. 
xxii. 3 ; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 8) ; father of Ahikam (2 K. 
xxii. 12; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 20), Elasah (Jer. xxix. 3), 
and Gemariah (xxxvi. 10-12); and grandfather of 
Gedaliah (xxxix. 14, xl. 5, 9, 11, xli. 2, xliii. 6), 
Michaiah (xxxvi. 11), and probably of Jaazaniah 
(Ez. viii. 11). There seems (so Mr. Wright) no suf- 
ficient reason for supposing that Shaphan the father 
of Ahikam, and Shaphan the scribe, were different 
persons. Shaphan the scribe appears on an equal- 
ity with the governor of the city and the royal re- 
corder, with whom he was sent by the king to Hil- 
kiah to take an accouut of the money collected by 
the Levites for the repair of the Temple and to pay 
the workmen (2 K. xxii. 4; 2 Chr. xxxiv. 9; com 
pare 2 K. xii. 10). Ewald calls him Minister of 
Finance. On this occasion Hilkiah communicated 
his discovery of a copy of the Law, which he had 
probably found while making preparations for the 
repair of the Temple. (Pentateuch.) Shaphan 
was then apparently an cW man, for his son Ahikam 
must have been in a position of importance, and his 
grandson Gedaliah was already born. Shaphan 
probably died before the fifth year of Jehoiakim, 
eighteen years later, when we find Elishama was 
scribe (Jer. xxxvi. 12). 

Sha'phat (Heb. judge, Ges.). 1. The Simeonite 
spy, son of Hoi'i (Num. xiii. 5). — 2. Father of the 
prophet Elisha (1 K. xix. 16, 19; 2 K. iii. 11, vi. 
31). — 3. One of the six sons of Shemaiah in the 
royal line of Judah (1 Chr. iii. 22). — 4. A Gadite 
in Bashan (v. 12). — 5. Son of Adlai, and keeper of 
David's oxen in the valleys (xxvii. 29). 

Slia'plier (Heb. pleasantness), Mount (Num. xxxiii. 
23), the name of a desert-station where the Israel- 
ites encamped ; supposed by Mr. Rowlands (in Fbn.) 
to be at Jebel 'A rdif a conspicuous conical moun- 
tain in the desert sixty or seventy miles S. S. W. of 
Beer-sheba. Wilderness of the Wandering. 

Sha'rai, or Shar'a-i (Heb. Jehovah frees him [so 
Sim.] ? Ges.), one of the sons of Bani in Ezra's 
time, husband of a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 40). 

Slia-ra ira (fr. Heb.) = Shaaraim (Josh. xv. 36 
only). 

Sha'rar (Heb. twist, cord, Ges.), father of Ahiam 
the Hararite (2 Sam. xxiii. 33); = Sacar. 
• Sha-re'zer (fr. Pers. = prince of fire, Ges.), a son 
and murderer of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 37, &c). 
Adrammelkch 2. 

Sharon [shair'on] (Heb. plain, Ges.). 1. A dis- 
trict of the Holy Land, always called in the original 
"the Sharon" (1 Chr. v. 16, xxvii. 29; Is. xxxiii. 
9, xxxv. 2, lxv. 10 ; Cant. ii. 1 ; Acts ix. 35, A. V. 
"Saron"). It is that broad rich tract of land 
which lies between the mountains of the central part 
of the Holy Land and the Mediterranean — the re- 
gion extending from Cesarea to Joppa. A general 



sketch of the district is given under Palestine, II., 
§§ 31 ff. (Rose.)— 2. The "Sharon" of 1 Chr. v. 
16 is distinguished from the western plain by not 
having the article. It is also apparent from the 
passage itself that it was some district E. of Jordan, 
in the neighborhood of Gilead and Bashan. The 
name has not been met with in that direction. Dr. 
Stanley suggests that Sharon may here = the Mi- 
shur = Plain 4. 

Shar'on-itc [shair-] (fr. Heb. - one from Shar- 
on), the ; Shitrai, who had charge of the royal herds 
pastured in Sharon (1 Chr. xxvii. 29) is the only 
Sharonite mentioned in the Bible. 

Sha-rn'hcn (Heb. pleasant lodging? Ges.), a town 
named in Josh. xix. 6 only, among those allotted 
within Judah to Simeon; apparently = Shilhim 
(xv. 32), and Shaaraim (1 Chr. iv. 31). Whether 
these are different places, or different names of the 
same place, or mere variations of copyists, it is per- 
haps impossible now to determine. Knobel would 
identify it with Tell Sheri'ah, about ten miles W. 
of Beer-sheba, at the head of the Wady Sheri'ah, a 
position not unsuitable. Wilton ( The Ncgcb) and 
Rowlands (in Fairbairn, under " South Country ") 
would identify it with Kliirbet es-Serdm ( — ruins of 
Serdm), an ancient site in Wady es-Seram, E. of 
el-Aujeh (Azem), near which is el-Bircin ( =: the 
"tells), a fertile spot with four wells of good water. 

Sha'shai, or Sliash'a-i (Heb. whitish? Ges.), one of 
the sons of Bani in Ezra's time, who put away his 
foreign wife (Ezr. x. 40). 

Sua'shak (Heb. eagerness, longing [so Sim.] ? Ges.), 
a Benjamite, son of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 14, 25). 

Sha'nl, or Slianl (Heb. = Saul). 1. Son of Simeon 
by a Canaanitish woman (Gen. xlvi. 10; Ex. vi. 15; 
Num. xxvi. 13 ; 1 Chr. iv. 24), and founder of the 
family of the Shaulites. — 2. One of the kings of 
Edom (i. 48, 49) ; — Saol 1. — 3. A Kohathite, son 
of Uzziah (vi. 24). 

* Sha'ul-ites, or Shaulites, the = the descendants 
of Shaul 1 (Num. xxvi. 13). 

Shaveh (Heb. a plain, Ges.), the Val'lcy of (Heb. 
'emek ; see Valley 1), a name found only in Gen. 
xiv. 17 — "the valley of Shaveh, which is the king's 
dale." This is generally identified with " the King's 
dale " of 2 Sam. xviii. 18, placed by Josephus (vii. 

10, § 3), and by mediaeval and modern tradition in 
the immediate neighborhood of Jerusalem. Robin- 
son (Phi/s. Geog. 101) regards it as the upper part 
of the Kidron valley, near the tombs of the Judges. 
Stanley (246 f., 478) thinks the " king's dale," or 
" valley of Shaveh," was E. of the Jordan, near the 
spot where Absalom fell. Melchizedek ; Salem 1. 

Shaveh-kir-i-a-thaim (fr. Heb. = the plain of 
Kiriathaim, Ges.), mentioned (Gen. xiv. 5) as the 
residence of Emim at the time of Chedorlaomer's 
incursion ; probably the valley in or by which the 
town of Kiriathaim lay. 

Shav'sha (Heb., a corruption of Serai ah, Ges.), 
the royal secretary in the reign of David (1 Chr. 
xviii. 16) ; = Seraiah 1, Sheva 1, and Shisha. King ; 
Scribe. 

Shawm. In the Prayer-book version of Ps. xcviii. 
7, " with trumpets also and shaivms " is the render- 
ing of what stands in the A. V " with trumpets and 
sound of cornet." The " shawm " was a musical 
instrument resembling the clarionet. 

* Sheaf. Agriculture ; First-fruits ; Passover, 

11. 3, g, &c. 

She'al (Heb. an asking, Ges.), one of the sons 
of Bani who had married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 29). 
She-al'ti-cl (Heb. / have asked him of God, Ges.) 



1006 



SHE 



SHE 



father of Zerudbabel (Ezr. iii. 2, 8, v. 2 ; Nch. xii. 
1 ; Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, ii. 2, 23) ; = SALATHIEL. 

She-a-ri'ali (fr. Hcb. - whom Jehovah estimates, 
Ges.), one of the six sons of Azcl, a descendant of 
Saul (1 Chr. viii. 88, ix. 44). 

Shear'lng-bonse (Heb. beyth 'eked ; sec below), 
the, a place on the road between Jezrcel and Sama- 
ria, at which Jehu, on his way to the latter, encoun- 
tered forty-two members of the royal family of Ju- 
dah, whom he slaughtered at the well or pit at- 
tached to the place (2 K. x. 12, 14). The A. V. 
margin gives as the literal meaning of the name — 
"house of binding of the shepherds;" Gesenius 
gives house of the shepherds'' hamlet. The LXX., 
Euscbius and Jerome, Gesenius, &c, make it a 
proper name, Beth-eked. Euscbius mentions it as 
a village of Samaria " in the great plain [of Esdr;e- 
lon | fifteen miles from Legeon" (Megiddo). 

Siie'nr-ja'shnb (fr. Hcb. = the remnant shall re- 
turn, be converted, Ges.), son of Isaiah the proph- 
et (Is. vii. 3). The name, like that of Maher- 
hhalal-h ash-baz, had a mystical significance (com- 
pare Is. x. 20-22). 

* Sheath. Arms, I. 1. 

* Sheaves, plural of Sheaf. Agriculture. 
She'ba (neb. sheba' — seven, or an oath, compare 

Beer-sheba). I. Son of Bichri ; a Benjaniitc from 
the mountains of Ephraim (2 Sam. xx. 1-22), the 
last chief of the Absalom insurrection, described as 
a " man of Belial." He must have been a person 
of 60ine consequence, from the immense effect pro- 
duced by his appearance. It was in fact all but an 
anticipation of the revolt of Jeroboam. The occa- 
sion seized by Sheba was the emulation, as if from 
loyalty, between the northern and southern tribes 
on David's return (1, 2). The king might well say, 
" Sheba the son of Bichri shall do us more harm 
than did Absalom " (6). Sheba traversed the whole 
of Palestine, apparently rousing the population, 
Joau following in full pursuit. It seems to have 
been his intention to establish himself in the for- 
tress of Arel-betii-maachah, famous for the prudence 
of its inhabitants (18). That prudence was put to 
the test on the present occasion. Joab's terms 
were — the head of the insurgent chief. A woman 
of the place undertook the mission to her city, and 
proposed the execution to her fellow-citizens. The 
head of Sheba was thrown over the wall, and the 
insurrection ended. — 2. A Gadite chief in Bashan 
(1 Chr. v. 13). 

She'ba (Heb. sht-bA ; compare Ethiopic = man, 
Ges.). I. A son of Raahah, son of Ccsh (Gen. x. 
1; 1 Chr. i. 9). — 2. A son of Joktan (Gen. x. 28; 
1 Chr. i. 22). — 3. A son of Jokshak, son of Keti - 
RAn (Gen. xxv. 3; 1 Chr. i. 32). This article (origi- 
nally by Mr. E. S. Poole) considers, I., the history 
of the Joktanite Sheba; and, II., the Cushite Sheba 
and the Keturahite Sheba together. — I. It has been 
shown, under Arabia, &C., that the Joktanites were 
among the early colonists of southern Arabia, and 
that the kingdom which they there founded was, for 
many centuries, called the kingdom of Sheba, after 
one of the sons of Joktan. They appear to have 
been preceded by an aboriginal race, described by 
the Arabian historians as of gigantic stature. But 
besides these extinct tribes, there are the evidences 
of Cushite settlers, who probably preceded the Jok- 
tanites. Sheba seems to have been the name of the 
great south Arabian kingdom and the peoples which 
composed it, until that of Himyer took its place in 
later times. On this point much obscurity remains. 
The apparent difficulties of the case are reconciled | 



by supposing, as M. Caussin de Perceval has done, 
that the kingdom and its people received the name 
of Sheba (Ar. Sebt)), but that its chief and some- 
times reigning family or tribe was that of Himyer. 
In the Bible, the Joktanite Sheba, mentioned genea- 
logically in Gen. x. 28, recurs, as a kingdom, in the 
account of the visit of the queen of Sheba to King 
Solomon (1 K. x.). That the queen was of Sheba 
in Arabia, and not of Seba the Cushite kingdom of 
Ethiopia, is unquestionable (so Mr. Poole); Josephus 
and some of the Rabbinical writers, and the Ethi- 
opian (or Abyssinian) Church, refer her to the latter. 
The Arabs call her Bilkus (or Yelkamah or Balka- 
mah), a queen of the later Bimyerites of the first 
century a. c, according to M. Caussin. The other 
passages in the Bible which seem to refer to the Jok- 
tauite Sheba are Is. lx. C (where reference is made 
to the commerce from Sheba along the western bor- 
ders of Arabia, but possibly referring to the Cushite 
nr Keturahite Sheba), and Jer. vi. 20. In Ps. lxxii. 
10, the Joktanite Sheba is undoubtedly meant. The 
kingdom of Sheba embraced the greater part of the 
Yemen, or Arabia Felix. Its chief cities, and prob- 
ably successive capitals, were Seba, San'd (Uzal), 
and Zafdr (Sephar). Seba was probably the name 
of the city, and generally of the country and na- 
tion ; but the statements of the Arabian writers are 
conflicting on this point. Ma-rib was another name 
of the city, or of the fortress or royal palace in it. 
Near Stbd was the famous dike of El-Arim, said 
by tradition to have been built by Lukmdn the 
'Adite, to store water for the inhabitants of the 
place, and to avert the descent of the mountain-tor- 
rents. The catastrophe of the rupture of this dike 
is an important point in Arab history, and marks 
the dispersion in the second, century of the Joktan- 
ite tribes. This, like all we know of Sebd, points 
irresistibly to the great importance of the city as 
the ancient centre of Joktanite power. The history 
of the Sabeans has been examined by M. Caussin 
de Perceval, but much remains to be adjusted before 
its details can be received as trustworthy, the ear- 
liest safe chronological point being about the com- 
mencement of our era. An examination of the ex- 
isting remains of Sabean and Himyerite cities and 
buildings will, it cannot be doubted, add more facts 
to our present knowledge. The ancient buildings 
are of massive masonry, and evidently of Cushite 
workmanship or origin. Later temples, and palace- 
temples, of which the Arabs give us descriptions, 
were probably of less massive character ; but Sabean 
art is an almost unknown and interesting subject of 
inquiry. The religion celebrated in those temples 
was cosmic ; but this subject is too obscure and too 
little known to admit of discussion in this place. 
(Idolatry.) — II. Sheba, son of Raamah son of 
Cush, settled somewhere on the shores of the Per- 
sian Gulf. Mr. E. S. Poole identifies his settlement 
with the ruins of an ancient city called Seba, on the 
island of Awdl (one of the " B<)hreyn Islands "). 
It was this Sheba that carried on the great Indian 
traffic with Palestine, in conjunction with, as Mr. 
Poole holds, the other Sheba, Son of Jokshan son 
of Keturah, who, like Dedan, appears to have 
formed, with the Cushite of the same name, one 
tribe. The trade is mentioned in Ez. xxvii. 22, 23, 
and possibly in Is. lx. 6 and Jer. vi. 20 (see above 
in I.). The predatory bands of the Keturahites are 
mentioned in Job i. 15, vi. 19. 

She'ba (Heb. an oath, or seven; compare Beer- 
sheba), a city of Simeon (Josh. xix. 2) ; probably 
(so Mr. Grove) = Shema, which stands next to Mol- 



SHE 



SHE 



1007 



adah, in the list of the cities of the south of Judah 
(xv. 26). This suggestion is supported by the read- 
ing (Samaa) of the Vatican LXX. Some (Fair- 
bairn, &c.) suppose Sheba a mere repetition of part 
of the preceding Beer-sheba, and this is favored by 
the number of names in xix. 2-6 being fourteen with 
Sheba, but said to be thirteen, and the omission of 
Sheba in 1 dir. iv. 28. 

She' bah (fr. Heb. shiVedh, fem. of sheba' = seven, 
Ges. ; "an oath" A. V. margin ; see above), the 
famous well which gave its name to the city of 
Beer-sheba (Gen. xxvi. 33), the fourth of the series 
of wells dug by Isaac's people. 

She bum (fr. Heb. = coolness, or fragrance, Ges.), 
one of the towns in the pastoral district E. of Jor- 
dan — demanded by and finally ceded to the tribes 
of Reuben and Gad (Num. xxxii. 3 only) ; probably 
— Shibmah and Sibmaii. 

Sheb-a-ni'ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah has made 
grow up? Ges.). 1. A Levite in Ezra's time, who 
took part in the psalm of thanksgiving and confes- 
sion (Neh. ix. 4, 5). He sealed the covenant with 
Nehemiah (x. 10). — 2. A priest, or priestly family, 
who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 4, xii. 
14); = Shechaniah 7. — 3. Another Levite who 
sealed the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 12). — 4, One 
of the priests appointed by David to blow with the 
trumpets before the ark of God (1 Chr. xv. 24). 

Slicb'a-rim (Heb. breaches, ruins, as of walls, Ges. ; 
see below), a place named in Josh. vii. 5 only, as 
one of the points in the flight from Ai ; perhaps (so 
Mr. Grove) a spot where there were fissures or rents 
in the soil, gradually deepening till they ended in a 
sheer descent or precipice to the ravine by which 
the Israelites had come from Gilgal ; site unknown. 

She ber (Heb. a breaking, Sim.), son of Caleb 1 by 
his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48). 

Shcb'na (Heb. youth? Ges.), a person of high posi- 
tion in Hezekiah's court, holding at one time the of- 
fice of prefect of the palace (Is. xxii. 15), but sub- 
sequently (so Mr. Bevan, &c.) the subordinate office 
of secretary (xxxvi. 3 ; 2 K. xix. 2). Shebna was 
denounced by Isaiah on account of his pride, lux- 
ury, &c. (Is. xxii. 16 ff.). From the omission of his 
father's name, it has been conjectured that he was 
the first of his family to attain distinction, perhaps 
a foreigner. Some have supposed " Shebna the 
scribe " a different person from Shebna " the treas- 
urer," that was " over the house." 

Sheb'u-el (Heb. captive of God, Ges.). 1. A de- 
scendant of Gershom (1 Chr. xxiii. 16, xxvi. 24), 
who was ruler of the treasures of the house of 
God; = Shubael 1. He is the last descendant of 
Moses of whom there is any trace. — 2. One of the 
fourteen sons of Heinan the minstrel, chief of the 
thirteenth band of twelve in the Temple choir (xxv. 
4) ; = Shubael 2. 

Slicc-a-ni'ab (fr. Heb. = Shechaniah). 1. Chief 
of the tenth course of priests in David's reign (1 
Chr. xxiv. 11). — 2. A priest or Levite in Hezekiah's 
reign, appointed to distribute portions to priests (2 
Chr. xxxi. 15). 

Shccll-a-ni ah [shek-J (fr. Heb. = familiar with 
Jehovah, Ges.). 1. A descendant of Zerubbabel (1 
Chr. iii. 21, 22). — 2. Ancestor of some descendants 
of Parosh who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 3). — 
3. Ancestor of another family who returned with 
Ezra (viii. 5). In this verse it has been supposed 
that some name is omitted, and that perhaps the 
reading should be : " of the sons of Zattu, Shecha- 
niah, the son of Jahaziel." — 4. Son of Jehiel of the 
sons of Elam, proposed a covenant to put away the 



foreign wives (Ezr. x. 2). — 5. Father of Shemaiah 
2 (Neh. iii. 29). — 6. Son of Arab, and father-in-law 
of Tobiah the Ammonite (vi. 18). — 7. Head of a 
priestly 1'amily who returned with Zerubbabel (xii. 
3); = Shebaniah 2. Compare Shecaniah 1. 

Slie'chciH [-kera] (Heb. shoulder, ridge), also writ- 
ten Sichem (L. form), and Sychem ; a celebrated 
city of Palestine. It has been made a question 
whether the place was so called from Shechem 1, 
the son of Hamor (Gen. xxxiii. 18 fF.), or whether 
he received his name from the city. The import 
of the name favors, certainly, the latter supposi- 
tion (so Prof. Hackett, original author of this ar- 
ticle). The Hebrew etymology indicates that the 
place was situated on some mountain or hill-side; 
and that presumption agrees with Josh. xx. 7, which 
places it in Mount Ephraim (see also 1 K. xii. 25), 
and with Judg. ix. 9, which represents it as under 
the summit of Gerizim, which belonged to the 
Ephraim range. The other Biblical intimations in 
regard to its situation are only indirect (Gen. xxxiii. 
18? Shalem ; xxxvii. 12, &c; Judg. xxi. 1 ; Jn. iv. 
5 ; Sychar). But the historical and traditional data 
outside of the Bible are abundant and decisive. 
Josephus describes Shechem as between Gerizim 
and Ebal. The present Ndbidus is a corruption 
merely of Neapolis ; and Neapolis succeeded the 
more ancient Shechem (Josephus, Epiphanius, Je- 
rome, &c). The city received its new name (Gr. 
Neapolis = new city) from Vespasian, and on coins 
still extant is called F/avia Neapolis. Its situation, 
nearly midway between Judea and Galilee, and thus 
a " thoroughfare" on this important route, accounts 
for another name, written Mabortha or Mabarlha by 
Josephus (B. J. iv. 8, § 1), and Mamorlha by Pliny 
(from Heb. Ma\'tbarta = passage, Olshausen), which 
it bore among the natives. The ancient town, in its 
most flourishing age, may have extended further up 
the side of Gerizim than the modern N&btdus, and 
further eastward toward the opening into the valley 
from the plain. Josephus says that more than ten 
thousand Samaritans (inhabitants of Shechem are 
meant) were destroyed by the Romans on one occa- 
sion. The population, therefore, must have been 
much greater than Ndbulus with its present dimen- 
sions would contain. The situation of the town is 
one of surpassing beauty. It lies in a sheltered val- 
ley, protected by Gerizim on the S., and Ebal on the 
N. The feet of these mountains, where they rise 
from the town, are not more than 500 yards apart. 
The bottom of the valley is about 1,800 feet above 
the level of the sea, and the top of Gerizim 800 feet 
higher still. The site of the present city, believed 
to have been also that of the Hebrew city, is exactly 
on the water-summit ; and streams issuing from the 
numerous springs there, flow down the opposite 
slopes of the valley, spreading verdure and fertility 
in every direction. Travellers vie with each other 
in the enthusiastic language which they employ to 
describe the scene that bursts here so suddenly upon 
them on arriving in spring or early summer at this 
paradise of the Holy Land. " The whole valley," 
savs Dr. Robinson, " was filled with gardens of vege- 
tables, and orchards of all kinds of fruits, watered 
by fountains, which burst forth in various parts and 
flow westward in refreshing streams. It came upon 
us suddenly like a scene of fairy enchantment. We 
saw nothing to compare with it in all Palestine. 
Here, beneath the shadow of an immense mulberry- 
tree, by the side of a purling rill, we pitched our 

tent for the remainder of the day and night 

We rose early, awakened by the songs of nightingales 



1008 snE 

and other birds, of which the gardens around us 
were full." The allusions to Shecheiii in the Bible 
are numerous, and show how important the plaee 
was in Jewish history. Abraham, on his first mi- 
gration to the Land of Promise, pitched his tent and 



snE 

built an altar under the Oak (or Terebinth, A. V. 
" Plain ") of Moreh at Sheehem. "The Canuanite 
was then in the land ;" and it is evident that the re- 
gion, if not the city, was already in possession of the 
aboriginal race (Gen. xii. 6). When Jacob arrived 



The VulUy 




arn of NabuluM, the ancient Shech 

> If dlaecrnlblo In the dletance. From it •ketch by W. Tlpplnp, Eeq. 



Ucrtzim. The Mrdilerran 



•stem (lank or Mount Ebni, looking westward. The mountain on tho loft la 



here after his sojourn in Mesopotamia (xxxiii. 18, 
xxxiv.), Sheehem was a Hivitecity, of which Hamor, 
the father of Sheehem, was the head-man. At this 
time the patriarch purchased from that chieftain 
" the parcel of the field," which he subsequently be- 
queathed, as a special patrimonv, to his son Joseph 
(xliii. 22; Josh. xxiv. 32; Jn. iv. 5). The field lay 
undoubtedly on the rich plain of the Mulchna, E. of 
the city, and its value was the greater on account 
of the well which Jacob had dug there, so as not to 
be dependent on his neighbors for a supply of water. 
The defilement of Dinah, Jacob's daughter, ami the 
capture of Sheehem and the massacre of all the male 
inhabitants by Simeon and Levi, are events of this 
period (Gen. xxxiv. 1 IT.). The oak under which 
Abraham had worshipped, survived to Jacob's time 
(xxxv. 1-4). (Meonenim, Plain of.) In the dis- 
tribution of the land after its conquest by the He- 
brews, Sheehem fell to Ephraim (Josh. xx. 7), but 
was assigned to the Levites, and became a city of 
refuge (xxi. 20, 21). It was the scene of the re- 
newed promulgation of the Law, when its blessings 
were heard from Gerizim and its curses from Ebal, 
and the people bowed their heads and acknowledged 
Jehovah as their king and ruler (Deut. xxvii. 11; 
Josh. ix. 33-35). Here Joshua assembled the peo- 
ple, shortly before his death, and delivered to them 
his last counsels (xxiv. 1, 25). After the death of 
Gideon, Abimelecii 3, his bastard son, induced the 
Shechemites to revolt from the Hebrew common- 
wealth and elect him king (Judg. ix.). Upon this 
Jotham 1 delivered his parable of the trees to the 
men of Sheehem from the top of Gerizim (ix. 22 £f.). 
In revenge for his being expelled, after a reign of 
three years, Abimelech destroyed the city, and, as 
an emblem of the fate to which he would consign it, 



sowed the ground with salt (ix. 34-45). It was 
soon restored, however, for all Israel assembled at 
Sheehem, and Rehoboam, Solomon's successor, went 
thither to be inaugurated as king (1 K. xii.). Here 
the ten tribes renounced the house of David, and 
transferred their allegiance to Jeroboam (xii. 16), 
under whom Sheehem became for a time the capital 
of his kingdom. The people of Sheehem doubtless 
shared the fate of the inhabitants of Samaria, 
and were, most of them at least, carried into cap 
tivity (2 K. xvii. 5, 0, xviii. 9 ff'.). But Shalmaneser, 
the conqueror, sent colonies from Babylonia to oc- 
cupy the place of the exiles (xvii. 24). It would 
seem (so Prof. Hackett) that there was another in- 
flux of strangers, at a later period, under Esar-had- 
don (Ezr. iv. 2). " Certain from Sheehem," &c., 
possibly Cuthites, i. e. Babylonian immigrants who 
had become proselytes or worshippers of Jehovah, 
were slain by Isiimael 6 on their way to Jerusalem 
(Jer. xii. 5 ff.). From the time of the origin of the 
Samaritans, the history of Sheehem, which became 
their principal city, blends itself with that of this 
people, and of their sacred mount, Gerizim. (Sa- 
maria 3 ; Samaritan Pentateuch.) Sheehem reap- 
pears in the N. T. It is the Sychar of John iv. 6, 
near which the Saviour conversed with the Samaritan 
woman at Jacob's Well. In Acts vii. 16, Stephen 
reminds his hearers that certain of the patriarchs 
(meaning Joseph, as we see in Josh. xxiv. 32, and 
following, perhaps, some tradition as to Jacob's other 
sons) were buried at " Syciiem," i. e. Sheehem. — The 
population of Nubulus, the modern representative of 
Sheehem, is (so Prof. Hackett, after Dr. Piosen) about 
5,000, mostly Mohammedans, but including 500 
Greek Christians, 150 Samaritans, and a few Jews. 
The estimate of Kev. J. Mills (in Fairbairn) is 10,000 



SHE 



SHE 



1009 



;n all, viz. 150 Samaritans, 500 to 600 native Chris- 
tians, 100 Jews, the rest Arabs. The enmity be- 
tween the Samaritans and Jews is as inveterate still, 
as it was in the days of Christ. The main street fol- 
lows the line of the valley from E. to W., and con- 
tains a well-stocked bazaar. Most of the other 
streets cross this : here are the smaller shops and 
the workstands of the artisans. Most of the streets 
are narrow and dark, as the houses hang over them 
on arches, very much as in the closest parts of Cairo. 
(House; Jerusalem.) The houses are of stone, and 
of the most ordinary style, except those of the 
wealthy sheikhs of Samaria who live here. There 
are no public buildings of any note. The Keniseh 
or synagogue of the Samaritans is a small edifice, 
perhaps three or four centuries old, in the interior 
of which there is nothing remarkable, unless it be an 
alcove, screened by a curtain, in which their sacred 
writings are kept. Ndbulm has five mosques, two of 
which, according to a tradition in which Mohamme- 
dans, Christians, and Samaritans agree, were origi- 
nally churches. Dr. Rosen says that the inhabitants 
boast of the existence of not less than eighty springs 
of water within and around the city. He gives the 
names of twenty-seven of the principal of them. 
Some of the gardens are watered from the fountains, 
while others have a soil so moist a« not to need such 
irrigation. The olive, as in the days when Jotham 
delivered his famous parable, is still the principal 
tree. Figs, almonds, walnuts, mulberries, grapes, 
oranges, apricots, pomegranates, are abundant. The 
valley of the Nile itself hardly surpasses N&bulus in 
the production of vegetables of every sort. Being, 
as it is, the gateway of the trade between Jaffa and 
Beirut on the one side, and the Transjordanic dis- 
tricts on the other, and the centre also of a province 
so rich in wool, grain, and oil, N&btdus becomes, nec- 
essarily, the seat of an active commerce, and of a 
comparative luxury to be found in very few of the 
inland Oriental cities. Here are manufactured many 
of the coarser woollen fabrics, delicate silk goods, 
cloth of camel's hair, and especially soap. — "Jacob's 
Well" (Jn. iv. 6, 12) lies about a mile and a half E. 
of the city, close to the lower road, and just beyond 
the wretched hamlet of Baldla. Among the Moham- 
medans ;ind Samaritans it is known as Bir cl-Yakub, 
or 'Ain Yakub ; the Christians sometimes call it Bir 
es-Samariyeh ( = the well of the Samaritan woman). 
Formerly there was a square hole opening into a 
carefully-built vaulted chamber, about ten feet 
square, in the floor of which was the true mouth of 
the well. Now a portion of the vault has fallen in 
and completely covered up the mouth, so that nothing 
can be seen above but a shallow pit half filled with 
stones and rubbish. The well is deep — seventy-five 
feet when last measured — and there was probably a 
considerable accumulation of rubbish at the bottom. 
Sometimes it contains a few feet of water, but at 
others it is quite dry. It is entirely excavated in the 
solid rock, perfectly round, nine feet in diameter, 
with the sides hewn smooth and regular. Of all the 
special localities of our Lord's life, this is almost the 
only one absolutely undisputed. The tradition, in 
which Jews and Samaritans, Christians and Moham- 
medans, all agree, goes back at least to the early part 
of the fourth century. The well and the plot of 
ground round it were bought by the Greek Church 
in 1859 for the purpose of building over it (Rev. J. 
Mills, in Fairbairn). — The "Tomb of Joseph" lies 
about a quarter of a mile N. of the well, exactly in 
the centre of the opening of the valley between Ger- 
izim and Ebal. It is a small square enclosure of 
64 



high whitewashed walls, surrounding a tomb of the 
ordinary kind, but placed diagonally to the walls, 
instead of parallel, as usual. A rough pillar used as 
an altar, and black with the traces of fire, is at the 
head, and another at the foot of the tomb. In the 
walls are two slabs with Hebrew inscriptions, and the 
interior is almost covered with the names of pilgrims 
in Hebrew, Arabic, and Samaritan. Beyond this 
there is nothing to remark in the structure itself. 
The local tradition of the tomb, like that of the well, 
is as old as the beginning of the fourth century. 

She'eliem (see above). 1. Son of Hamor the 
chieftain of the Hivite settlement of Shechem at 
the time of Jacob's arrival (Gen. xxxiii. 19, xxxiv. 
2-26 ; Josh. xxiv. 32 ; Judg. ix. 28) ; the seducer 
of Dinah ; slain by Simeon and Levi. — 2. A man 
of Manasseh, of the clan of Gilead, and head of the 
Shechemites (Num. xxvi. 31 ; Josh. xvii. 2. — 3. A 
Gileadite, son of Shemida, the younger brother of 
No. 2 (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

She'chem-ites, the = the family of Shechem 3, son 
of Gilead (Num. xxvi. 31 ; compare Josh. xvii. 2). 

She-clli'uall (Chal. and later Heb. = a dwelling), a 
term not found in the Bible, but used by the later 
Jews, and borrowed by Christians from them, to 
express the visible majesty of the Divine Presence, 
especially when resting, or dwelling, between the 
Cherubim on the mercy-seat in the Tabernacle, and 
in the Temple of Solomon ; but not in Zerubbabel's 
Temple, for it was one of the five particulars which 
the Jews reckon to have been wanting in the second 
Temple. The use of the term is first found in the 
Targums, where it forms a frequent periphrasis for 
God, considered as dwelling among the children of 
Israel, on Zion, between the Cherubim, &c, and is 
thus used, especially by Onkelos, to avoid ascribing 
corporeity to God Himself. In Ex. xxv. 8, where 
the Hebrew and A. V. have " Let them make me a 
sanctuary that I may dwell among them," Onkelos 
has, " I will make my Shechinah to dwell among 
them." In xxix. 45, 46, for " I will dwell among 
the children of Israel," &c, Onkelos has " I will 
make my Shechinah to dwell," &c. In Ps. lxxiv. 2, 
for " this Mount Zion wherein thou hast dwelt," the 
Targum has " wherein thy Shechinah hath dwelt." 
In the description of the dedication of Solomon's 
Temple (1 K. viii. 12, 13), the Targum of Jonathan 
runs thus : " The Lord is pleased to make His 
Shechinah dwell in Jerusalem. I have built the 
house of the sanctuary for the house of thy Shechi- 
nah for ever." And in 1 K. vi. 13, for " I will dwell 
among the children of Israel," Jonathan has " I 
will make my Shechinah dwell." In Is. vi. 5 he has 
the combination, " the glory of the Shechinah of 
the King of ages, the Lord of Hosts ; " and in the 
next verse he paraphrases " from off the altar," by 
" from before His Shechinah on the throne of glory 
in the lofty heavens that are above the altar." 
Compare also Num. v. 3, xxxv. 34; Ps. lxviii. 1*7, 
18, exxxv. 21 ; Is. xxxiii. 5, lvii. 15; Joel iii. 17, 21, 
and numerous other passages. On the other hand 
(so Lord A. C. Hervey, original author of .this ar- 
ticle), the Targums never render " the cloud " or 
" the glory " by Shechinah. — Though, as we have 
seen, the Jews reckoned the Shechinah among the 
marks of the Divine favor which were wanting to 
the second Temple, they manifestly expected the 
return of the Shechinah in the days of the Messiah. 
Thus Hag. i. 8, " build the house, and I will take 
pleasure in it, and I will be glorified, saith the 
Lord," is paraphrased by Jonathan, " I will cause 
my Shechinah to dwell in it in glory." So also in 



1010 



SUE 



SHE 



Zech. ii. 10, viii. 8, and Ez. xliii. 7, 9. — As regards 
the visible manifestation of the Divine Presenee 
dwelling among the Israelites, to which the term 
Sheehinah has attaehed itself, the idea which the 
different accounts in Scripture convey is that of a 
most brilliant and glorious light, enveloped in a 
cloud, and usually concealed by the cloud, so that 
the cloud itself was for the most part alone visible; 
but on particular occasions the glorv appeared (Ex. 
xiii. 21, 22, xvi. 7, 10, xix. 9 ff., xl.34 ff. ; Lev. ix. 

6, 23; Num. ix. 15, 16, xiv. 10, xvi. 19, 42, xx. 6; 
Deut. xxxi. 15; 1 K. viii. 10, 11, &c). (Auk ok the 
Covenant; Cherubim; Cloud, Pillar ok; Firk, I. 
2 ; Mercy-skat, &c.) The allusions in the N. T. to 
the Sheehinah are not unfrequent. Thus in the ac- 
count of the Nativity, the words, " Lo, the angel of 
the Lord came upon them, and the glory of the 
Lord shone round about them" (Lk. ii. 9), followed 
by the apparition of " the multitude of the heaven- 
ly host," recall the appearance of the Divine glory 
on Sinai, when " lie shined forth from Paran, and 
came with ten thousands of saints " (Deut. xxxiii. 
2; compare Ps. lxviii. 17; Acts vii. 53; Ileb. ii. 2; 
Ez. xliii. 2). The "God of glory " (Acts vii. 2, 55), 
" the cherubims of glory " (Heb. ix. 5), " the glory" 
(Rom. ix. 4), and other like passages, are distinct 
references to the manifestations of the glory in the 

0. T. When we read in Jn. i. 14, that " the Word 
was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and we beheld 
his glory;" or in 2 Cor. xii. 9, "that the power of 
Christ may rest upon me ; " or in Rev. xxi. 3, " Be- 
hold the tabernacle of God is with men, and lie 
will dwell with them," we have not only references 
to the Sheehinah, but are distinctly taught to con- 
nect it with the incarnation and future coming of 
Messiah, as type with antitype. It should also be 
specially noticed that the attendance of angels is 
usually associated with the Sheehinah. These are 
most frequently called (Ez. x., xi.) CHERUBIM ; but 
sometimes, as in Is. vL, SERAPHIM (compare Rev. iv. 

7, 8). The predominant association, however, is 
with the cherubim, of which the golden cherubim 
on the mercy-seat were the representation. 

Shed e-ur ( fr. Heb. = darling of fire, Ges.), father 
of Elizur, the chief of Reuben at the Exodus (Num. 

1. 5, ii. 10, vii. 30, 35, x. 18). 

Sheep. The Hebrew words denoting sheep are 
ai/U = "a ram" (Gen. xv. 9, xxii. 13 twice, &c); 
car = " a lamb ; " cebes or ceseb (= a he-lamb, Ges.), 
usually translated "lamb" (xxx. 40; Ex. xxix. 38 
<F., &c), fern, cibsdh ( = ewe-lamb, Gen. xxi. 28 
fif., &c.), or cisbdh (translated " lamb," Lev. v. 6 
only) ; (son, tsone, or tsone''., (= a fiock or flocks, i. e. 
small cattle, sheep and goats, Ges.), usually trans- 
lated "flock " (Gen. iv. 4, xiii. 5, &c), or "sheep " 
(iv. 2, xii. 16 ; Num. xxxii. 24, &c), sometimes 
"cattle" (Gen. xxx. 39 ff., &c), or "small cattle" 
(Eccl. ii. 7 only); rdhel or rdchel fern., translated 
"ewe" (Gen. xxxi. 38, xxxii. 14 [Heb. 15]), or 
" sheep " (Cant. vi. 6 ; Is. liii. 7); seh (= one of a 
fiock, i. e. a sheep or goal), translated in Gen. xxii. 
7 and Ex. xii. 3, &c, " lamb" (margin "kid"), in 
Ex. xxii. 1 [xxi. 37 Heb.] and Deut. xvii. 1, &c., 
" sheep " (margin "goat"), &c. ; idleh (— a lamb, 
young and tender, Ges.), twice translated " lamb." 
The Greek words are probalon, uniformly translated j 
" sheep " (Mat. vii. 15, ix. 36, &c.) ; poirrme and 
poimnion (both = a fiock, especially of sheep, Rbn. 
y. T. Lex.'), both uniformly translated "flock" 
(xxvi. 31 ; Lk.ii. 8, xii. 32 ; A'cts xx. 28, 29, &c). — j 
Sheep were an important part of the possessions of i 
the ancient Hebrews and of Eastern nations gener- I 



ally. The first mention of sheep occurs in Gen. iv. 
2. They were used in the sacrificial offerings, both 
the adult animal (Ex. xx. 24 ; IK. viii. 63 ; 2 dir. 

xxix. 33) and the " lamb " 3, i. e. "a male from one to 
three years old," but young lambs of the first year 
were more generally used in the offerings (Ex. xxix. 
38 ; Lev. ix. 8, xii. 6 ; Num. xxviii. 9, &c). No 
lamb under eight days old was allowed to be killed 
(Lev. xxii. 27). Sheep and lambs formed an im- 
portant article of food (1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; IK. i. 19, 
iv. 'j;; ; P.s. xliv. 11, &c). The wool was used as 
clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Deut. xxii. 11 ; Prov. xxxi. 
13 ; Job xxxi. 20, &c). " Rams' skins dyed red " 
were used as a covering for the Tabernacle (Ex. xxv. 
6), Sbeep and lambs were sometimes paid as trib- 
ute (2 K. iii. 4). Immense numbers of sheep were 
reared in Palestine, &c, in Biblical times (1 K. viii. 
63; 1 Chr. v. 21 ; 2 Chr. xv. 11, xxx. 24; Job xiii. 
12, &c.). Shecp-shcaring is often alluded to (Ban- 
quets ; Gen. xxxi. 19, xxxviii. 13 ; Deut. xv. 19 ; 1 
Sam. xxv. 4 ; Is. liii. 7, &c.-). Sheep-dogs were cm- 
ployed in Biblical times. (Dog.) Shepherds in 
Palestine and the East generally go before their 
flocks, which they induce to follow by calling to 
them (compare Jn. x. 4 ; Ps. lxxvii. 20, lxxx. 1), 
though they also drove them (Gen. xxxiii. 13). The 
following quotation from Hartley's Researches in 
Greed ami the Levant, p. 321, is strikingly illustra- 
tive of Jn. x. 1-16 : " Having had my attention di- 
rected last night to the words in Jn. x. 3, I asked 
my man if it was usual in Greece to give names to 
the sheep. He informed me that it was, and that 
the sheep obeyed the shepherd when he called them 
bj their names. This morning I had an opportunity 
of verifying the truth of this remark. Passing by 
a flock of sheep, I asked the shepherd the same 
question which I had put to the servant, and he 
gave me the same answer. I then bade him call 
one of his sheep. He did so, and it instantly left 
its pasturage and its companions, and ran up to the 
hands of the shepherd with signs of pleasure and 
with a prompt obedience which I had never before 
observed in any other animal. It is also true in 
this country that ' a stranger will they not follow, 
but will flee from him.' The shepherd told me that 
many of his sheep were still wild, that they had not 
yet learned their names, but that by teaching them 
they would all learn them." The common sheep of 
Syria and Palestine are the broad-tail ( Ovis laticau- 
datus), and a variety of the common sheep of this 
country ( Ovis Aries) called the Bidoween according 
to Russell (Aleppo, ii. p. 147). The broad-tailed 
kind has long been reared in Syria. The tail (or 
more correctly, the rump) is a mass of marrow-like 
fat which spreads over the whole rump and down 
the caudal extremity nearly to the end, and may 
weigh ordinarily from ten to fifteen pounds. The 
fat tail of the sheep is probably alluded to in Lev. 
iii. 9, vii. 3, &c, as the fat and the whole rump that 
was to be taken off hard by the backbone and con- 
sumed on the altar. The cooks in Syria use this 
mass of fat instead of Arab butter, which is often 
rancid (Thn. i. 138-9). The whole passage in Gen. 

xxx. which bears on the subject of Jacob's strata- 
gem with Laban's sheep is involved in considerable 
perplexity, and Jacob's conduct in this matter has 
been severely and uncompromisingly condemned by 
some writers. It is altogether impossible (so Mr. 
Houghton) to account for the complete success 
which attended his device of setting peeled rods 
before the ewes and she-goats as they came to drink 
in the water-troughs, on natural grounds. We must 



SHE 



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1011 



agree with the Greek Fathers and ascribe the pro- 
duction of Jacob's spotted sheep and goats to Divine 
agency. In Gen. xxxi. 5-13, Jacob expressly states 
that his success was due to Divine interference. 
God was only helping Jacob to obtain that which 
justly belonged to him, but which Laban's rapacity 
refused to grant. As the sheep is an emblem of 
meekness, patience, and submission, it is expressly 
mentioned as typifying these qualities in the person 
of our Blessed Lord (Is. liii. 7 ; Acts viii. 32, &c). 
The relation that exists between Christ, " the chief 
Shepherd," and His members, is beautifully com- 
pared to that which in the East is so strikingly ex- 
hibited by the shepherds to their flocks. Cornet ; 
Dress ; Ewe ; Goat ; Herd ; Lamb ; Leather ; 
Milk; Pot 8 ; Ram; Sacrifice; Shearing-house; 
Sheep-cote; Shepherd, &c. 




Broad-tailed Sheep. 

* SllCcp'-COlC, properly = a building for shelter- 
ing sheep (1 Sam. xxiv. 3; 2 Sam. vii. 8; 1 dir. 
xvii. 7). Cotes ; Sheep-fold. 

* Sheep'-fold = a fold or enclosure for sheep 
(Num. xxxii. 16; Judg. v. 16; Ps. lxxviii. 70; Jn. 
x. 1), often furnished with a shed or covered part 
for protection from storms, &c. Dr. Thomson (i. 
299) describes sheep-folds in Syria as built in shel- 




Sheep-told. 



tered spots, and consisting of yards defended by 
wide stone-walls crowned with sharp thorns (Hedge) 
and low flat buildings. In cold weather the flock is 
shut up in the building, but in ordinary weather 



merely kept in the yard. In the summer months 
the shepherds sleep with their flocks where they are 
pastured, with only a stout hedge or palisade of 
thorn-bushes to protect them from wild beasts. 

Sheep'-gate, the (Heb. sfia'ar hats-tson), one of the 
gates of Jerusalem as rebuilt by Nehemiah (Neh. 
iii. 1, 32, xii. 39). It stood between the tower of 
Me ah and the chamber of the corner (iii. 32, 1) or 
gate of the guard-house (xii. 39, A. V. " prison- 
gate "). The latter seems to have been at the angle 
formed by the junction of the wall enclosing the 
Temple with that of the city of Jerusalem proper, 
having the sheep-gate on the N. of it. The sheep- 
gate may therefore have been at or near the Bab 
el-Katldnin (so Mr. Grove). Robinson (i. 343) would 
place it on the S. of the Temple (Bethesda) ; tra- 
dition identifies it with St. Stephen's gate, &c. 
Sheep-market. 

Sheep'-mar-ket, the (Jn. v. 2). The word " mar- 
ket " is an interpolation of our translators, possibly 
after Luther. The original Gr. word is probative 
(adj. = of sheep), to which should probably be sup- 
plied not " market," but gale (Gr. pule), as in the 
LXX. version of the passages in Nehemiah quoted 
in the foregoing article. Bethesda. 

* Slieep'-mas-ter(2 K. iii. 4). Shepherd. 

* SHcep'-shear-ers. Absalom ; Banquets ; Na- 
bal ; Shearing-house ; Sheep, &c. 

She-!ia-ri'all (fr. Heb. = Jehovah seeks him, Ges.), 
a Benjamite chief, son of Jeroham (1 Chr. viii. 26). 

Shck'el [shek'l], (Heb.), originally a certain 
weight, hence applied to a denomination of money, 
and subsequently to a coin of that weight. The 
shekel of the Maccabees (so Rbn. N. T. Lex., &c.) 
is estimated at sixty cents. The didrachm (Mat. 
xvii. 24 margin, text twice " tribute "), in the time 
of the N. T. and Josephus, = the Jewish half- 
shekel, i. e. thirty cents. Money ; Penny ; Weights 
and Measures. 

She'lah (Heb. petition, Ges.). 1. Third son of 
Judah 1, the youngest by the daughter of Shuah; 
ancestor of the Shelanites (Gen. xxxviii. 5, 11, 14, 
26, xlvi. 12; Num. xxvi. 20; 1 Chr. ii. 3, iv. 21).— 
2. (Heb. missile, shoot, sprout, Ges.) Salah the son 
of Arphaxad (1 Chr. i. 18, 24). 

Slie'lan-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Shelah 1 (Num. xxvi. 20). 

Slicl-c-mi'ali (fr. Heb. = Meshelemiah, Ges.). 1. 
One of the sons of Bani who had married a foreign 
wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 39).— 2. 
Father of Hananiah (Neh. iii. 30). 
(Hananiah 10.) — 3. A priest in Ne- 
hemiah's time ; one of the treasurers 
of tithes (xiii. 13). — I. Father of Je- 
hucal, or Jucal, in Zedekiah's time 
(Jer. xxxvii. 3). — 5. Father of Irijah, 
the captain of the ward who arrested 
Jeremiah (xxxvii. 13). — 6. The same 
as Meshelemiah and Shallum 9 (1 
Chr. xxvi. 14). — 1, Another of the 
sons of Bani (compare No. 1) who had 
married a foreign wife in Ezra's time 
(Ezr. x. 41). — 8. Ancestor of Jehudi 
in Jehoiakim's time (Jer. xxxvi. 14). 
— 9. Son of Abdeel ; one of those 
ordered by Jehoiakim to take Baruch 
and Jeremiah (xxxvi. 26). 

She'lcph (Heb. a drawing out, selec- 
tion, Sim.), the second in order of the sons of Joktan 
(Gen. x. 26 ; 1 Chr. i. 20). The tribe which sprang 
from him has been satisfactorily identified, both in 
modern and classical times ; as well as the district of 



1012 



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tin' Yemen named after him. Slicleph is found where 
we should expect to meet with him (so Mr. E. S. 
Poole), in the district of Sutaf, which appears to be 
the same as Niebulir's Seine, written in his map 
Selfia (Ar. Sulafeegehf), in ST. lat. 14V', about sixty 
miles nearly S. of *SVt> t 'tl (TJzax). Besides this geo- 
graphical trace of Shcleph, we have the ancient tribe 
of Shdif or Shdaf \n the Yemen. Arabia. 

She Icsli ( 1Kb. triad, Ges.), son of Hclcm (1 Chr. 
vii. :;:,). 

Slid o-ml, or She-Io'ml (Heb. pacific, Ges.), an 
Asherite, father ol Ahihml (Num. xxxiv. "27). 

Sliel O-Dlitll, or SliC-lo mitll (Heb. pacific, love of 
peace, Ges.). 1. Daughter of Dibri, a Danite; wife 
of an Egyptian. Their son was stoned for blas- 
phemy (Lev. xxiv. 11). — 2. Daughter of Zerubbabel 
(1 Chr. iii. 1 'J ). — 3. A Kohathite Levite, chief of 
the [zharitea (xxiii. 18); = Siiki.omoth. — 4. A Le- 
vite descended from Eliezcr the son of Moses ; an 
overseer or treasurer of dedicated things in David's 
reign (zxvi. 25, 20,28). — 5. A Gershonite, son of 
SaiHEl 17 (xxiii. 'J). — 0. According to the present 
text, the sons of Shelomith, with the son of Josi- 
PHIAB at their head, returned from Babylon with 
Ezra i Kzr. viii. JO).— 7. A son of Rchoboam by Ma- 
achah (2 Chr. .xi. 20). 

Sbrl u-moth, or Sbe-lo'motb (Ilcb.) — Shelomith 
3 (1 Chr. xxiv. 22). 

She-la mi-el (Heb. friend of God, Ges.), son of 
Zurishaddai, and prince of Simeon at the Exodus 
(Num. i. 6, ii. 12, vii. 36, 41, x. 19). 

Shem (Heb. nign, name, Ges.), in N. T. Se.m, eldest 
son of Noah (so Mr. Bullock; see Japheth), born 
(Gen. v. 32) when bis father had attained the age of 
600 years. He was ninety-eight years old, married, 
and childless, at the time of the Flood. After it, 
he, with his father, brothers, sisters-in-law, and wife, 
received the blessing of God (ix. 1), and entered | 
into the covenant. Two years afterward he became 
the father of Arphaxad (xi. 10), and other children 
were born to him subsequently (x. 21 ff., &c). With 
the help of his brother Japheth, he covered the i 
nakedness of their father which Canaan and Ham 
did not care to hide. In the prophecy of Noah (ix. 
25-27), the first blessing falls on Shem. He died 
at the age of 600 years. — Assuming that the years 
ascribed to the patriarchs in the present copies of 
the Hebrew Bible are correct (Chronology ; Patri- 
arch), it appears that Methuselah, who in his first 
243 years was contemporary with Adam, had still 
nearly 100 years of his long life to run after Shem 
was born. And when Shem died, Abraham was 
148 years old, and Isaac had been nine years mar- 
ried. There are therefore but two links — Methuse- 
lah and Shem — between Adam and Isaac. So that 
the early records of the Creation and Fall of man, 
which came down to Isaac, would challenge (apart 
from their inspiration) the same confidence which j 
is readily yielded to a tale that reaches the hearer 
through two well-known persons between himself 
and the original chief actor in the events related. — 
The portion of the earth occupied by the descend- 
ants of Shem (x. 21-31) intersects the portions of 
Japheth and Ham, and stretches in an uninterrupted I 
line from the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean. 
Beginning at its northwestern extremity with Lydia 
(Lcn), it includes Syria (Aram), Chaldea (Arphax- 
ad), parts of Assyria (Asshur), of Persia (Elam), 
and of the Arabian Peninsula (Joktan). Geneal- 
ogy of Jesus Christ ; Melchizedek ; Shemitic Lan- 
guages ; Tongues, Confusion of. 

She ma (Heb. hearing, sound, rumor, Ges.), a city 



of the south of Judah (Josh. xv. 26). In the list 
of the towns of Simeon selected from the south of 
Judah, Sheua takes the place of Shema, probably 
by an error of transcription or a change of pronun- 
ciation. Wilton ( The Negeb) and Rowlands (in Fair- 
bairn, under "South Country") suppose Shema (in 
I, XX. Salmaa) at a mound, Rujeim Seldnuh, about 
twelve miles W. S. W. of Sebbeh (Masada). 

She'ma (see above). 1. A Reubenite, ancestor 
of Bela (1 Chr. v. 8) ; = Shemaiah 4 ?— 2. A Ben- 
jamite, one of the chiefs of Aijalon who drove out 
the inhabitants of Gath ; son of Elpaal (viii. 13); 
probably = SaiMBI. — 3. One, probably a priest, 
who stood at Ezra's right hand when he read the 
Law to the people (Neb. viii. 4). 

Shem'a-ah, or Sbe-ma'ah (Heb. = Shema?), a 
Benjamite of Gibeah, and father of Ahiezer and 
Joash, David's warriors (1 Chr. xii. 3). 

She-mai ah [ nia'yah], or Sliem-a-l ah (Ilcb. Jeho- 
vah hears him, Ges.). 1. A prophet in the reign of 
Rehoboam. When the king had assembled 180,000 
men of Benjamin and Judah to reconquer the 
northern kingdom after its revolt, Shemaiah was 
commissioned to charge them to return to their 
homes, and not to war against their brethren (1 K. 
xii. 22 ; 2 Chr. xi. 2). His second and last appear- 
ance upon the stage was upon the occasion of the 
invasion of Judah and siege of Jerusalem by Shi- 
shak, king of Egypt (xii. 6, 7). He wrote a chron- 
icle containing the events of Rehoboam's reign (xii. 

15) . — 2. The son of Shechaniah, among the descend- 
ants of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 22). He was keeper 
of the cast gate of the city, and assisted Nehcmiah 
in restoring the wall (Neh. iii. 29). Lord A. C. Her- 
vey would omit "and the sons of Shechaniah, She- 
maiah " from 1 Chr. iii. 22, and make the following 
Shemaiah = Shi.mei 5 in ver. 19. (Genealogy ok 
Jesus Christ.) — 3. Ancestor of Ziza, a prince of 
Simeon (1 Chr. iv. 37); perhaps = Shimei 6. — 4. 
Son of Joel, a Reubenite; perhaps ke Shema 1 (v. 
4). — 5. Son of Hasshub ; a Merarite Levite after 
the Captivity (ix. 14 ; Neh. xi. 15). — li. Father of 
Obadiah, or Abda, a Levite (1 Chr. ix. 16); = 
Shammua 3. — 7. A Levite, chief of the sons of Eliz- 
aphan in David's reign (xv. 8, 1 1 ).— 8. A Levite, 
son of Ncthaneel ; a scribe in David's time who 
registered the courses of the priests (xxiv. 6). — 9. 
A Levite porter, eldest son of Obed-edom the Git- 
tite (xxvi. 4, 6, 7).— 10. A descendant of Jeduthun 
the singer ; assisted in purifying the Temple in Hez- 
ekiah's reign (2 Chr. xxix. 14); = No. 22 V — 11. 
One of the sons of Adonikam who returned with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 13). — 12. One of the "chief men" 
whom Ezra sent for to his camp by the river of Aha- 
va, for the purpose of obtaining Levites and minis- 
ters for the Temple from " the place Casiphia" (viii. 

16) . — 13. A priest of the family of Harim, who put 
away his foreign wife at Ezra's bidding (x. 21). — 
14. A layman of Israel, son of another Harim, who 
also had married a foreigner (x. 31). — 15. Son of 
Delaiah the son of Mehetabeel ; a prophet hired by 
Tobiah and Sanballat to frighten Nehemiah (Neh. 
vi. 10).— 16. Head of a priestly house who sealed 
the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 8). His family (or 
ancestor) went up with Zerubbabel, was represented 
in the time of Joiakim by Jehonathan (xii. 6, 18), and 
may be the one mentioned in xii. 35. — 17. One who 
went in the procession at the dedication of the wall 
of Jerusalem (xii. 34) ; supposed by Mr. Wright to 
be one of the princes of Judah, but perhaps = the 
priest in x. 8 (No. 16). — 18. One of the choir on the 
same occasion (xii. 36). Mr. Wright and Dr. W. L. 



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1013 



Alexander make him a Levite. (Mattaniah 2.) — 
19. A priest who blew a trumpet on the same occa- 
sion (xii. 42). — 20. " Shemaiah the Nehelamite," a 
false prophet denounced by Jeremiah for teaching 
rebellion against the Lord (Jer. xxix. 24-32). — 21. 
A Levite sent by Jehoshaphat to teach the people 
the Law (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 22. A Levite or priest in 
Hezekiah's reign, appointed to distribute portions 
to the priests (xxxi. 15); perhaps = No. 10. — 23. 
A Levite in Josiah's reign, who assisted at the sol- 
emn passover (xxxv. 9). — 21. Father of the prophet 
Urijah 4 (Jer. xxvi. 20). — 25. Father of Delaiah 
4 (xxxvi. 12). 

Sliem-a-ri all (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah keeps, 
Ges.). 1. One of the Benjamite warriors who came 
to David at Ziklag (1 Chr. xii. 5). — 2. One of the 
family of Harim, a layman who put away his for- 
eign wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 32). — 3. One of the 
family of Bani, under the same circumstances as 
No. 2 (x. 41). 

Shem-e'bcr (Heb. lofty flight, Ges.), king of Ze- 
boim, and ally of the king of Sodom when attacked 
by Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 2). 

Shemer (Heb. kept, preserved, lees, Ges.), the 
owner of the hill on which the city of Samaria was 
built (1 K. xvi. 24), and after whom it was named 
by its founder Omri, who bought the site for two 
silver talents. 

SllC-mi d:» (Heb. fame of wisdom, Ges.), a Manas- 
site, son of Gilead and ancestor of the Shemidaites 
(Num. xxvi. 32 ; Josh. xvii. 2) ; = Shemidah. 

Shc-mi'dah (fr. Heb.) = Shemida (1 Chr. vii. 19). 

S!ie-mi'da-ites(fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Shemida (Num. xxvi. 32). They obtained their 'lot 
among the male children of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 
2). 

Sliemi-nith (Heb., see below). The title of Psalm 
vi. is : " To the chief Musician on Neginoth upon 
Sheminith," or " the eighth," as the A. V. margin 
has it. A similar direction is found in the title of 
Psalm xii. (comp. 1 Chr. xv. 21). The LXX. and 
Vulgate, in both passages, render " for the eighth." 
The Geneva Version gives " upon the eighth tune." 
Most Rabbinical writers, as Rashi and Aben Ezra, 
follow the Targum on the Psalms in regarding it as 
a harp with eight strings; but this depends upon a 
misconstruction of 1 Chr. xv. 21. Gesenius, Dr. G. 
F. Oehler (in Fairbairn), B. Davies, D. D. (in Kitto), 
&c, think it demotes the bass, in opposition to Ala- 
moth = the treble. Others, with the author of Shille 



Haggibborim, interpret "the sheminith' 1 '' as the oc- 
tave. Mr. Wright regards it as most probable that 
Sheminith denotes a certain air known as the eighth, 
or a certain key in which the Psalm was to be sung 
(comp. Aijeleth Shahar, &c). Music. 

SllC-mir a-motll (Heb. name most high, or heaven 
most high, Ges.). 1. A Levite of the second degree, 
appointed to play " with a psaltery on Alamoth," 
in the choir formed by David (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20, xvi. 
5). — 2. A Levite, one of those sent by Jehoshaphat 
to teach the people the Law (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 

Shem-it it (fr. Shem) Lan'gua-ges and Wri ting. 
Introduction, §§ 1-5. — 1. The expressions, " Shem- 
itic family," and " Shemitic languages," are based, 
as is well known, on a reference to Gen. x. 21 if. 
(Shem ; Tongues, Confusion of.) The obvious in- 
accuracy of the expression has led to an attempt to 
substitute others, such as Western Arabic, or Syro- 
Arabic — this last bringing at once before us the two 
geographical extremes of this family of languages ; 
but the earlier, though incorrect designation, has 
maintained its ground, and for convenience we shall 
continue to use it. 2. It is impossible to lay down 
with accuracy the boundaries of the area occupied 
by the tribes employing so-called Shemitic dialects. 
For general purposes, the highlands of Armenia may 
be taken as the northern boundary — the river Tigris 
and the ranges beyond it as the eastern — and the 
Red Sea, the Levant, and certain portions of Asia 
Minor as the western. 3. Varieties of the great 
Shemitic language-family are found in the following 
localities within the area named : In those ordi- 
narily known as Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and 
Assyria, there prevailed Aramaic dialects of differ- 
ent kinds, e. g. Biblical Chaldaic — that of the Tar- 
gums and of the Syriac versions of Scripture — to 
which may be added other varieties of the same 
stock — such as that of the Palmyrene inscriptions — 
and of different Sabian fragments. Along the Medi- 
terranean seaboard, and among the tribes settled in 
Canaan, must be placed the home of the language 
of the canonical books of the O. T., among which 
were interspersed some relics of that of the Pheni- 
cians. In the south, amid the seclusion of Arabia, 
was preserved the dialect destined at a subsequent 
period so widely to surpass its sisters in the extent 
of territory over which it is spoken. A variety, 
allied to this last, has been long domiciliated in 
Abyssinia. The following table is given by Prof. 
Max Midler: 



GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE SHEMITIC FAMILY OF LANGUAGES. 



Living Languages. 
Dialects of Arabic . . . 
" Amliaric . 



Dead Languages. 



Classes. 



Ethiopic |^ Arabic, or 



Himyaritic Inscriptions f Southern 

I Biblical Hebrew i Hebraic, 

the Jews.-< Samaritan (Pentateuch) >■ or 

( Carthaginian, Phenician Inscriptions ) Middle. 

( Chaldee (Masora, Talmud, Targum, Biblical Chaklee) j Aramaic, 

Neo-Syriac < Syriac (Pesliito, second century, a. c.) v or 

( Cuneiform Inscriptions of Babylon and Nineveh. . . ) Northern. 



There is much that is probable in the notion held 
by more than one scholar, that the spoken dialect 
of the Shemitic tribes external to Arabia (in the 
earliest periods of their history) closely resembled, 
or was in fact a better variety of Aramaic. 4. The 
history of the Shemitic people tells us of various 
movements undertaken by them, but supplies no re- 
markable instances of their assimilating. Though 
carrying with them their language, institutions, and 
habits, they are not found to have struck root, but 
remained strangers and exotics in several instances, 
passing away without traces of their occupancy. 



And the same inveterate isolation still characterizes 
tribes of the race, when on new soil. 5. The pecu- 
liar elements of the Shemitic character exercised 
considerable influence on their literature. Indeed, 
accordance is seldom more close, than in the case 
of the Shemitic race (where not checked by external 
causes), between the generic type of thought, and its 
outward expression. Like other languages, this one 
is mainly resolvable into monosyllabic primitives. 
These monosyllabic primitives may still be traced in 
particles, and words least exposed to the ordinary 
causes of variation. But ditferenees are observable 



ion 



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SHE 



in the principal parts of speech — the verb and the 
noun. Secondary notions, and those of relation, are 
grouped round the primary ones of meaning in a 
single word, susceptible of various internal changes 
according to the particular requirement. By forma- 
tion, mainly internal (or contained within the root 
form ), are expressed the differences between noun 
and verb, adjective and substantive. Another lead-, 
ing peculiarity of this branch of languages, is the 
absence (save in the case of proper names) of com- 
pound words — to which the Japhetian family is in- 
debted for so much life and variety. In the Shcmitic 
family — agglutination, not logical sequence — inde- 
pendent roots, not compound appropriate derivations 
from the same root, are used to express respectively 
a train of thought, or different modifications of a 
particular notion. 

0—13. Hebrew Language. Period of Growth. — 
6. The IIkurkw language is a branch of the so-called 
Shcmitic family, extending over a large portion of 
Southwestern Asia. In the north (or Aram, com- 
prehending Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia), and un- 
der a climate partially cold and ungenial — near tribes 
of a different origin, not un frequently masters by 
conquest — the Shcmitic dialect became in places 
harsher, and its general character less pure and dis- 
tinct. Toward the south, opposite causes contributed 
to maintain the language in its purity. Originally, 
the language of the Hebrews presented more affini- 
ties with the Aramaic , in accordance with their 
own family accounts, which bring the patriarchs 
from the X. E. — more directly from northern Meso- 
potamia. — 7. Two questions, in direct connection 
with the early movements of the ancestors cf the 
subsequent Hebrew nation, have been discussed with 
great earnestness by many writers — the first bearing 
on the causes which set the family of Terah in mo- 
tion toward the south and west; the second, on the 
origin and language of the tribes in possession of 
Canaan at the arrival of Abraham. Scripture only 
tells us that, led in a way which they knew not, 
chosen Shcmitic wanderers (Abraham), of the line- 
age of Arphaxad, set forth on the journey fraught 
with such enduring consequences to the history of 
the world, as recorded in Scripture, in its second 
stage of progress. There is nothing unreasonable 
in the thought, that the movement of Terah from Ur 
of the Chaldees was caused by Divine suggestion, 
acting on a mind ill at case in the neighborhood of 
Cushite thought and habits. The leading particu- 
lars of that memorable journey are preserved to us 
in Scripture, which is also distinct upon the fact, 
that the new-comers and the early settlers in Canaan 
found no difficulty in conversing. On what grounds 
is the undoubted similarity of the dialect of the 
Terahites, to that of the occupants at the time of 
their immigration, to be explained ? Of the origin 
of its earliest occupants (Giants; Zamzummim), his- 
tory records nothing certain. Some claim for the 
early inhabitants of Asia Minor a Japhetian origin. 
Others affirm the descent of these early tribes from 
Lid, the fourth son of Shem, and their migration 
from Lydia to Arabia Petraa and the southern bor- 
ders of Palestine. 8. Another view is that put for- 
ward by Sir Henry Rawlinson, and shared by other 
scholars. " Either from ancient monuments, or from 
tradition, or from the dialects now spoken by their 
descendants, we are authorized to infer that at some 
very remote period, before the rise of the Shemitic 
or Aryan nations, a great Scythic " ( = Hamitic) 
" population must have overspread Europe, Asia, 
and Africa, speaking languages all more or less dis- 



similar in their vocabulary, but possessing in com- 
mon certain organic characteristics of grammar and 
construction" (Rawlinson). And this statement 
would appear, in its leading features, to be histori- 
cally sound (so Archdeacon Ormcrod, original author 
of this article). As was to be anticipated, both from 
its importance and from its extreme obscurity, lew 
subjects connected with Biblical antiquities have 
been more warmly discussed than the origin of the 
Canaanitish occupants of Palestine. Looking to the 
authoritative records (Gen. ix. 18, x. 6, 15-20) there 
would seem to be no reason for doubt as to the Ham- 
itic origin of these tribes. Nor can the singular ac- 
cordances discernible between the language of these 
Canaanitish (= Hamitic) occupants and the Shcmitic 
family he justly pleaded in bar of this view of the 
origin of the former. " If we examine the invaluable 
ethnography of the Book of Genesis we shall find 
that, while Ham is the brother of Shem, and there- 
fore a relationship between his descendants and the 
Shemitic nations is fully recognized, the Hamitcs are 
described as those who previously occupied the dif- 
' fcrent countries into which the Aramean race after- 
ward forced their way. Thus Scripture (Gen. x. ff.) 
I attributes to the race of Ham not only the aboriginal 
population of Canaan, with its wealthy and civilized 
communities on the coast, but also the mighty em- 
pires of Babylon and Nineveh, the rich kingdoms of 
Sheba and Havilah in Arabia Pel ix, and the wonder- 
ful realm of Egypt. There is every reason to believe 
— indeed in some cases the proof amounts to demon- 
stration — that all these Hamitic nations spoke lan- 
guages which differed only dialcctically from those 
of the Syro-Arabic family " {Quarterly Review, 
Ixxviii. 173). (Phenicians ; Philistines.) — 9. Con- 
nected with this subject of the relationship disecrn- 
ible among the eaily descendants of Noah is that of 
the origin and extension of the art of writing among 
the Shemitcs. Bid the Terahite branch of the Shem- 
itic stock acquire the art of writing from the Pjikni- 
cians, or Egyptians, or Assyrians — or was it evolved 
from given elements among themselves ? (See § 28, 
below.) — 10. Between the dialects of Aram and 
Arabia, that of the Terahites occupied a middle 
place. This dialect has been ordinarily designated 
I as that of the Hebrews. (Hebrew.) — 11. Many 
causes, all obvious and intelligible, combine to make 
difficult, if not impossible, any formal or detached 
account of the Hebrew language, anterior to its as- 
suming a written shape. The extant remains of 
Hebrew literature are destitute of any important 
changes in language, during the period from Moses 
j to the Captivity. A certain and intelligible amount 
of progress, but no considerable or remarkable dif- 
ference (according to one school), is really observ- 
able in the language of the Pentateuch, the Books 
of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, Samuel, the Kings, the 
Psalms, or the prophecies of Isaiah, Hosea, Amos, 
Joel, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, and Jeremiah — 
widely separated from each other by time as are 
many of these writings. At the first sight, and to 
modern judgment, much of this appears strange, and 
possibly untenable ; but an explanation of the diffi- 
culty is sought in the unbroken residence of theHe- 
j brew people, without removal or molestation. An 
! additional illustration of the immunity from change 
j is to be drawn from the history of the other branches 
I of the Shemitic stock (Aramaic and Arabic). — 12. 
Moreover, is it altogether a wild conjecture to as- 
sume as not impossible, the formation of a sacred 
I language among the chosen people, at so marked a 
period of their history as that of Moses ? Such a 



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1015 



language would be the sacred and learned one — 
that of the few — and no clearer proof of the limited 
hold exercised by this classical Hebrew on the ordi- 
nary language of the people can be required than its 
rapid withdrawal, after the Captivity, before a lan- 
guage composed of dialects hitherto disregarded, but 
still living in popular use. — 13. A few remarks may 
not be out of place here with reference to some lead- 
ing linguistic peculiarities in different books of the 
0. T. For ordinary purposes the old division into the 
golden and silver ages (divided by the Captivity) is 
sufficient. A detailed list of peculiarities observable 
in the Pentateuch is given by Scholz, divided under 
lexical, grammatical, and syntactical heads. With the 
style of the Pentateuch that of Joshua very closely 
corresponds. In the Book of Ruth the style points 
to an earlier date, the asserted Aramaisms being 
probably relics of the popular dialect. The same lin- 
guistic peculiarities are observable in the Books of 
Samuel. The Books of Job and Ecclesiastes contain 
many asserted Aramaisms, which have been pleaded 
in support of a late origin of these two poems. In 
the case of the first, it is argued (on the other side) 
that these peculiarities are not to be considered so 
much poetical ornaments as ordinary expressions 
and usages of the early Hebrew language, affected 
necessarily to a certain extent by intercourse with 
neighboring tribes. As respects the Book of Ec- 
clesiastes, the case is more obscure, as in many in- 
stances the peculiarities of style seem rather refer- 
able to the secondary Hebrew of a late period of 
Hebrew history than to an Aramaic origin. In ad- 
dition to roughness of diction, so-called Aramaisms 
are to be found in the remains of Jonah and Hosea, 
and expressions closely allied in those of Amos. 
This is not the case in the writings of Nahum, Zeph- 
aniah, and Habakkuk, and in the still later ones of 
the minor prophets ; the treasures of past times, 
which filled their hearts, served as models of style. 
In the case of Ezekiel, Jewish critics (Zunz, &c.) 
have sought to assign its peculiarities of style and 
expression to a secondary Hebrew origin. The pe- 
culiarities of language in Daniel belong to another 
field of inquiry ; and under impartial consideration 
more difficulties may be found to disappear, as in 
the case of those with regard to the asserted Greek 
words. With these exceptions (if so to be consid- 
ered), few traces of dialects are discernible in the 
small remains still extant, for the most part com- 
posed in Judah and Jerusalem. The Aramaic ele- 
ments are most plainly observable in the remains 
of some of the less educated writers. The general 
style of Hebrew prose literature is plain and simple, 
but lively and pictorial, and rising with the subject, 
at times, to considerable elevation. But the requi- 
site elevation of poetical composition, and the neces- 
sity (from the general use of pMrallelism ; see Poetry, 
Hebrew) for enlarging the supply of striking words 
and expressions at command, led to the introduction 
of many expressions which we do not commonly 
find in Hebrew prose literature. For the origin 
and existence of these we must look especially to 
the Aramaic. But from the earliest period of the 
existence of a literature among the Hebrew people 
to b. c. 600, the Hebrew language continued singu- 
larly exempt from change. From that period the 
Hebrew dialect will be found to give way before the 
Aramaic. 

§^ 1-1-19. Aramaic Language. Scholastic Period. 
— 14. The language ordinarily called Aramaic is a 
dialect of the great Shemitic family, deriving its 
name from the district over which it was spoken, 



Aram (= the high or hill country). In general 
practice Aram (the Syria of the Greeks and Ro- 
mans) was divided into Eastern and Western. The 
dialects of these two districts were severally called 
Chaldaic and Syriac — designations not happily 
chosen, but, like " Shemitic," of too long currency 
to be changed without great inconvenience. The 
eastern boundary of the Shemitic languages is ob- 
scure ; but this much may be safely assumed, that 
this family had its earliest settlement on the upper 
basin of the Tigris, from which extensions were 
doubtless made to the S. (Assyria ; Babel ; Chal- 
dea; Chaldeans; Nineveh.) — 15. Without enter- 
ing into the discussions respecting the exact pro- 
priety of the expressions, it will be sufficient to fol 
low the ordinary division of the Aramaic into the 
Chaldaic or Eastern, and the Western or Syriac 
dialects. (1.) The earliest extant fragments of 
Aramaic are in Dan. ii. 4-vii. 28 ; Ezr. iv. 8-vi. 18, 
vii. 12-26; Jer. x. 11. Affinities are to be traced, 
without difficulty, between these fragments, which 
differ again in some very marked particulars from 
the earliest Targums. (2.) The Syro-Chaldaic origi- 
nals of several of the Apocryphal books are lost ; 
many Hebraisms were engrafted on the Aramaic as 
spoken by the Jews, but the dialect of the earlier 
Targums contains a perceptibly smaller amount of 
such admixture than later compilations. (3.) The 
language of the Gemaras (Pharisees) is extremely 
composite — that of the Jerusalem Gemara being 
less pure than that of Babylon. Still lower in the 
scale are those of the fast-expiring Samaritan dialect 
and that of Galilee. (4.) The curious book Zohar 
— an adaptation of Aramaic expressions to Judai- 
zing Gnosticism (Philosophy, I.) — among its foreign 
additions, contains very many from the Arabic. 
(5.) The Maaorah (Old Testament, A), brief and 
symbolical, is chiefly remarkable for what may be 
called vernacular peculiarities. (6.) The Christian 
or ecclesiastical Aramaic is that ordinarily known 
as Syriac — the language of early Christianity, as 
Hebrew and Arabic, respectively, of the Jewish re- 
ligion and Mohammedanism. — The three leading 
varieties of the West-Aramaic dialect are thus de- 
scribed: (a.) The dialect of Galilee appears to have 
been marked by confusion of letters — rj (Pe) and 3 
(Beth), 3 (Caph) with p (Koph) — and aphseresis of 
the guttural— a habit of connecting words otherwise 
separate — carelessness about vowel-sounds, — and 
the substitution of ^ (cd or did) final for pi (hd). 

(Writing.) (6.) The Samaritan dialect appears to 
have been a compound of the vulgar Hebrew with 
Aramaic. A confusion of the mute letters, and also 
of the gutturals, with a predilection for the letter 5 
(Am 3), has been noticed. (Samaria ; Samaritan 
Pentateuch.) (c.) The dialect called that of Jeru- 
salem or Judea, between which and the purer one 
of the Babylonish Jews so many invidious distinc- 
tions have been drawn, seems to have been variable, 
from frequent changes among the inhabitants — and 
also to have contained a large amount of words dif- 
ferent from those in use in Babylonia — besides- being 
somewhat incorrect in its orthography. — The small' 
amount of real difference between the two branches 
of Aramaic has been often urged as an argument 
that making any division is superfluous. But it has 
been well observed by Fiirst, that each is animated 
by a very different spirit. The chief relics of Chal- 
daic, or Eastern Aramaic — the Targums — are filled 
with traditional faith in the varied pages of Jewish 
history. Western Aramaic, or Syriac literature, on 



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the other hand, is essentially Christian. Accord- 
ingly, the tendency and linguistic character of the 
first is essentially Hebrew, that of the second Hel- 
lenic. One is full of Hebraisms, the other of Hel- 
lenisms. — 10. Perhaps few lines of demarcation are 
traced with greater difficulty than those by which 
one age of a language is separated from another. 
This is remarkably the case in respect of the ces- 
sation of the Hebrew, and the ascendancy of the 
Aramaic, or, as it may be put, in respect of the date 
at which the period of growth terminates, and that 
of exposition and scholasticism begins, in the litera- 
ture of the chosen people. — 17. In the scholastic 
period, of which we now treat, the schools of the 
prophets (Education ; PROPHET) were succeeded by 
" houses of inquiry." Two ways only of extending 
the blessings hence derivable, seem to have pre- 
sented themselves to the national mind — by commen- 
tary (tarr/um) and inquiry {<!< rush). In the lirst of 
these — Targumic literature, but limited openings 
occurred for critical studies ; in the second, still 
fewer. The vast storehouse of Hebrew thought 
reaching through so many centuries — known by the 
name of the Talmud (Pharisees) — and the collec- 
tions of a similar nature called the Midrdshim, ex- 
tending in the case of the lirst, dimly but tangibly, 
from the period of the Captivity to the times of 
Rabbi Asher, the closer of the Talmud (a. d. 426), 
contain comparatively few accessions to linguistic 
knowledge. (Versions, Anciknt [TakgumJ.) — 18. 
Of the other main division of the Aramaic lan- 
guage — the Western or Syriac dialect — the earliest 
existing document is the I'cshito version of the 
Scriptures, of the second century. (Versions, An- 
cient [Syriac].) Various sub-dialects (Pahiiyrcne, 
&c. ; sec § 15, a. b. c.) probably existed within the 
wide area over which this dialect was current. The 
Syrian dialect is thickly studded with foreign words 
— Arabic, Persian, Greek, and Latin, especially with 
the third. A comparison of this dialect with the 
Eastern branch will show that they are closely al- 
lied in all the most important peculiarities of gram- 
mar and syntax, as well as in their store of original 
words — the true standard in linguistic researches. 
After the fall of Jerusalem the chief seat of Syriac 
learning and literature was at Edessa — from a. d. 
440, at Xisibis. Before the eighth and ninth centu- 
ries its decline had commenced ; and after the 
tenth and eleventh centuries it may be said to have 
died out. — 19. The Chaldaic paraphrases of Scrip- 
ture are exceedingly valuable for the light which 
they throw on Jewish manners and customs, and 
the meaning of passages otherwise obscure, as like- 
wise for many happy renderings of the original text, 
and for the Christian interpretation put by their 
authors on controverted passages (in reference to 
the Messiah, Sic). A comparative estimate is not 
yet attainable, as to what in Targumic literature is 
the pure expression and development of the Jewish 
mind, and what is of foreign growth. But, as has 
been said, the Targums and kindred writings are of 
considerable dogmatical and exegetical value ; and 
a similar good work has been effected by means of 
the cognate dialect, Western Aramaic or Syriac. 
From the third to the ninth century, Syriac was to 
a great part of Asia — what in their spheres Hellenic 
Greek and mediaeval Latin have respectively been 
— the one ecclesiastical language of the district 
named. 

§§ 20-24. Arabic Language. Period of Revival. 
— 20. The early population of Arabia, its antiqui- 
ties and peculiarities, have been described under 



Arabia. We find Arabia occupied by a confluence 
of tribes, the leading one of undoubted Ishmael- 
itish descent — the others of the seed or lineage of 
Abraham, and blended by alliance, language, neigh- 
borhood, and habits. Before these any aboriginal 
inhabitants must have disappeared. We have seen 
that the peninsula of Arabia lay in the track of 
CuSbite civilization, in its supposed return-course 
toward the N. E. There may now be found abundant 
illustration of the relationship, of the llimyaritic 
with the early Shemitic ; and the language of the 
EfJcili (or Mahrah) presents us with the singular 
phenomenon of a dialect less Arabic than Hebrew, 
and possessing close affinity with the Ghez, or Ethi- 
opian. — 21. The affinity of the Ghez (Cush '! the 
sacred language of Ethiopia) with the Shemitic has 
been long remarked. In its lexical peculiarities, 
the Chez is said to resemble the Aramaic, in its 
grammatical the Arabic. The alphabet is very 
curious, differing from Shemitic alphabets in the 
number, order, and name and form of the letters, 
by the direction of the writing, and especially by the 
form of vowel notation. Each consonant contains a 
short r — the vowels arc expressed by additions to the 
consonants. The alphabet thus consists of 202 
signs (syllabic). This language and character have 
DOW been succeeded for general purposes by the 
Amharic — probably at first a kindred dialect with 
the Ghez, but now altered by subsequent extraneous 
additions. — 22. Internal evidence demonstrates that 
the Arabic language, when it first appears on the 
field of history, was being gradually developed in 
its remote and barren peninsular home. A well- 
known legend speaks of the present Arabic language 
as being a fusion of different dialects, effected by 
the tribe of Koreish settled round Mecca, and the 
reputed wardens of the Caaba. In any case, the 
paramount purity of the Korcishite dialect is as- 
serted by A rabic writers on grammar. The recog- 
nition of the Koran, as the ultimate standard in 
linguistic as in religious matters, established in 
Arabic judgment the superior purity of the Koreish- 
ite dialect. That the Arabs possessed a literature 
anterior to the birth of Mohammed, and expressed 
in a language marked with many grammatical pe- 
culiarities, is beyond doubt. Even in our own times, 
scholars have seemed unwilling altogether to aban- 
don the legend — how at the fair of Ocddh goods and 
traffic — wants and profit — were alike neglected, 
while bards contended amid their listening country- 
J men, anxious for such a verdict as should entitle 
their lays to a place among the Moallakat, i. e. those 
suspended in the Caaba, or national temple at Mec- 
ca. But the appearance of Mohammed put an end 
for a season to commerce and bardic contests ; nor 
was it until the work of conquest was done that 
the faithful resumed the pursuits of peace. The 
earliest reliable relics of Arabic literature are only 
fragments, to be found in what has come down to 
us of Pre-islamite compositions. And various ar- 
guments have been put forward against the proba- 
bility of the present form of these remains being 
their original one. Their obscurities, it is con- 
tended, are less those of age than of individual 
style, while their uniformity of language is at vari- 
ance with the demonstrably late cultivation and as- 
cendancy of the Koreishite dialect. Another, and 
not a feeble argument, is the utter absence of al- 
lusion to the early religion of the Arabs. — The style 
of the Koran is very peculiar. Assuming that it 
represents the best forms of the Koreishite di dect 
about the middle of the seventh century, we may 



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1017 



say of the Koran, that its linguistic approached its 
religious supremacy. The Koran may be character- 
ized as marking the transition from versification to 
prose, from poetry to eloquence. — 23. With regard 
to the value of Arabic in illustration, two different 
judgments obtain. According to one, all the lexical 
riches and grammatical varieties of the Shemitic fam- 
ily are to be found combined in the Arabic. — 24. An- 
other school maintains very different opinions. The 
comparatively recent date (in their present form at 
least) and limited amount of Arabic remains are 
pleaded against its claims as a standard of reference 
in respect of the Hebrew. Its verbal copiousness, 
elaborate mechanism, subtlety of thought, wide and 
diversified fields of literature, cannot be called in 
question. But it is urged (and colorably) that its 
riches are not all pure metal, and that no great at- 
tention to etymology has been evinced by native 
writers on the language. Undoubtedly schools such 
as that of Albert Schultens (f 1730) have unduly 
exalted the value of Arabic in illustration ; but in 
what may be designated as the field of lower criti- 
cism its importance cannot be disputed. (Versions, 
Ancient [ Arabic]. ) 

§§ 25-32. Structure of the Shemitic Languages. 
— 25. The question as to whether any large amount 
of primitives in the Shemitic languages is fairly 
deducible from imitation of sounds, has been an- 
swered very differently by high authorities. Gese- 
nius thought instances of onomatopoeia very rare in 
extant remains, although probably more numerous 
at an early period. Hoffmann's judgment is the same, 
in respect of Western Aramaic. On the other hand, 
Renan qualifies his admission of the identity of nu- 
merous Shemitic and Japhetian primitives by a sug- 
gestion that these, for the most part, may be assigned 
to biliteral words, originating in the imitation of the 
simplest and most obvious sounds. But more prob- 
ably " the 400 or 500 roots which remain as the con- 
stituent elements in different families of languages 
are not interjections, nor are they imitations. They 
are phonetic types, produced by a power inherent in 
human nature" (Max Midler). — 20. The inquiry, as 
to the extent of affinity still discernible between 
Shemitic and Japhetian roots, belongs to another 
article. (Tongues, Confusion of.) Nothing in the 
Scripture which bears upon the subject can be fairly 
pleaded against such an affinity being possible. But 
in treating the Shemitic languages in connection 
with Scripture, it is most prudent to turn away 
from this tempting field of inquiry to the considera- 
tion of the simple elements — the primitives — the 
true base of every language, in that these rather 
than the mechanism of grammar are to be regarded 
as exponents of internal spirit and character. — 27. 
Humboldt has named two very remarkable points 
of difference between the Japhetian and Shemitic 
language-families. The first peculiarity is the tri- 
literal root (as the language is at present known) — 
the second the expression of significations by con- 
sonants, and relations by vowels — both forming part 
of the flexions within words, so remarkable in the 
Shemitic family. In Humboldt's opinion, the prev- 
alent triliteral root was substituted for an earlier or 
biliteral, as being found impracticable and obscure 
in use. Traces of this survive in the rudest, or 
Aramaic, branch, where what is pronounced as one 
syllable, in the Hebrew forms two, and in the more 
elaborate Arabic three — e. g. ktal, kaial, katala ( — 
to kill). Much has been written as to whether this 
peculiarity is original or secondary. Dr. S. David- 
son has thus stated the case : — " A uniform root- 



formation by three letters or two syllables developed 
itself out of the original monosyllabic state by the 
addition of a third letter. This tendency to en- 
largement presents itself in the Indo-Germanic also: 
but there is this difference, that in the latter mono- 
syllabic roots remain besides those that have been 
enlarged, while in the other they have almost disap- 
peared." In this judgment most will agree. — 28. 
Was the art of writing invented by Moses and his 
contemporaries, or from what source did the He- 
brew nation acquire it ? It can hardly be doubted 
that the art of writing was known to the Israelites 
in the time of Moses. Great difference of opinion 
has prevailed as to which of the Shemitic peoples 
may justly claim the invention of letters. The 
award to the Phenicians, so long unchallenged, is 
now practically set aside. A more probable theory 
would seem that which represents letters as having 
passed from the Egyptians to the Phenicians and 
Hebrews. Either people may have acquired this 
accomplishment from the same source, at the same 
time and independently — or one may have preceded 
the other, and subsequently imparted the acquisi- 
tion. As the Hebrew and Phenician alphabets cor- 
respond, and the character is less Phenician than 
Hebrew, the latter people would seem to have been 
the first possessors of this accomplishment, and to 
have imparted it subsequently to the Phenicians. 
The theory (now almost passed into a general be- 
lief) of an early uniform language overspreading 
the range of countries comprehended in Gen. x., 
serves to illustrate this question. According to the 
elaborate analysis of Lepsius, the original alphabet 
of the language-family, of which the Shemitic formed 
a part, stood as follows : — 

Weak Gutturals. Labials. Gutturals. Dentals. 

Aleph = A . Beth + Gimel + Daleth = Media 
He — E + i . Vav + Heth + Teth = Aspirates 
(rhain = O + u Pe + Kuph + Tau = Tenues 

As the processes of enunciation became more del- 
icate, the liquids Lamed, Mem, Nun., were apparently 
interposed as the third row, with the original S, 
Samech, from which were derived Zain, Tsaddi, and 
Shin — Caph (soft k), from its limited functions, is 
apparently of later growth ; and the separate ex- 
istence of Resh, in many languages, is demonstrably 
of comparatively recent date, as distinguished from 
the kindred sound Lamed. In Yod, as in Kuph and 
Lamed, Lepsius finds remains of the ancient vowel- 
strokes, which carry us back to the early syllabic 
symbols, whose existence he maintains with great 
force and learning. — 29. On the history of the for- 
mation of the written characters among the He- 
brews, see Writing. — The history of the characters, 
ordinarily used in the Syriac .(or Western) branch 
of the Aramaic family, is blended with that of those 
used in Judea. Like the square characters, they 
were derived from the old Phenician, but passed 
through some intermediate stages. The first vari- 
ety is that known by the name of Estrangelo — a 
heavy cumbrous character found in use in tne very 
oldest documents. Concurrently with this, are 
traces of the existence of a smaller and more cur- 
sive character, very much resembling it. There are 
also other varieties, slightly differing — e. g. the Nes- 
torian — but that in ordinary use, is the Peshito = 
simple (or lineal, according to some). Its origin is 
somewhat uncertain, but probably may be assigned 
to the seventh century of our era. — Until a com- 
paratively short time before the days of Mohammed, 
the art of writing appears to have bean practically 
; unknown among the Arabs. For the Himyerites 



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guarded with jealous care their own peculiar char- I 
actcr — the musnad, or elevated; in itself unfitted for 
general use. Possibly different tribes might have 
possessed approaches to written characters ; but 
about the beginning of the seventh century, the 
heavy cumbrous Cufic character (so called from 
Vufa, the city where it was most early used) ap- 
pears to have been generally adopted. It was said 
to have been invented by Muramar-Ibn Murrat, a 
native of Babylonian Irak. Hut the shapes and ar- 
rangements of the letters indicate their derivation 
from the Estrangelo. About the tenth century a 
Smaller and more flowing character, the Xishki, was 
introduced by Ibn Moklah, which, with considerable 
alterations and improvements, is that ordinarily in j 
present use. — 30. As in the Hebrew and Aramaic I 
branches, so in the Arab branch of the Shemitic 
family, various causes rendered desirable the intro- 
duction of diacritical signs and vowel points, which 
took place toward the close of the seventh century 
of our era — not, however, without considerable op- 
position at the outset. At first a simple mark or 
stroke, like the diacritical line in the Samaritan 
MSS., was adopted to mark unusual significations. 
A further and more advanced stage, like the diacrit- 
ical points of the Aramaic, was the employment of 
a point above the line to express sounds of a high 
kind, like a and o — one Mow, for feebler and lower 
ones, like i and e — and a third in the centre of the 
letters, for those of a harsher kind, as distinguished 
from the other two. — 31. The reverence of the 
Jews, for their sacred writings, would have been 
outraged by any attempts to introduce an authori- 
tative system of interpretation at variance with ex- 
isting ones. To reduce the reading of the Script- 
ures to authoritative and intelligible uniformity was 
the object of the Masorets, by means of a system 
of vowels and accents. (Old Testament, A.) The 
system has been carried out with far greater minute- 
ness in the Hebrew, than in the two sister dialects. 
The Arabic grammarians did not proceed beyond 
three signs for a, i, u ; the Syriac added e and a, 
which they represented by figures borrowed from 
the Greek alphabet, not very much altered. The 
system of accents bears rather on the relation of 
words and the members of sentences, than on the 
construction of individual words. — 32. A comparison 
of the Shemitic languages, as known to us, presents 
them as very unevenly developed. In their present 
form the Arabic is undoubtedly the richest : but it 
would have been rivalled by the Hebrew had a 
career been vouchsafed equally long and favorable 
to this latter. 

Shem'o-rl (Heb. = Samuel). 1. Son of Ammi- 
hud ; appointed from the tribe of Simeon to divide I 
the land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 20). — 2. Samuel 
the prophet (1 Chr. vi. 33).— 3. Son of Tola ; a chief 
of Issachar (vii. 2). 

Shell (Heb. tooth, Ges.), a place mentioned to de- 
fine the position of Eben-ezep. ; perhaps a tooth- 
shaped rock or peak (1 Sam. vii. 12 only); site un- 
known. 

She-na'zar (fr. Heb. = fiery tooth? Ges.), son of 
Salathiel, cr Shealtiel (1 Chr. iii. 18). 

Shenlr (fr. Heb.) = Senir — Mount Hermon 
(Deut. iii. 9; Cant. iv. 8). 

* She'ol [o as in toll] (Heb. sheoT). Hell. 

She'phata (Heb. cold, or bareness, place naked of 
trees, Ges.), a place mentioned only by Moses as be- 
tween Hazar-enan and Riblah, on the eastern 
boundary of the Promised Land (Num. xxxiv. 10, I 
11); site unknown. The Targum Pseudojonathan, 



Saadiah, &c, render the name by Apameia; but it 
seems uncertain whether by this they intend the 
Greek city of that name on the Orontes, fifty miles 
below Antioch, or use it as = Bdnids or Dan, as 
Schwarz allirms. 

Sliepli-n-tbi'nli (fr. Ileb. = Srephatiah), a Ben- 
jamite, father of Mesiiullam 6 (1 Chr. ix. 8); prop- 
erly " Shephatiah," as in the A. V, of 1611, &e. 

Sheph-a-ti'ah (fr. Heb. :- whom Jehovah defends, 
Ges.). 1. Fifth son of David ; born of his wife Abi- 
tal at Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 4; 1 Chr. iii. 3). — 2. An- 
cestor of a family, 372 of whom returned with Ze- 
rubbabel (Ezr. ii. 4; Neh. vii. 9); and eighty males, 
with Zcbadiah at their head, with Ezra (Ezr. viii. S). 
— 3. Ancestor of certain children of Solomon's ser- 
vants, who came up with Zcrubbabel (ii. 67 ; Neh. 
vii. 59). — 1. A descendant of Perez, or Pharez, the 
son of Juilah; ancestor of Athaiah (xi. 4). — .">. Son 
of Mattan; one of the princes of Judah who coun- 
selled Zedekiah to put Jeremiah in the dungeon 
(Jer. xxxviii. 1 ). — 6. A Benjamite, father of Meshul- 
lam 6 (1 Chr. ix. 8 in some copies; Siiepiiatiiiaii). 
— 7. " The Haruphite," one of the Benjamite war- 
riors who joined David at Ziklag (xii. 5). — 8. Son 
of Maachah, and chief of the Simeonites in David's 
reign (xxvii. 10). — 9. Son of Jehoshaphat (2 Chr. 
xxi. 2). 

* She-phe'lah (Ileb.) = Sepiiela. 

Shep herd (Heb. rd'eh = one who feeds a flock, a 
shepherd, herdsman, Ges.), translated usually "shep- 
herd," as in Gen. xlix. 4 and Ex. ii. 17, 19, &c, also 
"pastor," as in Jer. ii. 8, xvii. 16, &c, "herd- 
man," as in Gen. xiii. 7, 8, &c , &c. ; r<5'» = " shep- 
herd," Is. xxxviii. 12 ; Zech. xi. 17 ; b6ker{ = herds- 
man, also shepherd, Ges.), translated " herdman," 
Am. vii. 14 ; nohed (— a keeper of flocks, and in a 
wider sense, of any cattle, a shepherd, herdsman, 
sheep-owner, cattle-breeder, Ges.), translated " sheep- 
master" in 2 K. iii. 4, "herdman" in Am. i. 1; 
Gr. poimen (= one who tends herds or flocks, a 
shepherd, herdsman, Rbn. N. T. Lex.), in N. T. uni- 
formly translated " shepherd," as in Mat. ix. 36, xxv. 
32, &c. ; archipoimen — " chief shepherd," 1 Pet. 
v. 4. — In a nomadic state of society every man is 
more or less a shepherd. The progenitors of the 
Jews in the patriarchal age were nomads, and their 
history is rich in scenes of pastoral life. (Patri- 
arch.) The occupation of tending the flocks was 
undertaken, not only by the sons of wealthy chiefs 
(Gen. xxx. 29 ff., xxxvii. 12 ff.), but even by their 
daughters (xxix. 6 ff . ; Ex. ii. 19). The Egyptian 
captivity did much to implant a love of settled 
abode, and we find the tribes which still retained 
a taste for shepherd-life selecting their own quarters 
apart from their brethren in the Transjordanic dis- 
trict (Num. xxxii. 1 ff.). Henceforward in Palestine 
Proper the shepherd held a subordinate position. 
(Agriculture.)— The office of the Eastern shepherd, 
as described in the Bible, was attended with much 
hardship, and even danger. He was exposed to the 
extremes of heat and cold (Gen. xxxi. 40) ; his food 
frequently consisted of the precarious supplies af- 
forded by nature, such as the fruit of the " syca- 
more" or Egyptian fig (Am. vii. 14), the "husks" 
of the carob-tree (Lk. xv. 16), and perchance the 
locusts and wild honey which supported John the 
Baptist (Mat. iii. 4) ; he had to encounter the at- 
tacks of wild beasts, occasionally of the larger spe- 
cies, such as lions, wolves, panthers, and bears (1 
Sam. xvii. 34; Is. xxxi. 4 ; Jer. v. 6; Am. iii. 12); 
nor was he free from the risk of robbers or preda- 
tory hordes ( Gen. xxxi. 39). To meet these various 



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1019 



foes the shepherd's equipment consisted of the fol- 
lowing articles : — a mantle, made probably of sheep- 
skin with the fleece on, which he turned inside out 
in cold weather, as implied in the comparison in 
Jer. xliii. 12 ; a scrip or wallet, containing a small 
amount of food (1 Sam. xvii. 40) ; a sling (Arms, I. 
4) ; and a staff, which served both as a weapon 
against foes, and a crook for the management of 
the flock (ib. ; Ps. xxiii. 4 ; Zech. xi. 7). If the 
shepherd was at a distance from his home, he was 
provided with a light tent (Cant. i. 8 ; Jer. xxxv. 
7), the removal of which was easily effected (Is. 
xxxviii. 12). In certain localities, moreover, towers 
were erected for the double purpose of spying an 
enemy at a distance, and protecting the flock. 
(Tower.) — The routine of the shepherd's duties ap- 
pears to have been as follows : — In the morning he 
led forth his flock from the fold (Jn. x. 4), which 
he did by going before them and calling to them, as 
is still usual in the East (Sheep) ; arrived at the 
pasturage, he watched the flock with the assistance 
of dogs (Job xxx. 1 ; Dog), and, should any sheep 
stray, he had to search for it until he found it (Ez. 
xxxiv. 12; Lk. xv. 4); he supplied them with 
water, 'either at a running stream or at troughs 
attached to wells (Gen. xxix. 7, xxx. 38 ; Ex. ii. 
16 ; Ps. xxiii. 2) ; at evening he brought them 
back to the fold, and reckoned them to see that 
none were missing, by passing them " under the 
rod " as they entered the door of the enclo- 
sure (Lev. xxvii. 32; Ez. xx. 37), checking each 
sheep as it passed, by a motion of the hand (Jer. 
xxxiii. 13); and, finally, he watched the entrance 
of the fold (Sheep-fold) through the night, act- 
ing as porter (Jn. x. 3). The shepherd's office thus 
required great watchfulness, particularly by night 
(Lk. ii. 8; comp. Nah. iii. 18). It also required 
tenderness toward the young and feeble (Is. xl. 
11), particularly in driving them to and from the 
pasturage (Gen. xxxiii. 13). In large establishments 
there were various grades of shepherds, the highest 
being styled " rulers " (Gen. xlvii. 6), or " chief 
shepherds" (1 Pet. v. 4): in a royal household the 
title of abbir (= mighty) was bestowed on the person 
who held the post (A. V. "chiefest," 1 Sam. xxi. 7). 
The hatred of the Egyptians toward shepherds (Gen. 
xlvii 34) may have been mainly due (so Mr. Bevan ; 
but see Egypt) to their contempt for the sheep it- 
self, which appears to have been valued neither for 
food nor generally for sacrifice, the only district 
where they were offered being about the Natron 
lakes. It may have been increased by the memory 
of the Shepherd invasion. " Shepherd " is applied 
metaphorically to princes (Is. xliv. 28 ; Ez. xxxiv. 
2 ff., &c), teachers (Eccl. xii. 11), to Jehovah (Ps. 
xxiii. 1, lxxx. 1, &c), to the Lord Jesus Christ 
(Jn. x. 11, 14, 16; Heb. xiii. 20; 1 Pet. ii. 25, v. 
4, &c). Barn; Goat; Grass; Herd; Lamb; Pas- 
tor ; Pasture ; Shearing-house ; Sheep-master, 
&c). 

She'plli (Heb. a wearing awau, naked hill, Gcs.), 
son of Shobal, of the sons of Seir (1 Chr. i. 40) ; = 
Shepho. 

Slic'pho (Heb. smoothness) = Shephi (Gen. xxxvi. 
23). 

Sbc-phu'phan (Heb. serpent, Ges. ; comp. Adder 
4), a son of Bela, the first-born of Benjamin (1 Chr. 
viii. 5) ; = Shupham, and Muppim, also (so Lord A. 
C. Hervey) Shuppim 

She'rah (Heb. kinswoman, Ges.), daughter of 
Ephraim, or of Beriah (1 Chr. vii. 24), and foundress 
of the two Beth-borons, and of Uzzen-sherah. 



* Sherd = a fragment of an earthen vessel =: 

POTSHERD. 

Sher-C-bi'ah (fr. Heb. = heat of Jehovah ? Ges.), a 
Merarite Levite, of the family of Mahli, one of those 
(loosely called " priests " in verse 24 ; comp. Josh, 
iii. 3) who joined Ezra at the river of Ahava, and had 
charge of the gold, silver, and vessels offered for the 
Temple (Ezr. viii. 18, 24). When Ezra read the 
Law to the people, Sherebiah was among the Levites 
who assisted him (Neh. viii. 7). Betook part in the 
psalm of confession and thanksgiving at the solemn 
fast after the Feast of Tabernacles (ix. 4, 5), sealed 
the covenant with Nehemiah (x. 12), and was among 
the chief of the Levites who belonged to the choir 
(xii. 8, 24). 

Slic'resh (Heb. root, Ges.), son of Machir the son 
of Mauasseh by his wife Maachah (1 Chr. vii. 16). 

She-re'zer (fr. Pers. = Sharezer), one of the 
messengers sent in the fourth year of Darius by the 
people who had returned from the Captivity to in- 
quire concerning fasting in the fifth month (Zech. vii. 

2). PiEGEM-MELECH. 

* Sheriffs, the A. V. translation of Chal. pi. tiph- 
tdye, found in Dan. iii. 2, 3 only. Gesenius makes 
the Chaldee = persons learned in the law, lawyers; 
Fiirst interprets judges, the name of certain high 
officials among the Babylonians. A sheriff in the 
United States is now the chief officer of a county, 
whose business it is to execute the laws, the orders 
of judges, &c. ; in Great Britain he acts also as 
judge in certain cases. 

Slic'shacb (Heb., see below), in Jer. xxv. 26, li. 41, 
a synonym either for Babylon or for Babylonia. Ac- 
cording to some commentators, it represents " Ba- 
bel " on a principle well known to the later Jews — 
the substitution of letters according to their position 
in the alphabet, counting backward from the last let- 
ter, for those which hold the same numerical posi- 
tion, counting in the ordinary way. It may well be 
doubted, however, if this fanciful practice is as old 
as Jeremiah. Sir H. Rawlinson has observed that 
the name of the moon-god, which was identical, or 
nearly so, with that of the city of Abraham, Ur (or 
Hur), "might have been read in one of the ancient 
dialects of Babylon as Shishaki" Sheshach may 
stand for Ur, Ur itself, the old capital, being taken 
to represent the country (so Kawlinson). 

Shc'shai (Heb. whitish? Ges.), one of the three 
sons of Anak who dwelt in Hebron (Num. xiii. 22), 
and were driven thence and slain by Caleb at the 
head of the children of Judah (Josh. xv. 14 ; Judg. 
i. 10). 

She'shan (Heb. lily? Ges.), a descendant of Jerah- 
meel the son of Ilezron ; father of Ahlai (1 Chr. ii. 
31, 34, 35). 

Shosll-baz'zar (fr. Pers. = fire-worshipper ? Ges.), 
the Chaldean or Persian name given to Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. i. 8, 11, v. 14, 16 ; 1 Esd.ii. 12, 15). The Jew- 
ish tradition, that Sheshbazzar is Daniel, is utterly 
without weight. 

Slietb (Heb., see below). 1. The patriarch Seth 
(1 Chr. i. 1).— 2. In the A. V. of Num. xxiv. 17, the 
Heb. Shelh is rendered as a proper name, but there 
is reason to regard it as an appellative, and to trans- 
late, instead of " the sons of Sheth," " the sons of 
tumult," the wild warriors of Moab (compare Jer. 
xlviii. 45). 

Sbp/thar (fr. Pers. = a star), one of the seven 
princes of Persia and Media, who had access to the 
king's presence, and were the first men in the king- 
dom, in the third year of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 14). 

She thar-boz uai, or -boz'na-i (fr. Pers. = star 



1020 



SHE 



SHI 



of splendor), a Persian officer of rank, having a com- 
mand in the province "on this side the river" 
Aider Tatnai the satrap, in the reign of Darius Hys- 
laspis (Ezr. v. 3, 6, vi. t>, 13). He joined with Tat- 
nai and the Apharsachites in trying to obstruct the 
progress of the Temple in the time of Zerubbabel, 
and in writing a letter to Darius, of which a copy is 
preserved in Ezra v. 

She va ( lleli., a corruption of Skraiaii, Ges.). 1. 
The scribe or royal secretary of David (2 Sam. xx. 
25); = Sera i ah 1, Siiisiia, and Shatbha. — 2. Son 
of Caleb 1 by liis concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 49). 

Shew -bread [ sho '-bred ] (Heb. lehern [or /<cA<-m], 
pdnim [or happunim] = oread of (he face or faces, 
i. e. of the prestnee of Jehovah ; see below) (Ex. xxv. 
:i0, xxxv. 13, xxxix. 30, &c), also called " bread of or- 
dering " ( 1 dir. be 32 marg.), " the continual bread " 
(Num. iv. 7), and " hallowed bread " (1 Sam. xxi.4-6). 
Within the Ark it was directed that there should be 
a table of shittim-wood (i. e. acacia), two cubits in 
length, a cubit in breadth, and a cubit and a half in 
height, overlaid with pure gold, and " having a gold- 
en crown to the border thereof round about," i. c. a 
border or list, in order, as we may suppose, to hin- 
der that which was placed on it from by any acci- 
dent falling off. This table is described in Ex. xxv. 
■s: ::«. and the bas-reliefs within the Arch of Thus 
represent it as it existed in the Ucrodian Temple. 
This representation, shown in the cut, and obviously 




Table of Shew-bread— from bas-relief on the Arch of Ti 
Spoil i Tcmpli, Ac— (Fbn.) 

accurate, exhibits the hand of one of the slaves who 
is carrying the table, as of about equal breadth with 
the border, according to the words of Exodus, " and 
thou shalt make unto it a border of a handbreadth 
round about." 2 Chr. iv. 19 mentions " the tables 
whereon the show-bread was set," and at ver. 8 we 
read of Solomon making ten tables. The table of 
the second Temple was carried away by Autiochus 
Epiphanes (1 Mc. i. 22), and a new one made at the 
refurnishing of the sanctuary under Judas Macca- 
beus (iv. 49). Afterward Ptolemy Philadelphia 
presented a magnificent table. The table stood in 
the sanctuary together with the seven-branched can- 
dlestick and the altar of incense. Every Sabbath 
twelve newly-baked loaves were put on it in two 
rows, six in each, and sprinkled with incense (the 
LXX. add sail), where they remained till the follow- 
ing Sabbath. Then they were replaced by twelve 
new ones, the incense was burned, and they were 
eaten by the priests in the Holy Place, out of which 
they might not be removed. Besides these, the 
shew-bread table was adorned with dishes, spoons, 



bowls, &c., of pure gold (Ex. xxv. 29). — The twelve 
loaves plainly answer to the twelve tribes (compare 
Rev. xxii. 2), though Josephus and Philo regarded 
them as representing the twelve months. The mean- 
ing of the rite is left in Scripture unexplained, al- 
though it is referred to as one of the leading and 
most solemn appointments of the sanctuary (comp. 
2 Chr. xiii. 10, 11). But the first name we find 
given it is obviously the dominant one, A. V. " shew- 
bread," literally /triad of the face or of the faces, or 
using the latter term in its oft-recurring secondary 
sense, bread of the presence, i. e. of Jehovah (the Heb. 
pdnim being used only in the plural, and therefore 
applied equally to the face or presence of one person 
and of many). Spencer and others consider it bread 
offered to God as was the " meat-offering," a sym- 
bolical meal for God somewhat answering to a hea- 
then Lectistcrnium (in which the images of the gods, 
lying on pillows, were placed in the streets and food 
of all kinds set before them, Andrews' Freund's L. 
Lex.). But Bahr remarks, and justly, that the Heb. 
pdnim (= presence) is applied solely to the table and 
the bread, not to the other furniture of the sanc- 
tuary, the altar of incense, or the golden candle- 
stick. There is something, therefore, peculiar to the 
former w hich is denoted by the title. Of the Angel 
of God's Presence (Is. Ixiii. 9; comp. Ex. xxxiii. 14, 
16 ; Dcut. iv. 37) it is said that God's "Name is in 
II iui " (Ex. xxiii. 20). The Presence and the Name 
may, therefore, be taken as equivalent. Both, in ref- 
erence to their context, indicate the manifestation 
of God to His creatures. Hence, as the name stands 
fi r He <>i Himself, so Pace for Person: to see the 
l ar, , tor, to see the Person. The Bread of the Pace 
is therefore that bread through which God is seen, 
i. e. with the participation of which the seeing of 
God is bound up, or through the participation of 
which man attains the sight of God. Whence it fol- 
lows that we have not to think of bread merely as 
such, as the means of nourishing the bodily life, but 
as spiritual food, as a means of appropriating and 
retaining that life which consists in seeing the face 
of God (so Mr. Garden, after Bahr). Fairbairn says : 
" The shew-bread was only a more special and stated 
form of the bread or meat-offering, which was a 
very common accompaniment of the bloody sacri- 
fices ; and was a symbol of the moral excellence, or 
spiritual fruit, which the covenant people were bound 
to render to Jehovah. It consequently took the as- 
pect of something given or presented by them to 
God, received ' from the children of Israel by an ever- 
lasting covenant' (Lev. xxiv. 8), and with the meat- 
offerings generally was called by God, 1 My offering, 
My bread made by fire, for a sweet savor unto Me' 
(Num. xxviii. 2). The Tabernacle was the Lord's 
peculiar dwelling in Israel, and this table of shew- 
bread was continually to exhibit an image of the fruit- 
fulness in all well-doing which the people w ere called 
to be ever rendering Him from the field of His 
inheritance." 

Shib'bo-lcth ( Judg. xii. 6), the Hebrew word which 
the Gileadites under Jephthah made use of at the 
passages of the Jordan, after a victory over the 
Ephraimites, to test the pronunciation of the sound 
sh by those who wished to cross over the river. The 
Ephraimites, it would appear, in their dialect sub- 
stituted for sh the simple sound s ; and the Gilead- 
ites, regarding every one who failed to pronounce sh 
asan Ephraimite, and therefore an enemy, put him to 
death accordingly. The word "Shibboleth," which 
has now a second life in the English language in a 
new signification (viz. a party test, or some minute 



SHI 



SHI 



1021 



point of difference, the importance of which is mag- 
nified in controversy), has two meanings in Hebrew : 
1st, an ear of wheat or other grain ; 2dly, a stream 
or food (Ps. lxix. 2, 15) : and it was, perhaps, in the 
latter sense that this particular word suggested it- 
self to the Gileadites, the Jordan being a rapid river. 
There is no mystery in this particular word. Any 
word beginning with the sound sh would have an- 
swered equally well as a test. 

Sliibui ill (fr. Heb.) — Sibmah, a city of Reuben 
(Num. xxxii. 38) ; probably = Shebam. 

Sllic'ron (Heb. drunkenness, Ges.), one of the land- 
marks at the western end of the N. boundary of 
Judah (Josh. xv. 11, only). It lay between Ekron 
('Akir) and Jabneei, (Ycbna), the port at which the 
boundary ran to the sea. No trace of the name has 
been discovered between these two places, which are 
barely four miles apart. 

Shield. Arms, II., 5, 6. 

Shig-giu'on [-ga'yon] (Heb., see below) (Ps. vii. 
1\ a particular kind of Psalm; the specific charac- 
ter of which is now not known. In the singular 
number the word occurs only in the inscription of 
Ps. vii. In the inscription to Habakkuk's Ode (Hab. 
iii. 1) the word occurs in the plural ; but the Hebrew 
phrase in which it stands ('al shigyonoth) is deemed 
almost unanimously, as it would seem, by modern 
Hebrew scholars to mean after the manner of the 
S/iiggaion, and to be merely a direction as to the 
kind of musical mjasures by which the ode was to 
be accompanied (so Mr. Twisleton). Gesenius and 
F^irst concur in deriving it from Heb. shiggdh, in the 
sense of magnifying or extolling with praises, and 
justify this derivation by kindred Syriac words. 
Shiggaion would thus mean a hymn or psalm ; but its j 
specific meaning, if it has any, as applicable to the 
seventh Psalm, would continue unknown. Ewald, j 
Rodiger (continuation of Gesenius's Thesaurus), and [ 
Delitzsch derive it from Heb. sh&g&h, in the sense 
of reeling, as from wine, and consider the word to 
be somewhat equivalent to a dithyrambus. Gese- 
nius's Heb. and Eng. Lex. (edited by Robinson, 1854) 
explains the word as = " a hymn, or rather a dithy- 
rimbie ode, i. e. erratic, wild, enthusiastic." De 
Wette, Lee, and Hitzig interpret the word as a 
psalm of lamentation, or a psalm in distress, as de- 
rived from Arabic. Hupfeld conjectures that shig- 
gaion = Higgaio.v, Ps. ix. 16, in the sense of poem 
or song. The versions give no help. In the A. V. 
of Hab. iii. 1, the rendering is " upon shigionoth," as 
if shigionoth were some musical instrument. Gese- 
nius (ed. by Robinson, 1854) translates this "in the 
manner of dithyrambic songs." 

* Sllig-i-o'notll. Shiggaion. 

Shi llOll (fr. Heb. = a ruin, Ges.), in some copies 
correctly " Shion," a town of Issachar, named only 
in Josh. xix. 19, between Haphraim and Anaharath. 
Eusebius and Jerome mention it as then existing 
" near Mount Tabor." The only name at all re- 
sembling it at present in that neighborhood is the 
Ohirbet"Sehi'in of Dr. Schulz, 1$ miles N. W. of Be- 
burieh. (Daberath.) The identification is, how- 
ever, very uncertain. 

Shi'lior(Heb. black, turbid) of E'gypt (1 Chr. xiii. 
5) is spoken of as one limit of the kingdom of Is- 
rael in David's time, the entering in of Hamath 
being the other. It must correspond to " the Shi- 
hor which is before Egypt" (Josh. xiii. 3), A. V. 
" Sihor," and probably designates the stream of the 
Wady el-'Arish. River of Egypt. 

Shi iior-lib'nath (Heb., see below), named only in 
Josh. xix. 26 as one of the landmarks of the boun- 



dary of Asher. Nothing is known of it. By the 
ancient translators and commentators the names 
are taken as belonging to two distinct places. But 
modern commentators, beginning perhaps with Ma- 
sius, have inclined to consider Shihor as identical 
: with the name of the Nile, and Shihor-libnath to 
be a river. They interpret the Shihor-libnath as 
I the glass river, and identify it with the Belus of 
Pliny, the present Nahr Na'man. But this theory 
j is surely very far-fetched. There is nothing (so Mr. 
I Grove) to indicate that Shihor-libnath is a stream at 
all, except the agreement of the first part (Shihor) 
with a rare word used for the Nile. Porter (in 
Kitto) suggests that it may be some little town on 
the bank of one of the streamlets which fall into 
the Mediterranean between Carmel and Dor. 

Shil'lli (Heb. armed? Ges.), father of Azubah, Je- 
hoshaphat's mother (1 K. xxii. 42 ; 2 Chr. xx. 31). 

Sllil hiDl (Heb. armed men, Ges. ; fountains, Fii.), a 
city in the S. of Judah, named between Lebaoth and 
Ain, or Ain-rimmon (Josh. xv. 32) ; apparently — 
Shaaraim and Sharuhen. The juxtaposition of 
Shilhim and Ain has led to the conjecture that they 
= the Salim and Enon of John the Baptist ; but 
their position in the S. of Judah seems to forbid 
this. 

Shil'lem (Heb. requital, recompense, Ges.), son of 
Naphtali, and ancestor of the family of the Shillem- 
ites (Gen. xlvi. 24 ; Num. xxvi. 49) ; = Shallum 7. 

Shil leui-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Shillem the son of Naphtali (Num. xxvi. 49). 

Shi-lo all (Heb. shildah or shiloach = a sending of 
water, i. e. a conduit, aqueduct, Ges. ; sent [abstract 
for concrete, Ges.], Jn. ix. 7), the Wa ters of, a cer- 
tain soft-flowing stream (Is. viii. 6) ; no doubt = the 
waters of Siloam — the only perennial spring of 
Jerusalem. 

Slii loll (Heb., see below), in the A. V., is once used 
as the name of a person, in a very difficult passage 
in Gen. xlix. 10. I. Supposing the A. V. transla- 
tion correct, the word = Peaceable, or Pacific, and 
the allusion is either to Solomon, whose name has 
a similar signification, or to the expected Messiah, 
who in Is. ix. 6 is expressly called the Prince of Peace 
(Gesenius [formerly], Hengstenberg, Rabbi Wogue, 
Bush [on Gen. 1. c, and in Kitto], Prof. Douglas [in 
Fbn.], Ayre, &c). — The objections to this translation, 
supposing the Heb. text to be correct as it stands, are 
thus presented by Mr. Twisleton : (1.) " Shiloh " oc- 
curs nowhere else in Hebrew as the name or appella- 
tion of a person. (2.) The only other Hebrew word, 
apparently, of the same form, is Giloh (Josh. xv. 
51 ; 2 Sam. xv. 12), the name of a city, and not of 
a person. (3.) By translating the word as it is 
translated everywhere else in the Bible, viz. as the 
name of the city in Ephraim where the Ark of the 
Covenant so long remained (see next article), a suf- 
ficiently good meaning (see II., below) is given to 
the passage without any violence to the Hebrew 
language, and, indeed, with a precise grammatical 
parallel elsewhere (compare 1 Sam. iv. 12). — II. 
Taking Shiloh to be the name of the city, Mr. 
Twisleton thus translates : " The sceptre shall not 
depart from Judah, nor the ruler's staff (A.V. 'law- 
giver') from bi'tween his feet, till he shall go to 
Shiloh." And, in this case, the allusion would be 
to the primacy of Judah in war (Judg i. 1, 2, xx. 
18 ; Num. ii. 3, x. 14), which was to continue until 
the Promised Land was conquered, and the Ark of 
the Covenant was solemnly deposited at Shiloh. 
This translation, suggested by Teller (1766), has 
been, with modifications, favored by Eichhorn, Hitzig, 



1022 



SUI 



SHI 



Tuch, Bleek, Ewald, Delitzsch, Riidiger, Kalisch, 
Luzzatto, Davidson, Fiirst, &c. To this translation 
Prof. Douglas (in Fun.) objects — (1.) There is no 
evidence that the city Shiloh existed in Jacob's 
time, or, if it did then exist, that it bore this name, 
or, if it then existed under this name, that Jacob 
spoke to his sons of a place so entirely unimportant 
and apparently unconnected with them. (2.) What 
had Judah to do with coming to Shiloh, more than 
the other tribes — Judah, of which tribe Moses spake 
nothing concerning priesthood ? (3.) Why is Ju- 
dah's lead or rule limited to the time anterior to his 
coming to Shiloh * The prophecy had reference to 
tilings which should befall them " in the last days " 
(ver. 1). (4.) Does this interpretation harmonize 
in any way with the facts in the ease ? Before this 
"coming to Shiloh," Judah had only a very limited 
amount of honor, the power and authority being first 
in the hands of Moses and Aaron the Levitcs, next 
in those of Joshua the Ephraimitc. Nor is there 
any evidence that the coming to Shiloh was a turn- 
ing-point in the relations of Judah to the other 
tribes or to the heathen. It had as much primacy 
after Joshua's death as before. — III. Another trans- 
lation adopted by fiesenius, Vater, Knobel, &c., 
makes Shiloh here = rat. The passage would then 
run thus: " The sceptre shall not depart from' Ju- 
dah . . . till rest come, and the nations obey him ; " 
and the reference would be to the Messiah, who was 
to spring from the tribe of Judah. — IV. Another 
explanation of Shiloh, on the assumption that it is 
not the name of a person, is a translation by various 
learned Jews, apparently countenanced by the Tar- 
gum of Jonathan, and adopted by Luther and Cal- 
vin, that the Heb. Shiloh = his ton, i. e. the 6on of 
Judah (in the sense of the Messiah), from a sup- 
posed word Shil, " a son." There is, however, no 
such word in known Hebrew. — V. There are other 
translations which presuppose a different reading 
from that in the present Hebre.v text. Thus the 
Vulgate and Douay Bible translate " till he come 
that is to be sent." The LXX. translation has, 
" till the tilings reserved for him come." Mr. 
Twisleton, without adopting any of these different 
readings, admits the possibility that the correct 
reading may have been lost. He, however, claims 
that whatever interpretation of the present reading 
may be adopted, the one entitled to the least con- i 
sideration is that which supposes the prophecy re- ' 
Iates to the birth of Christ as occurring in the reign 
of Herod just before Judea became a Roman prov- 
ince, against which he argues — (1.) that it is impos- 
sible reasonably to regard the dependent rule of 
King Herod the Idumean as an instance of the 
sceptre being still borne by Judah ; (2.) that for 
more than 400 years from the destruction of the 
Temple by Nebuchadnezzar the Jews were deprived 
of their independence, being subject successively to 
the Chaldeans, Persians, and successors of Alex- 
ander, and that the sceptre had departed from Ju- 
dah, when the Maccabees (a Levitical family) ruled. 
But Prof. Douglas (in Fbn.) claims that something 
of Judah's sceptre still remained, a total eclipse 
being no proof that the day is at an end — that the 
proper fulfilment of the prophecy did not begin till 
David's time, and is consummated in Christ accord- 
ing to Lk. i. 32, 33. Messiah ; Prophet. 

Shi loll (Heb. probably — place of rest, peace, qviet, 
Ges. ; see above), the name of :i place described in 
•Judg. xxL 19 as "on the N. side of Bethel, on the 
E. side of the highway that goeth up from Bethel 
to Shechem, and on the S. of Lebonah." In agree- 



ment with this, the traveller at the present day (so 
Prof. Hackett, original author of this article), going 
N. from Jerusalem, lodges the first night at Beilin 
(= Betiikl) ; the next day, at the distance of a few 
hours, turns aside to the right, in order to visit 
Srilun, the Arabic for Shiloh; and then passing 
through the narrow Wady, which brings him to the 
main road, leaves el-Lebbdn ( = Lebonah) on the 
left, as he pursues " the highway " to N&blus ( = 
Shechem). Shiloh was one of the earliest and most 
sacred of the Hebrew sanctuaries. The Auk of 
the Covenant, kept at Gilgal, during the progress 
nt the Conquest (Josh, xviii. l ff.) was at Shiloh 
from the last days of Joshua to the time of Samuel 
(xviii. 10; Judg. xviii. 31 ; 1 Sam. iv. 3). Here Joshua 
divided among the tribes the portion of the region 
W. of Jordan, which had not been already allotted 
(Josh, xviii. 10, xix. 51). In this distribution, or an 
earlier one, Shiloh fell within the limits of Ephraim 
(xvi. 5). The seizure here of the " daughters of Shiloh " 
by the Benjamites is recorded as preserving one of 
the tribes from extinction (Judg. xxi. 19-23). Here 
Eli judged Israel and died ; here Hannah's vow was 
Uttered; here Samuel was brought up and called 
to the prophetic ollice (1 Sam. i.— iv.). The ungodly 
conduct of Eli's sons occasioned the loss of the Ark 
of the Covenant, which had been carried into battle 
| against the Philistines, and Shiloh from that time 
sank into insignificance. It stands forth in the Jew- 
ish history as a striking example of the Divine in- 
dignation (Ps. lxxviii. 60; Jcr. vii. 12). Aiiijaii 
tin prophet (SHILONITE) had his abode there in the 
time of Jeroboam I. (1 K. xi. 29, xii. 15, xiv. 1, &c). 
Tin' people there after the time of the exile appear 
to have been Cuthites who had adopted some of the 
forms of Jewish worship (Jer. xli. 5; compare 2 K. 
xvii. 30 ; Shechem). — The contour of the region in- 
dicates very closely where the ancient town must 
have stood. A Tell, or moderate hill, rises from an 
uneven plain, surrounded by other higher hills, ex- 
cept a narrow valley on the S., which hill would 
naturally be chosen as the principal site of the 
town. The Tabernacle may have been pitched on 
this eminence, where it would be a conspicuous ob- 
ject on every side. The ruins found there at pres- 
ent consist chiefly of the remains of a comparatively 
modern village, with which some large stones and 
fragments of columns are intermixed, evidently 
from much earlier times. Near a ruined mosque 
flourishes an immense oak. Just beyond the pre- 
cincts of the hill stands a dilapidated edifice, called 
by the natives "the mosque of Seiluji." At the 
distance of about fifteen minutes from the main 
site is a fountain, approached through a narrow 
dale. Its water is abundant, and, according to a 
practice very common in the East, flows first into a 
pool or well, and thence into a larger reservoir, from 
which flocks and herds are watered. Shiloh was 
secluded, and therefore favorable to acts of worship 
and religious study. The yearly festivals celebrated 
there brought together assemblages which would 
need the supplies of water and pasturage so easily 
obtained in such a place. Taanath-shiloh ; Tab- 
ernacle. 

Shi-lo ni (Heb., see below) occurs in the A. V. 
only in Neh. xi. 5, where it should be rendered (so 
Mr. Grove) " the Shilonite," i. e. the descendant of 
Shelah the youngest son of Judah. Shilonites. 

Slli'lo-nite (fr. Heb.), the = the native or resident 
of Shiloh : — a title ascribed only to Ahijah 1 (1 K. 
xi. 29, xii. 15, xv. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29, x. 15). 

Slii'lo-nites (fr. Heb. = Shiloni), the, mentioned 



SHI 



SHI 



1023 



among the descendants of Judah dwelling in Jeru- 
salem after the Captivity (1 Chr. ix. 5); doubtless 
the members of the house of Shelah, more accu- 
rately Shelanites. Asaiah 3. 

Shil'shah (Heb. triad, Ges.), an Asherite chief, son 
of Zophah (1 Chr. vii. 37). 

Shim'e-a (Heb. rumor, Ges.). 1. Son of David by 
Bath-sheba (1 Chr. iii. 5).— 2. A Merarite Levite 
(vi. 30); = Shammua 2 and Shammuah. — 3. A Ger- 
shonite Levite, ancestor of Asaph the minstrel (vi. 
39). — 4. Brother of David (xx. 7); = Shammah 2, 
Shimma, and Shimeah 1. 

Shiiii'e-aii (Heb. = Shimea, Ges. ; see No. 2). 1, 
Brother of David, and father of Jonathan and Jona- 
dab (2 Sam. xxi. 21); = Shammah 2, Shimea 4, and 
Shimma. — 2. (Heb. =r Shimeam). A descendant of 
Jehiel the father of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 32) ; = Shim- 
eam. 

Shim'c-am (Heb. fame, minor? Ges.), a BenjamLte, 
son of Mikloth (1 Chr. ix. 38); = Shimeah 2. 

Shim'e-ath (Heb. fem. = Shimeah, Ges.), an Am- 
monitess, mother of Jozaehar, or Zabad, one of the 
murderers of King Joash (2 K. xii. 21 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 
26). 

* Sllim'c-atll-ites (fr. Heb. = descendants of Shim- 
eah, Ges.), tile, a family of scribes at Jabez (1 Chr. 
ii. 55). Tirathites. 

Shim C-i ( Heb. renowned, Ges.). ] . Son of Gershom 
the son of Levi (Num. iii. 18; 1 Chr. vi. 17, xxiii. 
7, 10 [compare No. 17, 18]; Zech. xii. 13); = 
Shimi in Ex. vi. 17. — 2. Son of Gera; a Benjamite 
of the house of Saul, who lived at Bahurim. When 
David and his suite were seen descending the long 
defile, on his flight from Absalom (2 Sam. xvi. 5- 
13), the whole feeling of the clan of Benjamin burst 
forth without restraint in the person of Shimei. He 
ran along the ridge, cursing, throwing stones at the 
king and his companions, and when he came to a 
patch of dust on the dry hill-side, taking it up, and 
throwing it over them. Abishai was so irritated, 
that, but for David's remonstrance, he would have 
darted across the ravine (xvi. 9) and torn or cut off 
his head. The whole conversation is remarkable, 
as showing what may almost be called the slang 
terms of abuse prevalent in the two rival courts (so 
Dean Stanley). The royal party passed on ; Shimei 
following them with his stones and curses as long 
as they were in sight. — The next meeting was very 
different. The king was now returning from li is suc- 
cessful campaign. Just as he was crossing the Jordan, 
in the ferry-boat or on the bridge (xix. 18), the first 
person to welcome him on the western, or perhaps 
even on the eastern side, was Shimei, who may have 
seen him approaching from the heights above. He 
threw himself at David's feet in abject penitence, 
and David guaranteed his life with an oath in con- 
sideration of the general jubilee and amnesty of 
the return (ver. 18-23). But the king's suspicions 
were not set at rest by this submission ; and on his 
deathbed he recalls the whole scene to the recollec- 
tion of his son Solomon (IK. ii. 8, 9). Solomon 
gave Shimei notice that from henceforth he must 
consider himself confined to the walls of Jerusalem 
on pain of death. He was to build a house in Jeru- 
salem. Shimei accepted the condition (ii. 36, 37). 
For three years the engagement was kept. At the 
end of that time, for the purpose of capturing two 
servants who had escaped to Gath, he went out on 
his ass, and made his journey successfully (ii. 40). 
On his return, the king took him at his word, and 
he was slain by Benaiah (ii. 41-46). — 3. One of 
Solomon's adherents at the time of Adonijah's usur- 



pation (1 K. i. 8). Unless he = No. 4, or = Shim- 
eah, or Shammah, David's brother, it is impossible 
to identify him. — 4. Solomon's commissary in Ben- 
jamin ; son of Elah (iv. 18). — 5. Son of Pedaiah, 
and brother of Zerubbabel (1 Chr. iii. 19). (Gene- 
alogy of Jesos Christ ; Shemaiah 2.) — 6. A Simeon- 
ite, son of Zacchur (iv. 26, 27) ; = Shemaiah 3 ? — 
7. Son of Gog, a Reubenite (v. 4) ; = Shema 1 V — 8. 
A Gershonite Levite, son of Jahath (vi. 42). — 9. 
Son of Jeduthun, and chief of the tenth division of 
the singers (xxv. 17). — 10. The Ramathite who was 
over David's vineyards (xxvii. 27). — 11. A Levite 
of the sons of Heman, who took part in the purifi- 
cation of the Temple under Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxix. 
14); — No. 12? — 12. A Levite in Hezekiah's reign, 
brother and assistant of Cononiah (xxxi. 12, 13) ; 
= No. 11 ? — 13. A Levite in Ezra's time who had 
married a foreign wife (Ezr. x. 23). — 14. One of the 
sons of Hashum, who put away his foreign wife at 
Ezra's command (x. 33). — 15. A son of Bani, also 
husband of a foreign wife (x. 38). — 16. A Ben- 
jamite, son of Kish, and ancestor of Mordecai (Esth. 
ii. 5). — IT. A Merarite Levite, son of Libni 2 (1 
Chr. vi. 29) ; supposed by some = No. 1, something 
having been, in their view, omitted in the verse. 
(Uzza4.) — 18. A Levite chief belonging to the fam- 
ily of Laadan the Gershonite (xxiii. 9) ; different (so 
Bertheau, on Chr. 1. c.) from the "brother of Laadan 
in ver. 7, 10 (compare No. 1). 

Sliim'c-oa (Heb. = Simeon), a layman of Israel, 
of the sons of Harim, husband of a foreign wife in 
Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 31). 

Sllim'hi (fr. Heb. = Shimei), a Benjamite ; ap- 
parently = Shema 2 (1 Chr. viii. 21). 

Shimi, or Shi'nii (Heb.) = Shimei 1 (Ex. vi. 17). 

Sliim'ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Shimi or Shimei 1, the son of Gershom (Num. iii. 
21). 

Shimma (fr. Heb.) = Shimea 4, third son of Jesse, 
and brother of David (1 Chr. ii. 13). 

Sill mm (Heb. desert, Ges.). The four sons of 
Shimon are enumerated in an obscure genealogy of 
the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Shi in rath (Heb. watch, guard, Ges.), a Benjamite 
chief, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 21). 

Shioi'l'i (Heb. watchful, Ges.). 1. A Simeonite, 
son of Shemaiah (1 Chr. iv. 37). — 2. Father of Jedi- 
ael, one of David's " valiant men " (xi. 45). — 3. A Ko- 
hathite Levite in Hezekiah's reign, who assisted in 
purifying the Temple (2 Chr. xxix. 13). 

Siiim'rith (Heb. fem. = Shimri, Ges.), a Moabitess, 
mother of Jehozabad, one of the assassins of King 
Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 26) ; = Shomer 2. 

Shim'rom (fr. Heb.) = Shimron the son of Issa- 
char (1 Chr. vii. 1, erroneously in some copies). 

Sbim'ron (Heb. watch, guard, Ges.), a city of Zebu- 
lun, whose king assisted Jabin, king of Hazor, against 
Joshua (Josh. xi. 1, xix. 15) ; perhaps = Shjmron- 
meron. Schwarz proposes to identify it with the 
Simonias of Josephus, now Semunieh, a village a few 
miles W. of Nazareth. 

Sliiin'ron (see above), fourth son of Issachar(Gen. 
xlvi. 13; Num. xxvi. 24; 1 Chr. vii. 1, in some 
copies), and head of the family of the Shimronites ; 
= Shimrom. 

Sliim'ron-itPS (fr. Heb.), the = the family of Shim- 
ron, son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 24). 

Shim'ron-mc'ron (Heb. watch post of Meron, watch- 
height? Ayre; guard of a fertile place, Fii.). The 
king of Shimron-meron (probably, though not cer- 
tainly, = Shimron) was one of the thirty-one kings 
vanquished by Joshua (Josh. xii. 20). The old Jew- 



1024 



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SHI 



ish traveller hap-Parchi (so Mr. Grove) fixes Shim- 
ron-meron at two hours E. of En-gaunim (Jenin), S. 
of the mountains of Gilboa, at a village called in his 

day />"/■ Mi run. Reland (si) l'ortrr, ill Kitto) iden- 
tifies Shimron and Shimron-meron with the village 
of Semunieh, W. of Nazareth. The Jews at Safed 
(so Win. ii. 313) identity Shimron-meron with the 
village of Mcirou, where arc the reputed tombs of 
Hillel, Shammai, and other ancient holy Rabbis. 

Shim slui (Heb. nmnti, Ges.), a Persian official in 
Samaria, scribe or secretary of Reiium (Ezr. iv. 8, 
9, 17, 23). He was apparently an Aramcan, for the 
letter which lie wrote to Artaxerxcs against the 
Jews was in Syriac (iv. 7), and the form of his name 
favors this supposition. 

Slii u:lb | lleb. father's tooth, Ges.), king of Aduab 
in Abraham's time ; one of the live kings attacked 
by CllEDORLAOMEIt (Gen. xiv. 2). 

Slli nar ( lleb. the country of the two riven t Raw- 
linson ; compare Mesopotamia), apparently the an- 
cient name of the great alluvial tract through which 
the Tigris and Euphrates pass before reaching the 
sea — the tract known in later times as Ciialdea or 
Babylonia. It was a plain country where brick had 
to be used for stone, and slime for mortar (Gen. xi. 
3). Among its cities were D.miei. (Babylon), Erecii, 
Calseii, and Accau (x. 10). The name is also found 
in Gen. xiv. 1 ; I-. xi. 11 ; Dan. i. 2 J Zcch. v. 11. 
The native inscriptions contain no trace of the term, 
which seems to be purely Jewish, and unknown to 
any other people (so Rawlinson). At least it is ex- 
tremely doubtful whether there is really any connec- 
tion between Shinar and Singara or Sinjar. Singara 
was the name of a town in Central Mesopotamia, 
well known to the Romans. 

Ship, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. bniydh 
(the common word for ship) uniformly (Gen. xlix. 
13 ; Deut. xxviii. 68; Jon. i. 3-5, &c). The kindred 
dni ( = a ship, or rather collectively shifts, a fleet, 
navy, Ges.) is translated "navy" (IK. ix. 27, x. 11, 
22 thrice), once "a navy of ships" (ix. 26), and 
once "galley" (Is. xxxiii. 21). — 2. Heb. siphindh 
(Jon. i. 5 only) = a ship, specifically with a deck, 
Ges. — 3. Heb. tsi = a ship, so called as being set up, 
built, Ges. (Num. xxiv. 24 ; Is. xxxiii. 21 ; Ez. xxx. 
9 ; Dan. xi. 30). — 4. Gr. nans — a ship, vessel, Rbn. 
JV. T. Lrx. (Acts xxvii. 41 only); in LXX. = No. 
1. — 5. Gr. p/oion = a ship, vessel, Rbn. A T . T. Lex. 
(Mat. iv. 21, 22, and more than sixty other places), 
once "shipping" (Jn. vi. 24); in LXX. = No. 1 
and 2. The diminutive ploiarion (= a small vessel, 
boat, Rbn. A r . T. Lex.) is translated " small ship " 
(Mk. iii. 9), "little ship" (iv. 36; Jn. xxi. 8), " boat" 
(vi. 22 twice, 23). — No one writer in the whole range 
of Greek and Roman literature (says Dr. Howson, 
original author of the remainder of this article) has 
supplied us with so much information concerning 
the merchant-ships of the ancients as St. Luke in 
the narrative of St. Paul's voyage to Rome (Acts 
xxvii., xxviii.). It is important to remember that 
he accomplished it in three ships : first the Adra- 
myttian (Adramyttium) vessel which took him from 
Cesarea to Mtra, probably a coasting vessel of no 
great size (xxvii. 1-6); secondly, the large Alexan- 
drian (Alexandria, note ') corn-ship, in which he 
was wrecked on the coast of Malta (xxvii. 6-xxviii. 
1 ; Melita) ; and thirdly, another large Alexandrian 
corn-ship, in which he sailed from Malta by Syra- 
cuse and Rhegium to Puteoli (xxviii. 11-13). (1.) 
Size of Ancient Ships. The narrative which we take 
as our chief guide affords a good standard for esti- 
mating this. The snip in which St. Paul was wrecked 



I had 276 persons on board (Acts xxvii. 37), besides 
a cargo of wheat (10, 88) ; and all these passengers 
seem to have been taken on to Puteoli in another 
ship (xxviii. 11) which had its own crew and cargo. 
In the English transport-ships, prepared for carry- 
ing troops, it is a common estimate to allow a ton 
and a half per man. The ship in which Joscplms 
was wrecked, in the same part of the Levant, had 
600 souls on board. A large Alexandrian corn-ves- 
sel described by Lucian appears to have measured 
1,100 or 1,200 tons. If, then, we say that an an- 
cient merchant-ship might range from GOO to 1,000 
tons, we are clearly within the mark. (2.) Steering 
Apparatus. Some commentators have fallen into 
strange perplexities from observing that in Acts 
xxvii. 40 (" the fastenings of the rudders;" A. V. 
"rudder-bands," Gr. hai zcukteriai tun. pcdalion) St. 
Luke uses the plural. Ancient ships were in truth 
not steered at all by rudders fastened or hinged to 
the stern, but by means of two paddlc-ruddcrs, one 
on each quarter, acting in a rowlock or through a 
porthole, as the vessel might be small or large. 
The " governor " or steersman would only use one 
paddle-rudder (Gr. pedalion, A. V. " helm," Jas. iii. 
4) at a time. When four anchors were let go 
at the stern, both paddles must be lashed up, 
lest they should interfere with the ground-tackle; 
when the ship was to be steered again, and the an- 
chor-ropes were cut, the lashings must be unfastened 
(Acta xxvii. 29, 40). (3.) Build and Ornaments of 
the Hull. Probably there was no very marked dif- 
ference between the bow (A. V. " forcship," ver. 
30; " forepart," ver. 41) and the stem (A. V. "hind- 
er part," ver. 41; see Mk. iv. 38). The " hold " 
(A. V. " the sides of the ship," Jon. i. 6) would pre- 
sent no special peculiarities. One characteristic or- 
nament, rising in a lofty curve at the stern or the 
bow, is familiar to us in works of art, but no allu- 
sion to it occurs in Scripture. That personification 
of Bhips, which seems to be instinctive, led the an- 
cients to paint an eye on each side of the bow. 
The "sign" of the ship which took the apostle on 
from Malta to Pozzuoli (Acts xxviii. 11) was Cas- 
tor and Pollux ; and the symbols of these heroes 
were doubtless painted or sculptured on each side 
of the bow. (Benches.) (4.) Undergirders. The 
imperfection of the build, and still more (see below, 
6) the peculiarity of the rig, in ancient ships, re- 
sulted in a greater tendency than in our times to 
the starting of the planks, and consequently to 
leaking and foundering. Hence it was customary 
to take on board peculiar contrivances, suitably 
called " helps " (xxvii. 17), as precautions against 
such dangers. These were simply cables or chains, 
which in case of necessity could be passed round 
the frame of the ship, at right angles to its length, 
and made tight. This process, called fropping (A. 
V. " undergirding "), has also been found necessary 
in modern experience. (5.) Anchors, Probably the 
ground-tackle of Greek and Roman sailors was quite 
as good as our own. Ancient anchors were similar 
in form to those used now, except that they were 
without flukes. Two allusions to anchoiing are 
found in the N. T., one in a very impressive meta- 
phor concerning Christian hope (Heb. vi. 19). The 
other passage is part of the literal narrative of St. 
Paul's voyage at its most critical point. The ship 
in which he was sailing had four anchors on board, 
and these were all employed in the night, when the 
danger of falling on breakers was imminent. The 
sailors on this occasion anchored by the stern (Acts 
xxvii. 29). (6.) Masts, Sails, Ropes, and Yards. 



SHI 



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1025 



These were collectively called in Gr. skeue or skeuos 
— apparatus or gear (A. V. "tackling," xxvii. 19 ; 
" sail," 17). The rig of an ancient ship was more 
simple and clumsy than that employed in modern 
times. Its great feature was one large mast, with 
one large square sail fastened to a yard of great 
length. (Egypt.) Hence the strain upon the hull 
and the danger of starting the planks were greater 
than under the present system, which distributes 




Ancient Ship. — From a Painting at Pompeii. 



the mechanical pressure more evenly over the whole 
ship. Not that there were never more masts than 
one, or more sails than one on the same mast, in an 
ancient merchantman. But these were repetitions, 
so to speak, of the same general unit of rig. The 
Gr. artemon, A. V. " mainsail," Dr. Howson regards 
as " undoubtedly the foresail" which " would be 
almost necessary in putting a large ship about ; " 
others (Rbn. N~. T. Lex., L. & S., &c.) make it the 
topsail. In the 0. T. the " mast" is mentioned (Is. 
xxxiii. 23); and from Ez. xxvii. 5 we learn that 
cedar-wood from Lebanon was sometimes used for 
this part of ships. In Prov. xxiii. 34 the top of a 
ship's mast is probably intended (so Dr. Howson, with 
A. V., Gesenius, Stuart, &c). Ropes (Cord; Acts 
xxxvii. 32) and sails arc mentioned in Is. xxxiii. 23; 
and from Ez. xxvii. 7 we learn that the latter were 
often made of Egyptian linen. In Ez. xxvii. 29, 
oars are distinctly mentioned ; and it seems that 
oak-wood from Bashan was used in making them. 
In Is. xxxiii. 21 we have "galley with oars," literally 
a ship of oar, i. e. an oared vessel. Another feature 
of the ancient, as of the modern ship, is the flag at 
the top of the mast. (Ensign.) (7.) Rate of Sail- 
ing. St. Paul's voyages furnish excellent data for 
approximately estimating this ; and they are quite 
in harmony with what we learn from other sources. 
We must notice here, however (what commentators 
sometimes curiously forget), that winds are variable. 
Thus the voyage between Troas and Philippi, ac- 
complished on one occasion (Acts xvi. 11, 12) in 
two days, occupied on another occasion (xx. 6) five 
days. With a fair wind an ancient ship would sail 
fully seven miles an hour (xxvii. 2, 3, xxviii. 13). 
(8.) Sailing before the wind, and near the wind. 
The rig which has been described is, like the rig of 
Chinese junks, peculiarly favorable to a quick run 
before the wind (xvi. 11, xxvii. 16). It would, how- 
ever, be a great mistake to suppose that ancient 
ships could not work to windward. The superior 
rig and build, however, of modern ships enable 
them to sail nearer to the wind than was the case 
in classical times. A modern ship, if the weather 
is not very boisterous, will sail within six points of 
the wind (the whole circle of the compass-card be- 
ing divided into thirty-two equal parts or points). 
65 



To an ancient vessel, of which the hull was more 
clumsy, and the yards could not be braced so tight, 
it would be safe to assign seven points as the limit 
(compare xx. 6, xxvii. 3-8, xxviii. 12, 13). (9.) 
Ly'mg-to. A ship that could make progress on her 
proper course, in moderate weather, when sailing 
within seven points of the wind, would lie-to in a 
gale, with her length making about the same angle 
with the direction of the wind. This is done when 
the object is, not to make progress at all hazards, 
but to ride out a gale in safety ; and this was done 
in St. Paul's ship when she was undergirded and 
the boat taken on board (xxvii. 14-17) under the 
lee of Clauda. The wind was E. N. E. (Eurocly- 
don), the ship's bow would point N. by W., the 
direction of drift (six points being added for lee- 
way) would be W. by N., and the rate of drift about 
a mile and a half an hour. (10.) Ship's Boat. This 
appears prominently in the narrative of the voyage 
(xxvii. 16, 32). Every large merchant-ship must 
have had one or more boats. It is evident that the 
Alexandrian corn-ship in which St. Paul was sailing 
from Fair Havens, and in which the sailors, appre- 
hending no danger, hoped to reach Phenice, had 
her boat towing behind, but it was taken on board 
with difficulty under the lee of Clauda. When the 
ship was at anchor the night before she was run 
aground, the sailors lowered the boat from the da- 
vits with the selfish desire of escaping, on which 
St. Paul spoke to the soldiers, who cut the ropes and 
the boat fell off. (11.) Officers and Crew. In Acts 
xxvii. 1 1 we have both " master " (Gr. kubernetes ; 
" shipmaster " in Rev. xviii. 17) and " owner of the 
ship " (Gr. naukleros). The latter is the owner (in 
part or in whole) of the ship or the cargo, receiving 
also (possibly) the fares of the passengers. The 
former has the charge of the steering. In Jas. iii. 
4 " the governor " (Gr. euthunon) is simply the 
steersman for the moment. The word for " ship- 
men " (Acts xxvii. 27, 30) and " sailors " (Rev. xviii. 
17) is simply the plural of the usual Greek term 
naules - shipman, sailor, seaman, Rbn. iV. T. Lex. 
In Ez. xxvii. 8 ff. they are called " mariners," " row- 
ers " in ver. 26, &c.' (12.) Storms and Shipwrecks. 
The first century of the Christian era was a time of 
immense traffic in the Mediterranean ; and many 
vessels must have been lost there every year by 
shipwreck, and (perhaps) as many by foundering. 
This last danger would be much increased by the 
form of rig described above. Besides this, the an- 
cients had no compass, and very imperfect charts 
and instruments, if any at all ; and, dependent 
as they were on the heavenly bodies, the danger 
was much greater than now in bad weather, 
when the sky was overcast, and " neither sun 
nor stars in many days appeared " (Acts xxvii. 
20). Hence, also the winter season was consid- 
ered dangerous, and, if possible, avoided (9). Cer- 
tain coasts were much dreaded, especially the Af- 
rican Syrtis (" Quicksands," 17). The danger in- 
dicated by breakers (29), and the fear of falling 
on rocks, are matters of course. St. Paul's experi- 
ence seems to have been full of illustrations of all 
these perils. We learn from 2 Cor. xi. 25 that, be- 
fore the voyage to Rome, he had been three times 
wrecked, and once " a night and a day in the deep," 
probably floating on a spar. These circumstances 
give force to his metaphor of a " shipwreck " (1 Tim. 



1 The Heb. hobel or ckSbel, translated in A. V. "pilot" 
(Ez. xxvii. 8, 27-29), Gesenius makes = a shipman, sailor ; 
Fiirst renders a steersman. 



KiL'O 



SHI 



SHI 



i. 19) ia speaking of those who had apostatized from I 
the faith. We may here notice the caution with 
which, on the voyage from Troas to Patara (Acts 
xx. 13-16, xxi. 1), the sailors anchored for the niglit 
during the period of dark moon, in the intricate pas- 
sages between the islands and the main ; the evident 
acquaintance of the sailors of the Adramyttian ship 
with the currents on the coasts of Syria and Asia 
Minor (xxvii. 2-5); and the provision for taking 
soundings in case of danger, the measurements being 
apparently the same as those customary with us 
(28). (13.) Boats on the Sea of Galilee. In the nar- 
rutives of the call of the disciples to be " fishers of 
men" (Mat iv. 18-22; Mk. i. 16-20; Lk. v. 1-11), 
there is no special information concerning the char- 
acteristics of these boats. In the account of the 
storm and the miracle on the lake (Mat. viii. 23-27; 
Mk. iv. 35-41; Lk. viii. 22-25), it is instructive to 
compare the three narratives; and we observe that 
Luke is more technical in his language than Mat- 
thew, and Mark than Luke. Mark mentions the 
" pillow," or boatman's cushion on which our Sav- 
iour was sleeping. With the large population round 
the Lake of Tiberias, there must have been a vast 
number both of tishing-boats and pleasure-boats of 
various sizes, and boat-building must have been an 
active trade on its shores. Josephus (i?. J. ii. §§8- 
10) collected for an expedition against Tiberias all 
the boats on the lake, 230 in number, but put only 
four men in each. (Gennesaret, Sea of.) (14.) 
Merchant-Shi [js in the 0. T. The earliest passages 
where seafaring is alluded to in the 0. T. are — Gen. 
xlix. 13, in the prophecy of Jacob concerning Zebu- 
lun ; Num. xxiv. 24, in Balaam's prophecy; Deut. 
xxviii. 08, in one of the warnings of Moses ; Judg. 
v. 17, in Deborah's Song. Next after thrse it is nat- 
ural to mention the illustrations and descriptions 
connected with this subject in Job ix. 26 ; and in 
Psalms xlviii. 7, civ. 26, cvii. 23. To these add 
Prov. xxiii. 34, xxx. 19, xxxi. 14. Solomon's own 
6hips may have suggested some of these illustrations 
(1 K. ix. 26; 2 Chr. viii. 18, ix. 21). We must no- 
tice the disastrous expedition of Jehoshaphat's ships 
from Ezion-geber (1 K. xxii. 48, 49 ; 2 Chr. xx. 36, 
37). The passages which remain are in the proph- 
ets (Is. ii. 16, xxiii. 1, 14, xliii. 14, lx. 9; Ez. xxvii.; 
Jon. i. 3-16). In Dan. xi. 40 we touch the subject 
of ships-of-war. (15.) Shipa-of-W'ar in the Apocry- 
pha. Military operations both by land and water 
are prominent subjects in the Books of Maccabees 
(1 Mc. viii. 23-32; 2 Mc. iv. 20). " Ships-of-war" 
are mentioned in 1 Mc. xv. 3. and "galleys" in 2 
Mc. iv. 20. The monument erected by Simon Macca- 
beus on his father's grave at Moms had on it, with 
other ornaments and military symbols, " ships 
carved, that they might be seen of all that sail on 
the sea " (1 Mc. xiii. 29). At Joppa, the resident 
Jews, with wives and children, 200 in number, were 
induced to go into boats and were drowned (2 Mc. 
xii. 3, 4). Some allusion to seafaring is also made 
in Wis. v. 10, xiv. 1 ; Ecclus. xxxiii. 2, xliii. 24 ; 1 
Esd. iv. 23. Accho; Commerce; Fish; Joppa; 
Noah ; Paul ; Phexicta ; Red Sea ; Sea ; Sea, the 
Great; Tarshish; Ttre; Wind; Zido.v, &c. 

Shi'phi, or Slliph'i (Heb. abundant, Ges.), father 
of Ziza, a Simeonite prince in Hezekiah's time(l Chr. 
iv. 37). 

Shiph'mite (fr. Heb.), the, probably = the native 
wf Shepham (so Mr. Grove): Gesenius makes it = 
one from Siphmoth (1 Chr. xxvii. 27). 

Shiph'rah (Heb. = brightness, beauty? R. S. 
Poole), one of the two midwives of the Hebrews who 



disobeyed the command of Pharaoh to kill the male 
children (Ex. i. 16-21). Puaii 3. 

Shipli'ton (Heb. judicial, Ges.), father of Kbmuel 
2, a prince of Ephraim (Num. xxxiv. 24). 

Mii slia (Heb., a corruption of Seraiah, Ges.), 
father of Elihoreph and Ahiah, the royal secretaries 
in the reign of Solomon (1 K. iv. 3); apparently 
Shavsha. 

Shishak (Heb. fr. — ?), king of Egypt, the 
Sheshenk I. of the monuments, first sovereign of 
the Bubastite twenty-second dynasty (so Mr. R. S. 
Poole, original author of this article). Chronology. 
The reign of Shishak offers the first determined syn- 
chronisms of Egyptian and Hebrew history. The 
Mnchronism of Shishak and Solomon, and that of 
Shishak and Rehoboam may be nearly fixed, as 
shown in article Chronology. The first year of 
Shishak would about correspond to the twenty-sixth 
of Solomon, and the twentieth to the fifth of Re- 
hoboam. The data supplied by the monuments 
would lead Mr. Poole to place the accession of She- 
shenk I. b. c. 960 or 983, or else seven years later 
than each of these dutes. The Biblical date of She- 
shenk's conquest of Judah has been computed to be 
b. c. about 969, and this having taken place in his 
twentieth year, his accession would have been B. c. 
about 988. The progress of Assyrian discovery has, 
however, induced some writers to propose to shorten 
the chronology by taking thirty-five years as the 
length of Manasseh's reign, in which case all earlier 
dates would have to be lowered twenty years. The 
proposed reduction would place the accession of 
Sheshenk I. n. c. about 968, but these data are too 
approximative for us to lay any stress upon minute 
results from them. — History. The origin of the 
royal line of which Sheshenk I. was the head is ex- 
tremely obscure. Mr. Birch's discovery that several 
of the names of the family are Shemitic has led to 
the supposition that it was of Assyrian or Babylo- 
nian origin. Lepsius gives a genealogy of Sheshenk 
I. from the tablet of Har-p-sen from the Serapeum, 
in which Sheshenk I. is the son of a chief Namuret, 
whose ancestors, excepting his mother, who is called 
" royal mother " (not as Lepsius gives it, " royal 
daughter "), are all untitled persons, and, all but the 
princess, bear foreign, apparently Shemitic names. 
But, as M. de Rouge (who would trace the line to 
that of the high-priest kings) observes, this geneal- 
ogy cannot be conclusively made out from the tablet. 
—Sheshenk I., on his accession, must have found the 
state weakened by internal strife and deprived of 
much of its foreign influence. In the time of the later 
kings of the Rameses family, two, if not three, sover- 
eigns had a real or titular authority; but before the 
accession of Sheshenk their lines had probably been 
united : certainly toward the close of the twenty-first 
dynasty a Pharaoh was powerful enough to lead an 
expedition into Palestine and capture Gezer(l K. 
ix. 16). Sheshenk took as the title of his standard, 
" He who attains royalty by uniting the two regions 
[of Egypt]." He himself probably married the heir- 
ess of the Rameses family, while his son and succes- 
sor Usarken (Zerah 3) appears to have taken to 
wife the daughter, and perhaps heiress, of the Tanite 
twenty-first dynasty. Probably it was not until late 
in his reign that he was able to carry on the foreign 
wars of the earlier king who captured Gezer. It is 
observable that we trace a change of dynasty in the 
policy that induced Sheshenk at the beginning of 
his reign to receive the fugitive Jeroboam (1 K. xi. 
40). The king of Egypt does not seem to have com- 
menced hostilities during the powerful reign of Sol- 



SHI 

oraon. It was not until the division of the tribes, 
that, probably at the instigation of Jeroboam, he 
attacked Rehoboam. The following particulars of 
this war are related in the Bible : " In the fifth year 
of king Rehoboam, Shishak king of Egypt came up 
against Jerusalem, because they had transgressed 
against the Lord, with twelve hundred chariots, and 
threescore thousand horsemen : and the people 
[were] without number that came with him out of 
Egypt; the Lubim, the Sukkiim, and the Cushim. 
And he took the fenced cities which [pertained] to 
Judah, and came to Jerusalem " (2 Chr. xii. 2-4). 
Shishak did not pillage Jerusalem, but exacted all 
the treasures of his city from Rehoboam, and appar- 
ently made him tributary (5, 9-12, especially 8). 
The narrative in Kings mentions only the invasion 
and the exaction (1 K. xiv. 25, 26). The strong 
cities of Rehoboam were thus enumerated : " And 
Rehoboam dwelt in Jerusalem, and built cities for 
defence in Judah. He built even Beth-lehem, and 
Etam, and Tekoa, and Beth-zur, and Shoco, and 
Adullam, and Gath, and Mareshah, and Ziph, and 
Adoraim, and Lachish, and Azekah, and Zorah, and 
Aijalon, and Hebron, which [are] in Judah and in 
Benjamin fenced cities" (2 Chr. xi. 5-10). Shishak 
has left a record of this expedition, sculptured on a 
wall of the great temple of El-Karnak. (Thebes.) 
It is a list of the countries, cities, and tribes, con- 
quered or ruled by him, or tributary to him. In this 
list Champollion recognized a name which he trans- 
lated incorrectly " the kingdom of Judah," and was 
thus led to trace the names of certain cities of Pal- 
estine. Of these Dr. Brugsch and Mr. Poole agree 
in identifying the names of Taanach, Shunem, Re- 
hob, Haphraim, Adoraim, Mahanaim, Gibeon, Beth- 
horon, Kedemoth, Aijalon, Megiddo, Bileam or Ib- 
leam, Alemeth, Shoco, Beth-tappuah, Hagarites, 
Ncgeb (= the South of Judah), &c. The list contains 
three classes of names mainly grouped together — 
(1.) Levitical and Canaanite cities of Israel; (2.) 
cities of Judah; (3.) Arab tribes S. of Palestine. 
It is evident that Jeroboam was not at once firmly 
established, and that the Levites especially held to 
Rehoboam. Therefore it may have been Jeroboam's 
policy to employ Shishak to capture their cities. 
From the part of the list where the cities in Reho- 
boam's actual territory occur fourteen names have 
been erased. — The Pharaohs of the empire passed 
through northern Palestine to push their conquests 
to the Euphrates and Mesopotamia. Shishak, prob- 
ably unable to attack the Assyrians, attempted the 
subjugation of Palestine and the tracts of Arabia 
which border Egypt, knowing that the Arabs would 
interpose an effectual resistance to any invader of 
Egypt. He seems to have succeeded in consolida- 
ting his power in Arabia, and we accordingly find 
Zerah in alliance with the people of Gerar, if we may 
infer this from their sharing his overthrow. 

Sllit'rai, or Shit'ra-i (Heb. understanding letters or 
books ? Ges. ; J'di is arbitrator, Ftt.), a Sharonite who 
was over David's herds that fed in Sharon (1 Chr. 
xxvii. 29). 

Shit' tali-trec, Shit'tim (Heb. shilldh, pi. shittim, see 
beloiv), is without doubt correctly referred to some 
species of Acacia, a genus of leguminous trees or 
shrubs, of which three or four species occur in the 
Bible lands. The wood of this tree — perhaps the 
Acacia Seyal is more definitely signified — was ex- 
tensively employed in the construction of the taber- 
nacle, ark of the covenant, table of shew-brcad, al- 
tars, &c. (Ex. xxv., xxvi., xxxvi., xxxvii., xxxviii.). 
T i'C Egyptian name of the Acacia is sonl, sant, otsanth. 



shi 1027 

"The wild acacia {Mimosa [or Acacia'] Nilolica), un- 
der the name of sont, everywhere represents the 
seneh or senna of the Burning Bush " (Stanley, 21). 
The Hebrew term is, by Jablonski, Celsius, &c., de- 
rived from the Egyptian word. The Shiltah-tree of 
Scripture is by some thought to refer more espe- 
cially to the Acacia Seyal, though perhaps the 





Shittah-tree (Acacia Seyal). 



Acacia Nilolica and Acacia Arabica may be included 
under the term. The Acacia Seyal is very common 
in some parts of the peninsula of Sinai. These trees 
are more common in Arabia than in Palestine, 
though there is a valley on the W. side of the Dead 
Sea, the Wady Seydl, which derives its name from a 
few acacia-trees there. The Acacia Seyal, like the 
Acacia Arabica, yields the well-known substance 
called gurn arabic which is obtained by incisions in 
the bark, but it is impossible to say whether the an- 
cient Jews were acquainted with its use. From the 
tangled thickets into which the stem of this tree ex- 
pands, Stanley well remarks that hence is to be 
traced the use of the plural Shittim, the singular 
number occurring once only in the Bible. Be- 
sides the Acacia Seyal, another species, the Acacia 
tortilis, is common on Mount Sinai. Although none 
of the above-named trees are sufficiently large to 
yield planks ten cubits long by one and a half cubits 
-wide, which was the size of the boards that formed 
the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxvi. 21), an acacia that grows 
near Cairo, the Acacia Serissa, would supply boards 
of the required size. There is, however, no evidence 
that this tree ever grew in the peninsula of Sinai, 
and there is no necessity to limit the meaning of the 
Heb. keresh (translated " board ") to a single plank 
(comp. its collective sense in " benches," Ez. xxvii. 
6; and our on board), but it may denote " two or 
more boards joined together" (so Mr. Houghton). 
These acacias, which arc for the most part tropical 
plants, must not be confounded with the leguminous 
tree (Iiobinia pseudo-acacia), popularly known in 
England as the acacia-tree, which is usually called in 



1D-2S 



SHI 



SHU 



the United States the locust-tree, and belongs to 
the sub-order Papilionacea. The true acacias, most 
of which possess hard and durable wood, belong to 
the sub-order JJimosece. 

Sllit'tim (Ileb. acacias, Ges. ; see above), the place 
of Israel's encampment between the conquest of the 
Transjordanic highlands and the passage of the Jor- 
dan (Num. xxxiii. 49, xxv. ] ; Josh. ii. 1, iii. 1 ; Mic. 
vi. 6). Its full name appears to be given in the first 
passage — Abel-siuttim = the meadow (or moist 
place) of the acacias. It was in the Arabah or Jor- 
dan Valley, opposite Jericho. The " valley of Shit- 
tim " (Valley 3) of Joel iii. 18 is thought by most 
interpreters lobe the valley through which the Kin- 
kos Hows to the Dead Sea (Henderson). 

" Sliit tim-wood = the wood of the Siiittaii-trke. 

Sill za ( Heb. loved, Ges.; brightness, Fii.), a Rcu- 
benite, father of Adina (1 Chr. xi. 42). 

Mid a ll' I'., -' r below ), .i proper name which oc- 
curs only in Ez. xxiii. 23, in connection with Pkkod 
and Koa. The three apparently designate districts 
of Assyria with which the southern kingdom of 
Judah had been intimately connected, and which 
were to be arrayed against it for punishment. Rashi 
remarks on Pekod, Shoa, and Koa, " The interpret- 
ers say that they signify officers, princes, and 
rulers." Gesenius takes them as appellatives, mak- 
ing f Ada' = rich, opulent; and Fiirst makes them 
proper nanus. Those who take Shoa as an appella 
tive refer to the usage of the word in Job xxxiv. 19 
(A. V. " rich ") and Is. xxxii. 5 (A. V. " bountiful "). 
But a consideration of the latter part of Ez. xxiii. 
23, and the fondness which Ezekiel elsewhere shows 
for playing upon the sound of proper names (as in 
xxvii. 10, xxx. 5), lead to the conclusion that in this 
case Pekod, Shoa, and Koa are proper names also 
(so Mr. Wright, original author of this article). The 
only name which has been found at all resembling 
Shoa is that of a town in Assyria, mentioned by Pliny, 
" Sue in rupibus " (i. e. Sue in the rocks), near 
Gaugamela, and W. of the Orontes mountain-chain. 

Sho bab (Heb. apostate, rebellious, Ges.). 1. Son 
of David by Bath-sheba (2 Sam. v. 14 ; 1 Chr. iii. 5, 
xiv. 4). — 2. Son of Caleb 1 by his wife Azubah (ii. 
18). 

Sho bath [-bak] (Heb. pouring, Ges.), the general 
of Hadarezer, king of the Syrians of Zobah, who 
was defeated by David at Helam. Shobach was 
wounded, and died on the field (2 Sam. x. 15-18). 
In 1 Chr. xix. 16, 18, he is called Shophach. 

Sho bai, or §ho'ba-i (Heb. taking captive, Ges.), an- 
cestor of certain porters or doorkeepers of the 
Temple, who returned with Zerubbabel ( Ezr. ii. 42; 
Neh. vii. 45). 

She bal (Heb. flowing, or a shoot? Ges.). 1. Second 
son of Seir the Horite'(Gen. xxxvi. 20 ; 1 Chr. i. 38) ; 
a " dcke " or phylarch of the Horites (Gen. xxxvi. 
29).— 2. Son of Caleb the son of Hur, and " father " 
or founder of Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 50, 52). — 3.. 
One of the " sons " or descendants of Judah ; father 
of Reaiah (iv. 1, 2) ; possibly = No. 2. 

Sho'bek (Heb. forsaking, Ges.), a chief of the 
people who sealed the covenant with Xeberoiah 
(Xeh. x. 24). 

She'bi (Heb. = Shobai, Ges.), son of Xahash of : 
Rabbah of the children of Ammon (2 Sam. xvii. 
27). He was one of the first to meet David at Ma- 
hanaim on his flight from Absalom, and brought 
him supplies of food, &c. 

Sho'co (fr. Heb.) = Socoh (2 Chr. xi. 7). 

Sho'cho [-ko] (fr. Heb.) = Socoh(2 Chr. xxviii. 18). 

Sho'choh [-ko] (fr. Heb.) = Socoh (1 Sam. xvii. 1). 



Sho'ham (Heb. = onyx, A.V.), a Mcrarite Levite, 
son of Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27). 
Shoe [shoo]. Sandal. 

Sho'mer(lleb. «Xv<y«T,Gcs.). 1, An Asherite (1 
Chr. vii. 32) ; = Shamer 2. — 2. Mother (so Gesenius, 
Fiirst, &c.) of Jehozabad, who slew King Joash (2 
K. xii. 21); = Siiimrith. 

Sho phalli [-fak] (Heb.) = Shobach (1 Chr. xix. 
16, 18). 

Sho phan (Heb. hidden?; nakedness, bareness, Fii.), 
one of the fortified towns E. of Jordan rebuilt by 
the tribe of Gad (Num. xxxii. 35). Atroth. * 

Sho-shau nim I Ileb., see below). "To the chief 
musician upon Shoshannim " is a musical direction 
in Ps. xlv., 1 xix., to the leader of the Temple-choir, 
and most probably indicates the melody after or in 
the manner of (A. V. "upon") which the Psalms 
were to be sung (so Mr. Wright). As " Shoshan- 
nim " literally - " lilies," it has been suggested 
that the word denotes lily-shaped instruments of 
music (Simonis), perhaps cymbals. Hengstenbcrg 
and J. A. Alexander regard this and analogous ex- 
pressions as having respeel to the subject or eon- 
tents, lilies in Ps. xlv. being a natural emblem of 
female beauty, and in lxix. referring to the delight- 
ful consolations and deliverances experienced or 
hoped for. Ben Zcb regards Shoshannim as an in- 
strument of psalmody, and Junius and Tremellius, 
after Kimchi, render it hexachorda, an instrument 
with six strings, referring it to the Heb. root shesh 
— six. Music ; Poetry, Hebrew ; Shoshannim- 
EDUTH ; Shusiian-ebuth. 

Mio-shan'nlni-e duth (Heb., see below). In the 
title of Ps. lxxx.is found the direction "to the chief 
musician upon Shoshannim-eduth," which appears, 
according to the most probable conjecture, to denote 
the melody or air after or in the manner of 'which the 
I 'sal m w as to be sung. As the words now stand in 
Hebrew they signify " lilies, a testimony," and the 
two are separated by a large distinctive accent. In 
themselves they have no meaning in the present 
text, and must therefore be regarded as probably a 
fragment of the beginning of an older I'salm with 
which the choir were familiar (so Mr. Wright). 
Prof. J. A. Alexander renders the words, "As to 
lilies. A testimony." Shoshannim. 

" Shov el I shuv'l]. Agriculture; Altar. 

"Show'er. Rain. 

* Shrinesi Ephesus § 2. 

Slin a (Heb. riches, Ges.). 1. A Canaanite of 
Adullam, father of Judah's wife (1 Chr. ii. 3); = 
Shu ah 3. — 2. Daughter of Ileber, an Asherite (vii. 

32). 

Mm ah (Heb. pit, Ges.; see No. 3). I. Son of 
Abraham by Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2; 1 Chr. i. 32). 
I Sin iiiTE.) — 2. A descendant of Judah; brother of 
Chelub (iv. 1 1 ). — 3. i fr. Heb.) = Shua, father of Ju- 
dah's wife (Gen. xxxviii. 2, 12). 

Shu'al (Heb. a fox or jackal, Ges.), an Asherite 
chief, son of Zophah (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Shu'al (see above), the Land of, a district named 
only in 1 Sam. xiii. 17. It is pretty certain from 
the passage that the land of Shual lay N. of Mich- 
mash. If therefore it be identical with the " land 
of Shalim " (1 Sam. ix. 4) — as is not impossible — 
we obtain the first and only clew yet obtained to 
Saul's journey in quest of the asses (so Mr. Grove). 
The name Shual has not yet been identified. 

Shu'ba-el [-ba-el or -bel ; compare Michael] (Heb. 
= Shebuel, Ges.). 1. Shebuel 1 the son of Ger- 
shom (1 Chr. xxiv. 20). — 2. Shebuel 2 the son of 
Heman (xxv. 20). 



SHU 



SHU 



1029 



Slin'lum (Heb. pit-digger? Ges.), son of Dan, and 
ancestor of the Shuhamites (Num. xxvi. 42) ; = 
Hushim 1. 

Sim ham-ites, tlie = the descendants of Shuham, 
or Hushim, the son of Dan (Num. xxvi. 42, 43). 

Shu'llite (fr. Heb. = descendant of Shuah 1, Ges., 
Rln., &c). This ethnic appellative " Shuhite " is 
frequent in the Book of Job, but only as the epithet 
of Bildad. The local indications of the Book of 
Job point to a region on the western side of Chil- 
dea, bordering on Arabia ; and exactly in this local- 
ity, above Hit and on both sides of the Euphrates, 
are found, in the Assyrian inscriptions, the Tsuktii, 
a powerful people. It is probable that these were 
the Shuhites (so Rawlinson). 

Sha'lam-ite (fr. Heb., see below), the, one of the 
personages in the poem of Solomon's Song (vi. 13). 
The name denotes a woman belonging to a place 
called Shulem. The only place bearing that name 
of which we have any knowledge is Shunem. Hence 
Mr. Grove supposes that the Shulamite who was the 
object of Solomon's passion was Abishag. Can- 
ticles. 

Shu'ni ltll-ites (fr, Heb. sing, — native [or descend- 
ant] of Shumah |= garlic], a place or person other- 
wise unknown, Ges.), the, one of the four families 
who sprang from Kirjath-jearim (1 Chr. ii. 53). 

Shu uaiu-inite (fr. Heb.), the — the native of 
Shunejk, as is plain from 2 K. iv. 1. It is applied 
to two persons : — Abishag, the nurse of King David 
(1 K. i. 3, 15, ii. 17, 21, 22), and the nameless host- 
ess of Elisha (2 K. iv. 12, 25, 36). 

Sha'nem (Heb. two resting-places? Ges.), a city of 
Issachar (Josh. xix. 18), named between Chesulloth 
and Haphraim. It was the place of the Philistines' 
encampment before the battle of Gilboa (1 Sam. 
xxviii.4), the residence of the Shunammite woman 
who showed hospitality to Elisha and whose son 
was restored to life by him (2 K. iv. 8), and the na- 
tive place of Abishag (IK. i. 3). By Eusebius and 
Jerome it is mentioned twice: as five miles S. of 
Mount Tabor, and then known as Salem ; and as a 
village in the territory of Sebaste (Samaria) called 
Sanim. The latter of these two identifications 
probably refers to SAnur (Bethulia ?). The other 
has more in its favor, ami nearly agrees with the 
position of .the present Solam, a village on the south- 
western flank of Jebel Duhy (Little Hermon), three 
miles N. of Jezreel, five miles from Gilboa (Jebel 
Fuku'a), full in view of the sacred spot on Mount 
Carmel, and situated in the midst of the finest corn- 
fields in the world. Robinson and most writers 
identify Shunem with 861am, 

Shn'ni(Heb. quiet, Ges.), son of Gad, and founder 
of the family of the Shunites (Gen. xlvi. 16 ; Num. 
xxvi. 15). 

Sha'nites, the = the descendants of Shuni (Num. 
xxvi. 15). 

Sha'pham (fr. Heb. Shephuphdm = Shephuphan, 
Ges.). Shuppim. 

Sha'pham-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants 
of Shupham, or Shephuphan the Benjamite (Num. 
xxvi. 39). 

Shop pim (Heb. serpents? Ges.; compare Adder 
4). I. In the genealogy of Benjamin "Shuppim 
and Huppim, (he children of Ir," are reckoned in 1 
Chr. vii. 12 (compare 15). Ir = Iri 1 the son of 
Bela the son of Ben jamin, so that Shuppim was the 
great-grandson of Benjamin. Lord A. C. Hervey 
makes Shuppim = Shupham = Shephuphan = 
Moppim, and conjectures that Shuppim or Shephu- 
phan was a son of Benjamin, whose family was reck- 



oned with that of Ir or Iri. Dr. P. Holmes (in Kitto) 
makes Shdpham = Shephuphan — Mcjppim, and 
really a grandson (Son) of Benjamin ; but regards 
Shuppim, in accordance with 1 Chr. vii., as a great- 
grandson of Benjamin and nephew of Shupham, and 
as having perhaps, on becoming the head of a 
flourishing family, taken the place of his deceased 
or obscure uncle in the organization of the Benja- 
mite clans. — 2. One of the Levite porters or door- 
keepers mentioned in 1 Chr. xxvi. 16. Bertheau, 
&c, suppose this name inserted by a copyist's error. 

Shnr(Heb. a wall), a place just without the east- 
ern border of Egypt. Hagar fled from Sarah, and 
was found by an angel " in the wilderness, by the 
fountain in the way to Shur " (Gen. xvi. 7). Abra- 
ham afterward " dwelled between Kadesh and Shur, 
and sojourned in Gerar" (xx. 1). The first clear 
indication of its position occurs in the account of 
Ishmael's posterity. " And they dwelt from Havi- 
lah unto Shur, that is before Egypt, as thou goest 
toward Assyria " (xxv. 18 ; compare 1 Sam. xv. 7, 
xxvii. 8). The wilderness of Shur was entered by 
the Israelites after they had crossed the Red Sea 
(Ex. xv. 22, 23). It was also called the Wilderness 
of Etham (Num. xxxiii. 8). Shur may have been a 
fortified town E. of the ancient head of the Red 
Sea, but in the hands of the Arabs, or at one time 
of the Philistines, not of the Egyptians. From its 
being spoken of as a limit, it was probably the last 
Arabian town before entering Egypt (so Mr. R. S. 
Poole). Rev. J. Rowlands (in Fbn.) makes the wil- 
derness of Shur = the mountain-district of which 
Jebel er-Rdhah (also called by the Arabs of the in- 
terior Jebel es-S&r), the high range about fifteen miles 
E. of Suez and running nearly N. and S., forms the 
great backbone or main range. Winer says, the 
latest authorities seem to make it the wilderness 
now called el-Jifdr, extending between the Mediter- 
ranean and Red Sea on the W. and N. W. of et- Tilt, 
from Pelusium to the southwestern border of Pales- 
tine; but this desert, seven days' journey in length, 
and consisting of white sand-drifts with few culti- 
vated spots, hardly extends as far S. as that of Shur 
in Ex. xv. 

Shn shan (Heb., see below), or Susa (L. form), 
one of the most important cities of the East, said 
to have received its name from the abundance of 
the lily (Heb. shushan) in its neighborhood. 1. 
History. It was originally the capital of the coun- 
try called in Scripture Elam, and by the classical 
writers sometimes Cissia, sometimes Susis or Susi- 
ana. The first distinct mention of the town (so 
Prof. Rawlinson, original author of the first part of 
this article) is about b. c. 660, in the inscriptions 
of Asshur-bani-pal, the son and successor of Esar- 
haddon, who states that he took the place, and ex- 
hibits a ground-plan of it upon his sculptures. We 
next find Susa in the possession of the Babylonians, 
to whom Elam had probably passed at the division 
of the Assyrian empire made by Cyaxares and Na- 
bopolassar (Dan. viii. 2). The conquest of Babylon 
by Cyrus transferred Susa to the Persian dominion ; 
and it was not long before the Achaemenian princes 
determined to make it the capital of their whole 
empire, and the chief place of their own residence. 
According to some writers, the change was made 
by Cyrus ; according to others, it had at any rate 
taken place before the death of Cambyses ; but, ac- 
cording to the evidence of the place itself and of 
the other Achaemenian monuments, it seems most 
probable that the transfer was really the work of 
Darius Hystaspis. (Darius 2; Persians.) Susa 



1030 



SHU 



SHU 



accordingly became the metropolis of Persia, and 
is recognized as such by ^Eschvlus, Herodotus, 
Ctesias, Strabo, and almost all the best writers. 
The court must have resided there the greater part 
of the year, only quitting it regularly lor Ecdatana 



or Persepolis in the height of summer, and per- 
haps sometimes for Babylon in the depth of winter. 
Susa retained its preeminence to the period of the 
Macedonian conquest. After this it declined. The 
preference of Alexander for Babylon caused the 





Mf0 



neglect of Susa by his successors, none of whom 
ever made it their capital city. It fell into the 
power of Antigonus b. c. 315. The town, but not 
the citadel, was taken by Molo in his rebellion 
against Antiochus the Great, u. c. 221. At the 



r!iin of the Ruinit of Sum or Shunlinn (modem Sv»). 

1. The high mound or citadel It) 

2. The puloce. 

3. The |rr.-iit plBtfOTm. 
4 Ruint ol the illy. 



Lrabian conquest of Persia, a. d. 640, it was bravc- 
y defended by Hormuzan. 2. Position, dec. Most 



Ar 

ly defended by . 

historians and comparative geographers have in- 
clined to identify it with the modern Sus or Sliush, 
in latitude 32° 10', longitude 48° 20' E. from Grccn- 




' of the Great Mound or Citadel fNo. 1 on the plan) of Sua. — (From Rawl 



Htrvi<im, li. 385.) 



wich, between the Shajmr and the river of Dizful. 
Some, however, have advocated the claims of Shunter, 
on the left bank of the Kuran, more than half a 
degree further E. ; others have maintained that 
Susan, on the right bank, fifty or sixty miles above 
Shnster, is, if not the classical Susa, the Shushan of 
Scripture. But most now admit that Sus is the 
representative of both Susa and Shushan. The 
Choaspes (Kerkhah | originally bifurcated at Pai Put, 
tn er.ty miles above Susa, the right arm keeping its 



present course, while the left (Eulacus = Ui.ai) 
flowed a little to the E. of Sw.s,"and, absorbing the 
Sliapur about twelve miles below the ruins, flowed 
on somewhat E. of S., and joined the Karum (Pasi- 
tigris) at Ahwaz. Susa thus lay between the Eulacus 
and the Shajmr, the latter, probably joined by ca- 
nals, being reckoned a part of the Eulaeus. (See 
map under Euphrates.) A few miles E. and W. of 
the city were two other streams — the Coprates or 
river of Dizful, and the right arm of the Choaspes 



SHU 



SHU 



1031 



(the modern Kerkhah). Thus the country about 
Susa was most abundantly watered and fertile. 3. 
General Description of the Ruins. The ruins of 
Susa cover a space about 6,000 feet long from E. to 
W., by 4,500 feet broad from N. to S. The circum- 
ference of the whole, exclusive of outlying and com- 
paratively insignificant mounds, is about three miles. 
According to Mr. Loftus, " the principal existing 
remains consist of four spacious artificial platforms, 
distinctly separate -from each other. Of these the 
western mound (No. 1 on the plan) is the smallest 
in superficial extent, but considerably the most lofty 

and important Its highest point is 119 feet 

above the level of the Shaour (Shapiir). In form 
it is an irregular, obtuse-angled triangle, with its 
corners rounded off, and its base facing nearly due 
E. It is apparently constructed of earth, gravel, 
and sun-dried brick, sections being exposed in nu- 
merous ravines produced by the rains of winter. The 
sides are so perpendicular as to be inaccessible to a 

horseman, except at three places In the 

centre is a deep circular depression, probably a 
large court, surrounded by elevated piles of build- 
ings, the fall of which has given the present config- 
uration to the surface." Mr. Loftus regards this 
mound as indubitably the remains of the famous 
citadel of Susa. " Separated from the citadel on 
the W. by a channel or ravine, the bottom of which 
is on a level with the external desert, is the great 
central platform, covering upward of sixty acres 
(No. 3 on the plan). The highest point is on the 
S., where it presents generally a perpendicular es- 
carpment to the plain, and rises to an elevation of 
about seventy feet ; on the E. and N. it does not 

exceed forty or fifty feet Enormous ravines 

penetrate to the very heart of the mound." The 
third platform (No. 2 on the plan) lies toward the 
N., and is a square mass, about 1,000 feet each way. 
It abuts on the central platform at its northwestern 
extremity, but is separated by a slight hollow, per- 
haps an ancient roadway. These three mounds 
form together a lozenge-shaped mass, 4,500 feet 
long, and nearly 3,000 broad. E. of them is the 






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Plan of the Great Palace of Susa. 



fourth platform (No. 4 on the plan), very extensive, 
but irregular, and much lower than the rest. Be- 
yond this, a number of low mounds are traceable, 
extending nearly to the Dizfnl River ; but there 



are no remains of walls in any direction, and no 
marks of any buildings W. of the Shapur, All the 
ruins are contained in a circumference of about 
seven miles. — Architecture 
(originally by Mr. Fergus- 
son). The explorations of 
General (afterward Sir Fen- 
wick) Williams, in 1851, 
resulted in the discovery 
of the bases of three col- 
umns, marked 5, 6, and 7, 
on the plan of the Great 
Palace. In 1852, Mr. Lof- 
tus ascertained the position 
of all the seventy-two col- 
umns of the original build- 
ing. On the bases of four 
of these columns (marked 
1, 2, 3, 4) were found tri- 
lingual inscriptions like 
those at Behistun (Per- 
sians), according to which, 
as read by Mr. Edwin Nor- 
ris, the palace was built 
by Darius Hystaspis and 
repaired by Artaxerxes 
Longimanus. It consisted, 
like that at Persepolis, of 
a central hall, about 200 
feet square, and three great 
porches on the exterior of 
this and separated from it 
by walls 18 feet thick, these 
porches (each 200 feet w'de ^"J^, )"^' ' 

by 65 deep, aild Supported Susa. ByJ.Fergusson,Esq.;from 

by 12 columns) being be- one mluie by Mr - churchm - 
yond doubt the great audience-halls of the palace. 
The central hall was probably used for all great 
semi-religious ceremonies, such as the coronation 
or enthronization of the king, returning thanks or 
making offerings to the gods for victories, &c. The 
" King's Gate," where Mordecai sat (Esth. ii. 21), was 
probably a hall, measuring about 100 feet square,with 
its roof supported by four pillars in the centre, 
and standing about 150 or 200 feet from the 
front of the northern portico. The inner 
court, where Esther appeared to implore the 
king's favor (v. 1), was probably the space 
between this northern portico and this square 
building, the outer court being the space be- 
tween the " King's Gate " and the nortliern 
terrace wall. The " Royal House " (i. 9) and 
the " House of the Women " (ii. 9, 11) were 
probably situated behind this great hall to 
q the S., or between it and the citadel, and 
communicating directly with it either by a 
O O bridge over the ravine, or (less probably) by 
a covered way under ground. Probably also 
C O ; n f ron t of one of the lateral porticoes of this 
building, King Ahasuerus made his great 
seven days' feast, in tents erected " in the 
O court of the garden of the king's palace " (i. 
5, 6). The whole of this great group of 
buildings was raised on an artificial mound 
, t . (No. 2 on the plan above), about 1,000 feet 
square, and apparently 50 or 60 feet above 
the plain. As the principal building must 
have had a raised platform above its roof, 
its height could not have been less than 100 or 
120 feet, and its elevation above the plain 170 or 
200 feet. It would be difficult to conceive of any 
thing much grander in an architectural point of 



C O 



O C 



iu;;2 



mu- 



sic 



view than such a building, rising to such a height 
out of a group of subordinate palace-buildings, 
interspersed with trees and shrubs, and the whole 
based on such a terrace, rising from the flat but 
fertile plains watered by the Eultcus at its base. 

Shu sliau-e dutli (Heb., see below). "To the chief 
musician upon Shushan-eduth" (Ps. lx.) is plainly a 
musical direction (so Mr. Wright). In I's. lxxx. we 
have "Shosiiaxm.m-k.duth," of which Rocdiger re- 
gards Shushan-eduth as an abbreviation. As it 
now stands it denotes " the lily of testimony," and 
possibly contains the first words of some Psalm to 
the melody of which Ps. lx. was sung. Some re- 
gard Shushan-eduth as a musical instrument, lily- 
shaped, or having lily-shaped ornaments, or six- 
stringod. According to Simonis, Shushan-eduth in- 
dicates that the lily-shaped cymbals were to be 
accompanied with playing on the lute. Prof. J. A. 
Alexander makes it an enigmatical inscription — "on 
the lily of testimony " representing the theme of the 
psalm to be the beauty of the Law, or something 
lovely in it, with reference most probably to the 
gracious promise cited from it and to Deut. xxxi. 
19. Mr. Wright regards it as a fragment of an old 
psalm or melody, like Auklktii Siiahar and others, 
which contained a direction to the leader of the 
choir. 

Shu tlial-hites(fr. Heb.), the = the descendants 
of Siu thu aii the son of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35). 

Mill I ll 0-1 11 1 1 (Ili li /mist <./' Iii-iak\n<i ( tics ), head 
of an Ephraimitc family, called after him Shuthal- 
hites (Num. xxvi. 35), and lineal ancestor of Joshua 
the son of Nun (1 Chr. vii. 20-27). Shuthelah ap- 
pears from the former passage to be a son of 
Ephraim, and the father of Eran, from whom sprang 
a family of Eranites (ver. 36). He also had two 
brothers, Bechkr (Beriaii 2), father of the Bach- 
rites, and Tahan, father of the Tahanites. But in 
1 Chr. vii. Shuthelah appears in ver. 20 (as in Num.) 
as the son of Ephraim ; while in ver. 21 he is placed 
six generations later. From the recurrence of other 
names, too, Lord A. C. Hervey concludes that the 
text in 1 Chr. vii. is corrupt, and makes the follow- 
ing observations : a. The names that are repeated 
over and over again, either in identical or in slightly 
varied forms, represent probablv only one person. 
Hence Eladah (ver. 20) = Elead (ver. 21) = Laadan 
(ver. 26) = Eran (Num. xxvi. 36) ; the two Tahaths 
(1 Chr. vii. 20) and Tahan (ver. 25) = Tahan in Num. 
xxvi. 35 ; Bered (1 Chr. vii. 20) = Zabad (ver. 21) 
= BecherfNum. xxvi. 35) ; Shuthelah in 1 Chr. vii. 20 
and 21, and Telah in ver. 25, are the Shuthelah of 
Num. xxvi. 35, 86. b. The words "his son" are 
improperly added after Bered and Tahath in 1 Chr. 
vii. 20. c. Tahan is improperly inserted in 1 Chr. 
vii. 25 as a son of Shuthelah, as appears from Num. 
xxvi. 35, 36. According to Lord A. C. Hervey, 
therefore, Shuthelah's line may be thus restored : 
(1.) Joseph. (2.) Ephraim. (3.) Shuthelah. (4.) 
Eran, or Laadan. (5.) Ammihud. (6.) Elishama, 
eaptain of the host of Ephraim (Num. i. 10, ii. 18, 
vii. 48). (7.) Nun. (8.) Joshua. — As regards the 
destruction of Ephraim's sons by the men of Gath, 
which Ewald and Bunsen refer to the time of the 
sojourn of the Israelites in Goshen, it is impos- 
sible to speak positively as to the part borne in it 
by the house of Shuthelah. Still, putting together 
the difficulties in understanding the passage of the 
literal Ephraim, and his literal sons and daughter, 
with the facts that the settlements of the Ephraim- 
ites in the mountainous district where Beth-horon, 
Gezer, Timnath-serah, &c, lay, were exactly suited 



for a descent upon the plains of the Philistine coun- 
try where the men of Gath fed their cattle, and 
that the Ephraimites encountered a successful op- 
position from the Canaanites in Gezer (Josh. xvi. 
10; Judg. i. 29), and apparently called in later the 
Benjamites to help them in driving away the men 
of Gath (1 Chr. viii. 13), it seems best (so Lord A. 
('. Hervey) to understand the narrative as of the 
limes after the entrance into Canaan. Bechkr 1; 
Bkkiab 2 ; Ephraim. 

'Shut tli'. Handicraft; Weaving. 

Sl'a (Heb. congregation, Ges.), ancestor of a family 
of Ncthinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. 
vii. IT); = Si aha in Ezr. ii. 44, and Sun in 1 Esd. 
v. 29. 

Si a-lia (Heb.) = Sia (Ezr. ii. 44). 

Sib'be-eaJ (fr. Heb.) = Sibbechai the Hushathitc 
(2 Sam. xxi. 18; 1 Chr. xxvii. 11). 

Sib be-ill ill (Heb. thicket of Jehovah, I. e. crowd of 
God's people, Ges.), one of David's " valiant men," 
and captain for the eighth month of 24,000 men of 
the king's army (1 Chr. xi. 29, xxvii. 11). He be- 
I to one of the principal families of Judah, the 
Zai hiirs, or descendants of Zcrah, and is called " the 
lh shathite," probably from the place of his birth. 
Sibbechai's great exploit, which gave him a place 
among the mighty men of David's army, was his 
single combat with Saph, or Sippai, the Philistine 
giant, in the battle of Gezer, or Gob (2 Sam. xxi. 18 ; 
1 Chr. xx. 4). Mebunnai. 

Sib bo-let Ii (Heb.), the Ephraimite pronunciation 
of the word Shibboleth (Judg. xii. 6). 

Sib mall (Heb. coo/mss or fragrance, Ges.), one of 
the towns E. of Jordan, taken and occupied by the 
tribe of Reuben (Josh. xiii. 19); = Shibmah, and 
probably Sheiiam. Like most of the Transjordanic 
places, Sibmah disappears from view during the 
main part of the Jewish history. In the time of 
Isaiah and Jeremiah it was a Moabite place, famed 
for the abundance and excellence of its grapes (Is. 
xvi. 8, 9; Jer. xlviii. 32). Its vineyards were de- 
vastated, and the town doubtless destroyed by the 
" lords of the heathen." Jerome speaks of it as one 
of the very strong cities, and states that it was 
hardly 500 paces distant from Heshbon. Its site is 
unknown. 

Sib-ra im, or Sib ra-im (fr. Heb. = twofold hope, 
Ges.), a place on the northern boundary of the Holy 
Land, between the boundary of Damascus and that 
of Hamath (Ez. xlvii. 16); not identified. 

* Sle'euth (Heb. a lent, tabernacle, Ges.). In Am. 
v. 26, where the A. V. text has "the tabernacle of 
your Moloch," the A. V. margin, Rashi, Calvin, 
Rosenmiiller, &c, read "Siecuth your king," and 
suppose Siecuth to be an image or idol. But the 
LXX. and most interpreters, with the A. 'V. text, 
make Siecuth = a tent or shrine. 

Si'cbem [-kem] (L. fr. Heb.) = Shechem (Gen. 
xii. 6 ; Ecclus. i. 26). 

* Sick le (Heb. hermexh or chermfah, magg&l ; Gr. 
drepanon) — a curved knife or toothed instrument 
for reaping; a reaping-hook (Deut. xvi. 9, xxiii. 25 
[Heb. 26] ; Jer. 1. 16, margin " sevthe ; " Joel iii. 13 
[iv. 13 Heb.]; Mk. iv. 29; Rev. xiv. 14-19). 

Sic'y-on [sish'e-on] (L. fr. Gr. Sikuon, from a Phe- 
nician root sak, sik, or mk, which implies a periodical 
market [so Mr. Blakesley]), a very ancient city of the 
Peloponnesus (Greece), W. of Corinth ; mentioned 
with Phaselis, Side, &c, in 1 Mc. xv. 23 ; originally 
situated on the shore of the Corinthian Gulf, and 
said to have been first called Aigiale or Aigialoi ; 
perhaps named Sicyon by the Phenician traders. 



SID 

But the Sicyon of 1 Mc. was built on the site which 
had served as an acropolis, and was from twelve to 
twenty stades (= 1£ to 2\ miles) distant from the 
shore. Demetrius Polioeertes, b. c. 303, having 
made himself master of the harbor and the lower 
town, and finally of the acropolis, persuaded the 
population, whom he restored to independence, to 
destroy the buildings adjacent to the harbor, and 
remove to the acropolis, this site being much more 
easily defensible, especially against any enemy from 
the sea. Diodorus describes the new town as in- 
cluding a large space so surrounded on every side 
by precipices as to be unapproachable by the ma- 
chines then employed in sieges, and as possessing a 
plentiful supply of water within its circuit. It was 
long an important city, capital of the small state or 
district of Sieyonia, and, especially for a century 
after the destruction of Corinth (b. c. 14(5), enjoyed 
great commercial advantages, but is now an utter 
ruin. 

Sid'dim (Heb., see below), the Vale of (Heb. 'emek ; 
see Valley 1), a place named only in Gen. xiv. 3, 8, 
10. The meaning of the name is very doubtful. 
Gesenius thinks (and so Kalisch) that the Hebrew 
'Emek has-Siddim = " a plain cut up by stony chan- 
nels which render it difficult of transit ; " Stanley 
makes the signification the " valley of well-cultivated 
fields ; " Fiirst, &c, " valley of the open fields." 
(Field.) As to the spot itself : — 1 . It was one of that 
class of valleys designated by Heb. 'emek. (Plain 8 ; 
Valley 1.) Mr. Grove regards this term as denoting a 
broad flattish tract, sometimes of considerable width, 
enclosed on each side by a definite range of hills. 
Gesenius makes it properly a long low plain. 2. It 
was so far a suitable spot for the combat between the 
four and five kings (verse 8). 3. It contained a 
multitude of bitumen-pits (Slime) sufficient mate- 
rially to affect the issue of the battle. 4. In this 
valley the kings of the five allied cities of Sodom, 
Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboim, and Bela seem to have 
awaited the approach of the invaders. Mr. Grove 
supposes that it was in the neighborhood of "the 
plain of Jordan," in which those cities stood, and 
probably somewhere to the N. of the lake, perhaps 
on the plain at the S. W. corner (see below). 5. Ac- 
cording to verse 3, the Salt Sea covers the ac- 
tual space formerly occupied by the Vale of Siddim. 
Robinson (Phys. Geoff. 234-5) thinks the Vale of Sid- 
dim was " probably a depression in the plain ; but 
it was adjacent to the Salt Sea, and was at least near 
to Sodom and Gomorrah ; " and " that the southern 
bay of the sea now occupies the place of the Vale of 
Siddim, and the fertile plain." (Sea, the Salt, II., 
§§ 47, 48.) Porter (in Kitto) and others think it 
probable that Sodom and Gomorrah were in the Vale 
of Siddim ; Reland, Wolcott (in B. S. xxv. 12*7), and 
others, that the Vale of Siddim was quite distinct 
from the country in which the five cities were sit- 
uated. How the Vale of Siddim became a part of 
the Salt Sea, whether by the fire burning out the 
bitumen and thus forming a chasm, into which the 
adjacent waters rushed, or by an earthquake sinking 
some portion of the soil, or burying some part of the 
sea, or in some other way, is still a matter of con- 
jecture. 

Sl'de (Gr., possibly from the same root as Sidon 
or Zidox [so Mr. Blakesley]), a city on the coast of 
Pamphylia in latitude 36° 46', longitude 31° 27', 
ten or twelve miles E. of the river Eurymedon ; men- 
tioned in 1 Mc. xv. 23, among the places to which 
the Roman Senate sent letters in favor of the Jews. 
It was a colony for Cumse in ^Eolis. (Asia.) It was 



SIH 1033 

closely connected with Aradus in Phenicia by com- 
merce. Possibly it was originally a Phenician set- 
tlement, and the Cumasan colony something subse- 
quent. It appears in history as a place of consider 
able importance. It was the station of Antiochus's 
navy on the eve of a battle with the Rhodian fleet. 
At the close of the war with Antiochus, it passed 
into the hands of the Romans. The remains which 
still exist evidence its former wealth. They stand 
on a low peninsula running from N. E. to S.W., and 
the maritime character of the former inhabitants ap- 
pears from its slightly-built walls toward the sea, the 
wall which f^ces the land being of excellent work- 
manship, and remaining, in a considerable portion, 
perfect even to this time. A theatre (belonging ap- 
parently to the Roman times) is one of the largest 
and best preserved in Asia Minor, capable of con- 
taining more than 15,000 spectators, the lower half 
of it being excavated from the solid rock, and the 
seats for the spectators, most of which remain, being 
of white marble beautifully wrought. Three gates 
led into the town from the sea, and one, on the north- 
eastern side, into the country. The two principal 
harbors, which at first seem to have been united in 
one, were at the extremity of the peninsula : they 
were closed, and together contained a surface of 
nearly 500 yards by 200. Besides these, the princi- 
pal water-gate on the N. W. was connected with two 
small piers of 150 feet long. 

Si don, the Greek form of the Phenician name 
Zidon in the N. T. and Apocrypha of the A. V. (2 
Esd. i. 11 ; Jd. ii. 28 ; 1 Mc. v." 15 ; Mat. xi. 21, 22, 
xv. 21 ; Mk. iii. 8, &c.) ; also in the O. T. both as the 
first-born of Canaan (Gen. x. 15), and as the name 
of the city (x. 19). 

Sl-do'ni-ans (fr. the L. form Shlonius, pi. Sidonii) 
= Zidonians (Deut. iii. 9 ; Josh. xiii. 4, 6 ; Judg. 
iii. 3 ; 1 K. v. 6). 

* Siege, [seej]. War. 

* Sieve [siv] (Is. xxx. 28 ; Am. ix. 9). (Agricul- 
ture.) " To sift as wheat " (Lk. xxii. 31), figura- 
tively = to agitate and prove by trials and afflictions 
(Rbn. K T. Lex.). 

* Sift, to. Sieve. 

* Sign [sine]. Miracles ; Old Testament, B, C ; 
Prophet ; Sun. 

* Sig'net. Nineveh ; Ornaments, Personal ; Ring ; 
Seal. 

Si' lion (Heb. sweeping away, i. e. a warrior sweep- 
ing all before him, Ges.), king of the Amorites when 
Israel arrived on the borders of the Promised Land 
(Num. xxi. 21). He was evidently a man of great 
courage and audacity. Before Israel's arrival he 
had dispossessed the Moabites (Moab) of a splendid 
territory, driving them S. of the Arnon (xxi. 26-29). 
When the Israelite host appeared, he at once gathered 
his people together and attacked them. But he and 
all his host were destroyed, and their district from 
Arnon to Jabbok became at once the possession of 
the conqueror (Deut. i. 4, ii. 24 flf., &c). 

Si'lior (L. fr. Heb.), accurately Shihor (Heb. the 
black or turbid), " which is before Egypt," is spoken 
of as one of the limits of territory still unconquered 
when Joshua was old (Josh. xiii. 2, 3). David 
" gathered all Israel together from Shihor of Egypt 
even unto the entering of Hamath " (1 Chr. xiii. 5). 
There is no other evidence that the Israelites ever 
spread westward beyond Gaza. The stream indi- 
cated in these passages is generally held to be the 
Wady el- Arish = River of Egypt 2 ; but according 
to some it is always the Nile. That the stream in- 
tended by Shihor or " Sihor" unqualified was a nav- 



1034 



SIL 



SIL 



igable river is evident from Is. xxiii. 3, where it is 
said of Tyre, " And by great waters, the sowing of 
Shihor (A. V. 'Sihor'), the harvest of the river it 
her revenue." Here Shihor is either the same as, or 
compared with, Year, generally thought to be the 
Nile, but supposed by some to be the extension of 
the Red Sea. (River 3.) In Jer. ii. 18 the identity 
of " Sihor " with the Nile seems distinctly stated (so 
Mr. R. S. Poole, Gesenius, &c). 

Si las (Gr., contracted fr. Silvanus, see below), an 
eminent member of the early Christian Church; = 
Silvanus in St. Paul's Epistles. He first appears as 
one of the leaders of the Church at Jerusalem (Acts 
xv. 2'J), an inspired teacher or "prophet" (xv. 32). 
Hi- name, derived from Latin silva — wood, betokens 
him a Hellenistic Jew, and he appears to have been 
a Roman CITIZEN (xvi. 37). He was appointed as a 
delegate to accompany Pal l and Barnabas on their 
return to Antioch with the decree of the Council of 
Jerusalem (xv. 22, 32). Having accomplished this 
mission he returned to Jerusalem (so Mr. Bevan, who, 
With most modern critics, considers vet. 34 as an in- 
terpolation). He must, however, have immediately 
revisited Antioch, for we find him selected by St. 
Paul as the companion of his second missionary 
journey (xv. 40-xvii. 40). At Berea he was left be- 
hind with Timothy while St. Paul proceeded to 
Athens (xvii. 14), and we hear nothing more of his 
movements until he rejoined the apostle at Corinth 
(xviii. 5). His presence at Corinth is several times 
noticed (2 Cor i. 19 ; 1 Th. i. 1 ; 2 Th. i. 1). Prob- 
ably he returned to Jerusalem with St. Paul, and 
from that time the connection between them seems 
to have terminated. Probabilities favor his being 
the Silvanus who conveyed St. Peter's first Epistle 
to Asia .Minor (1 Pet. v. 12 ; Peter). A tradition 
of very slight authority represents Silas to have be- 
come bishop of Corinth. 

Silk, the well-known product of the silkworm, | 
which is the larva or caterpillar of a sluggish moth, 
Eombyx Mori. The silkworm feeds voraciously on 
the leaves of the mulberry (Morns; Mllherry-trees ; 
Sycamore-tree), and forms an oval yellcw cocoon 
of silk around its body. After the silkworms are 
killed by heating the cocoons, the silk is unwound, 
the gum is removed from it, and the filaments are 
united into threads of the recpuired size for use, dyed, 
&c. The silk manufacture has been of importance 
in China for 4,000 years. Aristotle says it was first 
woven in the island of Cos, but that the material was 
brought from the East. Probably silk came from 
China to Egypt, Greece, Rome, as well as to Assy- 
ria, Media, Persia, &c. Silk bore an astonishingly 
high price till a comparatively late period. The 
Roman Emperor Heliogabalus (a. d. 21 8-222) is said 
to have been the first man who wore a rolip entirely 
of silk. — The only undoubted notice of silk in the 
Bible occurs in Rev. xviii. 12 (Gr. serikon), where it 
is mentioned among the treasures of the typical Baby- 
lon. It is, however, in the highest degree probable 
that the texture was known to the Hebrews from the 
time that their commercial relations were extended 
by Solomon (so Mr. Bevan). The Heb. meshi occurs 
only in Ez. xvi. 10, 13 (A. V. "silk"), and is ren- 
dered by the Hebrew interpreters, Fairbairn, Fiirst, 
&c., silk, a garment of silk ; but Gesenius regards it 
as etymologically meaning only something finely 
drawn, e. g. a fine thread, stuff composed of fine 
threads. The Heb. demeshek in Am. iii. 12 (A. V. 
" Damascus ") has been supposed by Gesenius, 
Fiirst, &c., to refer to silk from the resemblance of 
the word to our " damask." But Mr. Bevan, with 



Pusey, W. L. Alexander (in Kitto), &c, regards this 
supposed reference to silk as very doubtful, for 
" damask " is a corruption of dimakso, a term ap- 
plied by the Arabs to the raw material alone, not to 
the manufactured article. Henderson, &c, sustain 
1 the A. V. in rendering "Damascus.'' The Heb. 
slush is inconsistently translated "silk" in Prov. 
wxi. 22, also in the margin of Gen. xli. 42 and Ex. 
xxv. 4. Linen 1 ; Cotton; Crown, &c. 

Ml la (Heb. ting, basket, Ges.). "The house of 
Millo (Millo; Millo, House of) which goeth down 
t ) Silla," was the scene of the murder of king Joash 
(2 K. xii. 20). What or where Silla was is entirely 
matter of conjecture. It must have been in the val- 
ley below Millo (so Mr. Grove). Gesenius makes 
Silla the name of a town near Jerusalem. Some 
have suggested the Pool of Siloam. Others refer it 
tn a place on or connected with the causeway or 
,: (light of steps (Heb. mlsilldh) which led from the 
central valley of the city up to the court of the 
Temple. Fiirst makes it a highway, viz. the way 
going down from the Joppa-gate crosswise through 
Jerusalem and then ascending to a bank at the 
Hararn aha, the present David Strict. 

Sl-lo'ab, or Sil u-nli (Heb. hashslulah or shelach = 
tin dart, Ges., &c. ; see Arms, I 2, d; possibly [so 
Mr. Grove, >Vc. | a corrupt form of Heb. Shiloah or 
BMldach ; see Shiloah), the I'ool of (Neb. iii. 15). 
Silo ah. 

Sl-loam, or Silo-am (Or.fr. Heb. = Shiloah; see 
also Sii.oah), the pool to which our Lord sent the 
blind man to wash the clay from his eyes (Jn. ix. 7, 
1 1 i. Siloam is one of the few undisputed localities 
in the topography of Jerusalem ; still retaining its 
old name (with Arabic modification, Silwdti), while 
every other pool has lost its Bible-designation. This 
i- the more remarkable as it is a mere suburban 
tank of no great size, and for many an age not par- 
ticularly good or plentiful in its waters, though 
Josephus tells us that in his day they were both 
"sweet and abundant." Apart from the identity 
of name, there is an unbroken chain of exterior tes- 
timony, during eighteen centuries, connecting the 
present llirl.it Silwiin with the Shiloah of Iflaiah 
and the Siloam of St. John (so Dr. H. Bonar, origi- 
nal author of this article). From Josephus we 
learn that it was without the city ; that at this pool 
the "old wall " took a bend and shot out eastward ; 
that there was a valley under it, and one beside it ; 
a hill right opposite, apparently on the other side 
of the Kidron, hard by a cliff or rock called Peris- 
tercon ; that it was at the termination or mouth of 
the Tyropceon ; that close beside it, apparently 
eastward, was another pool, called Solomon's pool, 
to which the " old wall " came after leaving Siloam, 
and past which it went on to Ophlas, where, bend- 
ing northward, it was united to the eastern arcade 
of the Temple. In the Antonine Itinerary (a. d. 
333) it is set down in the same locality, but it is 
said to be " near the wall," as Josephus implies ; 
whereas now it is upward of 1,200 feet from the 
nearest angle of the present wall, and nearly 1.900 
feet from the southern wall of the Hararn. Jerome 
speaks of it as at the bottom of Mount Moriah, in 
the Valley of the Son of Hinnom, as dependent on 
the rains, and as the only fountain used in his day. 
But other authorities, and the modern water-provi- 
sion of the city, show us that it never could have 
been wholly dependent on its pools. Its innumer- 
able bottle-necked private cisterns kept up a supply 
at all times. In the seventh century Antoninus 
Martyr mentions Siloam, as both fountain and pool. 



SIL 



SIL 



1035 



Bernhard the monk speaks of it in the ninth cen- 
tury, and the annalists of the Crusades mention its 
site, in the fork of two valleys, as we find it. Ben- 
jamin of Tudela (a. d. 1173) speaks of it as the 
great spring which runs into the brook Kidron. 

BlIIl 




lilOQin, look 



Many subsequent writers describe Siloam ; nor do 
they, with one or two exceptions, vary in their loca- 
tion of it. — A little way below the Jewish burying- 
ground ( Jehoshaphat, Valley of), but on the op- 
posite side of the valley, where the Kidron turns 
slightly westward, and widens itself considerably, is 
the fountain of the Virgin or Urn ed-Deraj (En- 
rogel ?), near the beginning of that saddle-shaped 
projection of the Temple-hill supposed to be the 
Ophel of the Bible, and the Ophlas of Josephus. 
At the back part of this fountain a subterraneous 
passage begins, through which the water flows, and 
through which a man may make his way, as did 
Robinson and Barclay, sometimes walking erect, 
and sometimes stooping, sometimes kneeling, and 
sometimes crawling, to Siloam. This rocky con- 
duit, which twists considerably, but keeps, in gen- 
eral, a southwesterly direction, is, according to Rob- 
inson, 1,750 feet long, while the direct distance be- 
tween the pool of Siloam (Ar. Birkel es-Silwdn) and 
Urn ed-Deraj is only a little above 1,200 feet. In 
former days this passage was evidently deeper, as 
its bed is sand of some depth, which has been ac- 
cumulating for ages. This conduit has had tribu- 
taries which formerly sent their waters down from 



the city-pools or Temple-wells to swell Siloam. It 
enters Siloam at the northwest angle ; or rather en- 
ters a small rock-cut chamber which forms the ves- 
tibule of Siloam, about five or six feet broad. To 
this you descend by a few rude steps, under which 
sn -■ ~ —-a the water pours itself into the 

I main pool. This pool is ob- 
' long, fifty feet in length accord- 

iujs to Barclay, and fifty-three 
- according to Robinson. It is 

eighteen feet broad, and nine- 
- teen feet deep, according to 
Robinson ; but Barclay gives its 
readth more minutely, " four- 
teen and a half at the lower 
(eastern) end, and seventeen at 
the upper ; its western end be- 
ing somewhat bent : it is eigh- 
teen and a half in depth, but 
never filled ; the water either 
passing directly through, or be- 
ing maintained at a depth of 
three or four feet." The pres- 
ent pool is a ruin, with no moss 
or ivy to make it romantic ; its 
sides falling in ; its pillars bro- 
en ; its stnir a fragment; it3 
walls giving way ; the edge of 
every stone worn round or sharp 
by time ; in some parts mere 
debris ; once Siloam, nov r , like 
the city which overhung it, a 
heap ; though around its edges, 
wild flowers, and, among other 
plants, the caper-tree, grow lux- 
uriantly. The gray crumbling 
lmestone of the stone (as well 
as of the surrounding rocks, 
which are almost verdureless) 
gives a poor and worn-out as- 
pect to this venerable relic. 
The present pool is not the 
original building ; the work of 
crusaders it may be ; perhaps 
even improved by Saladin ; per- 
haps the work of later days. 
Yet the spot is the same. This 
pool, which we mav call the second, seems anciently 
to have poured its waters into a third, before it pro- 
ceeded to water the royal gardens. This third, per- 
haps five times the size of that of Siloam, and now 
known as the Birket el-Hamra, is perhaps that 
which Josephus calls " Solomon's pool," and which 
Nehemiah (ii. 14) calls " the King's pool." Siloam 
is in Scripture always called a " pool." It is the 
least of all the Jerusalem pools ;* hardly the sixth 
part of the Birket el-Mamittq ; hardly the tenth of 
the Birket es-Sidldn, or of the lowest of the three 
pools of Solomon at El-Burak. Yet it is a sacred 
spot, even to the Moslem ; much more to the Jew ; 
for not only from it was the water taken at the 
Feast of Tabernacles, but the water for the ashes 
of the red heifer. Jewish tradition makes GinoN 
and Siloam one. The intermittent character or ir- 
regular flow of Siloam, noticed by Jerome, is easily 
accounted for both by the direct and siphonic action 
of the water in a locality perforated by so many 
aqueducts, and supplied by so many large wells and 
secret springs, not to speak of the discharge of the 
great city baths. The expression in Isaiah, " waters 
of Shiloah that go softly," seems to point to the 
slender rivulet, flowing gently, though once very 



SIL 



SIM 



profusely, out of Siloam into the lower breadth of 
level, where the king's gardens, or royal paradise, 
stood, and which is still the greenest spot about the 



Holy City. E. of the Kidron, right opposite the 
rough gray slope extending between the fountain of 
the Virgin and the pool of Siloam, above the kitchen- 





The Village of Sit-in (Siloam), mil the lower pari of the Volley of the Kidron, ihowlnic I 
background U the highland! of Judah. The view U from a photograph by Jamea Grain 



11 King** gardenfl," which nre watered tjy (bo Poo), 'I ho 
I - I , taken from beneath the south will] of the IJuram. 



gardens watered by Siloam which supply Jerusalem 
with vegetables, is the village which takes its name 
from the pool, Kefr Silw&u. This village is unmen- 
tioned in ancient times, perhaps did not then exist. 
It is a wretched place for filth and irregularity. 

Si-lo am (see above), Tow er in. Of this tower 
or its fall by which eighteen persons were killed, 
we know nothing definitely beyond the words of 
the Lord (Lk. xiii. 4). Whether it was a tower 
connected with the pool or in the valley near it, we 
cannot say. In connection with Ophel, " a tower 
that lieth out" is mentioned (Neh. iii. 26); and Dr. 
Bonar suggests that this projecting tower may be 
connected with the tower in Siloam, and that its 
projection was the cause of its ultimate fall. 

Sil-va'nns (L. of [or from] a wood). Silas. 

Sil'?er(Heb. ctseph; dial. cCsaph ; Gr. arejurion). 
In very early times, according to the Bible, silver 
was used for ornaments (Gen. xxiv. 53; Prov. xxv. I 
11; Cant. i. 11, &c), vessels (Gen. xliv. 2; Num. 
vii. 13, kc), articles for the Tabernacle and Temple 
(Ex. xxvi. 19 flf., xxvii. 10 flf., xxxviii. 10 flf. ; 1 Chr. 
xxviii. 15 IF., &c), trumpets (Num. x. 2), chains (Is. 
xl. 19), crowns (Zech. vi. 11), &c. (Basis; Cor- | 
net; Cup; Handicp.aft ; Op.xamf.nts, Personal, 
&c.) Images for idolatrous worship were made of 
silver or overlaid with it (Ex. xx. 23 ; Hos. xiii. 2 ; [ 
Hab. ii. 19; Bar. vi. 39), and the manufacture of ! 
silver shrines for Diana was a trade in Ephesus 
(Acts xlx. 24). But its chief use was as a medium 
of exchange, and throughout the 0. T. we find the 
Heb. cesejih (= "silver") used for "money" (Gen. 
xvii. 12 flf., xxiii. 9, 13, xiii. 25 flf., &c. ; Metals; 
Piece of Silver ; Shekel ; Silverlings, &c). Ves- 



sels and ornaments of gold and silver were common 
in Egypt in the times of Osirtasen I., and Tlioth- 
mes III., the contemporaries of Joseph and Moses. 
In the Homeric poems we find indications of the 
constant application of silver to purposes of orna- 
ment and luxury. The practice of overlaying silver 
with gold, referred to in Homer (Odyssey, vi. 232, 
xxiii. 159), is nowhere mentioned in the Bible, 
though inferior materials were covered with silver 
(Prov. xxvi. 23). Silver was brought to Solomon 
from Arabia (2 Chr. ix. 14) and from TAksmsH (2 
Chr. ix. 21), which supplied the markets of Tyre 
(Ez. xxvii. 12). (Metals.) Spain appears to have 
been the chief source whence silver was obtained 
by the ancients. Possibly the hills of Palestine 
may have afforded some supply of this metal. For 
an account of the knowledge of obtaining and re- 
fining silver possessed by the ancient Hebrews, see 
the articles Lead and Mines. Silver mixed with 
alloy is referred to in Jer. vi. 30, and a finer kind, 
either purer in itself, or more thoroughly purified, 
is mentioned in Prov. viii. 19. — Silver cord; see 
Cord ; Medicine. 

Sil'ver-lings (= little silvern, i. e. pieces of silver, 
or silver coins), the A. V. translation (Is. vii. 23 
only) of the Heb. ceseph, elsewhere rendered " sil- 
ver " or " money." Piece of Silver. 

Si-mal-cn'c (fr. Gr. form, probably of Heb. or Ar.= 
Heb. melech, king), an Arabian chief who had charge 
of Antiochus VI., the young son of Alexander Ba- 
las, before he was put forward by Tryphon as a 
claimant, to the Syrian throne ( 1 Mc. xi. 39). 

Sim'e-on (L. fr. Heb. — Shimeon = a hearkening, 
Gen. xxix. 33, Ges.). 1. The second son of Jacob 



SIM 



SIM 



1037 



by Leah. His birth is recorded in Gen. xxix. 33. 
The first group of Jacob's children consists, besides 
Simeon, of the three other sons of Leah — Reuben, 
Levi, Judah. ■ With each of these Simeon is men- 
tioned in some connection. " As Reuben and Sim- 
eon are mine," says Jacob, " so shall Joseph's sons 
Ephraim and Manasseh be mine " (Gen. xlviii. 5). 
With Levi, Simeon was associated in the massacre 
of the Shechemites (xxxiv. 25) — a deed which drew 
on them the remonstrance of their father (30), and 
perhaps also his dying curse (xlix. 5-7), though the 
latter may refer to some unrecorded act (so Mr. 
Grove). Judah and Simeon not only " went up " 
together, side by side, in the forefront of the 
nation, to the conquest of the south of the Holy 
Land (Judg. i. 3, IV), but their allotments lay 
together in a more special manner than those of 
the other tribes. Besides the massacre of She- 
chem, the only personal incident related of Sim- 
eon is the fact of his being selected by Joseph as 
the hostage for the appearance of Benjamin (Gen. 
xlii. 19, 24, 36, xliii. 23). The chief families of'the 
tribe are mentioned in Gen. xlvi. 10, in which Shaul 
1 (Saul) is specified as " the son of the Canaanitess," 
— and in Num. xxvi. 12-14, and in 1 Chr. iv. 24-43. 
At the census of Sinai Simeon numbered 59,300 
fighting men (Num. i. 23). Then only Judah and 
Dan exceeded it in number. When the second cen- 
sus was taken, at Shittim, the number had fallen to 
22,200, and it was the weakest of all the tribes. 
This was no doubt partly due to the recent mortality 
following the idolatry of Peor (xxv.), but there must 
have been other causes which have escaped mention. 
Simeon and Levi, according to Jacob's prediction 
(Gen. xlix. 5-7), were both " divided " and " scat- 
tered." In the case of Simeon, some corrupting 
element in the tribe itself seems first to have re- 
duced its numbers, and at last to have driven it from 
its allotted seat in the country, and caused it to 
dwindle and disappear. The non-appearance of Sim- 
eon's name in the Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii. 
6) may be due to his displeasure at the misbehavior 
of the tribe at Shittim. Those who assume that the 
blessing, or this portion of it, is a composition of 
later date (Pentateuch), ascribe the omission to the 
fact of the tribe having by that time vanished from 
the Holy Land. During the journey through the 
wilderness Simeon was a member of the camp which 
inarched on the S. side of the Sacred Tent. His as- 
sociates were Reuben and Gad. The connection be- 
tween Judah and Simeon already mentioned seems 
to have begun with the Conquest. Judah and the 
two Joseph-brethren (Ephraim and Manasseh) were 
first served with the lion's share of the land ; and 
then, the Canaanites having been sufficiently sub- 
dued to allow the Sacred Tent to be established with- 
out risk in the heart of the country, the work of 
dividing the remainder amongst the seven inferior 
tribes was proceeded with (Josh. viii. 1-6). Benja- 
min had the first turn, then Simeon (xix. 1). By this 
time Judah had discovered that the tract allotted to 
him was too large (xix. 9), and also too much ex- 
posed on the W. and S. for even his great powers. 
To Simeon accordingly was allotted a district out of 
the territory of his kinsman, on its southern frontier, 
which contained eighteen or nineteen cities, with 
their villages, spread round the venerable well of 
Beer-sheba (Josh. xix. 1-8; 1 Chr. iv. 28-33). Of 
these places, with the help of Judah, the Simeonites 
possessed themselves (Judg. i. 3, 17); and here they 
were found, doubtless by Joab, residing in the reign 
of David (1 Chr. iv. 31). During his wandering life 



David must have been much among the Simeonites 
(1 Sam. xxx. 26 ff. ; Ziklag). The comparatively 
small number of Simeon (7,100 warriors) and Judah 
(6,800) who attended David's installation as king (1 
Chr. xii. 23 ff.)may be due to the fact that it took 
place in the heart of their own territory, at Hebron. 
After David's removal to Jerusalem the head of the 
tribe was Shephatiah, son of Maachah (xxvii. 16). 
What part Simeon took at the time of the division of 
the kingdom we are not told. The only thing (so Mr. 
Grove) which can be interpreted into a trace of its 
having taken any part with the northern kingdom are 
the two casual notices of 2 Chr. xv. 9 and xxxiv. 6, 
which appear to imply the presence of Simeonites 
there in the reigns of Asa and Josiah. But the definite 
statement in 1 Chr. iv. 41-43, of two expeditions in 
search of more eligible territory, proves that at that 
time there were still some of them remaining in the 
original seat of the tribe, and actuated by all the 
warlike, lawless spirit of their progenitor. The au- 
dacity and intrepidity which seem to have charac- 
terized the founder of the tribe of Simeon are seen 
in their fullest force in his descendant Jupith 2. 
Whether the book which bears her name be a his- 
tory or a historic romance (Judith, Book of), Judith 
herself will always remain one of the most promi- 
nent figures among the deliverers of her nation. 
Bethulia would almost seem to have been a Sim- 
eonite colony. Simeon is named by Ezekiel (xlviii. 
25), and John (Rev. vii. 7), in their catalogues of 
the restoration of Israel. — 2. A priest of the family 
of Joarib or Jehoiarib ; one of the ancestors of 
the Maccabees (1 Mc. ii. 1). — 3. Son of Juda and 
father of Levi in the genealogy of our Lord (Lk. iii. 
30). — -1. Simon Peter (Acts xv. 14 ; Peter). — 5. A 
devout Jew, inspired by the Holy Ghost, who met 
the parents of our Lord in the Temple, took Him in 
his arms, and gave thanks for what he saw, and knew 
of Jesus (Lk. ii. 25-35). In the apocryphal gospel 
of Nicodemus, Simeon is called a high-priest. Rab- 
ban Simeon, whose grandmother was of the family 
of David, succeeded his father Hillel as president, of 
the Sanhedrim about a. d. 13 (Scribes), and his son 
Gamaliel was the Pharisee at whose feet St. Paul was 
brought up (Acts xxii. 3). A Jewish writer specially 
notes that no record of this Simeon is preserved in 
the Mishna. It has been conjectured that he, or his 
grandson of the same name, may be the Simeon of 
St. Luke ; but the commonness of the name Simeon, 
the description merely as " a man in Jerusalem," and 
the education of Gamaliel as a Pharisee, are argu- 
ments against the validity of this conjecture. — 6, 
" Simeon that was called Niger," one of certain 
prophets and " teachers " in the church at Antioch 
(Acts xiii. 1 only). 

* Sim'c-on-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants, 
or tribe, of Simeon 1 (Num. xxv. 14, xxvi. 14 ; 1 Chr. 
xxvii. 16). 

Ki mon (Gr. fr. Heb. = Simeon, or of Greek ori- 
gin?). 1, Son of Mattatiiias 2, and one of the 
famous Maccabees (1 Mc. ii. 3, 65, &c). — 2. Son of | 
Onias the high-priest, whose eulogy closes the 
" praise of famous men " in Ecclus. 1. (Eccle- 
siasticus.) The common view refers this to Simon 
II. (High-priest, p. 384); but Josephus (xii. 2, §4, 
&c.) identifies Simon I. with "Simon the Just." It 
is evident (so Mr. Westcott) that Simon the Just was 
popularly regarded as closing a period in Jewish his- 
tory, as the last teacher of the Great Synagogue. 
(Jerusalem; Scribes; Synagogue, the Great.). — 
3. " A governor of the Temple " in the time of Se- 
leucus Philopator, whose information as to the 



1038 



SIM 



SIN 



treasures of the Temple led to the sacrilegious attack 
of Heliodorus (2 Mc. iii. 4, &e.). Considerable doubt 
exists as to the exact nature of his office. The chief 
difficulty lies in the fact that Simon is said to have 
been of "the tribe of Benjamin " (iii. 3), while the 
earlier " ruler of the house of God " (1 Chr. ix. 1 1 ; 
2 Chr. xxxi. 13; Jer. xx. 1) seems to have been al- 
ways a priest, and the " captain of the Temple " 
(Lk. xxii. 4; Acts iv. 1, v. 24, 26) and the keeper 
of the treasures (1 Chr. xxvi. 24; 2 Chr. xxxi. 12) 
must have been at least Levites. Herzfeld conjec- 
tures that Benjamin is an error for Mityamin ( = 
Mia.min 2, or Mimamin 2), the head of a priestly 
house (Nt h. xii. 6, 17 ; comp. 2 Mc. iv. 23, " brother 
of Uenelaus " |. — I. Si mon the Broth er of Jesus. The 
only undoubted notice of this Simon occurs in Mat. 
xiii. .').") ini.l Mk. vi. 3. He has been identified by some 
writers with Simon the Canaanite (No. 6, below) and 
still more generally with Symeon who became bishop 
of Jerusalem after the death of James, a. n. 62. 
The former of these opinions rests on no evidence 
whatever, nor is the latter without its difficulties. 
(James.)— 5. Si mon the (anaitn-ite, one of the 
Twelve Apostles (Mat. x. 4; Mk. iii. 18), otherwise 
described as si mon Zc-lo tfS ( Lk. \ i. 1"> ; Art - i. 13). 
The latter term, which is peculiar to Luke, is the 
Greek equivalent for the Chaldce term preserved by 
Matthew and Mark. (Canaanite, the; Zei.otes.) 
Each points out Simon as belonging to the faction 
of the Zealots, who were conspicuous for their fierce 
advocacy of the Mosaic ritual. Different traditions 
(both doubtful) make him to have preached in Egypt, 
('yrcne, and Mauritania, and to have been crucified in 
Judea in Domitian's reign (comp. No. 4, above).— 
6. Si mon of < y-re'ne. A Hellenistic Jew, born at 
Cvhene in Africa, who was present in Jerusalem at 
the crucifixion of Jesus, either as an attendant at 
the feast (Acts ii. 10), or as one of the numerous 
settlers at Jerusalem from that place (vi. 9). Meet- 
ing the procession that conducted Jesus to Golgotha, 
as he was returning from the country, he was pressed 
into the service to bear the cross (Mat. xxvii. 32; 
Mk. xv. 21; Lk. xxiii. 26), when Jesus Himself was 
unable to bear it any longer (comp. Jn. xix. 17). Mark 
describes him as the father of Alexander 1 and Ru- 
FUS. — 7. Si mon the Leper. A resident at Bethany; 
not improbably (so Mr. Bevan) one who had been 
miraculously cured of leprosy by Jesus. (Lazarus ; 
Martha ; Marv the Sister of Lazarus.) In his 
house Mary anointed Jesus preparatory to [lis death 
and burial (Mat. xxvi. 6, &c. ; Mk. xiv. 3, &c. ; Jn. 
xii. 1, &c). — 8. Si mon Sla'gus. A Samaritan living 
in the apostolic age, distinguished as a "sorcerer" 
or magician, from his practice of magical arts (Acts 
viii. 9; Magi; Magic). He was born (so Mr. Bevan, j 
after Justin Martyr, kc.) at Gitton, a village of Sa- 
maria, identified with the modern Kvryel Jit, near 
Kdbulus (Shechem). He was probably educated at j 
Alexandria, and there became acquainted with the j 
eclectic tenets of the Gnostic school. (Philosophy.) 
Either then or subsequently he was a pupil of Dosith- 
eus, who preceded him as a teacher of Gnosticism 
in Samaria, and whom he supplanted with the aid of ! 
Cleobius. He is first introduced to us in the Bible I 
ns practising magical arts in a city of Samaria, per- 
haps Sychar (Acts riii. 5 ; comp. Jn. iv. 5), and with 
such success, that he was pronounced to be " the 
power of God which is called great" (Acts viii. 10). 
The preaching and miracles of Philip the Evange- 
list having excited his observation, he became one 
of his disciples, and received baptism at his hands. 
Subsequently he witnessed the effect produced by 



the imposition of hands, as practised by the Apos- 
tles Peter and John, and, being desirous of acquir- 
ing a similar power for himself, he offered a sum of 
money for it. [lis object evidently was to apply the 
power to the prosecution of magical arts. His prop- 
osition met with a severe denunciation from Peter, 
followed by a petition on the part of Simon, the tenor 
of which bespeaks terror but not penitence (viii. 9- 
24). Prom him comes the word simony, as applied 
to all traffic in spiritual offices. Simon's history, 
subsequently to his meeting with Peter, is involved 
in difficulties. Early Church historians depict liim 
as the pertinacious foe of the Apostle Peter, whose 
movements he followed for the purpose of seeking 
encounters, in which he was signally defeated. Jus- 
tin Martyr reproents Simon as successful at Rome; 
that he was deified, and a statue was erected in his 
honor, "Simoni Deo Sancto"'(L. = to Simon the, 
holy god). The various accounts can be reconciled 
only by assuming that Simon made two expeditions 
to Rome, the first in the reign of Claudius, the sec- 
ond (in which he encountered Peter) in the reign of 
Nero, about a. d. 68 ; and even this takes for granted 
| the disputed fact of St. Peter's visit to Rome. His 
death is associated with the encounter in question: 
according to Hippolytus, the earliest authority on 
the subject, Simon was buried alive at his own re- 
quest, in the confident assurance that he would rise 
again on the third day. According to another ac- 
count, he attempted to fly, in proof of his supernatu- 
j ral power; in answer to the prayers of Peter, he fell 
and broke his thigh and ankle ; overcome with vex- 
ation, he committed suicide. Simon is generally 
pronounced by early writers the founder of heresy ; 
perhaps this refers to his attempt to combine 
Christianity with Gnosticism. — 9. Sl'mon Pe'ter. 
(Peter.) — 10. A Pharisee, in whose house a penitent 
woman anointed the head and feet of Jesus (Lk. vii. 
40). (Harmony under Gospels ; Mary Magdalene.) 
— II. Si mon the Tan ner. A Christian convert 
living at Joppa, at whose house Peter lodged (Acts 
ix. 43). The house was near the sea-side (x. 6, 32), 
for the convenience of the water. (Handicraft ; 
Leather.) — 12. Father of Judas Iscariot (Jn. vi. 
71, xiii. 2, 26). 

Si mon (see above) Oh0«-a-me'os (fr. Gr., appar- 
ently formed by combining the last letter of Malluch 
[chj with the first part of Shemariah). Shimeon, 
and the three following names in Ezr. x. 31, 32, are 
thus written in 1 Esd. ix. 32. 

Sim'ri (fr. Heb., properly Shimri), son of Hosah ; 
a Merarite Levite in David's reign (l Chr. xxvi. 10). 

Sin (Heb., see below). 1. A city of Egypt, men- 
tioned only in Ez. xxx. 15, 16. The name is He- 
brew, or, at least, Shemitic. Gesenius supposes it 
= ciay, mire. It is identified in the Vulgate with 
Pelusium (Gr. Pelousion = the clayey or muddy 
town). Champollion identifies Pelusium with the 
Peremoun, Peremon, and Baremoun of the Copts, 
El-Farmd of the Arabs, which was in the time of the 
former a boundary-city. The site of Pelusium is as 
yet undetermined. It has been thought to be marked 
by mounds near Burg et-Tecneh, now called El- 
Farmd and not el-Teeneh. This is disputed by Cap- 
tain Spratt, who supposes that the mound of Aboo- 
KJieeydr indicates where it stood. This is further 
inland, and apparently on the W. of the old Pelusiac 

1 It has hcen supposed that Justin mistook an inscrip- 
tion in honor of the Sabine Hercules, Sancun Semo, for one 
in honor of Simon ; but this involves a series of improba- 
bilities, amounting almost to an impossibility (so Mr. 
Bevan,). 



SIN 

branch of the Nile, as was Pelusium. It is situate 
between Farmd and Tel-Defenneh. Pelusium is 
mentioned by Ezekiel, in one of the prophecies re- 
lating to the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, 
as one of the cities which should then suffer calami- 
ties, with, probably, reference to the later history. 
In the most ancient times Tanis (Zoan), as after- 
ward Pelusium, seems to have been the key of Egypt 
on the E. The prophet speaks of Sin as " Sin the 
stronghold of Egypt" (Ez. xxx. 15). This place it 
held from that time until the period of the Romans. 
Herodotus relates that Sennacherib advanced against 
Pelusium, and that near Pelusium Cambyses defeated 
Psammenitus. In like manner the decisive battle in 
which Ochus defeated the last native king, Nectane- 
bos, Nekht-Nebf, was fought near this city. Mr. R. 
S. Poole, original author of this article, conjectures 
that this city may have been connected with the 
Sinites (Sinite) and the wilderness of Sin, perhaps 
also with Sinim. — 2. Wil'dcr-ness of Sin, a tract of 
the wilderness which the Israelites reached after 
leaving the encampment by the Red Sea (Num. 
xxxiii. 11, 12). Their next halting-place (Ex. xvi. 
1, xvii. 1) was Rephidim; hence the wilderness of 
Sin must lie between that wady and the coast of the 
Gulf of Suez, and of course W. of Sinai. In the 
wilderness of Sin the manna was first gathered. Dr. 
Robinson (i. 73) identifies the wilderness of Sin with 
the great plain — called el-Kd'a in its broadest part 
— which, beginning near el-Murkhdh (about lat. 29 " ), 
extends with a greater or less breadth almost to the 
extremity of the peninsula of Sinai. Mr. Rowlands 
(in Fairbairn) identifies the wilderness of Sin with the 
district of hills or group of mountains round Sarbut 
el-Khadem, directly E. of the plain of Murkhdh. 
Wilderness of the Wandering. 

*Sin, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. dshdm 
(Prov. xiv. 9 ; Jer. li. 5), usually translated " tres- 
pass-offering " (Lev. v. 6, 15, 16, 18, 19, &c), some- 
times " trespass " (v. 7, 15 b, &c), once " guiltiness " 
(Gen. xxvi. 10), once " offering for sin " (Is. liii. 10). 
The kindred verb dsham is usually translated "to be 
guilty " (Lev. iv. 13, 22, 27, &c), s6metimes " to 
trespass" (v. 19, &c ), &c. The kindred noun ash- 
mdh is also rendered "sin" (Lev. iv. 3 ; 2 Chr. 
xxviii. 10; Ps. lxix. 5 [Heb. 6]; Am. viii. 14), often 
" trespass " (Lev. vi. 5 margin [v. 24 Heb., text 
" trespass-offering "j, xxii. 16, &c). (Sin-offering.) 
— 2. Heb. hel or chel (xix. 17, xx. 20 ; Num. xxvii. 
3, and often), once translated "fault" (Gen. xli. 9i, 
once " punishment of sin " (Lam. iii. 39), &c. The 
kindred hdld or chdtd is the common verb rendered 
" to sin " (Gen. xxxix. 9 ; Ex. ix. 27, &c, &c), in the 
participle " sinner" (Prov. xi. 31, xiii. 22, &c), rarely 
translated "to offend " (Gen. xx. 9, xl. 1, &c), " to 
bearthe blame" (xliii. 9, xliv. 32), &c. Thekindred 
noun haitdlh or chaildth is often rendered " sin " (iv. 
7, xviii. 20, xxxi. 36 ; Ps. xxv. 7, 18, &c.),but oftener 
"sin-offering" in Lev., Num., Ez. xl.-xlvi., &c. ; 
another, halddh or chdtddh, is translated " sin " 
(Gen. xx. 9; Ex. xxxii. 21, 30, 31; 2 K. xvii. 21 ; 
Ps. xxxii. 1, cix. 7), once "sin-offering" (xl. 6, Heb. 
7) ; another, hallddh or chatlddh, is translated " sin " 
(Ex. xxxiv. 7 ; Is. v. 18), once " sinful " (Am. ix. 8), 
once " sin-offering " (Ezr. vi. 17); hattd or cliattd is 
rendered " sinner " (Gen. xiii. IS ; Ps. i. 1, 5, &c), 
once "offender" (1 K. i. 21).— 3. Heb. 'dvou (1 K. 
xvii. 18), translated " iniquity " more than 200 times 
(Gen. xv. 16, xix. 15, &c, &c), sometimes translated 
" punishment of iniquity " (Lev. xxvi. 41, 43 ; Ez. 
xiv. 10 a, &c), or simply "punishment" (Gen. iv. 
13; Ez. xiv. 10 b, c, &c), "mischief" (2 K. vii. 9), 



SIN 1039 

&e. — 4. Heb. pesha 1 (Prov. x. 12, 19, xxviii. 13), 
translated "transgression" (Ex. xxiii. 21, xxxiv. 7, 
and more than eighty other places), sometimes 
"trespass" (Gen. xxxi. 36, 1. 17 twice; Ex. xxii. 9 
[Heb. 8] ; 1 Sam. xxv. 28), once " rebellion " (Job 
xxxiv. 37). The kindred verb pdsha' is usually ren- 
dered "to transgress" (1 K. viii. 50; Ezr. x. 13, 
&c), also " to rebel " (2 K. iii. 5, 7 ; Is. i. 2, &c.) or 
" revolt " (2 K. viii. 20, 22 twice ; 2 Ghr. xxi. 8, 10 
twice), in passive "offended" (Prov. xviii. 19; Of- 
fend), in participle "transgressor" (Ps. xxxvii. 38, 
&c). — 5. Gr. hatnartia almost uniformly (Mat. i. 21, 
iii. 6, and about 170 other places) once "sinful" 
(Rom. viii. 3 a), once "offence" (2 Cor. xi. 7). The 
kindred hamartoma is also translated " sin " (Mk. iii. 
28, iv. 12; Rom. iii. 25; 1 Cor. vi. 18); the verb 
hamarta.no is usually translated " to sin " (Mat. xviii. 
21, xxvii. 4, &c), sometimes "to trespass" (xviii. 
15; Lk. xvii. 3,4), once "to offend " (Acts xxv. 
8) ; its compound proamartano is translated " to sin 
already" (2 Cor. xii. 21), or "sin heretofore" (xiii. 
2) ; hamartolos is usually translated "sinner" (Mat. 
ix. 10, 11, 13, and about forty other places), some- 
times "sinful" (Mk. viii. 38; Lk. v. 8, xxiv. 7; 
Rom. vii. 1, 31); the compound anamarletos (Jn. 
viii. 7 only) is translated " that is without sin." — 6. 
Gr. paraptoma (Eph. i. 7, ii. 5 ; Col. ii. 13 a), oftener 
translated "trespass" (Mat. vi. 14, 15 twice, &c), 
"offence" (Rom. v. 15-20), &c. Thekindred verb 
parajripto (Heb. vi. 6 only) is translated " to fall 
away." — Among other Greek words of related sig- 
nifications used in the N. T. are — anomia, twelve 
times translated "iniquity" (Mat. vii. 23; Rom. iv. 
7, &c), once "unrighteousness" (2 Cor. vi. 14, 
found twice in 1 Jn. iii. 4, the first time with its verb 
(poiei = does or commits) translated " transgresseth 
the law " (more literally, does lawlessness), the second 
time (following "is") translated "transgression of 
the law ; " the kindred adjective anotnos rendered 
"lawless" (1 Tim. i. 9), " without law" (1 Cor. ix. 
21 four times), "unlawful" (2 Pet. ii. 8), "wicked" 
(Acts ii. 23; 2 Th. ii. 8), "transgressors" (as a 
plural noun, Mk. xv. 28 ; Lk. xxii. 37); the kindred 
adverb anomos (twice in Rom. ii. 12 only), translated 
" without law ; " the verb parabaino translated " to 
transgress " (Mat. xv. 2, 3 ; 2 Jn. 9), also " by trans- 
gression fell " (Acts i. 25) ; its kindred noun para- 
basis, rendered "transgression" (Rom. iv. 15, v. 14; 
Gal. iii. 19; 1 Tim. ii. 14; Heb. ii. 2, ix. 15), once 
" breaking" (Rom. ii. 23) ; and the kindred paraba- 
tes, rendered "transgressor" (Gal. ii. 18; Jas. ii. 9, 
11), translated in Rom. ii. 25 " breaker," and in ver. 
27 " who dost transgress." — The two great subjects 
of the Bible are the sin of man and the salvation 
provided by God. Sin is thus defined : " Whoso- 
ever committeth sin, transgresseth also the law ; for 
sin is the transgression of the law " (1 Jn. iii. 14). 
And again: "All unrighteousness is sin" (v. 17). 
The origin and universality of sin are thus stated : 
"By one man sin entered into the world, and death 
by sin; and so death passed upon all men, for that 
(margin 'in whom') all have sinned " (Rom. v. 12). 
The punishment of sin and the salvation of the Gos- 
pel are contrasted in Rom. vi. 23 : " The wages of 
sin is death ; but the gift of God is eternal life, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord." — The various pos- 
sible theories as to the origin of human sinfulness 
are thus given by Prof. J. Haven (in B. S. xx. 445 
ff.): I. "It is supposablc that this nature was origi- 
nally implanted by the. Creator." This theory makes 
Him really the author of sin. — II. " It is supposable 
that it was acquired in some previous stale of being, as 



1040 sin 

consequence of some sinful act on the part of each 
individual." This seems to have been Origen's view, 
and has been advocated by Dr. Julius Midler of 
Germany, and Edward Beecher, D. D., of this coun- 
try. — III. "It is supposable that it is derived from 
a sinful ancestry, in whose loss of innocence their 
whole posterity is involved." In this view the great 
body of those who adopt the Christian system agree, 
all admitting the fact of a connection between Adam 
and his posterity in respect to sin, but differing as 
to the nature of this connection. Prof. Haven thus 
states the subordinate theories : — " a. Thut of the 
generic unity of the race, as virtually one with Adam, 
existing in him, sinning in him — his sin their sin." 
This theory is closely related to the realism of Plato 
and the Platonic Philosophy. It was held by Au- 
gustine and other Latin Fathers, in a modified form 
by President Edwards, and has some prominent ad- 
vocates at the present day. " b. The theory of the 
constructive unity of the race with Adam, as its federal 
head and representative, by virtue of a special cove- 
nant made with him to that effect." This is sup- 
posed to be the prevalent view among the " Old 
School " Presbyterians in this country. " c. The view 
which represents that depravity as resulting simply 
from the laws of natural descent, the child inheriting 
from the parent a vitiated and corrupt nature, prone 
to evil, in consequence of which he comes to sin as 
eoon as he comes to moral agency. This nature, de- 
rived from Adam through successive generations, is 
the consequence of his original apostasy." This is 
probably the view most prevalent now among "New 
England theologians," who likewise hold that this de- 
pravity of nature is not in itself culpable. Those 
who advocate the theories a and 6 hold that this de- 
pravity of nature (commonly called original sin) is 
in itself culpable or blameworthy. — The theories in 
respect to the relation o f sin to the will and purpose 
of God, Prof. Haven thus classifies : — I. The theory 
that God cannot entirely prevent sin has two possible 
forms : a. That He cannot entirely prevent it in 
any system. This virtually denies God's omnipo- 
tence, b. That He cannot entirely prevent it in a 
moral system, i. c. in a system which embraces free 
moral agents. II. The theory that for some reason 
God does not choose to prevent the sin which actually 
exists. This may be — a. Because the existence of 
sin is in itself desirable, b. Because it is the neces- 
sary mca>is o f the greatest good. c. Because it can be 
overruled to good. d. Because this permission of sin, 
under the present cheeks and counteractions, will invoke 
less evil th'Jn His absolute prevention o f it ; in other 
words, because He saw that, all things considered, 
it was better to permit sin, under its present restric- 
tions, than to do more than He is doing to prevent 
it This last theory is the one advocated by Prof. 
Haven in the article above mentioned. It does not fall 
within the plan of the present work to discuss these 
important subjects at length ; for the details and 
the advocacy of particular theories the reader must 
be referred to the essays, sermons, and systematic 
treatises of theologians. Atonement ; Damnation ; 
Faith; Grace; Heaven; Hell; Impcte ; Jehovah; 
JcnoMENT ; Justify ; Loye ; Pcnishments ; Re- 
deemer ; Righteous ; Sanctification ; Saviour, &c. 

Sin'-of fer-ine ( Heb. hattdth or chatl&th). The sin- 
offering among the Jews was the sacrifice, in which 
the ideas of propitiation ;ind of atonement for sin 
were most distinctly marked. It is first directly en- 
joined in Lev. iv., whereas in ehs. i.-iii. the burnt- 
offering, meat-offering, and peace-offering are taken 
for granted, and the object of the Law is to regulate, 



SIN 

not to enjoin, the presentation of them to the Lord 
Nor is the word applied to any sacrifice in ante- 
Mosaic times. It is, therefore, peculiarly a sacrifice 
of the Law. The idea of propitiation was no doubt 
latent in earlier sacrifices, but it was taught clearly 
and distinctly in the Levitical sin-offering. The cere- 
monial is described in Lev. iv. and\i. The animal, 
a young bullock for the priest or congregation, a 
male kid or lamb for a ruler, a female kid or lamb 
for a private person, in all cases without blemish, 
was brought by the sacrificer to the altar of sacri- 
fice ; his hand was laid on its head ; of the blood of 
the slain victim, some was then sprinkled seven times 

I before the veil of the sanctuary, some put on the 

, horns of the altar of incense, and the rest poured at 
the foot of the altar of sacrifice; the fat was then 
burnt on the altar; the remainder of the body, if 
the offering were of the priest, or of the whole con- 
gregation, was carried out of the camp to a " clean 
place," and there burnt ; but if the offering were 
of an individual, the flesh might be eaten by the 
priests alone in the holy place as " most holy." 
— The Trespass-offering (Heb. dshdm) is closely con- 
nected with tho sin-offering in Leviticus, but clear- 
ly distinguished from it, being in some cases of- 
fered with it as a distinct part of the same sacri- 
fice, e. g. in the cleansing of the leper (Lev. xiv.). 
The victim was in each case to be a ram (v. 14-vi. 
7, vii. 1-7). At the time of offering, in all cases 
of damage to any holy thing or to any man, restitu- 
tion was made with the addition of one-fifth to the 
principal; the blood was sprinkled round about on 
the altar, as in the burnt-offering ; the fat burnt, 
and flesh disposed of as in the sin-offering. The 
distinction of ceremonial clearly indicates a differ- 
ence in the idea of the two sacrifices. The nature 
of that difference is still a subject of great contro- 
versy. So far as the derivation of the two Hebrew 
words goes, there appears to be more of reference 
to general and actual sin in the former, to special 
cases of negligence in the latter. In one important 
pa.-^agc ( v. l-i:;j the sacrifice is called first a "tres- 
pass-offering " (ver. 6), and then a " sin-offering " 
(ver. 7. 9, 11, 12); but from the nature of the vic- 
tims in ver. 6 and the formal introduction in ver. 
14 we may conclude that " trespass-offering " is not 
here used in its technical sense, and that the pas- 
sage is to be referred to the sin-offering only. The 
sin-offerings were — (A.) Regular. (1.) For the whole 
people, at the New Moon, Passover, Pentecost, Feast 
of Trumpets, and Feast of Tabernacles (Num. xxviii. 
15-xxix. 38) : besides the solemn offering of the two 
goats on the Great Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). 
(2.) For the priests and Leviies at their consecration 
(Ex. xxix. 10-14, 36); besides the yearly sin-offer- 
ing (a bullock) for the high-priest on the Great Day 
of Atonement (Lev. xvi.). (B.) Special. (I.) For any 

! sin of '■'■ignorance' 1 '' (iv.). (2.) For refusal to bear 
witness (v. 1). (3.) For ceremonial defilement not 
wilfully contracted (v. 2, 3, xii. 6-8, xiv. 19, 31, xv. 
15, 30 ; Num. vi. 6-11, 16). (4.) For the breach of a 
rash oath (Lev. v. 4). — The trespass-offerings were al- 
ways special, as — (l.)For sacrilege " in ignorance " (v. 
15, 16). (2.) For ignorant transgression (v. 17-19). 

! (3.) For fraud, suppression of the truth, or perjury 
(vi. 1-6). (4.) For rape of a betrothed slave (xix. 
20, 21). (5.) At the purification of the leper (xiv. 
12), and the polluted NazarUe. (Num. vi. 12), offered 
with the sin-offering. — From this enumeration it will 
be clear that the two classes of sacrifices, although 
distinct, touch closely upon each other, as especially 

! the special sin-offerings, and the trespass-offerings. 



SIN 



1041 



It is also evident that the sin-offering was the only 
regular and general recognition of sin in the ab- 
stract, and accordingly was far more solemn and 
symbolical in its ceremonial ; the trespass-offering 
was confined to special cases, most of which related 
to the doing of some material damage, either to the 
holy things or to man, except in (5.), where the 
trespass-offering is united with the sin-offering. 
Josephus declares that the sin-offering is presented 
by those " who fall into sin in ignorance," and the 
trespass-offering by " one who has sinned and is 
conscious of his sin, but has no one to convict him 
thereof." Mr. Barry, original author of this article, 
draws the following conclusions: — (a.) That thesin- 
offering was far the more solemn and comprehen- 
sive of the two sacrifices, (b.) That the sin-offering 
looked more to the guilt of the sin done, irrespec- 
tive of its consequences, while the trespass-offering 
looked to the evil consequences of sin, either against 
the service of God, or against man, and to the duty 
of atonement as far as atonement was possible, (c.) 
That in the sin-offering especially we find symbol- 
ized the acknowledgment/ of sinfulness as inherent 
in man, and of the need of expiation by sacrifice to 
renew the broken covenant between man and God. 
Rev. I. Jennings (in Kitto) says : " The sin-offering 
holds up sin as guilt needing expiation ; the trespass- 
offering as robbery demanding compensation.'''' — There 
is one other question of some interest, as to the nature 
of the sins for which either sacrifice could be offered. 
It is seen at once that in the Law of Leviticus, most 
of them, which are not purely ceremonial, are called 
sins of " ignorance " (see Heb. ix. 7) ; and in Num. 
xv. 30, it is expressly said that while such sins can be 
atoned for by offerings, " the soul that doeth auglit 
presumptuously " (Heb. with a high hand) " shall 
be cut off from among his people." . . . . " His 
iniquity shall be upon him " (compare Heb. x. 26). 
But there are sufficient indications that the sins 
here called " of ignorance " are more strictly those 
of negligence or frailty, repented of by the unpun- 
ished offender, as opposed to those of deliberate 
and unrepentant sin. Some of the sins actually re- 
ferred to in Lev. iv., v., certainly are not sins of 
pure ignorance ; they are indeed few out of the 
whole range of sinfulness, but they are real sins. — 
In considering this subject, it must be remembered 
that the sacrifices of the Law had a temporal, as 
well as a spiritual significance and effect. They 
restored an offender to his place in the common- 
wealth of Israel ; they were therefore an atonement 
to the King of Israel for the infringement of His 
Law. Atonement, Day of ; Leprosy, &c. 

Si'na(Gr. form of Sinai), Mount (Jd. v. 14; Acts 
vii. 30, 38). Sinai. 

Si nai (Heb. any thing full of rock-fissures or 
cliffs, jagged, or perhaps dedicated to the moon, Fii. ; 
probably fr. Heb. seneh = thornbush, i. e. mountain 
of the thorn, Stl. ; see Bush 1). Nearly in the 
centre of the peninsula which stretches between 
the horns of the Red Sea lies a wedge of granite, 
greenstone, and porphyry rocks rising to between 
8,000 and 9,000 feet above the sea. Its shape re- 
sembles a scalene triangle, with a crescent cut from 
its northern or longer side, on which border Rus- 
segger's map gives a broad skirting tract of old red 
sandstone, reaching nearly from gulf to gulf, and 
traversed by a few ridges, chiefly of tertiary forma- 
tion, running nearly N.W. and S. E. On the south- 
western side of this triangle, a wide alluvial plain — 
narrowing, however, toward the N. — lines the coast 
of the Gulf of Suez, whilst that on the eastern or 
66 



''Akabah coast is so narrow as almost to disappear. 
Between these alluvial edges and the granitic mass 
a strip of the same sandstone is interposed, the 
two strips converging at Eds Mohammed, the south- 
ern promontory of the whole. This nucleus of 
plutonic rocks is said to bear no trace of volcanic 
action since the original upheaval of its masses. It 
has been arranged in three chief masses as follows: 
— 1. The northwestern cluster above Wady Feiran ; 
its greatest relief found in the five-peaked ridge of 
Scrb&l — the most magnificent mountain of the pen- 
insula — at a height of 6,342 feet above the sea. 2. 
The eastern and central one ; its highest point the 
Jebel Kalherin, at a height of 8,063 (Riippell) to 
8,168 (Russegger) feet, and including the Jebel Musa, 
the height of which is variously set at 6,796, 7,033, 
and 7,097 feet. 3. The southeastern one, closely 
connected, however, with 2 ; its highest point, Urn 
Shaumer, being that also of the whole. (See map, 
under Wilderness of the Wandering). — A question 
arises as to the relation of the names Horeb and 
Sinai. The latter name first occurs as that of the 
limit on the further side from Egypt of the wilder- 
ness of Sin (Ex. xvi. 1), and again (xix. 1, 2) as the 
" wilderness " or " desert of Sinai," before Mount 
Sinai is actually spoken of in ver. 11. But the name 
" Horeb " is, on the rebuke of the people by God 
for their sin in making the golden calf, reintroduced 
into the Sinaitic narrative (xxxiii. 6), having been 
previously most recently used in the story of the 
murmuring at Rephidim (xvii. 6), and earlier to 
denote the place of the appearance of God in the 
" burning bush " (iii. 1). " Horeb " properly signi- 
fies ground left dry by water draining off, and, strictly 
taken, may probably be (so Mr. Hayman, original 
author of this article) a dry plain, valley, or bed of 
a wady near the mountain ; yet Mount Horeb, on 
the "vast green plain " of which was doubtless ex- 
cellent pasture, may mean the mountain viewed in 
reference thereto, or its side abutting thereon. The 
mention of Horeb in later books (e. g. 1 K. viii. 9, 
xix. 8) seems to show that it had then become the 
designation of the mountain and region generally. 1 — 
But Sinai is clearly a summit distinctly marked. 
There are three principal views in regard to its po- 
sition : — I. That of Lepsius, favored also by Burek- 
hardt, that Serbal is Sinai, some thirty miles distant 
westward from the Jebel Musa, but close to the 
Wady Feiran (Paran) and El-Hcssue, which he iden- 
tifies, as do most authorities, with Rephidim, just a 
mile from the old convent of Fardn. The earliest 
traditions are in its favor. But there are two main 
objections to this : — (1.) It is clear, from Ex. xix. 2 
(compare xvii. 1), that the interval between Rephi- 
dim and Sinai was that of a regular stage of the 
march. A Sinai within a mile of Rephidim is un- 
suitable. (2.) There is no plain or wady of any 
sufficient size near iSerbdt to offer camping-ground 
to so large a host, or perhaps the tenth part of 
them. — II. The second is that of Rittcr, that, allow- 
ing Serbal the reverence of an early sanctuary, the 
Jebel Musa is Sinai, and that the Wady es-Sebdyeh 



1 " The most obvious ami common explanation is to re- 
gard one (Sinai) as the general name for the whole cluster, 
and the other (Horeb) as designating a particular moun- 
tain ; much as the same names are employed by the Chris- 
tians at the present clay. So, too, the Arabs now apply 
the name Jebel et-Tur to the whole central granite region ; 
while the different mountains of which it is composed 
are called Jebel Kdtherln. Jebel Miisa, &c. On looking at 
the subject during our sojourn at the convent, I was led 
to a similar conclusion : applying the names, however, dif- 
ferently, and regarding Horeb as the ireneral name, and 
Sinai as the particular one " (Rbn. i. 120). 



1042 



SIN 



SIN 



(Sebd'iyeh, Rbn.\ which its southeastern or highest 
summit overhangs, is the spot where the people 
camped before the mount ; hut the second objection 
to Serbdi applies (so Mr. Barman, with Robinson, 
Porter [in KittoJ, be.) almost in equal force to this 



— the want of space below.' J — III. The third is that 
of Robinson, that the modern Horeb of the monks 
— viz. the northwestern and lower face of the Jebel 
M&sa, crowned with a range of magnificent cliffs, 
tin- highest point called Rax Sasdfeh, or SiifsAfch, 



/•■Jit;, 




The Summit of Mount Slntd.— (Kltlo.) 



as spelt by Robinson— overlooking the plain er- 
HdJuih, is the scene of the giving of the Law, and 
that peak the mountain into which Moses ascended. 
Lepsius objects, but without much force (since he 
himself climbed it), that the peak Sand/eh is nearly 
inaccessible. It is more to the purpose to observe 
that the whole Jebel Musa is, comparatively with 
adjacent mountains, insignificant. The conjunction 
of mountain with plain is the greatest feature of 
this site ; in choosing it, we lose in the mountain, 
as compared with Serbdi, but we gain in the plain, 
of which Serbdi has nothing. Yet the view from 
the plain appears by no means wanting in features 
of majesty and awe. In this long retiring sweep of 
er-Rnhah the people could " remove and stand afar 
off;'' for it extends into the lateral valleys, and so 
joins the Wady es-Sheikh. 3 — It may be added that, 

1 But Rev. W. Arthur (in Fbn.) pays. " It takes forty- 
five minutes" walking down-hill to pace the length of SeJtx'v- 
yell (three miles, so Rev. G. S. Drew). The breadth we 
made to be about a mile and three-quarters." lie makes 
the capacity of this valley greater than that of er-RAhah. 
From it " every eye would look on one object, and Jebel 
Musa, covered with cloud and fire, would impress the 
whole concourse. . . . The eastern boundary of SebAyeh is 
not, as with the sides of er-Rnhah, rock-wall, but a range 
of hills, with practicable ascent, and several lateral valleys, 
up which the people could retire and ' stand alar off.' and 
yet see the mount." The great Wady esK-Sheikh is "a 
continuation of the line of the valley." 

3 The convent, represented in the cut, and generally 
called the Convent of St. Catharine, stands in the valley 
of Shu'eib. a wild ravine which runs up S. E. by S. from 
the plain er-RAhah. It is 245 French feet long by 204 
broad, enclosed by high walls of granite blocks, and 
strengthened with small towers in various parts. The 
main body of the building stands on the elope of the 
western mountain, which is the northern part of Jebel 
Musa. It is said to have been established by the Emperor 
Justinian, a. d. 527. The mountains on each side tower 
to the height of 1,000 feet above the valley. The number 



supposing Wady Taiyibeh to have been the encamp- 
ment "by the sea," as stated in Num. xxxiii. 10, 
three routes opened there before the Israelites (Sin 
2); the most southerly one down the plain cl-Kd'a 
to Tar ; the most northerly by the Sarbul el- 
Khadem ; and the middle one by Wady Feiran, by 
which they would pass the foot of Serbdi, which, 
therefore, in this case alone could possibly be Sinai. 
The middle route aforesaid from Wady Taiyibeh 
reaches the Wady Feiran through what is called 
the Wady Moka/tcb, or " written valley," from the 
inscriptions on the rocks which line it, generally 
considered to have been the work of Christian 
hands. 

' Sin-cere' [-seer] (fr. L.), the A.V. translation of 

— 1. Gr. adoloH, literally guileless, hence unadulter- 
ated, pure, used in N. T. tropically only in the phrase 
"sincere milk," i. e. pure doctrine or spiritual nour- 
ishment (1 Pet. ii. 2). — 2. Gr. eilikrinis, literally 
judged of in sunlight, hence pure, sincere, Rbn., 
N. T. Lex. (Phil. i. 10), also translated " pure " (2 
Pet. iii. 1). The kindred noun eilikrineia is uni- 
formly translated "sincerity" (1 Cor. v. 8 ; 2 Cor. i. 
12, ii.' 17). 

* Singing. Hymjj; Music; Poetry, Hebrew. 

Si'nim (Heb., see below), a people noticed in Is. 
xlix. 12, as living at the extremity of the known 
world, either in the South or East. The majority 
of the early interpreters adopted the former view, 
but the LXX., in giving Persai (= Persians), favors 
the latter, and the weight of modern authority is 
thrown into the same scale, the name being identi- 
fied by Gesenius, Hitzig, Knobel, Fiirst, J. A. Alex- 

of resident monks, once more than 400, is now from 20 
to 30 (Rbn. i. 92, 93, 124, 130). In the library of this con- 
vent, T'schendorf found in 1859 the celebrated Codex Si- 
naiticus. New Testament, I. § 28. 



SIN 



SLA 



1043 



ander, &c, with the classical Since, the inhabitants 
of the southern part of China. No locality in the 
South equally commends itself to the judgment (so 
Mr. Bevan); Sin or Pelusium (which Bochart sug- 
gests) being too near, and Syene having a well-known 
Hebrew name. There is no obvious improbability 
in the name of the SiniE being known to the inhab- 
itants of Western Asia in the age of Isaiah ; for 
though it is not mentioned by the Greek geographer 
until the age of Ptolemy, it is certain that an inland 
commercial route connected the extreme E. with the 
W. at a very early period. (Silk.) The Sinae attained 
an independent position in Western China as early 
as the eighth century b. c, and in the third century 
B. c. established their sway under the dynasty of 
Tsin over the whole of the empire. The Rabbinical 
name of China, Tsin, as well as " China " itself, was 
derived from this dynasty. 

Si'nite (fr. Heb., see below and Sin 1), the, the 
collective name of a tribe of Canaanites (Gen. x. 
17 ; 1 Chr. i. 15), whose position is to be sought for 
in the northern part of the Lebanon district. Vari- 
ous localities in that district bear some resemblance 
to the name, particularly Sinna, a mountain fortress 
mentioned by Strabo ; Sinum or Sini, the ruins of 
which existed in the time of Jerome ; Syn, a village 
mentioned in the fifteenth century as near the River 
Area ; and Dunniyeh, a district near Tripoli/*. The 
Targums of Onkelos and Jonathan give Orthosia 
(Orthosias), a town on the coast N. E. of Tripolis. 

Si'oa (Heb. elevated, lofty, Ges. ; see No. 2), Mount. 

I. One of the various ancient names of Mount Her- 
mon (Deut. iv. 48 only). — 2. The Greek form of 
Zion (1 Mc. iv. 37, 60, v. 54, vi. 48, 62, vii. 33, x. 

II, xiv. 27; Heb. xii. 22 ; Rev. xiv. 1). 
Siph'motli (Heb. bare places, Ges.; fruitful place, 

Fii.), one of the places in the S. of Judah which 
David frequented during his wandering life (1 Sam. 
xxx. 28) ; site unknown. 

Sip'pai (Heb.) = Saph, one of the sons of Rapha, 
or " the giant ; " slain by Sibbechai at Gezer (1 Chr. 
xx. 4). Giants. 

Si'racli [-rak] (L. fr. Heb.), the father of the 
"Jesus the Son of Sirach" who wrote the Hebrew 
original of Ecclesiasticus. 

Si'rah (Heb. a going off or back, Ges.), the Well 
of; the spot from which Abner was recalled by 
Joab to his death at Hebron (2 Sam. iii. 26 only). 
A spring and reservoir on the western side of the 
ancient northern road, about one mile out of He- 
bron, called 'Ain Sara, may be a relic of the well 
of Sirah. 

Sir'i-Oll (fr. Heb. = breastplate, Ges.), one of the 
various names of Mount Hermon, that by which it 
was known to the Zidonians (Deut. iii. 9 ; Ps. xxix. 
6). 

Sis'a-mai, or Sl-sam'a-i (Heb. a distinguished one, 
sc. is Jah, Eii.), a descendant of Sheshan in the line 
of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 40). 

Sis'e-ra (Heb. battle-array, Ges.), captain of the 
army of Jabin 2, king of Canaan, who reigned in 
Hazor 1. He himself resided in Harosheth of the 
Gentiles. He was defeated by Deborah 2 and Ba- 
rak at the waters of Megiddo or the River Kishon, 
and killed by Jael the wife of Heber 6 the Kenite 
in her tent (Judg. iv., v. ; 1 Sam. xii. 9 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 
9; Chariot; Mantle; Nail, II. 1). The great 
Rabbi Akiba (\ a. d. 135), whose father was a Syrian 
proselyte of justice, is said to have been descended 
from Sisera. — 2. Ancestor of certain Nethinim who 
returned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 53; Neh. vii. 55). The name doubtless tells of 



Canaanite captives devoted to the lowest offices of 
the Temple. 

Si-sin'nes [-neez] (Gr.) = Tatnai (1 Esd. vi. 3). 

* Sis'tcr (Heb. Ahoth or Achoth ; Gr. adelphe) is 
used to denote not only one who is a daughter of 
the same parents (Gen. iv. 22; Lk. x. 39, 40, &c.) 
or of the same parent (Lev. xviii. 9, 11, &c.) with 
another, but more loosely a kinswoman or female 
relative (Gen. xxiv. 59, 60, &c), one who is inti- 
mately connected or endeared (Prov. vii. 4 ; Mat. 
xii. 50, &c. ), one of the same faith (Rom. xvi. 1, 
&c). Compare Brother. 

Sit'nah (Heb. " hatred," A. V. margin ; accusation, 
Ges.), the second of the two wells dug by Isaac in 
the valley of Gerar, the possession of which the 
herdmen of the valley disputed with him (Gen. xxvi. 
21). Rowlands (in Fairbairn) supposes it may have 
been at cs-Sinnah, a spot about twelve or fifteen 
miles S. E. from Khirbet el-Jerdr (Gerar?). 

Si'van. Month. 

* Skin. Badger-skins ; Leather, &c. 

* Skull. Calvary ; Golgotha ; Mill, &c. 

* Sky. Air ; Firmament ; Heaven, &c. 

Slave (fr. L.). The word " slave " is found only 
twice in the A. V., once (Jer. ii. 14) in the phrase 
" home-born slave," the word being supplied by the 
translators in parallelism to " servant " (Heb. 'ebed) 
in the preceding clause ; and in Rev. xviii. 13, 
where it is the representative of the Gr. pi. somata 
(literally, as in margin, " bodies "), mentioned among 
the articles of merchandise of the mystical Baby- 
lon. Indeed the term " slave," however appropriate 
to one held in servitude under the Greek and Roman 
law, is too strong to be applied to the " servant " 
or " bondman " of the Hebrews. " The Mosaic 
Law," says Saalschiitz (translated by Prof. E. P. Bar- 
rows, in B. S. xix. 33), " knows nothing of slavery 
in the sense of considering freeman and slave as be- 
ings holding an opposite relation to each other in 
respect to their dignity as men, or on a scale of civil 
and social rights. The Hebrew language has no 
word for stigmatizing by a degrading appellation 
one part of those who owe service, and distinguish- 
ing them from the rest as ' slaves,' but only one 
term for all who are under obligation to render ser- 
vice to others. For males this is ''ebed (Servant 4) 
= servant or man-servant, properly laborer ; for fe- 
males shiphhdh or shiphchAh and Amah = maid- 
servant, maid.'''' These two terms for maidservant 
or maid are both applied to Hagar (Gen. xvi. 1 
If., xxi. 10, 12, 13, &c), Bilhah and Zilpah (xxix. 
24, 29, xxx. 3, xxxi. 33, &c), &c, and each is trans- 
lated in the A. V. " maid-servant," " bondwoman," 
" maid," " handmaid," and " bondmaid," the former 
being also translated " woman-servant," " maiden," 
" servant," and " wench." "Among a people who 
occupied themselves with agriculture," continues 
Saalschiitz, " whose lawgiver, Moses, and whose 
kings, Saul and David, went immediately from the 
herd and from the plough to their high vocation, 
there could be nothing degrading in an appellation 
taken from ' labor.' 1 Servant of God ' is also ap- 
plied to Moses and the pious as a title of honor. 
The laws, moreover, respecting servants protect in 
every regard their dignity as men and their feelings. 
They by no means surrender these to the arbitrary 
will of the masters, as in other ancient and modem 
states in which slavery and thraldom have pre- 
vailed." " There was an enactment," says W. Lind- 
say, D. D. (in Fairbairn), " which shows that the 
spirit of the whole system was of a benignant char- 
acter, and which must of itself have tomded to pre- 



1044 



SLA 



SLA 



vent harshness even iu the case of a cruel master. 
. . . When a servant escaped from his master, the 
law presumed that he had good reason for fleeing, 
and therefore forbade any one on whose protection 
he might throw himself to deliver him up to his 
master. He was to remain with the person in whose 
house he had taken refuge (Deut. xxiii. 15, 10)." — 
The following parts I. and II. are abridged from the 
original article by Mr. Bevan. — I. Hebrew slaves. 
1. The circumstances under which a Hebrew might 
be reduced to servitude were — (1.) poverty; (2.) the 
commission Of theft; and (8.) the exercise of pater- 
nal authority. In the first case, a man who had 
mortgaged his property, and was unable to support 
lii.- family, might sell himself to another Hclitvw, 
with a view both to obtain maintenance, and per- 
chance a surplus sufficient to redeem his property 
(Lev. xxv. '25, 39). It has been debated whether 
under this law a creditor could seize his debtor and 
sell him as a .-lave : the words do not warrant such 
an inference. (2.) The commission of theft ren- 
dered a person liable to servitude, whenever resti- 
tution could not be made on the scale prescribed by 
the Law (Ex. xxii. 1, 3). The thief was bound to 
work out the value of his restitution money in the 
service of him on whom the theft had been com- 
mitted. (Punishments.) (3.) The exercise of pater- 
nal authority was limited to the sale of a daughter 
of tender age to be a maid-servant, with the ulte rior 
view of her becoming the CONCUBINE of the pur- 
chaser (xxi. 7 ; Marriagk). 2. The servitude of a 
Hebrew might be terminated in three ways : — (1.) 
by the satisfaction or the remission of ail claims 
against him ; (2.) by the recurrence of the year of 
Jubilee (Lev. xxv. 40); and (3.) the expiration of 
six years from the time that his servitude com- 
menced (Ex. xxi. 2 ; Deut. xv. 12 ; Sabbatical 
Ykar). The Rabbinists added, by the death 

of the master without leaving a son, there being no 
power of claiming the slave on the part of any heir 
except a son. — If a servant did not desire to avail 
himself of the opportunity of leaving his service, 
he was to signify his intention in a formal manner 
before the judges (or more exactly, at the place of 
judr/ment), and then the master was to take him 
to the door-post, and to bore his ear through with 
an awl (Ex. xxi. 6), driving the awl iDto or " unto 
the door" (Deut. xv. 17), and thus fixing the ser- 
vant to it. A servant who had submitted to this 
operation remained, according to the words of the 
Law, a servant " for ever " (Ex. xxi. 6). These words 
are, however, interpreted by Josephus and by the 
Rabbinists as meaning until the year of Jubilee. 3. 
The condition of a Hebrew servant was by no means 
intolerable. His master was admonished to treat 
him, not " as a bondservant, but as an hired ser- 
vant and as a sojourner," and " not to rule over 
him with rigor" (Lev. xxv. 39, 40, 43). At the 
termination of his servitude the master was en- 
joined not to " let him go away empty," but to re- 
munerate him liberally out of his flock, his floor, 
and his winepress (Deut. xv. 13, 14). — In the event 
of a Hebrew becoming the servant of a " stran- 
ger," meaning a non-Hebrew, the servitude could 
be terminated only in two ways, viz. by the arrival 
of the year of Jubilee, or by the repayment to the 
master of the purchase-money paid for the servant, 
after deducting a sum for the value of his services 
proportioned to the length of his servitude (Lev. 
xxv. 47-55). — A Hebrew woman might enter into 
voluntary servitude on the score of poverty, and in 
this case she was entitled to her freedom after six 



years' service, together with her usual gratuity at 
leaving, just as in the case of a man (Deut. xv. 12, 
13). — Thus far we have seen little that is objection- 
able in the condition of Hebrew servants. In re- 
spect to marriage there were some peculiarities 
which, to our ideas, would be regarded as hardships. 
A master might, e. g., give a wife to a Hebrew ser- 
vant for the time of his servitude, the wife being in 
this case not only a slave but a non-Hebrew. Should 
he leave when his term has expired, his wife and 
children would remain the absolute property of the 
master (Ex. 4, 5). Again, a father might sell 
his young daughter to a Hebrew, with a view of his 
either marrying her himself, or giving her to his 
son (7-'J). It diminishes the apparent harshness of 
this proceeding if we look on the purchase-money 
as in the light of a dowry given, as was not unusual, 
to the parents of the bride; still more, if we accept 
the Rabbinical view that the consent of the maid 
was required before the marriage could take place. 
The position of a maiden thus sold by her father 
was subject to the following regulations: — (1.) She 
could not " go out as the men-servants do," i. e. 
she could not leave at the termination of six years, 
or in the year of Jubilee, if her master was willing 
to fulfil the object for which he had purchased her. 
(2.) Should he not wish to marry her, he should 
call upon her friends to procure her release by the 
repayment of the purchase-money. (3.) If he be- 
trothed her to his son, he was bound to make such 
provision for her as he would for one of his own 
daughters. (4.) If either he or his son, having mar- 
ried her, took a second wife, it should not be to the 
prejudice of the first. (5.) If neither of the three 
first specified altei natives took place, the maid was 
entitled to immediate and gratuitous liberty (xxi. 7 
-11). — The custom of reducing Hebrews to servi- 
tude appears to have fallen into disuse subsequently 
to the Babylonish Captivity (Neh. v. 5). Vast num- 
bers of Hebrews were reduced to slavery as war- 
captives at different periods by the I'henicians (Joel 
iii. 6), the Philistines (ib. ; Am. i. (i), the Syrians 
(1 Mc. iii. 41; 2 Mc. viii. 11), the Egyptians (Jos. 
xii. 2, § 3), and, above all, by the Romans (Jos. B. 
J. vi. 9, «j 3). — II. Non-Hebrew Slaves. 1. The ma- 
jority of Non-Hebrew slaves were war-captives, 
either of the Canaanites who had survived the gen- 
eral extermination of their race under Joshua, or 
such as were conquered ftom the other surrounding 
nations (Num. xxxi. 26 ff.). Besides these, many 
were obtained by purchase from foreign slave-deal- 
ers (Lev. xxv. 44, 45); and others may have been 
resident foreigners who were reduced to this state 
either by poverty or crime. The children of slaves 
remained slaves, being the class described as " born 
in the house" (Gen. xiv. 14, xvii. 12; Eecl. ii. 7), 
and hence the number was likely to increase as 
time w ent on. The average value of a slave appears 
to have been thirty shekels (Ex. xxi. 32). 2. That 
the slave might be manumitted, appears from Ex. 
xxi. 26, 27, and Lev. xix. 20. As to the methods 
by which this might be effected, we are told nothing 
in the Bible ; but the Rabbinists specify the follow- 
ing four methods : — (1.) redemption by a money 
payment, (2.) a bill or ticket of freedom, (3.) tes- 
tamentary disposition, or, (4.) any act that implied 
manumission, such as making a slave one's heir. 
3. The slave is described as the " possession " of 
his master, apparently with a special reference to 
the power which the latter had of disposing of him 
to his heirs as he would any other article of per- 
sonal property (Lev. xxv. 45, 46) ; also as his mas- 



SLA 



STJ 



1045 



ter's " money " (Ex. xxi. 21), i. e. as representing a 
certain money value. But provision was made for 
the protection of his person (Lev. xxiv. 17, 22 ; Ex. 
xxi. 20). A minor personal injury, such as the loss 
of an eye or a tooth, was to be recompensed by giv- 
ing the servant his liberty (ver. 26, 27). The posi- 
tion of the slave in regard to religious privileges 
was favorable. He was to be circumcised (Gen. 
xvii. 12), and hence was entitled to partake of the 
Paschal sacrifice (Ex. xii. 44), as well as of the 
other religious festivals (Deut. xii. 12, 18, xvi. 11, 14). 
The occupations of slaves were of a menial charac- 
ter, as implied in Lev. xxv. 39, consisting partly in 
the work of the house, and partly in personal at- 
tendance on the master. (Canaan ; Eliezer 1 ; Law 
of Moses ; Men-stealers ; Mill ; Nethinim ; Noah ; 
Nurse; Wages.) — III. Egyptian bondage. The 
Israelites were grievously oppressed by Pharaoh 3, 
4, and the Egyptians, but were delivered from " the 
house of bondage " by the direct interposition of 
Jehovah. The Egyptians had domestic servants 
who may have been slaves (Ex. ix. 14, 20, 21, xi. 5). 
(Joseph 1.) But the Israelites were not dispersed 
among the families of Egypt : they formed a special 
community in the land of Goshen (Gen. xlvi. 34 ; 
Ex. viii. 22, &c); had "flocks and herds and very 
much cattle " (xii. 32, 38) ; preserved their divisions 
of tribes, and families, and their internal organiza- 
tion (v. 19, vi. 14 ff., xii. 19, 21, &c.) ; had to a con- 
siderable degree the disposal of their time (ii. 7-9, 
iv. 27-31, xii. 6, &c.) ; were all armed (xxxii. 27), 
&c. The service required seems to have been ex- 
acted from males only, and probably from only a 
portion of the people at once. As tributaries they 
probably supplied levies of men, from which the 
wealthy seem to have been exempted (iii. 16, iv. 
29, v. 20). The poor were the oppressed ; and all 
the service wherewith they made them serve " was 
with rigor" (i. 11-14, compare v. 6 ff.). — IV. Gre- 
cian slavery in the Homeric or ante-historic age ap- 
pears to have been comparatively mild, though the 
condition of women was worse than that of men. 
Every Greek state, with a few exceptions, had sla- 
very among its institutions ; but the condition and 
treatment of slaves varied greatly in different Greek 
communities. Athenian legislation protected the 
personal rights of the slave, gave him, if ill-treated, 
the privilege of an asylum in certain temples, and 
promoted his efforts to obtain freedom. The helots 
or slaves of Sparta, on the other hand, furnish the 
type of all that is calamitous among the oppressed. 
They were slaves of the state, apportioned by the 
state to individuals, but not in full possession, and 
could not be sold out of Laconia, nor liberated ex- 
cept by the state. They more than once rose in 
revolt against their masters, at important crises in 
the history of Sparta, and with much effect thereon. 
The number of slaves in Greece is estimated to 
have been three or four times that of the free pop- 
ulation.— V. Roman slavery was perpetual and he- 
reditary. The master possessed the uncontrolled 
power of life and death over his slave — a power 
which continued at least till Hadrian's time (a. d. 
117). He might, and frequently did, kill, mutilate, 
and torture his slaves, for any or for no offence, so 
that slaves were sometimes crucified from mere 
caprice. He might force them to become prosti- 
tutes or gladiators ; and instead of the perpetual 
obligation of the marriage-tie, their temporary unions 
were formed and dissolved at his command, families 
and friends were separated, and no obligation ex- 
iste 1 to provide for their wants in sickness or in | 



health. Yet both law and custom were decidedly 
favorable to giving freedom to the slave. (Roman 
Empire ; Rome.) — VI. Christianity in relation to 
slavery. The laws which the Lord Jesus Christ 
gave for the government of His kingdom were those 
of universal justice and benevolence, and as such 
were subversive of every system of oppression and 
tyranny. The reciprocal duties of masters and ser- 
vants were, indeed, inculcated, and servants " under 
the yoke," or slaves of heathens are exhorted to 
obey their masters (Eph. vi. 5-9 ; Col. iii. 22, iv. 1 ; 

1 Tim. vi. 1 ; Tit. ii. 9; 1 Pet. ii. 18). But this ar- 
gues no approval of the relation; for — (1.) Jesus, 
in an analogous case (Divorce), appeals to the 
paramount law of nature as superseding such tem- 
porary regulations as the hardness of men's hearts 
had rendered necessary ; (2.) St. Paul, while coun- 
selling the duties of contentment and submission 
under the inevitable bondage, inculcates on the 
slave the duty of adopting all legitimate means of 
obtaining his freedom (1 Cor. vii. 20, 21). Onesimds, 
according to the concurrent testimony of antiquity, 
was liberated by Philemon. Although the condition 
of the Roman slaves was no doubt improved under 
the emperors, the early effects of Christian prin- 
ciples were manifest in mitigating the horrors and 
bringing about the gradual abolition of slavery. Of 
the preceding parts, III., V., VI. are abridged from 
the article in Kitto, by Wm. Wright, LL. D. ; IV. is 
abridged from the article on slavery in the New 
American Cyclopaedia. 

* Sleep. The noun and the verb are not only used 
literally to denote the slumber or repose of the 
body (Gen. xxviii. 11; Ps. iv. 8; Mat. i. 24, &c); 
but tropically to denote death (Jer. Ii. 39 ; Dan. xii. 

2 ; Jn. xi. 11 ; 1 Cor. xi. 30, xv. 51, &c), or spirit- 
ual torpor, inactivity, &c. (Rom. xiii. 11; Eph. v. 
14, &c). 

Slime, the A. V. rendering of the Heb. hemdr or 
chemdr, the hommar of the Arabs, translated as- 
phaltos by the LXX., and bitumen in the Vulgate. 
" The varieties of bitumen commonly described are — 
the liquid oil, naphtha, or in its more impure form, 
pc'rolcum ; the viscid, pitchy bitumen, which passes 
into the black resinous asphaltum ; and the elastic 
bitumen, or elaterite of the mineralogists, also called 
mineral caoutchouc." " The liquid varieties become 
inspissated by exposure, and eventually harden into 
the solid form, which is asphaltum. The bitumens 
burn with a flame and thick black smoke, giving out 
the peculiar odor called bituminous. Some of the 
impure fluid bitumens, and the solid variety when 
melted, closely resemble coal-tar " (New American 
Cyclopaedia, article Bitumen). It is first spoken of 
as used for cement (Mortar 2) by the builders in 
the plain of Shinar, or Babylonia (Gen. xi. 3). The 
bitumen-pits in the vale of Siddim are mentioned in 
Gen. xiv. 10 ; and the ark of papyrus in which 
Moses was placed was made impervious to water 
by a coating of bitumen and pitch (Ex. ii. 3). He- 
rodotus tells us of the bitumen found at Is, a town 
of Babylonia, eight days' journey from Babylon. 
The captive Eretrians were sent by Darius to collect 
asphaltum, salt, and oil at Ardericca, a place 210 
stadia from Susa, in the district of Cissia. The 
town of Is (the modern Hit or Heel — Ivah ?) was 
situated on a stream of the same name, which flowed 
into the Euphrates, and carried down with it the 
lumps of bitumen, which was used in the build- 
ing of Babylon. Ammianus Marcellinus tells us 
that Babylon was built with bitumen by Semiramis. 
The principal bitumen-pit at Heet, says Mr. Rich, 



1046 



SLI 



SMY 



has two sources, and is divided by a wall in the 
centre, on one side of which bitumen bubbles up, 
and on the other the oil of naphtha. Sir R. K. 
Porter observed that " bitumen was chiefly confined 
by the Chaldean builders to the foundations and 
lower parts of the edifices, for the purpose of pre- 
venting the ill effects of water." The use of bitu- 
men appears to have been confined to the Babyloni- 
ans, for at Nineveh, Mr. Layard observes, " bitumen 
and reeds were not employed to cement the layers 
of bricks, as at Babylon ; although both materials 
are to be found in abundance in the immediate vi- 
cinity of the city." The bitumen of the Dead Sea 
is described by Strabo. Josephus, and Pliny. Strabo 
gives an account of the volcanic action by which 
the bottom of the sea was disturbed, and the bitu- 
men thrown to the surface. It was at first lique- 
fied by the heat, and then changed into a thick, vis- 
cous substance by the cold water of the sea, on the 
surface of which it floated in lumps. The Arabs 
of the neighborhood have perpetuated the story of 
its formation as given by Strabo. Dr. Thomson tells 
us that they still call the bitumen-pits by the name 
bidret hiimmar, which strikingly resembles the Heb. 
betroth hemdr or chemdr (A. V. "slime-pits") of 
Gen. xiv. 10. The mineral, found now in the "bitu- 
men wells," about three mile3 W. of Hdsbeiya, in 
a stratum varying in thickness from less than five 
to fifteen feet, "melts readily enough by itself ; but 
then, when cold, it is as brittle as glass. It must 
be mixed with tar while melting, and in that way it 
forms a hard, glossy wax, perfectly impervious to 
water " (Thn. i. 336). (Pitch.) Strabo says that 
in Babylonia boats were made of wicker-work, and 
then covered with bitumen to keep out the water. 
Euphrates ; Noah. 
Sling. Arms, I. 4. 

Smith. For an account of the smith's work and 
tools, see Handicraft. A description of a smith's 
workshop is given in Ecclus. xxxviii. 28. Copper; 
Goli>;Iron; Metals; Mines; Silver; Tool, &c. 

Soiyr na (L. fr. Gr. = myrrh; said to have been 
named from the wife of its founder), an important 



commercial city, situated on a gulf of the jEgean 
Sea. The Smyrna mentioned in Rev. i. 11 and ii. 
8-11, as the seat of one of the seven churches in 
Asia, was founded, or at least the design of founding 
it was entertained, by Alexander the Great soon 
after the battle of the Granicus. It was situated 
twenty stades (2 -J- miles) from the ancient Greek 
city of the same name, which, after a long series of 
wars, had been taken and sackqd by the Lydiana 
under King Alyattes, the rich lands in the neighbor- 
hood being for centuries afterward cultivated by the 
inhabitants, scattered in villages about the country. 
The date of this destruction of old Smyrna is given 
by Prof. G. M. Lane (in B.S.xv. 228) as probably 
between n. c. 580 and 560, by Mr. L. Schmitz (in 
Smith's Dictionary of Geography) as d. c. 627. The 
descendants of this population were reunited in the 
new Smyrna which was built under Antigonus and 
I. vMinachus, after Alexander's death, and soon be- 
came a wealthy and important city. In the time 
of Strabo, the ruins of the Old Smyrna still existed, 
and were partially inhabited, but the new city was 
one of the most beautiful in all Asia. The streets 
were laid out as near as might be at right angles; 
but an unfortunate oversight of the architect, who 
forgot to make underground drains to carry off the 
storm rains, occasioned the flooding of the town 
with the filth and refuse of the streets. The city 
had a large public library ; a handsome building 
surrounded with porticoes which served as a mu- 
seum, and consecrated to Homer, whom the Smyr- 
neans claimed as a countryman ; an Odeum ; and a 
temple of the Olympian Jupiter, with whose wor- 
ship that of the Roman emperors was associated. 

( Mvinpian g: - were celebrated here, and excited 

great interest. Orgiastic rites, both of the mother 
of the gods and of Bacchus, were also celebrated 
at Smyrna, and it was usual, at the end of his of- 
ficial year, to present a crown to the priest who 
superintended the religious ceremonial in honor of 
Bacchus (compare Rev. ii. 11). Smyrna, under the 
Romans, was an assize town. The aged Polycarp, 
a disciple of the Apostle John, and bishop of the 




The Castle and Prrt of Smyrna. — From Labordc. — (Fbn.) 



Christian Church, suffered martyrdom here, a. d. 
166. The city has suffered greatly at various times 
from earthquakes (a. d. 111, 1846, &c), fires (one 
in 1841 destroying 12,000 houses), sieges and cap- 
tures, the plague, &c. Smyrna, now called Ismir, 



has long been one of the most flourishing cities of 
the Turkish empire. It is the seat of a pashalic, 
and has an extensive trade both by land and sea, 
with a population estimated at 150,000, viz. 80,000 
Turks, 40,000 Greeks, 15,000 Jews, 10,000 Armeni- 



SNA 



SOC 



1047 



ans, and 5,000 Franks {New American Cyclopaedia). 
American Protestant missionaries have labored here 
with great success for a number of years. 

Snail, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. shablul, 
found only in Ps. lviii. 8, Heb. 9. The rendering 
" snail " is supported by many of the Jewish Doc- 
tors, and is probably correct. The snail or slug was 
supposed to consume away and die by constantly 
emitting slime as it crawls along. The Hebrew term 
would denote either a Limax, or a Helix, which are 
particularly noticeable for the slimy track they leave 
behind them. — 2. Heb. hornet or chornet, which occurs 
only as the name of some unclean animal in Lev. 
xi. 30. The Veneto-Greek and the Rabbins trans- 
late " snail " with the A. V. ; the LXX., Vulgate, 
Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, understand some kind of 
Lizard ; the Arabic versions of Erpenius and Saadias 
give Chameleon. Perhaps some kind of lizard may 
be intended (so Mr. Houghton). 

* Snare (Heb. mokesh, pah or pach, &c. ; Gr. 
brochos, pagis) — a noose or other contrivance for 
catching birds, &c. (Job xl. 24 ; Ps. exxiv. 7 ; Prov. 
vii. 23, &c), mostly used figuratively to denote a 
device or stratagem to catch men, something at- 
tractive and dangerous, a cause or occasion of 
destruction, &c. (Ex. x. 7; Judg. viii. 27; Ps. cxix. 
110 ; Lk. xxi. 35 : 1 Cor. vii. 35 ; 1 Tim. iii. 7, &c). 
Gin ; Hunting ; Net. 

Snow. (Heb. sheleg ; Chal. telag ; Gr. chion). 
Snow is rarely mentioned as actually falling (2 Sam. 
xxiii. 20 ; 1 Chr. xi. 22 ; 1 Me. xiii. 22), but the al- 
lusions are so numerous that there can be no doubt 
as to its being an ordinary occurrence in the winter 
months (Job vi. 16, ix. 30, xxiv. 19, xxxvii. 6 ; Ps. 
lxviii. 14, cxlvii. 16, cxlviii. 8, &c). Its color is an 
image of brilliancy (Dan. vii. 9 ; Mat. xxviii. 3 ; Rev. 
i. 14), of purity (Is. i. 18 ; Lam. iv. 7), of the blanch- 
ing effects of leprosy (Ex. iv. 6 ; Num. xii. 10 ; 2 
K. v. 27). The snow lies deep in the ravines of the 
highest ridge of Lebanon until the summer is far 
advanced, and, indeed, never wholly disappears ; the 
summit of Hermon also perpetually glistens with 
frozen snow. From these sources probably the 
Jews obtained ice for cooling their beverages in 
summer (Prov. xxv. 13). The liability to snow must 
of course vary considerably in a country of such 
varying altitude as Palestine. At Jerusalem snow 
often falls to the depth of a foot or more in January 
and February, but it seldom lies. At Nazareth it 
falls more frequently and deeply, and it has been 
observed to fall even in the maritime plain of Joppa 
and about Carmel. Frost ; Palestine, Climate ; 
Rain. 

* Snuff-dish. Censer ; Fire-pan ; Snuffers. 

* Snuffers, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. pi. 

mezammerdlh =forceps, snuffers, for lamps, Ges.,Fii. 
(1 K. vii. 50; 2 K. xii. 13 [Heb. 14], xxv. 14; 2 
Chr. iv. 22 ; Jer. Iii. 18). — 2. Heb. melkahayim or 
mclkdchaijim (Ex. xxxvii. 23), elsewhere translated 
I' tongs " (xxv. 38 ; Num. iv. 9 ; 1 K. vii. 49 ; 2 Cnr. 
iy. 21 ; Is. vi. 6). Fiirst (and so Gesenius substan- 
tially) defines the Hebrew thus : " longs, with which 
burning coals and stones were caught (Is. vi. 6) ; 
especially snuffers, for trim ning lamps (Ex. xxxv. 
38, xxxvii. 23 ; Num. iv. 9 ; 1 K. vii. 49)." Candle- 
stick; Lamp; Snuff-dish. 

So (Heb. fr. Egyptian Sevechor Seve, a deity rep- 
resented in the form of a crocodile, Champollion, 
Ges.). So, king of Egypt, is once mentioned in the 
BibK Hoshea, the last king of Israel, evidently 
intending to become the vassal of Egypt, sent mes- 
sengers to him and made no present, as had been 



the yearly custom, to the king of Assyria (2 K. 
xvii. 4). The consequence of this step was the im- 
prisonment of Hoshea, the taking of Samaria, and 
the captivity of the ten tribes. So has been identi- 
fied by different writers with the first and second 
kings of the Ethiopian twenty-fifth dynasty, called 
by Manetho, Sabakon (Shebek), and Sebichos (Shebe- 
tek). Teharka, or Tirhakah, was the third and last 
king of this dynasty. To these three kings Africa- 
nus assigns reigns of 8, 14, 18 years respectively; 
Eusebius, of 12, 12, and 20 years. Mr. R. S. Poole 
is disposed to identify him with the first, Shebek, 
and assign him a reign of twelve years ; Gesenius 
and Fiirst make him the second of these kings, and 
assign him a reign of fourteen years. From Egyp- 
tian sources we know nothing more of Shebek (so 
Mr. Poole) than that he conquered and put to death 
Bocchoris, the sole king of the twenty-fourth dy- 
nasty, and that he continued the monumental works 
of the Egyptian kings. The standard inscription 
of Sargon in his palace at Kliorsabad states, ac- 
cording to M. Oppert, that after the capture of Sa- 
maria, Hanon, king of Gaza, and Sebech (Shebek or 
Shebetek ?), sultan of Egypt, met the king , of As- 
syria in battle at Rapih (Raphia), and were defeated. 
Sebech disappeared, but Hanon was captured. 

Soap, the A. V. translation of Heb. borith (Jer. ii. 
22 ; Mai. iii. 2), which is a general term for any 
substance of cleansing qualities. As, however, it 
; appears in Jer. ii. 22, in contradistinction to nether 
| (A. V. "nitre"), i. e. natron, or mineral " alkali, it 
is fair to infer that borith refers to vegetable alkali, 
or some kind of potash, which forms one of the 
usual ingredients in our soap. The ancients used 
this alkali with oil for washing and scouring gar- 
ments instead of soap, also in refining metals (Gese- 
nius). The soap familiar to us was unknown to the 
Egyptians and probably to the ancients generally. 
Pliny ascribes the invention of it to the Gauls, from 
whom and from the Germans the Romans learned 
how to make it. Numerous plants, capable of 
yielding alkalies, exist in Palestine and the sur- 
rounding countries ; one named Hubeibeh (the Sal- 
sola Kali of botanists) found near the Dead Sea, the 
ashes of which are called el-Kuli from their strong 
alkaline properties ; the 'A/ram, found near Sinai, 
which, when pounded, serves as a substitute for 
soap ; the gilloo, or " soap-plant " of Egypt ; the 
heath, the ashes of which are used in the manu- 
facture of soap at Joppa; the Saponaria officinalis 
(common soap-wort), and the Mesembryanthemum 
nodijlornm (allied to the common ice-plant), both 
possessing alkaline properties, and growing in Pal- 
estine, &c. 

So'cho [-ko] (Heb. = Sochoh or Socoh), probably 
= Socoh 1 or 2 (1 Chr. iv. 18). 

So choh (Heb. branches, Ges.) = Socoh ; probably, 
though not certainly, Socoh 1 (1 K. iv. 10). 

So coh (fr. Heb. — Sochoh), the name of two 
towns in the tribe of Judah. 1. In the lowland 
district or Shepheldh, a member of the same group 
with Jarmuth, Azekah, Shaaraim, &c. (Josh. xv. 
35) ; the place at which the Philistines were gath- 
ered before the combat of David and Goliath (1 
Sam. xvii. 1); fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 7); 
taken by the Philistines in the reign of Ahaz (xxviii. 
18) ; = Shoco, Shocho, Shochoh ; probably = 
Sochoh ; perhaps = Socho. (Elah, Valley of ; 
Ephes-dammim.) In the time of Eusebius and Je- 
rome ( Onom. " Soccho ") it bore the name of Soccho'h, 
and lay between eight and nine Roman miles from 
Eleutheropolis, on the road to Jerusalem. Dr. 



1048 



SOD 



SOD 



Robinson idcnti6cd Socoh with the ruins of csh- 
Shuweikeh, in the western part of the mountains of 
Judah, about one mile N. of the track from Beit 
Jibrin (Eleutheropolis) to Jerusalem, between seven 
and eight English miles from the tormer, and about 
fifteen S. W. from the latter. From this village 
probably came "Antigonus of Soco," who lived 
about the commencement of the third century b. c. 
(Sadducees; Scribes.)— 2. In the mountain district; 
named with Anab, Jattir, &c. (Josh. xv. 48); iden- 
tified by Dr. Robinson with the ruin esh-Shuiceikeh in 
the Wady el-Khalil, about ten miles S. W. of Hebron. 

* Sod or, or Sol der. Lead. 

So'di (Heb. confidant of Jehovah, Ges.), father of 
Gaddiel, who was the spy from Zebulun (Num. xiii. 
10). 

Sodom (Heb. sldom = burning, conflagration, or 
field, vineyard / Ges. ; lime-place or enclosed jtlacr, 
fort, Fu. ; Gr. and L. Sodoma), one of the five 
ancient " cities of the plain " (Plain 3) ; commonly 
mentioned with Gomorrah, but also with Ami mi 
and Zeboim, and in Gen. xiv. with Beta or Zoar. 
Sodom was evidently the chief town in the settle- 
ment. The four are first named in the ethnological 
records of Gen. x. 19, as belonging to the Canaan- 
ites. The next mention of Sodom is in Gen. xiii. 
10-13. Abram and Lot are standing together, ap- 
parently between Bethel and Ai (ver. 3), taking a 
survey of the land around and below them. " And 
Lot lifted up his eyes, and beheld all the plain 
(Plain 3 ; Zoar) of Jordan, that it was well watered 
everywhere, before the Lord destroyed Sodom and 
Gomorrah, even as the garden of the Lord, like the 
land of Egypt, as thou comest unto Zoar. Then 
Lot chose him all the plain of Jordan ; and Lot 
journeyed east ; and they separated themselves the 
one from the other. Abram dwelled in the land of 
Canaan, and Lot dwelled in the cities of the plain 
and pitched his tent toward Sodom " (ver. 10-12). 
In this fertile plain — or " circle " — of Jordan the 
four cities of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim 
appear to have been situated. In the subsequent 
account of their destruction (Gen. six.), the same 
topographical term "plain" (Heb. ciccdr = circle 
or circuit) is employed. Mr. Grove thinks that the 
mention of the Jordan is conclusive as to the situa- 
tion of the district, for the Jordan ceases where it 
enters the Dead Sea, and can have no existence S. 
of that point. (But on this whole argument see 
Zoar.) The catastrophe by which Sodom and the 
other cities of " the plain " were destroyed is de- 
scribed in Gen. xix. as a shower of brimstone and 
fire from Jehovah, from the skies. Mr. Grove (and 
so Tristram, &c.) regards it as certain that the lake 
was not one of the agents in the catastrophe, and 
claims that the later passages in which the destruc- 
tion of the cities is referred to throughout the Scrip- 
tures always speak of the district on which the 
cities once stood, not as submerged, but, as still 
visible, though desolate and uninhabitable (Deut. 
xxix. 22 ; Ps. cvii. 34 ; Is. xiii. 19 ; Jer. xlix. 18, 
1. 40; Am. iv. 11 ; Zeph. ii. 9 ; 2 Pet. ii. 6), and in 
the Apocrypha (Wis. ix. 7 ; 2 Esd. ii. 8); also that 
Josephus and heathen writers, as Strabo and Taci- 
tus, are evidently under the belief that the district 
was not under water, and that the remains of the 
towns were still to be seen. From all these pas- 
sages Mr. Grove draws the conclusions — 1. That 
Sodom and the rest of the cities of "the plain of 
Jordan " stood on the N. of the Dead Sea. 2. That 
neither the cities nor the district were submerged 
by the lake, but that the cities were overthrown and 



the land spoiled, and that it may still be seen in its 
desolate condition. These conclusions of Mr. Grove, 
adopted by Rev. H. B. Tristram (Land of Israel, 
360 f.), and favored by Rev. G. S. Drew (in Fbn.) 
and by Rev. J. Ayre ( 'Treasury of Bible Knowledge), 
are, however, at variance with — I. The opinion, long 
current, that the five cities were submerged in the 
lake, and that their remains — walls, columns, and 
capitals — might be still discerned below the water. 
This opinion has been vigorously assailed by Reland, 
De Saulcy, Stanley, &c, and is regarded by Mr. 
Grove as now hardly needing refutation. II. The 
prevalent opinion that the cities stood at the S. end 
of the lake. This appears to have been the belief 
of Josephus and Jerome, and of the mediaeval his- 
torians and pilgrims universally, and it is adopted 
by modern topographers almost without exception. 
There are several grounds for this belief: (a.) " Lot 
fled to Zoar, which was near to Sodom ; and Zoar 
lay almost at the southern end of the present sea, 
probably in the mouth of the Wady Kcrak" (Rbn. 
ii. 188). (b.) The existence of similar names in 
that direction. Thus the name Usdum, attached to 
the remarkable ridge of salt at the southwestern 
corner of the lake (Sea, the Salt, II., § 18), is usually 
accepted as the representative of Sodom (Robin- 
son, Van de Velde, De Saulcy, &c., &c). The name 
'.I mrah, attached to a valley among the mountains 
S. of Masada or Sebbih (Van de Velde, ii. 99), al- 
most exactly = the Hebrew of Gomorrah. The 
name Dra'a, and much more strongly that of Zoghal, 
recall Zoar. (c) The existence of the salt mountain 
at the S. of the lake, and its tendency to split off* 
in columnar masses, presenting a rude resemblance 
to the human form. (Lot.) (d.) " The well-watered 
plain toward the 8. (compare Gen. xiii. 10, 11; 
Rbn. ii. 18!»). "Even to the present day, more liv- 
ing streams flow into the Ghor, at the south end of 
the sea, from wadys of the eastern mountains than 
are found so near together in all Palestine besides " 
(Robinson, Physical Geography, 234). The plain is 
furrowed by eight small water-courses, one, at least, 
of which ( Wady Tufileh) is a permanent stream 
(Tristram, 333, 335). The Ghor es-Sdfieh "teemed 
with a prodigality of life. It was, in fact, a repro- 
duction of the oasis of JerUho, in a far more tropi- 
cal climate, and with yet more lavish supply of 
water " (Tristram, 336). Even in the now desolate 
plain of Sabkah, " at the depth of eighteen inches, 
the soil was a fat, greasy loam " (Tristram, 335 
(Sea, TnE Salt, II., §§ 25, 26). (e.) " The pecu- 
liar character of ' this part of the Dead Sea, where 
alone at the present day asphaltum (Slime) makes 
its appearance " (Rbn. ii. 189). (/) " The testimony 
of unbroken tradition, ancient and modern" (S. 
Wolcott, D. D., in B. S. xxv. 144). (g.) " The south 
end of the 6ea and its surroundings present at 
this day such an appearance as the scripturnl state- 
ments above cited would lead us to expect. The 
entire southwest coast and adjacent territory from 
above Sclbeh round to the fertile border of the 
Ghor es-Sufleh on the extreme S. E., relieved at a 
single point by the verdure of the small oasis of 
Zuweirah, is, and has been, from the time of Sodom's 
destruction, the image of enthroned desolation " 
(xxv. 148). — It was formerly supposed that the 
overthrow of Sodom was caused by the convulsion 
which formed the Dead Sea. This theory is stated 
by Dean Milman in his History of the Jews (i. 15, 
16) with great spirit and clearness. But the 
changes which occurred when the limestone strata 
of Syria were split by that vast fissure which fc:ms 



SOD 



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1049 



the Jordan Valley and the basin of the Salt Sea 
(Arabaii), must not only have taken place at a time 
long anterior to the period of Abraham, but must 
have been of such a nature and on such a scale as 
to destroy all animal life far and near. Dr. Robin- 
son's theory is — " that the fertile plain is now in 
part occupied by the southern bay lying S. of the 
peninsula ; and that, by some convulsion or catas- 
trophe of nature connected with the miraculous 
destruction of the cities, either the surface of this 
plain was scooped out, or the bottom of the lake 
heaved up so as to cause the waters to overflow and 
cover permanently a larger tract than formerly." 
(Sea, the Salt, II., §§ 47, 48 ; Zoar.) Mr. Grove 
suggests that the actual agent in the ignition and 
destruction of the cities may have been of the na- 
ture of a tremendous thunderstorm accompanied by 
a discharge of meteoric stones. The miserable fate 
of Sodom and Gomorrah is held up as a warning (2 
Pet. ii. 6; Jude 4-7; Mk. vi. 11). Vine of Sodom. 

Sod'o-ma(Gr. and L. fr. Heb) = Sodom (Rom. ix. 
29). 

Sod'om-itc (literally = one from Sodom; hence 
one who has the character or habits of the people of 
Sodom), the A. V. translation of Heb. kddesh (see 
below). This word does not denote one of the in- 
habitants of Sodom (except only in 2 Esd. vii. 36) or 
their descendants ; but in the A. V. of the 0. T. = 
one of those who practised as a religious rite the 
abominable and unnatural vice from which the in- 
habitants of Sodom and Gomorrah have derived their 
lasting infamy (Deut. xxiii. 17 ; IK. xiv. 24, xv. 12, 
xxii. 46; 2 K. xxiii. 7 ; Job xxxvi. 14 marg.). The 
Heb. kddesh is said to be derived from a root kddash 
= to be pure, and thence to be holy or consecrated. 
" This dreadful ' consecration,' or rather desecration, 
was spread in different forms over Phenicia, Syria, 
Phrygia, Assyria, Babylonia. Ashtaroth, the Greek 
Astarte, was its chief object." The Heb. fem. of 
kddesh, viz. kcdeshdh, is translated " harlot " :n Gen. 
xxxviii. 21, 22; Hos. iv. 14; and "whore" (margin 
" Sodomitess ") in Deut. xxiii. 17, Heb. 18. It de- 
notes one consecrated, like the kddesh, to the wor- 
ship of Ashtaroth, and the gains of her prostitution 
went into the treasury of this goddess, Ges. 

Sod'om-i-tish [i as in Sodomite] (adj. = of Sodom) 
Sea, the = the Dead Sea (2 Esd. v. 7). Sea, the 
Salt. 

* Sol der, or Sod'cr. Lead. 

* Sol dier. Arms ; Army. 

Sol'o-mon (Gr. fr. Heb. Shelomoh = pacific, Ges.). 
I. Name. The changes of pronunciation are worth 
noticing. We lose something of the dignity of the 
name when it passes from the measured stateliness 
of the Hebrew to the Greek Solomon of the N. T., and 
the English Solomon. It appears, though with an 
altered sound, in the Arabic Snlcimaun. — II. Mate- 
rials. (1.) The comparative scantiness of historical 
data for a life of Solomon is itself significant. While 
that of David occupies more than sixty chapters (1 
Sam. xvi.-xxxi. ; 2 Sam. i.-xxiv. ; 1 K. i.-ii. ; 1 Chr. 
x.-xxix.), that of Solomon fills only the eleven chap- 
ters 1 K. i.-xi., and the nine 2 Chr. i.-ix. The writers 
give extracts only from larger works which were be- 
fore them, "The book of the Acts of Solomon" (1 
K. xi. 41); "the book of Nathan the prophet, the 
book of Ahijah the Shilonite, the visions of Iddo the 
seer "(2 Chr. ix. 29). (2.) Prof. Plumptre thinks 
that Nathan 1 probably wrote the account of the 
accession of Solomon and the dedication of the Tem- 
ple (1 K. i.-viii. 66 ; 2 Chr. i.-viii. 15). He ascribes 
to Ahijah 1 the Shilonite the short record of the sin 



of Solomon, and of the revolution to which he him- 
self had so largely contributed (1 K. xi.). From the 
Book of the Acts of Solomon came, he supposes, the 
miscellaneous facts as to the commerce and splendor 
of his reign (ix. 10-x. 29). (3.) Some materials for 
the life of Solomon exist in the books that bear his 
name (Canticles ; Ecclesiastes ; Proverbs), and in 
the Psalms which are referred, on good grounds, to his 
time(Ps. ii., xlv.,lxxii., cxxvii.). (4.) Other materials 
are very scanty. The history of Josephus is, for the 
most part, only a loose and inaccurate paraphrase of 
the 0. T. narrative. In him, and in the more erudite 
among early Christian writers, we find some frag- 
ments of older history not without their value, ex- 
tracts from archives alleged to exist at Tyre in the 
first century of the Christian era, and from the Phe- 
nician histories of Menander and Dius, from Eupole- 
mos, from Alexander Polyhistor, Menander, and 
Laitus. (5.) For the legends of later Oriental litera- 
ture see VII. below. (Chronology ; Kings, First and 
Second Books op.) — III. Education. (1.) The stu- 
dent of Solomon's life must take as his starting-point 
the circumstances of his birth. He was one of the 
sons of David by Bath-sheba, apparently the second 
(2 Sam. xii.), but named last in 1 Chr. iii. 5, and called 
by Josephus his youngest son (Jos. vii. 14, § 2). The 
feelings of the king and of his prophet-guide ex- 
pressed themselves in the names with which they 
welcomed his birth (Solomon = the peaceful one ; 
Jedidiah = Jehovah's darling, Jehovah's beloved 
one). (2.) The three influences which must have 
entered most largely into the education of Solo- 
mon were those of his father, his mother, and his 
teacher (Nathan 1), under whose charge (so Prof. 
Plumptre, with Winer, Stanley, &c.) he was placed 
from his earliest infancy (2 Sam. xii. 25'). (3.) The 
fact just stated, that a prophet-priest was made the 
special instructor, indicates (so Prof. Plumptre ; see 
note ') the king's earnest wish that this child at 
least should be protected against the evils which, 
then and afterward, showed themselves in his elder 
sons, and be worthy of the name he bore. Prof. 
Plumptre thinks that David at first had no distinct 
purpose to make Solomon his heir, but that Absa- 
lom, the king's favorite, was looked upon by the peo- 
ple as his destined successor, and that after Absa- 
lom's death, David pledged his word in secret to 
Bath-sheba that he, and no other, should be the heir 
(1 K. i. 13). How far the divine designation of Solo- 
mon or the oath of David to Bath-sheba was known, 
we are not informed ; but the designation seems to 
have been made before Solomon's birth (1 Chr. xxii. 
9; compare xxviii. 5, 6 ; 2 Sam. vii. 12 ff). Prof. 
Plumptre regards the words of 1 Chr. xxviii. 9, 20, 
as expressing, doubtless, the purpose which guided 
David throughout. His son's life should not be as 
his own had been, one of hardships and wars, dark 



1 "The prophet whohad named him ' darling of Jehovah.' 
is said by many (Stanley, Lectures, ii. 1G9) to have super- 
intended his early education, or to have shared the duty 
with Jehiel (1 Chr. xxvii. 32). But the narrative does not 
warrant so broad a statement. The natural sense of the 
words in 2 Sam. xii. 24, 25 is, 'The Lord loved him, and 
in token of that love, He (the Lord) sent by the hand of 
Nathan the prophet, and he (i. e. Nathan, by divine com- 
mission) called his name Jedidiah, because of the Lord.' 
. . . Stili the tradition is a probable one, that Nathan had a 
special ch arize in the early training of the prince " (J. Eadie, 
D. D., in Pairbairn). The phrase here rendered by Gese- 
nius, A. V., &c, " sent by the hand of," is literally in the 
Hebrew, LXX., and Vulgate sent in (not into, or to, as the 
inference of Prof. Plumptre, &c, seems to require) thehand 
of, and occurs in 1 Sam. xvi. 20, in 2 Sam. xi. 14, and in 1 
K. ii. 25, in all which the meaning is undisputedly, as given 
in the A. V., " sent by the hand of" or " sent by." 



1050 



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SOL 



crimes and passionate repentance, but, from first to 
last, be pure, blameless, peaceful, fulfilling the ideal 
of glory and of righteousness, after which he him- 
self had vainly striven. The glorious visions of Ps. 
lxxii. may be looked on as the prophetic expansion 
of those hopes. So far, all was well. But we may 
not ignore the fact, that the later years of David's 
life presented a change for the worse, as well as for 
the better. The liturgical element of religion be- 
comes, alter the first passionate out-pouring of Ps. 
li., unduly predominant. We cannot rest in the be- 
lief that his influence over his son's character was 
one exclusively for good. (4.) In Eastern coun- 
tries, aod under a system of polygamy, the son is 
more dependent, even than elsewhere, on the char- 
acter of the mother. Nothing that we know of 
Bath-eheba leads us to think of her as likely to mould 
her son's mind and heart to the higher forms of 
goodness. (5.) The prophet Nathan, to whose care 
the education of Solomon is supposed to have been 
confided, beyond all doubt, could speak bold and 
faithful words when they were needed (2 Sam. viL 
1-17, xii. 1-14); but we know positively little or 
nothing of his general wisdom or activity for good. 
(6.) Under these influences the boy grew up. At 
the age of ten or eleven he must have passed through 
the revolt of Absalom, and shared his father's exile 
(xv. 16). He would be taught all that priests, or 
Levitks, or prophets had to teach. (Ehucatio.n ; 
Priest; Prophet.) The growing intercourse of 
Israel with the Phenicians would lead naturally to a 
wider knowledge of the outlying world and its won- 
ders than had fallen to his father's lot. Admirable, 
however, as all this was, a shepherd-life, like his 
lather's, furnished, we may believe, a better educa- 
tion for the kingly calling (Ps. lxxviii. 70, 71). — IV. 
Accession. (1.) The feebleness of David's old age 
led to an attempt which might have deprived Solo- 
mon of the throne his father destined for him. 
Adonijah, next in order of birth to Absalom, like 
Absalom, "was a goodly man" (1 K. i. 6), in full 
maturity of years. Following in the steps of Absa- 
lom, he assumed the kingly state of a chariot and a 
body-guard ; and D.ivid looked on in silence. At 
last a time was chosen for openly proclaiming him 
as king. A solemn feast at En-rogel was to in- 
augurate the new reign. All were invited to it 
(Adiathar; Joab, &c), but those whom it was in- 
tended to displace. It was necessary for those 
whose interests were endangered to take prompt 
measures. Bath-sheba and Nathan took counsel 
together. The king was reminded of his oath. 
Solomon went down to Gihon, and was proclaimed 
and anointed king. The shouts of his followers fell 
on the startled ears of the guests at Adonijah's ban- 
quet. One by one they rose and departed. The | 
plot had failed (1 K. i.). What had been done 
hurriedly was done afterward in a more solemn form. 
Solomon was presented to a great gathering of all 
the notables of Israel, with a set speech, in which the 
old king announced what was, to his mind, the pro- 
gramme of the new reign, a time of peace and plenty, 
of a stately worship, of devotion to Jehovah (1 Chr. , 
xxviii., xxix.). A few months more, and Solomon 
found himself, by his father's death, the sole occu- 
pant of the throne. (2.) The position to which he 
succeeded was unique. Never before, and never 1 
after, did the kingdom of Israel take its place among ' 
the great monarchies of the East. Large treasures 
accumulated through many years were at his dis- 
posal. The people, with the exception of the toler- 
ated worship in high places, were true servants of I 



Jehovah. Knowledge, art, music, poetry (Arts; 
Poetry, Hebrew), had received a new impulse, and 
were moving on, with rapid steps, to such perfection 
as the age and the race were capable of attaining. 
Of the personal appearance of Solomon, who, at the 
age of nineteen or twenty, was called to this glorious 
sovereignty, we have no direct description, as we 
have of the earlier kings. But whatever higher 
mystic meaning may be latent in Ps. xlv., or the Song 
of Songs, we are all but compelled (so Prof. Plumptre) 
to think of then) as having had, at least, an historical 
starting-point. (Canticles.) They tell us of one 
who was, in the eyes of the men of his own time, 
"fairer than the children of men," the face "bright 
and ruddy" as his father's (Cant. v. 10; 1 Sam. xvii. 
42), bushy locks, dark as the raven's wing, yet not 
without a golden glow, the eyes soft as "the eyes of 
doves," the " countenance as Lebanon, excellent as 
the cedars," " the chiefest among ten thousand, the 
altogether lovely" (Cant. v. 9-16). Add to this all 
gifts of a noble, far-reaching intellect, large and 
ready sympathies, a playful and genial humor, the 
lips " full of grace," the soul " anointed " as " with 
the oil of gladness" (Ps. xlv.), and we may form 
some notion of what the king was like in that dawn 
' of his golden prime. (3.) The historical starting- 
point of the Song of Songs Prof. Plumptre would 
connect (Canticles ; Shulamite) with the earliest 
facts in the history of the new reign. Bath-sheba, who 
had before stirred up David against Adonijah, ap- 
pears in 1 K. ii. as interceding for him, begging that 
A.BISHAG the Shunammite, the virgin concubine of 
David, might be given him as a wife. Solomon, who 
till then had professed the profoundest reverence for 
his mother, his willingness to grant her any thing, 
suddenly flashes into fiercest wrath at this. The 
petition is treated as part of a conspiracy in which 
Joab and Abiathar are sharers. Benaiah is once 
more called in. Adonijah is put to death at once. 
Joab is slain even within the precincts of the Taber- 
nacle, to which he had fled as an asylum. Abiathar 
is deposed, and exiled, sent to a life of poverty and 
shame, and the high-priesthood transferred to Zadok 
1. Soon afterward Shimei 2, who by his infatuated 
disregard of a compact seemed given over to destruc- 
tion, is slain (1 K. ii. 31—46). There is, however, no 
needless slaughter. The other " sons of David " are 
spared, and one of them (Nathan 2) becomes the head 
of a distinct family. (Genealogy of Jesus Christ.) 
As he punishes his father's enemies, he also shows 
kindner.s to the friends who had been faithful to him. 
Chimham, the son of Barzillai, apparently receives an 
inheritance near the citv of David (2 Sam. xix. 31- 
40; 1 K. ii. 7).— V. Foreign Policy. (1.) All the 
data for a continuous history that we have are — (a.) 
The duration of the reign, forty (Josephus errone- 
ously makes it eighty) years (1 K. xi. 42). (6.) 
The commencement of the Temple in the fourth, its 
completion in the eleventh year of his reign (vi. 1, 
37,38). (c.) The commencement of his own palace 
in the seventh, its completion in the twentieth vear 
(vii. 1 ; 2 Chr. viii. 1). (cZ.) The conquest of "Ha- 
math-zobah, and the consequent foundation of cities 
in the region N. of Palestine after the twentieth year 
(viii. 1-6). With materials so scanty as these, it 
will be better to group the chief facts in an order 
which will best enable us to appreciate their signifi- 
cance. — (2.) Egypt. The first act of the foreign 
policy of the new reign must have been to most 
Israelites a very startling one. He made affinity with 
Pharaoh 7, king of Egypt, by marrying his daughter 
(1 K. iii. lj. The immediate results were probably 



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1051 



favorable enough. The new queen brought with her 
as a dowry the frontier-city of Gezer, against which, 
as threatening the tranquillity of Israel, and as still 
possessed by a remnant of the old Canaanites, Pha- 
raoh had led his armies. She was received with all 
honor. A separate and stately palace was built for 
her, before long, outside the city of David (2 dir. viii. 
11). (3.) The ultimate issue of the alliance showed 
that it was hollow and impolitic. There may have 
been a revolution in Egypt. There was at any rate 
a change of policy. (Jeroboam 1.) There, we may 
believe, by some kind of compact, expressed or un- 
derstood, was planned the scheme which led first to 
the rebellion of the Ten Tribes (Rehoboam), and 
then to the attack of Shishak on the weakened and 
dismantled kingdom of the son of Solomon. (Com- 
merce ; Chariot ; Horse.) (4.) Tyre. The alliance 
with the Phenician king rested on a somewhat differ- 
ent footing. It had been part of David's policy from 
the beginning of his reign. Hiram 1 had been " ever 
a lover of David." He, or his grandfather, had 
helped him by supplying materials and workmen for 
his palace. As soon as he heard of Solomon's acces- 
sion he sent ambassadors to salute him. A corre- 
spondence passed between the two kings, which 
ended in a treaty of commerce. The opening of Joppa 
as a port created a new coasting-trade, and the mate- 
rials from Tyre (cedar, &c.) were conveyed to it on 
floats, and thence to Jerusalem (2 Chr. ii. 16). In 
return for these exports, the Phenicians were only 
too glad to receive the corn and oil of Solomon's 
territory. (5.) The results of the alliance did not 
end here. Now, for the first time, Israel entered on 
a career as a commercial people. They joined the 
Phenicians in their Mediterranean voyages to the 
coasts of Spain. (Tarshish.) Solomon's possession 
of the Edomite coast enabled him to open to his ally 
a new world of commerce. The ports of Elath and 
Ezion-geber were filled with ships of Tarshish, mer- 
chant-ships, manned chiefly by Phenicians, but built 
at Solomon's expense, which sailed down the M\a.n- 
itic Gulf of the Red Sea, on to the Indian Ocean, to 
lands before hardly known even byname. (Algu.m- 
trees ; Aloes ; Apes ; Arabia ; Gold ; Ivory ; Linen ; 
Ophir ; Peacocks ; Sheba ; Ship ; Silver ; Spices ; 
Stones, Precious ; Tadmor, &c.) (6.) According to 
the statement of Phenician writers quoted by Jose- 
phus (Ant, viii. 5, §3), the intercourse of the two kings 
had in it also something of the sportiveness and free- 
dom of friends. They delighted to perplex each 
other with hard questions, and laid wagers as to their 
power of answering them. The singular history in 
1 K. ix. 11-14, recording the cession by Solomon of 
sixteen cities, and Hiram's dissatisfaction with them 
(Cabul), is perhaps connected with these imperial 
wagers. (7.) These were the two most important al- 
liances. The absence of any reference to Babylon 
and Assyria, and the fact that the Euphrates was rec- 
ognized as the boundary of Solomon's kingdom (2 Chr. 
ix. 26), suggest the inference that the Mesopotamian 
monarchs were, at this time, comparatively feeble. 
Other neighboring nations paid annual tribute in the 
form of gifts (ix. 24). The kings of the Hittites and 
of Syria obtained through Jerusalem the chariots 
and horses of Egypt (1 K. x. 29). (8.) The survey of 
the influence exercised by Solomon on surrounding 
nations would be incomplete if we were to pass over 
the fame of his glory and his wisdom. Wherever the 
ships of Tarshish went, they carried with them the 
report, losing nothing in its passage, of what their 
crews had seen and heard. The journey of the queen 
of Sheba, though from its circumstances the most 



conspicuous, did not stand alone. She had heard 
of the wisdom of Solomon, and connected with it 
" the name of Jehovah "(IK. x. 1). She came with 
hard questions to test that wisdom, and the words 
just quoted may throw light upon their nature. She 
represents a body whom the dedication-prayer shows 
to have been numerous, the strangers coming " from 
a far country" because of the "great name" of Je- 
hovah (1 K. viii. 41), many of them princes them- 
selves or the messengers of kings (2 Chr. ix. 23). 
The historians of Israel delighted to dwell on her 
confession that the reality surpassed the fame, " the 
one-half of the greatness of thy wisdom was not told 
me " (ix. 6). — VI. Internal Bistort/. (1.) The first 
prominent scene in Solomon's reign, as it bears on 
the history of Israel, is one which presents his char- 
acter in its noblest aspect. There were two holy 
places which divided the reverence of the people, 
the ark and its provisional tabernacle at Jerusalem, 
and the original Tabernacle of the congregation, 
which, after many wanderings, was now pitched at 
Gibeon. It was thought right that the new king 
should offer solemn sacrifices at both. After those 
at Gibeon there came that vision of the night which 
has in all ages borne its noble witness to the hearts 
of rulers. Not for riches, or long life, or victory 
over enemies, would the son of David, then at least 
true to his high calling, feeling himself as " a little 
child " in comparison with the vastness of his work, 
offer his supplications, but for a " wise and under- 
standing heart," that he might judge the people. 
The " speech pleased the Lord." There came in an- 
swer the promise of a wisdom, like which there had 
been none before, like which there should be none 
after (1 K. iii. 5-15). (2.) The wisdom asked for 
was given in large measure, and took a varied range. 
The wide world of nature, animate and inanimate, 
the lives and characters of men, lay before him, and 
he took cognizance of all. But the highest wisdom 
was that wanted for the highest work, for governing 
and guiding, and the pattern-instance — his judgment 
between the two harlots (Harlot) — is, in all its cir- 
cumstances, thoroughly Oriental (IK. iii. 16-28). 
(3.) But the power to rule showed itself not in judg- 
ing only, but in organizing. Prominent among the 
" princes " of his kingdom, i. e. officers of his own 
appointment, were members of the priestly order : 
Azariah 1 the son of Zadok, Zadok 1 himself the 
high-priest, Benaiah 1 the son of Jehoiada as cap- 
tain of the host, Azariah 2 and Zabud, the sons of 
Nathan, one over the officers who acted as purvey- 
ors to the king's household (1 K. iv. 2-5), the other 
in the more confidential character of " king's friend." 
In addition to these were the two scribes (Elihoreph 
and Ahiah 2), the recorder or annalist of the king's 
reign (Jehoshaphat 2), the superintendent of the 
king's house, and household expenses (Is. xxii. 15), 
including probably the harem (Ahishar), and Ado- 
niram, who presided " over the tribute." (King.) 
(4.) The last name leads us to the king's finances. 
The first impression of the facts given us is that of 
abounding plenty. The large quantities of the pre- 
cious metals accumulated by David, and imported 
from Ophir and Tarshish would speak, to a people 
who had not learned the lessons of a long experience, 
of a boundless source of wealth (1 K. ix. 21-28; 1 
Chr. xxix. 1-7 ; Gold ; Silver). All the kings and 
princes of the subject provinces paid tribute in the 
form of gifts, in money and in kind, " at a fixed rate 
year by year " ( 1 K. x. 25). Monopolies of trade con- 
tributed to the king's treasury (x. 28, 29). The 
king's domain-lands were apparently let out, at a 



1052 



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fixed annual rental (Cant. viii. 11). All the prov- 
inces of his own kingdom were bound each in turn 
to supply the king's enormous household with pro- 
visions (1 K. iv. 21-23). The total amount thus 
brought into the treasury in gold, exclusive of nil 
payments in kind, amounted l'> l'>(>6 talents (\. 11 ; 
Ta I sa I. (5, ) Hardly any financial system, however, 
could bear the strain of the king's passion for mag- 
nificence. The cost of the Temple was, it is true, 
provided for by David's savings and the offerings of 
the people ; but even while that was building, yet 
more when it was finished, one structure followed on 
another with ruinous rapidity (vii. 1-12, ix. 15-19, 
s. 5, 16 ff., &c. ; Baalath; Beth-horon ; Garden; 
Gezer ; Hazor; Megiddo ; Millo; Palace ; Pool ; 
Tadmor; Throne). All the equipment of his court, 
the "apparel" of his servants, was on the same 
ecale. If he went from his hall of judgment to the 
Temple, he marched between two lines of soldiers, 
each with a burnished shield of gold (x. 16, 17). A 
body-guard attended him, " threescore valiant men," 
tallest and handsomest of the sons of Israel (Cant, 
iii. 7, 8). Forty thousand stalls of horses for his 
chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen, made up 
the measure of his magnificence (1 K. iv. 26). As 
the treasury became empty, taxes multiplied and 
monopolies became more irksome. The people com- 
plained, not of the king's idolatry, but of their bur- 
dens, of his " grievous yoke " (xii. 4). Their hatred 
fell heaviest on Adoniram, who was over the tribute. 
(6.) It remains for us to trace that other downfall, 
belonging more visibly, though not more really, to 
his religious life, from the loftiest height even to the 
lowest depth. The building and dedication of the 
Temple are obviously the representatives of the first. 
We may picture to ourselves the feelings of the men 
of Judah as they watched, during seven long years, 
the massive foundations of vast stones gradually 
rising up and covering the area of the threshing-floor 
of Araunah. Far from colossal in its size, it was 
conspicuous chiefly by the lavish use, within and 
without, of the gold of Ophir and Parvaim. Through- 
out the whole work the tranquillity of the kingly city 
was unbroken by the sound of the workman's ham- 
mer. (7.) Even now there were some darker shades 
in the picture. He reduced to bondage the "stran- 
gers" in the land, the remnant of the Canaanite 
races. One hundred and fifty-three thousand were 
sent off to the quarries and the forests of Lebanon 
(1 K. v. 15; 2 Chr. ii. 17, 18 ; Proselyte; Slave; 
Stranger). Even the Israelites, though not reduced 
to permanent bondage, were summoned to take their 
place by rotation in the same labor (I K. v. 13, 14). 
One trace of the special servitude of " these hewers 
of stone" existed long afterward in the existence of 
a body of men attached to the Temple, and known as 
" children of Solomon's Servants." (8.) After seven 
years and a half the work was completed, and the 
day came to which all Israelites looked back as the 
culminating glory of their nation. Their worship 
was now established on a scale as stately as that of 
other nations. The Ark from Zion, the Tabernacle 
from Gibeon, were both removed (2 Chr. v. 5), and 
brought to the new Temple. The choirs of the 
priests and the Levites met in their fullest force, 
arrayed in white linen. (Levites; Priest.) Then 
was heard the noble hymn, "Lift up your heads, 
ye gates, and be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors, and 
the king of glory shall come in " (Ps. xxiv. 7). The j 
trumpeters and singers were " as one " in their 
mighty Hallelujah — " 0, praise the Lord, for He is 
good, for His mercy endureth for ever " (2 Chr. v. ! 



I 18). The Ark of tiie Covenant was solemnly placed 
in its golden sanctuary, and then "the cloud," the 
"glory of the Lord," filled the house of the Lord (v. 
7-14). Throughout the whole scene, the person of 
the king is the one central object, compared with 
whom even priests and prophets are for the time 
subordinate. Abstaining, doubtless, from distinc- 
tively priestly arts, such as slaying the victims nnd 
offering incense, he yet appears, even more than 
David did in the bringing up the ark, in a liturgical 
character. He blesses the congregation. From him 
came the lofty prayer, the noblest utterance of the 
creed of Israel, setting forth the distance and the 
nearness of the Eternal God, One, Incomprehensible, 
dwelling not in temples made with hands, yet ruling 
men, hearing their prayers, giving them all good 
things, wisdom, peace, righteousness (1 K. viii. ; '.! 
Chr. vi.). (9.) The solemn day was followed by a 
week of festival, synchronizing with the Feast of 
Tabernacles, the time of the completed vintage. 
Representatives of all the tribes, elders, fathers, cap- 
tains, proselytes, it may be, from the newly acquired 
territories in Northern Syria (2 Chr. vi. 32, vii. 8) 
— all were assembled, rejoicing in the actual glory 
and the bright hopes of Israel. For the king him- 
self then, or at a later period (the narrative of 1 K. 
ix. and 2 Chr. vii. leaves it doubtful), there was a 
strange contrast to the glory of that day. He must 
be taught that what he had done was indeed right 
ami (rood, IjiiI llial it was not all, and might not be 
permanent. Obedience was better than sacrifice. 
There was a danger near at hand. (10.) The dan- 
ger came, and in spile of the warning the king fell. 
Before long the priests and prophets had to grieve 
over the rival temples to Moloch, Chemosh, Asiita- 
ROTH] forms of ritual not idolatrous only, but cruel, 
dark, impure. This evil came (1 K. xi. 1-8) as the 
consequence of another. He gave himself to 
"strange women." He found himself involved in a 
fascination which led to the worship of strange gods. 
The starting-point and the goal arc given us. We 
are left, from what we know otherwise, to trace the 
process. Something perhaps in his very " largeness 
of heart," so far in advance of the traditional knowl- 
edge of his age, rising to higher and wider thoughts of 
God, predisposed him to it. In recognizing what was 
true in other forms of faith, he might lose his horror 
at what was false, his sense of the preeminence of 
the truth revealed to him, of the historical continuity 
of the nation's religious life. He may have hoped, 
by a policy of toleration, to conciliate neighboring 
princes, to attract a larger traffic. Prof. Plumptre 
thinks also that the wide-spread belief of the East 
in the magic arts of Solomon is not without its 
foundation of truth. (Divination; Magic.) (11.) 
Disasters followed before long as the natural conse- 
quence of what was politically a blunder as well as 
religiously a sin. The strength of the nation rested 
on its unity, and its unity depended on its faith. 
Whatever attractions the sensuous ritual which he 
introduced may have had for the great body of the 
people, the priests and Levites must have looked on 
the rival worship with entire disfavor. Ahijah 1 
was sent to utter one of those predictions which 
work out their own fulfilment, pointing out Jero- 
boam to himself and to the people as the destined 
heir to the larger half of the kingdom (1 K. xi. 28- 
39). The king in vain tried to check the current 
that was setting strong against him from within and 
from without. (Hadad 4 ; Jeroboam 1 ; Rezon.) 
The king, prematurely old (he died at not much 
above fifty-nine or sixty), must have foreseen the 



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1053 



rapid breaking up of the great monarchy to which 
he had succeeded. (12.) As to the inner changes of 
mind and heart which ran parallel with this history, 
Scripture is comparatively silent. Something may 
be learned from the books that bear his name (Can- 
ticles ; Ecclesiastes ; Proverbs, Book or), which 
stand in the Canon of the 0. T. as representing, 
with profound, inspired insight, the successive phases 
of his life ; something also from the fact that so 
little remains out of so much, out of the songs, 
proverbs, treatises of which the historian speaks 
(1 K. iv. 32, 33). Extracts only are given from the 
3,000 proverbs. Of the thousand and five songs 
we know absolutely nothing. (13.) The books that 
remain, as has been said, represent the three stages 
of his life. The Song of Songs brings before us 
the brightness of his youth. Then comes in the 
Book of Proverbs, the stage of practical, prudential 
thought. The poet has become the philosopher, the 
mystic has passed into the moralist. But the man 
passed through both stages without being perma- 
nently the better for either. They were to him but 
phases of his life which he had known and exhausted 
(Eccl. i., ii.). And therefore there came, as in the 
Confessions of the Preacher, the weariness which 
sees written on all things, " Vanity of vanities." 
Slowly only could he recover from that " vexation 
of spirit," and lay again, with painful relapses, the 
foundations of a true morality. (14.) Prof. Plumptre 
declines to enter into the things within the veil, or 
answer either way the doubting question, Is there 
any hope ? He remarks that Chrysostom and the 
theologians of the Greek Church are, for the most 
part, favorable, Augustine and those of the Latin, 
for the most part, adverse to his chances of salva- 
tion. — VII. Legends. (1.) The impression made by 
Solomon on later generations is shown in its best 
form by the desire to claim the sanction of his name 
for even the noblest thoughts of other writers. (Ec- 
clesiastes ? Wisdom, Book of.) But round the 
facts of the history, as a nucleus, there gathers a 
whole world of fantastic fables, Jewish, Christian, 
Mohammedan, refractions, colored, and distorted, 
according to the media through which they pass, of 
a colossal form. Even in the Targum of Ecclesias- 
tes we find strange stories of his character. He and 
the Rabbis of the Sanhedrim sat and drank wine 
together in Jabneh. His paradise was filled with 
costly trees which the evil spirits brought him from 
India. Ashmedai (Asmodeus), the king of the de- 
mons, deprived him of his magic ring, and he wan- 
dered through the cities of Israel, weeping and say- 
ing, I, the preacher, was king over Israel in Jerusa- 
lem. He left behind him spells and charms to cure 
diseases and cast out evil spirits. His wisdom 
enabled him to interpret the speech of beasts and 
birds. He knew the secret virtues of gems and herbs. 
He was the inventor of Syriac and Arabian alpha- 
bets. (2.) Arabic imagination took a yet wilder 
flight. After a long struggle with the rebellious 
Afreets and Jinns, Solomon conquered them and 
cast them into the sea. To him belonged the magic 
ring which revealed to him the past, the present, and 
the future. Because he stayed his march at the 
hour of prayer instead of riding on with his horse- 
men, God gave him the winds as a chariot, and the 
birds flew over him, making a perpetual canopy. 
The demons in their spite wrote books of magic in 
his name. The Koran narrates the visit of the 
Queen of Sheba, her wonder, her conversion to the 
Islam or true religion, which Solomon professed. 
The Arabs claim her as belonging to Yemen, the 



Ethiopians as coming from Meroe. In each form of 
the story a son by Solomon is born to her, called in 
the Arab version Meilekh, in the Ethiopian David, 
the ancestor of a long line of Ethiopian kings. 
Twelve thousand Hebrews accompanied her home, 
and from them were descended the Jews of Ethiopia 
and the great Prester (i. e. Presbyter) John of medi- 
aeval travellers. She brought to Solomon the same 
gifts which the Magi brought to Christ. One of her 
hard questions was, to distinguish fair boys and 
sturdy girls dressed alike, which the king answered 
by placing water before them to wash, and observ- 
ing that the boys scrubbed their faces and the girls 
stroked them softly. (3.) The fame of Solomon 
spread to Persia. At Shiraz they showed the Me- 
der- Suleiman, or tomb of Bath-sheba, said that Per- 
sepolis had been built by the Jinns at his command, 
and pointed to the Takht-i-Suleimann (Solomon's 
throne) in proof. Through their spells too he made 
his wonderful journey, breakfasting at Persepolis, 
dining at Ba'albek, and supping at Jerusalem. Per- 
sian literature had countless lives of Solomon, who 
in popular belief was confounded with the great 
Persian hero Djemschid. (4.) The legends appeared 
in their coarsest and basest form in Europe, losing 
all their poetry, the mere appendages of the most 
detestable of Apocrypha, Books of Magic, a Hygro- 
manleia, a Contradiclio Salornonis condemned by 
Gelasius, Ineantaiio)ies, Clavicula, &c. One pseudon- 
ymous work has a somewhat higher character, the 
Psalter of Solomon, altogether without merit, a med- 
ley from the Psalms of David, but not otherwise of- 
fensive, and sometimes attached, as in the Alexan- 
drine LXX., to the sacred volume. — VIII. Neio Tes- 
tament. The teaching of the N. T. adds nothing to 
the materials for a life of Solomon, but it enables 
us to take the truest measure of it. The teaching 
of the Son of Man passes sentence on all that kingly 
pomp : Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like 
one of the lilies of the field (Mat. vi. 29). Jesus of 
Nazareth was one "greater than Solomon " (xii. 42). 
It was reserved for the true, the later Son of David, 
to fulfil the prophetic yearnings which had gathered 
round the birth of the earlier. He was the true 
Solomon = the Prince of Peace, the true Jedidiah 
= the well-beloved of the Father. 

Solo-mon's Porch. Porch ; Temple. 

Solo-mon's Ser vants, Children of (Ezr. ii. 56, 58; 
Neh. vii. 57, 60). These appear in the lists of the 
exiles who returned from the Captivity. They occupy 
almost the lowest places in those lists, and their 
position indicates some connection with the services 
of the Temple. (1.) The name, as well as the or- 
der, implies inferiority even to the Nethinim. (2.) 
The starting-point of their history is probably in 1 
K. v. 13, 14, ix. 20, 21, and 2 Chr. viii. 7, 8. Ca- 
naanites, living till then with a certain measure of 
freedom, were reduced by Solomon to bondage, and 
compelled to labor in the king's stone-quarries, and 
in building his palaces and cities. To some extent, 
indeed, the change had been effected under David, 
but it appears then to have been connected with 
the Temple, and the servitude under Solomon was 
harder and more extended (1 Chr. xxii. 2). (3.) 1 
Chr. xxii. 2 throws some light on their special office. 
The Nethinim were hewers of wood and drawers of 
water (Josh. ix. 23), and this was enough for the 
services of the Tabernacle. For the construction 
and repairs of the Temple another kind of labor 
was required, and the new bondmen were set to 
hewing and squaring stones (1 K. v. 17, 18). Their 
descendants appear to have formed a distinct order, 



1054 



SOL 



SON 



inheriting probably the same functions and the same 
skill. Proselyte ; Servant ; Slave. 

Sol o-moil's Song. Canticles. 

Solo-mou, Wis dom of. Wisdom, Book of. 

Son (Hob. usually hen ; Gr. huios, kc) denotes 
literally one's male cliild (Gen. xvii. 1G, 10; Mat. i. 
21, 23, 25, &c), or more loosely, a grandson (Gen. 
xxix. 5; Ezr. v. 1, &c.) or more remote descendant 
(viii. 15 ; Mat. i. 1, 20 ; Lk. xix. 9, &c), also a foster- 
child (Ex. ii. 10; Heb. xi. 24, &c.) ; hence figura- 
tively a vassal or subject (2 K. xvi. 7, kc), a pupil 
or disciple (1 K. xx. 35; Heb, ii. 10, &c), one 
closely connected in origin, destiny, kc, with a 
particular time or place or thing, as the " son of a 
year," i. e. a year old (Lev. xii. 6 margin, &c), "son 
of death," i. e. one devoted to death (1 Sam. xx. 31 
margin, kc), &c. The word har (Choi, and poetic 
Heb. = son) is often found in N". T. in composition, 
as Bar-timeus. Child; Prophet; Son of God; 
Son of Man, &c. 

Son of (Jod (Son ; God). This title is applied in 
the Scriptures — I. To created beings who derive 
their origin directly from God, or stand as His rep- 
resentatives in rank and authority, or occupy a 
peculiarly intimate relation to Him. It is thus ap- 
plied sometimes in the singular, but mostly in the 
plural — «. To angels (Job i. 6, ii. 1, xxxviii. 7; 
probably Dan. iii. 25, compare 28 and see below). 
b. To Adam in a genealogy (Lk. iii. 38; compare 
Acts xvii. 28). c. To kings and rulers (2 Sam. vii. 
II; 1 Chr. xxv iii. f> ; compare Ps. lxxxii. 6). d. To 
the worshippers or chosen people of God (Gen. vi. 2, 
4 [probably ; see Giants] ; Ex. iv. 22, 23 ; Deut. xiv. 
1 [A V. " children," literally sons] ; Is. xlv. 11 ; Jer. 
xxxi. 20; Hob. i. 10, xi. 1, kc), reproved as "back- 
sliding children " (Jer. iii. 14, 22 [literally «oh*]), 
&c. ; especially in the N. T. to believers in the Lord 
Jesus Christ (Jn. i. 12; Rom. viii. 14, 19; Phil. ii. 
15 ; 1 Jn. iii. 1, 2 ; compare 2 Cor. vi. 18, &c). In 
D.m. iii. 25 Nebuchadnezzar uses the phrase a son 
of God or a son of the gods (A. V. " the son of 
God "), supposed by some (Rashi, Saadiah, Fair- 
bairn, Barnes, kc) to mean one of the angels, by 
others v Gesenius, Stuart, &c.) a descendant of the 
gods or supernatural being, by others (Tertullian, 
Augustine, Gill, &c.) the Messiah or Lord Jesus 
Christ (see II.). — II. Preeminently to Him who 
" was in the beginning with God " and " was God " 
— who " was made flesh and dwelt among us . . . full 
of grace and truth " — who " hath declared " God — 
" the onlv-begotten Son, which is' in the bosom of 
the Father;" = "the Word" (Jn. i. 1, 2, 14, 18; 
compare Ps. ii. 7). The title " the Son of God " is 
applied to the Son Jesus Christ in the N. T. more 
than forty times (Mat. iv. 3, 6, viii. 29, xiv. 33, kc), 
once to Adam in an abbreviated form in the Greek, 
"son of" being supplied bv the translators (Lk. iii. 
38; l.'b, above). The title "the Son of God" is 
applied to Christ in the first three Gospels, says 
Dorner, " in three senses : in a physical sense, to 
designate His nature ; in a moral sense, to declare 
His perfection ; and in an official sense (in which 
both the others are comprised), to show His work, 
as Messiah. He calls Himself also the Son of Man; 
and this expression is without force, unless we con- 
sider Him as employing it in contrast with the con- 
sciousness He had of a higher nature ; while it also 
refers to His peculiar and special relation to the 
race — He is the Son of Man, not of a man. As 
both Son of God and of Man, He is called ' Son ' in 
an eminent sense ; the only Son of God, so that 
even when His disciples were present, He could say 



Mi/ Father, and not our Father. He forgives sins : 
in the form of baptism He puts His name with that 
of the Father; He has power to send the Holy 
Spirit ; lie alone knows the Father, all other men 
know the Father through Him ; all power is given 
to Him; in all space and time He is present; His 
coining is to be the end of the world ; He is the 
Judge of the world ; for all eternity the Son of God 
Mini Man is to be the centre of the Christian's bless- 
edness. Such is the Person of Christ in the first 
three Gospels. The boldest passages of John have 
; their entire parallel in the other evangelists ; and 
! some of their strongest passages have no parallel 
in John (Mat. ix. 2-6, xxviii. 18-20)." Dorner 
finds in James, Peter, and Jude, the same type of 
the doctrine respecting the person of Christ as in 
the first three evangelists. Another type or mode 
of announcing this doctrine, though embracing the 
same grand fundamental position, Dorner finds in 
the writings of Paul and John, who, "both in their 
earlier and later writings ascribe divinity to the 
Son not merely in a moral but in nn essential sense, 
and view the relation of the Son to the Father not 
only as ' economic,' but also as ontological or meta- 
physical ; so that Christ with the Father and the 
Holy Ghost constitutes a sacred triad (or trinity). 
The real humanity of Christ is no less clearly pre- 
sented in their epistles. The new idea of the God- 
man is thus fully recognized by them, and their 
writings give it to us in its highest type" (Dorner's 
//or/rim of the I'irson <if Chris/, translated by Prof. 
H. B. Smith, in B. S. vi. 177-8). "If the only-be- 
gotten and well-beloved Son of Cod, who always 
was and is to be in the bosom of the Father, in the 
nearness and dearness of an eternal fellowship and 
! an eternal sonship ; who is the manifestation, the 
j expression, the perfect image, of God, such a reflec- 
tion of the glory and express image of His person, 
that whoever has seen the Son has seen the Father 
also ; who is the agent and representative of God 
in the creation and preservation of the material and 
spiritual universe, in the redemption of the Church 
and the reconciliation of the world and the govern- 
! ment of both, in the general resurrection of the 
dead and the final judgment of men and angels, in 
all Divine attributes and acts, so that He is mani- 
festly the acting Deity of the universe — if He is not 
God, there is no actual or possible evidence that 
I there is any God " (Prof. W. S. Tyler, D. D., in B. S. 
xxii. 639). — Canon Wordsworth, with Basnage, 
Fairbairn, Ayre, kc, concludes " that although the 
Jews of our Lord's age might have inferred, and 
ought to have inferred from their own Scriptures 
(Ps. ii. 7, xlv. 6, 7 [compare Heb. i. 5, 8, v. 5] ; Is. 
vii. 14, ix. 6; Mic. v. 2; Zech. xi. 13; Messiah; 
! Prophet), that the Messiah, or Christ, would be a 
Divine Person, and the Son of God in the highest 
sense of the term ; and although some among them, 
who were more enlightened than the rest, entertained 
that opinion, yet it was not the popular and gen- 
erally received notion among the Jews that the Mes- 
siah would be other than a man, born of human 
parents, and not a Divine being, and Son of God. 
. . . The reason of His condemnation by the Jew- 
ish Sanhedrim, and of His delivery to Pilate for 
crucifixion, was not that He claimed to be the Mes- 
' siah or Christ, but that He asserted Himself to be 
: much more than that : in a word, because He claimed 
] to be the Son of God, and to be God" (Jn. v. 17, 
: 18, viii. 58, 59, x. 30-33, xix. 7; Mat. xxvi. 63 
ff. ; Lk. xxii. 70, 71, xxiii. 1 ; compare Mat. xvi. 
!■ 16, 17, &c). Saviour. 



SON 



SOS 



1055 



Son of Man (Son ; Man) = child of humanity, 
i. e. one of the human race, a human being in origin 
and characteristics (Num. xxiii. 19; Job xxv. 6; 
Ps. viii. 4, cxliv. 3, cxlvi. 3, &c). God addresses 
the prophet Ezekiel by this title to remind him, so 
highly honored with visions and revelations of God, 
of his weakness and mortality, and lead him to give 
glory to God and execute with meekness and alac- 
rity the duties of his prophetic office and mission 
from God to his fellow-men. Dan. vii. 13 (compare 
x. 10) designates the Messiah as like a son of man, 
i. e. like a human being (Chal. bar indsh [Man 2], 
A. V. "like the Son of Man"). So in Rev. i. 13, 
xiv. 14, the Greek is like a son of man (Gr. huioi 
anthropou, A. V. "like the Son of Man"). But in 
the Gospels the phrase " the Son of Man " is found 
more than eighty times as used by our Lord Jesus 
Christ to designate Himself (Mat. viii. 20, ix. 6, x. 
23, &c), once in Jn. xii. 34 as an inquiry of the 
people concerning Him who applied this title to 
Himself. It is once also used of Him (apparently 
as seen standing in human form and with human 
sympathies at the right hand of God) by Stephen in 
his dying speech (Acts vii. 56). Prof. W. S. Tyler, 
D. D. (in B. S. xxii. 51 ff.), thus explains the mean- 
ing of " the Son of Man," which may be called the 
favorite name of the Redeemer of mankind : 1. It 
implies that Jesus was a man, a real and proper 
man, possessed of all the attributes and characteris- 
tics of our common humanity — a man by birth and 
a man by nature. 2. He was not merely a man, but 
the Man — the only Man in the fullest and highest 
sense, as He was in the fullest and highest sense 
the only Son of Man, that has ever lived in our 
world. He had no individual idiosyncrasies — none 
of the prejudices of His class or region. 3. He was 
the model man — morally perfect, sinless— exhibit- 
ing the human virtues without imperfection or alloy 
— a perfect pattern of what man should be in his 
relations to his fellow-man and to God. 4. He was 
the representative man — officially, as well as per- 
sonally, the representative of the race. He was born 
— lived — suffered — died — for the race. In Christ, 
human history begins a new epoch, the human race 
a new life. He is the second Adam, in whom hu- 
manity is again embodied, represented, and, as it 
were, created anew. 5. He was the friend of man. 
He was not only a philanthropist ; He was the phi- 
lanthropist — the man of love to all mankind, the 
pattern and embodiment of philanthropy. " Philan- 
thropy " has had another meaning since He came 
into the world to teach and to exemplify it. His mis- 
sion embraced the world. His religion, for the first 
time in the world's history, was a religion for all 
mankind, and a religion of love to all. He was 
emphatically the friend and companion of sinners. 
" He went about doing good and healing all that 
were oppressed of the devil ; for God was with 
Him." His was philanthropy that deserved the 
name — wide as the world, universal as the race, 
diversified as its wants and woes, enduring as its ex- 
istence. Yet " Son of Man " was not His original 
title. " Son of God " was His rank and title in 
heaven, where all the angels of God worshipped 
Him as very God ; and it was love for mankind that 
brought Him into our world in human nature — born 
of a woman, a babe in Bethlehem, a member of the 
great human family, the Son of Man among the chil- 
dren of men — " that He by the grace of God should 
taste death for every man." As Son of Man, too, 
He shall judge the world (Mat. xxv. 31). Saviour ; 
Son, &c. 



* Song. Hymn ; Music ; Psalm. 

* Song of Sol o-uion, tlie. Canticles. 

* Song of Songs, the. Canticles. 

* Song of the Three Ho ly Chil dren, the. Daniel, 
Apocryphal Additions to. 

Soota'say-er. Divination. 

* Sop. Meals, p. 621 ; Passover, II. 3, c. 
Sop'a-ter (L. fr. Gr., probably contracted from 

Sosipater), the son of Pyrrhus (so Mr. Wright, 
with the Vulgate and oldest Greek MSS.) of Berea; 
one of St. Paul's companions on his return from 
Greece into Asia, in his third missionary journey 
(Acts xx. 4). Sosipateu. 

Soph'e-refh (Heb. scribe, Ges.), ancestor of certain 
" children of Solomon's servants " who returned 
from Babylon with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 55 ; Neh. 
vii. 5*7). 

Soph-o-ni'as (L. fr. Heb.) = Zephaniah (2 Esd. 
i. 40). 

Sor'eer-er. Divination ; Magic. 

So'rek (Heb. a vine, Ges.), the Valley of (Valley 
3); a wady in which lay the residence of Delilah 
(Judg. xvi. 4 only)', apparently a Philistine place, 
and possibly nearer to Gaza than to any other of 
the chief Philistine cities, since thither Samson was 
taken after his capture at Delilah's house. Eusebius 
and Jerome state that a village named Capharsorech 
was shown in their day " on the north of Eleuthe- 
ropolis, near the town of Saar (or Saraa), i. e. Zo- 
rah, the native place of Samson." Van de Velde 
identifies the Valley of Sorek with Wad;/ Simsin, 
which runs from the neighborhood of Eleutheropo- 
lis into the sea at Ascalon ; Porter (in Kitfo) sug- 
gests that it may be Wady es-Surar, which runs 
from the neighborhood of Zorah and Bethshemesh 
past Jabneel or Jamnia to the sea. 

So-sip'a-ter (L. fr. Gr. = saving [or preserving~\ 
a father). 1. A general of Judas Maccabeus, who 
with Dositheus defeated Timotheus and took him 
prisoner, about b. c. 164 (2 Mc. xii. 19-24). — 2. 
Kinsman or fellow-tribesman of St. Paul (Rom. xvi. 
21); probably = Sopater. 

Sos'tlie-ncs [-neez] (Gr. saving [or preserving~\ 
strength), a Jew at Corinth, who was seized and 
beaten in the presence of Gallio (Acts xviii. 12- 
IV). Some have thought that he was a Christian, 
maltreated thus by his own countrymen, because he 
was known as a special friend of Paul. A better 
view is (so Prof. Hackett, the original author of 
this article, with most critics) that Sosthenes was 
one of the bigoted Jews ; and that " the crowd " 
were Greeks who, taking advantage of the indiffer- 
ence of Gallio, and ever ready to show their con- 
tempt of the Jews, turned their indignation against 
Sosthenes. In this case he must have been the suc- 
cessor of Crispus, or (as Biscoe conjectures) may 
have belonged to some other synagogue at Corinth 
(xviii. 8). Chrysostom's notion, that Crispus = Sos- 
thenes, is arbitrary and unsupported. — Paul wrote 
the First Epistle to the Corinthians jointly in his 
own name and that of a Sosthenes whom he terms 
" the brother " (1 Cor. i. 1). Some have held that he 
= the Sosthenes of Acts xviii. If so, he must have 
been converted at a later period, and have been at 
Ephesus and not at Corinth, when Paul wrote to the 
Corinthians. The name was common, and but little 
stress can be laid on that coincidence. Eusebius says 
that this Sosthenes was one of the seventy disciples, 
and a later tradition adds that he became bishop 
of the Church at Colophon in Ionia. 

Sos'tra-tus (L. fr. Gr. = saving an army), a com- 
mander of the Syrian garrison in the Acra at Jeru- 



1056 



S( IT 



SPA 



salem in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (about 
B. c. 172 : 2 Mc. iv. 27, 29). 

So'lili, or So la-i I Heb. "nr who /urns aside, Ges.), 
ancestor of a family of the descendants of Solo- 
mon'.-; servants who ivtnnied with Zeruhhahel (Ezr. 
ii. 55 ; Neh. vii. 57). 

* Sonl [sole], the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. 
n dihnh (Job xxx. 15 only, marg. "principal one"); 
— : nobility, figuratively elevated and happy stale, ex 
ccllciicy, Ges. ; honor, reputation, Fii. — 2. lleb. 
nephesh more than 50L) times (Gen. ii. 7, xii. 5, 13, 
&c, kc). The meanings of nephesh arc thus classi- 
fied by Gesenius: — (1.) breath (so A. V., Job xli. 
13); (2.) the vital spirit, through which the body 
lives, i. c. the principle of life manifested in the 
breath, hence LIFE, vi/<i/ principle, animal spirit 
(translated "soul" in Gen. xxxv. IS and 1 K. xvii. 
21, 22, kc; "life" in Ex. iv. 19, xxi. 23, &c. ; 
"ghost" in Job xi. 20 and Jcr. xv. 9) ; to which is 
ascribed whatever has respect to the sustenance of 
life by food and drink, ami the contrary (A. V. usu- 
ally "soul," e. g. Num. xxi. 5; 1'rov. vi. 30; Is. Iv, 
2, 3, kc): (3.) the rational soul,t mind, as the seat 
of the feelings, affections, emotions of various kinds 
(Dcut. iv. 29, xxx. 2, 6, 10, kc. ; " will " in Ps. 
xxvii. 12, kc; "pleasure" in Ps. cv. 22; "lust" 
in Ex. xv. 9 ; " mind " in Ez. xxxvi. 5, kc ; " heart " 
in Ex. xxiii. 9 and Prov. xxviii. 25, &c): (4.) con- 
cretely living thing, animal (translated "soul" in 
Gen. ii. 7 and Josh. x. 28 ff, xi. 11, &c. ; "crea- 
ture" in Gen. i. 21, 24, ii. 19, &c. ; "person" in 
Ex. xvi. 16 and Deut. x. 22, &c), used for a corpse 
or body from which life has departed ("body" in 
Num. vi. 6, &c. ; "dead body" in ix. 8, 7, 10; 
" dead " in v. 2, vi. 11, kc) : (5.) with mv, iky, kc, 
for self (Ps. exxxi. 2 ; Esth. iv. 13 ; Jer. Ii. 14, &c. ; 
often translated " soul " in this sense). — 3. Heb. 
nishdmdh once (Is. lvii. 16), usually and literally 
translated "breath," also "blast" (2 Sam. ii. 16; 
Job iv. 9, kc), " spirit," "inspiration," &c. — 4. 
Gr. psuchc (Mat. x. 28 twice, xi. 29, &c). The 
meanings of psuche are classified by Dr. Robinson 
(X. T. Lex.) in close correspondence to those of No. 
2, above, for which it is used in the LXX. : Prima- 
rily tin breath (in LXX.); usually and in N. T. the 
vital breath, life : (1 ) properly tlie soul as the vital 
principle, i. e. the animal soul, the vital principle, 
/(^(translated "soul" in Lk. xii. 20 and 1 Th. ii. 
8, kc ; but usually in this sense "life," as in Mat. 
ii. 20, vi. 25 twice, x. 39 twice, &c): (2.) specially 
the soul as the sentient principle ; (a.) as the seat 
of the senses, desires, affections, appetites, passions, 
i. e. the lower and animal nature common to man 
with the beasts (translated "soul" in 1 Th. v. 23 
and Heb. iv. 12, kc. ; " mind " in Acts xiv. 2 and 
Heb. xii. 3, &c. ; "heart" in Eph. vi. 6, the same 
Greek phrase here translated " from the heart " be- 
ing rendered " heartily " in Col. iii. 23), under which 
sense is included the use of " my soul " and " thy 
soul" for the person himself (Mat. xii. 18; Rev. 
xviii. 14, &c); and (b.) in a general sense the soul 
of man, his spiritual and immortal nature, with all 
its higher and lower powers, its rational and animal 
faculties (Mat. x. 28 twice ; 2 Cor. i. 23 ; Heb. vi. 
19, &c): (3.) concretely a soul, a living thing, ani- 
mal, used (a ) in a general sense for any living crea- 
ture (translated " soul " in 1 Cor. xv. 45 and Rev. 
xvi. 3), but (b.) oftener of man, a soul, a living per- 
son (Acts ii. 43, iii. 23 ; Rom. ii. 9, xiii. 1, &c), and 
(e.) specifically for a servant, a slave in Rev. xviii. 
13, A. V. "souls," perhaps more emphatic than the 
preceding somala (= bodies), translated "slaves" 



(compare Ez. xxvii. 13 ; Slave). Atonement; 
Death ; Eternal ; Eternity ; Heaven ; Immortal- 
ity; Like; Man; Resurrection; Salvation; Sa- 
viour ; Sin ; Spirit, &c. 

* South (Heb. ddrdm [= bright, sunny region, 
Ges.], negeb [ = dry, parched quarter, Fii., Ges.], 
ieymdn [= what is on the right hand, Ges.], &e. ; 
Gr. notos [ - the south wind, strictly the southwest 
wind, \\\m. X. T. Lex.\ mesembria [ - mid-dag, 
noon, Rbn. N. T. Lex.] in Acts viii. 26), that quar- 
ter of the heavens or earth which was on the right 
hand of a person facing the east (Gen. xii. 9 ; 1 
Sam. xxiii. 19; Job ix. 9; Eccl. i. 6; Mat. xii. 42; 
{ Acts viii. 26, &c). "The South" or "the South 
Country " (lleb. negeb) is often used for the south- 
ern part of Judah, or the 1 land from southern Canaan 
to Arabia Petrrea and Egypt (Gen. xx. 1, xxiv. 62; 
Num. 'J'.i ; .li r. xxxii. 44, i\c. ); sometimes for 
Egypt (Dan. xi. 5-40; Is. xxx. 6 [so Gesenius, 
&c.l); in one prophecy (uttered in the land of the 
Chaldeans) lor the land of Israel and especially 
Jerusalem (Ez. xx. 46, 47). "The queen of tin? 
south " (Mat. xii. 42 ; Lk. xi. 31) — the queen of 
Sheda in Arabia (1 K. x. ; 2 Chr. ix.). Judah 1 
(I.); Wind. 

South Itu'uiotll (= south heights; Ramotii), one 
of tlif places frequented l>y David and his band 
during the latter part of Saul's life (1 Sam. xxx. 
27); — Ramath or the South and Baalatii-uekr. 

Sow. Swine. 

Sow er, Sow ing. The operation of sowing with 
the hand needs little description. The Egyptian 
paintings furnish many illustrations of the mode in 
which it was conducted. (AGRICULTURE.) The sower 
held the vessel or basket containing the seed, in his 
kit hand, while with his right he scattered the seed 
broadcast! The "drawing out" of the seed, i. e. 
(so Gesenius) the scattering it regularly along the 
furrows, is noticed in Ps. exxvi. 6 (A. V. "pre- 
cious") and Am. ix. 13 margin. The sowing season 
commenced in October and continued to the end of 
February, wheat being put in before, and barley af- 
ter the beginning of January. Palestine, Climate. 

Spaiu (fr. Gr. Spania ; L. Hispania ; derived from 
lleb. or Phenieian shaphdri = land of rabbits, Boeh. ; 
see Coney ; or from the Basque Ezpaiia, descriptive 
of its position on the edge of the continent of Eu- 
rope, W. von Humboldt), a well-known country in 
the southwest of Europe. Its earliest inhabitants 
known to the Greeks and Romans were the Iberians, 
the country itself being called Iberia. From the 
mixture of the Iberians and of the Celts, who had 
invaded the country, came the Celtiberians. About 
B. c. 1000 the I'henicians came to Spain and founded 
Tartessus (Tarshish), Gades (now Cadiz), &c. After 
them came the Greeks, and founded Saguntum, &c. 
After the first Punic war (Rome) the Carthaginians 
established themselves in Spain, founding New Car- 
thage (now C'arthagena), &c., but were expelled by 
the Romans b. c. 206, who, however, did not com- 
plete their conquest of the peninsula (including the 
modern Portugal) till b. c. 19. The country became 
one of the principal seats of Roman civilization and 
literature. The Christianization of the country, 
early begun, was considered complete in Constan- 

i tine's time. The dissolution of the Roman Empire 
called into Spain several German tribes, the Suevi, 
the Alans, and the Vandals. The Romans invited 
to their aid the Visigoths, who in a. d. 471 put an 

i end to the Roman dominion, and in 586, having just 
subdued the whole country, adopted the Roman 

I Catholic faith. In 711-716 the Arabs (Arabia) or 



SPA 



SPA 



1057 



Moors conquered all but some mountain-districts in 
the northwest where a Gothic kingdom was main- 
tained, called at first the kingdom of Oviedo, after- 
ward (grown more extensive) the kingdom of Astu- 
rias, and (still later) of Leon. Other kingdoms, 
Castile, Navarre, Catalonia, Aragon, Galicia, Portu- 
gal, &c, also arose at different times. At the end 
of the fifteenth century the marriage of Ferdinand 
of Aragon and Isabella of Castile united the whole 
>f Christian Spain into one kingdom. The Moors 
were expelled from the kingdom of Granada, their 
last possession in Spain, in 1491-2. The Jews were 
also expelled from Spain by Ferdinand about the 
same time. (Thessalonica.) In 1492, under Spanish 
patronage, Christopher Columbus discovered Amer- 
ica, after which Spain became one of the leading 
powers of Europe. (For further details, see New 
American Cyclopedia, article Spain.) — The Hebrews 
were acquainted with the position and the mineral 
wealth of Spain from the time of Solomon. (Tar- 
shish.) The fame of the Roman wars in Spain is 
mentioned in 1 Mc. viii. 3. The intention of St. 
Paul to visit Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28) implies the 
establishment of a Christian community in that 
country, and this by means of Hellenistic Jews res- 
ident there. 

* Spaa (Heb. zereth). Weights and Measures, 
II. 1. 

Spar'rw (Heb. tsippdr ; Gr. strouthion). This 
Hebrew word occurs forty times in the 0. T. In 
all passages except two it is rendered by A. V. in- 
differently " bird " or " fowl." In Ps. lxxxiv. 3 
(Heb. 4), and Ps. cii. 7 (Heb. 8), also in .Lev. xiv. 4 
margin, the A. V. renders it " sparrow." The Greek 
equivalent slrouihion (Mat. x. 29, 31 ; Lk. xii. 6, 7) 
is rendered uniformly " sparrows " in A. V. and 
passeres (L. = sparrows) in the Vulgate. The Heb. 
tsippdr, from a root signifying to chirp or twitter, 
appears to be a phonetic representation of the call- 
note of any passerine bird. In few parts of the 
world are the species of passerine birds more nu- 
merous or more abundant than in Palestine. A 
very cursory survey his supplied a list of above 
100 different species of this order. Although the 
common sparrow of England (Passer domesticus, or 
Fringilla domestica, Linn.') does not occur in the 
Holy Land, its place is abundantly supplied by two 
very closely allied Southern species (Passer salici- 
cola, Vieill., and Passer cisalpina, Tem.). The Eng- 
lish tree-sparrow (Passer montanus, Linn.) is also 
very common, and may be seen in numbers on 
Mount Olivet, and also about the sacred enclosure 
of the mosque of Omar. This is perhaps the exact 
species referred to in Ps. lxxxiv. 3 (so Mr. Tristram, 
original author of this article). Its habits in the 
East are like those of the common house-sparrow 
of England. Most of the commoner small birds of 
England are found in Palestine. The starling, chaf- 
finch, greenfinch, linnet, goldfinch, corn-bunting, 
pipits, English blackbird, song-thrush, and the vari- 
ous species of wagtail abound. The wood-lark 
(Alawla arborea, Linn.), crested lark (Galerida cris- 
tala, Boie.), Calandra lark (Melanocorypha calandra, 
Bp.), short-toed lark (Calandrella brachydactyla, 
Kaup.), Isabel lark (Alauda Deserti, Licht.), and 
various other desert-species, which are snared in 
great numbers for the markets, are far more nu- 

1 The chipping-bird (Zonotrichia [or Spizella] soctalis) 
is a well-known American example of the sparrows, some- 
what smaller than the common sparrow of England, but 
resembling it in familiarity, social disposition, &c. The 
sparrows feed on insects, grain, &c. 

67 



merous on the southern plains than the sky-lark in 
England. In the olive-yards, and among the brush- 
wood of the hills are found the Ortolan bunting 
(Embcriza hortulana, Linn.), and especially Cretzsch- 
maer's bunting (Ember iza coesia, Cretz.). As most 
of the English warblers (Sylviadce) are summer mi- 
grants, and have a wide eastern range, it was to be 
expected that they should occur in Syria ; and ac- 
cordingly upward of twenty of those on the British 
list have been noted there, including the robin, red- 
start, whitethroat, blackcap, nightingale, willow- 
wren, Dartford warbler, whinchat, and stonechat. 
Besides these, the Palestine lists contain fourteen 
more southern species, including the little fantail 
(Cislicola schoinicola, Bp.), the orphean (Citrruca 
orphaea, Boie.), and the Sardinian warbler (Sylvia 
melanocephala, Lath.). The chats (Saxicolm), rep- 
resented in Britain by the wheatear, whinchat, 
and stonechat, are very numerous in the southern 
parts of the country. At least nine species have 
been observed, their favorite resort being the hill- 
country of Judea. Yet they are not recognized 
among the Bedouin inhabitants by any name to 
distinguish them from the larks. The rock-spar- 
row (Petronia stu/ta, Strickl.) is a common bird 
in the barer portions of Palestine, eschewing 
woods, and generally to be seen perched alone on 
the top of a rock or on any large stone. From this 
habit it has been conjectured to be the bird alluded 
to in Ps. cii. 7, as " the sparrow that sitteth alone 
upon the housetop ; " but as the rock sparrow, 
though found among ruins, never resorts to inhabited 
buildings, more probably the bird to which the 
psalmist alludes is the blue thrush (Petrocossyphus 
cyaneus, Boie.), which is often seen perched on 
houses and especially on out-buildings in the villages 
of Judea, and is a solitary bird, eschewing the so- 
ciety of its own species, rarely more than a pair 




Blue Thrush ( PetrocotByphus cyaneus) =■ " sparrow " of Ps. cii. 7 ! 



being seen together. Among the most conspicuous 
of the small birds of Palestine are the shrikes, or 
butcher-birds (Lauii), there represented by at least 
five species, all abundantly and generally distributed, 
viz. Enneoctonus rufus, Bp. ; the woodchat shrike, 
Lanius meridionalis, Linn. ; Lanius minor, Linn. ; 
Lanius personatus, Tem. ; and Telephonus cucullatus, 
Gr. — There are but two allusions to the singing of 
birds in the Scripture (Eccl. xii. 4 ; Ps. civ. 12). As 
the psalmist is here speaking of the sides of streams 
and rivers ("By them," &c), he probably had in his 



1058 



SPA 



SPI 



mind the bulhul of the country, or Palestine nightin- 
gale (lion xanthopygius, Hempr.), which is a bird not 
very tar removed from the thrush tribe, abounds in 
all the wooded districts of Palestine, and especially 
by the banks of the Jordan, and is a lovely songster, 
its notes, for volume and variety, surpassing those 
of the nightingale of England. With the exception 
of the haven tribe, which feed on carrion, there is 
no prohibition in the Levitical law against any pas- 
serine birds being used as food. Small birds were 
therefore probably as ordinary an article of consump- 
tion among the Israelites, as they still are in the 
markets both of the Continent and of the East (Lk. 
xii. 6; Mat. x. 29). — Four or five simple methods of 
fowling practised at this day in Palestine are prob- 
ably identical with those alluded to in the O. T. The 
simplest, but by no means the least successful, 
among the dexterous Bedouins, is fowling with the 
throw-stick. The only weapon used is a short stick, 
about eighteen inches long and half an inch in diam- 
eter. When the game has been discovered, which is 
generally the red-legged great pahtripok (C'accabis 
saxatilU, Mey.), the desert partridge (Atnmoperdix 
ffeyi, Gr.), or the little bustard ( Otix lelrax, Linn.), the 
stick is hurled with a revolving motion so as to strike 
the legs of the bird as it runs, or sometimes at a 
rather higher elevation, go that when the victim, 
alarmed by the approach of the weapon, begins to 
rise, its wings are struck, and it is slightly disabled. 
The fleet pursuers soon come up, and, using their 
burnouses or cloaks, as a sort of net, catch and at 
once cut the throat of the game. A more scientific 
method of fowling is that alluded to in Ecelus. xi. 
30, by the use of decoy birds. Whether falconry 
was ever employed as a mode of fowling or not is 
by no means so clear. At the present day it is 
practised with much care and skill by the Arab in- 
habitants of Syria, though not in Judea proper. 
Cage; Fowl; (Jin; Hunting; Nest; Net; Pales- 
tine, Zoology ; SNARE. 

Spar ta (L. fr. Gr. ; said to have been named from 
the wife of Laccdemon, its founder and king, the 
people and country being called after his name), a 
celebrated city of ancient Greece, and the capital of 
Laconia. It was long the rival of Athens. It was 
situated in a fertile valley on the Eurotas about 
twenty miles from the sea. The laws of Lycurgus 
(adopted, according to Grote, about b. c. 825) made 
the Lacedemonians a nation of professional soldiers. 
They recognized three classes of persons: (a.) the 
Spartans, all warriors, and monopolizing all public 
offices ; (b.) the Laconians or freemen of neighbor- 
ing towns; (c.) the helots or serfs. (Slave.) There 
were two hereditary kings, who reigned jointly, but 
with gradually decreasing powers, and two legis- 
tive assemblies, one of the kings and twenty-eight 
elders, the other of the citizens The Ephors, cor- 
responding to the Roman tribunes, were the repre- 
sentatives of the popular assembly, and exercised 
despotic authority during the Peloponnesian war. 
The Spartans conquered a large part of Greece. In 
the war with the Persians b. c. 480 and 479, and for 
some time previously, they had the leadership of 
Greece, b. c. 476 the leadership passed to Athens, 
but the long Peloponnesian war (b. c. 431-404) 
terminated with the conquest of Athens, and the 
restoration of the leadership to Sparta. After the 
battles of Leuctra and Mantinea (b. c. 371 and 362), 
it ceased to be a leading state. The city was taken 
by the Acheans and Macedonians b. c. 221, and came 
under the Roman power b. c. 146. Its site is now 
occupied by two villages {Mogida and Psychiko), by 



the town of New Sparta (built since the revolution 
on one of the Spartan hills), and by corn-fields and 
gardens (see Nm Amer. Cyc., art. Sparta). — In the 
history of the Maccabees, it is said that when Jon- 
athan endeavored to strengthen his government by 
foreign alliances (about b. c. 144), he sent to Sparta 
to renew a friendly intercourse which had been be- 
gun at an earlier time between Areus and Onias, on 
the ground of their common descent from Abraham 
(1 Mc. xii. 6-23); that the embassy was favorably 
received, and after the death of Jonathan " the 
friendship and league " was renewed with Simon 
(xiv. 16-23). In regard to this correspondence, re- 
specting which there has been much discussion, Mr. 
Westcott observes — 1. The whole context of the 
passage, n- well as the independent reference to the 
connection of the " Lacedemonians " and Jews in 2 
Mc, v. seems to prove clearly that the reference 
is to the Spartans, properly so called. 2. The ac- 
tual relationship of the Jews and Spartans (2 Mc. v. 
9) is an ethnological error, which it is difficult to 
trace to its origin. Possibly the Jews regarded the 
Spartans as the representatives of the Pelosgi, the 
supposed descendants of l'eleg the son of Eber, A 
Jewish colony existed at Sparta at an early time (1 
Mc. xv. 23). 8. The incorrectness of the opinion on 
which the intercourse was based is obviously no ob- 
jection to the fact of the intercourse itself. But it 
is urged that the letters said to have been exchanged 
are evidently not genuine, since they betray their 
fictitious origin negatively by the absence of char- 
acteristic forms of expression, and positively by ac- 
tual inaccuracies. To this it may be replied that the 
Spartan letters (xii. 20-23, xiv. 20-23) are extremely 
brief, and exist only in a translation of a translation, 
so that it is unreasonable to expect that any Doric 
peculiarities should have been preserved. On the 
other hand the absence of the name of the second 
king of Sparta in the first letter(xii. 20), and of both 
kings in the second (xiv. 20), is probably to be ex- 
plained by the political circumstances under which 
the letters were written. 4. The difficulty of fixing 
the date of the first correspondence is increased by 
the recurrence of the names involved. Two kings 
bore the name Areus, one of whom reigned n. c. 
309-265, and the other, his grandson, died B. C. 257, 
being only eight years old. The same name was also 
l borne by an adventurer, who occupied a prominent 
position at Sparta, about b. c. 184. In Judea, again, 
three high-priests bore the name Onias, the first of 
whom held office b. c. 330-309 (or 300) ; the second 
b. c. 240-226; and the third about n. c. 198-171. 
Josephus is probably correct in fixing the event in 
the time of Onias III. 
Spear. Arms, I. 2. 

Spear'mcn, the A. V. translation of the Gr. plural 

; dexiolaboi (literally those taking the right), a rare 
word, found in the N. T. only in Acts xxiii. 23. 
Two hundred dexiolaboi formed' part of the escort 
which accompanied St. Paul in the night march from 
Jerusalem to Cesarea. They are clearly distinguished 
both from the heavy-armed legionaries, who only 
went as far as Antipatris, and from the cavalry, who 
continued the journey to Cesarea. Probably they 
were irregular light-armed troops, so lightly armed, 
indeed, as to be able to keep pace on the march 
with mounted soldiers (so Mr. Wright). Arms ; 

j Army. 

* Spelt. Rye. 

Spite, Spi'eer-y, Spi'ces. Under this head may be 
noticed — 1. Heb. bdsdm, btsem, or bosem. Thefirst- 
I named form, which occurs only in Cant. v. 1, " I 



SPI 



SPI 



1059 



have gathered my myrrh with my spice," points ap- 
parently to some definite substance. In the other 
places where bescm or bosem occurs (Ex. xxv, 6, 
xxx. 23 [A. V. once " spices," twice " sweet"], xxxv. 




Balsam of Gilead (Amyris O'ileademia^. 



8, 28; 1 K. x. 2, 10 twice, 25; 2 K. xx. 13; 1 Chr. 
ix. 29, 30; 2 Chr. ix. 1, 9 twice, 24, xvi. 14 [A. V. 
"sweet odors"], xxxii. 27; Esth. ii. 12 [A.V. " sweet 
odors"]; Cant. iv. 10, 14, 16, v. 13, vi. 2, viii. 14; 




Tr ag.icantk {Astracottis Tr&gacanthd), 



Is. iii. 24 [A. V. " smell "], xxxix. 2 ; Ez. xxvii. 22), 
except perhaps Cant. v. 13, vi. 2, the word refers 
more generally to sweet aromatic odors, the princi- 



pal of which was that of the balsam, or balm of 
Gilead ; the tree which yields this substance is now 
generally admitted to be the Amyris (Balsamoden- 
dron) Opobalsamum, or Amyris (Balsamodendron) 
Gileadensis, 1 allied to that which yields myrrh. The 
balm of Gilead tree grows in some parts of Arabia 
and Africa, and is seldom more than fifteen feet 
high, with straggling branches and scanty foliage. 
The balsam is chiefly obtained from incisions in the 
bark, but the substance is procured also from the 
green and ripe berries. (Oil-tree.) — 2. Heb. necholh 
(Gen. xxxvii. 25 [" spicery "], xliii. 11 ["spices"]); 
most probably = the Arabic naka'at, i. e. " the gum 
obtained from the Tragacanth " {Astragalus), several 
species of which genus occur in Palestine. The gum 
is a natural exudation from the trunk and branches 
of the plant. (Palestine, Botany.) It is uncertain 
whether the Heb. necholh in 2 K. xx. 13 and Is. xxxix. 
2 (A. V. " the house of his precious things," margin 
" spicery " [after Aquila, Symmachus, and Vulgate]) 
denotes spice of any kind. Gesenius, Fiirst, Keil, 
with the Chaldee, Syriac, &c, render treasure, or 
(with " house ") storehouse. — 3. Heb. plural sammim 
(marg. of Ex. xxx. 1 and 2 Chr. ii. 4 [Heb. 3] ; 
" sweet spices " in Ex. xxx. 34 twice ; usually 
"sweet," sc. incense or spices, as in Ex. xxv. 6, 
xxxi. 11, xxxv. 8, 15, 28, xxxvii. 29, &c), a general 
term to denote those aromatic substances which 
were used in the preparation of the anointing oil, 
the incense offerings, &c. — 4. Gr. aroma, in N. T. 
only in plural ardmata (Lk. xxiii. 56, xxiv. 1 ; Jn. 
xix. 40; A. V. "sweet spices " in Mk. xvi. 1). The 
spices mentioned as used by Nicodemus for the prep- 
aration of our Lord's body (Jn. xix. 39, 40) are 
" myrrh and aloes," the latter = the highly-scented 
wood of the Aqui/aria agaUochum. Cassia; Cin- 
namon ; Embalming ; Frankincense ; Galbanum ; 
Mastich ; Onycha ; Spikenard ; Stacte. 

Spi'der, the A. V. representative of — 1. Heb. 'aeco- 
bish (Job viii. 14 ; Is. lix. 5). Both passages allude 
to the fragile nature of the spider's web, which, 
though admirably suited to fulfil all the require- 
ments of the animal, is yet most easily torn by any 
violence offered to it. In Isaiah (1. c.) there is prob- 
ably allusion also to the spider's habit of lurking 
for his prey. Spiders (family Araneidm of natural- 
ists) are found in every habitable portion of the globe, 
but are largest in warm climates. 'They all devour 
living pre}', sucking the juices and sometimes swal- 
lowing the fragments. (Scorpion.) — 2. Heb. semd- 
milh, found only in Prov. xxx. 28, probably (so Mr. 
Houghton, with Bochart, Gesenius, Fiirst, and most) 
= some kind of lizard. Mr. Houghton regards it 
as some species of gecko. Mr. Gosse (in Fairbairn) 
favors the A. V. 

Spike nard [usually pronounced spik'nard] (Heb. 
nerd ; Gr. nardos), an aromatic substance mentioned 
in Cant. i. 12, iv. 13, 14. The ointment with which 
our Lord was anointed as He sat at meat in Simon's 
house at Bethany consisted of this precious sub- 
stance (in margin of Mk. xiv. 3, "pure nard, or 
liquid nard"), the costliness of which may be in- 
ferred from the indignant surprise manifested by 
some of the witnesses of the transaction (Mk. xiv. 
3-5 ; Jn. xii. 3, 5). Dr. Royle having ascertained 
that the jalamansee, one of the Hindoo synonyms for 
the sunbul (Ar. =: Gr. nardos, Sir William Jones), 
was annually brought from the mountains overhang- 
ing the Ganges and Jumna Rivers down to the plains, 

1 The name Balm of Gilead is commonly applied in the 
United States to a species of poplar, Populus candicans of 
Aiton (Wood's Botany). 



1060 



SPI 



sri 



purchased some of these fresh roots and planted 
them in the botanic gardens at Saharunpore, in N. 
India. This plant, the Nardostachys Jatamansl of 
De Candolle, is evidently the nardos described by 
Dioscorides under the name of " the Ganges nard.'' 




Spikenard (.VartfujfacAyj Jatamanri). 



It is allied to valerian, and is highly esteemed 
throughout the East as a perfume and stimulant 
medicine. The permanent, hair-like fibres of the 
leaf and footstalk give it some resemblance to the 
tail of an ermine, to which the Arabs have likened 
it The name " spikenard " has also been given to 
other aromatic plants, in England to the Andropogon 
Xardus of India, which is allied to lemon grass 
(Rekd 4), and in the United States to the Aralia 
racemosa, an herb with a thick root allied to gin- 
seng. Alabaster; Ointment; Perfumes. 

Spin Ding is mentioned in the Bible in Ex. xxxv. 
25, 26, and in Mat. vi. 28 and Lk. xii. 27. Prov. 
xxxi. 19 implies (according to the A. V., Stuart, 
Fiirst, kc.) the use of the same instruments which 
have been in vogue for hand-spinning down to the 
present day, viz. the distaff (round which the flax 
or wool for spinning was wound) and spindle (on 
which the yarn or thread was wound in spinning). 
The distaff, however, appeare to have been dispensed 
with, and the term so rendered means the spindle it- 
self (so Mr. Bevan, with 6e*senius, &c.), while that 
rendered " spindle " represents the whirl of the spin- 
dle, a button of circular rim which was affixed to it, 
and gave steadiness to its circular motion. The 
spindle was held perpendicularly in the one hand, 
while the other was employed in drawing out the 
thread. Dress; Handicraft; Weaving; Women. 

* Spirit (fr. L. spiritus), the A. V. translation of 
— 1. Heb. neshdmdh twice (Job xxvi. 4; Prov. xx. 
27), literally, like the L. spiriius, = " breath." (Soul 
3.)— 2. Heb. and Chal. ruah or rvach more than 200 
times (Gen. i. 2, vi. 3, xli. 8, 38, &c, &e.). Gesenius 
thus arranges the meanings of the Hebrew word : 
(1.) breath, a breathing, blowing, i. e. (a.) breath of 
the nostrils, a snuffing, snorting (A. V. " breath " 
in Job iv. 9 and Ps. xviii. 15 [Heb. 16]) ; hence anger 
("anger" in Judg. viii. 3 ; "spirit" in Prov. xvi. 
32 and Zech. vi. 8 ; " blast " in Is. xxv. 4 ; " breath " 
in xxx. 28), also pride (" spirit " in Ps. lxxvi. 12 
[Heb. 13]); (b.) breath of the mouth, spoken of 
God's creative " breath " in Ps. xxxiii. 6, of drawing 



"breath" in Job ix. 18, of the vital "breath" in 
Gen. vi. 17, vii. 15, 22, as an emblem of any thing 
transient in Job vii. 7 (A. V. " wind ") ; (e.) breath 
of air, i. e. a slight breeze (" wind " in Job xxviii. 25 
and Jer. ii. 24; "air" in Job xli. 8 [Heb. 16]; 
" cool " [margin " wind "] in Gen. iii. 8), oftener a 
strong wind (A. V. " wind" in Gen. viii. 1 and Is. 
xvii. 13), also a tempest, hurricane (" wind " in 1 K. 
xix. 11 thrice and Is. xxvii. 8), wind likewise deno- 
ting a side or quarter of the heavens (" quarter" in 
1 dir. ix.' 24 ; " side " in Ez. xlii. 16 [margin " wind "] 
ff. ; " wind " in Zech. ii. 6 [Heb. 10]), and any thing 
vain or empty (" w ind " in Is. xli. 29 and Jer. v. 13; 
"vain" in Job xvi. 3 [margin "of wind"]), and 
wind or tempest tropically = an invading army in 
Jer. iv. 11, 12 (A.V. " wind "): (2.) the vital breath, 
s/ii, it } /iff, the principle of life in men and beasts 
as embodied and manifested in the breath of the 
mouth and nostrils (A. V. " breath " in Job xii. 10 
and K/. xxxvii. 8; "spirit"in Gen. xlv. 27 and Eccl. 
iii. 21 twice) : (3.) the rational soul, mind, spirit, (a.) 
as the seat of the affections, emotions, and passions 
of various kinds (" spirit " in Gen. xli. 8 and Prov. 
xxv. 28 ; " mind " in Gen. xxvi. 35 and Prov. xxix. 
11); (b.) in reference to the disposition, the mode 
of filing and acting ("spirit" ill Ez. xi. 11, xviii. 
31 and Is. xix. 14); (c.) of will, counsel, jrurpose 
(" spirit " in Ezr. i. 1 ; " mind " in Ez. xx. 32) ; (d.) 
more rarely of the understanding, intellect (" spirit " 
in Ex. xxviii. 3), spirit being used absolutely for 
courage (A. V. " courage" in Josh. ii. 11 ; " spirit " 
in v. 1), or genius ("spirit" in Job xxxii. 8, 18): 
i l i tin Spirit ol God or ol Jehovah which pervades 
the universe, animates and fills it with life, through 
which God governs and protects the world and also 
mankind, and invites to a life of virtue and holiness 
(Gen. i. 2; Job xxxiii. 4; Ps. exxxix. 7; Is. lxiii. 
14), rarely called His Holy Spirit (Ps. Ii. 11 [Deb. 
13] ; Is. lxiii. 10, 11), to which the O. T. ascribes 
all extraordinary gifts and powers of mind (Ex. 
xxxi. 3; Num. xxiv. 2; Judg. iii. 10; 1 Sam. xvi. 
13 f. ; Is. lix. 21), spoken also of an evil sjnrit which 
passed from God to Saul (1 Sam. xvi. 14 ff'.), and 
of an unclean sj/irit which inspired false prophets 
(1 K. xxii. 21 ff. ; Zech. xiii. 2); sometimes con- 
trasted with FLESH (Is. xxxi. 3). — 3. Heb. 6b in part, 
A.V. "familiar spirit." (Divination 5.) — 4. Gr. 
pneuma nearly 300 times in N. T., translated 
"ghost" nearly 100 times, once "wind" (Jn. iii. 
8«), once "spiritual" (1 Cor. xiv. 12), once "spir- 
itually" (Rom. viii. 6), once "life" (Rev. xiii. 15). 
Robinson (N. T. Lex.) thus arranges the significa- 
tions of the Greek word (compare No. 2, for which 
it is used in the LXX.), and their corresponding pas- 
sages : (I.) A breathing, breath — (1.) Of the mouth 
or nostrils, a breathing, blast (2 Th. ii. 8), the vital 
breath (Rev. xi. 11); (2.) Of air, air in motion, a 
breeze, blast, the wind ( Jn. iii. 8 [" wind "] ; Ueb. i. 
7). (II.) The spirit of man, i. e. (1.) The vital 
spirit, life, soul, the principle of life residing in the 
breath, breathed into man from God and again re- 
turning to God (Mat. xxvii. 50 ; Lk. viii. 55, xxiii. 
46 ; Jn. xix. 30 ; Acts vii. 59 ; Jas. ii. 26 ; Rev. xiii. 
15 [A.V. " life"]), tropically in Jn. vi. 63 twice and 
1 Cor. xv. 45 ; (2.) The rational spirit, mind, soul — 
(a.) generally as opposed to the body and animal 
spirit (Lk. i. 47 ; Jn. iv. 23, 24 b ; Rom. i. 9, ii. 29, 
viii. 10, 16 ft; 1 Cor. v. 3-5, vi. 20, vii. 34 ; 2 Cor. 
vii. 1 ; Gal. vi. 18; Phil. iii. 3 ; Col. ii. 5 ; 1 Th. v. 
23 ; 2 Tim. iv. 22 ; Phn. 25 ; Heb. iv. 12, xii. 9; 1 
Pet. iv. 6) ; (b.) as the seat of the affections, emo- 
tions, passions of various kinds (Mat. v. 3 ; Mk. viii. 



SPI 



SPI 



1061 



12 ; Lk. i. 17, x. 21 ; Jn. xi. 33, xiii. 21 ; Acts xvii. 
16, xviii. 25 ; Rom. xii. 11 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 18 ; 2 Cor. 
11, 13 [Gr. 12], vii. 13) ; (c.) as referring to deposi- 
tion, feeling, temper of mind, " spirit " (Lk. ix. 55 ; 
Rom. viii. 15 a, xi. 8; 1 Cor. iv. 21, xiv. 14, 15 
twice, 16 ; 2 Cor. iv. 13, xi. 4, xii. 18 ; Gal. vi. 1 ; 
Eph. iv. 23 ; Phil. i. 27, ii. 1 ; 2 Tim. i. 7 ; 1 Pet. ii. 
4) ; (d.) as implying will, counsel, purpose (Mat. xxvi. 
41 ; Mk. xiv. 38; Acts xviii. 5, xix. 21, xx. 22) ; (e.) 
as including the understanding, intellect (Mk. ii. 8 ; 
Lk. i. 80, ii. 40; 1 Cor. ii. 11a, 12 a). (III.) A 
spirit, i. e. a simple, incorporeal, immaterial being, 
possessing higher capacities than man in his present 
state; spoken (A) Of created spirits, viz. (1.) Of 
the human spirit, sou', after its departure from the 
body and as existing in a separate state (Acts xxiii. 
8 ; Heb. xii. 23 ; 1 Pet. iii. 19) ; of the soul of a 
person reappearing after death, a spirit, ghost, (Lk. 
xx:v. 37, 39 ; Acts xxiii. 9) ; (2.) an evil spirit, 
demon (Mat. viii. 16, x. 1, xii. 43, 45 ; Mk. i. 23, 26, 
27, iii. 11, 30, v. 2, 8, 13, vi. 7, vii. 25, ix. 17, 20, 
25 twice; Lk. iv. 33, 36, vi. 18, vii. 21, viii. 2, 29, 
ix. 39, 42, x. 20, xi. 24, 26, xiii. 11 ; Acts v. 16, viii. 
7, xvi. 16, 18, xix. 12, 13, 15, 16 ; Eph. ii. 2 
Satan] ; Rev. xvi. 13, 14, xviii. 2) ; (3.) less often 
in pi. of angels, as God's ministering spirits (Heb. 

i. 14 ; Rev. i. 4, iii. 1, iv. 5, v. 6). (B) Of God in 
reference to His immateriality (Jn. iv. 24). (C) Of 
Jesus Christ in His exalted spiritual nature in dis- 
tinction from His human nature (Rom. i. 4 ; 1 Tim. 
iii. 16 ; 1 Pet. iii. 18). (D) Of " the Spirit of God " 
or " the Spirit of the Lord," also called " the Holy 
Ghost," " the Holy Spirit," " the Spirit," and (as 
sent or communicated by Christ after His resurrec- 
tion and ascension) " the Spirit of Christ," repre- 
sented in the N. T. as in intimate union with God the 
Father and Son, as proceeding from and sent forth 
by Them, as possessing the same attributes and per- 
forming the same acts with God the Father and Son. 
The N. T. passages under this signification may be 
divided into two classes: (1.) The Holy Spirit, as 
existing, as a Divine agent, &c. (a.) joined with God 
or the Father, and Christ the Lord, the Son, with 
the same or with different predicates (Mat. xxviii. 
19; 1 Cor. xii. 4 [compare 5, 6] ; 2 Cor. xiii. 14 
[Gr. 13] ; 1 Pet. i. 2 ; Jude 20 ; 1 Jn. v. 7 ; John, 
First Epistle of) ; (6.) spoken in connection with 
or in reference to God, or the Father (Jn. iii. 5, 6, 
8 b [compare i. 13], xv. 26 ; Acts i. 16 [compare iv. 
24, 25], v. 3, 9 [compare 4], vii. 51 [compare 52], 
xxviii. 25 [compare Is. vi. 8, 11]; Rom. viii. 9 ft, 
11 twice; 1 Cor. ii. 10 b, 11 b, iii. 16, vi. 19, xii. 11 
[compare 7] ; Eph. vi. 17 ; 2 Tim. i. 14 [compare 2 
Cor. vi. 16] ; Heb. iii. 7 [compare Ps. xcv. 7], ix. 8 
[compare i. 1], x. 15 [compare Jer. xxxi. 31]); (c.) 
spoken in connection with or in reference to Christ 
(Mat. iii. 16; Mk. i. 10; Lk. iii. 22 ; Jn. i. 32, 33 ; 
Rom. ix. 1, xv. 30; 1 Cor. vi. 11; 2 Cor. iii. 17 
twice, 18; Heb. x. 29 [compare the passages in b 
above with Jn. xiv. 23, xv. 4; 2 Cor. xiii. 5 ; Eph. 
iii. 17]); (d.) as coming to and acting on men, 
Christians, exerting in and upon them an enlighten- 
ing, strengthening, sanctifying influence (Mat. x. 20; 
Mk. xiii. 11; Lk. xii. 12; Jn. xiv. 17, 26, xv. 26, 
xvi. 13 ; Acts i. 8, ix. 31, x. 19, xi. 12, xx. 23, 28 ; 
xxi. 11 ; Rom. viii. 14, 16 a, 26 twice, 27, xiv. 17, 
xv. 13, 16 ; 1 Cor. ii. 10 [compare b above], 13, 14; 
2 Cor. i. 22, iii. 17 [compare c above, and 2 c below], 
v. 5 ; Eph. iii. 16, iv. 30, vi. 18 ; 1 Th. i. 6 ; 2 Th. 

ii. 13 ; 1 Tim. iv. la; Jas. iv. 5 ; 1 Pet. i. 22 ; Rev. 
ii. 7, 11, 17, 29, iii. 6, 13, 22, xiv. 13, xxii. 17) : (2.) 
Metonymicilly, the Holy Spirit, put for the effects 



I and consequences of the agency and operations of 
the Spirit of God, i. e. a Divine influence, a Divine 
energy or power, an inspiration, resulting from the 
immediate agency of the Holy Spirit ; spoken (a.) 
of that physical procreative energy exerted in the 
miraculous conception of Jesus (Mat. i. 18, 20; Lk. 
i. 35), and in the conception of Isaac out of the 
ordinary course of nature (Gal. iv. 29); (b.) of that 
special Divine influence, inspiration, energy, which 
rested upon and existed in Jesus after the descent 
of the Holy Spirit upon Him at His baptism (Mat. 

iv. 1 ; xii. 18, 28 [compare Lk. xi. 20], 31, 32 ; Mk. 

1. 12, iii. 29 ; Lk. iv. 1 twice [compare iii. 22], 14, 
18 [compare Is. lxi. 1], xii. 10 ; Jn. iii. 34 ; Acts i. 

2, x. 38 ; Heb. ix. 14 ; 1 Jn. v. 6 twice, 8 ; comp. C 
above) ; (c.) of that Divine influence by which proph- 
ets and holy men were excited, when they are said 
to have spoken or acted in or through the Spirit, i. e. 
by inspiration (Mat. xxii. 43; Mk. xii. 36 ; Lk. i. 15, 
41, 67, ii. 25-27 ; 1 Pet. i. 11 ; 2 Pet. i. 21 ; Rev. i. 

10, iv. 2, xvii. 3, xix. 10, xxi. 10), by which Chris- 
tians are taught, enlightened, guided, in respect to 
faith and practice (Lk. xi. 13 ; Jn. vii. 39 twice 
[compare xvi. 13, 14] ; Rom. v. 5 ; 1 Cor. xii. 3 
twice ; 2 Cor. iii. 3 ; Gal. v. 5 ; Tit. iii. 5 ; Heb. vi. 
4 ; 1 Pet. iv. 14), with which Christ's disciples are 
said to be baptized, i. e. richly furnished with spir- 
itual gifts (Mat. iii. 11 ; Mk. i. 8 ; Lk. iii. 16 ; Jn. i. 
33 6; and see d below) ; emphatically as the Spirit 
of the Gospel, put for the Gospel in opposition to the 
letter of the Mosaic Law (2 Cor. iii. 6 twice, 8 [comp. 
ver. 17, and 1 d above]) ; (d.) of that influence of the 
Spirit by which the apostles were originally qualified 
to act as preachers and directors of the Church of 
Christ (Jn. xx. 22, compare 23), specially of that 
powerful energy and inspiration imparted by the 
Holy Ghost on the day of Pentecost and afterward, 
by which the apostles and early Christian teachers 
were endowed with high supernatural qualifications 
for their work, e. g. a full knowledge of Gospel 
truth, the power of prophesying, of working mir- 
acles, of speaking with tongues, &c, sometimes with 
special reference to holy boldness, energy, and zeal, 
in speaking and acting, or to support and comfort, 
Christian joy and triumph (Acts i. 5 [compare 8], 

11. 4 twice, 17, 18, 33, 38, iv. 8, 31, v. 32, vi. 3, 5, 10 
[compare 8], vii. 55, viii. 15, 17-19, 29, 39 [compare 
Mat. iv. 1], ix. 17, x. 44, 45, 47, xi. 15, 16, 24, 28, 
xiii. 2, 4, 9, 52, xv. 8, 28, xvi. 6, 7, xix. 2 twice, 6, 
xxi. 4; Rom. xv. 19 ; 1 Cor. ii. 4, vii. 40, xii. 7, 8 
twice, 9 twice, 13 twice [compare 8, 9], xiv. 2, 32 
[compare 33] ; Gal. iii. 2, 3, 5, 14 ; Eph. i. 13, iii. 5, 

v. 18 ; Phil. i. 19; 1 Th. i. 5, iv. 8, v. 19 [compare 
2 Tim. i. 6] ; Heb. ii. 4 ; 1 Pet. i. 12) ; in the pi. 
spiritual gifts (1 Cor. xiv. 12, A. V. "spiritual 
gifts ") ; (e.) of that Divine influence by which the 
temper or disposition of mind in Christians is af- 
fected, or rather the spirit, temper, disposition of 
mind produced in Christians by the influences of the 
Hol>i Spirit, which corrects, elevates, ennobles, sanc- 
tifies their views and feelings, fills the mind with 
peace and joy, and is the pledge and foretaste of 
everlasting happiness ; e. g. as opposed to " the 
flesh" (Jn. iii. 6 6/ Rom. viii. 1, 2, 4, 5 twice, 6 
[A. V. " to be spiritually minded ; " margin, more lit- 
erally, " the minding of the spirit "], 9 a, 13 ; 1 Cor. 

vi. 17; Gal. v. 16, 17 twice, IS, 22, 25 twice, vi. 8 
twice) ; in a general sense (Rom. vii. 6, viii. 9 c 
[compare Eph. iii. 17], 15 b, 23 ; 1 Cor. ii. 12 b ; 2 
Cor. vi. 6 ; Gal. iv. 6 ; Eph. i. 17, ii. 18, 22, iv. 3, 4, 
v. 9 [in the common text] ; Col. i. 8 ; 1 Tim. iv. 
12; 1 Jn. iii. 24, iv. 13; Jude 19); (3.) Metonymi- 



1062 



SPI 



STA 



cally, of a person or teacher acting, or professing 
to act, under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, by 
Divine inspiration (1 Cor. xii. 3 a, 10, xiv. 32; 2 Th. 
ii. 2 ; 1 Tim. iv. 16/1 Jn. iv. 1 twice, 2 twice, 3, 6 
twice). — 5. Gr. phantasma = a phantasm, phantom, 
apparition, spoken of a spirit, spectre, ghost, Run. 
iV. T. Lex. (Mat. xiv. 26; Mk. vi. 49). Angf.ls ; 
Archangel; Demon; Demoniacs; Devil; Ghost; 
God ; Immortality ; Inspiration ; Man ; Quicken ; 
Resurrection; Salvation; Sanctification ; Sin; 
Soul; Spirit, the Holy ; Tongues, Gift of. 

Splr It, the Holy, in the 0. T. generally called 
" the Spirit of God " or " the Spirit of the Lord " 
(Spirit 2 [4]); in the X. T. "the Holy Spirit" or 
" the Holy Ghost; " sometimes also " the Spirit of 
God," " the Spirit " (Spirit 4, III., D), " the Com- 
forter," kc. In accordance with what seems to be 
the general rule of Divine Revelation, that the 
knowledge of heavenly things is given more abun- 
dantly and more clearly in later ages, the person, 
attributes, and operations of the Holy Ghost arc 
made known to us chiefly in the N. T. And in the light 
of such later revelation, words, which when heard 
by patriarchs and prophets were probably under- 
stood imperfectly by them, become full of meaning 
to Christians (so Mr. Bullock). In the N. T., both 
in the teaching of our Lord and in the narratives of 
the events which preceded His ministry and oc- 
curred in its course, the existence and agency of the 
Holy Spirit are frequently revealed, and arc men- 
tioned in such a manner as shows that these facts 
were part of the common belief of the Jewish people 
at that time. It was made plain to the under- 
standing of the Jews of that age that the same 
Spirit who wrought of old among the people of God 
was still at work. But the Ascension of our Lord is 
marked (Eph. iv. 8; Jn. vii. 39, &e.) as the com- 
mencement of a new period in the history of the in- 
spiration of men by the Holy Ghost. The interval 
between that period and the end of the world is 
often described as the Dispensation of the Spirit. 
Under the old dispensation the gifts of the Holy 
Spirit were uncovenanted, not universal, intermit- 
tent, chiefly external. All this was changed. Our 
Lord, by ordaining (Mat. xxviii. 19) that every Chris- 
tian should be baptized in the name of the Holy 
Ghost, indicated at once the absolute necessity from 
that time forth of a personal connection of every 
believer with the Spirit; and (in Jn. xvi. 7-15) He 
declares the internal character of the Spirit's work, 
and (in xiv. 16, 17, &c.) His permanent stay. And 
subsequently the Spirit's operations under the new 
dispensation are authoritatively announced as uni- 
versal and internal in Acts ii. 16-21 and Heb. viii. 
8-12. Ghost; God; Inspiration; Miracles; 
Prophet ; Quicken ; Regeneration ; Revelation ; 
Sanctification ; Son of God ; Spirit ; Tongues, 
Gift of, &c. 

* Spoil. Booty ; War. 

Sponge [o as in son] (fr. Gr. sponggos), a well- 
known porous and fibrous elastic substance, men- 
tioned only in the X. T. (Mat. xxvii. 48 ; Mk. xv. 36 ; 
Jn. xix. 29). Some naturalists regard the sponges 
as belonging to the vegetable kingdom ; but other 
recent authorities regard them as belonging to the 
animal kingdom. They have, when living, an ap- 
parently homogeneous jelly filling their pores and 
covering their surface. The sponges of commerce 
come mostly from the Mediterranean and the Baha- 
ma Islands. They are usually procured by divers, 
as they adhere firmly to. the bottom of the sea. The 
commercial value of the sponge was known from 



very early times; and probably it was used by the 
ancient Hebrews. 




Common Sponge (Spongia officinal/*).— (Fbn.) 

* Spoon, the A. V. translation of Heb. caph (lit- 
erally = palm or ho/low of the hand) in Ex. xxv. 29, 
xwvii. 16; Num. iv. 7, vii. 14 ff. ; 1 K. vii. 50; 2 
K. xxv. 14; 2 Chr. iv. 22, xxiv. 14; Jer. lii. 18, 19. 
Fiirst renders the Heb. " a pan, a dish, on account 
of the resemblance to the bent hand ; " Gesenius 
says, " a hollow vessel, a pan, dish, censer. The pre- 
cise meaning probably cannot now be ascertained, 
and the A. V. may be correct. Basin. 

Spouse. Marriage. 

•Spring. Agriculture; Palestine, Climate; 
Rain : Ain ; Fountain ; Gulloth ; Palestine, II., 
§ 17 ; Well. 

* Sponge = Sponge. 

•Stable; Barn; Herd; Inn; Manger. 

Sta'chys [-kisj (L. fr. Gr. — an ear of grain), a 
Christian at Rome, saluted by St. Paul in Bom. xvi. 
9. A tradition makes him bishop of Byzantium be. 
fore Onesimus for sixteen years. 

Stae'te (L. fr. Gr. ; Heb. n&t&ph), one of the sweet 
spices which composed the holy incense (Ex. xxx. 
34). The Hebrew word occurs once again (Job 
xxxvi. 27, A. V. " drops " of water). Celsius iden- 
tifies the Hebrew word in Ex. 1. c. with the purest 
kind of myrrh ; Rosenmiiller, Gesenius, Kalisch, 
Dr. J. Hamilton (in Fbn.) identify it with the gum 
of the storax-trcc (Styraz officinale ; Poplar) ; Fiirst 
makes it " an aromatic gum or resin ; " and Mr. 
Houghton " an odorous distillation from some 
plant." 

* Staff. Arms, I. 2, c, f; Rod; Sceptre; Shep- 
herd. 

* Stall. Barn ; Herd ; Manger. 
Standard. Ensign. 

* Star (Heb. cochdb ; Gr. aster, astron), a general 
name for any of the heavenly bodies, usually except- 
ing the sun and moon (Gen. i. 16; Mat. ii. 2 ff. ; 
Acts xxvii. 20, &c). (Astronomy ; Heaven ; Star 
in the East, &c.) In Xum. xxiv. 17 " star" is used 
metaphorically. (Messiah.) The " morning star " 
in Rev. ii. 28, xxii. 16, is a symbol of splendor and 
glory. "Wandering stars" (i.e. meteors soon to 
be quenched, Rbn. N. T. Lex.) in Jude 13 symbol- 
ize false and erring teachers, heirs of perdition. 
According to Stuart, Robinson, &c, "star" in Rev. 
ix. 1, and perhaps elsewhere, symbolizes one of the 
angels. "Seven stars" in Rev. i. 16, 20, ii. 1, iii. 
1, symbolize the "angels" (= pastors or teachers?) 
of the seven churches in Asia. 

* Star'-ga-zers. Astronomy; Magic, p. 585. 

Star of the Wise Men. Until the last few years 
the interpretation of Mat. ii. 1-12, by theologians 
in general, coincided in the main with that which 



STA 



STA 



1063 



would be given to it by any person of ordinary in- 
telligence who read the account with due attention. 
Some supernatural light resembling a star had ap- 
peared in some country (possibly Persia) far to the 
E. of Jerusalem, to men who were versed in the 
study of celestial phenomena, conveying to their 
minds' a supernatural impulse to repair to Jerusa- 
lem, where they would find a new-born king. (East ; 
Magi.) It supposed them to be followers, and pos- 
sibly priests, of the Zend religion, whereby they 
were led to expect a Redeemer in the person of the 
Jewish infant. On arriving at Jerusalem, after 
diligent inquiry and consultation with the priests 
and learned men who could naturally best inform 
them, they are directed to proceed to Bethlehem. 
The star which they had seen in the East reappeared 
to them and preceded them, until it took up its sta- 
tion over the place where the young child was. 
The whole matter, that is, was supernatural. (Jesus 
Christ ; Messiah.) — Latterly, however, a very dif- 
ferent opinion has gradually become prevalent upon 
the subject. The star has been displaced from the 
category of the supernatural, and has been referred 
to the ordinary astronomical phenomenon of a con- 
junction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn. The 
idea originated with Kepler, whose suggestion was 
worked out by Dr. Ideler of Berlin. In May, b. c. 7, 
a conjunction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn oc- 
curred not far from the first point of Aries, the 
planets rising in Chaldea about 3^- hours before the 
sun. It is said that on astrological grounds such a 
conjunction could not fail to excite the attention of 
men like the Magi. Supposing them to have set 
out at the end of May, b. c. 7, upon a journey for 
which the circumstances will be seen to require at 
least seven months, the planets were observed to 
separate slowly until the end of July, when their 
motions becoming retrograde, they again came into 
conjunction by the end of September. At that time, 
there can be no doubt, Jupiter would present to 
astronomers, especially in so clear an atmosphere, 
a magnificent spectacle. It was then at its most 
brilliant apparition, for it was at its nearest ap- 
proach both to the sun and to the earth. Not far 
from it would be seen its duller and much less con- 
spicuous companion Saturn. This glorious spectacle 
continued almost unaltered for several days, when 
the planets again slowly separated, then came to a 
halt, when, by reassuming direct motion, Jupiter 
again approached to a conjunction for the third 
time with Saturn, just as the Magi may be supposed 
to have entered the Holy City. And, to complete 
the fascination of the tale, about an hour and a half 
after sunset, the two planets might be seen from 
Jerusalem, hanging as it were in the meridian, and 
suspended over Bethlehem in the distance. These 
celestial phenomena thus described are, it will be 
seen, beyond the reach of question, and at the first 
impression they assuredly appear to fulfil the con- 
ditions of the Star of the Magi.— The first circum- 
stance which created a suspicion to the contrary, 
arose from an exaggeration on the part of Dr. Ideler 
himself, who described the two planets as wearing 
the appearance of one bright but diffused light io 
persons having weak eyes. Not only is this imper- 
fect eyesight inflicted upon the Magi, but it is quite 
certain that, had they possessed any remains of eye- 
sight at all, they could not have failed to see, not a 
single star, but two planets, at the very considerable 
distance of double the moon's apparent diameter. 
Alford (first edition of his Greek Testament) rep- 
resents the planets as forming a single star of sur- 



passing brightness. Exaggerations of this descrip- 
tion induced Mr. Pritchard, the original writer of 
this article, to undertake the very formidable labor 
of calculating afresh an ephemeris of the planets 
Jupiter and Saturn, and of the sun, from May to 
December, b. c. 7. The result was to confirm the 
fact of there being three conjunctions during the 
above period, though somewhat to modify the dates 
assigned to them by Dr. Ideler. Similar results 
have also been obtained by Encke, and the Decem- 
ber conjunction has also been confirmed by the 
Astronomer Royal. But — (a.) It is inconceivable 
that solely on the ground of astrological reasons 
men would undertake a seven months' journey. And 
as to the widely-spread and prevalent expectation 
of some powerful personage about to show himself 
in the East, the fact of its existence depends on the 
testimony of Tacitus, Suetonius, and Josephus. But 
all these writers speak of this expectation as apply- 
ing to "Vespasian, in a. d. 69, which date was seventy- 
five years, or two generations, after the conjunction 
in question! Furthermore, in February, b. c. 66, a 
conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn occurred in the 
constellation Pisces, closer than the one on Decem- 
ber 4, b. c. 7. (b.) O/i December 4, b. c. 7, the sun 
set at Jerusalem at 5 p. m. Supposing the Magi to 
have then commenced their journey to Bethlehem, 
they would first see Jupiter and his dull and some- 
what distant companion an hour and a half dis- 
tant from the meridian, in a S. E. direction, and 
decidedly to the E. of Bethlehem. By the time they 
came to Rachel's tomb the planets would be due S. 
of them, on the meridian, and no longer over the 
hill of Bethlehem, which is S. 13° E. from Rachel's 
tomb. The road then takes a turn to the E., and 
ascends the hill near to its western extremity ; the 
planets, therefore, would now be on their right 
hands, and a little behind them : the " star," there- 
fore, ceased altogether to go " before them " as a 
guide. Arrived on the hill and in the village, it be- 
came physically impossible for the star to stand 
over any house whatever close to them, seeing that 
it was now visible far away beyond the hill to the 
W., and far off in the heavens at an altitude of 57°. 
As they advanced, the star would of necessity re- 
cede, and under no circumstances could it be said 
to stand " over " any house, unless at the distance 
of miles from the place where they were. If the 
Magi had left the Jaffa gate before sunset, they 
would not have seen the planets at the outset ; and 
if they had left Jerusalem later, the star would 
have been a more useless guide than before. Thus 
the beautiful phantasm of Kepler and Ideler van- 
ishes before the more perfect daylight of investiga- 
tion. 

* Stars, pi. of Star. "The Seven Stars" = 
Pleiades. 

Sta'ter (Gr. ; A. V. "a piece of money;" margin, 
"stater"). 1. The term stater is held to signify a 
coin of a certain weight, but perhaps means a stand- 
ard coin (so Mr. R. S. Poole). The gold staters 
were didrachms (Didrachma; Drachm) of the later 
Phenician and the Attic talents. Of the former 
talent were the Daric staters or Darics (Dram) ; of 
the latter, the stater of Athens. Electrum staters, 
coined by the Greek towns on the western coast of 
Asia Minor, are of gold and silver mixed, three 
parts of gold to one of silver. Thus far the stater 
is always a didrachm. In silver, however, the term 
is applied to the tetradrachm of Athens, which was 
of the weight of two gold staters of the same cur- 
rency. 2. In the N. T. the stater is once men- 



1064 



STA 



STE 



tioned, in the narrative of the miracle of the sacred 
tribute-money (Mat. xvii. 27 margin). The stater 
must here mean a silver tetradrachm ; and the only 
tetradraohma then current in Palestine were of the 
same weight as the Hebrew SHEKEL. And it is ob- 
servable, in confirmation of the minute accuracy of 
the Evangelist, that at this period the silver cur- i 
rency in Palestine consisted of Greek imperial tet- 
radrachms, or staters, and Roman denarii (Penny) 
of a quarter their value, didrachms having fallen 
into disuse (so Mr. Poole). 

'Statute. Law. 

• Stares, pi. of Staff. 

Steel, in all cases where the word " steel " oc- 
curs in the A.V., the true rendering of the Hebrew 
(so Mr. Wright) is " copper." (Brass.) Whether 
the ancient Hebrews were acquainted with steel, is 
not perfectly certain. It has been inferred from 
Jer. xv. 12, that the "iron from the north" there 
spoken of denoted a superior kind of metal, hard- 
ened in an unusual manner, like the steel obtained 
from the Chalybes of the Pontus. The hardening 
of iron for cutting-instruments was practised in 
Pontus, Lydia, and Laconia. (Axe; Knife.) The 
Heb. pald&h, which occurs only in Nah. ii. 3 (Heb. 
4), and is rendered in A. V. " torches," most prob- 
ably (so Mr. Wright, with Gesenius, Henderson, &c.) 
denotes steel or hardened iron, and refers to the 
flashing scythes of the Assyrian chariots. But 
Fiirst would translate in flashing fire, i. e. quick 
(Kimchi), or in tiie fire of flashing armor, A. V. 
"with flaming (n^argin ' fiery') torches." 

Stepll a-nas (Gr. a crown, or crowned i), a Chris- I 
tian convert of Corinth whose household Paul bap- 
tized as the " first-fruits of Achaia," and who was 
with the apostle at Ephesus when he wrote 1 Cor. 
(1 Cor. i. 16, xvi. 15). 

Ste phen [-ven] (fr. Gr. = a crown), the First 
Martyr. His Hebrew (or rather Syriac) name is 
traditionally said to have been Chelii or Cheliel (= I 
acrown). He was the chief of the Seven (com- 
monly called "Deacons;" see Deacon) appointed to i 
rectify the complaints in the early Church of Jeru- 
salem, made by the Hellenistic against the Hebrew 
Christians. His Greek name indicates his own Hel- 
lenistic origin. His importance is stamped on the 
narrative by a reiteration of emphatic, almost su- 
perlative phrases : " full of faith and of the Holy 
Ghost " (Acts vi. 5) ; " full of grace and power " \ 
(ver. 8); irresistible " spirit and wisdom " (ver. 10); 
" full of the Holy Ghost " (vii. 55). a Of his minis- 
trations among the poor we hear nothing. But he 
seems to have been an instance, such as is not un- 
common in history, of a new energy derived from a 
new sphere. He shot far ahead of his six com- 
panions, and far above his particular office. First, 
he arrests attention by the " great wonders and 
miracles that he did." Then begins a series of dis- 
putations with the Hellenistic Jews of North Africa, 
Alexandria, and Asia Minor, his companions in race 
and birthplace. The subject of these disputations 
is not expressly mentioned ; but, from what follows 
it is evident that he struck into a new vein of teach- 
ing, which eventually caused his martyrdom. Down 
to this time the apostles and the early Christian 
community had clung in their worship not merely 
to the HoiyLand and the Holy City, but to the Holy ' 



1 So Dean Stanley, original author of this article ; but 
the X. T. simply names him first. (Compare Peteh. 
and Apostle.) 

a Traditionally he was reckoned among the seventy dis- 
ciples. 



Place of the Temple. This local worship, with the 
Jewish customs belonging to it, he now denounced. 
So we must infer from the accusations brought 
against him, confirmed as they are by the tenor of 
his defence. 3 The actual words of the charge may 
have been false, as the sinister and malignant inten- 
tion which they ascribed to him was undoubtedly 
false, llr was arrested at the instigation of the 
Hellenistic Jews, and brought before the Sanhedrim. 
When the charge was formally lodged against him, 
his countenance kindled, and his judges "saw his 
face as it had been the face of an angel " (vi. 15). 
For a moment, the account seems to imply, the 
judges of the Sanhedrim were awed at his presence. 
Then the high-priest that presided appealed to him 
to know his own sentiments on the accusations 
brought against him. To this Stephen replied in a 
speec Ii which has every appearance of being faith- 
fully reported (vii. 2-63). The framework in which 
his defence is cast is a summary of a history of the 
Jewish Church. In the facts which he selects from 
this history, he is guided by two principles — at first 
more or less latent, but gradually becoming more 
and more apparent as he proceeds. The first is the 
endeavor to prove that, even in the previous Jewish 
history, the presence and favor of God had not been 
confined to the Holy Land or the Temple of Jerusa- 
lem. This he illustrates with a copiousness of de- 
tail which makes his speech a summary almost as 
much of sacred geography as of sacred history. 
The second principle of selection is based on the 
attempt to show that there was a tendency from 
the earliest times toward the same ungrateful and 
narrow spirit that had appeared in this last stage 
of their political existence. Both of these selections 
are worked out on what may almost be called criti- 
cal principles. (For explanations of the differences 
between this speech and the Mosaic history, see 
Abraham ; CHRONOLOGY; Inspiration; Jacob 1; 
Joseph 1; Molecii; Moses; Old Testament C; 
Kemphan ; Sychem, &c.) It would seem that, just 
at the close of his argument, Stephen saw a change 
in the aspect of his judges, as if for the first time 
they had caught the drift of his meaning. He broke 
off from his calm address, and turned suddenly 
upon them in an impassioned attack which shows 
that he saw what was in store for him. As he spoke 
they showed by their faces that their hearts "were 
being sawn asunder," and they kept gnashing their 
set teeth against him ; but still, though with diffi- 
culty, restraining themselves. He, in this last crisis 
of his fate, turned his face upward to the open sky, 
and as he gazed the vault of heaven seemed to him 
to part asunder; and the Divine Glory appeared 
through the rending of the earthly veil — the Divine 
Presence, seated on a throne, and on the right hand 
the human form of " Jesus." Stephen spoke as if to 
himself, describing the glorious vision ; and, in so 
doing, alone of all the speakers and writers in the 
N. T., except only Christ Himself, uses the phrase, 
" the Son* of Man." As his judges heard the words, 
they could forbear no longer. They broke into a 
loud yell ; they clapped their hands to their ears ; 
they flew as with one impulse upon him, and dragged 
him out of the city to the place of execution. Those 
were to take the lead in this wild and terrible act 

3 " We are not to suppose that Stephen went at all be- 
yond the apostles in the substance of his teaching; but 
only that, from his own bent of mind, and the peculiar 
direction which his evangelistic aeency assnmed, the 
points respecting the temporary nature of the Mosaic in- 
stitutions, and the approaching desolation of Jerusalem, 
received a greater prominence than in theirs " (Fbn.). 



STE 



STO 



1065 



who had taken upon themselves the responsibility 
of denouncing him (Deut. xvii. 7; comp. Jn. viii. 7). 
In this instance, they were the witnesses who had 
reported or misreported the words of Stephen. They, 
according to the custom, for the sake of facility in 
their dreadful task, stripped themselves, as is the 
Eastern practice on commencing any violent exer- 
tion ; and one of the prominent leaders in the trans- 
action was deputed by custom to signify his assent 
to the act by taking the clothes into his custody, and 
standing over them whilst the bloody work went on. 
The person who officiated on this occasion was a 
young man from Tarsus — one probably of the Cili- 
cian Hellenists who had disputed with Stephen. His 
name, as the narrative significantly adds, was " Saul." 
(Paul.) Every thing was now ready for the execu- 
tion. It was outside the gates of Jerusalem. The 
earlier tradition fixed it at what is now called the 
Damascus gate. The later, which is the present tra- 
dition, fixed it at what is hence called St. Stephen's 
gate. As the first volley of stones burst upon him, 
he called upon the Master whose human form he 
had just seen in the heavens, and repeated almost 
the words with which He Himself had given up His 
life on the cross, " Lord Jesus, receive my spirit." 
Another crash of stones brought him on his knees. 
One loud piercing cry — answering to the loud shriek 
or yell with which his enemies had flown upon him 
— escaped his dying lips. Again clinging to the 
spirit of his Master's words, he cried, " Lord, lay not 
this sin to their charge," and instantly sank upon 
the ground, and, in the touching language of the nar- 
rator, who then uses for the first time the word, after- 
ward applied to the departure of all Christians, but 
here the more remarkable from the bloody scenes in 
the midst of which the death took place — "fell 
asleep." His mangled body was buried by the class 
of Hellenists and proselytes to which he belonged. — 
The legend of the fifth century says that his corpse, 
which the high-priest intended to leave for beasts 
of prey to devour, was carried off at night by Gama- 
liel 2 in his own chariot, and buried at his expense 
in a new tomb on his property at Caphar Gamala 
(village of (he camel), eight leagues from Jerusalem, 
the funeral lamentations, attended by all the apos- 
tles, lasting forty days. In a. n. 415 the martyr's re- 
mains are said to have been found and identified, and 
were then buried at Jerusalem. — The importance of 
Stephen's career may be briefly summed up under 
three heads : — I. He was the first great Christian 
ecclesiastic (see note '), " the Archdeacon," as he is 
called in the Eastern Church. — II. He is the first 
martyr — the proto-martyr. To him the name 
"martyr" is first applied (Acts xxii. 20). — III. He 
is the forerunner of St. Paul. He was the anticipa- 
tor, as, had he lived, he would have been the propa- 
gator, of the new phase of Christianity, of which St. 
Paul became the main support. 

* Stew'ard. Eliezee 1 ; Governor 14 ; King. 

* Sting. Adder ; Bee ; Death ; Hornet ; Scor- 
pion. 

Stocks. The term " stocks " is applied in the 
A. V. to two different articles, one of which (Heb. 
mahpechelh), in which the body was placed in a bent 
position by the confinement of the neck and arms as 
well as the legs, answers to the English pillory ; 
while the other (Heb. sad) answers to the English 
" stocks," the feet alone being confined in it. The 
prophet Jeremiah was confined in the first sort (Jer. 
xx. 2), which appears to have been a common mode 
of punishment in his day (xxix. 26), as the prisons 
contained a chamber for the special purpose, termed 



"the house of the pillory" (2 Chr. xvi. 10, A. V. 
" prison-house "). The stocks (Heb. sad ; Gr. xulon, 
literally = wood) are noticed in Job xiii. 27, xxxiii. 
11, and Acts xvi. 24. The Heb. 'eehes used in Prov. 
vii. 22 (A. V. "stocks") properly = a fetter (so Mr. 
Bevan, with Gesenius, &c). Fetters ; Prison ; 
Punishments. 

Sto'ics (fr. Gr., see below). The Stoics and Epi- 
cureans, who are mentioned together in Acts xvii. 
18, represent the two opposite schools of practical 
philosophy which survived the fall of higher specu- 
lation in Greece. The Stoic school, founded by Zeno 
of Citium (about b. c. 280), derived its name from 
the painted " portico " (Gr. stoa) in which he taught. 
Zeno was followed by Cleanthes (about b. c. 260), 
Cleanthes by Chrysippus (about b. c. 240), who was 
regarded as the intellectual founder of the Stoic sys- 
tem. Stoicism soon found an entrance at Rome, and 
under the Empire stoicism was not unnaturally con- 
nected with republican virtue. The ethical system 
of the Stoics has been commonly supposed to have 
a close connection with Christian morality. But the 
morality of stoicism is essentially based on pride, 
that of Christianity on humility ; the one upholds 
individual independence, the other absolute faith in 
another ; the one looks for consolation in the issue 
of fate, the other in Providence ; the one is limited 
by periods of cosmical ruin, the other is consum- 
mated in a personal resurrection (Acts xvii. 18). 
But in spite of the fundamental error of stoicism, 
which lies in a supreme egotism, the teaching of this 
school gave a wide currency to the noble doctrines 
of the Fatherhood of God, the common bonds of 
mankind, the sovereignty of the soul. 

Stom'acll-er [stum'ak-er] ( — an ornament or sup- 
port to the breast, Webster's Diet.), the A. V. trans- 
lation of Heb. petMgil, which denotes some article 
of female attire (Is. iii. 24). The LXX. makes it a 
variegated tunic ; the Vulgate, a species of girdle. 
Dress. 

Stones. The uses to which stones were applied in 
ancient Palestine were various. 1. They were used 
for the ordinary purposes of building, and were 
sometimes of very large size (Mk. xiii. 1). Robin- 
son gives the dimensions of one as 24 feet long by 
6 feet broad and 3 feet high. For most public 
edifices hewn stones were used (Architecture ; Je- 
rusalem, Quarries) ; an exception was made in re- 
gard to altars (Ex. xx. 25 ; Deut. xxvii. 5 ; Josh. viii. 
31). The Phenicians were famous for skill in hew- 
ing stone (2 Sam. v. 11 ; 1 K. v. 18). (Handicraft.) 
Stones were, selected of certain colors to form orna- 
mental string-courses (1 Chr. xxix. 2). They were 
also employed for pavements (2 K. xvi. 17; comp. 
Esth. i. 6). 2. Large stones were used for closing 
the entrances of caves (Josh. x. 18; Dan. vi. 17), 
sepulchres (Mat. xxvii. 60; Jn. xi. 38, xx. 1), and 
springs (Gen. xxix. 2). 3. Flint-stones occasionally 
served the purposes of a knife (Ex. iv. 25 ; Josh. v. 
2,3). 4. Stones were used as a munition of war for 
slings (1 Sam. xvii. 40, 49), catapults (2 Chr. xxvi. 
14), and bows (Wis. v. 22 ; comp. 1 Mc. vi. 51 ; Arms, 
I. 3, 4) ; as boundary-marks (Deut. xix. 14, xxvii. 
17 ; Job xxiv. 2 ; Prov. xxii. 28, xxiii. 10 ; Bohan ? 
Zoheleth?); as weights for scales (Deut. xxv. 13; 
Prov. xvi. 11 ; Balance); and for mills (2 Sam. xi. 
21 ; Mill). 5. Large stones were set up to com- 
memorate any remarkable events (Gen. xxviii. 18, 
xxxi. 45, xxxv. 14; Josh. iv. 9 ; 1 Sam. vii. 12). 
Such stones were occasionally consecrated by anoint- 
ing (Gen. xxviii. 18). 6. The worship of stones pre- 
vailed among the heathen nations surrounding Pal- 



1066 



STO 



STO 



estine, and was borrowed from them by apostate 
Israelites (Is. lvii. 6 ; Idol ; Idolatry). 7. Heaps 
of stones were piled up on various occasions, as in 
token of a treaty (Gen. xxxi. 46); or over the grave 
of some notorious offender (Josh. vii. 26, viii. 29; 

2 Sam. x viii. 17). 8. The "white stone" noticed in 
Rev. ii. 17 has been variously regarded as referring 
to the pebble of acquittal used in the Greek courts; 
to the lot cast in elections in Greece ; to both these 
combined, the while conveying the notion of acquit- 
tal, the stone that of election (Bengel) ; to the stones 
in the high-priest's breast-plate ; to the tickets pre- 
sented to the victors at the public games (Hammond) ; 
to the custom of writing on stones (Alford) ; to the 
diamond, not dead white but lustrous, with an allu- 
sion to Urim and Thummim, which the high-priest 
alone saw, and which might have the name Jehovah 
graven on it (Trench). 9. The use of stones for 
tablets is alluded to in Ex. xxiv. 12, and Josh, 
viii. 32. 10. Stones for striking fire arc mentioned 
in 2 Ho. x. 3. 11. Stones were prejudicial to the 
operations of husbandry (Agrici'ltuhk) ; hence the 
custom of spoiling an enemy's field by throwing 
quantities of stones upon it (2 K. iii. 19, 2. r >), and the 
necessity of gathering stones previous to cultivation 
(Is. v. 2; Eccl. iii. 6). 12. The notice in Zech. xii. 

3 of the " burdensome stone " is referred by Jerome 
to the custom of lifting stones as un exercise of 
strength (comp. Ecclus. vi. 21) ; but it may equally 
well be explained of a large corner-stone as a sym- 
linl dI' si rniL't li i Is. \ \ viii. 16). Si on) - are usol met- 
aphorically to denote hardness or insensibility (1 
Sam. xxv. 37 ; Ez. xi. 19, xxxvi. 26), as well as firm- 
ness or strength (Gen. xlix. 24). The members of 
the Church arc called " living stones," as contribut- 
ing to rear that living temple in which Christ, Him- 
self a " living alone," is the chief or head of the cor- 
ner (Eph. ii. 20-22; 1 Pet. ii. 4-8). Punishments; 
Rock ; Stones, Precious. 

Stones, Pre'flons [presh'us]. The identification 
of many of the Hebrew names of precious stones is 
a task of considerable difficulty. As far, however, 
as regards the stones of the high-priest's breastplate, 
the authority of Josephus, who had frequent oppor- 
tunities of seeing it worn, is preferable to any other. 
The Vulgate agrees with his nomenclature, and in 
Jerome's time the breastplate was still to be inspected 
in the Temple of Concord : hence this agreement of 
the two is of great weight. Precious stones are fre- 
quently alluded to in the Holy Scriptures ; they were 
known and very highly valued in the earliest times. 
The Tyrians traded in precious stones supplied by 
Syria (Ez. xxvii. 16). The merchants of Sheba and 
Raamah in South Arabia, and doubtless India and 
Ceylon, supplied the markets of Tyre with various 
precious stones. The art of engraving on precious 
stones was known from the very earliest times. Sir 
G. Wilkinson says, " The Israelites learned the art of 
cutting and engraving stones from the Egyptians ; " 
but probably (so Mr. Houghton) it was known 
to them long before their sojourn in Egypt (Gen. 
xxxviii. IS). The twelve stones of the breastplate 
were engraved each one with the name of one of the 
tribes (Ex. xxviii. 17-21). It is an undecided ques- 
tion whether the diamond was known to the early 
nations of antiquity. The A. V. gives it as the ren- 
dering of Heb yahalom, which Mr. Houghton thinks 
is probably jasper. The substance used for polish- 
ing precious stones by the ancient Hebrews and 
Egyptians was emery-powder or the emery-stone ( Co- 
rundum), a mineral inferior only to the diamond in 
hardness. In the article on Ligure Mr. Houghton 



objected to the " hyacinth-stone " representing the 
lyiiairiwn of the ancients, because of its not pos- 
sessing attractive powers in any marked degree. It 
appears, however, from a communication made by 
Mr. King, that the hyacinth (zircon) is highly electric 
when rubbed. Precious stones are used in Script- 
ure in a figurative sense to signify value, beauty, 
durability, &c., in those objects with which they are 
compared (Cant. v. 14; Is. liv. 11, 12; Lam. iv. 7; 
Rev. iv. 3, xxi. 10, 21). Adamant; Agate; Ame- 
thyst; Hi kyi. ; Cardi ncle ; Chalcedony; Chrys- 
olite ; CiiRYSorRASE ; CmtYSOrRASUs ; Emerald ; 
Engraver ; Jacinth ; Onyx ; Print, to ; Ruby ; Sap- 
phire; Sardine; Sardius; Sardonyx; Seal; To- 
paz. 

Stoning. Punishments. 

* Sto'rnx, Swept, the A. V. translation of Gr. stakti 
(Ecclus. xxiv. 15) = Stacte. Poplar. 

* Store = a quantity, or a magazine or deposit of 
a quantity, &c. (Gen. xxvi. 14, xli. 36, &c). Bread. 

* Store house = a place of deposit or safe-keeping 
for grain, food, &c. Barn ; Egypt. 

Stork (Heb. h&Htddh or cMsiddh), a wading bird 
allied to the herons. The White Stork (Cicortia 
alba, Linn.) is one of the largest and most conspic- 
uous of hind-birds, standing nearly four feet high, 
the jet black of its wings and its bi ight red beak and 




While Stork (Cicon 



legs contrasting finely with the pure white of its 
plumage (Zech. v. 9). In the neighborhood of man 
it devours readily all kinds of offal and garbage. 
For this reason, doubtless, it is placed in the list of 
unclean birds by the Mosaic Law (Lev. xi. 19 ; Deut. 
xiv. 18). The range of the white stork extends over 
the whole of Europe, except the British Isles, where 
it is now only a rare visitant, and over Northern 
Africa and Asia, as far at least as Birmah (so Mr. 
Tristram, original author of this article). The black 
stork (Ciconia nigra, Linn.), though less abundant 
in places, is scarcely less widely distributed, but has 
a more easterly range than its congener. Both spe- 
cies are very numerous in Palestine. While the 
black stork is never found about buildings, but pre- 
fers marshy places in forests, and breeds on the tops 
of the loftiest trees ; the white stork attaches itself 
to man, and for the service which it renders in the 



STO 

destruction of reptiles and the removal of offal has 
been repaid from the earliest times by protection 
and reverence. The derivation of the Hebrew name 
(from a word translated " mercy," kindness," " lov- 
ing-kindness ") points to the paternal and filial at- 
tachment of which the stork seems to have been a 
type among the Hebrews no less than the Greeks 
and Romans. It was believed that the young repaid 
the care of their parents by attaching themselves 
to them for life, and tending them in old age. Pliny 
also notices their habit of always returning to the 
same nest. Probably there is no foundation for the 
notion that the stork so far differs from other birds 
as to recognize its parents after it has become 
mature ; but of the fact of these birds returning 
year after year to the same spot, there is no ques- 
tion. That the parental attachment of the stork is 
very strong, has been proved on many occasions. 
Few migratory birds are more punctual to the time 
of their reappearance than the white stork, or at 
least, from its familiarity and conspicuousness, its 
migrations have been more accurately noted. " The 
stork in the heaven knoweth her appointed time " 
(Jer. viii. 7). Pliny states that it is rarely seen in 
Asia Minor after the middle of August. This is 
probably a slight error, as the ordinary date of its 
arrival in Holland is the second week in April, and 
it remains until October. In Palestine it has been 
observed to arrive on the 22d March. The stork 
has no note, and the only sound it emits is that 
caused by the sudden snapping of its long mandibles. 
Some unnecessary difficulty has been raised respect- 
ing the expression in Ps. civ. 17, "As for the stork, 
the fir-trees are her house." The instinct of the 
stork seems to be to select the loftiest and most 
conspicuous spot he can find where his huge nest 
may be supported ; and whenever he can combine 
this ttste with his instinct for the society of man, 
he naturally selects a tower or a roof. In lands of 
ruins, which from their neglect and want of drain- 
age supply him with abundance of food, he finds a 
column or a solitary arch the most secure position 
for his nest ; but where neither towers nor ruins 
abound he does not hesitate to select a tall tree, as 
storks, swallows, and many other birds must have 
done before they were tempted by the artificial con- 
veniences of man's buildings to desert their natural 
places of nidification. It is therefore needless to 
interpret the text of the stork merely perching on 
trees. It probably was no less numerous in Pales- 
tine when David wrote than now ; but the number 
of suitable towers must have been far fewer, and it 
would therefore resort to trees. The black stork, 
no less common in Palestine, has never relinquished 
its natural habit of building upon trees. This spe- 
cies, in the northeastern portion of the land, is the 
most abundant of the two. Ostrich. 

* Storm. Hail ; Rain ; Snow ; Thunder ; Whirl- 
wind. 

Strain at. The A. V. of 1611 renders Mat. xxiii. 
24, " Ye blind guides ! which strain at a gnat, and 
swallow a camel." There can be little doubt, that 
this obscure phrase is due to a printer's error, and 
that the true reading is "strain out." " Strain out," 
is the correct translation of the Gr. diulizo, and the 
reading of Tyndale's (1539), Cranmer's (1539), the 
Bishops' (1568), and the Geneva (1557) Bibles. 

* Strange Wom'an, in 1 K. xi. 1, — a foreign 
woman ; but usually in A. V. is opposed to a wife, 
and spoken in respect to unlawful intercourse, and 
hence = an adulteress or harlot (Prov. ii. 16, v. 3, 
20, vii. 5, &c). Adultery ; Idolatry ; Stranger. 



STR 1067 

Stran'ger [a as in gate] (Heb. ger, toshab). A 
" stranger," in the technical sense of the term, = 
a person of foreign (i. e. non-Israelitish) extraction 
resident within the limits of the Promised Land (so 
Mr. Bevan). He was distinct from the proper " for- 
eigner " (Heb. nochri '), inasmuch as the latter still 
belonged to another country, and would only visit 
Palestine as a traveller : he was still more distinct 
from the " nations," or non-Israelite peoples. (Gen- 
tile.) The term may be compared with our expres- 
sion " naturalized foreigner." The Heb. ger and 
loshdb applied to the "stranger" have special refer- 
ence to the fact of his residing in the land. The 
existence of such a class of persons among the Is- 
raelites is easily accounted for : the " mixed multi- 
tude " that accompanied them out of Egypt (Ex. 
xii. 38) formed one element ; the Canaanitish popu- 
lation, which was never wholly extirpated from their 
native soil, formed another and a still more impor- 
tant one ; captives taken in war formed a third ; 
fugitives, hired servants, merchants, &c., formed a 
fourth. The census of them in Solomon's time gave 
a return of 153,600 males (2 Chr. ii. 17), which was 
equal to about a tenth of the whole population. 
The enactments of the Mosaic Law, which regulated 
the political and social position of resident stran- 
gers, were conceived in a spirit of great liberality. 
With the exception of the Moabites and Ammonites 
(Deut. xxiii. 3), all nations were admissible to the 
rights of citizenship under certain conditions. 
(Anathema ; Citizen ; Slave.) Whether a stranger 
could ever become legally a landowner is a question 
about which there may be doubt (Gen. xxiii. 4 ; Lev. 
xxv. 23 ; Agriculture ; Araunah). The stranger 
appears to have been eligible to all civil offices, 
that of king excepted (Deut. xvii. 15). In regard 
to religion, it was absolutely necessary that the 
stranger should not infringe any of the fundamental 
laws of the Israelitish state (Ex. xx. 10; Lev. xvii. 

10, 15, xviii. 26, xx. 2, xxiv. 16, &c. ; Law of Mo- 
ses). If he was a bondman he was obliged to sub- 
mit to circumcision (Ex. xii. 44) ; if he was inde- 
pendent, it was optional with him; but if he re- 
mained uncircumcised, he was prohibited from par- 
taking of the Passover (xii. 48), and could not be 
regarded as a full citizen. Liberty was also given 
in regard to the use of prohibited food to an uncir- 
cumcised stranger. Assuming, however, that the 
stranger was circumcised, no distinction existed in 
regard to legal rights between the stranger and the 
Israelite (xii. 49; Lev. xxiv. 22; Num. xv. 16, &c). 
The Israelite is enjoined to treat him as a brother 
(Ex. xxii. 21-23 ; Lev. xix. 34 ; Deut. x. 19 ; Hos- 
pitality ; Poor). It also appears that the " stran- 
ger " formed the class whence the hirelings were 

1 The Heb. nochri, rendered "foreigner" only in Deut. 
xv. 3 and Ob. 11, and " alien " in Deut. xiv. 21, also in 
Job xix. 15 and Ps. Ixix. 8 [Heb. 9] and Lam. v. 2, is fre- 
quently translated " stranger" (Gen. xxxi. 15 ; Deut. xvii. 
15, xxiii. 20 [Heb. 21], xxix. 22 [Heb. 211 ; Juris;, xix. 12; 
Eu. ii. 10; 2 Sam. xv. 19 ; 1 K. viii. 41, 43 : 2 Chr. vi. 32, 
33 ; Prov. ii. 16. v. 10, 20, vii. 5, xxvii. 2 ; Eccl. vi. 2 ; Is. 

11. 6), or "strange" (Ex. ii. 22, xviii. 3, xxi. 8; 1 E. xi. 1, 
8; Ezr. x. 2, 10 ff. ; Neh. xiii. 27; Is. xxviii. 21 ; Jer. ii. 
21; Zeph. i. 8), once " outlandish " (Neh. xiii. 26), also 
" strange woman " (Prov. vi. 24, xx. 16. xxiii. 27, xxvii. 
13). Gesenius (and so Furst, in substance) defines the 
word as an adjective = unknown, strange, foreign, spoken 
(a.) of one from another land and people, as a man (= a 
stranger, foreigner), people, land, city, vine, garment; (b.) 
of one from another family (= a stranger), not of one's 
own household, as in Eccl. vi. 2, in opposition to a son 
and legal heir, and in the feminine (= strange woman) 
in opposition to a wife ; (c.) another, not one's self (Prov. 

xxvii. 2) ; (d.) strange, unheard of, exciting wonder (Is. 

xxviii. 21). 



IOCS 



STR 



sue 



drawn ; the terms being coupled together in Ex. xii. 
45 and Lev. xxii. 10, xxv. 6, 40. The liberal spirit 
of the Mosaic regulations respecting strangers pre- 
sents a strong contrast to the rigid exclusiveness of 
the Jews at the commencement of the Christian era. 
The growth of this spirit dates from the time of the 
Babylonish captivity. Our Lord condemns it in the 
parable of the good Samaritan, where He defines 
the term " neighbor " in a sense new to His hearers 
(Lk. x. 36). It should be observed, however, that 
the PROSELYTE of the N. T. is the true representa- 
tive of the stranger of the 0. T., and toward this 
class a cordial feeling was manifested. The term 
" stranger " (usually = Gr. xenon) is commonly used 
in the S. T. in the general sense of foreigner, and 
occasionally in its more technical sense as opposed 
to a citizen (Eph. ii. 19). 

Straw (Hcb. tcben). Both wheat and barley straw 
were used by the ancient Hebrews chiefly as fodder 
for their horses, cattle, and camels (Gen. xxiv. 25 ; 
1 K. iv. 28; Is. xi. 7, Ixv. 25). There is no intima- 
tion that straw was used for litter. It was cm- 
ployed by the Egyptians for making bricks (Ex. v. 
7, 16), being chopped up and mixed with the clay 
to make them more compact and to prevent their 
cracking. (Brick; Chaff 3.) The ancient Egyp- 
tians reaped their corn close to the ear, and after- 
ward cut the straw close to the ground and laid it 
by. This was the straw that l'haraoh refused to 
give to the Israelites, who were therefore compelled 
to gather "stubble" (Heb. kas/i), i. e. the short 
straw left standing in the field, which was commonly 
set on fire (Is. v. 24 ; Joel ii. 5, &c). " Stubble" 
(Heb. kash) also = the straw as broken up in tread- 
ing out the grain and so separated by ventilation, 
chaff, Ges. (Ps. lxxxiii. 13 [Heb. 14] ; Jer. xiii. 24, 
&c). Agriccltcre. 

* Straw, to = to strew, i. e. to spread, to scatter 
(Ex. xxxii. 20; Mat. xxv. 24, 26, &c). 

* Streanit Brook ; River. 

Stream of E gvpt once in the A. V. = " the river 
of Egypt " (Is. xxvii. 12). 

Street (Heb. huts or chuts, rchdb or rcchob, shuk ; 
Gr. plaieia, rhume). The streets of a modern Ori- 
ental town are generally narrow, crooked, and 
gloomy, even in the best towns. Their character is 
mainly fixed by the climate and the style of archi- 
tecture, the narrowness being due to the extreme 
heat, and the gloominess to the circumstance of the 
windows looking for the most part into the inner 
court. As these same influences existed in ancient 
times, probably the streets were much of the same 
character as at present. (Antioch 1 ; House ; Je- 
rusalem ; Nineveh.) The street called " Straight," 
in Damascus (Acts ix. 11), was an exception to the 
rule of narrowness : it was a noble thoroughfare, 
100 feet wide, divided in the Roman age by colon- 
nades into three avenues, the central one for foot- 
passengers, the side passages for vehicles and horse- 
men going in different directions. The shops and 
warehouses were probably collected together into 
bazars in ancient as in modern times ; we read (so 
Mr. Bevan) of the baker's bazar (A. V. "street," 
Jer. xxxvii. 21), and of the wool, brazier, and clothes 
bazars in Jerusalem (Jos. B. J. v. 8, § 1), and per- 
haps the agreement between Ben-hadad and Ahab, 
that the latter should " make streets in Damascus " 
(1 K. xx. 34), was in reference rather to bazars, and 
thus amounted to the establishment of a right of 
trade. That streets occasionally had names appears 
from Jer. xxxvii. 21 and Acts ix. 11. That they 
were generally unpaved may be inferred from the ; 



notices of the pavement laid by nerod the Great at 
Antioch, and by Herod Agrippa II. at Jerusalem. 
Hence pavement forms one of the peculiar features 
of the ideal Jerusalem (Tob. xiii. 17; Rev. xxi. 21). 
Each street and bazar in a modern town is locked 
up at night: the same custom appears to have pie- 
vailed in ancient times (Cant. iii. 3). 

* Stringed lu strn-nients. Musical Instruments. 
Stripes* Punishments. 

* Strong Drink. Drink, Strong. 

* Strong hold. Fenced C:ty ; Tower ; War. 

* Stub ble (Heb. kash). Straw. 

Sn ail (Hcb. (i swei/tinr/, filth, Gcs.), son of Zophah, 
an Asherite (1 Chr. vii. 36). 

Sn'ba (L. fr. Gr.), ancestor of certain sons of 
Solomon's servants who returned with Zorobabel (1 
Esd. v. 84); not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

So ba-i (Gr.) = Siialmai (1 Esd. v. 30; compare 
Ezr. ii. 46). 

* Sub urbs (fr. L. = under [or near] a city), the 
A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. migrdih, pi. migrd- 
shim, migrithdthy = (so Gcsenius) a place whither 
herds are driven to graze, a pasture (1 Chr. v. 16; 
Ez. xlviii. 15); especially the open country set apart 
for pasture round the Levitical cities (Lev. xxv. 34 ; 
Num. xxxv. 2 ft"., &c. ; Levites) ; also, an open place, 
area, round a city or building (Ez. xxvii. 28, xlv. 2, 
xlviii. 17). According to the Talmud, Maimonides, 
and most English expositors, the space measured 
"from the wall and outward 1 ,000 cubits round 
about" (Num. xxxv. 4) was used as a common or 
suburb, and the space measured "from without the 
city on the east side," &c. (vcr. 5), was a further 
tract of land of 2,000 cubits, used for fields and 
vineyards, the former being " the suburbs " proper- 
ly, the latter "the field of the suburbs" (Ginsburg, 
in Kitto). (City.) — 2. Heb. parvdrim (2 K. xxiii. 
11 only). Parbar. 

Snc'toth (Heb. booths, Ges.). 1. A town of an- 
cient date in the Holy Land, first mentioned in the 
account of Jacob's homeward journey from Padan- 
aram (Gen. xxxiii. 17). Jacob there put up "booths" 
(Succoth) for his cattle, as well as a house for him- 
self. From the itinerary of Jacob's return it seems 
that Succoth lay between Peniel, near the ford of the 
Jabbok, and Shechem (compare xxxii. 30, and xxxiii. 
18). In accordance with this is the mention of Suc- 
coth in the narrative of Gideon's pursuit of Zebah 
and Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 5-17). It would appear 
from this passage that it lay E. of Jordan, which is 
corroborated by its being allotted to Gad (Josh. xiii. 
27). Succoth is named in 1 K. vii. 46 and 2 Chr. 
iv. 17 as marking the spot at which the brass-foun- 
dries were placed for casting the metal-work of the 
Temple. Jerome says there was in his time a town 
named Sochoth beyond the Jordan, in the district of 
Scythopolis. Burekhardt, having crossed the Jor- 
dan at a spot two hours (about six miles) S. S. E. 
from Beix&n, says : " Near where we crossed to the 
S. are the ruins of Sukkol" evidently, from his nar- 
rative, on the E. of Jordan. Robinson and Van de 
Velde have discovered a place named Sdkul, evi- 
dently entirely distinct both in name and position 
from that of Burekhardt. In the accounts and 
maps of these travellers it is placed on the west side 
of the Jordan, less than a mile from the river, and 
about ten miles S. of Beitdn. The distance of Sd- 
kul from Beisdn is too great, even if it were on the 
other side of the Jordan, to allow of its being the 
place referred to by Jerome. The Sukkol of Burek- 
hardt is more suitable. But it is doubtful whether 
either of them can be the Succoth of the O. T. (so 



sue 



SUN 



1069 



Mr. Grove). For the events of Gideon's story the 
latter of the two is not unsuitable. Sdkut, on the 
other hand, seems too far S., and is also on the W. 
of the river. But both appear too far N. for the 
Succoth of Jacob. Until the position of Succoth is 
more exactly ascertained, it is impossible to say 
what was the "Valley of Succoth" mentioned in 
Ps. lx. 6 and cviii. 7. — 2. The first camping-place 
of the Israelites when they left Egypt (Ex. xii. 37, 
xiii. 20 ; Num. xxxiii. 5, 6) ; apparently reached at 
the close of the first day's march. The distance 
traversed in each day's journey was about fifteen 
miles, and as Succoth was not in the desert, the next 
station, Etham, being " in the edge of the wilder- 
ness " (Ex. xiii. 20; Num. xxxiii. 6), it must have 
been in the valley, and consequently nearly due E. 
of Rameses, and fifteen miles distant in a straight 
line (so Mr. R. S. Poole). Exodus, the ; Red Sea, 
Passage of. 

Snc'cotu-bc'noth (see below) occurs only in 2 K. 
xvii. 30. It has generally been supposed that this 
term is pure Hebrew = the " tents of daughters ; " 
which some explain as " the booths in which the 
daughters of the Babylonians prostituted themselves 
in honor of their idol," others as " small tabernacles 
in which were contained images of female deities." 
Sir H. Rawlinson thinks that Succoth-benoth rep- 
resents the Chaldean goddess Zirbanit, the wife of 
Merodach, who was especially worshipped at Baby- 
lon. 

Su'chatll-ltcs (fr. Heb. = descendants of aSuchah, 
otherwise unknown, Ges.), a family of scribes at 
Jabez (1 Chr. ii. 55). Tirathites. 

Sud (fr. Gr., see below), a river in the immediate 
neighborhood of Babylon, on the banks of which 
Jewish exiles lived (Bar. i. 4). No such river is 
known to geographers : but the original (Hebrew ?) 
text may have been Sur, the river Euphrates, which 
is always named by Arab geographers " the river of 
Sura." 

Sud (fr. Gr.) = Sia, or Si aha (1 Esd. v- 29 ; com- 
pare Nell. vii. 47 ; Ezr. ii. 44). 

Su'di-as (fr. Gr.) = Hodaviah 3 and Hodevah (1 
Esd. v. 26 ; compare Ezr. ii. 40 ; Neh. xii. 43). 

* Sue, to. Deposit ; Judge ; Loan ; Suretiship ; 
Trial, &c. 

* Su et. Fat. 

* Suit. Dress ; Sue, to, &c. 

Suk'ki-im, Suk ki-iuis (Heb. pi. sukkiyim = dwell- 
ing in booths, Ges.), a nation mentioned (2 Chr. 
xii. 3) with the Lubim and Cushim (A. V. " Ethi- 
opians ") as supplying part of the army which came 
with Shishak out of Egypt when he invaded Judah. 
The Sukkiims may correspond to some one of the 
shepherd or wandering races mentioned on the 
Egyptian monuments (so Mr. R. S. Poole). 

* Sum'mcr. Agriculture ; Chronology I. ; Pal- 
estine, Climate. 

* Sum mer Fruit (Heb. kayits, literally = fruit- 
harvest, fig-harvest, summer, Ges., Fii.) = fruit, 
especially figs, as harvested in summer (2 Sam. xvi. 
1, 2 ; Am. viii. 1, 2, &c). Fig. 

Sun (Heb. usually shemesh ; Gr. helios). In the 
history of the creation the sun is described as the 
" greater light " in contradistinction to the moon or 
"lesser light," in conjunction with which it was to 
serve " for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and 
for years," while its special office was "to rule the 
day" (Gen. i. 14-16). The "signs" referred to 
were probably (so Mr. Bevan, original author of this 
article) such extraordinary phenomena as eclipses, 
which were regarded as conveying premonitions of 



coming events (Jer. x. 2; Mat. xxiv. 29, with Lk. 
xxi. 25)'. (Eclipse of the Sun.) The joint influ- 
ence assigned to the sun and moon in deciding the 
" seasons," both for agricultural operations (Agri- 
culture) and for religious festivals, and also in reg- 
ulating the length and subdivision of the " years," 
correctly describes the combination of the lunar and 
solar year, which prevailed at all events subsequent 
to the Mosaic period. The sun " ruled the day," not 
only in reference to its powerful influences, but also 
as deciding the length of the day and supplying the 
means of calculating its progress. Sunrise and sun- 
set are the only defined points of time in the absence 
of artificial contrivances for telling the hour of the 
day. Between these two points the Jews recognized 
three periods, viz. when the sun became hot, about 
nine a. M. (1 Sam. xi. 9; Neh. vii. 3); the double 
light or "noon" (Gen. xliii. 16; 2 Sam. iv. 5), and 
" the cool of the day " shortly before sunset (Gen. 
iii. 8). The sun also served to fix the quarters of 
the hemisphere, east, west, north, and south, which 
were represented respectively by the rising sun, the 
setting sun (Ps. 1. 1 ; Is. xlv. 6), &c. ; or otherwise by 
their position relative to a person facing the rising 
sun — before, behind, on the left hand, and on the 
right hand (Job xxiii. 8, 9). The apparent motion 
of the sun (comp. Heaven) is frequently referred to 
(Josh. x. 13; 2 K. xx. 11; Ps. xix. 6; Eccl. i. 5; 
Hab. iii. 11). The worship of the sun, as the most 
prominent and powerful agent in the kingdom of 
nature, was widely diffused throughout the countries 
adjacent to Palestine. The Arabians appear to have 
paid direct worship to it without the intervention of 
any statue or symbol (Job xxxi. 26, 27), and this 
style of worship was probably familiar to the ances- 
tors of the Jews in Chaldea and Mesopotamia. The 
Hebrews must have been well acquainted with the 
idolatrous worship of the sun during the captivity in 
Egypt, both from the contiguity of On, the chief seat 
of the worship of the sun as implied in the name it- 
self (On = the Hebrew Beth-shemesh, " house of 
the sun," Jer. xliii. 13 marg.), and also from the 
connection between Joseph and Poti-pherah (= he 
who belongs to Ra) t the priest of On (Gen. xii. 45). 
After their removal to Canaan, the Hebrews came 
in contact with various forms of idolatry, which 
originated in the worship of the sun; e. g. Baal, 
Molech or Milcom, and the Hadad of the Syrians. 
These idols, except the last, were introduced into 
the Hebrew commonwealth at various periods ; but 
it does not follow that the object symbolized by them 
was known to the Jews themselves. (Adrammelech.) 
If we have any notice at all of conscious sun-worship 
in the early stages of their history, it exists in the 
doubtful term hammdnim or chammdnim (Lev. xxvi. 
30; Is. xvii. 8, &c. ; Idol 16). From the few no- 
tices on the subject in the Bible, we should conclude 
that the Jews derived their mode of worshipping the 
sun from several quarters, the Arabians (Arabia), 
Persians, &c. The importance attached to the wor- 
ship of the sun by the Jewish kings may be inferred, 
from the fact that the horses were stalled within the 
precincts of the temple (2 K. xxiii. 11 ; Parbar). 
In the metaphorical language of Scripture the sun is 
emblematic of the law of God (Ps. xix. 7), of the 
cheering presence of God (lxxxiv. 11), of the person 
of the Saviour (Jn. i. 9 ; Mai. iv. 2), and of the glory 
and purity of heavenly beings (Rev. i. 16, x. 1, xii. 1). 



' Gesenius and Furst more naturally explain " sitrns " in 
Gen. i. 14 as time-signs, marking the seasons, clays, and 
years, the sense being then (by hendiadys, so Gesenius), 
" for signs both for seasons and for days and years." 



1070 



SUP 



SWE 



* Son'-dl-al (Is. xxxviii. 8). Dial. 

* Su-per-sti tion T-stish un] (fr. L.), the A. V. 
translation of Gr. deisidaimonia, properly (so Rbn. 
JV. T. Lex.) = fear of t/ie gods, then religiousness, 
religion (Acts XXV. 19 only). The kindred Gr. adj. 
dt ixidniiu'iii's'- ros, translated in the A. V. " tuo su- 
perstitious" (xviL '22 only), is rather more god-fear- 
ing, more religious, sc. than others. Neither of these 
words is used in the X. T. in a bad sense. Paul. 

* Sa'phab. Numbebs, B; Vaheb. 

* Sup per. Lord's Si-pper, the ; Meals. 

Sur (fr. Gr.), one of the places on the sea-coast of 
Palestine, named as disturbed at the approach of 
Holofernes (Jd. ii. 28). Some have suggested Dor, 
others a place named Sora ('Athlii [?] between Dor 
and Carmel), others, again, Sarafend (Zarepiiatii). 
But none of these are satisfactory. 

* Sot (Heb. removed, driven out, Gcs.), the gitc of 
(2 K. xi. 6), agate of the Temple, at which Jehoaida 
stationed guards at the inauguration of Joash : 
called also " the gate of the foundation " (2 Chr. 
xxiii. 5). The rabbins say it was the E. gate of the 
court, where the unclean were commanded to depart 
(Kcil). 

Sure ti-ohip. Surety-ship. In the entire absence 
of commerce the law laid down no rules on the sub- 
ject of surctiship, but it is evident that in the time 
of Solomon commercial dealings had become so mul- 
tiplied that surctiship in the commercial sense was 
common ( Prov. vi. 1, xi. 15, xvii. 18, xx. 16, xxii. 
26, xxvii. 18). But in older times the notion of one 
man becoming a surety for a service to be discharged 
by another was in full force (see Gen. xliv. 32). 
The surety of course became liable for his client's 
debts in case of his failure. Deposit; Loan, &c. 

Sn'sa(L.) = Shdshan (Esth. xi. 3, xvi. 18). 

Su'san-eliites [ kites] (fr. Heb. = people, of Snu- 
BHAN, Gcs.) no doubt designates cither the inhabi- 
tants of the city Susa (Shl'siian) or (less probably, 
so Rawlinson) those of the country — Susis or Su- 
siana (Ezr. iv. 9 only). 

Su-sanna [-zan-"| (L. fr. Heb = a lily). 1. The 
heroine of the Judgment of Daniel, or History of Su- 
sanna, in the Apocrypha. (Daniel, Apocryphal 
Additions to.)— 2. One of the women who minis- 
tered to the Lord (Lk. viii. 3). 

Su'si (Heb. horseman, Ges.), father of Gaddi the 
Manassite spy (Xum. xiii. 11). 

Swallow [swol-], the A. V. translation of Heb. 
deror, and ^dgiir. Dtror occurs twice (Ps. lxxxiv. 
3; Prov. xxvi. 2); '<ljur, also twice (Is. xxxviii. 14; 
Jer. viii. 7), b jth times in conjunction with sis or sux, 
which in each passage is rendered, probablv cor- 
rectly, by LXX. swallow, A. V. " crane," the latter 
being more probably (so Mr. Tristram, original au- 
thor of this article) the true signification of 'dgur. 
The Heb. deror may include the " swallow " with 
other swiftly-flying birds, as the swift, martin, &c. 
Whatever be the precise rendering, the characters 
ascribed in the several passages where the names 
occur are strictly applicable to the swallow, viz. its 
swiftness of flight, its nesting in the buildings of the 
Temple, its mournful, garrulous note, and its regu- 
lar migration, shared indeed in common with several 
others. Many species of swallow occur in Palestine, 
including all those familiar in Britain. The swallow, 1 



1 The common European house-swallow or chimney 
swallow (Hirundp rustica) is represented in America by 
the barn-swallow (Hlrundo rufa): the common European 
swilt'Cypgelus Apus) is somewhat larger than the American 
swift or chimney-swallow ( C/uetura [or Cypselus] Pdas- 
gia). 



martin (Chclidon urhica, Linn.), and sand martin 
(Colg/e rif>aria, Linn.), abound. The Eastern swal- 
low (flirundo rufula, Temminck), which nestles 
generally in fissures in rocks, and the crag martin 
(Cotyle rupeslris), which is confined to mountain- 
gorges and desert districts, are also common. The 
common European swift (Ci/pselus Apus, Linn.) is 
common, and the splendid alpine swift ( Cypsehts 
melba, Linn.) may be seen in all suitable localities. 
Sparrow. 




Common European Swift (Cijpului Aput) — "Swallow" of Scripture! 
— (Fnlrbalrn). 



Swan | swon], the A. V. translation (after the Vul- 
gate) of Heb. tiushemeth in Lev. xi. 18 and Dcut. xiv. 
16, where it occurs in the list of unclean birds. 
Bochart and Fiirst translate owl ; Gesenius suggests 
the pelican ; but the owl and pelican are both dis- 
tinctly expressed elsewhere in the catalogue. Mr. 
Tristram and Mr. Gossefm Fairbairn) think that the 
swan was not known, or at least not familiar, to 
Moses and the Israelites, and, if known, would rather 
have been classed as clean. Swans are well-known 
web-footed water-fowls of the genus Cyguus, Linn., 
allied to the common goose, but usually larger, hand- 
somer, and more graceful. Mr. Tristram regards 
what he considers to be the renderings of the LXX., 
porphyrio and ibis (On l 2), as either of them more 
probably meant by the Hebrew word than the 
" swan " of the A. V. ; for neither of these birds oc- 
curs elsewhere in the catalogue, both would be famil- 
iar to residents in Egypt, and the original seems to 
point to some water-fowl. The porphurion or por- 
phyrio (Porpihyrio Anliquorum, Bp.), the purple 
water-hen, is a wading bird of the rail family, larger 
than the domestic fowl, with a rich dark-blue plu- 
mage, brilliant red beak and legs, and extraordinarily 
long toes. It frequents marshes and the sedge by the 
banks of rivers in all the countries bordering on the 
Mediterranean, and is abundant in Lower Egypt. 
From the miscellaneous character of its food it might 
reasonably be classed with unclean birds. Mole 1. 

Swearing. Oath. 

Sweat, Blood y. One of the physical phenomena 
attending our Lord's agony (Jescs Christ) in the 
Garden of Gethsemane is thus described (Lk. xxii. 
44) : " His sweat was as it were great drops (literally 
clots) of blood falling down to the ground." The gen- 
uineness of this verse and of the preceding has been 
doubted, but it is now generally acknowledged (so 
Mr. Wright). Of this malady, known in medical 
science by the term diapiedesis, there have been ex- 
amples recorded both in ancient and modern times. 
Aristotle was aware of it. The cause assigned is gen- 
erally violent mental emotion. Dr. Millingen ( Curi- 



SWE 



SYC 



1071 



osities of Medical Experience, p. 489, 2d ed.) gives the 
following explanation of the phenomenon : " It is 
probable that this strange disorder arises from a 
violent commotion of the nervous system, turning 
the streams of blood out of their natural course, and 
forcing the red particles into the cutaneous exere- 
tories. A mere relaxation of the fibres could not 
produce so powerful a revulsion. It may also arise 
in cases of extreme debility, in connection with a 
thinner condition of the blood." Several cases of 
so-called bloody sweat are reported. There is still, 
however, wanted a well-authenticated instance in 
modern times, observed with all the care and attested 
by all the exactness of later medical science. 

* Sweep, to. Besom. 

* Sweet. Food ; Honey ; Incense ; Reed 4 ; 
Spices ; Wine, &c. 

Swine (Heb. h&ztr or chazir ; Gr. choiros, hus), a 
well-known quadruped, the male of which is the 
" boar " (Ps. lxxx. 13) and the female the "sow" 
(2 Pet. ii. 22). (1.) Domestic. The flesh of swine 
was forbidden as food by the Levitical law (Lev. xi. 
7 ; Deut. xiv. 8) ; the abhorrence which the Jews as 
a nation had of it may be inferred from Is. lxv. 4, 
lxvi. 3, 17, and 2 Mc. vi. 18, 19. Swine's flesh was 
forbidden to the Egyptian priests. The Arabians, 
Phenicians, Ethiopians, &c, were also disallowed the 
use of it. No other reason for the command to ab- 
stain from swine's flesh is given in the law of Moses 
beyond the general one which forbade any of the 
mammalia as food which did not literally fulfil the 
terms of the definition of a "clean animal," viz. that 
it was to be a cloven-footed ruminant. It is, how- 
ever, probable that dietetical considerations may 
have influenced Moses in his prohibition of swine's 
flesh ; it is generally believed that its use in hot 
countries is liable to induce cutaneous disorders ; 
hence in a people liable to leprosy the necessity for 
the observance of a strict rule. Although the Jews 
did not breed swine, during the greater period of their 
existence as a nation, there can be little doubt that 
the heathen nations of Palestine used the flesh as 
food. At the time of our Lord's ministry it would 




appear that the Jews occasionally violated the law 
of Moses with respect to swine's flesh. Whether 
" the herd of swine " into which the devils were al- 
lowed to enter (Mat. viii. 32 ; Mk. v. 13) were the 
property of the Jewish or Gentile inhabitants of 
Gadara (Demoniacs ; Gerasa ; Gergesenes) does 
not appear from the sacred narrative ; but that the 
practice of keeping swine did exist amongst some of 
the Jews seems clear from the enactment of the law 



of Hyrcanus, " that it should not be lawful for any 
one to feed swine." Allusion is made in 2 Pet. ii. 
22 to the fondness of swine for " wallowing in the 
mire." Solomon compares " a fair woman without 
discretion" to "a jewel of gold in a swine's snout" 
(Prov. xi. 22). Our Lord says, " Neither cast ye your 
pearls before swine, lest they trample them under 
their feet" (Mat. vii. 6). The last part of this verse 
— " and turn again and rend you " — Theophylact, 
Hammond, Barnes, &c, refer to the " dogs ; " but 
Lange (on Mat. 1. c.) says, "it applies likewise to 
the swine." (2.) Wild. The wild boar of the wood 
(Ps. lxxx. 13) is the common wild boar or wild hog 
(Sus Scrofa) which is frequently met with in the 
woody parts of Palestine, especially in Mount Tabor. 
Sword. Arms. 

Syc'a-mine-tree (Gr. sukaminos), mentioned only 
in Lk. xvii. 6, is (so Mr. Houghton, with Dr. Royle 
[in Kitto], Dr. Hamilton [in Fairbairn], Dr. Dau- 
beny, &c.) the mulberry-tree (Morus). Both black 
and white mulberry-trees are common in Syria and 
Palestine, and are largely cultivated for supplying 
food to the silk-worm. Thomson (ii. 296) says the 
Damascus mulberry-tree is now grown extensively 
at Lydd (Lydda) for its fruit, which almost exactly 
resembles the largest American blackberries. Leb- 
anon ; Palestin k, Botany ; Silk; Sycamore. 




Block Mulberry (Sloruz nigra). 



Syc'a-more (Heb. shikmdh ; Gr. sukomorca in N. T., 
mkaminos in LXX.), according to Prof. Stowe (origi- 
nal author of this article) and most authorities, = 
the Fig-mulberry ',_oi' Sycamore-fig (Ficus Sycomorus), 
a tree of Egypt and Palestine, the fruit of which re- 
sembles the fig (1 K. x. 27; 1 Chr. xxvii. 28 ; 2 
Chr. i. 15, ix. 27 ; Ps. lxxviii. 47; Is. ix. 10 [Heb. 
9] ; Am. vii. 14 ; Lk. xix. 4). It attains the size of 
a walnut-tree, has wide-spreading branches, and af- 
fords a delightful shade. On this account it is fre- 
quently planted by the waysides. Its leaves are 
heart-shaped, downy on the under side, and fragrant. 
The fruit grows directly from the trunk itself on 
little sprigs, and in clusters like the grape. To make 
it eatable, each fruit, three or four days before gath- 
ering, must, it is said, be punctured with a sharp in- 



1072 SYC 

strument or the finger-nail. This was the original ] 
employment of the prophet Amos (Am. vii. 14). 
The wood, though very porous, is exceedingly dura- 
ble, Egyptian mummy-coffins made of it being still 
perfectly sound. It was much used for doors and 
large furniture, as tables, &ic. So great was the 
value of these trees, that David appointed for them 
in his kingdom a special overseer, as for the olives 
(1 Chr. xxvii. 28); and it is mentioned as one of the 
heaviest of Egypt's calamities, that her sycamores 
were destroyed by hailstones (Ps. lxxviii. 47). The 
"sycamore" of America (1'latanus Occidentalis), a 
species of Plane-tree, and the " sycamore " of Eng- 
land (Acer psewlo-plalanut), a species of maple, are 
both very different from the " sycamore " of the 
Scriptures. 




Fig-mulberry, or 5ycamore-fig t&ieui Syeomorut) " Sycamore " of the 
Scriptures. 

Sy'diar [-kar] (L. fr. Heb. = fa'sehood, or drunk- 
ard? Rbn. N. T. Lex. ; a corruption of Siiechem, 
Olshausen, kc. ; see below), a place named only in 
Jn. iv. 5, as " a city of Samaria." " Sychar " was 
either a name applied to the toivn of Shechem, or it 
was an independent place. 1. The first of these 
alternatives is now almost universally accepted. In 
the words of Dr. Robinson, " In consequence of the 
hatred which existed between the Jews and the Sa- 
maritans, and in allusion to their idolatry, the town of 
Sichem received, among the Jewish common people, 
the by-name Sychar." No mention, however, of 
such a nickname is found either in the Targums or 
in the Talmud (so Mr. Grove, original author of this 
article). But presuming that Jacob's well was then, 
where it is now shown, at the entrance of the val- 
ley of Nabulus, Shechem would be too distant to 
answer to the words of St. John, since it must have 
been more than a mile off. Eusebius (Ononi.) says 



SYC 

that Sychar was in front of the city of Neapolis; 
and, again, that it lay by the side of Luza, which 
was three miles from Neapolis. Syehem, on the 
other hand, he places in the suburbs of Neapolis 
by the tomb of Joseph. The Bourdeaux Pilgrim 
describes Sechim as at the foot of the mountain, 
and as containing Joseph's monument and plot of 
ground, and then says that a thousand paces thence 
was the place called Sychar. 2. In favor of Sychar 
having been an independent place is the fact that a 
\ illagc named 'Axkur still exists at the southeastern 
foot of Ebal, about N. E. of the Well of Jacob, and 
about half a mile from it. A village like 'Askar 
answers much more appropriately to the description 
of John than so large and so venerable a place as 
Shechem. On the other hand, there is an etymologi- 
cal difficulty in the way of this identification. 'Askar 
begins with the letter 'Ant, which Sychar does not 

appear to ban- c ained. Yet tlx- same difference 

is found between the ancient and modem names of 
Ashkelon. 

Sy'fiiCDJ, the Latinized Greek form of Shechem, 
the name of the well-known city of Central Pales- 
tine (Acts vii. 16 only). This verse exhibits an ad- 
dition to, and a discrepancy in form from, the 0. T. 
account. (1.) The patriarchs are said in it to have 
bren buried at Sychem, whereas in the 0. T. this is 
related of the bones of Joseph only (Josh. xxiv. 
32). (2.) The; sepulchre at Sychem is said to have 
been bought from Emmor by Abraham ; whereas in 
the 0. T. Abraham bought the cave of Machpelab 
at Hebron for his sepulchre, and Jacob bought the 
plot of ground at Shechem from Hamor(Gen. xxxiii. 
19). Various explanations have been given of these 
differences. That Joseph's brethren were buried in 
Shechem contradicts nothing that we know, is prob- 
able in itself, and may have been handed down by tra- 
dition. Biscoe refers the differences to the brevity with 
which the Hebrews related their well-known ances- 
tral history, and their use in it of hints and ellipses, 
and would make out the whole thus : "And were car- 
ried over into Sychem, and were laid (some of them, 
Jacob at least I in the sepulchre that Abraham bought 
for a sum of money (and others of them in that which 
was bought) of the sons of Emmor the father of 
Sychem." Fairbairn says (Dictionary of the Bible, 
article Stephen), " Stephen's object is not properly 
to relate history, but to apply history to the elucida- 
tion of great principles and truths. . . . Stephen 
identifies the transactions as to Abraham and Jacob 
buying and using ground for burial, as before he 
had identified two words of God spoken at different 

j times (ver. 7; compare Gen. xv. 16 and Ex. iii. 12) 
— not as if he ignored their actual or historical di- 
versity, for the merest child could not but be aware 

i of that — but because for his purpose, viz. as an ex- 
pression of faith on the part of the patriarchs, and a 
sign of their interest in the land of Canaan, even 
when to the eye of sense there seemed so much 
against it, they were virtually one." A suggestion 
approved by Archdeacon Lee (Inspiration of Holy 
Scripture) is that Abraham may have purchased a 
plot of ground at Sychem as described, where 
Joseph and the patriarchs were buried. Professor 
Hackett (on Acts, 1. c.) would omit " Abraham," or 
exchange it for " Jacob." Dr. S. Davidson regards 
Stephen as not inspired, and hencr making a mis- 
take. One of these or of other possible explana- 
tions may remove the difficulty in the case. 

Sy'ehem-ite, the = the inhabitants of Shechem, 
taken collectively (Jd. v. 16). 
* Syc'o-more (in some copies) = Sycamore. 



SYE 



SYN 



1073 



Sy-e'lns (fr. Gr.) = Jehiel 3 (1 Esd. i. 8; com- 
pare 2 Chr. xxxv. 8). 

Sy-e'nc (L. ; Heb. Seveneh ; fr. Egyptian = the 
opening or key of Egypt, Champollion), a town of 
Egypt on the frontier of Cush or Ethiopia. Ezekiel 
speaks of the desolation of Egypt " from Migdol to 
Syene, even unto the border of Ethiopia" (Ex. xxix. 
10 margin), and of its people being slain " from 
Migdol to Syene " (xxx. 6 margin ; A. V. text in 
both " from the tower of Syene "). Migdol was on 
the eastern border, and Syene was always the last 
town of Egypt on the S., though at one time in- 
cluded in the nome Nubia. Its ancient Egyptian 
name is Sun, the modern Arabic Aswdn. The 
modern town is slightly to the N. of the old site. 
Both are on the Nile, and near the tropic of Cancer. 
Syenite, which differs from granite only in having 
hornblend instead of mica, was anciently quarried 
at Syene. The town at some periods has had a 
large population and extensive trade. 

* Sym'e-on (fr. Gr.) = Simeon or Simon (2 Pet. i. 
1 margin). Peter. 

* Sym'pho-ny (fr. Gr.) = a sounding together, or 
harmony of sounds (Dan. Hi. 5 margin). Dulcimer. 

Syn'a-gogue [sin'a-gog] (fr. Gr. sunagoge - an 
assembly ; see below and Assembly 10). Professor 
Plumptre, original author of this article, thus notes 
the points of contact between the history and ritual 
of the synagogues of the Jews, and the facts to 
which the inquiries of the Biblical student are prin- 
cipally directed, (a.) They meet us as the great 
characteristic institution of the later phase of Juda- 
ism. (6.) We cannot separate them from the most 
intimate connection with our Lord's life and minis- 
try. In them He worshipped in His youth, and in 
His manhood. They were the scenes of no small 
portion of His work (Mat. iv. 23, xii. 9, xiii. 54 ; 
Mk. i. 23; Lk. iv. 16, xiii. 11 ; Jn. vi. 59, xviii. 20, 
&c, &c.) (c.) There are the questions, leading us 
back to a remoter past : In what did the worship of 
the synagogue originate ? what type was it intended 
to reproduce ? what customs, alike in nature, if not 
in name, served as the starting-point for it ? (d.) 
The synagogue, with all that belonged to it, was 
connected with the future as well as with the past. 
It was the order with which the first Christian be- 
lievers were most familiar. The Church had its 
starting-point in the Synagogue. — Keeping these 
points in view, it remains to deal with the subject 
in a somewhat more formal manner. — I. Name. (1.) 
The Aramaic equivalent cenishta first appears in the 
Targum of Onkelos aa a substitute for Heb. 'eddh 
(= Congregation ; Assembly 5) in the Pentateuch. 
The more precise local designation (Bcyth hac-CSne- 
selh = House of gathering) belongs to a yet later 
date. (2.) The word sunagoge, not unknown in 
classical Greek, appears in the LXX. as the trans- 
lation of not less than twenty-one Hebrew words 
in which the idea of gathering is implied. It is 
used 130 times for 'eddh, and 25 times for kdhdl. 
(Assembly 5, 7.) In Prov. v. 14 the Gr. ekklesia 
(= Heb. kdhdl, A.. V. " congregation ") and sunagoge 
(Heb. 'eddh, A. V. "assembly") appear together. 
In the Apocrypha the word, as in the O. T., retains its 
general meaning, and is not used specifically for any 
recognized place of worship. In the N. T., how- 
ever, the local meaning is the dominant one. Some- 
times the word is applied to the tribunal which was 
connected with, or sat in, the synagogue, in the 
narrower sense (Mat. x. 17, xxiii. 34 ; Mk. xiii. 9 ; 
Lk. xxi. 12, xii. 11). Within the limits of the Jew- 
ish Church it perhaps kept its ground as denoting 
68 



the place of meeting of the Christian brethren (Jas. ii. 
2).' — II. History. (1.) Jewish writers have claimed 
for their synagogues a very remote antiquity. In 
well-nigh every place where the phrase " before the 
Lord " appears, they recognize in it a known sanc- 
tuary, a fixed place of meeting, and, therefore, a 
synagogue. The Targum of Onkelos finds in Ja- 
cob's " dwelling in tents " (Gen. xxv. 27) his attend- 
ance at a synagogue or house of prayer. That of 
Jonathan finds them in Judg. v. 9 and in "the calling 
of assemblies" in Is. i. 13. (2.) Apart from these 
far fetched interpretations, we know too little of the 
life of Israel, both before and under the monarchy, 
to be able to say with certainty whether there was 
any thing at all corresponding to the synagogues of 
later date (compare 1 Sam. xx. 5 and 2 K. iv. 23, 
with Judg. viii. 27, xvii. 5 ; 1 Sam. ix. 12, x. 5, xix. 
20-24; Prophet). (3.) During the exile, in the 
abeyance of the Temple-worship, the meeting of 
devout Jews probably became more systematic (Ez. 
viii. 1, xi. 15, 16, xiv. 1, xx. 1, xxxiii. 31), and must 
have helped forward the change so conspicuous at 
the return. The whole history of Ezra presupposes 
the habit of solemn, probably of periodic, meetings 
(Ezr. viii. 15 ; Neh. viii. 2, ix'. 1 ; Zech. vii. 5). To 
that period, accordingly, we may attribute the re- 
vival, if not the institution of synagogues ; ' J yet 
they are not in anyway prominent in the Maccabean 
history. When that struggle was over, there ap- 
pears to have been a freer development of what 
may be called the synagogue parochial system 
among the Jews of Palestine and other countries. 
Well-nigh every town or village had its one or more 
synagogues. (4.) It is hardly possible to overesti- 
mate the influence of the system thus developed. 
To it we may ascribe the tenacity with which, after 
the Maccabean struggle, the Jews adhered to the 
religion of their fathers, and never again relapsed 
into idolatry. The people were now in no danger 
of forgetting the Law, and the external ordinances 
that hedged it round. Here, as in the order of the 
Scribes, there was an influence tending to diminish 
and ultimately almost to destroy the authority of 
the hereditary priesthood. The way was silently 
prepared for a new and higher order, which should 
rise in " in the fulness of time " out of the decay 
and abolition of both the priesthood and the Temple. 
— III. Structure. (1.) The size of a synagogue, 
like that of a church or chapel, varied with the 
population. Its position was, however, determinate. 
It stood, if possible, on the highest ground, in or 
near the city to which it belonged. And its direc- 
tion, too, was fixed. Jerusalem was the central 
point of Jewish devotion. The synagogue was so 
constructed, that the worshippers, as they entered 
and as they prayed, looked toward it. The build- 
ing was commonly erected at the cost of the district. 
Sometimes it was built by a rich Jew, or even, as in 



1 " The synagogue of Satan" (Rev. ii. 9, iil. 9) = (so 
Rbn. N~. T. Lex.) " Satan's assembly, i. e. Jews who slan- 
der the Christian Church— who, professing to be true 
Jews and to worship God, are not so, but worship Satan 
(compare Rom. ii. 29)." 

2 In Ps. lxxiv. 8 the Heb. pi. of mo'ed (Assembly 1) is 
translated "synagogues" by the A. V., Ginsburg (in 
Kitto), &c. ; and the Psalm itself is referred by some 
(Hltzig, Ginsburg, &c.) to Maccabean times. Gesenius 
translates the sacred places of assembly, and understands 
the phrase as referring to other places than the Temple, 
which were in a certain sense sacred, as Ramah, Bethel, 
Gil.'al, &c, distinguished as seats of the prophets and as 
high places. Prof. J. A. Alexander translates and ex- 
plains the latter part of ver. 8—" they have burned all the 
assemblies of God in the land, by burning the only place 
where such assemblies could be held (Deut. xii. 5, 11)." 



1074 



SYN 



SYN 



Lk. vii. B, by a friendly proselyte. (2.) In the in- 
ternal arrangement of the synagogue we trace an 
obvious analogy to the type of the Tabernacle. At 
the upper or Jerusalem end stood the Ark, the chest 
which, like the Auk ok the Covenant, contained the 
Book of the Law. It gave to that end the name 
and character of a sanctuary. This part of the 
synagogue was naturally the place of honor. Here 
were the " chief seats," after which Pharisees and 
Scribes strove so eagerly (Mat. xxiii. 6), to which 
the wealthy and honored worshipper was invited 
(Jas. ii. 2, 3). Here, too, in front of the Ark, still 
reproducing the type of the Tabernacle, was the 
eight-branched lamp, lighted only on the greater j 
festivals. Besides this, there was one lamp kept 
burning perpetually. A little further toward the 
middle of the building was a raised platform on 
which several persons could stand at once, and in 
the middle of this rose a pulpit in which the Reader 
stood to read the lesson or sat down to teach. The 
congregation were divided, men on one side, women 
on the other, a low partition, five or six feet high, 
running between them. The arrangements of mod- 
ern synagogues, for many centuries, have made the 
separation more complete by placing the women in 
low side-galleries, screened off by lattice-work. — 
IV. Officers. (1.) In smaller towns there was often 
but one Rabbi. Where a fuller organization was 
possible, there was a college of Elders (Lk. vii. 3) 
presided over by one who was "the ruler of the 
synagogue" (viii. 41, 49, xiii. 14 ; Acts xviiL 8, 17). 
(2.) The most prominent functionary in a large 
synagogue was known as the ShCliah or Slieliach ( = 
L. Icgalm, i. e. one gent or appointed w ith a commis- 
sion or charge, a legale), the officiating minister who 
acted as the delegate of the congregation, and was 
therefore the chief reader of prayers, &c, in their 
name. (3.) The Hazz&nm Chazza.ii, the "minister" 
of the synagogue (Lk. iv. 20), had duties of a lower 
kind. He was to open the doors, to get the build- 
ing ready for service. (4.) Besides these, there were 
ten men attached to every synagogue, known as the 
Batldnim (.— free from labor, at leisure), supposed 
to be men of leisure, not obliged to labor for their 
livelihood, able, therefore, to attend the week-day 
as well as the Sabbath services. By some (Light- 
foot, &c.) they have been identified with the above 
officials, with the addition of the alms-collectors. 
Rhenferd, however, sees in them simply a body of 
men, permanently on duty, making up a congrega- 
tion (ten being the minimum number), so that there 
might be no delay in beginning the service at the 
proper hours, and that no single worshipper might 
go away disappointed. (5.) It will be seen at once i 
how closely the organization of the synagogue was ! 
reproduced in that of the Church. Here also there 
was the single presbyter-bishop (Bishop) in small 
towns, a council of presbyters under one head in 
large cities. The legatus of the synagogues appears 
in the " angel " (Rev. i. 20, ii. 1 ; Angels), perhaps 
also in the " messenger " (Gr. aposlolos ; Apostle ; 
Epaphroditcs, &e.) of the Christian Church. — V. 
Worship. (1.) The ritual of the synagogue was to a 
large extent the reproduction of the statelier liturgy 
of the Temple, and, no less than the organization, 
was connected with the facts of the X. T. history, 
and with the life and order of the Christian Church. 
It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that the 
worship of the Church was identical with that of 
the Synagogue, modified (a.) by the new truths, (b.) 
by the new institution of the Lord's Supper, (e.) by 
the spiritual "gifts." (2.) From the synagogue 



came the use of fixed forms of prayer. To that 
the first disciples had been accustomed from their 
youth. The forms might be and were abused. 
(Lord's Prayer; Pharisees.) (3.) The large ad- 
mixture of a didactic element in Christian worship, 
that by which it was distinguished from all Gentile 
forms of adoration, was derived from the older 
order. " Moses " was " read in the synagogues every 
Sabbath-day " (Acts xv. 21), the whole Law being 
read consecutively, so as to be completed, according 
to one cycle, in three years, according to that which 
ultimately prevailed, ill a single year. (Bihle IV.) 
The writings of the prophets were read as second 
lessons in a corresponding order. They were fol- 
lowed by the " word of exhortation " (Acts xiii. 15), 
the exposition, the sermon of the synagogue. (4.) 
To the ritual of the synagogue we may probably (so 
Prof. Plumptre) trace the practice of praying for the 
dead (2 Mc. xii. 44). Prayers for the dead have 
found a place in every early Christian liturgy, and 
the practice in (lie synagogues is as old at least as 
the traditions of the Rabbinic fathers. (5.) The 
conformity extends also to the times of prayer. In 
the hours of service this was obviously the case. 
The third, sixth, and ninth hours were in the times 
of t lit- N. T. (Acts iii. 1, x. 3, 9), and had been prob- 
ably for some time before (Ps. lv. 17; Dan. vi. 10), 
the fixed times of devotion. The same hours were 
recognized in the Church of the second, probably in 
that of the fir. t century also. The solemn days of 
the synagogue were the second, the fifth, and the 
seventh, the last or Sabbath being the conclusion of 
the whole. The transfer of the sanctity of the Sab- 
bath to the Lord's Day involved a corresponding 
change in the order of the week, and the first, the 
fourth, and the sixth became to the Christian society 
what the other days had been to the Jewish. ((5.) 
The following suggestion as to the mode in which 
this transfer was effected, involves, it is believed, 
fewer arbitrary assumptions than any other, and 
connects itself with another interesting custom, com- 
mon to the Church and the Synagogue. It was a 
Jewish custom to end the Sabbath with a feast, in 
which they did honor to it as to a parting king. The 
feast was held in the synagogue. A cup of wine, 
over which a special blessing had been spoken, was 
handed round. It is obvious that, so long as the 
apostles and their followers continued to use the 
Jewish mode of reckoning, so long i. e. as they frat- 
ernized with their brethren of the stock of Abraham, 
this would coincide in point of time with their Lord's 
Supper on the first day of the week. By degrees 
the time became later, passed on to midnight, to the 
early dawn of the next day. (7.) From the syna- 
gogue lastly came many of the less conspicuous 
practices, which meet us in the liturgical life of the 
first three centuries. Ablution, entire or partial, 
before entering the place of meeting (Heb. x. 22 ; 
Jn. xiii. 1-15); standing, and not kneeling, as the 
attitude of prayer (Lk. xviii. 11) ; the arms stretched 
out ; the face turned toward the E. ; the responsive 
Amen of the congregation to the prayers and bene- 
diction of the elders (1 Cor. xiv. 16). — VI. Judicial 
Functions. (1.) The language of the N. T. shows that 
the officers of the synagogue exercised in certain 
cases a judicial power (Mat. x. 17 ; Mk. xiii. 9 ; Lk. 
xii. 11, xxi. 12; Jn. xii. 42, xvi. 2 ; Acts ix. 2, xxii. 
5 ; 1 Cor. v. 5, xvi. 22 ; Gal. i. 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. i. 20 ; 
Excommunication ; Judge). (2.) It is not easy, 
however, to define the nature of the tribunal, and 
the precise limits of its jurisdiction. In Mat. x. 17 
and Mk. xiii. 9 they are carefully distinguished from 



SYN 



SYR 



1075 



the "councils." It seems probable that the council 
was the larger tribunal of twenty-three, which sat 
in every city (Sanhedrim), and that under the term 
" synagogue" we are to understand a smaller court, 
probably that of the Ten judges mentioned in the 
Talmud, consisting either of the elder*, " minister," 
and legate, or otherwise of the ten men of- leisure (sec 
above, IV. 2-4). (3.) Here also we trace the out- 
line of a Christian institution. The Church, either 
by itself or by appointed delegates, was to act as a 
Court of Arbitration in all disputes among its mem- 
bers. The elders of the Church were not, however, 
to descend to the trivial disputes of daily life (1 Cor. 
vi. 1-8). For the elders, as for those of the syna- 
gogue, were reserved the graver offences against re- 
ligion and morals (v. 4). Excommunication ; Edu- 
cation. 

Syn a-gogne (see above), the Great. (1.) On the 
return of the Jews from Babylon, a great council 
was appointed, according to Rabbinic tradition, to 
reorganize the religious life of the people. It con- 
sisted of 120 members, and these were known as the 
men of the Great Synagogue, the successors of the 
prophets, themselves, in their turn, succeeded by 
scribes prominent, individually, as teachers. Ezra 
2 was recognized as president. Among the other 
members, in part together, in part successively, were 
Joshua 4, Zerubbabel, and their companions, Daniel 
4 and the three " children," Haggai, Zechariah 1, 
Malachi, Nehemiah 1, Mordecai, Simon 2. Their 
aim was to restore again the crown or glory of Israel. 
To this end they collected all the sacred writings of 
former ages and their own, and so completed the 
canon of the O. T. They instituted the feast of 
Purim. They organized the ritual of the synagogue, 
and gave their sanction to the eighteen solemn ben- 
edictions in it. (2.) Much of this is evidently un- 
certain. The absence of any historical mention of 
6uch a body, not only in the 0. T. and the Apocry- 
pha, but in Josephus, Philo, and the Seder Olam, so 
that the earliest record of it is found in the Pirke 
Aboth, about the second century a. C, had led some 
critics to reject the whole statement as a Rabbinic 
invention. The narrative of Neh. viii. 13 clearly im- 
plies the existence of a body of men acting as coun- 
sellors under the presidency of Ezra, and these may 
have been an assembly of delegates from all pro- 
vincial synagogues — a synod of the National Church 
(so Prof. Plumptre, original author of this article). 
Dr. Ginsburg (in Kitto) indorses the conclusion of 
Graetz that Nehemiah originated the Great Syn- 
agogue after Ezra's death, and considers its period 
as embracing about 110 years (b. c. 410-300), or 
from the latter days of Nehemiah to the death of 
Simon the Just, when it passed into the Sanhedrim. 
He obtains the traditional 120 members of Nebe- 
miah's time from Neh. x. 1-27, &c, making 28 
priests, viz. 24 chiefs (1 Chr. xxiv. 7-18) and 4 
others; 19 Levites, viz. 7 chiefs (Ezr. v. 18, 19, 24; 
Neh. ix. 4, 5), and 12 others; 50 Israelites, viz. 29 
chiefs (comp. Ezr. viii. 2, 9), and 21 others; 22 rep- 
resentatives of cities (Ezr. ii. 18-30; Neh. vii. 24- 
33, 36, 37), and Nehemiah. The 37 besides chiefs 
and representatives he considers to be doctors of the 
Law. 

Syn'ty-ehc [sin'te-ke] (L. fr. Gr. = a chance, hap- 
py chance?), a female member of the Church of 
Philippi (Phil. iv. 2, 3). Euodias. 

Syr'a-cusc, or Sy'ra-cnse (fr. Gr., named from an 
adjacent marsh or lake called Syraco), a celebrated 
city on the eastern cof ,st of Sicily, founded b. c. 734 
by Archias, a Curinth m exile, and said to have had 



in its most prosperous period from 500,000 to 
1,200,000 inhabitants. It was the native place of 
Archimedes, the celebrated mathematician, and the 
residence of some able kings, as Hiero, Dionysius, 
&c. St. Paul arrived thither in an Alexandrian 
ship from Melita, on his voyage to Rome (Acts xxviii. 
12). The magnificence which Cicero describes as 
still remaining in his time was then no doubt greatly 
impaired. But it was a convenient place for the 
African corn-ships to touch at, for the harbor was 
excellent, and the fountain Arethusa furnished an 
unfailing supply of excellent water. In the time of 
St. Paul's voyage Sicily did not supply the Romans 
with corn to the extent it had done in the time of 
King Hiero, and in a less degree as late as the time 
of Cicero. The country had become depopulated by 
wars, and when it passed into the hands of Rome 
(b. c. 212) her great nobles turned vast tracts into 
pasture. Syracuse was a Roman colony in St. Paul's 
time, and was the provincial capital of Sicily. Syr- 
acuse has been repeatedly destroyed by wars and 
earthquakes. Its present population is about 16,000 
(New Amer. Cyc). 

Syr'i-a (L. fr. Gr., see below), the usual A. V. term 
for the Heb. Aram, and Gr. Suria. Most probably 
Syria is for Tsyria, the country about Tsur, or Tyre, 
which was the first of the Syrian towns known to 
the Greeks (so Prof. Rawlinson, original author of 
this article). 1. Geographical extent. It is very diffi- 
cult to fix the limits of Syria. The Hebrew Aram 
seems to commence on the northern frontier of Pal- 
estine, and to extend thence northward to the skirts 
of Taurus, westward to the Mediterranean, and east- 
ward probably to the Kliabour River. (Euphrates.) 
Its chief divisions are Aram-dammesek = Syria of 
Damascus, Aram-zobah = Syria of Zobah, Aram- 
naharaim = " Mesopotamia " — Syria of the Two 
Rivers, and Padan-aram = the plain Syria, or the 
plain at the foot of the mountains. Of these the 
first is the rich country about Damascus, lying be- 
tween Antilibanus and the desert, and the last is 
the district about Harran and Or/ah, the flat country 
stretching out from the western extremity of Mons 
Masius toward the source of the lOiabour. Aram- 
naharaim seems to include this last tract, and ex- 
tend beyond it, though how far beyond is doubtful. 
(Mesopotamia.) Aram-zobah seems to be the tract 
between the Euphrates and Coelesyria. The other 
divisions of Aram, such as Aram-rnaachah, and 
Aram-beth-rehob, were probably portions of the 
tract between Antilibanus and the desert. (Beth- 
rehob ; Maachah.) — The Greek writers used 
"Syria" still more vaguely than the Hebrews did 
" Aram." On the one hand they extended it to the 
Euxine, including Cappadocia and even Bithynia ; 
on the other they carried it to the borders of Egypt, 
and made it comprise Piiilistia and Edom. Still they 
seem always to regard Syria Proper as a narrower 
region. The LXX. and N. T. distinguish Syria from 
Phenicia on the one hand, and from Samaria, 
Judea, Idumea, &c, on the other. In the present 
article it seems best to take the word in this narrow 
sense, and to regard Syria as bounded by Amanus 
and Taurus on the N., by the Euphrates and the 
Arabian desert on the E., by Palestine on the S., by 
the Mediterranean near the mouth of the Orontes, 
and then by Phenicia on the W. The tract thus cir- 
cumscribed is about 300 miles long from N. to S., 
and from 50 to 150 miles broad, with an area of 
about 30,000 square miles. — 2. General Physical 
Features. The general character of the tract is 
mountainous, as the Hebrew Aram implies. On the 



1076 



SYR 



SYR 



W., two longitudinal chains (Lebanon and Anti- 
LIBANUS, or Anti-Lebanon, the former becoming 
Bargylus on the N.), running parallel with thecoa9t 
at no great distance from one another, extend along 
two-thirds of the length of Syria, from the latitude 
of Tyre to that of Antioch 1, where they are met by 
the chain of Amanus, an outlying barrier of Taurus, 
having the direction of that range, which in this part 
is from S. W. to N. E. The most fertile and valuable 
tract of Syria is the long valley between Lebanon 
and Anti-Lebanon. (Celosyria.) The northern 
mountain region is also fairly productive ; but the 
soil of the plains about Aleppo is poor, and the east- 
ern (lank of the Autilibanus, except in one place, is 
peculiarly sterile. — 3. The Mountain- Ranges, (a.) 
Lebanon, the most interesting of the mountain- 
ranges ofSyria, extends from the mouth of the Litany 
to 'Arka (Arkite), nearly 100 miles, (b.) Anti- 
libanus, or Anti-Lebanon, as the name implies, ] 
stands over against Lebanon, running in the same 
direction, i. e. nearly N. and S., and extending the 
same length. (Hermos.) (c.) Bargylus. Mount 
Bargylus, called now Jebel en-Nusairiyeh, toward the 
S., and toward the N. Jebel Kruad, extends from the 
mouth of the Nahr el-Kebir I Eleutherus), nearly op- 
posite Hutns, to the vicinity of Antioch, a distance 
of rather more than 100 miles. One of the western 
spurs terminates in a remarkable headland, more 
than 5,000 feet high, anciently known as Mount 
Casius, now Jebd el-Akra (= the Bald Mountain), 
(d.) Amanus. N. of the mouth of the Orontes, be- 
tween its course and the eastern shore of the Gulf 
of Issus (Iskanderun), lies the range of Amanus, 
which divides Syria from Cilicia. Its average ele- 
vation is 5,000 feet, and it terminates abruptly at 
Ras el-Khanzir, in a high cliff overhanging the sea. 
— 4. The Rivers. The principal rivers of Syria are 
the Litany (anciently Leontes), and the Orontes. 
The Litdny springs from a small lake in the middle 
of the Cnelesyrian valley (Celosyria), about six miles 
S. W. of Ba'albek. It enters the sea about five miles 
N. of Tyre. The source of the Orontes is but about 
fifteen miles from that of the Litany. Its modern 
name is jS r ahr el-Asy (= Rebel Stream), from its 
violence and impetuosity in many parts of its course. 
The other Syrian streams of some consequence, be- 
sides the Litany and the Orontes, are the Barada 
(Abana), or river of Damascus, the Koweik, or river 
of Aleppo, and the Sajur, a tributary of the Euphra- 
tes. — 5. The Lakes. The principal lakes of Syria are 
the Agh-Dengiz, or Lake of Antioch ; the Sabakhah, 
or Salt Lake, between Aleppo and Balis ; the Bahr 
el-Kades, on the upper Orontes. 1 — 6. The Great Val- 
ley. By far the most important part of Syria, and on 
the whole its most striking feature, is the great val- 
ley which reaches from the plain of Umk, near An- 
tioch, to the narrow gorge on which the Litany en- 
ters in about latitude 33° 30'. This valley, which 
runs nearly parallel with the Syrian coast, extends 
the length of 230 miles, and has a width varying from 
six or eight to fifteen or twenty miles. The more 
southern portion of it was known to the ancients 
as Coelesyria, or Celosyria (= the Hollow Syria). 
— 7. The Northern Highlands. Northern Syria, es- 
pecially the district called Commagene, between 
Taurus and the Euphrates, is still very insufficiently 
explored. It seems to be altogether an elevated 
tract, consisting of twisted spurs from Taurus and 



1 The three lakes or marshes E. of Damascus, into which 
he Barada (Abana) and 'Awaj (Pharpar) empty, are 
3ahret esh-Shurkiyeh (= E. Lake), Bahret el-Kibliyeh (= 
t<. Lake), and Bahret Hijdneh (Ptr. i. 373 ff.). 



Amanus, with narrow valleys between them, which 
open out into bare and sterile plains. The highest 
elevation of the plateau between the two rivers is 
1,500 feet; and this height is reached soon after 
leaving the Euphrates, while toward the W. the dc- 
cline is gradual. — 8. The Eastern Desert. E. of the 
inner mountain-chain, and S. of the cultivable ground 
about Aleppo, is the great Syrian Desert, an elevated 
dry upland, for the most part of gypsum and marls, 
producing nothing but a few spare bushes of worm- 
wood, and the usual aromatic plants of the wilder- 
ness. The most remarkable oasis is at Palmyra. 
(Tadmor.) The best known and most productive of 
the fertile tracts toward the more western part of this 
legion is the famous plain of Damascus. — 9. Chief 
Divisions. According to Strabo, Syria Proper was 
divided into the following districts: — (1.) Comma- 
gene in the N. ; (2.) Cyrrhestica, S. of Commagene, 
and of Ain-tah ; (3.) Seleucis, on the Mediterranean, 
embracing the region about Seleucia, Antioch 1, 
Laodicca (now Ladikiyeh), Apamea, &c. ; (4.) Ouele- 
syria; and (5.) Damascene, or the region of Damas- 
cus, E. of the last. If we take its limits, how- 
ever, as laid down above (§ 1), we must add to these 
districts three others: Chalybonitis, or the coun- 
try about Aleppo, and S. of Cyrrhestica ; Chalcis 
or Chalcidice, a small tract S. of this, about the 
lake in which the river of Aleppo ends; and Pal- 
poyrene, or the desert so far as wc consider it 
to have been Syrian. 10. Principal towns. The 
chief towns of Syria may be thus arranged, as 
nearly as possible in the order of their importance: 
(1.) Antioch 1 ; (2.) Damascus; (3.) Apamea; (4.) 
SELKUCLA ; (5.) Tadmor or Palmyra ; (6.) Laodicea; 
(7.) Epiphanea (Hamatii); (8.) Samosata ; (9.) 
Hierapolis (Mabug); 5 (10.) Chalybon (now Aleppo); 
(11.) Emesa (Hums); (12.) HeliopollS (Ba'albek) ; 
(13.) Laodicea ad Libannm ; (14.) Cyrrhus; (15.) 
Chalcis; (10.) Posideum ; (17.) Heraclea ; (18.) 
Gindarus ; (l!).)Zeugma ; (20.)Thapsacus(Tii-HSAii). 
Of these, Samosata, Zeugma, Thapsacus, are on the 
Euphrates ; Seleucia, Laodicea, Posideum, and Her- 
aclea, on the sea-shore ; Antioch, Apamea, Epipha- 
nea, and Emesa (Hums) on the Orontes; Heliopolis 
and Laodicea ad Libanum, in Coelesyria ; Hierapolis, 
Chalybon, Cyrrhus, Chalcis, and Gindarus, in the 
northern highlands ; Damascus on the skirts, and 
Palmyra in the centre of the eastern desert. — 11. 
History. The first occupants of Syria appear to 
have been of Hamitic descent. The Canaanitish 
races, the Hittites, Jebusites, Amorites, &c, are 
connected in Scripture with Egypt and Ethiopia, 
Cush and Mizraim (Gen. x. 6, 15-18). These tribes 
occupied not Palestine only, but also lower Syria, in 
very early times, as Hamath is assigned to them in 
Gen. x. 18. Afterward they seem to have become 
possessed of Upper Syria also. (Ham ; Hittites.) 
After a while the first comers, who were still to a 
gTeat extent nomads, received a Shemitic infusion, 
which most probably came to them from the S. E. 
(Abraham; Chedorlaomer ; Shemitic Languages.) 
The only Syrian town distinctly marked as then ex- 
isting is Damascus (Gen. xiv. 15, xv. 2), apparently 
already a place of some importance. Next to 
Damascus must be placed Hamath (Num. xiii. 21, 
xxxiv. 8). Syria at this time, and for many centuries 
afterward, seems to have been broken up among a 
number of petty kingdoms (§ 1, above ; Aram). The 
Jews first come into hostile contact with the Syrians, 
under that name (compare Josh. xi. 2-18), in the 



5 Here was a celebrated temple of Ataegatib. 



SYR 



SYR 



1077 



time of David. Claiming the frontier of the Eu- 
phrates, which God had promised to Abraham (Gen. 
xv. 18), David made war on, and signally defeated, 
Hadadezer, king of Zobah (2 Sara. viii. 3, 4, 13). 
The Damascene Syrians were likewise defeated with 
great loss, and soon became David's subjects (ver. 
6, 6). Zobah, however, was far from being subdued 
as yet. When, a few years later, the Ammonites 
determined on engaging in a war with David, and 
applied to the Syrians for aid, Zobah, together with 
Beth-rehob, sent them 20,000 footmen, and two 
other Syrian kingdoms furnished 13,000 (x. 6). This 
army being completely defeated by Joab, Hadadezer 
obtained aid from Mesopotamia, but a third battle 
likewise went against him, and produced the gen- 
eral submission of Syria to David (ver. 10 ff.). The 
submission thus begun continued under the reign 
of Solomon (1 K. iv. 21), who seems to have lost 
only Damascus, where an independent kingdom was 
set up by Rezon, a native of Zobah (xi. 23-25). On 
the separation of the two kingdoms, soon after the 
accession of Rehoboam, the remainder of Syria no 
doubt shook off the yoke. Damascus now became 
decidedly the leading state, Hamath being second 
to it, and the northern Hittites third. The result 
of the wars at this period was to attach Syria to 
the great Assyrian empire (Assyria), from which it 
passed to the Babylonians (Babel), and from them 
to the Persians. In b. c. 333 it submitted to Alex- 
ander the Great without a struggle. On the death 
of Alexander Syria became, for the first time, the 
head of a great kingdom. On the division of the 
provinces among his generals (b. c. 321), Seleucus 
Nicator received Mesopotamia and Syria. He be- 
came the founder of the Seleucida? or Seleucid kings. 
The era of the Seleucida», much used in ancient 
chronology, is reckoned from the recovery of Baby- 
lon by Seleucus Nicator, b. c. 312. The successors 
of Seleucus Nicator (who reigned till b. c. 280) were 
— Antiochus Soter, Antiochus Theos, Seleucus Cal- 
linicus, Seleucus Ceraunus, Antiochus the Great, 
Seleucus Philopator, Antiochus Epiphanes, Anti- 
ochus Eupator, Demetrius Soter, Alexander Balas, 
Demetrius Nicator, Antiochus Sidetes, Antiochus 
Grypus, Antiochus Cyzicenus (i. e. of Cyzicus), An- 
tiochus Eusebes (= the Pious) and Philip, Tigranes 
(king of Armenia), and Antiochus Asiaticus (i. e. of 
Asia), who was deposed by Pompey, about b. c. 64. 
Antioch 1 was begun by Seleucus b. c. 300, and, 
being finished in a few years, was made the capital of 
his kingdom. Syria grew rich with the wealth which 
now flowed into it on all sides. The most flourish- 
ing period under the Seleucid kings was the reign 
of the founder, Nicator. The empire was then al- 
most as large as that of the Achemenian Persians, 
for it at one time included Asia Minor, and thus 
reached from the J^gean to India. The reign of 
Nicator's son, Antiochus I., called Soter, was the 
beginning of the decline, which was progressive 
from his date. It passed under the power of Ti- 
granes, king of Armenia, in b. c. 83, and was not 
made a province of the Roman empire till after 
Pompcy's complete defeat of Mithridates and his 
ally Tigranes, b. c. 64. — As Syria holds an important 
place, not only in the O. T., but in the N. T., some 
account of its condition under the Romans must 
now be given. That condition was somewhat pecu- 
liar. While the country generally was formed into 
a Roman province, under governors who were at 
first propretors or questors, then proconsuls, and 
finally legates, there were exempted from the direct 
rule of the governor, (l.)a number of "free cities," 



which retained the administration of their own af- 
fairs, subject to a tribute levied according to the 
Roman principles of taxation; and (2.) a number 
of tracts, which were assigned to petty princes, 
commonly natives, to be ruled at their pleasure, sub- 
ject to the same obligations with the free cities as 
to taxation. (Deputy ; Governor ; Procurator ; 
Province ; Taxes, &c.) The free cities were An- 
tioch 1, Seleucia, Apamea, Epiphanea, Tripolis, 
Sidon, and Tyre ; the principalities, Commagene, 
Chalcis ad Belum (near Ba'albek), Arethusa, Abila 
or Abilene, Palmyra (Tadmor), and Damascus. The 
principalities were sometimes called kingdoms, some- 
times tetrarchies. (Aretas ; Herod; Judea ; Ly- 
sanias, &c.) They were established where it was 
thought that the.natives were so inveterately wed- 
ded to their own customs, and so well disposed for 
revolt, that it was necessary to consult their feel- 
ings, to flatter the national vanity, and to give 
them the semblance without the substance of freer 
dom. The list of the governors of Syria, from its 
conquest by the Romans to the destruction of Je- 
rusalem, has been made out with a near approach 
to accuracy, and is as follows : — 



Marcus .Emilius Scauru9 

Lucius Mnrciua Philippua . .. 
Lentulus Marcellinus 

Gabinius. 

Crassus 

Cassius 

Marcus Calpiirnius Bibulus... 

Sextus Julius Caesar. 

Quintus Cascilius Bhssus 

(Quintus Cornificius 

(Lucius Statins Murcus 

(Quintus Murcius Crispus 

Caius Cassius Lnnginus 

Lucius Decidius Saxa 

Publius Ventidius Bassus 

Caius Sosius 

Lucius Munatius Plancus 

Lucius Calpiirnius Bibulus... 

Quintus Didius 

Marcus Valerius Messalla 

Varro 

Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.. . 

Marcus Tullius 

Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.. . 

Marcus Titius 

Caius Sentius Saturninus 

Publius Quintilius Varus .... 
Publius Sulpicius Quiriuus4 . 
Quintus Cfficilius Metellus 

Creticus Silnnus 

Marcus Calpurnius Piso 

Cneius Sentius Saturninus . . 
- Lucius Pomponius Ftaccus.. . 

Lucius Viteliius 

Publius Peironius 

Vibius Marsus 

Caius Cassius Longinus 

Titus NumidiusS Qundratus 
DomitiusCorbulo 

Cincius 

Cains Cestius Gallua 

Publius Licinius Mucianus. . 



Quaxtor pro 

pratore* B. c. 62 B. c. 61 

Propretor 61 59 

Propretor 59 57 

Proconsul 56. .. 



.65. 



Questor 53. 

Proconsul 51. 



.47. 



Pretor. 46.. 



..53 
..51 
..47 
..49 
..44 

received authority from the Senate 
to disposs.-ss Bassus, but failed.) 

Proconsul B. c. 43 B. c. 42 

Legate 41 40 

Legnte 40 38 

Legate 38 35 

..32 
..31 



Legate . 

Legate 31.... 

L gate 30 

Legate 29 

Legate 24 

Legate 22 

Legate 19 (?) 

Legate 15 

Legate 11 

Legate 7 

Legate 3 

Legate A. d. 5 

Legate 

Legate 17. . . . 

Prolegate 19 

Propretor 22 

Legate 35 

Legate 39 

Legate 42. 

Legate 48 

Legate 51 

Legate 60 

Legate 63 

Legate 65.... 

Legate 67 



... 7 
... 3 
d. 5 

17 

...19 



The history of Syria during this period may be 
summed up in a few words. Down to the battle of 
Pharsalia, Syria was fairly tranquil, the only 
troubles being with the Arabs, who occasionally at- 
tacked the eastern frontier. The Roman governor 
labored hard to raise the condition of the province, 
taking great pains to restore the cities, which had 

3 L. = a questor or treasurer, who administered the pre- 
torship of the province while the pretor was absent. The 
pretor was originally a kind of third consul at Rome ; but 
at an early period two were appointed to be judicial 
magistrates, one fur the city, and one for foreigners ; and 
still later, those who had been pretors a year at Rome 
were sent the next year to the provinces as governors with 
the title of pretor or propretor. A legate (L. legalvs, lit- 
erally one sent) was sent to govern an imperial province 
as the emperor's deputy. (Procurator.) A prolegate 
was a legate's substitute. For proconsul see Deputy. 

4 See the article Cyrenius. 

6 Called " Vinidius " by Tacitus. 



107S 



SYR 



TAA 



gone to decay under the later Seleucidoc. After the 
battle of Pharsalia (n. c. 40) the trouble? of Syria 
were renewed. Julius Cesar gave the province to 
his relative Sextus, n. c. 47 ; but Pompey's party 
was still so strong in the East, that the next year 
one of his adherents, CtBcilius Bassus, put Sextus 
to death, and established himself in the government 
so firmly that he was able to resist for three years 
three proconsuls appointed by the Senate to dispos- 
sess him, and only finally yielded upon terms which 
he himself offered to his antagonists. Bassus had 
but just made his submission, when, upon the as- 
sassination of Cesar, Syria was disputed between 
Cassius and Dolabella, the friend of Antony, a dis- 
pute terminated by the suicide of Dolabella, n. c. 
43. The next year Cassius left his province and 
went to Philippi, where, after the first unsuccess- 
ful engagement, he, too, committed suicide. Syria 
then fell to Antony, who appointed as his legate, 
Lucius Decidius Saxa, b. c. 41. Pacorus, the crown- 
prince of I'arthia, son of Arsaces XIV. (Partiiiass), 
assisted by the Roman refugee Labienus, overran 
Syria and Asia Minor, defeating Antony's generals, 
and threatening Home with the loss of all her Asi- 
atic possessions (b. c. 40-39). Ventidius, however, 
B. c. 38, defeated the Parthians, slew Pacorus, and 
recovered for Rome her former boundary. A quiet 
time followed. Syria was then governed peaceably, 
B. c. 38-31, by the legates of Antony, and afterward 
by those of Augustus. In a. c. 27 took place that 
formal division of the provinces between Augustus 
and the Senate from which the imperial administra- 
tive system dates ; and Syria, being from its ex- 
posed situation among the imperial provinces, con- 
tinued to be ruled by legates who were of consular 
rank and bore severally the full title of Legatut 
Augusli pro prevtor'. (L. = Ltgale of Augustus as 
prelor). During this period Syria enlarged or con- 
tracted its limits as the reigning emperor bestowed 
tracts of land on the native princes or placed them 
again under his legate. Judea was ruled by a spe- 
cial procurator, who was subordinate to the gov- 
ernor of Syria, but within his own province had the 
power of a legate. Syria continued without serious 
disturbance from the expulsion of the Parthians 
b. c. 38) to ths breaking out of the Jewish war 
a. d. 66). It was visited by Augustus b. c. 19. It 
was the scene of a severe famine, a. d. 44-47. 
(Agabis.) A little earlier Christianity had begun 
to spread into it, partly by means of those who 
" were scattered " at the time of Stephen's persecu- 
tion (Acts xi. 19), partly by the exertions of St. 
Pai l (Gal. i. 21). The Syrian Christians soon be- 
came very numerous (Acts xiii. 1, xv. 23, 35, 41, 
&c). — To the above from Prof. Rawlinson it may be 
added, that Syria was a part of the Roman Empire, 
and, after the division, of the Eastern Empire. 
Chosroes II. of Persia took Antioch, &c, a. d. 611, 
but was driven out of the country in 627 ; but the 
Mohammedan conquest soon followed. (Arabia.) 
In the Crusades (a. d. 1099-1187) a large part of 
Syria came under Christian authority. Afterward 
it was the prey of contending powers, Egyptian, 
Tartar, &c. ; but since its conquest by Sultan Selim 
I., in 1517, it has formed a part of the Ottoman 
Empire or Turkey, except in 1832-41, when it was 
under Egyptian control. Syria now forms a portion 
of three pashalics, viz. Aleppo, Damascus, and 
Sidon (Porter, in Kitto). The population (exclusive 
of the Arab tribes that roam over the desert, and 
may number 200,000, possibly 500,000) is estimated 
(Thn. i. 246-7) at about 1,610,000; viz. 800,000 



Moslems, 50,000 Kurds, 150,000 Nusairiyeh (living 
in the mountains N. of Tripoli, and perhaps de- 
scended from the ancient Canaanites), 100,000 
Druzes, 20,000 Ismailh/eh, Yezidees and Gypsies, 
25,000 Jews, 200,000 Maronites (probably descend- 
ants of the ancient Syrians), 1 50,000 orthodox Greeks, 
20,000 Armenians, "l 5,000 Jacobites, 80,000 Roman 
Catholics of various sects, some Protestants, &c. 
" The various religions and sects live together, and 
practise their conflicting superstitions inclose prox- 
imity, but the people do not coalesce into one 
homogeneous community, nor do they regard each 
other with fraternal feelings With the ex- 
ception of the Jews and Bedawin Arabs, no one can 
trace back his own origin to any ancient race or 
nation. The general mass of the Moslems are the 
mingled descendants of the various races who com- 
posed the population of the Greek Empire at the 
time of Mohammed, and this original confusion of 
races has been infinitely augmented during the 
twelve centuries of their lawless occupation. In 
all the Christian sects there has been the same blend- 
ing of primitive races, and a large infusion of for- 
eign and European blood during the times of the 
Crusades, and subsequently even to our day, so 
that the most intelligent and learned admit that it 
is absolutely impossible now to ascertain their true 
national origin " (Thn. i. 247-8). 

Syr'i-ne Ver'slons. Versions, Ancient (Svriac). 

* Syr'i-a-ma'a-iliah (1 Chr. xix. 6). Aram ; Ma- 
acaii 2. 

" S} r'i-an = a native or inhabitant of Syria (Gen. 
xxv. 20; Deut. xxvi. 5 ; 2 K. v. 20, &c). Syrian 
(or Syriav) language (or tongue) ; see Shemitic Lan- 
guages. 

Sy'ro-phf-ni eian, also written Sj ro-phec-nl clan 

(Gr. Suro/ihoinissa in the common text; "but 
Lachmann [after A, K, &c ; see New Testament, 
I., § 28] reads Surophoinikissa, and Tischendorf 
[after E, F, &c] has Sura-1 hoinikhsa), occurs 
only in Mk. vii. 26, and has been generally 
supposed to distinguish the Phenicians of Syria 
from those of Africa, i. e. from the Carthaginians 
(Alford, Rbn. N. T. Lex., &c), but Prof. Rawlinson 
thinks the word may properly denote a mixed race, 
half-Phenician and half-Syrian, though he regards 
Tischendorf 8 reading (= a I } heiriciun-Syria?) as 
perhaps most probable. The Emperor Hadrian 
(a. d. 117-138) divided Syria into three parts, Syria 
Proper, Syro-Phor-niee, and Syria Paltcstina ; and 
henceforth a Syro-Phenician meant a native of this 
sub-province, which included Phenieia Proper, Da- 
mascus, and Palmyrene. Lange ( Comment ar, y) says 
of the woman in Mk. vii. 26 : " She was a Phenician- 
Syrian woman ; most generally viewed, a Gentile 
(A. V. ' Greek ') ; more specially, a Syrian ; and still 
more specifically, a Phenician. Phenieia belonged 
to the province of Syria. But the word may also, 
more precisely still, describe the Syrian of Phenieia, 
the Canaanite woman " (compare Mat. xv. 22). 

T 

Ta'a-natli [-nak] (Heb. sandy soil, Ges.), an an- 
cient Canaanitish city, whose king was conquered 
by Joshua (Josh. xii. 21) ; given to the half-tribe of 
Manasseh (xvii. 11, xxi. 25; 1 Chr. vii. 29), and 
then to the Kohathite Levites (Josh. xxi. 25 ; A. V. 
" Tanach "). But the Canannites held it (xvii. 12; 
Judg. i. 27), and it appears to have formed the 
headquarters of Siser..'s army (v. 19). Taanach is 



TAA 



TAB 



1079 



almost always named with Megiddo, and they were 
evidently the chief towns of the western portion of 
the great plain of Esdraelon (1 K. iv. 12). There it 
is still to be found at the modern hamlet of Ta'an- 
nuk, about four miles S. E. of Lejjun. 

Ta'a-Dath-shi loll (Heb. approach to Shiloh, Ges.), 
a place named once only (Josh. xvi. 6) as on the boun- 
dary of Ephraim, Janohah being E. of it. In a list 
of places in the Talmud, Taanath-shiloh is said to 
be = Shiloh. The view of Kurtz and Hengsten- 
berg, that Taanath was the ancient Canaanite name 
of the place, and Shiloh the Hebrew name, is in- 
genious, but at present it is a mere conjecture (so 
Mr. Grove) 

Tab'a-oth (Gr.) = Tabbaoth (1 Esd. v. 29). 

Tab'ba-otli (Heb. rings, Ges.), ancestor of a fam- 
ily of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 
ii. 43 ; Neh. vii. 46). 

Tab'batll (Heb. the celchraled? Ges.), a place men- 
tioned only in Judg. vii. 22, in describing the flight 
of the Midianite host after Gideon's night attack. 
The host fled from the valley by the hill of Moreh to 
Beth-shittah, to (A. V. "in") Zererath, to the 
brink of Abel-meholah on (A. V. " unto ") Tabbath. 
Mr. Grove suggests that it must be at or near Tub- 
ukal Fahil ( = Terrace o f Fahll or of Pella), a very 
striking natural bank, 600 feet high, on the E. of 
Jordan, over against Beth-shean. 

Ta'be-al (Syr. = Tabeel). The " son of Tabeal '" 
was apparently an Ephraimite, or more probably a 
Syrian, whom the Syrians and Israelites designed to 
place on the throne of Judah in the place of Ahaz 
(Is. vii. 6). 

Ta'bc-el (Syr. God is good, Ges.), an officer of the 
Persian government in Samaria in the reign of Ar- 
taxerxes (Ezr. iv. 7); probably a Syrian. 

Ta-bel'li-us (fr. Gr.) = Tabeel (1 Esd. ii. 16). 

Tab'e-rall (Heb. a burning, Ges.), a place in the 
wilderness of Paran, where the " fire of the Lord " 
consumed some of the people (Num. xi. 3 ; Deut. 
ix. 22) ; not identified. Wilderness op the Wan- 
dering. 

Ta'bcr-ing (Heb. pi. participle methophephoth), an 
obsolete word used in the A. V. of Nah. ii. 7. The 
Hebrew word connects itself with toph, -" a tim- 
brel." The A. V. reproduces the original idea. 
The " tabour " or " tabor " was a musical instru- 
ment of the drum-type, which with the pipe formed 
the band of a country-village. To " tabor," accord- 
ingly, is to beat with loud strokes as men beat upon 
such an instrument, and " taboring " or " tabering " 
= drumming. 

Tab'cr-na-cle (fr. L. = a lent). The description 
of the Tabernacle and its materials will be found 
under Temple. The present article, originally by 
Prof. Plumptre, treats — (I.) of the word and its 
synonyms; (II.) of the history of the Tabernacle 
itself; (III.) of its relation to the religious life of 
Israel; (IV.) of the theories of later times respect- 
ing it. — I. The Hebrew word and ils synonyms. (1.) 
The first word used (Ex. xxv. 9, and usually in xxvi., 
xxvii., xxxv., xxxvi., xxxix., xl. ; Lev. viii. 10, xv. 
31, xvii. 13 [Heb. 28], xxvi. 11; Num. i. 50-53, 
&c. ; comp. 6, 7, below) is Heb. mishc&n = dwelling. 
It connects itself with the Jewish, though not 
Scriptural, word Shechinah, as describing the dwell- 
ing-place of the Divine Glory. It is not applied in 
prose to the common " dwellings " of men, but 
seems to belong rather to the speech of poetry (Job 
xviii. 21 ; Ps. lxxxvii. 2 ; Cant. i. 8, A. V. "tent"). 
(2.) Another word, however, is also used, more con- 
nected with the common life of men, Heb. ohcl, the 



" tent " of the patriarchal age, of Abraham, and 
of Jacob (Gen. iv. 20, ix. 21, &e.). For the most 
part this is used, when applied to the Sacred Tent, 
with some distinguishing epithet (Ex. xxvi. 9, xxvii. 
21, xxviii. 43, xxix., xxx., xxxi. 7 twice, xxxiii. 7 
thrice, 8 twice, 9 twice, 10, 11, &c. ; compare 6, 7, 
below). In 1 K. i. 39 it appears with this meaning 
by itself. (3.) Heb. ba;/ith( = "house"), construct 
beyth (= " house of") is applied to the Tabernacle 
in Ex. xxiii. 19, xxxiv. 26, and in Josh. vi. 24, ix. 
23, and Judg. xviii. 31, xix. 18, xx. 18, as it had 
been, apparently, to the tents of the patriarchs 
(Gen. xxxiii. 17). So far as it differs from the two 
preceding words, it expresses more definitely the 
idea of a fixed settled habitation. (4.) Heb. kddcsh 
(A. V. " holiness," " holy," sc. name, place, &c, 
" sanctuary "), mikddsh (A. V. usually " sanctuary "), 
the holy, consecrated place, and therefore applied, 
according to the gradual scale of holiness of which 
the Tabprnacle bore witness, sometimes to the whole 
structure (Ex. xxv. 8 ; Lev. xii. 4), sometimes to 
the court into which none but the priests might 
enter (iv. 6 ; Num. iii. 38, iv. 12), sometimes to the 
innermost sanctuary of all, the Holy of Holies (Lev. 
iv. 6 ?). (5.) Heb. and Chal. heych&l (A. V. " tem- 
ple," "palace"), as meaning the stately building, or 
palace, of Jehovah (compare Heb. birdh, A.V. "pal- 
ace," in 1 Chr. xxix. 1, 19), is applied more com- 
monly to the Temple (2 K. xxiv. 13, &c), but was 
used also of the Tabernacle at Shiloh (1 Sam. i. 9, 
iii. 3), and Jerusalem (Ps. v. 7, Heb. 8, &c). (6.) 
The two Hebrew words (No. 1 and No. 2) ! receive 
a new meaning in combination (a.) with mo'ed (A.V. 
usually " congregation ; " see Assembly 1), and (6.) 
with hSedulh (A. V. "the testimony," "witness"). 
To understand the full meaning of the distinctive 
titles thus formed is to possess the key to the sig- 
nificance of the whole Tabernacle, (a.) The real 
meaning of the word rendered " congregation " is 
to be found in Ex. xxix. 42-46. It is clear that 
" congregation " is inadequate. Not the gathering 
of the worshippers only, but the meeting of God 
with His people, to commune with them, to make 
Himself known to them, was what the name em- 
bodied. (7.) The other compound phrase (b.) is 
rightly rendered " the tent of the testimony" (Num. 
ix. 15), " the tabernacle of the testimony" (x. 11), 
" the tabernacle of witness " (xvii. 7, 8 [Heb. 22, 
23], xviii. 2). In this case the tent derives its name 
from that which is the centre of its holiness. The 
two tables of stone within the ark are emphatically 
the testimony (Ex. xxv. 16, 21, xxxi. 18).— II. His- 
tory. (1.) The outward history of the Tabernacle 
begins with Ex. xxv. It comes after the first great 
group of Laws (xix.-xxiii.), after the covenant with 
the people, after the vision of the Divine Glory 
(xxiv.). For forty days and nights Moses is in the 
mount. There rose before him, not without points 
of contact with previous associations, yet in no de- 
gree formed out of them, the " pattern " of the 
Tabernacle. He is directed in his choice of the two 
chief artists, Bezaleel of the tribe of Judah, Aho- 
liab of the tribe of Dan (xxxi.). The sin of the 
golden calf apparently postpones the execution. 
As in a transition period, the whole future depend- 
ing on the penitence of the people, on the interces- 
sion of their leader, a tent is pitched, probably that 
of Moses himself, outside the camp, to be provision- 
ally the Tabernacle of Meeting. Of this provisional 

1 The Gr. Skene is used for both these Hebrew words in 
the LXX., and ia the common word for " tabernacle " in 
the N. T. 



10^0 



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TAB 



Tabernacle it has to be noticed, that there was as 
yet no ritual and no priesthood. The people went 
out to it as to an oracle (xxxiii. 7). Joshua, though 
of the tribe of Ephraim, had free access to it (11). 
(2.) Another outline Law was, however, given ; an- 
other period of solitude, like the first, followed. 
The work could now be resumed. The people of- 
fered the necessary materials in excess of what was 
wanted (xxxvi. 5, 6). Other workmen (xxxvi. 2) 
and work-women (xxxv. 25) placed themselves un- 
der the direction of Bezaleel and Aholiab. The 
parts were completed separately, and then, on the 
first day of the second year from the Exodus, the 
Tabernacle itself was erected and the ritual ap- 
pointed for it begun (xl. 2). (3.) The position of 
the new Tent was itself significant. It stood, not, 
like the provisional Tabernacle, at a distance from 
the camp, but in its very centre. The Friksts on 
the E., the other three families of the Lkvitks on 
the other sides, were closest in attendance, the 
" body-guard " of the Great King. In the wider 
square, Judah, Zebulun, Issachar, were on the E. ; 
Ephraim, Manasseh, Benjamin, on the W. ; the less 
conspicuous tribes, Dan, Asher, Naphtali, on the 
N. ; Reuben, Simeon, Had, on the S. When the 
army put itself in order of march, the position of 
the Tabernacle, carried by the Levites, was still 
central, the tribes of the E. and S. in front, those 
of the N. and \V. in the rear (Num. ii.). Upon it 
rested the symbolic cloud, dark by day, and fiery 
red by night (Ex. xl. 38 ; Cloud, Pillar ok). (4.) 
In all special facts connected with the Tabernacle, 
the original thought reappears. It is the place 
where man meets with God (Num. xi. 24, 25, xii. 4, 
xiv. 10, &c). (5.) As long as Canaan remained un- 
conquered, and the people were still therefore an 
army, the Tabernacle was probably moved from 
place to place, wherever the host of Israel was, for 
the time, encamped ; and, finally, was placed at 
SiiiLon (Josh. ix. 27, xviii. 1). There it continued 
during the whole period of the Judges. There, too, 
as the religion of Israel sunk toward the level of 
an orgiastic heathenism, troops of women assembled, 
shameless as those of Midian, worshippers of Jeho- 
vah, and concubines of His priests (1 Sam. ii. 22). 
(6.) A state of things which was rapidly assimilat- 
ing the worship of Jehovah to that of Asiitoreth, 
&c. (Idolatry), needed to be broken up. The Ark 
of God was taken and the sanctuary lost its glory : 
and the Tabernacle, though it did not perish, never 
again recovered it (iv. 22). It probably became 
once again a movable sanctuary, less honored as no 
longer possessing the symbol of the Divine Pres- 
ence, yet cherished by the priesthood, and some 
portions, at least, of its ritual, kept up. For a time 
it seems, under Saul, to have been settled at Nob 
(xxi. 1-6). The massacre of the priests and the 
flight of Abiathar must, however, have robbed it 
yet further of its glory. It had before lost the Ark. 
It now lost the presence of the High-priest, and 
with it the oracular ephod, the Trim and Thcmmim 
(xxii. 20, xxiii. 6). What change of fortune then 
followed we do not know. In some way or other, it 
found its way to Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 39). The cap- 
ture of Jerusalem and the erection there of a new 
Tabernacle, with the ark, of which the old had been 
deprived (2 Sam. vi. 17; 1 Chr. xv. 1), left it little 
more than a traditional, historical sanctity. (High 
Place.) It retained only the old altar of burnt-of- 
ferings (xxi. 29). The divided worship continued 
all the days of David. (Zadok 1.) The sanctity of 
hoth places was recognized by Solomon on his ac- 



cession (1 K. Hi. 15; 2 Chr. i. 3). But the purpose 
of David, fulfilled by Solomon, was that the claims 
of both should merge in the higher glory of the 
Temple, — III. Relation to the religious life of Israel. 
(1.) Whatever connection may be traced between 
other parts of the ritual of Israel and that of the 
nations with which Israel had been brought into 
contact, the thought of the Tabernacle meets us ns 
entirely new. The " house of God " (Bethel) of the 
patriarchs had been the large "pillar of stone" 
(Gen. xxviii. 18, 19), bearing record of some high 
spiritual experience, or the grove which, with its 
dim, doubtful light, attuned the souls of men to a 
divine awe (xxi. 33). A sacred tent, a moving Beth- 
el, was the fit sanctuary for a people still nomadic. 
It was capable of being united afterward, as it actu- 
ally came to be, with "the grove" of the older 
worship (Josh. xxiv. 26). (2.) The structure of the 
Tabernacle was obviously determined by a complex 
and profound symbolism ; but its meaning we can 
but dimly guess. No interpretation is given in the 
Law itself. That which mcctn us in the Epistle to 
tli.' Hebrews, the application of the////** of the Tab- 
ernacle to the mysteries of Redemption, was latent 
till those mysteries were made known. And, yet, we 
cannot but believe that, as each portion of the won- 
derful order rose before the inward eye of the law- 
giver, it must have embodied distinctly manifold 
truths which be apprehended himself, and sought 
to communicate to others. (3.) The thought of a 
graduated sanctity, like that of the outer court, the 
Holy Place, the Holy of Holies, had its counterpart, 
often the same number of stages, in the structure 
of Egyptian temples. In the Adytum, or secret 
apartment, often at least, was the sacred Ark, the 
culminating point of holiness, containing the high- 
est and most mysterious symbols, winged figures, 
generally like those of the cherubim, the emblems 
i I stability and life. Here were outward points of 
resemblance. Of all elements of Egyptian worship 
this could be transferred with least hazard, with 
most gain. No one could think that the Ark itself 
was the likeness of the God he worshipped. When 
we ask what gave the Ark its holiness, we arc led 
on at once to the infinite difference, the great gulf 
between the two systems. That of Egypt was pre- 
dominantly cotmiccU, starting from the productive 
powers of nature. (Idolatry.) That of Israel was 
predominantly ethical. In the depths of the Holy 
of Holies, and for the high-priest as for all Israel, 
there was the revelation of a righteous Will requi- 
ring righteousness in man. And over the Ark was 
the Mercy-seat (Heb. capjidrdh = cover), which 
covered the Ark, and was the witness of a mercy 
covering sins. And over the mercy-seat were the 
Cherubim. Representing as they did created life 
in its highest form, their overshadowing wings, 
meeting as in token of perfect harmony, declared 
that nature as well as man found its highest glory 
in subjection to a Divine Law, that men might take 
refuge in that Order, as under the shadow of the 
wings of God. The material not less than the 
forms, in the Holy of Holies, was significant. The 
acacia or shittim-wood, least liable, of woods then 
accessible, to decay, might well represent the im- 
perishableness of Divine Truth, of the Laws of 
Duty. Ark, mercy-seat, cherubim, the very walls, 
were all overlaid with gold, the noblest of all metals, 
the symbol of light and purity, sunlight itself as it 
were, fixed and embodied, the token of the incor- 
ruptible, of the glory of a great king. Dimensions 
also had their meaning. There can be little doubt 



TAB 



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1081 



that the older religious systems of the world at- 
tached a mysterious significance to each separate 
number. Tiie perfect cube of the Holy of Holies, 
the constant remembrance of the numbers 4 and 
10 may symbolize order, stability, perfection. (4.) 
Into the inner sanctuary neither people nor the 
priests as a body ever entered. Strange as it may 
seem, that in which every thing represented light 
and life was left in utter darkness, in profound soli- 
tude. Once only in the year, on the Day of Atone- 
ment (Atonement, Day op), might the high-priest 
enter. The strange contrast has, however, its par- 
allel in the spiritual life. Death and life, light and 
darkness, are wonderfully united. Only through 
death can we truly live. Only by passing into the 
" thick darkness " where God is (Ex. xx. 21 ; 1 K. 
viii. 12) can we enter at all into the "light inacces- 
sible," in which He dwells everlastingly. For the 
high-priest to enter into the Holy of Holies, as rep- 
resenting man in his humiliation, with blood, the 
symbol of life, touching with that blood the mercy- 
seat, with incense, the symbol of adoration (Lev. 
xvi. 12-14), what did that express but the truth, 
(a.) that man must draw near to the righteous 
God with no lower offering than the pure wor- 
ship of the heart, with the living sacrifice of body, 
soul, and spirit ; (b.) that could such a perfect 
sacrifice be found, it would have a mysterious 
power working beyond itself, in proportion to its 
perfection, to cover the multitude of sins? (5.) 
From all others, from the high-priest at all other 
times, the Holy of Holies was shrouded by the double 
Veil, bright with many colors and strange forms, 
even as curtains of golden tissue hung before the 
Adytum of an Egyptian temple, a strange contrast 
often to the bestial form behind them. Within the 
veil light and truth were seen in their unity. The 
veil itself represented the infinite variety and mani- 
fold wisdom of the Divine order in Creation (Eph. iii. 
10). Upon the veil were seen the mysterious forms 
of the cherubim; how many, or in what attitude, or 
of what size, or in what material, we are not told. 
(6.) The outer sanctuary was one degree less awful 
in its holiness than the inner. Silver, the type of 
Human Purity, took the place of gold, the type of 
the Divine Glory. It was to be trodden daily by the 
priests, as if by "men perpetually conscious of the 
nearness of God, of the mystery behind the veil. 
Barefooted and in garments of white linen, like the 
priests of Isis, they accomplished their ministrations. 
And here, too, were other emblems of Divine reali- 
ties. With no opening to admit light from with- 
out, it was illumined only by the golden lamp with 
its seven lights, one taller than the others, as the 
Sabbath is more sacred than the other days of the 
week, never all extinguished together, the perpetual 
symbol of all derived gifts of wisdom and holiness 
in man, reaching their mystical perfection when they 
shine in God's sanctuary to His glory (Ex. xxv. 31, 
xxvii. 20; Zech. iv. 1-14). The Shew-bread, the 
bread of the Divine Presence, served as a token that, 
though there was no form or likeness of the God- 
head, He was yet there, accepting all offerings, rec- 
ognizing in particular that special offering which 
represented the life of the nation at once in the dis- 
tinctness of its tribes and in its unity as a people. 
The meaning of the Altar of Incense was not less 
obvious. The cloud of fragrant smoke was the 
emblem of the heart's adoration (Ps. cxli. 2). Upon 
that altar no "strange fire" was to be kindled. When 
fresh fire was needed it was to be taken from the 
Altar of Burnt-offering in the outer court (Lev. ix. 



24, x. 1). (7.) Outside the tent, but still within the 

consecrated precincts, was the Court, fenced in by 
an enclosure, yet open to all the congregation, ex- 
cept the ceremonially unclean. No Gentile might 
pass beyond the curtains of the entrance, but every 
member of the priestly nation might thus far " draw 
near " to the presence of Jehovah. Here, therefore, 
stood the Altar of Burnt-offering, at which Sac- 
rifices in all their varieties were offered by peni- 
tent or thankful worshippers (Ex. xxvii. 1-8, xxxviii. 
1), the brazen Laver at which those worshippers 
purified themselves before they sacrificed, the priests 
before they entered into the sanctuary (xxx. 1*7-21). 
Here the graduated scale of holiness ended. — IV. 
Theories of later times. (1.) Probably the elaborate 
symbolism of such a structure was not understood 
by the rude and sensual multitude that came out of 
Egypt. Yet it was not the less, perhaps the more, 
fitted, on that account, to be an instrument for the 
education of the people. To the most ignorant and 
debased it was at least a witness of the nearness of 
the Divine King. It met the craving of the human 
heart which prompts to worship, with an order which 
was neither idolatrous nor impure. More thought- 
ful minds were not slow to see in the Tabernacle 
the parable of God's presence manifested in Creation. 
If the words, " He that dwelleth between the cher- 
ubim," spoke on the one side of a special, localized 
manifestation of the Divine Presence, they spoke 
also on the other of that Presence, as in the heaven 
of heavens, in the light of setting suns, in the black- 
ness and the flashes of the thunder-clouds. (2.) 
The thought thus uttered, essentially poetical in its 
nature, had its fit place in the psalms and hymns of 
Israel. It lost its beauty, it led men on a false track, 
when it was formalized into a system. At a time 
when Judaism and Greek philosophy were alike 
effete, when a feeble physical science, which could 
read nothing but its own thoughts in the symbols 
of an older and deeper system, was after its own 
fashion rationalizing the mythology of heathenism, 
there were Jewish writers willing to apply the same 
principle of interpretation to the Tabernacle and its 
order. The result appears in Josephus and in Philo 
(Alexandria), in part also in Clement of Alexandria 
and Origen. (3.) The Epistle to the Hebrews has 
not been looked on as designed to limit our inquiry 
into the meaning of the symbolism of the Taber- 
nacle, and there is consequently no ground for 
adopting the system of interpreters who can see in it 
nothing but an aggregate of types of Christian mys- 
teries. Rightly viewed, there is, it is believed, no an- 
tagonism between the interpretation which starts 
from the idea of symbols of Great, Eternal Truths, 
and that which rests on the idea of types foreshad- 
owing Christ and His work, and His Church. 2 Old 
Testament, 6. 



2 Prof. A. B. Davidson (in Fairbairn) regards the Taber- 
nacle as symbolizing, on a smaller scale, the same principles 
as the theocracy, viz. — (1.) The revealing and sanctifying 
presence of God in the midst of the Church. (2.) The meet- 
ins: of God and His people, and continuous and reciprocal 
intercourse between them. (3.) In order to this inter- 
course, even in its lowest, form, the separation of the 
Church from the rest of the world. This was shown by the 
court. (4.) The progressiveness through various stages 
of this intercourse with God and nearness to Him, once 
begun by separation from without. (5.) The foundation 
of all intercourse in atonement, by blood; and that each 
new stage of progress must lie won by atonement, ; and 
that all intercourse and service and life of men around God 
must, however true, and pure, and high, yet be atoned for 
as in many ways sinful. (6.) The necessity of holiness in 
those drawing near to God (Pp. xxiv.). The Tabernacle is 



10S2 



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TAB 



Tab'cr-na-clcs (see above), the Feast of, the third 
of the three great festivals of the Hebrews, which 
lasted from the 15th to the 22d of Tisri. (Agricul- 
ture.) I. The principal passages in the Pentateuch 
which refer to it are — Ex. xxiii. 16, " the feast of 
ingathering ; " Lev. xxiii. 34-36, 39^13 ; Num. xxix. 
12-38; Deut. xvl 13-15, xxxi. 10-13. In Neh. viii. 
there is an account of the observance of the feast by 
Ezra. It was also mentioned in Jn. vii. 2. — II. 
The time of the festival fell in the autumn, when the 
whole of the chief fruits of the ground, the corn, the 
wine, and the oil, were gathered in (Ex. xxiii. 16; 
Lev. xxiii. 39; Deut. xvi. 13-15). Its duration was 
strictly only seven days (xvi. 13 ; Ez. xlv. 25). But it 
was followed by a day of holy convocation, whieli had 
sacrifices of its own, and was sometimes spoken of as 
an eighth day (Lev. xxiii. 36 ; Neh. viii. 18). During 
the seven days the Israelites were commanded to 
dwell in booths or huts formed of the boughs of 
trees. (Cottagk 3; Pavilion 2.) The boughs 
were of the olive, palm, pine, myrtle, and other trees 
with thick foliage (viii. 15, 16). According to Rab- 
binical tradition, each Israelite used to tie the 
branches into a bunch, to be carried in his hand, to 
which the name lulnb was given. The "fruit (Lev. 
xxiii. 40 margin) of goodly trees" is generally taken 
by the Jews to mean the citron. The " boughs of 
thick trees " were understood by Onkelos, &c, to be 
myrtles (but comp. Neh. viii. 15). The burnt-offcr- 
ings of the Feast of Tabernacles were far more nu- 
merous than those of any other festival. There were 
offered each day two rams, fourteen lambs, and a 
kid for a sin-offering. But what was most peculiar 
was the arrangement of the sacrifices of bullocks 
(thirteen the first day, twelve the second, eleven the 
third, &eA in all amounting to seventy (Num. xxix. 
12-38). The eighth day was a day of holy convoca- 
tion of peculiar solemnity, and, with the seventh day 
of the Passover, and the day of Pentecost, was de- 
signated 'dtsci-eth. (Assembly 3, 6.) The special of- 
ferings of the day were a bullock, a ram, seven 
lambs, and a goat for a sin-offering (xxix. 36, 38). 
When the Feast of Tabernacles fell on a Sabbatical 
year, portions of the Law were read each day in 
public, to men, women, children, and strangers (Deut. 
xxxi. 10-13). It is said that, in the time of the 
kings, the king read from a wooden pulpit erected 
in the court of the women, and the people were sum- 
moned by the trumpet. Ezra read the Law during 
the festival "day by day, from the first day to the 
last day "(Neh. viii. 18). — III. Two particulars in the 
observance of the Feast of Tabernacles, not noticed 
in the 0. T., appear to be referred to in the N. T., 
viz. the ceremony of pouring out some water of the 
pool of Siloam, and the display of some great lights 
in the court of the women. We are told that each 
Israelite, in holiday attire, having made up his lv.!ab, 
before he broke his fast, repaired to the Temple with 
the lulab in one hand and the citron in the other, at 
the time of the ordinary morning sacrifice. The 
parts of the victim were laid on the altar. One of 
the priests fetched some water in a golden ewer from 
the pool of Siloam, which he brought into the court j 
through the water-gate. As he entered the trumpets j 



also a condensation of the theocracy as to its typology. Tn 
a general way the Tabernacle will be found to signify j 
Christ. But this wiil widen out into several concentric ! 
spheres: (1.) Christ's person, in which the two natures, j 
God and man. meet in inseparable fellowship and life for- 
ever. Christ's whole person is the sphere of intercourse i 
between God and man. (2.) The Christian Church, which | 
is a Temple of God by His Spirit (Eph. ii.). (3.) The glo- 
rified Church around God's throne will most fully realize | 



sounded, and he ascended the slope of the altar. At 
the top of this were fixed two silver basins with small 
openings at the bottom. Wine was poured into that 
on the eastern side, and the water into that on the 
western side, whence it was conducted by pipes into 
the Cedron. In the evening, both men and women 
assembled in the court of the women, expressly to 
hold a rejoicing for the drawing of the water of 
Siloam. The hallel (Hallelujah) was then sung, 
the sacrifices of the day were offered, and special 
passages from the psalms were chanted. — At this 
feast were set up in the court two lofty stands, each 
supporting four great lamps. These were lighted on 
each night of the festival. Many in the assembly 
carried flambeaux. Levites on the fifteen steps lead- 
ing up to the women's court played instruments of 
music, and chanted the "Songs of Degrees" (Ps. 
exx.-exxxiv.). Singing and dancing were afterward 
continued for some time. — It appears to be gener- 
ally admitted that the words of our Saviour (Jn. vii. 
:;7, 88) — "If any man thirst, let him come unto Me 

l and drink. He that believeth on Me, as the Script- 
ure hath said, out of his belly shall flow rivers of 
living water" — were suggested by the pouring out 
of the water of Siloam (comp. Is. xii. 3 and 1 Cor. 
x. 4). But" the last day, that great day of the feast" 
(Jn. vii. 37) may mean either the last day of the 
feast itself, i. e. the seventh, 1 or the last day of the 
religious observances of the series of annual festi- 

j vals, the eighth. Dean Alford supposes that the 
i ightfa day may be meant, and that the reference of 

[ our Lord was to an ordinary and well-known ob- 

I servance of the least, though it was not, at the very 
time, going on. We must resort to some such ex- 
planation (so Mr. Clark, original author of this arti- 
cle) if we adopt the notion that our Lord's words 
(viii. VI) — "I am the light of the world "—refer to 
the great lamps of the festival. — IV. Many direc 
tions for the dimensions and construction of the 
huts are given in the Mishna. They were not to be 
lower than ten palms, nor higher than twenty cubits. 
They were to stand by themselves, not to rest on 
any external support, nor to be under the shelter of 
a larger building, or of a tree. They were not to be 
covered with skins or cloth of any kind, but only 
with boughs, or, in part, with reed mats or laths. 
The furniture of the huts was to be, according to 
most authorities, of the plainest description. It is 
said that the altar was adorned throughout the seven 
days with sprigs of willows, one of which each Is- 
raelite who came into the court brought with him. 
The great number of the sacrifices has been already 
noticed. But besides these, the private peace-offer- 
ings (Hcb. hSgigdh or charjigah ; Passover, II. 3, A) 
were more abundant than at any other time. — V. 
Though all the Hebrew annual festivals were seasons 
of rejoicing, the Feast of Tabernacles was, in this 
respect, distinguished above them all. The huts and 
the lulabs must have made a gay and striking spec- 
tacle over the city by day, and the lamps, the flam- 
beaux, the music, and the joyous gatherings in the 
court of the Temple must have given a still more 
festive character to the night. Hence, it was called 
by the Rabbis preeminently the festival. There is a 
proverb in the Mishna, " He who has never seen the 
rejoicing at the pouring out of the water of Siloam 



the symbol, and therefore the Tabernacle was typical of 

this. 

' Dr. Ginsburg Cm Kitto) thinks this seventh day— the 
last day of the festival, called in the Mishna the Great Uo- 
sanna Day, and regarded as one of the four days whereon 
God judges the world — must be meant in Jn. vii. 37. 



TAB 



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1083 



has never seen rejoicing in his life." — VI. The main 
purposes of the Feast of Tabernacles are plainly set 
forth (Ex. xxiii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 43). It was to beat 
once a thanksgiving for the harvest, and a commem- 
oration of the time when the Israelites dwelt in 
tents during their passage through the wilderness. 
In one of its meanings (" feast of ingathering ") it 
stands in connection with the Passover, as the Feast 
of Abib ; and with Pentecost, as the feast of harvest : 
in its other meaning, it is related to the Passover as 
the great yearly memorial of the deliverance from 
the destroyer, and from the tyranny of Egypt. But 
naturally connected with this exultation in their re- 
gained freedom was the rejoicing in the more per- 
fect fulfilment of God's promise, in the settlement 
of His people in the Holy Land. Besides this, Philo 
saw in this feast a witness for the original equality 
of all the members of the chosen race. But the cul- 
minating point of this blessing was the establish- 
ment of the central spot of the national worship in 
the Temple at Jerusalem. 2 Hence it was evidently 
fitting that the Fea=t of Tabernacles should be kept 
with an unwonted degree of observance at the dedi- 
cation of Solomon's Temple (1 K. viii. 2, 65; Jos. 
viii. 4, § 5), again, after the rebuilding of the Tem- 
ple by Ezra (Neh. viii. 13-18), and a third time by 
Judas Maccabeus when he had driven out the Syr- 
ians and restored the Temple to the worship of Je- 
hovah (2 Mc. x. 5-8). 

Tab'i-tlia (see below), also called Dorcas, a female 
disciple of Joppa, " full of good works," among 
which that of making clothes for the poor is specifi- 
cally mentioned. While St. Peter was at the neigh- 
boring town of Ltdda, Tabitha died, upon which the 
disciples at Joppa sent an urgent message to the 
apostle, begging hiin to come to them without delay. 
Upon his arrival Peter found the deceased already 
prepared for burial, and laid out in an upper cham- 
ber where she was surrounded by the recipients and 
the tokens of her charity. After the example of our 
Saviour, in the house of Jairus (comp. Mk. v. 40, 41, 
&c), " Peter put them all forth," prayed for the 
Divine assistance, and then commanded Tabitha to 
arise. She opened her eyes and sat up, and then, 
assisted by the apostle, rose from her couch. This 
great miracle produced an extraordinary effect in 
Joppa, and was the occasion of many conversions 
there (Acts ix. 36-42). The name of " Tabitha " is 
the Grecized Aramaic form answering to the Heb. 
tsebiydh = a female gazelle, A. V. " roe." St. Luke 
gives " Dorcas " as the Greek equivalent of the name. 
Miracles. 

* Ta ble [-bl], the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. 
luah or luach = a tabid, table, Gcs. ; used especially 
of the tablets or slabs of stone on which were the 
Ten Commandments (Ex. xxiv. 12, xxxi. 18, xxxii. 15 
if., xxxiv. 1 ff., &c), also of other tablets for writing 
(Is. xxx. 8 ; Hab. ii. 2), and figuratively of the heart 
(Prov. iii. 3, vii. 3; Jer. xvii. 1), also translated 
" board" (Ex. xxvii. 8, xxxviii. 7 ; Cant. viii. 9 ; Ez. 
xxvii. 5), "plate" once (1 K. vii. 36).— 2. Heb. 
rnesab once (Cant. i. 12, A. V. "at his table," on his 
divan, i. e. in his company seated on the divan round 
the room, Ges.), usually translated "round about" 
(1 K. vi. 29, &c.).— 3. Heb. shulhdn or shulchdn, 
uniformly ; = a table, especially as spread with roon 

a "The Israelites in their collective position and history 
typified the seed of God's elect under the Gospel ; and 
therefore, in this feast, which brought together the begin- 
nings and endings of God's dealing with Israel, we have a 
representation ot the spiritual life, as well in its earlier 
struggles as in its ultimate triumphs " (Fbn., art. Feast of 
Tabernacles). 



(Ex. xxv. 23 ff. ; Judg. i. 7 ; 2 Sam. ix. 7 ff., &c.). 
(Meals.) — 4. Gr. Mine (Mk. vii. 4 only); usually 
translated "bed" (Mat. ix. 2, 6; Mk. iv. 21, vii. 30, 
&c.) ; = a bed, couch, for resting, lying upon, reclining 
at meals, &c. (Rbn. jV. T. Lex.). — 5. Gr. plax (2 Cor. 
iii. 3 twice ; Heb. ix. 4), = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) a 
table or tablet of wood or stone, on which any thing 
is inscribed, used figuratively of the heart ; in LXX. 
= No. 1. — 6. Gr. trapeza usually (Mat. xv. 27, xxi. 12, 
&c.) ; once translated "meat" (Acts xvi. 34), and 
once '• bank " (Lk. xix. 23). Rbn. N. T. Lex. de- 
fines this word, "a table, properly with four legs; 
generally, a table for setting on food, taking meals; 
specially, a money-changer's table, a broker's table or 
counter ; hence, a brokers office or bank, where 
money is deposited and loaned out." (Loan; Money- 
changers.) — Writing-table; see Writing. Tablets. 

* Tablets, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. botley 
han-nephesh (literally, houses of the soul) — perfume- 
boxes, scent-cases, or smelling-bottles, Ges., Fii., &c. 
(Perfumes.) — 2. Heb. cumdz (Ex. xxxv. 22 ; Num. 
xxxi. 50), = a globe, globule of gold, perhaps collec- 
tively, globules, drops, or rather a string of gold 
drops like beads worn round the neck or arm by the 
Israelites in the desert (Ges.). Chain ; Table. 

Ta'bor (Heb. a mound, mount, height, or [so 
others] a quarry, Ges.), or Mount Ta'bor, a remark- 
able mountain of Palestine, rises abruptly from the 
northeastern arm of the Plain of Esdr^elon, and 
stands entirely insulated except on the W., where a 
narrow ridge connects it with the hills of Nazareth. 
It is beautiful and symmetrical in its proportions, as 
seen from a distance. The body of the mountain 
consists of the peculiar limestone of the country. 
On it is a comparatively dense forest of oaks, and 
other trees and bushes, with an occasional opening 
on the sides, and a small uneven tract on the sum- 
mit. Its height is estimated at 1,000 feet. It 
is now called Jebel et-Tur. It lies about six or eight 
miles almost due E. from Nazareth. The ascent is 
usually made on the W. side, near the little village 
of Deburieh (probably the ancient Dabeuath), though 
it can be made with entire ease in other places. It 
requires three-quarters of an hour or an hour to 
reach the top. The path is circuitous and at times 
steep, but one may ride the entire way. The top of 
Tabor consists of an irregular platform, embracing 
a circuit of half-an-hour's walk, and commanding 
extensive and beautiful views. From it may be seen 
on the E. the entire outline of the Sea of Tiberias 
and some portion of its waters, the course of the 
Jordan for miles, the Haurdn and the mountains of 
Gilead and Bashan ; Hermon and intervening hills 
on the N. and N. E. ; Carmel on the N. W. ; on the 
W. the Mediterranean as a dark line on the hori- 
zon and the rich plains of Galilee filling up the in- 
termediate space ; on the S. are Gilboa, En-dor, 
Nain, &c. Tabor does not occur in the N. T., but 
is prominent in the O; T. (Ps. lxxxix. 12, &c). Josh, 
xix. 22 mentions it as the boundary between Issachar 
and Zebulun (see ver. 12). Barak, at the command 
of Deborah, assembled his forces on Tabor, and de- 
scended thence with "ten thousand men after him" 
into the plain, and conquered Sisera on the banks 
of the Kishon (Judg. iv. 6-15). The brothers of 
Gideon were murdered here by Zebah and Zalmunna 
(viii. 18,19). Some writers, after Herder and othere, 
think that Tabor is intended when it is said of Issa- 
char and Zebulun, in Deut. xxxiii. 19, that "they 
shall call the people unto the mountain ; there they 
shall offer sacrifices of righteousness." Dr. Robin- 
son (ii. 353) has thus described the ruins on the 



1084 



TAB 



TAC 



summit of Tabor. " All around the top are the 
foundations of a thick wall built of large stones, 
some of which are bevelled, showing that the entire 
wall was perhaps originally of that character. In 
several parts are the remains of towers and bastions. 



The chief remains are upon the ledge of rocks on 
the S. of the little basin, and especially toward its 
eastern end ; here are — in indiscriminate confusion 
— walls and arc hes, and foundations, apparently of 
dwelling-houses, as well as other buildings, some of 




View of Mount Tabor from the S. W, from n «ki>tch tal.en In 1842 by W. Tipping, Ek). 



hewn and some of large bevelled stones. The walls 
and traces of a fortress are seen here, and further 
W. along the southern brow, of which one tall point- 
ed arch of a Saracenic gateway is still standing, and 
bears the name of Bab cl-Hawa, ' Gate of the Wind.' " 
The Latin Christians have now an altar here, at which 
their priests from Nazareth perform an annual mass. 
The Greeks also have a chapel, where, on certain 
festivals, they assemble for the celebration of reli- 
gious rites. In the monastic ages Tabor was crowded 
with hermits. The idea that our Saviour was trans- 
figured on Tabor prevailed extensively among the 
early Christians, who adopted legends of this nature, 
and reappears often still in popular religious works. 
It is impossible, however, to acquiesce in the correct- 
ness of this opinion (so Prof. Hackett, original au- 
thor of this article, with Robinson, Porter [in Kitto], 
Bonar [in Fairbairn], Stanley, Ayre, &c.). It can 
be proved from the 0. T., and from later history, 
that a fortress or town existed on Tabor from very 
early times down to b. c. 53 or 50 ;' and, as Jose- 
phus says that he strengthened the fortifications 
there, about a. d. 60, it is morally certain that Tabor 
must have been inhabited during the intervening 
period, i. e. in the days of Christ. Tabor, there- 
fore, could not have been the Mount of Transfigura- 
tion; for when it is said that Jesus took His disci- 
ples " up into a high mountain apart, and was trans- 

1 Antioehus the Great obtained possession of the city on 
the summit b. c. 218. and afterward fortified it : here a 
battle was fought hetween the Romans and Jews about 
B c. 53, in which 10.000 Jews were slain : here in the sixth 
century a. c. were three churches and afterward a monas- 
tery, and still later two monasteries, one Greek, the other 
Latin; here a strong fortress was erected by the Moslems 
A. D. 1212, but soon afterward destroyed by them (Rbn. li. 
357). In 1799 Napoleon gained at Mount Tabor a victory 
over the Turks. A new convent has recently been erected 
on the summit (Trm. 498). 



figured before them" (Mat. xvii. 1, 2), we must un- 
derstand that He brought them to the summit of the 
mountain, where they were alone by themselves. 
IIermon. 

Ta bor (see above), mentioned in 1 Chr. vi. 77, 
as a city of the Merarite Lcvites, in the tribe of 
Zebulun. It is possible (so Mr. Grove), either that 
Chislotb-tador (Josh. xix. 12) = Tabor, or that, by 
the time the later lists in 1 Chr. were compiled, the 
Meraritcs had established themselves on the sacred 
mountain, and that "Tabor" is Mount Tabor (see 
last article). 

Ta bor (see above), the Plain of (Heb. Hon), prop- 
erly (he Oak of Tabor (Plain 7), mentioned in 1 
Sam. x. 3 only, as one of the points in the home- 
ward journey of Saul after his anointing by Samu- 
el ; site unknown. Ewald identifies the oak of Ta- 
bor with the tree under which Deborah 1, Rachel's 
nurse, was buried (Gen. xxv. 8). But this can only 
be received as a conjecture (so Mr. Grove). 

Tab'ret. Timbrel. 

Tab ri-mon (fr. Syr., properly Tabrimmon — r/ond 
is Rimmon, the Syrian god), father of Ben-hadad L, 
king of Syria in the reign of Asa (1 K. xv. 18). 

Taelie [tatsh] (Heb. kerem) = hook. The word 
thus rendered occurs only in the description of the 
structure of the Tabernacle and its fittings (Ex. xxvi. 
6, 11, 33, xxxv. 11, xxxvi. 13, xxxix. 33), and ap- 
pears to indicate the small hooks by which a curtain 
is suspended to the rings from which it hangs, or 
connected vertically, as in the case of the veil of 
the Holy of Holies, with the loops of another cur- 
tain (so Prof. Plumptre). 

Taeh mo-nlte [tak ] (fr. Heb., see below), the. 
" The Tachmonite that sat in the seat," chief among 
David's captains (2 Sain, xxiii. 8), is in 1 Chr. xi. 11 
called "Jashobeam an Hachmomite," or, as the 



TAD 



TAD 



1085 



margin gives it, >' son of Hachmoni." Kennicott 
has shown that the words translated " he that sat 
in the seat " are probably a corruption of Jasho- 
beam, and " the Tachmonite " a corruption of " the 
son of Hachmoni," which was the family or local 
name of Jashobeam. Therefore he concludes " Jash- 
obeam the Haohmonite " to have been the true read- 
ing. 

Tad' Dior (Heb., see below), called " Tadmor in the 
wilderness " (2 Chr. viii. 4). There is no reasonable 
doubt (so Mr. Twisleton, with most scholars) that 
this city,, said to have been built by Solomon, is the 
same as Palmyra. The identity of the two cities is 
thus established: (1.) Josephus (viii. 6, § 1) men- 
tions the same city as bearing in his time the name 
of Tadmor among the Syrians, and Palmyra among 
the Greeks ; and Jerome translates Tadmor by Pal- 
mira (2 Chr. viii. 4). (2.) The modern Arabic name 
of Palmyra is substantially the same as the Hebrew 
word, being Tadmur or Taihm.nr. (3.) The word 
Tadmor has nearly the same meaning as Palmyra, 
signifying probably the City of Palms, from Heb. 
t&mar — a palm. (4.) The name Tadmor or Tad- 
mor actually occurs as the name of the city in Ara- 
maic and Greek inscriptions found there. (5.) In 
2 Chr. viii. the city is mentioned as built by Solo- 
mon after his conquest of Hamath-zobah, and is 



named with " all the store-cities which he built in 
Hamath." This accords fully with the situation of 
Palmyra ; and there is no other known city, either 
in the desert or not in the desert, which can lay 
claim to the name of Tadmor. — In 1 K. ix. 18, ac- 
cording to the Hebrew marginal reading (Keri), the 
statement that Solomon built Tadmor, likewise oc- 
curs. But the original Hebrew text ( Cethib) has 
here not Tadmor, but Tamar, which Mr. Twisleton 
thinks, with Thenius, Movers, &c, does not refer to 
Palmyra (compare Ez. xlvii. 19); but Keil, Ber- 
theau, Gesenius, Kitto, Ayre, &c, maintain that 1 
K. ix. 18 and 2 Chr. viii. 4 both refer to Palmyra. — 
It is evident that Solomon had large views of com- 
merce, and he would naturally wish to trade with 
Babylon. Now, Palmyra is only about 120 milea 
across the desert from a point on the Euphrates N. W. 
from Babylon, and about the same distance across 
the desert from Damascus, and would be in the regu- 
lar caravan-route between Babylon and Jerusalem. 
The first Roman author who mentions Palmyra 
is Pliny the Elder, who notices its fine situation, 
rich soil and excellent water, with a great desert on 
every side, and speaks of it as in an important posi- 
tion between the Roman and Parthian Empires. 
Appian mentions Mark Antony's design to let his 
cavalry plunder it, but the inhabitants having gone 




Rains of Tadmor or Palmyra. 



with their effects to a strong position on the Eu- 
phrates, the cavalry entered an empty city. In the 
second century a. c. it seems to have been beauti- 
fied by the Emperor Hadrian, and the name changed 
to Hadrianopolis. It became a Roman colony under 
Caracalla, (a. d. 21 1-2 17). Subsequently, in the 
reign of Gallienus, the Roman senate invested Ode- 
nathus, a senator of Palmyra, with the regal dig- 
nity, on account of his services in defeating Sapor, 
king of Persia. On the assassination of Odenathus, 
his celebrated wife Zenobia seems to have conceived 
the design of erecting Palmyra into an independent 
monarchy ; and, in prosecution of this object, she, 
for a while, successfully resisted the Roman arms. 
She was at length defeated and taken captive by the 
Emperor Aurelian (a. d. 273), who left a Roman 
garrison in Palmyra. This garrison was massacred 
in a revolt ; and Aurelian punished the city by the 
execution not only of those who were taken in arms, 



but likewise of common peasants, of old men, wo- 
men, and children. From this blow Palmyra never 
recovered, though there are proofs of its having 
continued to be inhabited until the downfall of the 
Roman Empire. In 1172 Benjamin of Tudela found 
4,000 Jews there, and at a later period Abulfeda 
mentioned it as full of splendid ruins. Subsequently 
its very existence became unknown to modern Eu- 
rope, when in 1691 it was visited by some mer- 
chants from the English factory at Aleppo. The 
long lines of Corinthian columns at Palmyra, as 
seen at a distance, are peculiarly imposing ; and in 
their general effect and apparent vastness they 
seem to surpass all other ruins of the same kind. 
The principal ruin is the great temple of the sun, 
the great colonnade supposed to have consisted of 
1,500 columns, and the tombs, which are tower-like 
buildings, two, three, or four stories high. The pres- 
ent Tadmor consists of peasants' mud-huts inhab- 



1086 



TAH 



TAM 



ited bv Arabs. It is said to be in N. lat. 84° 18' and 
E. long. 88* 13'. 

I n linn (Heb. station, camp, Ges.), a son or de- 
scendant of Ephraim (Num. xxvi. 35); son of Telah 
(1 Clir. vii. 25). Shuthklaii. 

Ta'uan-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of 
Tahan (Num. xxvi. 35). 

* Ta-hapa-nes [-nee/.] (fr. Heb.) — Tahpanhes. 

Ta'hatll (Heb. below, place, station, Ges.). I. A 
Kohathitc Levite, ancestor of Samuel and Heman 
(1 Clir. vi. 24, 37 [Heb. 9, 22]).— 2. Son of Bercd, 
and great-grandson of Ephraim (vii. 20). Burring- 
ton, &c, make him = Tahan. (Siiutiiki.au.) — 3. 
Grandson of No. 2 (vii. 20). Burrington, &c, con- 
sider him a son of Ephraim, and = No. 2. Shu- 

THKLAII. 

Ta'hatll (see above), a desert-station of the Israel- 
ites between Makhcloth and Tarah (Num. xxxiii. 
26); not identitied. Wilderness of the Wander- 
ing. 

Tab pan-hps [-heez], Te-naph ne-hes (both Heb.), 
Ta-hap a-nes (fr. Heb. form of Egyptian ; compare 
Tahpenes, and see below), a city of Egypt, evidently 
near or on the eastern border of Lower Egypt. 
When Johanan and the other captains went into 
Egypt, "they came to Tahpanhes" (Jer. xliii. 7). 
Here Jeremiah prophesied Nebuchadnezzar's con- 
quest of Egypt (8-13). Ezekiel foretells a battle 
to be there fought (Ez. xxx. 18). The Jews in Jere- 
miah's time remained here (Jer. xliv. 1). It was an 
important town, twice mentioned with Noph or 
Memphis (E/.. ii. 10, xlvi. 14). Here stood a house 
of Pharaoh-hophra before which Jeremiah hid great 
stones, where Nebuchadnezzar's throne and pavilion 
were to be (Jer. xliii. 8-10). It is mentioned with 
" Ramesse and all the land of Gesen " in Jd. i. 9. 
Herodotus calls this place Daphne of Pelusium. In 
the Itinerary of Antoninus this town, called Dafno, 
is placed sixteen Roman miles S. W. of Pelusium. 
(Hanes ; Sin.) This position seems to agree with 
that of Tel-Dcfenneh, which Sir Gardner Wilkinson 
supposes to mark the site of Daphne. Can the 
name be of Greek origin? Mr. R. S. Poole rejects 
as untenable Jablonski's Egyptian etymology = 
Oie head or beginning of the age, or (so Gesenius) 
Ike beginning of the world, i. e. of the Egyptian 
world, in reference to its position at the northeast- 
ern extremity of Egypt. 

Tall po-nes (fr. Egyptian, see above), an Egyptian 
queen, wife of the Pharaoh G who received Hadad 
the Edomite, and who gave him her sister in mar- 
riage (1 K. xi. 18-20). In the LXX. the latter is 
called the elder sister of Thekemina, and in the ad- 
dition to ch. xii. Shishak (Susakim) is said to have 
given Ano, the elder sister of Thekemina his wife, 
to Jeroboam. It is obvious that this and the earlier 
statement are irreconcilable. There is therefore but 
one Tahpenes or Thekemina. No name that has 
any near resemblance to either Tahpenes or Theke- 
mina has vet been found among those of the period 
(so Mr. R. S. Poole). 

Tah-re'a (Heb. cunning, Ges.), son of Micah, and 
grandson of Mephibosheth (1 Cbr. ix. 41) ; = Ta- 

REA. 

Tah'tim-hod'shi (Heb., see below), the Land of; 
one of the places visited by Joab during his cen- 
sus of the land of Israel. It occurs between Gilead 
and Dan-jaan (2 Sam. xxiv. 6). Porter (in Kitto) 
regards " the land of Tahtim-hodshi " as a section 
of the upper Jordan valley, probably the modern 
Ard el-Huleh, lying deep down at the western base 
of Hermon. But the exact signification is doubtful. 



The Vulgate has " the lower land of Ilodsi ; " some 
translate " nether (or low) land newly inhabited;" 
Fiirst would separate " the land of the Tahtim " 

I from " Hodshi," and make " Hodshi " a city in north- 
ern Palestine = Haroshktii ; Gesenius makes " Hod- 
shi " = descendant of Hodesh. 

Tal ent (Heb. ciccdr ; Gr. talanlon), the greatest 
weight of the Hebrews ; = 3,000 shekels. Shekel ; 
Weights and Measures. 

Ta-li tlia tn'mi, two Latinized Syriac words (Mk. 
v. 41), signifying "Damsel, arise." 

Tal'inai (Heb. furrowed, Ges.). 1. One of the 
three sons of Anak slain by the men of Judah 
(Num. xiii. 22 ; Josh. xv. 14 ; Judg. i. 10). — 2. Son 
Of Ammihud, and king of Geshur ; father of Maa- 
cah 1 (2 Sam. iii. 3, xiii. 37; 1 Chr. iii. 2). 

1'al'uion (Ileb. oppress <l, ties.), the head of a fam- 
ily of doorkeepers in the Temple, " the porters for 
the ( amps of the sons of Levi " (1 Chr. ix. 17 ; Neh. 
xi. 19). Some of his descendants returned with 
Zerubbabel (Ezr, ii. 42 ; Neh. vii. 45), and were em- 
ployed in their hereditary office in the days of Ne- 
heniiah and Ezra (Neh. xii. 25). Tei.EM. 
* Till mud. Pharisees. 
Tnl'sas (fr. L.) = Ei.asah (1 Esd. ix. 22). 
In 'inali (Sum. laughter, Ges.), ancestor of certain 
Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. vii. 
55) ; = Thamah. 

Tamar ( Ileb. palm-tree), the name of three women 
remarkable in the history of Israel. — 1. The wife 
successively of the two sons of Judah, Er and 
Onan (lien, xxxviii. (j— 30). It seemed as if Judah's 
family, on the death of Er and Onan and of Ju- 
dah- wife, were on the point of extinction. There 
only remained a child Shelaii, whom Judah was un- 
willing to trust to the dangerous union, as it ap- 
peared, with Tamar, lest he should meet with the 
same fate as his brothers. (Marriage, II, ii. 1.) 
A i < ■ordingly she resorted to the desperate expedient 

! of entrapping the father himself into the union 
which he feared for his son. He took her for one 

, of the unfortunate women who were consecrated to 

I the impure rites of the Canaanite worship. (Har- 
lot ; Idolatry.) He promised her, as the price of 

j his intercourse, a kid from the flocks to which he 

: was going, and left as his pledge his ornaments and 
his staff. The kid he sent back by Hirah of Adul- 
lam. The woman could nowhere be found. Months 
afterward it was discovered to be his own daughter- 
in-law Tamar. She was sentenced to be burnt alive, 
and was only saved by the discovery, through the 
pledges which Judah had left, that her seducer 

| was no other than Judah himself. The fruits of 
this intercourse were twins, Pharez and Zarah, 
and through Pharez the sacred line was continued. 

i She is mentioned in Ru. iv. 12 and Mat. i. 3 (A. V. 
and Greek " Thamar"). — 2. Daughter of David and 
Maaciiah 5 the Geshurite princess, and thus sister 

i of Absalom (2 Sam. xiii. 1-32; 1 Chr. iii. .9). She 
and her brother were alike remarkable for their ex- 
traordinary beauty. This fatal beauty inspired a 
frantic passion in her half-brother Amnon, who, by 
Jonadab's advice, feigned sickness, and on the king's 
coming to visit him, entreated the presence of Ta- 

: mar, on the pretext that she alone could give him 
food that he would eat. It would almost seem that 
Tamar was supposed to have a peculiar art of baking 
palatable cakes. She came to his house, took the 
dough and kneaded it, and then in his presence 
kneaded it a second time into the form of cakes. 

; She then took the pan, in which they had been 

I baked, and poured them all out in a heap before 



TAM 



T4.M 



1087 



the prince. He caused his attendants to retire, 
called her to the inner room, and there accomplished 
his wicked design. In her touching remonstrance 
two points are remarkable (so Dean Stanley, origi- 
nal author of this article). First, the expression of 
the infamy of such a crime " in Israel" implying 
the loftier standard of morals that prevailed, as 
compared with other countries at that time ; and, 
secondly, the belief that even this standard might 
be overborne lawfully by royal authority — " Speak 
to the king, for he will not withhold me from thee." 
The brutal hatred of Amnon succeeding to his brutal 
passion, and the indignation of Tamar at his bar- 
barous insult, even surpassing her indignation at his 
shameful outrage, are pathetically and graphically 
told. She remained in Absalom's house as if in 
widowhood, and out of his vengeance on Amnon 
grew the series of calamities which darkened the 
close of David's reign. The story of Tamar, re- 
volting as it is, has the interest of revealing to us 
the interior of the royal household beyond any other 
incident of those times: (1.) The establishments 
of the princes ; (2.) The simplicity of the royal 
employments (Women) ; (3.) The dress of the 
princesses; (4.) The relation of the king to the 
princes and to the law. — 3. Daughter of Absalom, 
and niece of No. 2 (2 Sam. xiv. 7). She ultimately, 
by her marriage with Uriel of Gibeah, became the 
mother of Maachah 3, the future queen of Judah, 
or wife of Abijah (1 K. xv. 2). 

Ta'uiar (see above), a spot on the southeastern 
frontier of Judah (Ez. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28 only). If 
not = Hazazon-tamar, the old name of En-gedi, it 
may be a place called Thamar in the Onomasticon, 
a day's journey S. of Hebron (so Dean Stanley). 
Robinson supposes Tamar (Thamara of Ptolemy) 
was at Kurnub, a site with extensive ruins, about 
twenty miles W. of the south end of the Dead Sea. 
Kinah ; Tadmor. 

Tam'mnz (Heb., see below; properly "the Tam- 
muz," the article indicating that at some time or 
other the word had been regarded as an appellative). 
In the sixth year of Jehoiachin's captivity, on the 
fifth day of the sixth month, the prophet Ezekiel 
(Ez. viii. 14), as he sat in his house surrounded by 
the elders of Judah, was transported in spirit to the 
far distant Temple at Jerusalem. The hand of the 
Lord God was upon him, and led him " to the door 
of the gate of the house of Jehovah, which was 
toward the north ; and behold there the women sit- 
ting, weeping for the Tammuz." Some translate 
the last clause " causing the Tammuz to weep." 
No satisfactory etymology of the word has been 
proposed (so Mr. Wright, original author of this 
article). Roediger (in Gesenius) suggests =: a melt- 
ing away, dissolution, departure, and so the disap- 
pearance of Adonis, which was mourned by the 
Phenician women, and after them by the Greeks. 
The LXX., the Targum of Jonathan Ben Uzziel, the 
Peshito-Syriac, and the Arabic in Walton's Polyglot, 
merely reproduce the Hebrew word. The Vulgate 
gives Adonis as a modern equivalent, and this ren- 
dering has been adopted by subsequent commenta- 
tors, with few exceptions. Jerome in his note on 
Ez. viii. 14 adds that since, according to the Gentile 
fable, Tammuz had been slain in June, the Syrians 
name this month Tammuz, and then celebrate to 
him an anniversary solemnity, in which he is la- 
mented by the women as dead, and afterward com- 
ing to life again is celebrated with songs and praises. 
Jerome elsewhere speaks of him as the lover of 
Venus. According to the Greek legend, he was 



slain by a wild boar, and afterward restored to life. 
The Syriac translation of Melito's Apology, the origi- 
nal of which, if genuine, must belong to the second 
century, has this account : " The sons of Phenicia 
worshipped Balthi, the queen of Cyprus. For she 
loved Tamuzo, the son of Cuthar, the king of the 
Phenicians, and forsook her kingdom and came and 
dwelt in Gebal, a fortress of the Phenicians. And 
at that time she made all the villages subject to 
Cuthar the king. For before Tamuzo she had loved 
Ares, and committed adultery with him, and He- 
phaestus her husband caught her, and was jealous of 
her. And he (i. e. Ares) came and slew Tamuzo on 
Lebanon while he made a hunting among the wild 
boars. And from that time Balthi remained in Ge- 
bal, and died in the city of Aphaca, where Tamuzo 
was buried." Here the Greek legend of Adonis is 
reproduced with a change of name. Rabbi Solomon 
Isaaki (=: Rashi) has the following note on the pas- 
sage in Ezekiel: "An image which the women made 
hot in the inside, and its eyes were of lead, and they 
melted by reason of the heat of the burning and 
it seemed as if it wept ; and they (the women) said, 
He asketh for offerings. Tammuz is a word signify- 
ing burning." Solomon ben Abraham Parchon (a. d. 
1161) has the following observations upon Tammuz: 
" It is the likeness of a reptile which they make 
upon the water, and the water is collected in it and 
flows through its holes, and it seems as if it wept." 
At the close of this century R. David Kimehi says, 
"Our Rabbi Mosheh bar Maimon (= Maimonides) 
of blessed memory, has written, that it is found 
written in one of the ancient idolatrous books, that 
there was a man of the idolatrous prophets, and his 
name was Tammuz. And he called to a certain 
king and commanded him to serve the seven planets 
and the twelve signs. And that king put him to a 
violent death, and on the night of his death there 
were gathered together all the images from the ends 
of the earth to the temple of Babel, to the golden 
image which was the image of the sun. Now this 
image was suspended between heaven and earth, 
and it fell down in the midst of the temple, and the 
images likewise (fell down) round about it, and it 
told them what had befallen Tammuz the prophet. 
And the images all of them wept and lamented all 
the night ; and, as it came to pass, in the morning 
all the images flew away to their own temples in the 
ends of the earth." The book of the ancient idolaters 
from which Maimonides quotes is the work on the 
agriculture of the Nabatheans, and this identifica- 
tion of Tammuz with an idolatrous prophet has 
been recently revived by Prof. Chwolson. (Nebai- 
Oth.) The tradition recorded by Jerome, which 
identifies Tammuz with Adonis, has been followed 
by most subsequent commentators (Cyril, Theodoret, 
Seldon, Simonis, Calmet, J. D. Michaelis, Gesenius, 
Rosenmiiller, Maurer, Ewald, Hiivernick, Hitzig, 
Movers, &c). Luther and others regarded Tammuz 
as a name of Bacchus. That Tammuz was the 
Egyptian Osiris, and that his worship was intro- 
duced to Jerusalem from Egypt, was held by Cal- 
vin, Piscator, Junius, Leusden, and Pfeiffer. All 
that can be said is, that it is not impossible that 
Tammuz may be a name of Adonis the sun-god, but 
that there is nothing to prove it. — Byblos in Phe- 
nicia (Gebal) was the headquarters of the Adonis- 
worship. The feast in his honor was celebrated 
each year in the temple of Aphrodite on Lebanon, 
with rites partly sorrowful, partly joyful. The Em- 
peror Julian was present at Antioch when the same 
festival was held. It lasted seven days, and began 



1088 



TAN 



TAR 



with the disappearance of Adonis. Then followed 
the search made by the women alter him. His body 
was represented by a wooden image placed in the 
so-called " gardens of Adonis," which were earthen- 
ware vessels tilled with mould, and planted with 
wheat, barley, lettuce, and fennel. In one of these 
gardens Adonis was found again. The finding-again 
was t lie commencement of a wake, accompanied by 
all the usages which in the East attend such a cere- 
mony, prostitution, cutting oft' the hair, cutting the 
breast w ith knives (Jer. xvi. G), and playing on pipes 
(compare Mat. ix. 23). The image of Adonis was 
then washed and anointed with spices, placed in a 
coffin on a bier, and the wound made by the boar 
was shown on the figure. The people sat on the 
ground round the bier, with their clothes rent (com- 
pare liar. vi. SI, 32), and the women howled and 
cried aloud. The whole terminated with a sacrifice 
for the dead, and the burial of the figure of Adonis. 
— In the Tar gum of Jonathan on Gen. viii. 5, " the 
tenth month " is translated " the month Tammuz." 

Ta naeli [-nak] (Heb.) = Taahach (Josh. xxi. 25). 

Tan liD-metl) (Heb. comfort, Ges.), father of Scraiah 
in the time of Gedaliah (2 K. xxv. 23 ; Jer. xl. 8). 

Ta bis (Gr.) = Zoan (Jd. i. 10). 

* Tan ner. Handicraft ; Lkathf.r. 

* Tap es-try = an ornamental figured fabric woven 
of worsted orsilk for lining the walls of apartments. 
In Prov. vii. Hi, xxxi. 22, the Heb. pi. marbaddim, 
A. V. " coverings of tapestry," = (so Gesenius, &c.) 
coverings, coverlet*, as spread on beds. Bed ; Eu- 

BR01DERER. 

Ta'puatb (neb. drop, Ges. ; ornament, Fii.), Solo- 
mon's daughter, married to the son of Abinadab or 
Ben-abiuadab (1 K. iv. 11). 

Ta'phon (fr. Gr.), one of the cities of Judea forti- 
fied by Bacchides (1 Mc. ix. 50); probably -- Beth- 

T A PPL" AH. 

T:ip'pn-ali (Heb. apple-region, Ges.; see Apple). 
1. A city of Judah, in the lowland district (Josh, 
xv. 34). It was no doubt situated on the lower 
slopes of the mountain of the northwestern portion 
of Judah, about twelve miles W. of Jerusalem (so 
Mr. Grove). — 2. A place on the boundary of the 
" children of Joseph " (xvi. 8, xvii. 8) ; probably = 
En-tappl'ah (xvii. 7); not identified. It seems nat- 
ural to look for it somewhere to the S. W. of Ndbuhis, 
in the neighborhood of the Wady Falaik (so Mr. 
Grove). 

Tap'pn-ah (see above), one of the sons of Hebron, 
of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 43); doubtless = 
Beth-tappcah, i. e. Tappuah was colonized by the 
men of Hebron. 

Tap'pn-ah (see above), the Land of, a district 
named in the specification of the boundary between 
Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 8); apparently 
near the torrent Kaxah ( Wady Falaik ?), but not 
identified. 

Ta'rah (Heb. = Terah), a desert-station of the 
Israelites between Tahath and Mithcah (Num. xxxiii. 
27, 28). Wilderness of the Wandering. 

Tara-lah (Heb. a reding? Ges.), a city of Ben- 
jamin, named between Irpeel and Zelah (Josh, xviii. 
27) ; site unknown. 

Ta-re a (Heb.) = Tahrea (1 Chr. viii. 35). 

Tares, properly — the common vetch ( Vicia sa- 
liva), a leguminous plant of the bean kind ; but 
critics and expositors are agreed that the Gr. pi. 
nzania, A. V. "tares," of the parable (Mat. xiii. 25 
ff.) denotes the weed called " bearded darnel " 
(Folium temulentum), a widely-distributed grass, and 
the only species of tie order that has deleterious 



properties. The bearded darnel before it comes into 
ear is very similar in appearance to wheat, and the 
roots of the two are often intertwined ; hence the 
command that the " tares " should be left to the- 
harvest, lest while men plucked up the tares " they 




B«orded (or pol 



A) Darnel (Lblifm temulentum) • 

(FDD.) 



Torei" of A. V.— 



should root up also the wheat with them." This 
darnel is easily distinguishable from the wheat and 
barley, when headed out, but, when both are less 
developed, " the closest scrutiny will often fail to 
detect it. Even the farmers, who in this country 
generally weed their fields, do not attempt to sep- 
arate the one from the other The taste is 

bitter, and, when eaten separately, or even when 
diffused in ordinary bread, it causes dizziness, and 
often acts as a violent emetic" (Thn. ii. Ill, 112). 
The grain-grow f ers in Palestine believe that this 
darnel ("tares") is merely a degenerate wheat; 
that in wet seasons the wheat turns to " tares." 

* Tar'gct. Arms, I. 2, b ; II. 5. 

Tar'gnms. Versions, Ancient (Targum). 

Tar'pel-Hcs (fr. Heb., as if from Tarjiel), the, a 
race of colonists planted in the cities of Samaria 
after the captivity of the northern kingdom of Is- 
rael (Ezr. iv. 9) ; not identified with any certainty, 
though supposed by some — the Tapyri, a Median 
tribe E. of Elymais ; by others = the Tarjiehs, a 
people at the Fahis Maolis, now Sea of Azof. 

Tar'sllish (Heb., perhaps = a breaking, subjection, 
i. e. subdued country, Ges.). 1. Probably = Tar- 
tessus, a city and emporium of the Phenicians in 
the S. of Spain. With three exceptions in 2 Chron- 
icles, the following are references to all the pas- 
sages in the 0. T., in which " Tarshish " or " Thar- 
shish " occurs as the name of a place (Gen. x. 4 ; 1 
K. x. 22 twice, xxii. 48 [Heb. 49] ; 1 Chr. i. 7; Ps. 
xlviii. 7 [Heb. 8], lxxii. 10; Is. ii. 16, xxiii. 1, 6, 10, 
14, lx. 9, lxvi. 19; Jer. x. 9; Ez. xxvii. 12, 25, 



TAR 



TAR 



1089 



xxxviii. 13; Jon. 1, 3 thrice, iv. 2; see No. 2 and 
3, below). Not one of these passages furnishes 
direct proof that Tarshish = Tartessus. But their 
identity is rendered highly probable by — (1.) The 
close similarity of name between them, Tartessus 
being merely Tarshish in the Aramaic form; (2.) 
The apparently special relation between Tarshish 
and Tyre, such as existed at one time between Tar- 
tessus and the Phenicians, Tartessus being a Phe- 
nician colony ; (3.) The articles which Tarshish (Ez. 
xxvii. 12) supplied to Tyre (silver, lead, iron, and 
especially tin), being precisely such as we know 
through classical writers to have been productions 
of the Spanish Peninsula. Even now, the countries 
in Europe, or on the shores of the Mediterranean 
Sea, where tin is found, are very few ; and in refer- 
ence to ancient times it would be difficult to name 
any such countries except Iberia or Spain, Lusitania 
(nearly = the modern Portugal), and Cornwall in 
Great Britain. Now, if the Phenicians, for pur- 
poses of trade, really made coasting voyages on the 
Atlantic Ocean, as far as to Great Britain, no em- 
porium was more favorably situated for such voyages 
than Tartessus. — When Tyre lost its independence, 
the relation between it and Tarshish was probably 
altered, and for a while the exhortation of Is. xxiii. 
10 may have been realized by the inhabitants pass- 
ing through their land, free as a river. This in- 
dependence of Tarshish, combined with the over- 
shadowing growth of the Carthaginian power, would 
explain why in after-times the learned Jews do not 
seem to have known where Tarshish was. Thus, 
although, in the LXX. translation of the Pentateuch, 
the Hebrew word was as closely followed as it could 
be in Greek (Gr. Tharseis), the LXX. translators of 
Isaiah and Ezekiel translate the word .Carthage and 
the Carthaginians (Is. xxiii. 1, 10, 14 ; Ez. xxvii. 12, 
xxxviii. 13); and in the Targum of Kings and of 
Jeremiah, it is translated Africa (1 K. xxii. 48 ; Jer. 
x. 9). In one passage of the LXX. (Is. ii. 16), and 
in others of the Targum, the word is translated sea ; 
which receives apparently some countenance from 
Jerome, in a note on Is. ii. 16, wherein he states 
that the Hebrews believe that Tharsis is the name 
of the sea in their own language. And Josephus, 
misled, apparently, by misinterpreting the LXX. 
translation of the Pentateuch, regarded Tharsis as 
Tarsus in Cilicia. In the absence of positive proof, 
we may acquiesce in the statement of Strabo, that 
the river Boetis (now the Guadalquivir) was formerly 
called Tartessus, that the city Tartessus was situ- 
ated between the two arms by which the river 
flowed into the sea, and that the adjoining country 
was called Tartessis. But there were two other 
cities which some deemed to have been Tartessus ; 
one, Gadir, or Gadira ( Cadiz), and the other, Carteia, 
in the Bay of Gibraltar.— 2. If the Book of Chron- 
icles is to be followed, there would seem to have 
been a Tarshish, accessible from the Red Sea, in ad- 
dition to the Tarshish of the S. of Spain (so Mr. 
Twisleton, original author of this article and of No. 
1). Thus, the ships of Tarshish, which Jehoshaphat 
caused to be constructed at Ezion-geber on the Elan- 
itic Gulf of the Red Sea (1 K. xxii. 48), it is said in 2 
Chr. xx. 36 were made to go to Tarshish ; and so the 
navy of ships which Solomon had made in Ezion- 
geber (1 K. ix. 26) is said in 2 Chr. ix. 21 to have 
gone to Tarshish with the servants of Hiram. It 
is not to be supposed that the author of Chronicles 
contemplated a voyage to Tarshish in the S. of 
Spain by going round what has since been called 
the Cape of Good Hope. Keil {Commentary on 
69 



Kings) supposes the vessels built at Ezion-geber, as 
mentioned in 1 K. xxii. 49, 50, were really destined 
for the trade to Tarshish, in Spain, but were to be 
transported across the isthmus of Suez (as Cleopatra 
afterward wished to convey her whole fleet over 
this isthmus, and as in ancient times whole fleets 
were often transported over necks of land), and to 
make the voyage to Spain from one of the havens 
of Palestine on the Mediterranean. But this is 
improbable (so Mr. Twisleton) ; and the two alter- 
natives from which selection should be made seem 
to be, first, That there were two emporia or districts 
called Tarshish, viz. one in the S. of Spain, and one 
in the Indian Ocean ; or, secondly, That the com- 
piler (or some copyist) of the Chronicles, misappre- 
hending the expression " ships of Tarshish," sup- 
posed that they meant ships destined to go to Tar- 
shish ; whereas, although this was the original 
meaning, the words had come to signify large Phe- 
nician ships, of a particular size and description, 
destined for long voyages, just as in Eng'.and " East 
Indiaman " was a general name given to vessels 
some of which were not intended to go to India at 
all. The first alternative was adopted by Bochart, 
and has probably been the ordinary view of those 
who have perceived a difficulty in the passages of 
the Chronicles. The second, first suggested by Vi- 
Iringa, has been adopted by the acutest Biblical 
critics of our own time (De Wette, Winer, Gesenius, 
Ewald, Movers, Hiivernick, Dr. J. Eadie [in Fbn.], 
Dr. J. R. Beard [in Kitto], &c). This alternative 
is in itself by far the most probable. — Although, 
however, the point to which the fleet of Solomon 
and Hiram went once in three years did not bear 
the name of Tarshish, the question here arises, 
What was that point, however it was called ? And 
the reasonable answer seems to be India, or the 
Indian Islands. This is shown by the nature of the 
imports with which the fleet returned, which arc 
specified as " gold, silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks " 
(1 K. x. 22). The gold might possibly have been 
obtained from Africa, or from Ophir, in Arabia, and 
the ivory and the apes might likewise have been 
imported from Africa; but the peacocks point con- 
clusively not to Africa, but to India. The inference 
to be drawn from the importation of peacocks is 
confirmed by the Hebrew names for ape and pea- 
cock. • Neither of these names is of Hebrew, or 
even Shemitic origin ; and each points to India. 
Thus the Hebrew word for ape is koph, while the 
Sanscrit word is ka.pi. Again, the Hebrew word for 
peacock is tukki, which cannot be explained in 
Hebrew, but is akin to toka in the Tamil language, 
in which it is likewise capable of explanation. It 
is only to be added, that there are not sufficient 
data for determining what were the ports in India 
or the Indian Islands which were reached by the 
fleet of Hiram and Solomon. Sir Emerson Tennent 
has made a suggestion of Point de Oalle, in Ceylon ; 
but this can only be received as a conjecture. — 3» 
One of the seven princes of Media and Persia in 
the time of Ahasckrus 3 (Esth. i. 14). Tharshish. 

Tar'sns (L. fr. Gr., fabled [so Juvenal] to have 
been named from the fall here of the wing [Gr. 
tarsos = the fiat of the foot or wing] of Pegasus, 
L. & S. ; but the name in Phenician indicates firm- 
ness, hardness, Ges., Wr.), the chief town of Cilicia, 
" no mean city " in other respects, but illustrious as 
the birthplace and early residence of the Apostle 
Paul (Acts ix. 11, 30, xi. 25, xxi. 39, xxii. 3). It 
is said to have been founded by the Assyrian king 
Sardanapalus. Even in the flourishing period of 



1090 TAR 

Greek history it was a city of some considerable 
consequence. After Alexander's conquest had swept 
this way, and the Seleucid kingdom was established 
at Antioch (Syria), Tarsus usually belonged to that 
kingdom, though for a time it was under the 1'tol- 



TAV 

emies. In the Civil Wars of Rome it took Cesar's 
side, and on the occasion of a visit from him had 
its name changed to Juliopolia. Augustus made it 
a " free city." It was renowned as a place of phi- 
losophy and general education under the early 




Taram.— <From Smllh'i Smaller Dietk 



Roman emperors. Straho compares it in this re- 
spect to Athens and Alexandria. Tarsii9 also was 
a place of much commerce. It was situated in a 
wide and fertile plain on the hanks of the River 
Cydnus. So ruins of any importance remain. The 
modern town of Tarsus covers only a part of the 
ancient site, has a population of 7,000 or 8,000 
(30,000, it is said, in winter), and is twelve miles 
from the mouth of the river. Tarshish 1. 

Tar tak (Ileb., see below), one of the gods of the 
Avite (Ava) colonists of Samaria (2 K. xvii. 31); 
worshipped, according to Rabbinical tradition, under 
the form of an ass. A Persian or Pehlvi origin 
has been suggested for the name, according to which 
it signifies either intense darkness, or hero of dark- 
ness, or the underworld, and so perhaps some planet 
of ill-luck as Saturn or Mars. 

Tar tan (Heb., see below), which occurs only in 
2 K. xviii. 17 and Is. xx. 1, has been generally re- 
garded as the proper name of an Assyrian general 
under Sargon and Sennacherib (Gesenius, Fiirst, 
AViner, &c). Rawlinson, however, considers Tar- 
tan, like Rab-saris and Rabshakeh, to be only an 
Assyrian title or official designation = general, or 
cornmander-in-ehief. Fiirst gives supposed deriva- 
tions from Persian = high personage, or star-form. 

Tat'nai, or Tat'na-i (Heb. fr. Pers. = gift? Ges.), 
satrap of the province W. of the Euphrates in the 
time of Darius Hystaspis and Zerubbabel (Ezr. v. 
3, 6, vi. 6, 13). Rehum 2; Shethar-boznai. 

* Tan (Heb. idv = a mark, sign, especially in the 
form of a cross, Ges.), the twenty-second (or twenty- 
third, if Shin and Sin are counted as two letters) 
and last letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Ps. cxix.). 
Writing. 

Tav erns, the three. Three Taverns. 



Tax'es. I. Under the Judges, according to the 
theocratic government contemplated by the law, the 
only payments incumbent upon the people as of per- 
manent obligation were the Tithes, the First-Fruits, 
the Redemption-money of the first-born, and other 
offerings as belonging to special occasions. (Priest.) 
The payment by each Israelite of the half-shekel as 
"atonement-money," for the service of the Taber- 
nacle, on taking the census of the people (Ex. xxx. 
13), does not appear to have had the character of a 
recurring tax, but to have been supplementary to 
the free-will-offerings of Ex. xxv. 1-7, levied for the 
construction of the sacred tent (so Prof. Plumptre, 
original author of this article). In later times, in- 
deed, after the return from Babylon, there was an 
annual payment for maintaining the fabric and ser- 
vices of the Temple; but the fact that this begins by 
the voluntary compact to pay one-third of a shekel 
(Neh. x. 32) shows that till then there was no such 
payment recognized as necessary. A little later the 
third became a half, and under the name of the 
didrachrna (A. V. " tribute-money," Mat. xvii. 24 ; 
Tribute) was paid by every Jew, in whatever part 
of the world he might be living. — II. The king- 
dom, with its centralized government and greater 
magnificence, involved, of course, a larger expendi- 
ture, and heavier taxation. (King.) The chief 
burdens appear to have been: (1.) A tithe of the 
produce both of the soil and of live-stock (1 Sam. 
viii. 15, 17). (2.) Forced military service for a 
month every year (viii. 12 ; IK. ix. 22 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 
1 ; Army). (3.) Gifts to the king (1 Sam. x. 27, xvi. 
20, xvii. 18 ; Gift). (4.) Import duties (1 K. x. 15). 
(5.) The monopoly of certain branches of commerce 
(ix. 28, xxii. 48, x. 28, 29). (6.) The appropriation 
to the king's use of the early crop of hay (Am. vii. 1). 



TAX 



TAX 



1091 



Tiiis may have been peculiar to the northern king- 
dom, or occasioned by a special emergency. (Mow- 
ing.) — At times, too, in the history of both the king- 
doms there were special burdens. (Adoram ; Reho- 
boam ; Solomon.) A tribute of fifty shekels a head 
had to be paid by Menahera to the Assyrian king (2 
K. xv. 20), and under Hoshea this assumed the form 
of an annual tribute (xvii. 4 ; comp. xxiii. 35). — III. 
Under the Persian empire the taxes paid by the 
Jews were, in their broad outlines, the same in kind 
as those of other subject races. The financial sys- 
tem of Darius Hystaspis involved the payment by 
each satrap of a fixed sum as the tribute due from 
his province. In Judea, as in other provinces, the 
inhabitants had to provide in kind for the mainte- 
nance of the governor's household, besides a money- 
payment of forty shekels a day (Neh. v. 14, 15). In 
Ezr. iv. 13, 20, vii. 24, we get a formal enumeration 
of the three great branches of the revenue, " toll " 
(Chal. nridd&k or mindah = fixed, measured, pay- 
ment, probably direct taxation, Grotius), " tribute " 
(Ohal. Mid = excise on articles of consumption, 
Ges.), " custom " (Chal. haldch = way-lax, toll, Ges.). 
The influence of Ezra secured for the whole ecclesi- 
astical order, from the priests down to the Nethi- 
nim, an immunity from all three (Ezr. vii. 24); but 
the burden pressed heavily on the great body of the 
people (Neh. v. 1-11, ix. 37).— IV. Under the Egyp- 
tian and Syrian kings the taxes paid by the Jews be- 
came yet heavier. The " farming " system of finance 
was adopted in its worst form. The taxes were put up 
to auction. The contract sum for those of Phenicia, 
Judea, Samaria, had been estimated at about 8,000 
talents. An unscrupulous adventurer would bid 
double that sum, and would then go down to the 
province, and by violence and cruelty, like that of 
Turkish and Hindoo collectors, squeeze out a large 
margin of profit for himself (.Jos. xii. 4, §§ 1-5 ; 1 Mc. 
x. 29, 30, xi. 28, 35, xiii. 39 ; 2 Mc. iv. 9 ; Seleucus 
Philopator). — V. The pressure of Roman taxation, 
if not absolutely heavier, was probably more galling, 
as being more thorough and systematic, more dis- 
tinctively a mark of bondage. The capture of Je- 
rusalem by Pompey was followed immediately by the 
imposition of a tribute, and within a short time the 
sum thus taken from the resources of the country 
amounted to 10,000 talents. By the decrees of Julius 
Cesar the tribute was not to be farmed, not to be 
levied the Sabbatic year, and only one-fourth the 
following year. But after his death Cassius levied 
700 talents from Judea. Under Herod taxation be- 
came heavier. When Judea became formally a 
Roman province, the whole financial system of the 
empire came as a natural consequence. The taxes 
were systematically farmed, and the publicans ap- 
peared as a new curse to the country. (Publican.) 
The customs (Latin, porloria) were levied at harbors, 
piers, and the gates of cities (Mat. xvii. 24 ; Rom. xiii. 
7). The poll-tax, paid by every Jew, was looked 
upon as the special badge of servitude. Probably 
there was also a property-tax of some kind. In 
addition to these general taxes, the inhabitants of 
Jerusalem were subject to a special house-duty about 
this period. Judas of Galilee ; Taxing. 

Tax'in? (Gr. apographs). I. The English word 
conveys to us more distinctly the notion of a tax or 
tribute actually levied, but it appears to have been 
used in the sixteenth century for the simple assess- 
ment of a subsidy upon the property of a given 
county, or the registration of the people for the pur- 
pose of a poll-tax (so Prof. Plumptre, original author 
of this article). The Gr. apographs by itself leaves 



the question whether the returns made were of popu- 
lation or property undetermined. Robinson (N. T. 
Lex.) makes apographs = census, enrolment. — II. 
Two distinct registrations, or "taxings," are men- 
tioned in the N. T., both of them by St. Luke. The 
first is said to have been the result of an edict of the 
Emperor Augustus, that " all the world (i. e. the 
Roman empire) should be taxed" (Lk. ii. 1), and is 
connected by the Evangelist with the name of Cyre- 
nius, or Quirinus. The second, and more important 
(Acts v. 37), is distinctly associated with the revolt 
of Judas of Galilee. — III. There are, however, some 
other questions connected with the statement of Lk. 
ii. 1-3, which call for some notice, (i.) The truth 
of the statement has been questioned by Strauss and 
De Wette, and others, on the ground that neither 
Josephus nor any other contemporary writer men- 
tions a census extending over the whole empire at 
this period (a. u. c. 750). (ii.) Palestine, it is urged 
further, was, at this time, an independent kingdom 
under Herod, and therefore would not have come 
under the operation of an imperial edict, (iii.) If 
such a measure, involving the recognition of Roman 
sovereignty, had been attempted under Herod, it 
would have roused the same resistance as the undis- 
puted census under Quirinus did at a later period, 
(iv.) The statement of St. Luke, that " all went to be 
taxed, every one into his own city," is said to be in- 
consistent with the rules of the Roman census, which 
took cognizance of the place of residence only, not 
of the place of birth, (v.) Neither in the Jewish 
nor the Roman census would it have been necessary 
for the wife to travel with her husband in order to 
appear personally before the registrar. — These five 
objections may be thus answered: — (i.) It must be 
remembered that our history of this portion of the 
reign of Augustus is defective. Tacitus begins his 
annals with the emperor's death. Suetonius is gos- 
siping, inaccurate, and ill-arranged. Dion Cassius 
leaves a gap from a. u. c. 748 to 756, with hardly 
any incidents. Josephus does not profess to give a 
history of the empire. It might easily be that a 
general census, about a. u. c. 749-750, should re- 
main unrecorded by them. St. Luke's testimony 
can hardly be set aside in the absence of any evi- 
dence against it. There was undoubtedly a geomet- 
rical survey of the empire at some period in Augus- 
tus's reign, which none of the above writers notice. 
In a. u. c. 726 Augustus laid before the senate a 
statistical table of the empire, and another with full 
returns of population, wealth, and resources of the 
whole empire, was produced after his death. There 
is, however, some evidence, more or less circumstan- 
tial, in confirmation of St. Luke's statement. (1.) 
The inference drawn from the silence of historians 
may be legitimately met by an inference drawn from 
the silence of objectors. It never occurred to Cel- 
sus, or Lucian, or Porphyry, questioning all that 
they could in the Gospel history, to question this. 
(2.) Suidas mentions a general census made by Au- 
gustus, and agreeing, in some respects, with that of 
St. Luke. (3.) Tertullian appeals to the returns of 
the census for Syria under Sentius Saturninus as ac- 
cessible to all who cared to search them, and proving 
the birth of Jesus in the city of David. (4.) Gres- 
well has pointed to some circumstances mentioned 
by Josephus in the last year of Herod's life, which 
imply some special action of the Roman government 
in Syria, the nature of which the historian carelessly 
or deliberately suppresses, (ii.) The statistical docu- 
ment already referred to included subject kingdoms 
and allies, no less than the provinces. If Augustus 



1092 



TEA 



TEL 



had any desire to know the resources of Judea, the 
position of Herod made him neither willing nor able 
to resist, (iii.) We need not wonder that the meas- 
ure should have been carried into effect without any 
popular outbreak. It was a return of the population 
only, not a valuation of property ; there was no im 
mediate taxation as the consequence, (iv.) The al- 
leged inconsistency of what St. Luke narrates is pre- 
cisely what might be expected under the known cir- 
cumstances of the case. The cehsus, though Romnn 
in origin, was effected by Jewish instrumentality, and 
in harmony therefore with Jewish customs, (v.) If 
Mary were herself of the house and lineage of David, 
there may have been special reasons for her appear- 
ance at Bethlehem. In any case the Scripture nar- 
rative js consistent with itself. 

* Teacher = one that imparts instruction or com- 
municates knowledge of religious truth or other 
things. Education; Minister; Preacher ; Rabbi. 

* Tears (i. e. drops of water from the eye) are the 
well-known expression of grief or mourning (2 K. 
xx. 6 ; 2 Cor. ii. 4, &c.). The words " Put thou my 
tears into Thy bottle " (Ps. lvi. 8, Heb. 9) are under- 
stood to refer to the custom among the ancient Ro- 
mans, &c., of collecting the tears of mourners for the 
dead and preserving them in a tear-bottle or lachry- 
matory (Thn. i. 147), and hence denote figuratively 
preserve them in lliy memory (J. A. Alexander, on 
F*. I. c). 

Te'bah (Heb. slaughter, Ges.), eldest of the sons of 
Nahor 2, by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 

Teb-a-11 ah (fr. Heb. = whom Jehuvah has im- 
mersed, purified, Ges.), a Merarite Levite, third son 
of Hosah (1 Chr. xxvi. 11). 

Te beth. Month. 

* Teeth, plural of Tooth. 

* Te-hapb ne-hes [ heez] (Heb.) = Tahpanhes. 
Te-hin nail (Heb. mercy, cry for mercy, Ges.), 

father or founder of Ir-nahash (marg. " the city of 
Nahash"), and son ofEshton (1 Chr. iv. 12). 

Tell'-tree [teel-] = the lime-tree or linden. Oak. 

*Te'kel (Chal.). Mene, &c. 

Te-koa and Te-ko'ah (both Heb. = a pitching of 
tents, perhaps trumpcl-clang, Ges.), a town of Judah 
(2 Chr. xi. 6), on the range of hills which rise near 
Hebron, and stretch eastward toward the Dead Sea. 
Jerome says that Tekoa was six Roman miles from 
Bethlehem, and that as he wrote he had that village 
daily before his eyes. It is not enumerated in the 
catalogue of towns in Judah (Josh. xv. 49), except 
in the LXX. "The wilderness of Tekoa" (2 Chr. 
xx. 20 ; comp. 1 Mc. ix. 33 ; Desert 2) = the ad- 
jacent region E. of the town, which in its physical 
character answers entirely to that designation (so 
Prof. Hackett, original author of this article). The 
people of Tekoa must have been mainly shepherds, 
and Tekoa in its best days could have been little 
more than a cluster of tents, to which the men re- 
turned at intervals from the neighboring pastures, 
and in which their families dwelt during their ab- 
sence. (See the next article.) The " wise woman " 
whom Joab employed to effect a reconciliation be- 
tween David and Absalom was from this place (2 
Sam. xiv. 2). Here also, Ira, the son of Ikkesh, 
" the Tekoite," was born (xxiii. 26). It was one of 
the places which Rehoboam fortified, at the begin- 
ning of his reign, as a defence against invasion from 
the S. (2 Chr. xi. 6). Some of the people took part 
in building the walls of Jerusalem, after the Captiv- 
ity (Neh. iii. 5, 2*7). In Jer. vi 1, the prophet ex- 
claims, " Blow the trumpet in Tekoa and set up a 
sign of fire in Beth-haccerem " (probably the " Frank 



Mountain"). But Tekoa is chiefly memorable as 
the birthplace of the prophet Amos (Am. vii. 14). 
Tekoa is known still as Teku'a, a village within sight 
of the "Frank Mountain," beyond question the 

I famous Ilerodium, or site of Herod's Castle, which 
Joscphus represents as near the ancient Tekoa. It 
lies on an elevated hill, w hich spreads itself out into 
an irregular plain of moderate extent. Its high po- 
sition gives it a w ide prospect, especially on the S. E. 
toward the mountains of Moab. Various ruins exist 
at Tekoa, as the walls of houses, cisterns, broken 
columns, and heaps of building-stones. Some of 

| these stones have. the so-called "bevelled" edges 
which are supposed to show a Hebrew origin. There 
was a convent here at the beginning of the sixth cen- 
tury, and a Christian settlement in the time of the 
Crusaders ; and undoubtedly most of these remains 
belong to modern times rather than ancient. Among 
them is a baptismal font of limestone, 3 feet 9 inches 
deep, 4 feet in internal diameter at the top, designed 
evidently for baptism as administered in the Greek 
Churc h. Near Tthu'a, among the same mountains, 
near the brink of a fiightl'ul precipice, are the ruins 
of KMireititn, possibly a corruption of Kerioth (Josh, 
xv. 'J fi ), ;iiid pel haps the birthplace of JDDAS Iscariot. 
High up from the bottom of the ravine is an opening 
in the face of the rocks which leads into an immense 
subterranean labyrinth, which many suppose was the 
cave of Adi llam. One of the gates ol Jerusalem in 
Christian times seems to have borne the name of 
Tekoa. 

Te-ko a (see above), son of Ashur in the genealo- 
gies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 24, iv. 5); probably = the 
town ol Tekoa, implying that the town was colonized 
or founded by a man or town named Ashur. 

Te-ko'lte (fr. Heb. = one from Tekoa), the* Ira, 
the son of Ikkesh, one of David's warriors, is thus 
designated (2 Sam. xxiii. 26 ; 1 Chr. xi. 28, xxvii. 
9). The common people among the Tekoites dis- 
played great activity in the repairs of the wall of 
Jerusalem under Nehemiah, though their lords or 
"nobles" took no part in the work (Neh. iii. 5, 
27). 

Tel-a'blb (Chal. corn-hill, Ges.), a place by the 
river of Chebar ; according to Gesenius, Fiirst, 
Winer, W. L. Alexander (in Kitto), and most 
Biblical scholars, in Upper Mesopotamia; but ac- 
cording to Rawlinson, probably a city of Chaldea or 
Babylonia (Ez. iii. 15). 

Te'lah (Heb. breach, Ges.), a descendant of Ephra- 
im, and ancestor of Joshua (1 Chr. vii. 25). Shu- 
thelah. 

Te-la'im, or Tel'a-ini (Heb. lambs, young and ten- 
der, Ges.), the place at which Saul collected and 
numbered his forces before his attack on Amalek (1 
Sam. xv. 4 only); perhaps = Telem. The LXX. in 1 
! Sam. xv. 4, and Josephus (vi. 7, § 2), have Gilgal. 
AVilton makes Telaim = Telem, and supposes it at 
a ruined site, el-Kusdr, in the region of the Dhulldrn 
Arabs, between Beer-sheba and the S. end of the 
Dead Sea. 

Te-las'sar (Chal., probably = Assyrian Mil, Ges.) 
is mentioned in 2 K. xix. 12 (A. V. "Thelasar"), 
I and in Is. xxxvii. 12 as a city inhabited by " the 
i children of Eden," which had been conquered, and 
was held in the time of Sennacherib by the Assyr- 
ians. In both it is connected with Gozan, Haran, 
and Rezeph, all of which belong to the hill-country 
I above the Upper Mesopotamian plain. It must 
I have been in Western Mesopotamia, in the neigh- 
! borhood of Harran and Orfa (so Rawlinson). 
| Layard (Nineveh, i., eh. ix.) conjectures that Telas- 



TEL 



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1093 



sar may be at the modern Tel Afer, a town with a cas- 
tle on a mound, thirty-five or forty miles W. of Mosul. 

Te'Iem (Heb. oppression, Ges.), one of the cities 
in the extreme S. of Judah (Josh. xv. 24) ; named 
between Ziph and Bealoth. The name Bhulldm is 
attached to a district N. of the Kubbet el-Baul, S. of 
el-MUh (Moladah) and ^Ar>drah (Aroer) — a position 
very suitable (so Mr. Grove). Rowlands (in Fbn.) 
connects Telem with the following name " Bealoth," 
and makes the compound name = the modern 
Kubbel el-Baul. Telaim. 

Te'lcm (see above), a porter or doorkeeper of the 
Temple in Ezra's time, who had married a foreign 
wife (Ezr. x. 24); = Talmon ? 

Tel-har'sa (fr. Chal.), or Tel-har'-c-slia (Chal. 
forest-hill, Ges. ; hill of the magus, Fii.), one of the 
Babylonian towns or villages, from which some re- 
turned with Zerubbabel who could not prove their 
Israelitish descent (Ezr. ii. 59 ; Neh. vii. 61); prob- 
ably (so Rawlinson) in the low country near the 
sea, in the neighborhood of Tel-melah and Cherub. 
Piirst places it on the Chebar in Upper Mesopotamia 
with Tel-abib. 

Tel-me'Iali (Chal. salt-hill, Ges.) is joined with 
Tel-harsa and Cherub in Ezr. ii. 59 and Neh. vii. 
61. Rawlinson supposes it perhaps = the Thelme 
of Ptolemy, a city near the Persian Gulf. Fiirst 
places it in Upper Mesopotamia with Tel-harsa. 

Tenia (Heb. right hand, south, Ges. ; Ar. = desert, 
E. S. Poole, Ptr. [in Kit.]), ninth son of Ishmael 1 
(Gen. xxv. 15; 1 dir. i. 30); whence the tribe 
called after him, mentioned in Job vi. 19 and Jer. 
xxv. 23, and also the land occupied by this tribe 
(Is. xxi. 13, 14). The name (so Mr. E. S. Poole, 
&c.) is identified satisfactorily with Teymd, a small 
town and district on the confines of Syria, on the 
road of the Damascus pilgrim-caravan to Mecca. 
It is in the neighborhood of Doomat-el-Jendel — 
Dumah, and the country of Keyddr or Kedar. 

Te man (Heb. what is on the right hand, hence 
south, Ges. ; see below). 1. Son of Eliphaz 1, and 
grandson of Esau ; a " duke" or phylarch of Edom 
(Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15, 42; 1 Chr. i. 36, 53).— 2. A 
country, and probably a city, named after the Edom- 
ite phylarch, or from which the phylarch took his 
name. The Hebrew signifies " south," &c. ; and it 
is probable that the land of Teman was a southern 
portion of the land of Edom, or, in a wider sense, 
that of the sons of the East. Teman is mentioned 
in five places by the Prophets (Jer. xlix. 1, 20 ; Ez. 
xxv. 13; Am. i'. 12; Ob. 9; Hab. iii. 3), in four of 
which it is connected with Edom, and in two with 
Dedan (Jer. xlix. 1, 8 ; Ez. xxv. 13). In wisdom, 
the descendants of Esau, and especially the inhab- 
itants of Teman, seem to have been preeminent 
among the sons of the East (Jer. xlix. 7 ; Ob. 9 ; 
Temanite). In common with most Edomite names, 
Teman appears to have been lost. Eusebius and 
Jerome mention Teman, as a town in their day, dis- 
tant fifteen miles from Petra, and a Roman post. The 
identification of the existing Maan, E. of Petra, with 
this Teman may be geographically correct, but it can- 
not rest on etymological grounds (so Mr. E. S. Poole). 

Tem'a-ni, or Tc'ma-ni (fr. Heb.) = Temanite (Gen. 
xxxvi. 34). 

Te'man-ite (fr. Heb.) = a descendant of Teman, 
Ges. (1 Chr. i. 45). Eliphaz the Temanite (Job's 
friend) was one of the wise men of Edom (Job ii. 
11, &c). 

Tem'e-ni, or Te'me-ni (fr. Heb. = Temanite, Ges. ; 
the lucky, Fii.), son of Ashur, the father of Tckoa, 
by his wife Naarah (1 Chr. iv. 6). 



* Tem'pest. Hail ; Paul ; Rain ; Snow ; Thun- 
der ; Whirlwind. 

Tem'ple (Heb. usually heycAl ; Gr. hieron, itaos). 
There is perhaps no building of the ancient world 
which has excited so much attention since the time 
of its destruction as the Temple which Solomon 
built at Jerusalem, and its successor, as rebuilt by 
Herod (so Mr. Fergusson, original author of this 
article). Its spoils formed the principal illustration 
of one of the most beautiful of Roman triumphal 
arches, and Justinian's highest architectural ambi- 
tion was to surpass it. Throughout the middle ages 
it influenced to a considerable degree the forms of 
Christian churches, and its peculiarities were the 
watchwords and rallying-points of all associations of 
builders. When the French expedition to Egypt, 
in the first years of this century, had made the 
world familiar with the wonderful architectural re- 
mains of that country, every one jumped to the 
conclusion that Solomon's Temple must have been 
designed after an Egyptian model. The Assyrian 
discoveries of Botta and Layard have, within the 
last twenty years, given a new direction to the re- 
searches of the restorers ; but no Assyrian temple 
yet exhumed throws much light on this subject, and 
we are still forced to have recourse to the later 
buildings at Persepolis, or to general deductions 
from the style of the nearly contemporary secular 
buildings at Nineveh and elsewhere, for such illus- 
trations as are available. Before proceeding, how- 
ever, to investigate the arrangements of the Temple, 
it is indispensable first carefully to determine those 
of the Tabernacle which Moses caused to be erect- 
ed in the Desert of Sinai immediately after the pro- 
mulgation of the Law from that mountain. 

Tabernacle. The written authorities for the res- 
toration of the Tabernacle are, first, the detailed 
account to be found in Ex. xxvi., and repeated in 
xxxvi. 8-38 ; secondly, the account given of the 
building by Josephus (Ant. iii. 6), which is nearly a 
repetition of the account in the Bible. The ad- 
ditional indications contained in the Talmud and in 
Philo practically add nothing to our knowledge. — 
Outer Enclosure. The court of the Tabernacle was 
surrounded by canvas-screens. Those of the Taber- 
nacle were 5 cubits in height, and supported by pil- 
lars of brass 5 cubits apart, to which the curtains 
were attached by hooks and fillets of silver (Ex. 
xxvii. 9, &c). This enclosure was only broken on 
the eastern side by the entrance, which was 20 
cubits wide, and closed by curtains of fine twined 
linen wrought with needlework, and of the most 
gorgeous colors. The space enclosed within these 
screens was a double square, 50 cubits, or 75 feet 
N. and S., and 100 cubits, or 150 feet E. and W. 
In the outer or eastern half was placed the altar 
of burnt-offerings, described in Ex. xxvii. 1-8, and 
between it and the Tabernacle the layer, at which 
the priests washed their hands and feet on entering 
the Temple. In the square toward the W. was 
situated the Tabernacle itself. Josephus states its 
dimensions as 30 cubits long by 10 broad, or 45 feet 
by 15, and the Bible says that the N. and S. walls 
were each composed of twenty upright boards (Ex. 
xxvi. 15, &c), each board 1£ cubits in width, and 
at the W. end there were six boards (=9 cubits), 
which, with the angle-boards or posts, made up the 
10 cubits of Josephus (see fig. 1). Each of these 
boards was furnished with two tenons at its lower 
extremity, which fitted into silver sockets placed on 
the ground. At the top at least they were jointed 
and fastened together by bars of shittiro or acacia- 



1094 



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liiHilliP! 




wood run through rings of gold (Ex. xxvi. 26). 
Both authorities agree that there were five bars for 
each side, but a little difficulty arises from the Bible 
describing (ver. 28) a middle bar which reached 
from end to end. As we shall presently see, this 
bar was probably applied to a totally different pur- 
pose, and we therefore assume that Josephus's de- 
scription of the mode in which they were applied is 
correct : — " Every one," he says (Ant. iii. 6, § 3), 
" of the pillars or boards had a ring of gold affixed 
to its front outward, into which were inserted bars 
gilt with gold, each of them 5 cubits long, and these 
bound together the boards ; the head of one bar 
running into another after the manner of one tenon 



inserted into another. But for the wall behind 
there wa3 only one bar that went through all the 
boards, into which one of the ends of the bars on 
both sides was inserted." The Tabernacle was, 
therefore, an oblong rectangular structure, 30 cubits 
long by 10 broad, open at the eastern end, and di- 
vided internally into two apartments. The Holy of 
Holies, into which no one entered — not even the 
High-priest, except on extraordinary occasions 
(Atonement, Day of) — was a cube, 10 cubits square 
in plan, and 10 cubits high to the top of the wall. 
In this was placed the Mercy-seat, surmounted by 
the cherubim, and on it was placed the Ark con- 
taining the tables of the Law. In front of these 



TEM 



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1095 



was an outer chamber, called the Holy Place — 20 
cubits long by 10 broad, and 10 high, appropriated 
to the use of the priests. In it were placed the 
golden candlestick on one side, the table of shevv- 
bread opposite, and between them in the centre the 




so Cubits. 



10 20 30 40 50 60 70 751'eet. 
Fig. 1.— Plan of the Outer Court of the Tabernacle, by J. Fergusson, Esq. 

altar of incense. The roof of the Tabernacle was 
formed by 3, or rather 4 sets of curtains, the dimen- 
sions of two of which are minutely given both in 
the Bible and by Josephus. The innermost (Ex. 
xxvi. 1, &c), of "fine twined linen" (Josephus 
calls them wool), were 10 in number, each 4 cubits 
wide and 28 cubits long. These were of various 
colors, and ornamented with cherubim of " cunning 
work." Five of these were sewn together so as to 
form larger curtains, each 20 cubits by 28, and 
these two again were joined together, when used, 
by fifty gold buckles or clasps. (Tache.) Above 
these were placed 11 curtains of goats' hair, each 
4 cubits wide by 30 cubits long ; these were also j 
sewn together, six into one curtain, and five into 
the other, and, when used, were joined together by 
fifty "brass" buckles (A. V. "taches"). Over 
these again was thrown a curtain of rams' skins 
with the wool on, dyed red, and a fourth covering 
is also specified in the A. V. as " badgers' skins," 
but probably (so Mr. Fergusson) of seal-skins. This 
did not, of course, cover the rams' skins, but most 
probably was only used as a coping or ridge-piece 



to protect the junction of the two curtains of rams' 
skins, which were laid on each slope of the roof, 
and probably only laced together at the top. The 
question, hitherto a stumbling-block to restorers, is, 
to know how these curtains were applied as a cov- 
ering to the Tabernacle. The solution of the diffi- 
culty appears singularly obvious. It is simply that 
he tent had a ridge, as all tents have had from the 
days of Moses down to the present day; and we 
have also very little difficulty in predicating that 
the angle formed by the two sides of the roof at 
the ridge was a right angle — not only because it is 
a reasonable and usual angle for such a roof, and 
one that would most likely be adopted in so regular 
a building, but because its adoption reduces to har- 
mony the only abnormal measurement in the whole 
building (see fig. 2 and 3). It is now easy to explain 
all the other difficulties which have met previous 



y 


ITS >■■ 




IBITS 


at 

O 

in 


— X 
m \ 

3 \ 

X 
10 \ 


to o 
i- 

5 5 


20 CUBITS 


03 ca 


=> 
O 

, "5 cubits: 




3 3 

in W 
5 CUBITS, 


: 10 CUBITS 



Fig. 2. — Diagram of the Dimensions of the Tabernacle in Section, by J. 
Fergusson, Esq. 

restorers. (1.) The Holy of Holies was divided 
from the Holy Place by a screen of four pillars sup- 
porting curtains which no one was allowed to pass. 
But in the entrance there were Jive pillars in a sim- 
ilar space. Now, no one would put a pillar in the 
centre of an entrance without a motive ; but the 
moment a ridge is assumed it becomes indispensable. 
By the hypothesis here adopted the pillars in front 
would, like every thing else, be spaced exactly 5 
cubits apart. (2.) Josephus twice asserts that the 
Tabernacle was divided into three parts, though he 
specifies only two — the Adytum (i. e. the " Holy of 
Holies " and the Pronaos (i. e. the vestibule or " Tab- 
ernacle" where the priests were). The third was 
of course the porch, 5 cubits deep, which stretched 
across the width of the house. (3.) In speaking of 
the western end, the Bible always uses the plural, 
as if there were two sides there (Ex. xxvi. 22, 27, 
&c). There was, of course, at least one pillar in 
the centre beyond the wall, — there may have been 
five, — so that there practically were two sides there. 
(4.) We now understand why there are 10 breadths 
in the under curtains and 11 in the upper. It was 
that they might break joint, i. e. that the seam of 
the one, and especially the great joining of the two 
divisions, might be over the centre of the lower cur- 
tain, so as to prevent the rain penetrating through 
the joints. As the two cubits which were in excess 
at the W. hung at an angle, the depth of fringe 
would be practically about the same as on the 
sides. (5.) As to the disposition of the side-bars 
of shittim-wood that joined the boards together, 
the explanation hinted at above seems the most 
reasonable — that the 5 bars named in verses 26, 
27, were joined end to end, as Josephus asserts, and 
the bar mentioned in ver. 28 was the ridge-pole of 
the roof. The Hebrew will equally well bear the 



1096 



TEM 



TEM 



translation " and the middle bar which is between 
(instead of, 'in the midst of) the boards shall 
reach from end to end." Probably a ridge-pole 
was employed with supports. One pillar in the 
centre where the curtains were joined would be 



sufficient, and if the centre-board at the back or 
the Holy of Holies was 15 cubits high, the whole 
would be easily constructed. (6.) Mr. Fergusson 
supposes the sides of the Verandah which sur- 
rounded the Sanctuary were enclosed, for Solo- 




mon's Temple was surrounded on all sides but the 
front by a range of small cells 5 cubits wide, in 
which resided the priests who were specially at- 
tached to the Temple-service, and such an arrange- 
ment would have been both easy and convenient at 
the Tabernacle. 

Solomon's Temple. It was David who first pro- 
posed to replace the Tabernacle by a more perma- 
nent building, but was forbidden for the reasons 
assigned by the prophet Nathan (2 Sam. vii. 5, &c), 




Fig. 4. — Plan of Solomon's Temple, showing the disposition of the cham- 
bers in two stories, by J. Fergusson, Esq. 

and though he collected materials and made arrange- 
ments, the execution of the task was left for his 
son Solomon. He, with the assistance of Hiram, 
king of Tyre, commenced this great undertaking in 
the fourth year of his reign, and completed it in 



seven years, about n. c. 1005 according to the re- 
ceived chronology. (Cmiokology, pp. 1 73-4 ; Kings, 
1st and 2d Books ok, p. 519.) On comparing the 
Temple, as described in 1 K. vi. and 2 Chr. ii. and 
by Jos. vii. 3, with the Tabernacle, as just explained, 
the first thing that strikes us is that all the arrange- 
ments were identical, and the dimensions of every 
part exactly double those of the preceding struc- 
ture. Thus the Holy of Holies in the Tabernacle 
was a cube, ten cubits each way ; in the Temple it 
was twenty cubits. The Holy Place or outer hall 
was ten cubits wide by twenty long and ten high in 
the Tabernacle. In the Temple all these dimensions 
were exactly double. The porch in the Tabernacle 
was five cubits deep, in the Temple ten: its width 
in both instances being the width of the house. 
The chambers round the House and the Tabernacle 
were each five cubits wide on the ground-floor, the 
difference being that in the Temple the two walls 
taken together made up a thickness of five cubits, 
thus making ten cubits for the chambers. Taking 
all these parts together, the ground-plan of the 
Temple measured eighty cubits by forty ; that of the 
Tabernacle was forty by twenty ; and though the 
walls were ten cubits high in the one and twenty 
cubits in the other, the whole height of the Taber- 
nacle was fifteen, that of the Temple thirty cubits; 
the one roof rising five, the other ten cubits above 
the height of the internal walls. The dimensions 
above quoted are as clear and as certain as any 
thing that can be predicated of any building of 
which no remains exist ; but beyond this are cer- 
tain minor problems by no means so easy to resolve, 
but of much less importance. (1.) The height. 
That given in 1 K. vi. 2 — of thirty cubits — is so 
reasonable in proportion to the other dimensions, 
that the matter might rest there were it not for the 
assertion (2 Chr. iii. 4) that the height, though ap- 
parently only of the porch, was 120 cubits =180 
feet. 1 Both Josephus and the Talmud persistently 



1 " The 120 cubits = 180 feet, in 2 Chr. iii. 4, are so en- 
tirely out of proportion to the other dimensions of the 



TEM 



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1097 



assert that there was a superstructure on the Tem- 
ple equal in height to the lower part, and the total 
height they also call 120 cubits or 180 feet. In 
looking through the monuments of antiquity for 
something to suggest what this might be, the only 
thing that occurs is the platform or Talar that ex- 
isted on the roofs of the palace-temples at Persepo- 
lis. (Shushan.) Nothing could represent more cor- 
rectly "the altars on the top of the upper cham- 
bers" which Josiah beat down (2 K. xxiii. 12) than 
this, or more fully meet the architectural or devo- 
tional exigencies of the case ; but its height could 
never have been sixty cubits, or even thirty, but very 
probably the twenty cubits which Josephus - (xv. 11, 
§ 3) mentions as " sinking down in the failure of the 
foundations." (2.) Jachin and Boaz. No features 
connected with the Temple of Solomon have given 
rise to so much controversy, or been so difficult to 
explain, as the form of the two pillars of brass 
which were set up in the porch of the house. It 
has even been supposed that they were not " pil- 
lars " in the ordinary sense, but obelisks ; for this, 
however, there does not appear to be any authority. 
According to 1 K. vii. 15 ff, the pillars were eigh- 
teen cubits high and twelve in circumference, with 
capitals five cubits in height. Above this was (ver. 
19) another member, called also "chapiter" of lily- 
work, four cubits in height, but which from ver. 22 




Fig. 5. — Cornice of lily-work at Persepolis. 



seems more probably to have been an entablature, 
which is necessary to complete the order. As these 
members make out twenty-seven cubits, leaving three 
cubits or four and a half feet for the slope of the 
roof, the whole design seems reasonable and proper. 
(Boaz.) If this conjecture is correct, the lily-work 
must have been something like the Persepolitan cor- 
nice (fig. 5), which is probably nearer in style to 
that of the buildings at Jerusalem than any thing 
else we know of. (3.) Internal Supports. The ex- 
istence of these two pillars in the porch suggests 
an inquiry: Were there any pillars in the interior 
of the Temple ? Mr. Fergusson maintains the af- 
firmative as altogether probable. If introduced at 
all, there must have been four in the sanctuary and 
ten in the hall, not necessarily equally spaced, in a 

porch and the general height of the building, that it is 
commonly supposed there is some error in the text" 
(Fairbairn). Number. 



transverse direction, but probably standing six cu- 
bits from the walls, leaving a centre aisle of eight 
cubits. The Palace or Temple of Darius at Persepo- 
lis, which closely resembles the Jewish Temple, hav- 
ing a porch, a central hall, an adytum, and a range 
of small chambers on each side, has four pillars in 
its porch instead of two, and consequently four 
rows in its interior hall, instead of two rows as sug- 
gested above. No internal supports to the roof's of 
either the Temple or the Tabernacle are mentioned 
anywhere. But the difficulties of construction with- 
out them would have been enormous, and their in- 
troduction usual and entirely unobjectionable. (4.) 
Chambers. There remains to be noticed the applica- 
tion of three tiers of small chambers to the walls 
of the Temple externally on all sides, except that 
of the entrance. Though not expressly so stated, 
these were appropriated to the residence of the 
priests who were either permanently or in turn de- 
voted to the service of the Temple. The lowest 
story was five cubits in width, the next six, and the 
upper seven, allowing an offset of one cubit on the 
side of the Temple, or of nine inches on each side, 
on which the flooring joists rested, so as not to cut 
into the walls of the Temple (fig. 4). Only at Per- 
sepolis, again, do we find any thing at all analogous 
to this ; in the Palace of Darius is a similar range 
on either hand. (5.) Outer Court. The enclosure 
of the Temple consisted, according to 1 K. vi. 36, 
of a low wall of three courses of stones and a row 
of cedar-beams, both probably highly ornamented. 
As probably the same duplication of dimensions 
took place in this as in all the other features of the 
Tabernacle, we may safely assume that it was ten 
cubits, or fifteen feet, in height, and almost certainly 
100 cubits N. and S., and 200 E. and W. 

Temple of Zerubbabrt. We have very few par- 
ticulars regarding the Temple which the Jews 
erected after their return from the Captivity (about 
520 b. a), and no description that would enable us 
to realize its appearance. (Haggai ; Zechariah 1 ; 
Zerdbbabel.) But some dimensions given in the 
Bible and elsewhere afford points of comparison be- 
tween it and the Temples which preceded it, or were 
erected after it. Ezr. vi. 3, quoting the decree of 
Cyrus, says, " Let the house be builded, the place 
where they offered sacrifices, and let the foundations 
thereof be strongly laid ; the height thereof three- 
score cubits, and the breadth thereof threescore cu- 
bits, with three rows of great stones and a row of new 
timber." Josephus quotes this passage almost liter- 
ally, but in doing so enables us with certainty to 
translate the word here called Rom as " Story " — as 
indeed the sense would lead us to infer. The di- 
mension of 60 cubits in breadth, is 20 cubits in ex- 
cess of that of Solomon's Temple, but there is no 
reason to doubt its correctness, for we find both from 
Josephus and the Talmud that it was the dimension 
adopted for the Temple when rebuilt, or rather re- 
paired, by Herod. We must, therefore, assume that 
the porch and the chambers all round were 20 cubits 
in width, including the thickness of the walls, in- 
stead of 10 cubits, as in the earlier building. This 
alteration made the Temple 100 cubits in length by 
60 in breadth, with a height, it is said, of 60 cubits, 
including the upper room or Talar, though we can- 
not help suspecting that this last dimension is some- 
what in excess of the truth. — The only other descrip- 
tion of this Temple is found in Hecataeus the Abde- 
rite, who wrote shortly after Alexander the Great. 
As quoted by Josephus, he says, that " In Jerusalem 
toward the middle of the city is a stone walled en- 



1098 



TEM 



TEM 



closure about 500 feet in length, and 100 cubits in 
width, with double gates," in which lie describes the 
Temple as situated. Heeataeus also mentions that 
the altar was 20 cubits square and 10 high. And 
although he mentions the Temple itself, he does not 
supply us with any dimensions. From these dimen- 
sions we gather, that if " the Priests and Levites and 
Elders of the families were disconsolate at seeing 
how much more sumptuous the old Temple was than 
the one which on account of their poverty they had 
just been able to erect" (Ezr. iii. 12), it certainly 
■was not because it was smaller, as almost every di- 
mension had been increased one-third. In speaking 
of these temples we must always bear in mind that 
their dimensions were practically very far inferior to 





7— 

:i rrTT! 

1 J M 




h 

j | 




■ — ' L 


e 


P 






1 i\ 


1 INNER COURT 







COURT OF GENTILES 



STO* BASILICA 



Fig. 6.— Temple of Herod restored, by 3. Ferguuon, E««;. Scale of 100 feel to 1 Inch. 

those of the heathen. It was the lavish display of 
the precious metals, the elaboration of carved orna- 
ment, and the beauty of the textile fabrics, which 
made up their splendor and rendered them so pre- 
cious in the eyes of the people. 

Temple of Ezekiel. The vision of a Temple which 
the prophet Ezekiel saw, while residing on the banks 
of the Chebar in the twenty-fifth year of the Captivity, 
does not add much to our knowledge of the subject. 
It is not a description of a Temple that ever was 
built or ever could be erected at Jerusalem, and can 
consequently only be considered as the beau ideal of 
■what a Shemitic Temple ought to be. 2 The Temple 
itself was of the exact dimensions of that built by 
Solomon. Beyond this were various courts and res- 
idences for the priests, and places for sacrifice and 
other ceremonies of the Temple, till he comes to the 
outer court which measured 500 reeds (= 500 x 
10J- feet = nearly an English mile) on each of its 

'Rev. T. O. Paine {Solomon's Temple; Boston. 1 Sfil > 
maintains that the Temple described by Ezekiel is Solo- 
mon's Temple seen in vision after its destruction— that the 
house was widest at the top (viz. 70 cubits outside ; Ez. 
xli. 7, 12j and narrowest at the bottom (viz. 20 cubits inside, 



sides. The whole shows what were the aspirations 
of the Jews in this direction, and how different they 
were from those of other nations ; and there can be 
little doubt that the arrangements of Herod's Tem- 
ple were in a great measure influenced by the de- 
scription here given. 

Ti in/lie of Herod. For our knowledge of the last 
and greatest of the Jewish Temples we are indebted 
almosl wholly to the works of Josephus, with an occa- 
Bional hint from the Talmud. (llnnon ; JERUSALEM.) 
The Temple or naos itself was in dimensions and 
arrangement very similar to that of Solomon, or 
! rather that of Zerubbabel — more like the latter; 
j but this was surrounded by an inner enclosure of 
great strength and magnificence, measuring as nearly 
as can be made out 180 cubits 
by 240, and adorned by porches 
and ten gateways of great mag- 
nificence; and beyond this again 
was an outer enclosure measur- 
ing externally 400 cubits each 
way. Mr. Kergttsson maintains 
that the Temple was certainly 
situated in the S. W. angle of 
the area now known as the Ha- 
ram area at JERUSALEM, and that 
its dimensions were what Jose- 
phus states them to be, 400 
cubits, or one stadium, each 
way. What Herod did appar- 
ently was to take in the whole 
space between the Temple and 
the city wall on its eastern side, 
and to add a considerable space 
on the N. and S. to support the 
porticoes which he added there. 
As the Temple terrace thus be- 
came the principal defence of the 
city on the E. side, there were 
no gates or openings in that di- 
rection. The N. side, too, where 
not covered by the fortress An- 
tonia, became part of the de- 
fences of the city, and was like- 
wise without external gates. On 
the S. side, which was enclosed 
by the wall of Ophel, there were 
double gates nearly in the cen- 
tre. These gates still exist at about 365 feet 
from the southwestern angle, and are perhaps the 
only architectural features of the Temple of Herod 

xli. 2; 1 K. vi. 2)— that the house of the last Temple was 
similar to that of the first in being widest at the top — that 
the galleries of both overjutted, or projected over, 20 cubits 
on each side. The annexed diagram of the front or E. side 



7 J 



Ih 



hL 



may illustrate his view : a being a projecting porch sup- 
ported by the two pillars, Jachin and Boaz. o, c. over the 
main entrance, d ; the projecting galleries denoted by the 
figures 1, 2, 3. being supported by 3 rows of stone pillars, 
e.f, a, and forming porches on the sides and rear of the 
huilrli rig. At h on each side is a side-door to which ascend 
winding stairs behind the pillars b. c ; and at each of the 
figures 1, 2, 3, is a window w ith palm-trees on each side 
of it. 



TEM 



TEM 



1099 



which remain in position. This entrance consists of 
a double archway of Cyclopean architecture on the 
level of the ground, opening into a square vestibule 
measuring 40 feet each way. From this a double 
tunnel, nearly 200 feet in length, leads to a flight of 
steps which rise to the surface in the court of the 
Temple, exactly at that gateway of the inner Temple 
(a little E. of the exact centre of the enclosure) which 
led to the altar. We learn from the Talmud, that 
the gate of the inner Temple to which this passage 
led was called the " Water Gate " (comp. Neh. xii. 
37). Toward the W. there were four gateways to 
the external enclosure of the Temple, and the posi- 
tion of three of these can still be traced. The first 
or more southern led over the bridge the remains of 
which were identified by Dr. Robinson (cut under 
Jerusalem, p. 459), and joined the Stoa Basilica (or 
royal porch) of the Temple with the royal palace. 
The second was that discovered by Dr. Barclay, 270 
feet from the S. W. angle, at a level of 17 feet be- 
low that of the southern gates just described. The 
site of the third has not yet been seen, but Mr. Fer- 
gusson places it between 200 and 250 feet from the 
if. W. angle of the Temple area. The fourth led over 
the causeway which still exists at a distance of 600 
feet from the S. W. angle. — Cloisters. The most 
magnificent part of the Temple, in an architectural 
point of view, seems to have been the cloisters added 
to the outer court when it was enlarged by Herod. 
The cloisters in the W., N., and E. side were com- 
posed of double rows of Corinthian columns, 25 
cubits or 37 feet 6 inches in height with flat roofs, 
and resting against the outer wall of the Temple. 
These, however, were immeasurably surpassed in 
magnificence by the royal porch or Stoa Basilica 
which overhung the southern wall. This, minutely 
described by Josephus, consisted of a nave and two 
aisles, that toward the Temple being open, that tow- 
ard the country closed by a wall. The breadth of 
the centre aisle was 45 feet ; of the side aisles 30 
from centre to centre of the pillars; their height 50 
feet, and that of the centre aisle 100 feet. This mag- 
nificent structure was supported by 162 Corinthian 
columns, in 4 rows, the 2 odd pillars forming appar- 
ently a screen at the end of the bridge leading to 
the palace. At a short distance from the front of 
these cloisters was a marble screen or enclosure, 3 
cubits in height. Again, at a short distance within 
this was a flight of steps supporting the terrace or 
platform on which the Temple itself stood. Accord- 
ing to Josephus this terrace was 15 cubits or 22£ 
feet high, and was approached first by 14 steps, at 
the top of which was a platform 10 cubits wide, 
called the Hil or C'hil ; and there were again in the 
depths of the gateways 5 or 6 steps more leading to 
the inner court of the Temple. To the E., where the 
court of the women was, this arrangement was re- 
versed; 5 steps led to the Hil or ChU, and 15 from 
that to the court of the Temple. The court of the 
Temple was very nearly a square. It may have been 
exactly so, for we have not all the details. The Tal- 
mud (Middoth) says it was 187 cubits E. and W., and 
137 N. and S. To the eastward of this was the court 
of the women, the dimensions of which are not given 
by Josephus, but are given in the Talmud as 137 cu- 
bits square — a dimension we may safely reject. If the 
enclosure of the court of the Gentiles, or the Chil, 
was nearly equidistant on all four sides from the 
cloisters, its dimension must have been about 37 or 
40 cubits E. and W., most probably the former. The 
great ornament of these inner courts seems to have 
been their gateways, the three especially on the N. 



and S. leading to the Temple court. These, accord- 
ing to Josephus, were of great height, strongly for- 
tified and ornamented with great elaboration. But 
the wonder of all was the great eastern gate leading 
from the court of the women to the upper court — 
covered with carving, richly gilt, having apartments 
over it. This was in all probability the one called 
the " Beautiful Gate " in the N. T. Immediately 
within this gateway stood the altar of burnt-offer- 
ing. Both the Altar and the Temple were enclosed 
by a low parapet one cubit in height. Within this 
last enclosure toward the W. stood the Temple it- 
self. Its internal dimensions were the same as those 
of the Temple of Solomon, but there seems no reason 
to doubt that the whole plan was augmented by the 
surrounding parts (porch and chambers) being in- 
creased from 10 to 20 cubits, so that the third Tem- 
ple, like the second, measured 60 cubits across, and 
100 cubits E. and W. The width of the facade or 
front was also augmented by wings or shoulders 
projecting 20 cubits each way, making the whole 
breadth 100 cubits, or equal to the length. So far 
all seems certain, but when we come to the height, 
every measurement seems doubtful. Both Josephus 
and the Talmud seem delighted with the truly Jew- 
ish idea of a building which, without being a cube, 
was 100 cubits long, 100 broad, and 100 high. We 
cannot help suspecting that in this instance Jose- 
phus systematically doubled the altitude of the build- 
ing he was describing, as it can be proved he did in 
some other instances. There is tolerable certainty as 
to the horizontal dimensions of the various parts of 
the Temple, and their arrangement in plan, and, in- 
deed, as to their real height. But when we try to 
realize the appearance of the Temple or the details of 
its architecture, we launch into a sea of conjecture 
with very little to guide us, at least in regard to the ap- 
pearance of the Temple itself. We are told (Jos. xv. 
11, §§ 5, 6) that the priests built the Temple itself in 
eighteen months, while it took Herod eight years to 
complete his part ; and as only priests apparently were 
employed, we may fairly assume that it was not a re- 
building, but only a repair — it may be with additions 
— which they undertook, and that a great part of 
the Temple of Zerubbabel was still standing, and was 
incorporated in the new. The only things added at 
this period were the wings to the facade, and it may 
consequently be surmised that the facade was en- 
tirely remodelled at this time, especially as we find 
in the centre a great arch, which was a very Roman 
feature. It is nearly certain that the style of the 
second Temple must have been identical with that 
of the buildings we are so familiar with at Persepolis 
and Susa. (Shushan.) The Jews were too closely 
connected with the Persians and Babylonians at this 
period to know of any other style, and in fact their 
Temple was built under the superintendence of the 
very parties who were erecting the contemporary 
edifices at Persepolis and Susa. Whatever the exact 
appearance of its details, the triple Temple of Jeru- 
salem — the lower court, standing on its magnificent 
terraces — the inner court, raised on its platform in the 
centre of this — and the Temple itself rising out of this 
group and crowning the whole — must have formed, 
when combined with the beauty of its situation, 
one of the most splendid architectural combinations 
of the ancient world. Architecture ; House ; Palace. 

* Tempt, to, and Tenip-ta tion (both fr. L. through 
Fr.). These words etymologically denote the trying 
or putting one to the proof, like the words (Heb. 
verbs bdhan or b&chan, ndsdh, and noun massdh ; 
Gr. verbs peirazo, e/epcirazd, noun peirasmos, &c.) 



1100 



TESI 



TEN 



represented by them in the A. V. They may there- 
fore designate the action of God or the course of 
His Providence, or the earthly trial by which human 
character, views, feelings are brought out, as when 
"God did tempt Abra ham " (Gen. xxii. 1), i. e. 
proved or put to the proof his faith and obedience 
by the command to sacrifice Isaac, &c. These trials 
or " temptations " often severely test the patience, 
submission and religious principle of those w ho en- 
dure them, and are deeply afflictive, and are hence 
not to be sought or rashly encountered (Deut. iv. 
34, vii. 19 ; Mat. vl 13 ; LU. xxii. 28, 40, 46 j 1 Cor. 
x. 13 twice; Jas. i. 2, 12, &c). But the words 
"tempt" and "temptation" often designate par- 
ticularly that trying (by Satan, wicked men, &c), 
which is adapted and designed to lead astray from 
Goi> and virtue, and thus nearly = entice or eulice- 
ment to sin (Mat. iv. 1, xvi. 1 ; Lk. iv. 13; 1 Tim. 
vi. 9; Jas. i. 13, &c). The words are also used of 
the trial of God's patience, forbearance, &c, by 
those who disobey, or distrust, or murmur against 
Him (Ex. xvii. 2; Ps. xcv. 8; Mai. iii. 15; Mat. iv. 
7 ; Acts v. 9 ; Heb. iii. 8, &c). The Temptation may 
be used with special reference to the temptation of 
our first parents in Eden (Gen. iii. ; Adam) or of the 
Lord Jesus Christ (Mat. iv. 1-11, kc), in both of 
which Satan was the " Tempter." 

* Tempt er - one who tempts or entices another 
to sin, especially Satan (Mat. iv. 3 ; 1 Th. iii. 5). 
Tempt, to. 

* Tf n. Musical Instruments 3 ; Number ; Ten 
Commandments ; Tithe. 

TfD CuDi-mand uienK (1.) The popular name in 
this, as in many other instances, is not that of the 
Hebrew Scriptures. There we have the "ten 
words" (Heb. dibdrim, pi. of (lobar, a word; our 
decalojitc literally = the ten words), not the Ten 
Commandments (Heb. and margin of Ex. xxxiv. 28 ; 
Deut. iv. 13, x. 4, Heb.). The difference is not alto- 
gether an unmeaning one. The uord of Gon, the 
" word of the Lord," the constantly recurring term 
for the fullest revelation, was higher than any phrase 
expressing merely a command, and carried with it 
more the idea of a self-fulfilling power. Other 
names are even more significant. These, and these 
alone, are " the words of the covenant " (Ex. xxxiv. 
28). They are also the Tables of Testimony, some- 
times simply " t/ie testimony" (xxv. 16, xxxi. 18, 
&.C.). (2.) The circumstances in which the Ten 
great Words were first given to the people sur- 
rounded them with an awe which attached to no 
other precept. In the midst of the cloud, and the 
darkness, and the flashing lightning, and the fiery 
smoke, and the thunder, like the voice of a trum- 
pet, at Sinai, Moses was called to receive the Law 
without which the people would cease to be a holy 
nation. Here, as elsewhere, Scripture unites two 
facts which men separate. God, and not man, was 
speaking to the Israelites in those terrors, and yet, 
in the language of later inspired teachers, other in- 
strumentality was not excluded (Acts vii. 53 ; Gal. 
iii. 19 ; Heb. ii. 2). No other words were proclaimed 
in like manner. Of no other words could it be said 
that they were written as these were written, en- 
graved on the Tables of Stone (Table), not as origi- 
nating in man's contrivance or sagacity, but by the 
power of the Eternal Spirit, by the " finger of God " 
(Ex. xxxi. 18, xxxii. 16). (3.) The number Ten was, 
we can hardly doubt, itself significant to Moses and 
the Israelites. The received symbol of complete- 
ness, it taught the people that the Law of Jehovah 
was perfect {Ps. xix. 1). The fact that they were 



written not on one, but on two tables, probably in 
two groups of five each, taught men the great divi- 
sion of duties toward God, and duties toward our 
neighbor, which we recognize as the groundwork of 
every true moral system. It taught them also, five 
being the symbol of imperfection, how incomplete 
each set of duties would be when divorced from its 
companion. (4.) In what way the Ten Command- 
ments were to be divided has, however, been a mat- 
ter of much controversy. At least four distinct 
arrangements present themselves, (a.) In the re- 
ceived teaching of the Roman Catholic Church, rest- 
ing on that of Augustine, the first Table contained 
three commandments, the second the other seven. 
It involved, however, and in part proceeded from an 
alteration in the received arrangement. What we 
know as the first and second were united, and con- 
sequently the Sabbath law appeared at the close of 
the first Table as the third, not as the fourth com- 
mandment. The completeness of the number was 
rc.-tored in the Second Table by making a Separate 
(the ninth) command of the precept, " Thou shalt 
not covel thy neighbor's wile," which with us forms 
part of the tenth, (i.) The familiar division, refer- 
ring the first four to our duty toward God, and the 
-i\ remaining to our dutj toward man, is, on ethical 
grounds, simple and natural, (c.) A modification 
of (a.) lias been adopted by later Jewish writers 
(Jonathan ben Dzziel, Aben Ezra, &c). Retaining 
the combination of the first and second command 
ments of the common order, they have made a new 
" word " of the opening declaration, " I am the 
Lord thy God, which brought thee out of the land 
of Egypt, out of the house of bondage," and so 
have avoided the necessity of the subdivision of the 
tenth. (d.) The arrangement recognized by the 
older Jewish writers, Joscphus and Philo, and sup- 
ported abl\ and lhought!ull\ by Ewald, places five 
commandments in each Table, and thus preserves 
the grouping by Jive and ten which pervades the 
whole code. A modern jurist would perhaps object 
that this places the fifth commandment in a wrong 
position, that a duty to parents is a duty toward 
our neighbor. From the Jewish point of view, it is 
believed the [dace thus given to that commandment 
was essentially the right one (so Prof. Plumptre, 
original author of this article). Instead of duties 
toward God, and duties toward our neighbors, we 
must think of the First Table as containing all that 
belonged to the Eusebcia ( — reverence or piety) of 
the Greeks, to the Pietas ( = piety) of the Romans, 
duties i. e. with no corresponding rights, while the 
Second deals with duties which involve rights, and 
come therefore under the head of Justiiia (L. — 
justice). The duty of honoring, i. e. supporting, 
parents came under the former head. (5.) To these 
Ten Commandments we find in the Samaritan Pen- 
tateuch an eleventh added : " But when the Lord 
thy God shall have brought thee into the land of 
Canaan, whither thou goest to possess it, thou shalt 
set thee up two great stones, and shalt plaster them 
with plaster, and shalt write upon these stones all the 
words of this Law. Moreover, after thou shalt have 
passed over Jordan, thou shalt set up those stones 
which I command thee this day, on Mount Gerizim, 
and thou shalt build there an altar to the Lord thy 
God, an altar of stones : thou shalt not lift up any 
iron thereon. Of unhewn stones shalt thou build 
that altar to the Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer 
on it burnt-offerings to the Lord thy God, and thou 
shalt sacrifice peace-offerings, and shalt eat them 
there, and thou shalt rejoice before the Lord thy 



TEN 



TER 



1101 



God in that mountain beyond Jordan, by the way 
where the sun goeth down, in the land of the 
Canaanite that dwelleth in the plain country over 
against Gilgal, by the oak of Moreh, toward 
Sichem." The interpolation (from Deut. xxvii. 2-7, 
xi. 30, changing " Ebal " to " Gerizim") has every 
mark of being a bold attempt to claim for the wor- 
ship on Gerizim the solemn sanction of the voice on 
Sinai, to place it on the same footing as the Ten 
great Words of God. (6.) In the Targum of Jon- 
athan ben Uzziel the first and second command- 
ments are united, to make up the second, and the 
words " I am the Lord thy God," &c., are given as the 
first. A distinct reason is also given for the last 
five commandments no less than for the first five : 
" Thou shalt commit no murder, for because of the 
sins of murderers the sword goeth forth upon the 
world," &c. (7.) The absence of any distinct refer- 
ence to the Ten Commandments as such in the Pirke 



Aboth (= Maxims of the Fathers) is both strange 
and significant. With all their ostentation of pro- 
found reverence for the Law, the teaching of the 
Rabbis turned on other points than the great laws 
of duty. Death ; Faith ; Jehovah : Justify ; 
Law ; Law of Moses ; Love ; Revelation ; Sal- 
vation ; Sin, &c. 

Tent (Heb. usually ohel ; see Tabernacle). Among 
the leading characteristics of the nomad races, those 
two have always been numbered, whose origin has 
been ascribed to Jabal the son of Lamech (Gen. iv. 
20), viz. to be tent-dwellers and keepers of cattle. 
(Herd ; Shepherd.) The same may be said of the 
forefathers of the Hebrew race (Patriarch) ; nor 
was it until the return into Canaan from Egypt that 
the Hebrews became inhabitants of cities. (Archi- 
tecture.) Among tent-dwellers at the present day 
are (1.) the great Mongol and Tartar hordes of Cen- 
tral Asia, whose tents are sometimes of gigantic 




Arab Tent. — (Layard.) 



size, and (2.) the Bedouin Arab tribes, whose tents 
are probably like those of Abraham and Isaac. An 
Arab tent is minutely described by Burckhardt. It 
is called beit — " house ; " its covering consists of 
stuff, about three-quarters of a yard broad, made 
of black goats'-hair (Cant. i. 5), laid parallel with 
the tent's length. This is sufficient to resist the 
heaviest rain. The tent-poles are usually nine, 
placed in three groups, but many tents have only 
one pole, others two or three. The ropes which 
hold the tent in its place are fastened, .not to the 
tent-cover itself, but to loops consisting of a leath- 
ern thong tied to the ends of a stick, round which a 
piece of old cloth sewed to the tent-cover is twisted. 
The ends of the tent-ropes are fastened to short 
sticks or pins, which are driven into the ground with 
a mallet (Judg. iv. 21 ; Jael). Round the back and 
sides of the tents runs a piece of stuff removable at 
pleasure to admit air. The tent is divided into two 
apartments, separated by a carpet partition drawn 
across the middle of the tent and fastened to the 
three middle posts. The tents of Sarah, Leah, 
Rachel, &c, may have been either separate tents or 
separate apartments in the principal tent (Gen. xxiv. 
67, xxxi. 33). When the pasture near an encamp- 



ment is exhausted, the tents are taken down, packed 
on camels, and removed (Is. xxxviii. 12 ; Gen. xxvi. 
17, 22, 25). In choosing places for encampment, 
Arabs prefer the neighborhood of trees, for the 
shade and coolness which they afford (xviii. 4, 8). 
Pavilion ; Tabernacle ; Tent-maker. 

* Ten-ta'tion (fr. L.) (Ex. xvii. 7 margin, in some 
copies) = Temptation. 

* Tenth. Tithe. 

* Tent'-ma'ker (Acts xviii. 3). Aquila ; Handi- 
craft ; Paul ; Tent. 

Te'rah (Heb. station, Ges ), in N. T. Thara, the 
father of Abram, Nahor 2, and Haran 1, and through 
them the ancestor of the great families of the Is- 
raelites, Ishmaelites, Midianites, Moabites, and Am- 
monites (Gen. xi. 24-32; 1 Chr. i. 26). We learn 
from the 0. T. that he was an idolater (Josh. xxiv. 
2 ; compare Jd. v. 6-8), that he dwelt beyond the 
Euphrates in Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. xi. 28), and 
that in his old age he went with his son Abram, his 
daughter-in-law Sarai, and his grandson Lot, " to go 
into the land of Canaan, and they came unto Haran, 
and dwelt there. And the days of Terah were two 
hundred and five years : and Terah died in Haran " 
(xi. 31, 32). From the simple facts of Terah's life 



1102 



TER 



TIIA 



recorded in the 0. T. has been constructed the en- 
tire legend of Abram in Jewish and Arabian tradi- 
tions. Terah the idolater is turned into a maker of 
images, and " Ur of the Chaldees " is the original 
of the "furnace'' into which Abram was cast (com- 
pare Ez. v. 2). Iu the Jewish traditions Terah i- a 
prince and a great man in the palace of Nimrod, 
the captain of his army, his son-in-law according to 
the Arabs. His wife is called in the Tulmud Anite- 
lai, or Emtelai, the daughter of Carnebo (so Mr. 
Wright). 

Tera-pliim (Heb., see below), only in plural, im- 
ages connected with magical rites. (Divikation; 
Magic.) The derivation of the name is obscure. 
Gesenius derives the word from an obsolete Hebrew 
root = to live in comfort, and defines it " household 
gods, perhaps so called as the supposed guardians 
and givers of prosperous life " (Lex., translated by 
Robinson, 1851). In one case a single statue seems 
to be intended by the plural (1 Sam. xix. 13, 1G). 
The tcraphim carried away from Laban by Rachel 
do not seem to have been very small ; and the image 
hidden in David's bed by Michal to deceive Saul's 
messengers, was probably of the size of a man, and 
perhaps in the head and shoulders, if not lower, of 
human or like form. Laban regarded his tcraphim 
as gods, and it would therefore appear that they 
were used by those w ho added corrupt practices to 
the patriarchal religion. Tcraphim again are in- 
cluded among Micah's images (Judg. xvii. 3-5, xviii. 
17, 18, 20). Tcraphim were consulted for oracular 
answers by the Israelites (Zech. x. 2 ; compare Judg. 
xviii. 5, 6; 1 Sam. XV. 22, 23, xix. 13, 16, LXX. ; 2 
K. xxiii. 24), and by the Babylonians, in the case of 
Nebuchadnezzar (Ez. xxi. 19-22). There is no evi- 
dence that they were ever worshipped (so Mr. R. S. 
Poole, original author of this article). 

Te resh (Heb. fr. Pers. = severe, austere? Gcs.), 
one of the two eunuchs whose plot to assassinate 
Ahasuerus was discovered by Mordecai (Esth. ii. 21, 
vi. 2). He was hanged. 

Ter'ti-us [-she-us] (L. third), probably a Roman, 
amanuensis of Paul in writing the Epistle to the 
Romans from Corinth, and sender of a greeting to 
the Roman Christians (Rom. xvi. 22). Some would, 
without reason, identify him with Silas. Nothing 
certain is known of him, though some writers have 
spoken of him as bishop of Iconium. 

Ter-tullns (L., a diminutive from Tertius), "a 
certain orator" (Acts xxiv. 1) retained by the 
high-priest and Sanhedrim to accuse the Apostle 
Paul at Cesarea before Felix. He evidently be- 
longed to the class of professional orators. We 
may infer that Tertullus was of Roman, or at all 
events of Italian origin. The exordium of his speech 
is designed to conciliate the good-will of the procu- 
rator, and is accordingly overcharged with flattery. 
St. Luke probably gives only an abstract of his 
speech, with the most salient points (as the exordium 
and the character ascribed to Paul) in full. The 
part (ver. 6-8) "and would have judged .... to 
come unto thee" is omitted by Lachmann and 
Tischendorf, and marked doubtful by Alford, Hack- ! 
ett, Mill, Bengel, Griesbach, &c, as omitted in all 
the uncial MSS. except E (that of Laud at Oxford), j 

* Tes'ta-ment (fr. L.) is properly a will or document 
by which the estate of the " testator " or person j 
who signs and seals it is to be disposed of after his 
death. It is a common translation of the Gr. dia- 
theke (Mat. xxvi. 28 ; Mk. xiv. 24 ; Lk. xxii. 20 ; 1 j 
Cor. xi. 25; 2 Cor. iii. 6, 14; Heb. vii. 22, ix. 15 | 
twice, 16, 17, 20; Rev. xi. 19), which primarily (so ] 



Rbn. K. T. Lex.) — a disposition, arrangement, and 
is elsewhere translated "covenant" (Acts iii. 25, 
vii. 8; Rom. ix. 4, xi. 27; Gal. iii. 15, 17, iv. 24; 
Eph. ii. 12; Heb. viii. 6, 8, 9 twice, 10, ix. 4 twice, 
x. 16, 29, xii. 24, xiii. 20), and commonly in the 
LXX. = Heb. In rilh, A. V. " covenant " or " league." 
■ \i w Testament " and "Old Testament," in pop- 
ular language, are the two great divisions of the 
Bible. 

* Tes'li-mo-ny (Heb. y eddh, 'edxtth, te'udah ; Gr. 
marturia, marturion) = witness, evidence, proof 
(Mat. viii. 4 ; Jn. iii. 32, 33, &c), applied also to 
the precepts, law, revelation of God (Ps. xix. 7 [Heb. 
8 |, cxix.; Is. viii. 1(1, 20. &c), and especially to the 
Ten Commandments or Decalogue inscribed on the 
tables of .-tone which were deposited in the Ark op 
the Covenant (Ex. xvi. 34, xxv. 16, 21, 22, &c). 
Tabernacle. 

To ta = Hatita (1 Esd. v. 28). 
' Trill (Heb. teylh — [so most] a serpent, or [so 
Lee] something rolled or twisted together, or perhaps 
fr. Egyptian = hand, Ges.), the ninth letter of the 
Hebrew alphabet (l's. cxix.). Writing. 

Te'lrarth [-trark] (fr. Gr.), properly = the sov- 
ereign or governor of the fourth part of a country. 
(1.) Herod Antipas (Mat. xiv. 1 ; Lk. iii. 1, 19, ix. 
7; Acts xiii. 1), who is commonly distinguished as 
" Herod the tetrarch," although the title of " king " 
is also assigned to him (Mat. xiv. 9; Mk. vi. 14, 
22 II'.). (2.) Herod Philip II., who is called (Lk. 
iii. 1) '•tetrarch of ITUKEA, and of the region of 
Traciionitis." (8.) Lvsanias, called (iii. 1) "te- 
trarch of Abilene." The title of tetrarch was at 
this time probably applied to petty tributary princes 
without any such determinate meaning. But it ap- 
pears from Josephus that the tetrarchies of Antipas 
and Philip were regarded as constituting each a 
fourth part of their father's kingdom. We conclude 
that in these two cases, at least, the title was used 
in its strict and literal sense (so Mr. Jones). 

Tliad-dse'03 [-dee-], the Latin form of THADDEUS. 

Thad'de-DS (L. Thaddams ; Gr. Thadduios ; fr. 
Talmudic Heb. tadday = of breast, i. e. courageous, 
Lange ; darling? Wr. ; compare Lebbeis), one of 
the twelve apostles (Mk. iii. 18); = Lebbeus, and 
Jcdas the Brother of James. 

Tlia'hasb (fr. Heb. = " badger," A. V.), son of 
Naiiop. 2 by his concubine Reumah (Gen. xxii. 24). 

Tha'mah (fr. Heb.) = Tamah, ancestor of a fam- 
ily of Xcthinim who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 

ii. 53). 

Tlia'mar (Gr.) — Tamap. 1 (Mat. i. 3). 
Tliam'na-tfia (Gr. fr. Heb. = Thimnathah or Tim- 

nath), one of the cities of Judea fortified by Bac- 
chides (1 Mc. ix. 50); possibly (so Mr. Grove, &c.) 
= Timnah 1 ; but, according to Robinson (ii. 17, n.), 
and Smith (B. S. for 1843, 484-5), p.obably the 
Tharnna of Josephus (xiii. 1, § 3, xiv. 11, § 2, B. J. 

iii. 3, § 5), which was the capital of one of the Ro- 
man toparchies or districts of Judea, and was prob- 
ably at the modern Tibneh, a ruined site, fifteen or 
twenty miles N. X. W. from Jerusalem, and nearly 
as far E. N. E. from Ludd (Lydda). The LXX. 
joins Thamnatha to the following Pharathoni. 
Timxath-serah. 

Thank'-of fer-ing. Peace-offering ; Sacrifice. 

Tha'ra (Gr.) = Terah (Lk. iii. 34). 

Tliar'ra (Gr.) = Teresh (Esth. xii. 1). 

Tnarshish (fr. Heb. = Tarshish). 1. TARsnisn 
(1 K. x. 22, xxii. 48). — 2. A Benjamite of the fam- 
ily of Bilhan and house of Jediael (1 Chr. vii. 10 
only) 



THA 



THE 



1103 



Tlias'si (Gr. fr. Heb. = debilitation or weakening, 
sc. of the mother, Sun. ; it, sc. fi'esh grass, will grow, 

i. e. the spring has come, Miehaelis ; the flourish- 
ing, Ginsburg [in Kitto] ; fr. Chal. = boiling ? Wr.), 
the surname of Simon the son of Mattathias (1 Mc. 

ii. 3). Maccabees. 

Tlic'a-trc [-ter] (Fr. fr. Gr. thcalron, see below). The 
Greek term, like the corresponding English term, 
denotes the place where dramatic performances or 
other public spectacles are exhibited (Acts xix. 29 ; 
Ephesus-, Gadara ; Herod Agrippa I. ; Sela), and 
also the scene itself or spectacle which is witnessed 
there (1 Cor. iv. 9, A. V. " spectacle," i. e. public 
show, translated " gazing-stock " by Tyndale, Cran- 
iner, and the Geneva version). Theatres were often 
used among the Greeks for public assemblies and 
the transaction of public business. Criminals were 
sometimes exposed and punished in the theatre ; 
and to this practice some refer 1 Cor. iv. 9 and Heb. 
x. 33, while others consider the allusion as figurative, 
pointing out Christians as objects of earnest atten- 
tion to a great multitude in earth and heaven who 
behold their endurance of reproaches and afflictions. 

Tliebes [theebz] (fr. Gr. Tliebai, derived fr. Egyp- 
tian T-ape = the head, Smith's Diet, of Geog. ; Heb. 
No-drnon ; A. V. " No," " the multitude of No," 
" populous No "), a chief city of ancient Egypt, long 
the capital of the upper country, and the seat of the 
Diospolitan dynasties, that ruled over all Egypt at 
the era of its highest splendor. The sacred name 
of Thebes was P-amen, " the abode of Amon," which 
the Greeks reproduced in their Diospolis (= ciiu of 
Zeus or of Jupiter), especially with the addition 
the Great. No-amo.n is the name of Thebes in the 
Hebrew Scriptures (Jer. xlvi. 25; Nah. iii. 8). Eze- 
kiel uses No simply to designate the Egyptian seat 
of Amnion (Ez. xxx. 14, 16). The origin of the city 
is lost in antiquity (so Dr. Thompson, original author 
of this article). Niebuhr is of opinion that Thebes 
was much older than Memphis, and that, " after the 
centre of Egyptian life was transferred to Lower 
Egypt, Memphis acquired its greatness through the 
ruin of Thebes." Other authorities assign priority 
to Memphis. But both cities date from our earliest 
authentic knowledge of Egyptian history. The first 
allusion to Thebes in classical literature is in the 
Iliad of Homer (ix. 381-385) :— " Egyptian Thebes, 
where are vast treasures laid up in the houses ; 
where are a hundred gates, and from each two hun- 
dred men go forth with horses and chariots." Its 
fame as a great capital had crossed the sea when 
Greece was yet in its infancy as a nation. Herod- 
otus says, " I went to Ileliopolis and to Thebes, ex- 
pressly to try whether the priests of those places 
would agree in their accounts with the priests at 
Memphis " (ii. 3). Afterward he describes the 
features o.*the Nile valley, and the chief points 
and distances upon the river, as only an eye-wit- 
ness would be likely to record them. In the first 
century b. c, Diodorus visited Thebes, and though 
he saw the city when it had sunk to quite secondary 
importance, he preserves .the tradition of its early 
grandeur — its circuit of 140 stadia, the size of it's 
public edifices, the magnificence of its temples, the 
number of its monuments, the dimensions of its 
private houses, some of them four or five stories 
high — all giving it an air of grandeur and beauty 
surpassing not only all other cities of Egypt, but of 
the world. Diodorus deplores the spoiling of its 
buildings and monuments by Cambyses. Strabo, 
who visited Egypt at about the beginning of the 
Christian era, describes the city under the name 



Diospolis, and speaks of its ruins as extending eighty 
stadia (nearly ten miles) in length, of its numerous 
temples, many of them mutilated by Cambyses, and 
of its site as then occupied by villages. He also 
notices the two colossal statues of stone on the 
western plain, one of which is known as the "vocal 
Memnon," from the noise, as of a slight blow, which 
was believed to issue at sunrise from that part of 
the statue then remaining in the seat and on its 
base. — But the monuments of Thebes are the most 
reliable witnesses for the ancient grandeur of the 
city. These are found in almost equal proportions 
upon both sides of the Nile. The parallel ridges 
which skirt the narrow Nile valley upon the E. and 
W. from the northern limit of tipper Egypt, here 
sweep outward upon either side, forming a circular 
plain whose diameter is nearly ten miles. The plan 
of the city, as indicated by the principal monuments, 
was nearly quadrangular, measuring two miles from 
N. to S., and four from E. to W. Its four great 
landmarks were, Karnak and Luxor on the eastern 
or Arabian side, and Qoornah and Medeenet Haboo 
on the western or Libyan side. There are indica- 
tions that each of these temples may have been con- 
nected with those facing it upon two sides by grand 
avenues, lined with sphinxes and other colossal fig- 
ures. Upon the western bank there was almost a 
continuous line of temples and public edifices for 
two miles, from Qoornah to Medeenet Haboo ; and 
Wilkinson conjectures that from 
a point near the latter, perhaps 
in the line of the colossi, the 
" Royal street " ran clown to the 
river, which was crossed by a fer- 
ry terminating at Luxor on the 
eastern side. Beginning at the 
northern extremity on the west- 
ern bank, the first conspicuous 
ruins are those of the Meneph- 
iheion, a palace-temple of the 
nineteenth dynasty, and there- 
fore belonging to the middle 
style of Egyptian architecture, 
on a slight elevation, nearly a 
mile from the river, in the now 
deserted village of old Qoornah. 
Nearly a mile S. from the Me- 
-nephtheion are the remains of 
the combined palace and temple 
known since the days of Strabo , 
as the Memnonium, but clearly ' 
erected by Rameses II. The gen- 

i p o >i -hr • • Plan of the Memnoninm, 

eral form of the Memnonium is Thebes.— (Ftm.) 
that of a parallelogram in three "-Gateway, m.^yo trim- 
main sections, the interior areas l?at \FSe gateway. th c. 
being successively narrower than " nI ™! Illde ? b y n 

P . i_ i . portico with columns. 

the first court, and the whole ter- ' 
minating in a series of sacred 
chambers beautifully sculptured 
and ornamented. But the most 
remarkable feature of these ruins 
is the gigantic statue of Rameses 
II., once a single block of syenite (Syene) carved to 
represent the king on his throne, now scattered in 
fragments on the floor of the first hall. Its weight has 
been computed at 88V tons and its height at 75 feet. 
About one-third of a mile farther S. are the " vocal 
Memnon " and its mate, the height of each being 
about 53 feet above the plain. At Medeenet Haboo, 
about a mile S. of the Memnonium, we find ruins 
upon a more stupendous scale than at any other 
point on the western bank of Thebes. These con- 




court, also sur- 
rounded by a portico 
supported "by columns 
or piers, against which 
were figures of the king. 
e. Hall of Columns. 
Smaller chambers be- 
yond this. 



1101 



THE 



THE 



sist of a temple founded by Tliotlimcs I., and the 
magnificent adjacent ruin known as the southern 




Hall of Column! In the Memnonlum. — ;Fbn.) 

Rameseion, the palace-temple of Rameses III. The 
latter, like the afemnonium, &c., has a series of grand 
courts or balls adorned with columns, conducting to 
the inner pavilion of the king or sanctuary of the 
god. Its second court is one 
of the most remarkable in 
Egypt for the niassiveness of 
its columns which measure 24 
feet in height by nearly 23 in 
circumference. Behind this 
long range of temples and 
palaces are the Libyan hills, 
which, for a distance of 5 
miles, are excavated to the 
depth of several hundred feet 
for sepulchral chambers, some 
of them of vast extent. Some 
of the sepulchres of kings, in 
the number and variety of 
their chambers, the finish of 
their sculptures, and the beau- 
ty and freshness of their fres- 
coes, are among the most re- 
markable monuments of Egyp- 
r f ur.ofR.n.««ir.-Fron. tian grandeur and skill. From 
iheinntrcourtof iheMcra- the adornments of these sub- 
terranean tombs we derive our 
principal knowledge of the manners and cus- 
toms of the Egyptians. — The eastern side of 
the river is distinguished by the remains of 





Sculptured Gateway at Karnak. — From a photograph. — 'Ayre.) 

Luxor and Karnak, the latter being of itself a 
city of temples. The approach to Karnak from 
the S. is marked by a series of majestic gateways 



and towers, which were the appendages of later 
times to the original structure. The temple prop- 
erly faces the river, i. e. toward the N. W. The 
courts and propylaea connected with this structure 
occupy a space nearly 1,800 feet square, and the 
buildings represent almost every dynasty of Egypt, 
liiiin Soortasen I. to I'toleni) Euergetes I. Every 
thing pertaining to Karnak is on the grandest scale. 
Nearest the river is an area of 270 feet by 829, 
which once had a covered corridor on either side, 
and a double row of columns through the centre, 
leading to the entrance of the hvpostyle hall, the 
most wonderful monument of Egyptian architec- 
ture. This grand hall is a forest of sculptured 
columns : in the central avenue are twelve, each 60 
feel high by 12 in diameter, which formerly sup- 
ported the most elevated portion of the roof, an- 
swering to the clerestory in Gothic architecture; 
00 cither side of these are seven rows, each col- 
umn neai h 42 feet high by 9 in diameter, making a 
total of 134 pillars in an area of 170 feet by 330. 
Most of the pillars are yet standing, though the roof 
in many places has fallen in. The outer wall of 
Karnak is 40 feet thick at the base and nearly 
Inn feet high. The grandeur of Egypt is here in 
its architecture, and almost every pillar, obelisk, 
and stone tells its historic legend of her greatest 

ii irehs. — Probably before the time of Menes, who 

was a native of This in the Thebaid (the territory 
of Thebes), there was a local sovereignty in the 
Thebaid, but the historical nationality of Egypt 
dates from the founding of Mkmpiiis. W hen the 
Shepherd- or Ilvksos, a nomadic race from the E., 
invaded Egypt and fixed their capital at Memphis, a 
native Egyptian dynasty was maintained at Thebes, 
at times tributary to the Hyksos, and at times in 
military alliance with Ethiopia against the invaders; 
until at length, by a general uprising of the Thebaid, 
the Ilyksos were expelled, and Thebes became the 
capital of all Egypt under the resplendent eigh- 
teenth dynasty. This supremacy continued until 
the close of the nineteenth dynasty, or for more 
than 500 years ; but under the tw entieth dynasty 
the glory of Thebes began to decline, and alter the 
close of that dynasty her name no more appears in 
the li-ts of kings. Still the city was retained as 
the capital, in whole or in part, and the achieve- 
ments of Shishonk the Bubastite (Shishak), of Tm- 
hakah the Ethiopian, and other monarchs of celeb- 
rity, are recorded upon its walls. Ezekiel pro- 
claims the destruction of Thebes by the arm of 
Babylon (Ez. xxx. 14-16). The Persian invader 
Cambyses completed the destruction that the Baby- 
lonian had begun. 

The bez (fr. Heb. = brightness., Ges.), a place mem- 
orable for the death of Abimelech 3 (Judg. ix. 50 ; 
2 Sam. xi. 21) ; identified by Dr. Robinson and others 
after him with Tubus, a large village about thirteen 
Roman miles from Shechem (Kubidus) on the way 
to Scythopolis (Hasan). 

The-co'e (Gr. Tluhoe = Tf.koa), the Wil'der-ness 
of (Gr. eremos ; see Desert 5), the uncultivated pas- 
toral tract around Tekoa, more especially to the E. 
of it (1 Mc. ix. 33). 

* Theft. Deposit ; Punishments ; Robbery ; 
Thieves, the Two. 

The-la'sar = Tel-assar(2 K. xix. 12). 

The-ler'sasfGr.) = Tel-harsa (1 Esd. v. 36). 

The'man (L.) = Teman (Bar. iii. 22, 23). 

Tlie-o-ca'nns (fr. Gr. form) = Tikvaii 2 (1 Esd. 
ix. 14). 

The-od'o-tus (L. form of Gr. — God-given), an en- 



THE 



THE 



1105 



voy sent by Nicanor to Judas Maccabeus about b. c. 
162 (2 Mc' xiv. 19). 

The-oph'i-lns (L. fr. Gr. = friend of God ; either 
God-loving, or God-loved, Schl.). 1. The person to 
whom St. Luke inscribes his Gospel (Luke, Gospel 
of) and the Acts of the Apostles (Lk. i. 3 ; Acts i. 
1). Several commentators, especially among the 
Fathers, have been disposed to regard the name 
either as that of a fictitious person, or as applicable 
to every Christian reader. But the epithet " most 
excellent " (Gr. kraliste), applied to Theophilus in Lk. 
i. 3 (comp. Acts xxiii. 26, xxiv. 3, xxvi. 25), is a suf- 
ficient evidence of his historical existence. It does 
not, indeed, prove that he was a Roman governor, 
or a person of senatorial rank, as Theophylact con- 
jectures, but it makes it most probable that he was 
a person of high rank. His supposed connection 
with Antioch, Alexandria, or Achaia, rests on too 
slender evidence either to claim acceptance or to 
need refutation. All that can be conjectured with 
any degree of safety concerning him, comes to this, 
that he was a Gentile of rank and consideration, who 
came under the influence of St. Luke, or under that 
of St. Paul, at Rome, and was converted to the 
Christian faith (so Mr. Jones, original author of this 
article). — 2. A Jewish high-priest a. d. 37-41, the 
son of Annas or Ananus, brother-in-law to Caiaphas, 
and brother and immediate successor of Jonathan ; 
not mentioned by name in the N. T., but most prob- 
ably the high-priest who granted a commission to 
Saul to proceed to Damascus, and to take into cus- 
tody any believers whom he might find there (so Mr. 
Jones). 

* Tlie-oph'y-lact (fr. Gr. Theophulaktos = God- 
guarded), a native of Constantinople and archbishop 
of Acris in Bulgaria a. d. 1077 ; compiler (from 
Chrysostom) of commentaries on most of the N. T., 
and on the minor prophets, author of seventy-five 
Epistles, &c. (Murdock) ; cited in margin of Mk. vii. 
3 for his explanation of washing hands. 

The'ras (fr. Gr.) = Ahava (1 Esd. viii. 41, 61). 

Ther'mc-leth (Gr.) = Tel-melah (1 Esd. v. 36). 

Thes-sa-loni-ans (= people [i. e. Christians] of 
Thessalonica), First E-pis'tle to thet I. The date. Dur- 
ing his second missionary journey, probably in a. d. 
52, St. Paul founded the Church of Thessalonica. 
Leaving Thessalonica he passed on to Berea. From 
Berea he went to Athens, and from Athens to Corinth 
(Acts xvii. 1— xviii. 1 8). Now, when this Epistle was 
written, Silvanus and Timotheus were in the apostle's 
company ( 1 Th.i. 1; comp. 2 Th. i. 1) — a circumstance 
which confines the date to the second missionary jour- 
ney (Acts xviii. 5 ; 2 Cor. i. 19). The Epistle then must 
have been written between St. Paul's leaving Thessa- 
lonica and the close of his residence at Corinth, i. e. 
according to the received chronology within the years 
52-54. Other considerations (1 Th. iii. 1, 2, 6 ; comp. 
the following article, &c.) enable us to place the wri- 
ting of this Epistle early in St. Paul's residence at Cor- 
inth, a few months after he had founded the Church at 
Thessalonica, at the close of a. d. 52 or the beginning 
of 53 (so Prof. Lightfoot, original author of this arti- 
cle, in accordance with most critics). The statement 
in the subscription appearing in several MSS. and ver- 
sions, that it was written " from Athens," is a super- 
ficial inference from 1 Th. iii. 1, to which no weight 
should be attached. — II. The Epistles to the Thes- 
salonians then (for the second followed the first after 
no long interval) are the earliest of St. Paul's writ- 
ings — perhaps the earliest written records of Chris- 
tianity. Comparing the Thessalonian Epistles with 
the later letters, the points of difference are mainly 
70 



threefold. (1.) In the general style of these earlier 
letters there is greater simplicity and less exuberance 
of language. The brevity of the opening salutation 
is an instance of this. The closing benediction is 
correspondingly brief. And throughout the Epistles 
there is much more evenness of style. (2.) The an- 
tagonism to St. Paul is not the same. Here the op- 
position comes from Jews (1 Th. ii. 16). A period 
of five years changes the aspect of the controversy 
(comp. 1 and 2 Cor. ; Gal. ; Rom.). The opponents of 
St. Paul are then no longer Jews, so much nsjudaizing 
Christians, who urged that though the Gentiles may 
be admitted to the Church of Christ, the only door 
of admission is the Mosaic covenant-rite of circum- 
cision. The language of St. Paul, speaking of the Jew- 
ish Christians in this Epistle, shows that the opposi- 
tion to his teaching had not at this time assumed this 
second phase. (3.) Many of the distinctive doctrines 
of Christianity, though implicitly contained in the 
teaching of these earlier letters, were yet not evolved 
and distinctly enunciated till the needs of the Church 
drew them out into prominence at a later date. In 
the Epistles to the Thessalonians, there is, e. g., no 
mention of the characteristic contrast of " faith 
and works;" the word "justification" does not 
once occur; the idea of dying with Christ and 
living with Christ, so frequent in St. Paul's later 
writings, is absent in these. In the Epistles to the 
Thessalonians, the Gospel preached is that of the 
coming of Christ, rather than of the cross of Christ. 
Christ's coming was closely bound up with the fun- 
damental fact of the Gospel, viz. His resurrection, 
and thus formed a natural starting-point of Chris- 
tian doctrine ; it satisfied the Messianic hopes of the 
Jewish converts ; it was the best consolation and 
support of the infant Church under persecution ; it 
was essential to the call to repentance which must 
everywhere precede the divine and positive teach- 
ing of the Gospel (Acts xvii. 30, 31).— III. The oc- 
casion of this Epistle was as follows: St. Paul had 
twice attempted to revisit Thessalonica, and both 
times had been disappointed. Thus prevented from 
seeing them in person, he had sent Timothy to inquire 
and report to him as to their condition ( 1 Th. iii. 1- 
5). Timothy returned with most favorable tidings, 
reporting not only their progress in Christian faith 
and practice, but also their strong attachment to 
their old teacher (iii. 6-10). This Epistle is the out- 
pouring of the apostle's gratitude on receiving this 
welcome news. At the same time the report of 
Timothy was not unmixed with alloy. There were 
certain features in the condition of the Thessalonian 
Church which called for St. Paul's interference, and 
to which he addresses himself in his letter. (1.) 
The very intensity of .their Christian faith, dwelling 
too exclusively on the day of the Lord's coming, had 
been attended with evil consequences (i v. 11 ; comp. 
2 Th. ii. 1, iii. 6, 11, 12). On the other hand, a 
theoretical difficulty had been felt. Certain mem- 
bers of the Church had died, and there was great 
anxiety lest they should be excluded from any share 
in the glories of the Lord's advent (1 Th. iv. 13-18): 
(2.) The Thessalonians needed consolation and en- 
couragement under persecution (ii. 14, iii. 2-4). 
(3.) An unhealthy state of feeling with regard to 
spiritual gifts was manifesting itself (v. 19, 20). (4.) 
There was the danger, which they shared with most 
Gentile churches, of relapsing into their old heathen 
profligacy (iv. 4-8). — IV. Yet the condition of the 
Thessalonian Church was highly satisfactory, and the 
most cordial relations existed between St. Paul and 
his converts there. This honorable distinction it 



1106 



TIIE 



THE 



shares with the other great Church of Macedonia, 
that of Philippi (com p. Phil.). — V. A comparison of 
the narrative in the Acts with the allusions in this 
and 2 Th. is instructive. Passing over patent coin- 
cidences, we may single out one of a more subtle and 
delicate kind. It arises out of the form which the 
accusation brought against St. Paul and his com- 
panions ut Thessalonica takes in Acts xvii. 7; "All 
these do contrary to the decrees of Cesar, saving 
that there is another king, one Jesus." The allu- 
sions in the Epistles to the Thessalonians enable us 
to understand the ground of this accusation. It ap- 
pears that the kingdom of Christ had entered largely 
into his oral teaching in this city, as it does into that 
of the Epistles themselves (1 Th. i. 10, iv. 6; 2 Th. 
ii. 5). On the other hand, the language of these 
Epistles diverges from the narrative of St. Luke on 
two or three points in such a way as to establish the 
independence of the two accounts, and even to re- 
quire some explanation. (1.) The first of these re- 
lates to the composition of the Church of Thessalo- 
nica. In 1 Th. i. 9, 10 St. Paul addresses his readers 
distinctly as Gentiles, who had been converted from 
idolatry to the Gospel. In Acts xvii. 4 we arc told 
that " some (of the Jews) believed . . . and of the de- 
vout Greeks (i. c. proselytes) a great multitude, and of 
the chief women not a few." Even if we retain the 
common reading (" devout Greeks; " some read " de- 
vout ones [i. e. proselytes] and Greeks "), the account 
of St. Luke does not exclude a number of believers 
converted directly from heathendom. Both con- 
vey the impression that the Gospel made but little 
progress with the Jews themselves. ('2.) In 1 Th. ii. 
14 the persecutors of the Thessalonian Christians are 
represented as their fellow-countrymen, whereas in 
Acts xvii. 6 the Jews are regarded as the bitterest 
opponents of the faith. This is fairly met by Paley, 
who points out that the Jews were the instigators 
of the persecution, which, however, they were power- 
less of themselves to carry out without aid from the 
heathen. (3.) The narrative of St. Luke appears to 
state that St. Paul remained only three weeks at 
Thessalonica (Acts xvii. 2), whereas in the Epistle, 
though there is no direct mention of the length of 
his residence amongst them, the whole language (1 
Th. i. 4, ii. 4-11) points to a much longer period. 
In the Acts it is stated simply that for three Sabbath 
days St. Paul taught in the synagogue. The silence 
of the writer does not exclude, but his success rather 
implies, subsequent labor among the Gentile popu- 
lation. (4 ) The notices of the movements of Silas 
and Timotheus in the two documents do not accord 
at first sight. In the Acts St. Paul is conveyed away 
secretly from Berea to escape the Jews. Arrived at 
Athens, he sends to Silas and Timothy, whom he had 
left behind at Berea, urging them to join him as soon 
as possible (Acts xvii. 14-16). It is evident from 
the language of St. Luke that the apostle expects 
them to join him at Athens. Yet we hear nothing 
more of them for some time, when at length after 
St. Paul had passed on to Corinth, and several inci- 
dents had occurred since his arrival there, we are 
told that Silas and Timotheus came from Macedonia 
(xviiL 5). From the First Epistle, on the other hand, 
we gather the following facts. St. Paul there tells 
us that they (i. e. himself, and probably Silas), no 
longer able to endure the suspense, " consented to 
Tse left alone at Athens, and sent Timothy their 
brother " to Thessalonica (1 Th. iii. 1, 2). Timothy 
returned with good news (iii. 6) (whether to Athens 
or Corinth does not appear), and when the two Epis- 
tles to the Thessalonians were written, both Timothy 



and Silas were with St. Paul (1 Th. i. 1 ; 2 Th. i. 1 ; 
comp. 2 Cor. i. 19). Now, we may suppose either 
that (a) Timotheus was dispatched to Thessalonica, 
not from Athens, but from Berea. In this case 
Timotheus would take up Silas somewhere in Mace- 
donia on his return, and the two would join St. Paul 
in company; not, however, at Athens, but later on 
at Corinth, some delay having arisen. Or (6) Timo- 
theus and Silas did join the apostle at Athens, where 
we learn from the Acts that he was expecting them. 
From Athens he dispatched Timotheus to Thessalo- 
nica, so that he and Silas had to forego the services 
of their fellow-laborer for a time. This mission is 
mentioned in the Epistle, but not in the Acts. Sub- 
sequently he sends Silas on some other mission, not 
recorded either in the history or the Epistle ; prob- 
ably to another Macedonian Church, e. g. Philippi 
(comp. 2 Cor. xi. 9; Phil. iv. 14-16). Silas and 
Timotheus returned together from Macedonia and 
joined the apostle at Corinth. — VI. This Epistle is 
rather practical than doctrinal. It was suggested 
l ather by personal feeling, than by any urgent need, 
» hich might have formed a centre of unity, and im- 
pressed a distinct character on the whole. Under 
tlicse circumstances we need not expect to trace 
unity ol purpose, or a continuous argument, and any 
analysis must be more or less artificial. The body 
of the Epistle, however, may be conveniently divided 
into two parts, the former of which, extending over 
the first three chapters, is chiefly taken up with a 
retrospect of the apostle's relation to his Thessslo- 
' nian converts, and an explanation of his present cir- 
I cumstanccs and feelings, while the latter, comprising 
I the fourth and fifth chapters, contains some season- 
! able exhortations. At the close of each of these di- 
\ i - i"u- is a prayer, commencing with the same words, 
"May God Himself," &c, and expressed in some- 
what similar language. The Epistle closes with per- 
sonal injunctions and a benediction (v. 25-28). — 
VII. The external evidence in favor of the genuine- 
ness of 1 Tb. is chiefly negative, but important. 
There is no trace that it was ever disputed at any 
age or in any section of the Church, or even by any 
individual, till the present century. On the other 
hand, the allusions to it in writers before the close 
of the second century are confessedly faint and un- 
certain. The Epistle was included in the Old Latin 
and Syriac Versions, is found in the Canon of the 
Muratorian fragment, and was also contained in that 
of Marcion. Toward the close of the second cen- 
tury, from Irenaius downward, we find this Epistle 
directly quoted and ascribed to St. Paul. The evi- 
dence derived from the character of the Epistle it- 
self — its style and matter— \s so strong that it may 
fairly be called irresistible. In regard to the matter, 
(1.) The firmness and delicacy of touch with which 
the apostle's relations toward his Thessalonian con- 
verts are drawn, are quite beyond the reach of the 
clumsy forgeries of the early Church ; and (2.) the 
writer uses language which, however it may be ex- 
plained (see the next article), is certainly colored 
by the anticipation of the speedy advent of the 
Lord. Such a position would be an anachronism in 
a writer of the second century. The genuineness 
of this Epistle was first questioned by Schrader, 
who was followed by Baur. The following is a 
summary of Baur's arguments : (i.) He attributes 
great weight to the general character of the Epistle, 
the difference of style, and especially the absence 
of distinctive Pauline doctrines (see II. above), (ii.) 
In the mention of the " wrath " overtaking the Jew- 
ish people (ii. 16), Baur sees an allusion to the de- 



THE 



THE 



1107 



struction of Jerusalem, and, therefore, a proof of 
the later date of the Epistle (see the next article ; 
Miracles; Prophet), (iii.) He urges the contradic- 
tions to the account in the Acts (see V. above), 
(iv.) He discovers references to the Acts, which 
show that the Epistle was written later. Hut the 
coincidences are subtle and incidental, and the 
points of divergence and apparent contradictions 
are so numerous as to preclude the supposition of 
copying, and evince the independence of the Epistle, 
(v.) He supposes passages in this Epistle to have 
been borrowed from the acknowledged letters of 
St. Paul. The resemblances, however, which he 
points out are not greater than, or indeed so great 
as, those in other Epistles, and bear no traces of 
imitation. Bible ; Canon ; Inspiration ; New Tes- 
tament. 

Tlies-sa-lo'nl-ans (see above), Sec ond E-pis'tle to 

the. I. This Epistle appears to have been written 
from Corinth not very long after the First (see the 
preceding article), for Silvanus and Timotheus were 
still with St. Paul (2 Th. i. 1). In the former letter 
we saw chiefly the outpouring of strong personal 
affection, occasioned by the renewal of the apostle's 
intercourse with the Thessalonians, and the doctrinal 
and hortatory portions are there subordinate. In 
the Second Epistle, on the other hand, his leading 
motive seems to have been the desire of correcting 
errors in the Church of Thessalonica. We notice 
two points especially which call forth his rebuke. 
First, it seems that the anxious expectation of the 
Lord's advent, instead of subsiding, had gained 
ground since the writing of the First Epistle. They 
now looked on this great crisis as imminent, and 
their daily business was neglected in consequence. 
Expressions in 1 Th., taken by themselves, might 
seem to favor this view ; and at all events such was 
falsely represented to be the apostle's doctrine. He 
now writes to soothe this restless spirit and quell 
their apprehensions by showing that many things 
must happen first, and that the end was not yet, re- 
ferring to his oral teaching at Thessalonica in con- 
firmation of this statement (2 Th. ii. 1-12, iii. 6-12). 
Secondly, the apostle had also a. personal ground of 
complaint. His authority was not denied by any, 
but it was tampered with, and an unauthorized use 
was made of his name. Designing men might mis- 
represent his teaching either by suppressing what 
he actually had written or said, or by forging letters 
and in other ways representing him as teaching 
what he had not taught. St. Paul's language hints in 
different places at both these modes of false dealing 
(compare 1 Th. v. 27). Two passages allude to these 
misrepresentations of his teaching. In the first he 
tells them in vague language, " not to be troubled 
either by spirit or by word or by letter, as coming 
from us, as if the day of the Lord were at hand " 
(2 Th. ii. 2, 3). In the second he says, " The salu- 
tation of Paul with mine own hand, which is a 
token in every Epistle : so I write" (iii. 17) — evi- 
dently a precaution against forgery. It will be seen 
then that the teaching of the Second Epistle is 
corrective of, or rather supplemental to, that of 
the First, and therefore presupposes it (ii. 15). — 
II. This Epistle, in the range of subject as well as 
in style and general character, closely resembles the 
First (see the preceding article). The structure also 
is somewhat similar, the main body of the Epistle 
being divided into two parts in the same way, and 
each part closing with a prayer (ii. 16, IV, iii. 16). 
The first part, after the salutation (i. 1, 2), consists 
of a general expression of thankfulness and interest, 



leading up to the difficulty about the Lord's Advent 
(i. 3 — ii. 17) : the second part consists of direct ex 
hortation (iii. 1-16). The Epistle ends with a spe- 
cial direction and benediction (iii. 17, 18). — III. The 
external evidence in favor of the Second Epistle is 
somewhat more definite than that in favor of the 
First. It seems to be referred to in one or two pas- 
sages of Polycarp ; and the language in which 
Justin Martyr speaks of the Man of Sin is so simi- 
lar that it can scarcely be independent of this Epis- 
tle. The Second Epistle, like the First, is found in 
the Canons of the Syriac and Old Latin Versions, 
and in those of the Muratorian fragment and of 
Marcion ; is quoted expressly and by name by Ire- 
nseus and others at the close of the second century, 
and was universally received by the Church. The 
internal character of the Epistle, too, as in the for- 
mer case, bears the strongest testimony to its Paul- 
ine origin. Its genuineness, in fact, was never 
questioned until the beginning of the present cen- 
tury. It has been rejected by some modern critics 
who acknowledge 1 Th. to be genuine. The apoc- 
alyptic passage (2 Th. ii. 1-12) is the great stumbling- 
block. It has been objected to, either as alluding 
to events subsequent to St. Paul's death, e. g. the 
Neronian persecution ; or as betraying religious 
views derived from the Montanism of the second 
century ; or lastly, as contradicting St. Paul's antici- 
pations expressed elsewhere, especially in the First 
Epistle, of the near approach of the Lord's Advent. 
— IV. The most striking feature in the Epistle is 
this apocalyptic passage, announcing the revelation 
of the "Man of Sin" (ii. 1-12), and it will not be 
irrelevant to investigate its meaning. — (1.) The pas- 
sage speaks of a great apostasy which is to usher 
in the advent of Christ, the great judgment. There 
are three prominent figures in the picture, Christ, 
Antichrist, and the Restrainer. The " mystery of 
lawlessness " (A. V. " iniquity ; " Sin) is already at 
work. At present it is checked by the Restrainer; 
but the check will be removed, and then it will 
break out in all its violence. Then Christ will ap- 
pear. — (2.) Many different explanations have been 
offered of this passage. By one class of interpret- 
ers it has been referred to circumstances which 
passed within the circle of the apostle's own ex- 
perience. Others, again, have seen in it the predic- 
tion of a crisis yet to be realized, the end of all 
things. The former of these, the Preterists, have 
identified the " Man of Sin " with divers historical 
characters — with Caligula, Nero, Titus, Simon Ma- 
gus, Simon son of Giora, the high-priest Ananias, 
&c, and have sought for an historical counterpart 
to the Restrainer in like manner. The latter, the 
Futurists, have also given various accounts of the 
Antichrist, the mysterious power of evil which is 
already working. To Protestants, e. g., it is the 
Papacy ; to the Greek Church, Mohammedanism. — 
(3.) Now, in arbitrating between the Preterists and 
the Futurists, we are led by the analogy of other 
prophetic announcements, as well as by the language 
of the passage itself, to take a middle course (so 
Prof. Lightfoot, original author of this article). 
Neither is wholly right, and yet both are to a cer- 
tain extent right. It is the special characteristic of 
prophecy to speak of the distant future through the 
present and immediate. Following the analogy of 
the older prophets and of our Lord himself (Old 
Testament B ; Prophet), we may agree with the 
Preterists that St. Paul is referring to events which 
fell under his own cognizance ; for, indeed, the 
Restrainer is said to be restraining now, and the 



1108 



THE 



THE 



mystery of iniquity to be already working : while 
at the same time we may accept the Futurist view 
that the apostle is describing the end of all things, 
and that, therefore, the prophecy has not yet re- 
ceived its most striking and complete fulfilment — 
(4.) If this view be correct, it remains to inquire 
what particular adversary of the Gospel, and what 
particular restraining influence, St. Paul may have 
had in view. But, before attempting an explanation, 
we may lay down two rules. First. The imagery 
of the passage must be interpreted mainly by it- 
self, and by the circumstances of the time. The 
great adversary in the Revelation seems to be the 
Roman power ; but it may be widely different here. 
There were even in the apostolic age "many Anti- 
christs ; " and we cannot be sure that the Anti- 
christ present to the mind of St. Paul was the 
same with the Antichrist contemplated by St. John. 
Secondly. In all figurative passages it is arbitrary to 
assume that a person is denoted where we find a 
personification. Thus the " Man of Sin " here need 
not be an individual man ; it may be a body of men, 
or a power, a spiritual influence. — (5.) Now we find 



that the chief opposition to the Gospel, and espe- 
cially to St. Paul s preaching at this time arose 
from the Jews (compare the preceding article). It 
seems on the whole probable that the Antichrist is 
represented especially by Judaism, and that the 
Unman Empire is the restraining power. It was to 
Roman justice and Roman magistrates that the 
apostle had recourse at this time to shield him from 
the enmity of the Jews, and to check their violence 
(Acts xvi. 37 f, xvii. 6 IT., xviii. 12 ff.; Appeal; 
Citizen). It was only at a later date, under Nero, 
that Rome became the antagonist of Christendom, 
and then she also, in turn, was fitly portrayed by 
St. John as the type of Antichrist. Bible ; Canon ; 
Inspiration ; New Testament. 

Thes-sa-lo-ni'ia(L. fr. Gr., see below), a maritime 
city of Macedonia ; originally named Therma, and 
situated on the Thermaic Gulf, now the GiUf of 
Salonica. The city rose into importance with the 
decay of Greek nationality. Cassander, the son of 
Antipater, rebuilt and enlarged it, and named it after 
his wife Tin -salonica, the sister of Alexander tiik 
Great, whose name commemorated in Greek a vic- 




tory over the Thesxalimis w hich her father (Philip 1) 
obtained on the day when he heard of her birth (so 
Dr. Howson, original author of this article). The 
name, ever since, under various slight modifications, 
has been continuous, and the city has never ceased 
to be eminent. It is now known as Salonili or 
Salonica, and is still the most important town of 
European Turkey, n.°xt after Constantinople. Under 
the Romans, when Macedonia was divided into four 
governments, Thessalonica was the capital of the 
second ; afterward, wnen the whole was consolidated 
into one province, this city became practically the 
metropolis. It was made a " free city " (Roman 
Empire ; and see below), and in the first and second 
centuries a. c. was the most populous city in Mace- 
donia. St. Paul visited it (with Silas and Timothy) 
during his second missionary journey, and thus 
Christianity was introduced into Thessalonica. 



Three circumstances illustrate in an important man- 
ner this visit and this journey as well as the Two 
Epistles to the Thessalonians : — (1.) This was the 
chief station on the great Roman Road, called the 
EgnatianWay, which connected Rome with Amphip- 
olis, Apollonia, Neapolis, Philippi, and the whole 
region N. of the ^Egean Sea. (2.) Placed on this 
great Road, in connection with other important 
Roman ways, and being also a great emporium of 
trade by sea, Thessalonica was an invaluable centre 
for the spread of the Gospel (1 Th. i. 8). It was 
nearly, if not quite, on a level with Corinth and 
Ephesus in its share of the commerce of the Levant. 
(3.) The circumstance (Acts xvii. 1) that here was 
the synagogue of the Jews in this part of Mace- 
donia, had evidently much to do with the apostle's 
plans, and also doubtless with his success. Trade 
would inevitably bring Jews to Thessalonica; and 



THE 



THI 



1109 



it is remarkable that, ever since, they have had a 
prominent place in the annals of the city. In the 
fifteenth century there was a great influx of Jews 
from Spain. The Jewish quarter is in the south- 
eastern part of the town. 1 The first scene of the 
apostle's work at Thessalonica was the synagogue 
(xvii. 2, 3). His ministrations among the Jews con- 
tinued for three weeks (ver. 2), but probably he re- 
mained longer in the city (ver. 5-10 ; 1 Th. i. 6, ii. 
2, 14, 15, iii. 3, 4 ; 2 Th. i. 4-7 ; Jason). He was 
certainly there again on his missionary journey, 
both in going and returning (Acts xx. 1-3). Pos- 
sibly he was also there again, after his liberation 
from his first imprisonment (Phil. i. 25, 26, ii. 24 ; 
1 Tim. i. 3 ; 2 Tim. iv. 13 ; Tit. iii. 12). A flourish- 
ing Church was formed there: and the Epistles 
show that its elements were much more Gentile 
than Jewish (1 Th. i. 9; Aristarchus; Demas ? ; 
Gaius [Acts xix. 29]; Jason; Secundus). The 
narrative in the Acts affords a singularly accurate 
illustration of the political constitution of Thessalo- 
nica. Not only is " the people " mentioned (Gr. 
demos, Acts xvii. 5) in harmony with its being a 
"free city," but the peculiar title (Gr. pi. politarchai 
= politarc/is, or, as in the A. V., " rulers of the 
city," ver. 6) of the chief magistrates. This term 
occurs in no other writing ; but it may be read to 
this day conspicuously on an arch of the early Im- 
perial times, which spans the main street of the 
city, and from which it appears that the number 
of politarchs was seven. The ar^-h just mentioned 
(called the Varddr gate) is at the western extremity 
of the town. At its eastern extremity is another 
Roman arch of later date, and probably commem- 
orating some victory of Constantine. The main 
street, which both these arches cross, and which 
intersects the city from E. to W., is undoubtedly 
the line of the Egnatian Wag. — Thessalonica, dur- 
ing several centuries, was the bulwark, not simply 
of the later Greek Empire (Roman Empire), but of 
Oriental Christendom, and was largely instrumental 
"in the conversion of the Slavonians and Bulgarians. 
Thus it received the designation of " the Orthodox 
City ; " and its struggles are very prominent in the 
writings of the Byzantine historians. It was taken 
by the Saracens a. d. 904, by the Crusaders 1185, 
and by the Turks, under Amurath II., in 1430. 

Thcn'das (Gr. = Theodore, i. e. gift of God [so 
Pott, &c] ; but in N. T. probably fr. Syr. or Heb. = 
acknowledgment, confession, thanksgiving [so Sonntag, 
Prof. Hackett, &e.]), an insurgent mentioned in 
Gamaliel's speech before the Jewish council (Acts v. 
35-39) at the time of the arraignment of the apos- 
tles. He appeared, according to St. Luke's account, 
at the head of about four hundred men, but was 
slain and his party annihilated. Josephus speaks 
of a Theudas who played a similar part in the time 
of Claudius, about a. d. 44, i. e. some ten or twelve 
years at least later than the delivery of Gamaliel's 
speech ; and since Luke places his Theudas, in the 
order of time, before Judas of Galilee, who made 
his appearance soon after the dethronement of 
Archelaus, i. e. a. d. 6 or 7, it has been charged that 
the writer of the Acts either fabricated the speech 
put into the mouth of Gamaliel, or has wrought into 
it a transaction which took place thirty years or 
more after the time when it is said to have occurred. 



1 Rev. E. M. Dodd, American missionary at Salonica, 
said in 1854, " It has at present a population variously es- 
timated at from 60,000 to 80,000; of these one-half are 
Jews ; a few. of almost all nations under heaven ; and the 
remainder, half Greeks and half Turks " (B. S. xi. 830). 



But either of the two following solutions of the diffi- 
culty fulfils every reasonable requisition, and both 
must be disproved before Luke can be justly charged 
with having committed an anachronism in this pas- 
sage (so Prof. Hackett, original author of this ar- 
ticle): (1.) Since Luke represents Theudas as hav- 
ing preceded Judas the Galilean, he could not have 
appeared later, at all events, than the latter part of 
the reign of Herod the Great. Now, the very year 
of that monarch's death was remarkably turbulent ; 
the land was overrun by insurrectionary chiefs or 
fanatics. Josephus mentions but three of these dis- 
turbers byname; he passes over the others with a 
general allusion. Among those whom the Jewish 
historian has omitted to name, may have been the 
Theudas whom Gamaliel cites (so Lardner, Bengel, 
Kuinoel, Olshausen, Anger, Winer, &c). The name 
was not uncommon (Winer). (2.) Another explana- 
tion (essentially different only as proposing to iden- 
tify the person) is, Luke's Theudas may have been 
one of the three insurgents whose names are men- 
tioned by Josephus in connection with the disturb- 
ances which took place about the time of Herod's 
death. Sonntag ably maintains this view, and ar- 
gues that the Theudas referred to by Gamaliel is the 
individual whom Josephus mentions as Simon, a 
slave of Herod, who attempted to make himself king, 
and died a violent death. 

* Thief. Deposit ; Punishments ; Robbery ; 
Thieves, the Two. 

Thieves, the Two. The men who under this name 
appear in the historv of the crucifixion (Mat. xxvii. 
38,44; Mk. xv. 37,42; comp. Lk. xxiii. 32-43 ; Jn. 
xix. 18, 31 ff.) were robbers (Gr. lestai ; Robbery) 
rather than thieves (Gr. kleptai), belonging to the 
lawless bands by which Palestine was at that time 
and afterward infested. Against these brigands 
every Roman procurator had to wage continual war. 
(Jerusalem.) It was necessary to use an armed 
police to encounter them (Lk. xxii. 52). Of the pre- 
vious history of the two who suffered on Golgotha we 
know nothing. They had been tried and condemned, 
and were waiting their execution before our Lord was 
accused. It is probable enough, as the death of 
Barabbas was clearly expected at the same time, 
that they had taken part in his insurrection, and 
had expected to die with him. They find themselves 
crucified with Jesus of Nazareth. (Cross ; Cruci- 
fixion; Jesus Christ; Punishments.) They could 
hardly fail to have heard something of his fame as a 
prophet, of his triumphal entry as a king. They 
catch at first the prevailing tone of scorn. But over 
one of them came a change. He looked back upon 
his past life, and saw an infinite evil. He looked to 
the man dying on the cross beside him, and saw an in- 
finite compassion. There indeed was one unlike all 
other " kings of the Jews," whom the robber had 
ever known. Such a one must be all that He had 
claimed to be. To be forgotten by that King seems 
to him now the most terrible of all punishments ; 
to take part in the triumph of His return, the most 
blessed of all hopes. The yearning prayer was an- 
swered, not in the letter, but in the spirit. " To-day 
shalt thou be with Me in Paradise." — The simplest 
and truest way of looking at this history has been 
that of those who have seen in the " dying thief" 
the first great typical instance that " a man is justi- 
fied by faith without the deeds of the law " (so Prof. 
Plumptre, original author of this article). Bengel 
finds in the Lord's words to him an indication that 
the penitent thief was a Gentile, the impenitent a 
Jew, and that thus the scene on Calvary was typical 



1110 



TFII 



THO 



of the position of the two Churche9. Stier reads in 
the words of reproof the language of one who had 
all along listened with grief and horror to the re- 
vilings of the multitude, the burst of an indignation 
previously suppressed. The Apocryphal Gospels 
give his name as Demas or Dismas, and make him 
the first of all mankind to enter Paradise. " St. Dis- 
mas " has been canonized in the Syrian, Greek, and 
Latin Churches. 

Thim ua-thah (fr. Heb. Timn&tMh = Timnah, 
Ges.), a city named between Elon and Ekron, re- 
garded by Gesenius, Robinson, &c, as = Timnah 1. 

Tbis be (Gr. Thisbe or Thibe), a city of Naphtali 
from which Tobit's ancestor had been carried cap- 
tive by the Assyrians (Tob. i. 2 only); maintained 
by some interpreters to be the native place of Eli- 
jah the TlSHBITE ; not identified. 

This tie [this'sll. Thorns and Thistles. 

Thom as [tom-J (Gr. fr. Ileb. torn, tomd = twin; 
see below), one of the apostles. (Apostle.) Accord-' 
ing to Eusebius (If. K i. 13), his real name was 
Judas. This may have been a mere confusion with 
Thaddeus, who is mentioned in the extract. But it 
may also be that Thoma9 was a surname (so Dean 
Stanley, original author of this article). The word 
Thumd means a twin ; and so it is translated in Jn. 
xi. 16, xxi. 2 (Gr. ho didumos, A. V. " Dinv.Mfs "). 
Out of this name has grown the tradition that he had 
a twin-sister, Lydia, or that he was a twin-brother 
of our Lord; which last, again, would confirm his 
identification wiih Judas (comp. Mat. xiii. 55). He 
is said to have been born at Antioch. In the cata- 
logue of the apostles he is coupled with Matthew 
fMat. x. 3; Mk. iii. 18; Lk. vi. 15) and with Philip 
(Acts i. 13). All that we know of him is derived 
from the Gospel of St. John ; and this amounts to 
three traits, presenting his character as that of a 
man slow to believe, seeing all the difficulties of a 
case, subject to despondency, viewing things on the 
darker side, and yet full of ardent love for his Mas- 
ter. The first trait is his speech when our Lord de- 
termined to face the dangers that awaited Him in 
Judea on His journey to Bethany. Thomas said to 
his fellow-disciples, " Let us also go, that we may die 
with Him" (Jn. xi. 16). The second was his speech 
during the Last Supper. "Thomas saith unto Him, 
Lord, we know not whither Thou goest, and how can 
we know the way"(xiv. 5). It was the prosaic, 
incredulous doubt as to moving a step in the unseen 
future, and yet an eager inquiry to know how this 
step was to be taken. The third was after the Res- 
urrection. He was absent — possibly by accident, 
perhaps characteristically — from the first assembly 
when Jesus had appeared. The others told him 
what they had seen. He broke forth into an ex- 
clamation, the terms of which convey to us at once 
the vehemence of his doubt, and the vivid picture that 
his mind retained of his Master's form as he had last 
seen Him lifeless on the cross. "Except I shall see 
in His hands the print of the nails, and put my finger 
into the print of the nails, and thrust my hand into 
His side, I will not believe " (xx. 25). On the eighth 
day he was with them at their gathering, perhaps in 
expectation of a recurrence of the visit of the pre- 
vious week; and Jesus stood amongst them. He 
uttered the same salutation, " Peace be unto you ; " 
and then turning to Thomas, as if this had been the 
special object of His appearance, uttered the words 
which convey as strongly the sense of condemnation 
and tender reproof as those of Thomas had shown 
the sense of hesitation and doubt, " Reach hither 
thy finger, and behold My hands ; and reach hither 



thy hand, and thrust it into My side ; and be not faith- 
less, but believing." The effect on Thoma9 is im- 
mediate. The conviction produced by the removal 
of his doubt became deeper and stronger than that 
of any of the other apostles. The words in which he 
expressed his belief contain a far higher assertion of 
his Master's divine nature than is contained in any 
other expression used by apostolic lips, " My Lord, 
and my God." The answer of our Lord sums up the 
moral of the whole narrative : " Because thou hast 
seen Me, thou hast believed : blessed are they that 
have not seen Me, and yet have believed" (xx. 29). 
In the N. T. we hear of Thomas only twice again, 
once on the Sea of Galilee with the seven disciples, 
where he is named next after Peter (xxi. 2), and 
again in the assemblage of the apostles after the 
Ascension (Act9 i. 13). The earlier traditions, as 
believed in the fourth century, represent him as 
preaching in Partbia or Persia, and as finally buried 
at Edcssa. The later traditions make him founder 
of the Christian Church in Malabar, still called " the 
Christians of St. Thomas ; " and his tomb i9 shown in 
the neighborhood. This, however, is now usually rc- 
L'unlei] a- .n ising from a confusion with a later Thom- 
as, a missionary from the Nestorians. His martyrdom 
(whether in Persia or India) is said to have been oc- 
casioned by a lance; and is commemorated by the 
Latin Church on December 21, by the Greek Church 
on October 0, and by the Indians on July 1. The 
"Gospel of Thomas" (chiefly relating to the In- 
fancy), and "Acts of Thomas," are apocryphal. 

Tuom'o-1 (Gr.) = Thamah or Tamaii (1 Esd. v. 
32). 

Thorns and This tles. There appear to be eighteen 
or twenty Hebrew words which point to different 




Enropean Box-thorn {Lydum Eurojcxum\ 

kinds of prickly or thornv shrubs, and are variously 
rendered in the A. V. " thorns," " briers," " thistles," 



THO 



THR 



1111 



" brambles," &c. We shall confine our remarks (so 
Mr. Houghton) to some of the most important names, 
and those which seem to afford some slight indica- 
tions as to the plants they denote. — 1. Heb. dldd oc- 
curs as the name of some spinous plant in Judg. ix. 
14, 15 (A. V. "bramble," marg. " thistle "), and in 
Ps. lviii. 9 (Heb. 10, A. V. " thorns"). The plant 
in question is supposed to be Lycium Europceum or 
Lycium A/rum (box-thorn), both of which species 
occur in Palestine. The Arabic name of this plant 
is identical with the Hebrew. Lycium Europceum 
(European box-thorn) is a native of the S. of Europe 
and the N. of Africa ; in the Grecian islands it is 
common in hedges. — 2. Heb. hedek or chedek occurs 
in Prov. xv. 19 (A. V. " thorns "), and in Mic. vii. 4 
(A. V. "brier"). Celsius, referring the Hebrew to 
the Ar. Chadak, is of opinion that some spinous 
species of Solatium is intended. The Arabic term 
= some kind of Solatium, either the Solatium melon- 
gela, variety esculentum (Egg-plant) or the Solanum 
Sodomeum (apple of Sodom) ; but it is hardly prob- 
able that these are meant by the Hebrew word, which 
denotes any thorny plant suitable for hedges. — 3. 
Heb. hoah or choach denotes some thorny plant (A. 



V. " thickets," 1 Sam. xiii. 6 : " thistle," 2 K. xiv. 9 
twice ; 2 Chr. xxv. 18 twice ; Job. xxxi. 40 : " thorn," 
2 Chr. xxxiii. 11 ; Job xli. 2 [xl. 26 Heb.]; Prov. 
xxvi. 9 ; Cant. ii. 2 ; Hos. ix. 6 : " brambles," Is. xxxiv. 
13). Celsius believes the blackthorn (Prunus syl- 
vesiris) is denoted ; but from Job xxxi. 40 — A. V. 
" Let thistles grow instead of wheat " — it is probable 
that some thorny weed of quick growth is intended. 
Perhaps the term is used in a wide sense to signify 
any thorny plant. — 4. Heb. dardar (A. V. " thistle ") 
is mentioned twice with Heb. koh (A. V. " thorn "), 
viz. in Gen. iii. 18, and Hos. x. 8. The Gr. tribolos 
(in LXX. for dardar) occurs in Mat. vii. 16 (A. V. 
"thistle") and Heb. vi. 8 (A. V. "brier"). Prob- 
ably the Tribulus terreslris (caltrop), which, however, 
is not a spiny or thorny plant, but has spines on the 
fruit, or else the Centaurea calcitrapa (star-thistle), 
is the plant more particularly intended by dardar. 
— 5. Heb. shdmir (A. V. " briers ") is almost always 
found with Heb. shayith (Is. v. 6, vii. 23-25, ix. i8 
[Heb. 17], x. 17, xxvii. 4), once with Heb. kots (xxxii. 
13): it is variously rendered by the LXX. (Ada- 
mant.) According to Abu'lfadl, cited by Celsius, 
" the Samur of the Arabs is a thorny tree ; it is a 




Caltrop (Tribulua terrettrit\ 



species of Sidra which does not produce fruit." No 
thorny plants are more conspicuous in Palestine and 
the Bible Lands than different kinds of Rhamnacece 
(buckthorns), such as Paliurus aculealus (Christ's 
Thorn), and Zizyphus Spina Christi ; this latter 
plant is the nebk of the Arabs, a shrub or tree which 
grows abundantly in Syria and Palestine. The Heb. 
naiitsutx (A.V . " thorn ")of Is. vii. 19, lv. 13, probably 
denotes some species of Zizyphus. The "crown of 
thorns " which was put in derision upon our Lord's 
head just before His crucifixion, was probably com- 
posed of the pliant thorny twigs of the nebk (Zizy- 
phus Spina Christi) mentioned above ; being com- 
mon everywhere, they could readily be procured. 
Still, as Rosenmiiller remarks, " there being so many 
kinds of thorny plants in Palestine, all conjectures 
must remain uncertain." Although it is not possi- 
ble to fix on any one definite Hebrew word as the 
representative of any one kind of " thistle," this 
plant is doubtless sometimes alluded to, as thistles 
of various species ( Carduus, Cnicus) are numerous 
in Palestine, and often of prodigious size. Hassel- 
quist thinks the rest-harrow (Ononis spinosa), a 
troublesome thorny plant, which often covers entire 
fields and plains both in Egypt and Palestine, is re- 



ferred to in some parts of the Scriptures. Thorns 
and briers grow so luxuriantly in some parts of Pal- 
estine that they must be burned off always before 
the plough can operate (Thn. ii. 5, 28). Thomson (i. 
81) says, thorns are cut up only for burning in the 
lime-kiln (comp. Is. xxxiii. 12); but are set on fire 
where they grow, if they are merely to be destroyed. 
Bush ; Palestine, Botany ; Paul. 

Tlira'ci-a [-she-a] (L. fr. Gr. Tlirake ; fr. Tiras, 
so Boch., &c.\ usually called Thrace [pronounced 
thrase in one syllable] in our language. A Thracian 
horseman is incidentally mentioned in 2 Mc. xii. 35, 
apparently one of the body-guard of Gorgias, gov- 
ernor of Idumea under Antiochus Epiphanes. Thrace 
at this period included the whole of the country 
within the boundary of the Strymon, the Danube, 
and the coasts of the -<Egean, Propontis, and Euxine 
— all the region of European Turkey, now compre- 
hended in Bulgaria and Roumelia. In the early 
times it was inhabited by a number of fierce preda- 
tory tribes, each under its own chief; but, at the 
Peloponnesian war, Sitalces, king of the Odrysse, had 
acquired the predominant power in the country. 
In the wars after the death of Alexander the Great 
the Thracians found a demand for their services as 



1112 



THR 



THY 



mercenaries everywhere. They furnished cavalry 
chiefly, the rich pastures of Roumelia abounding in 
horses. In Gen. x. 2, Tiras has by some been sup- 
posed to mean Thrace. 

Thra-se'as (fr. Gr.), father of Apollonius 1 (2 Mv. 
iii. 5). 

•Thread. Cord; Embroiderer; Flax; Linen; 
Yarn, &c. 

* Three. Numdkr. 

Three Tav erns (fr. L. Tres Tabema;; probably 
named from three inns or eating-houses for travel- 
lers), a station on the Appian Road, along which 
St. Paul travelled from Puteoli to Rome (Acts 
xxviii. 15). The distances southward from Rome 
are given in the AtUotline Itinerary, "to Alicia, six- 
teen miles ; to Three Taverns, seventeen miles ; to 
Ami Forum, ten miles ; " hence " Three Taverns " 
must have been near the modern Cislerna. Just at 
this point a road came in from Antium on the coast. 
There is no doubt that " Three Taverns " was a fre- 
quent meeting-place of travellers. Here St. Paul 
met a group of Christians who hud come from Rome 
to meet him. 

Threshing. Agriculture. 

Thresh old (Heb. miphtdn, saph) = a door-sill ; a 
piece of timber, stone, or other material under a 
door or entrance (Judg. xix. 27 ; 1 Sam. v. 4, 5, 
&c.). Gate ; House ; Lintel ; 1'ost I. 

Thresh olds, the, the A. V. translation of Heb. 
tisuppey (construct state of amtppim ; see Asitpim). 
In S'eh. xii. 25 the A. V. has " the thresholds (mar- 
gin ' or treasuries, or assemblies ') of the gates " 
(Heb. tisuppey hash-xhi- 'driin) ; Gcsenius, Fiirst, &c, 
translate the store-chambers of the yatis. Asuppim. 

Throne (Heb. cissi ; Gr. thronos). The Hebrew 
and Greek terms = any elevated seat occupied by 
a person in authority, whether a high-priest (1 Sam. 
i. 9, A. V. "seat"), a judge (Ps. exxii. 5), or a mili- 
tary chief (Jer. i. 15). The use of a chair in a 
country where the usual postures were squatting 
and reclining (Furniture ; House ; Meals) was at 




Thrones of SeDnacherib and Darius. — <From Rln. IJdt. iv. 15 



all times regarded as a symbol of dignity (2 K. iv. 
10; Prov. ix. 14). "The throne of the kingdom" 
= royal dignity (Deut. xvii. 18 ; 1 K. i. 46 ; 2 Chr. 
vii. 18, &c). The characteristic feature in the royal 
throne was its elevation : Solomon's throne was ap- 
proached by six steps (1 K. x. 19 ; 2 Chr. ix. 18) ; 
and Jehovah's throne is described as " high and 
lifted up " (Is. vi 1). The materials and workman- 



ship were costly : Solomon's was of " ivory," " over- 
laid with gold," i. e. where the ivory did not appear. 
It was furnished with arms or " stays." The steps 
were also lined with pairs of lions. As to the form 
of the chair, we are only informed in 1 K. x. 19 
that " the top was round behind." The kino sat on 
his throne on state occasions, arrayed in his royal 
robes. The throne was the symbol of supreme 
power and dignity (Gen. xli. 40). Similarly, "to sit 
upon the throne," implied the exercise of regal 
power (Deut. xvii. 18; 1 K. xvi. 11). "Thrones" 
in Col. i. 16 = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) potentates or 
higher powers in general, earthly or celestial (i. c. 
Archangels; Angels). 

I hum mini. I'kim ano ThUMMIH. 
Thou'der (Heb. ra'am ; Gr. bronte) and lightning 
:ue extremely rare during the summer months in 
Palestine and tin adjacent countries. From the 
middle of April to the middle of September it is 
hardly ever heard. Hence it was selected by Samuel 
as a striking expression of the divine displeasure 
toward the Israelites (1 Sam. xii. 17). In the poetic 
language of the Hebrews, thunder was the voice of 
Jehovah (Job xxxvii. 2, 4, 5, xl. 9; Ps. xviii. 13, 
xxix. 3-9; Is. xxx. 30, 31), who dwelt behind the 
thunder-cloud (Ps. lxxxi. 7). Thunder was the sym- 
bol of Divine power (xxix. 3, &c), and vengeance 
(1 Sam. ii. 10; 2 Sam. xxii. 14, &c.). Hail; Pal- 
estine, Climate; Plagues, the Ten, 7; Rain; 
Whirlwind, &c. 

'Ih>-a-ti ra (L. fr. Gr. ; named [so Stephen of 
Kyzantium] by Seleucus Nicator on the birth of his 
daur/hter [Gr. thugater]), a city on the Lycus, found- 
ed by Seleucus Nicator, king of Syria ; one of the 
man\ Macrdonian colonics established in Asia Minor 
after the destruction uf the Persian Empire by Alex- 
ander. It lay to the left of the road from Pergamos 
to Sardi-, on tin southern incline of the watershed 
w hich separates the valley of thcCaicus (Bakyrtchai) 
from that of the Hermus, on the confines of Mysia 
and Ionia, sometimes reckoned in one, sometimes 
in the other. In earlier times it had 
borne the names of Pelopia, Semiramis, 
and Euhippia. At the Christian era, the 
Macedonian element so preponderated 
as to give a distinctive character to the 
population. The original inhabitants 
hud probably been distributed in ham- 
lets round about, when Thyatira was 
founded. During the continuance of 
the Attalic dynasty (Pergamos), Thya- 
tira scarcely appears in history ; and 
of the various inscriptions found on 
the site, now called Ak flissar,' not one 
unequivocally belongs to earlier times 
than those of the Roman Empire. The 
prosperity of the city seems to have re- 
ceived a new impulse under Vespasian 
(about a. d. 70). Dyeing apparently 
formed an important part of the indus- 
trial activity of Thyatira, as of that of 
Colosse and Laodicea (Acts xvi. 14; 
Colors ; Dress ; Lydia). The princi- 
pal deity of the city was Apollo, wor- 
shipped as the sun-god under the surname Tyr- 
imnas, and no doubt introduced by the Mace- 
donian colonists. (Idolatry.) A priestess of 

1 The town is flourishing, with 17.000 inhabitants. The 
leeches used in medicine in Eastern Europe are found 
here. The scarlet cloth here dyed i9 said to be unsur- 
passed for its brilliant and permanent color (Rev. H. 
Christmas, in Fairbairn). 



THY 

Artemis (Diana) is also mentioned in the in- 
scriptions. Another superstition, which existed 
at Thyatira, seems to have been brought thither 
by some of the corrupted Jews of the dispersed 
tribes. A fane stood outside the walls, dedicated to 



TIB 1113 

Sambalha — a sibyl sometimes called Chaldean, some- 
times Jewish, sometimes Persian — in the midst of 
an enclosure designated " the Chaldean's court." 
This seems to illustrate "the prophetess" ("Jeze- 
bel") in Rev. ii. 20, 21, which Grotius interprets 




Thyat 



of the wife of the bishop. In Thyatira there was a 
great amalgamation of races. But amalgamation 
of different races, in pagan nations, always went to- 
gether with a syncretism of different religions, every 
relation of life having its religious sanction. If the 
sibyl Sambatha was really a Jewess, lending her aid 
to this proceeding, and not discountenanced by the 
authorities of the Jewish-Christian Church at Thya- 




Thyine-wood {Thuya articulata). 



tira, both the censure and its qualification become 
easy of explanation (so Mr. Blakesley, original au- 
thor of this article). 

Thy'lne- [-in] (fr. Gr., named from the pleasant 
odor given out by the wood as burnt in ancient sac- 
rifices) wood (Rev. xviii. 12 only, margin "sweet" 
wood) is probably the wood of the Thuya articulata, 
Desfont., the Callitris quadrivalvist of present bot- 
anists, a tree of the cypress tribe, much prized by 
the ancient Greeks and Romans, on account of the 
beauty of its wood for tables and various ornamental 
purposes. By the Romans the tree was called citrus, 
the wood citrum or citron-wood. It is a native of 
Barbary, and grows to the height of fifteen to twen- 
ty-five feet. The roof of the mosque at Cordova is 
of thyine-wood. Lady Calcott says the wood is 
dark nut-brown, close-grained, and very fragrant. 
The resin known by the name of Sandarach is the 
produce of this tree. 

Ti-be'ri-as (Gr. and L., see below), a city in the 
time of Christ, on the Sea of Galilee (Gennesaret, 
Sea of) ; first mentioned in the N. T. (Jn. vi. 1, 23, 
xxi. 1), and then by Josephus, who states that it was 
built by Herod Antipas, and was named by him in 
honor of the Emperor Tiberics (so Prof. Hackett, 
original author of this article). It was probably a 
new town, and not a restored or enlarged one 
merely ; for " Rakkath" (Josh. xix. 35), said in the 
Talmud to have occupied the same position, lay in 
Naphtali, whereas Tiberias appears to have been in 
Zebulun (Mat. iv. 13). (Compare Chinnereth and 
Hammath.) Tiberias was the capital of Galilee from 
its origin until the reign of Herod Aguippa II., who 
changed the seat of power back again to Sepphoris, 
where it had been before the founding of the new 
city. Many of the inhabitants were Greeks and 
Romans, and foreign customs prevailed there to 



1114 



TIB 



TIB 



such an extent as to give offence to the stricter 
Jews. (Heromans.) Herod Antipas built there a 
palace, race-course, &c. The modern Tvbariyeh oc- 
cupies unquestionably the original site, but with 
narrower limits than those of the original city. On 
the shore, about a mile S. of Tubariyeli, are the cel- 
ebrated warm baths, which the Roman naturalists 
reckoned among the greatest known curiosities of 
the world. The space between these baths and the 
town abounds with traces of ruins, such as the 
foundations of walls, heaps of stone, blocks of 
granite, and the like. Tiberias stood anciently as 
now, on the western shore, about two-thirds of the 
way between the northern and southern end of the 
Sea of Galilee. There is a margin or strip of land 
between the »ater and the steep hills (which else- 
where in that quarter come down so boldly to the 
edge of the lake), about two miles long and a quar- 
ter of a mile broad, somewhat undulating, but ap- 



proximating to the character of a plain. Tubarh/eh, 
the modern town, occupies the northern end of this 
parallelogram, and the Warm Baths the southern 
extremity ; so that the more extended city of the 
Roman age must have covered all, or nearly all of 
the peculiar ground whose limits are thus clearly 
defined. The inhabitants, as of old, draw their sub- 
sistence in part from the neighboring lake. (Fjsii.) 
The place is tour and a hall hours from Nazareth, one 
hour from Mejdel (Magdala?), and thirteen hours, 
by the shortest route, from Bduiits or Cesarea Phi- 
LIPPI. It is remarkable that the Gospels give us no 
information, that the Saviour, who spent so much 
of His public life in Galilee, ever visited Tiberias 
(compare Lie. xxiii. 8). Tiberias bore a conspicuous 
part in the wars between the Jews and the Romans. 
The Sanhedrim, subsequently to the fall of Jerusa- 
lem, after a temporary sojourn at Jamnia and Sep- 
phoris, became fixed there about the middle of the 




View of Ihe Town and Lake of Tiberias from the S. W.— (Fbn. 



second century. Celebrated schools of Jewish learn- 
ing nourished there through a succession of several 
centuries. (Education.) The Mishna was compiled 
at this place by the great Rabbi Judah Hakkodesh 
(a. d. 190). (Old Testament A, § 1 ; Pharisees.) 
The place passed, under Constantine, into the power 
of the Christians; and during the Crusades was lost 
and won repeatedly by the different combatants. 
Since that time it has been possessed successively 
by Persians, Arabs, and Turks ; and contains now, 
under the Turkish rule, a mixed population of Mo- 
hammedans, Jews, and Christians, variously esti- 
mated at from two to four thousand. The Jews are 
about one-fourth of the whole, and occupy a quar- 
ter in the middle of the town near the lake. Tibe- 
rias suffered terribly in the earthquake of 1837. 

Ti-be'ri-as (see above), the Sea of = the Sea of 
Galilee (Jn. vi. 1, xxi. 1). Gennesaret, Sea of; 
Tiberias. 

Ti-be ri-ns (L. ; named from the River Tiber, near 
which he was born ? Schl.), in full, Tiberius Clau- 
dius Nero ; the second Roman emperor, successor 
of Augustus, reigned a. d. 14-37. He was the son 
of Tiberius Claudius Nero and Livia, and hence a 
stepson of Augustus. He was born at Rome, No- 
vember 16th, b. c. 42 ; distinguished himself as a 
commander in various wars, evinced talents of a 



high order as an orator, and an administrator of 
civil affairs, and even gained the reputation of pos- 
sessing the sterner virtues of the Roman character. 
Yet, on being raised to the supreme power, he lived 
a life of inactivity, sloth, and self-indulgence ; he 




Silver Coin of Tiberiufl Cesar.— 1 Fbn. > 



gave up the affairs of state to the vilest favorites, 
and wallowed in the very kennel of all that is low 
and debasing (so Prof. Hackett). He was despotic 
in his government, cruel and vindictive in his dis- 
position. He died at seventy-eight, after a reign 
of twenty-three years. 

Hb'liath (Heb. slaughter, Ges.t, a city of Hadad- 
ezer, king of Zobah (1 Chr. xviii. 8) ; = Betah. 

Tib ui (Heb. building of Jehovah, Ges.). After 
Zimri burnt himself in his palace, there was a di- 
vision in the northern kingdom, half of the people 
following Tibni, the son of Ginath, and half follow- 



TID 



TIG 



1115 



ing Omri (I K. xvi. 21, 22). Omri was the choice 
of the army. The struggle between the contending 
factions lasted four years (compare ver. 15, 23), 
when " Tibni died," i. e. probably, was slain. Israel, 
Kingdom of. 

Tidal (Heb. fear, veneration, Ges.), a " king of 
nations " under Chedorlaomer (Gen. xiv. 1, 9 only). 
Prof. Rawlinson regards his name as probably 
Thurgal (the LXX. has Thargal), which he inter- 
prets, from the early Hamitic dialect of the lower 
Tigris and Euphrates country, as = the great chief. 
The title " king of nations " he understands as = 
a chief over various nomadic tribes. 

Tig'Iatli-pl-lc'ser (Heb. fr. Assyrian = lord of the 
Tigris, Ges. ; adoration be to the sun of the Zodiac, 
i. e. to Nin or Hercules, Oppert; see below). In 1 
Chr. v. 26, and 2 Chr. xxviii. 20, the name of this 
king is written " Tilgath-pilneser ; " but in this 
form there is a double corruption (so Prof. Rawlin- 
son, original author of this article). The native 
word reads as Tigulli-pal-tsira, for which the Tiglath- 
pil-eser of 2 Kings is a fair equivalent. Tiglath- 
pileser, the second king of Assyria mentioned in 
Scripture as having come into contact with the Israel- 
ites, attacked Samaria in the reign of Pekah, prob- 
ably because Pekali withheld his tribute, and, having 
entered his territories, " took Ijon, and Abel-beth- 
maachah, and Janoah, and Kedesh, and Hazor, and 
Gilead, and Galilee, and all the land of Naphtali, 
and carried them captive to Assyria " (2 K. xv. 29). 
After his first expedition, a close league was formed 
between Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah, having 
for its special object the humiliation of Judah. At 
first great successes were gained by Pekah and his 
confederate (xv. 37 ; 2 Chr. xxviii. 6-8) ; but, on 
their proceeding to attack Jerusalem itself, Ahaz 
applied to Assyria for assistance, and Tiglath-pileser, 
consenting to aid him, again appeared at the head 
of an army in these regions. He first marched, 
naturally, against Damascus, which he took (2 K. 
xvi. 9), razing it to the ground, and killing Rezin. 
After this, probably, he proceeded to chastise Pekah, 
whose country he entered on the N. E., where it 
bordered on " Syria of Damascus." Here he over- 
ran the whole district E. of Jordan, carrying into 
captivity " the Reubenites, the Gadites, and the half- 
tribe of Manasseh " (1 Chr. v. 26; compare Is. ix. 
1 ; Israel, Kingdom of). Thus the result of this 
expedition was the absorption of the kingdom of 
Damascus, and of an important portion of Samaria, 
into the Assyrian empire; and it also made the king 
of Judah a vassal of the Assyrian monarch. Be- 
fore returning into his own land, Tiglath-pileser had 
an interview with Ahjz at Damascus (2 K. xvi. 10). 
This is all that Scripture tells us of Tiglath-pileser. 
He appears to have succeeded Pul, and to have 
been succeeded by Shalmaneser ; to have been con- 
temporary with Rezin, Pekah, and Ahaz ; and there- 
fore to have ruled Assyria during the latter half of 
the eighth century before our era. From his own 
inscriptions we learn that his reign lasted at least j 
seventeen years ; that, besides warring in Syria and 
Samaria, he attacked Babylonia, Media, Armenia, 
and the independent tribes in Upper Mesopotamia ; 
thus, like the other great Assyrian monarchs, war- 
ring along the whole frontier of the empire ; and 
finally, that he was (probably) not a legitimate 
prince, but a usurper and the founder of a dynasty. 
From Berosus, Herodotus, and the monumental in- 
dications, Rawlinson concludes that the founder of 
the Lower Dynasty or Empire, the first monarch 
of the New Kingdom, was the Tiglath-pileser of 



Scripture, and that he reigned from b. c. 747 to b. c. 
730, and possibly till b. c. 725. Tiglath-pileser's 
wars advanced the limits of the empire only on the 
western frontier, in Syria, &c, as mentioned above. 
No palace or great building can be ascribed to thi3 
king. His slabs, which are tolerably numerous, 
show that he must have built or adorned a residence 
at Calah (Nimrud ?), where they were found. 

Ti gris (Gr. fr. Median = arrow, so named from 
its swiftness, Str., Pliny, Ges.,\Vr.), in the LXX. =: 
Hiddekel ; occurs also in Tob. vi. 1, and in Jd. 
i. 6, and Ecclus. xxiv. 25. The Tigris, like the 
Euphrates, rises from two principal sources, the 
western and most distant one being in latitude 38" 
10', longitude 39° 20' nearly, a little S. of the high 
mountain-lake called Goljik or Gblenjik, and not 
more than two or three miles from the channel of 
the Euphrates. The course of the Tigris is some- 
what N. of E. for the first twenty-five miles, then S. 
to Diarbekr, then E. past Osman Kieui to Til, 
whence it flows in a southeasterly direction, with 
certain slight variations, to its final junction with 
the Euphrates. At Osman Kieui it receives from 
the N. the Second or Eastern Tigris ; and near Til a 
large stream from the N. E. From Til the Tigris 
runs southward for twenty miles through a long, 
narrow, and deep gorge, at the end of which it 
emerges upon the comparatively low, but still hilly 
country of Mesopotamia, near Jezireh. At Samara 
(between latitude 34° and 35°), the hills end and the 
river enters on the great alluvium. The length of 
the whole stream, exclusive of meanders, is reck- 
oned at 1146 miles. It can be descended on rafts 
during the flood season from Diarbekr ; and it has 
been navigated by steamers of small draught nearly 
up to Mosul. Below Samara there are no obstruc- 
tions ; the river is deep, with a bottom of soft mud, 
and an average width of 200 yards ; the stream 
moderate ; and the course very meandering. Be- 
sides the three head-streams of the Tigris, the river 
receives, along its middle and lower course, five im- 
portant tributaries, the river of Zakko or Eastern 
Khabour, the Great Zab (Zab Ala), the Lesser Zab 
(Zab Asfal), the Adhem, and the Diyaleh or ancient 
Gyndes. All these rivers flow from the high range 
of Zagros. The Tigris, like the Euphrates, has a 
flood season. Early in March, in consequence of 
the melting of the snows on the southern flank of 
Niphates, the river rises rapidly. Its breadth grad- 
ually increases at Diarbekr from 100 or 120 to 250 
yards. The stream is swift and turbid. The rise 
continues through March and April, reaching its 
full height generally in the first or second week of 
May. About the middle of May the Tigris begins 
to fall, and by midsummer it has reached its natural 
level. In October and November there is another 
rise and fall in consequence of the autumnal rains, 
but insignificant compared with the spring flood. 
The Tigris is at present better fitted for purposes 
of traffic than the Euphrates ; but in ancient times 
it does not seem to have been much used as a line 
of trade. (Commerce; Solomon; Tadmor.) The 
Tigris appears in Scripture under the name of Hid- 
dekel, among the rivers of Eden (Gen. ii. 14), as 
" running eastward to Assyria." But after this we 
hear no more of it, if we accept one doubtful allu- 
sion in Nah. ii. 6, until the Captivity, when it be- 
comes well known to the prophet Daniel. With 
him it is " the Great River " (Dan. x.-xii.). The Ti- 
gris, in its upper course, anciently ran through Ar- 
menia and Assyria. Lower down, from about the 
point where it enters on the alluvial plain, it sep- 



1116 



TIK 



TIM 



arated Babylonia from Susiana. (Babel; Chaldea.) 
In the wars between the Romans and the Parthians 
we find it constituting, for a short time (from a. d. 
114 to a. d. 117) the boundary-line between these 
two empires. Otherwise it has scarcely been of any 
political importance. 

Tik'vah (Hob. a cord, expectation, Ges.). 1. Father 
of Siiai.lum 2, the husband of the prophetess Uri.- 
dah (2 K. xxii. 14) ; — Tikvath. — 2. Father of 
Jahaziah (Ezr. x. 15). 

Tlk vath (fr. Heb. Tokthath [= obedience, Ges.], 
or Tokhalli [— assembly, Ges.]) = Tikvaii 1 (2 Chr. 
xxxiv. 22). 

Tile. For general information on the subject see 
the articles Brick, Pottery, Seal. Mr. Phillott 
suggests the two following explanations of Lk. v. 
19, A. V. " through the tiling." (1.) Terrace-roofs, 
if constructed improperly, or at the wrong season 
of the year, are apt to crack, and to become so sat- 
urated with rain as to be easily penetrable. May ! 
Bot the roof of the house in which our Lord per- 
formed II is miracle have been in this condition? 
2. Or did not St. Luke, a native, probably of Greek ! 
Antioch, use the expression " tiles " as the form of 
roof most familiar to himself and to his Greek I 
readers without reference to the particular material 
of the roof in question ? See, however, Bed and 
House. 

Til gatli-pil-no ser (Heb.) = TlOLATH-PILESER (1 
Chr. v. 6, 26 j 2 Chr. xxviii. 20). 

Ti'lon (Ileb. pi ft, Sim.), one of the four sons of 
Shimon, in the genealogies of Judah(l Chr. iv. 20). : 

Ti-mse us (L. fr. Gr.) = Timels. 

Tim brd, Tab ret. By these words the A. V. 
translates the Heb. toph (Gen. xxxi. 27; Ex. xv. 20 
twice, &c.) and topheth (Job xvii. C only), derived 
from an imitative root found in many languages ; = 
Ar. and Pers. duff, and Span, adufe, a tambourine. 
In Old English tabor = a drum. (Tabeimng.) 7a- 
bourct and taboritie are diminutives of labor, and ' 
denote the instrument now known as the tambourine. 
Tabrel is a contraction of tabouret. Timbrel is also 




Tar _ 11 timbrel " or 11 tabrct " of A. V. — (Lune'B Modern Egyptian*.) 

a diminutive of tambour (Fr.) or tarn bor< Spanish) for 
tabor. The Heb. toph is undoubtedly the instrument 
described by travellers as the duff or diff of the 
Arabs. It was used in very early times by the 
Syrians of Padan-u ram at their merry-makings (Gen. 
xxxi. 27). It was played principally by women (Ex. 
xv. 20; Judg. xi. 34;*1 Sam. xviii. 6 ; Ps. lxviii. 25 
[Heb. 26]), as an accompaniment to the song and 
dance (compare Jd. iii. 7), and appears to have 
been worn by them as an ornament (Jer. xxxi. 4). 
The diff of the Arabs (so Russell, Aleppo) is "a 
hoop (sometimes with pieces of brass fixed in it to 
make a jingling) over which a piece of parchment ' 
is distended. It is beat with the fingers, and is the 
true tympanum (L. = drum, timbrel) of the ancients, 
as appears from its figure in several relievos, rep- 
resenting the orgies of Bacchus and rites of Cybele." 



In Barbary it is called tar. Music ; Musical In- 
struments. 

* Time. Agriculture; Astronomy; Chronol- 
ogy ; Creation ; Day, &c. 

* Tl-aie us (L. Timwus, fr. Gr. = highly prized ; 
but probably from Heb. = unclean, polluted), father 
of the blind man Bartimeus (Mk. x. 46). 

Tim na (Heb. TimmV - - one withheld, inaccessible, 
Ges.). 1. A concubine of Eliphaz, son of Esau ; 
mother of Anialek (Gen. xxxvi. 12): probably = 
Timna, sister of Lotan (ver. 22 and 1 Chr. i. 89). — 
2. A son of Eliphaz (1 Chr. i. 36); a duke or phy- 
larch of Edoro in the last list (A. V. "Tinman," 
Gen. xxxvi. 40; 1 Chr i. 51). Timnah was prob- 
ably the name of a place or district (comp. Aiioli- 
bauah). 

•Timnah (fr. Heb. Timna') = Timna 2 (Gen. 
xxxvi. 40; 1 Chr. i. 51). 

Tim nah ( Ileb. portion assigned, Ges.). 1, A place 
on the N. boundary of Judah (Josh. xv. 10); prob- 
ably = Thimnathah, and Timnath 2, and (so Mr. 
Grove) Tiiamnatha. The modern representative is 
probably Tibneh, a deserted village about two miles 
\V. of 'Ain Slums (Beth-shemesh), and about fifteen 
W. of Jerusalem, in the broken undulating country 
by which the central mountains of this part of Pal- 
e-tine descend to the maritime plain. "Timnah 
with the villages thereof" was taken by the Philis- 
tines in the time of Ahuz (2 Chr. xxviii. 18). — 2. A 
town in the mountain district of Judah ; named with 
Maon, Zipii, Carmel 2, &c, and probably S. of 
Hebron (Josh. xv. 57). 

Tim nath (fr. Heb. =: Timnah). 1. The scene of the 
adventure of Judidi with his daughter-in-law Tamar 
1 (Gen. xxxviii. 12-14). There is nothing here to 
indicate its position. It may be = Timnah 1 or 2 ; 
or uitli the place (No. 2 below) so familiar in the 
story of Samson's conflicts. — 2. Heb. Timn&lhuh ' 
Timnah, Ges.). The residence of Samson's wife 
(Judg. xiv. 1, 2, 5) ; probably = Timnah 1. 

Tim'natli-lie'res(IIeb. portion of the sun, Ges.), the 
city and burial-place of Joshua (Judg. ii. 9); = Tim- 

NATH-SERAH. 

Tim nath-se'rall ( Heb. portion of abundance, Ges.), 
the city which was presented to Joshua after the 
partition of the country (Josh. xix. 50), and in "the 
border" of which he was buried (xxiv. 30). It is 
specified as " in Mount Ephraim on the N. side of 
the hill of Gaash." In Judg. ii. 9, the name is Tim- 
nath-heres. Jewish writers identify the place with 
Kefar chercs, said by Rabbi Jacob, hap-Parchi, and 
other Jewish travellers, to be about five miles S. of 
Sheehem {Nubulus). No place with that name ap- 
pears on the maps. Another and more promising 
identification (so Mr. Grove, with Robinson, Kitto, 
&c.), suggested by Dr. Eli Smith, is with Tibneh, 
about six miles N. W. from Jifna (Gophna). Here 
he discovered the ruins of a considerable town, 
covering a gentle hill. Opposite the town was a 
much higher hill, in the N. side of which are several 
excavated sepulchres (B. S. for 1843, 483-6). Tiiam- 
natha. 

Tim'nite (fr. Heb. = one from Timnah, Ges.), the, 
a designation of Samson's father-in-law (Judg. xv. 
6). Timnath 2. 

Ti'mon (Gr. honorable, Cruden), one of the seven, 
commonly called "deacons" (Acts vi. 1-6); prob- 
ably a Hellenist. (Deacon.) Nothing further is 
known of him with certainty ; though a tradition 
makes him one of the " seventy-two " disciples, and 
afterward bishop of Bostra (Bozrah 2 ?), and a 
martyr there by fire. 



TIM 



TIM 



1117 



Ti-mo'thc-ns (L. fr. Gr. == honoring God, L. & S.). 
1, A " captain of the Ammonites " defeated on sev- 
eral occasions by Judas Maccabeus, b. c. 164 (1 Mc. 
v. 6, 11, 34-44; 2 Mk. xii. 2-25). He was probably 
a Greek adventurer. — 2. A leader who took part in 
the invasion of Nicanor b. c. 166 (2 Mc. viii. 30, ix. 
3), and being afterward driven to a stronghold, 
Gazara (= Gezer), which was stormed by Judas, 
was there taken and slain (x. 24-37). It has been 
supposed that the events recorded in this latter nar- 
rative are identical with those in 1 Mc. v. 6-8. But 
the name Timotheus was very common, and it is evi- 
dent that Timotheus the Ammonite leader was not 
slain at Jazer (1 Mc. v. 34). — 3. The Latinized 
Greek name of Timothy (Acts xvi. 1, xvii. 14, &c). 

Tirn'o-thy (fr. Gr. = Timotheus). The disciple thus 
named (= Timotheus 3) was the son of one of those 
mixed marriages which, though condemned by strict- 
er Jewish opinion, were yet not uncommon in the 
later periods of Jewish history. (Marriage, II. i.) 
The father's name is unknown : he was a " Greek," 

i. e. a Gentile by descent (Acts xvi. 1, 3). The ab- 
sence of any personal allusion to the father in the 
Acts or Epistles suggests the inference that he must 
have died or disappeared during his son's infancy 
(so Prof. Plumptre, original author of this article). 
JThe care of the boy thus developed upon his mother 
Eunice and her mother Lois (2 Tim. i. 5). Under 
their training his education was emphatically Jew- 
ish. " From a child " he learned (probably in the 
LXX. version) to " know the Holy Scriptures " 
daily. A constitution far from robust (1 Tim. v. 
23), a morbid shrinking from opposition and re- 
sponsibility (iv. 12-16, v. 20, 21, vi. 11-14; 2 Tim. 

ii. 1-7), a sensitiveness even to tears (i. 4), a ten- 
dency to an ascetic rigor which he had not strength 
to bear (1 Tim. v. 23), united, as it often is, with a 
temperament exposed to some risk from " youthful 
lusts " (2 Tim. ii. 22) and the softer emotions (1 Tim. v. 
2)— these we may well think of as characterizing the 
youth as afterward the man. The language of Acts 
xvi. 1, 2, and xx. 4, leaves it uncertain whether Lys- 
tra or Derbe were the residence of the devout fam- 
ily. The arrival of Paul and Barnabas in L ycaonia 
(Acts xiv. 6) brought the message of glad-tidings to 
Timotheus and his mother, and they received it with 
"unfeigned faith" (2 Tim. i. 5). If at Lystra, as 
seems probable from 2 Tim. iii. 11, he may have 
witnessed the half-completed sacrifice, the half-fin- 
ished martyrdom, of Acts xiv. 19. The preaching 
of the apostle on his return from his short circuit 
prepared him for a life of suffering (Acts xiv. 22). 
Prom that time his life and education must have 
been under the direct superintendence of the body 
of elders (23). During the interval of seven years 
between the apostle's first and second journeys, the 
boy grew up to manhood. His zeal, probably his 
asceticism, became known both at Lystra and Ico- 
nium. Those who had the deepest insight into chai - - 
acter, and spoke with a prophetic utterance, pointed 
to him (1 Tim. i. IS, iv. 14), as others hacf pointed 
before to Paul and Barnabas (Acts xiii. 2), as spe- 
cially fit for the missionary work in which the apos- 
tle was engaged Personal feeling led St. Paul to 
the same conclusion (xvi. 3), and he was solemnly 
set apart to do the work and possibly to bear the 
title of Evangelist (1 Tim. iv. 14; 2 Tim. i. 6, iv. 
5). A great obstacle, however, presented itself. 
Timotheus, though reckoned as one of the seed of 
Abraham, had been allowed to grow up to the age 
of manhood without the sign of circumcision. His 
condition was that of a negligent, almost of an 



apostate Israelite. The Jews might tolerate a hea- 
then, as such, in the synagogue or the church, but an 
uncircumcised Israelite would be to them a horror 
and a portent. With a special view to their feelings, 
making no sacrifice of principle, the apostle, who 
had refused to permit the circumcision of Titus, 
"took and circumcised" Timotheus (Acts xvi. 3); 
and then, as conscious of no inconsistency, went on 
his way distributing the decrees of the council of 
Jerusalem, the great charter of the freedom of the 
Gentiles (4). Henceforth Timotheus was one of his 
most constant companions. They and Silvanus, and 
probably Luke also, journeyed to Philippi (12), and 
there already the young evangelist was conspicuous 
at once for his filial devotion and zeal (Phil. ii. 22). 
His name does not appear in the account of St. Paul's 
work at Thessalonica, and it is possible that he re- 
mained some time at Philippi. He appears, however, 
at Berea, and remains there when Paul and Silas are 
obliged to leave (Acts xvii. 14), going on afterward 
to join Paul at Athens (1 Th. iii. 2). From Athens 
he is sent back to Thessalonica, as having special 
gifts for comforting and teaching. He returns from 
Thessalonica, not to Athens but to Corinth, and his 
name appears united with St. Paul's in the opening 
words of both the letters written from that city to 
the Thessalonians (1 Th. i. 1 ; 2 Th. i. 1). Here 
also he was apparently active as an evangelist (2 Cor. 
i. 19). Of the next five years of his life we have 
no record. When we next meet with him it is as 
being sent on in advance when the apostle was con- 
templating the long journey which was to include 
Macedonia, Aehaia, Jerusalem, and Rome (Actsxix. 
22; comp. 1 Cor. iv. 17, xvi. 10). Probably he re- 
turned by the same route and met St. Paul according 
to a previous arrangement (xvi. 11), and was thus 
with him when the second Epistle was written to the 
church of Corinth (2 Cor. i. 1). He returns with the 
apostle to that city, and joins in messages of greet- 
ing to the disciples whom he had known personally 
at Corinth, and who had since found their way to 
Rome (Rom. xvi. 21). He forms one of the company 
of friends who go with St. Paul to Philippi, and then 
sail by themselves, waiting for his arrival by a dif- 
ferent ship (Acts xx. 3-6). The language of St. 
Paul's address to the elders of'Ephesus (17-35) ren- 
ders it unlikely that he was then left there with 
authority. The absence of his name from Acts xxvii. 
in like manner leads to the conclusion that he did 
not share in the perilous voyage to Italy. lie must 
have joined the apostle, however, apparently soon 
after his arrival in Rome, and was with him when 
the Epistles to the Philippians, to the Colossians, 
and to Philemon were written (Phil. i. 1, ii. 19 ; Col. 
i. 1 ; Phn. 1). All the indications of this period point 
to incessant missionary activity (Phil. ii. 19-23; 2 
Tim. iv. 21 ; Heb. xiii. 23). Assuming the genuine- 
ness of the later date of the two epistles addressed 
to him (Timothy, Epistles to), we are able to put to- 
gether a few notices as to his later life. It follows 
from 1 Tim. i. 3 that he and St. Paul, after the re- 
lease of the latter from his imprisonment, revisited 
the proconsular Asia, that the apostle then continued 
his journey to Macedonia, while the disciple remained, 
half-reluctantly, even weeping at the separation (2 
Tim. i. 4), at Ephesus, to check, if possible, the out- 
growth of heresy and licentiousness which had sprung 
up there. The position in which he found himself 
might well make him anxious (1 Tim. iii. 14, 15, iv. 
12, v. 1 ff., &c.). There was the risk of being en- 
tangled in the disputes, prejudices, covetousness, 
sensuality of a great city. Leaders of rival sects 



1118 



TIM 



TIM 



were there (2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15). The name of 
his beloved teacher was no longer honored as it had 
been (i. 15). We cannot wonder that the apostle, 
knowing these trials, should be full of anxiety and 
fear for his disciple's steadfastness (1 Tim. i. 18, iii. 
15, iv. 14, v. '21, vi. 11). In the 6ccond epistle to 
him this deep personal feeling utters itself yet more 
fully. The last recorded words of the apostle ex- 
press the earnest hope, repeated yet more earnestly, 
that he might see him once again (2 Tim. iv. 9, 13, 
21). We may hazard the conjecture that he reached 
him in time, and that the last hours of the teacher 
were soothed by the presence of the disciple whom 
he loved so truly. Some writers have even seen in 
Heb. xiii. 23 an indication that he shared St. Paul's 
imprisonment and was released from it by the death 
of Nero. Beyond this all is apocryphal and uncer- 
tain. He continues, according to the old traditions, 
to act as bishop of Ephrsus, and dies a martyr's 
death, under Domitian or Ncrva. A somewhat 
Startling theory as to the intervening period of his 
life has found favor with Calmct and others. If he 
continued, according to the received tradition, to be 
bishop of Ephesus, then he, and no other, must have 
been the "angel " of that church to whom the mes- 
sage of Rev. ii. 1-7 was addressed. (Angels.) The 
conjecture has been passed over unnoticed by most 
of the recent commentators on the Apocalypse. 

Tim o-thy (see above), E-pIs ties to. I. Author- 
ship. The question whether these Epistles were writ- 
ten by St. Paitl was one to which, till within the 
last half-century, hardly any answer but an affirma- 
tive one was thought possible (so Prof. Plumptrc, 
original author of this article). They are reckoned 
among the Pauline Epistles in the Muratorian Canon 
and the Peshito version. Euscbius places them 
among the acknowledged books (Canon, p. 14G) of 
the N. T., and while recording the doubts which af- 
fected the second Epistle of St. Peter and the other 
dkfitilcd books, knows of none which affect these. 
They arc cited as authoritative by Tertullian, Clem- 
ent of Alexandria, and Irenacus. There were indeed 
some notable exceptions to this general agreement. 
The three Pastoral Epistles were all rejected by 
Marcion, Basilides, and other Gnostic teachers. 
Tatian, while strongly maintaining the genuineness 
of the Epistle to Titus, denied that of the other two. 
In these instances we can discern a dogmatic reason 
for the rejection. The sects which these leaders 
represented could not but feel that they were con- 
demned by the teaching of the Pastoral Epistles. 
Origen mentions some who excluded 2 Tim. from the 
Canon because the names of Jannes and Jambres be- 
longed to an apocryphal history, and from such a 
history St. Paul never would have quoted. The 
Pastoral Epistles have, however, been subjected to a 
more elaborate scrutiny by the criticism of Germany. 
The first dcubts were uttered by J. C. Schmidt. 
Schleiermacher, assuming the genuineness of 2 Tim. 
and Titus, undertook, on that hypothesis, to prove the 
spuriousness of 1 Tim. Eichhorn and De Wette 
denied the Pauline authorship of all three. Schott 
supposed that Luke was the writer. Baur assigns 
them to no earlier period than the latter half of the 
second century, after the death of Polycarp in a. d. 
167. (John, Gospel of.) The chief elements of 
the alleged evidence of spuriousness of the three 
Pastoral Epistles may be arranged as follows : — 1. 
Language. It is urged that the style is different 
from that of the acknowledged Pauline Epistles — 
that there is less logical continuity, a want of order 
and plan, subjects brought up, one after the other, 



abruptly — that not less than fifty words, most of 
them striking and characteristic, and some of them 
belonging to the Gnostic terminology of the second 
century, are found in these Epistles which are not 
found in St. Paul's writings. — On the other side it 
may be said (a.) that there is no test so uncertain 
as that of language and style thus applied. The 
style of one man is stereotyped, formed early, and 
enduring long. That of another changes, more or 
less, from year to year. In proportion as the man 
is a solitary thinker, or a strong assertor of his own 
will, w ill he tend to the former state. In proportion 
to his power of receiving impressions from without, 
of sympathizing with others, will be his tendency 
to the latter, (b.) If this is true generally, it is so 
yet more emphatically when the circumstances of 
authorship are different. The language of a bishop's 
charge is not that of his letters to his private friends, 
(ft ) Other letters, again, were dictated to an amanu- 
ensis. These have every appearance of having been 
written with his own hand, and this lan hardly have 
been without its influence on their style, (rf.) To 
whatever extent a forger of spurious Epistles would 
be likely to form his style after the pattern of the 
recognized ones, to that extent the diversity which 
has been dwelt on is, within the limits that have 
been above stated, not against but for the genuine- 
ness of these Epistles, (ft) There is a large com- 
mon clement, both of thoughts and words, shared 
by these Epistles and the others (e. g. the grounds 
of faith, the law of life, the tendency to digress, the 
personal affection, the free reference to his own suf- 
ferings for the truth), the coincidences being pre- 
cisely those, in most instances, which a forger would 
have been unlikely to think of — 2. It has been 
urged against the reception of the Pastoral Epistles 
that they cannot be fitted in to the records of St. 
Paul's life in the Acts. To this there is a threefold 
answer, (a.) The difficulty has been enormously 
exaggerated. (Paul.) (6.) The mere fact that we 
cannot fix the precise date of three letters in the 
life of one of whose ceaseless labors and journey- 
ings we have, after all, but fragmentary records, 
ought not to be a stumbling-block, (c.) A man 
composing counterfeit Epistles would have been 
likely to make them square with the acknowledged 
records of the life. — 3. The three Epistles present, 
it is said, a more developed state of Church organi- 
zation and doctrine than that belonging to the life- 
time of St. Paul ; particularly (a.) the rule that the 
bishop is to be " the husband of one wife " (1 Tim. 
iii. 2 ; Tit. i. 6) indicates the strong opposition to 
second marriages which characterized the second 
century, (b.) The "younger widows" of 1 Tim. v. 
11 cannot be literally widows. It follows therefore 
that the word " widows " (Gr. chirai) is used, as it 
was in the second century, in a wider sense, as de- 
noting a consecrated life, (c.) The rules affecting 
the relation of the bishops and elders indicate a 
hierarchic development characteristic of the Petrine 
element, which became dominant in the Church of 

j Rome in the post-apostolic period. (</.) The term 
"heretic" (Tit. iii. 10) is used in its later sense. 
(e.) The upward progress from the office of deacon 
to that of presbyter, implied in 1 Tim. iii. 13, belongs 
to a later period. — It is not difficult to meet objec- 
tions which contain so large an element of mere ar- 
bitrary assumption, (a.) The rule which makes 

j monogamy a condition of the episcopal office is very 
far removed from the harsh, sweeping censures of 

I all second marriages which we find in Athenagoras 

| and Tertullian. (b.) There is not a shadow of pre of 



TIM 



TIM 



1119 



that the " younger widows " were not literally such 
(comp. Acts vi. 1, ix. 39 ; Widow), (c.) The use of 
" bishop " and " elders " in the Pastoral Epistles 
as equivalent (Tit. i. 5, 7), and the absence of any 
intermediate order between the bishops and deacons 
(1 Tim. iii. 1-8), are quite unlike what we find in 
the Ignatian Epistles and other writings of the sec- 
ond century. (d.) The word "heretic" has its 
counterpart in the " heresies " of 1 Cor. xi. 19. (e.) 
The best interpreters do not see in 1 Tim. iii. 13 the 
transition from one office to another. (Deacon.) — 
4. Still greater stress is laid on the indications of a 
later date in the descriptions of the false teachers 
noticed in the Pastoral Epistles. These point, it is 
said, unmistakably to Marcion and his followers 
(e.g. "opposition of science falsely so called," 1 
Tim. vi. 20). The "genealogies" of 1 Tim. i. 4 
and Tit. iii. 9, in like manner, point to the ^Eons 
of the Valentinians and Ophites. The doctrine that 
the "Resurrection was past already " (2 Tim. ii. 18) 
was thoroughly Gnostic in its character. This part 
of Baur's attack is perhaps the weakest and most 
capricious of all. The false teachers of the Pastoral 
Epistles are predominantly Jewish (1 Tim. i. 7), be- 
longing altogether to a different school from that 
of Marcion (Tit. i. 4, iii. 9). Even the denial of the 
Resurrection belongs as naturally to the mingling 
of a Sadducean element with an Eastern mysticism 
as to the teaching of Marcion. (Hymeneus ; Phile- 
tus.) The whole line of argument, indeed, first mis- 
represents the language of St. Paul in these Epistles 
and elsewhere, and then assumes the entire absence 
from the first century of even the germs of the 
teaching which characterized the second. (Bible ; 
Canon; Inspiration; New Testament.) — II. Bate. 
Assuming the two Epistles to Timothy to have been 
written by St. Paul, to what period of his life are 
they to be referred ? — 1. First Epistle to Timothy. 
The direct data in this instance are very few. (1.) 
1 Tim. i. 3 implies a journey of St. Paul from Ephe- 
sus to Macedonia, Timothy remaining behind. (2.) 
The age of Timothy is described as "youth" (iv. 
12). (3.) The general resemblance between the 
two Epistles indicates that they were written at or 
about the same time. Three hypotheses have been 
maintained as fulfilling these conditions. (A) The 
journey in question has been looked on as an un- 
recorded episode in the two years' work at Ephesus 
of Acts xix. 10 (Mosheim, Schrader, Wieseler, &c). 
(B) It has been identified with the journey of Acts 
xx. 1, after the tumult at Ephesus (Theodoret, Gro- 
tius, Lightfoot, Witsius, Lardner, W. L. Alexander 
[in Kitto], Barnes, &c). On either of these sup- 
positions the date of the Epistle has been fixed at 
various periods after St. Paul's arrival at Ephesus, 
before the conclusion of his first imprisonment at 
Rome. (C) It has been placed in the interval be- 
tween St. Paul's first and second imprisonments at 
Rome (Pearson, Le Clerc, Cave, Mill, Whitby, Mac- 
knight, Paley, Huther [translated in B. S. viii. 320 
IT.], Ellicott, E. A. Litton [in Fairbairn], Conybeare 
& Howson, Alford, Ayre, &c). Of these conjec- 
tures, A and B bring the Epistle within the limit of 
the authentic records of St. Paul's life, but they 
have scarcely any other merit. In favor of C, as 
compared with A or B, is the internal evidence of 
the contents of the Epistle (the errors against which 
Timothy is warned being present and dungerous, and 
all the circumstances implying the apostle's pro- 
longed absence). The language of the Epistle also 
has a bearing on the date. Assume a later date, 
and then there is room for the changes in thought 



and expression which, in a character like St. Paul's, 
were to be expected as the years went by. The only 
objections to the later date are — (a.) the doubtful- 
ness of the second imprisonment altogether (Paul) ; 
and (b.) the "youth " of Timothy at the time when 
the letter was written (iv. 12). But the later date 
would probably make him not more than thirty-four 
or thirty-five, 1 young for authority over older pres- 
byters or " elders." — 2. Second Epistle to Timothy. 
The number of special names and incidents in the 
Second Epistle make the chronological data more 
numerous. Here also are conflicting theories of an 
earlier and later date, (A) during the imprisonment 
of Acts xxviii. 30, and (B) during the second impris- 
onment already spoken of. (1.) A parting appar- 
ently recent, under circumstances of special sorrow 
(i. 4). Not decisive (compare Acts xx. 37 ; 1 Tim. 
i. 3). (2.) A general desertion of the apostle even 
by the disciples of Asia (2 Tim. i. 15). Nothing in 
the Acts indicates any thing like this before the im- 
prisonment of Acts xxviii. 30. This, therefore, must 
be placed on the side of B. (3.) The position of 
St. Paul as suffering (i. 12), in bonds (ii. 9), expect- 
ing " the time of his departure " (iv. 6), forsaken by 
almost all (iv. 16). Not quite decisive, but tending 
to B rather than A. (4.) The mention of Onesipho- 
rus, and of services rendered by him both at Rome 
and Ephesus (i. 16-18). Not decisive again, but 
tends to B rather than A. (5.) The abandonment 
of St. Paul by Demas (iv. 10). Strongly in favor of 
B. (6.) The presence of Luke (iv. 11). Agrees 
with A (Col. iv. 14), but is perfectly compatible with 
B. (7.) The request that Timothy would bring 
Mark (2 Tim. iv. 11). In connection with the men- 
tion of Demas, tends decidedly to B. (8.) Mention 
of Tychicus as sent to Ephesus (iv. 12). Appears, 
as connected with Eph. vi. 21, 22, and Col. iv. 7, in 
favor of A, yet compatible with B. (9.) The re- 
quest that Timothy would bring the cloak and books 
left at Troas (2 Tim. iv. 13). On the assumption of 
A, Paul's last visit to Troas would have been at 
least four or five years before, affording probable 
opportunities for his regaining what he had left, and 
presenting in its circumstances no trace of the haste 
and suddenness which the request more than half 
implies. In favor of B. (10.) "Alexander the 
coppersmith did me much evil," " greatly withstood 
our words " (iv. 14, 15). Somewhat in favor of A 
(compare Acts xix.), yet easily reconcilable with B. 
(11.) The abandonment of the apostle in his first 
defence, and his deliverance "from the mouth of 
the lion" (2 Tim. iv. 16, 17). Fits in as a possible 
contingency with either hypothesis, but like (5.) 
evinces a later date than any other Epistles written 
from Rome. (12.) " Erastus abode at Corinth, but 
Trophimus I left at Miletus sick " (iv. 20). Lan- 
guage, as in (9.), implying a comparatively recent 
visit to both places, and favoring B (compare Acts 
xxi. 29, xx. 4). (13.) " Hasten to come before win- 
ter " (2 Tim. iv. 21). Assuming A, the presence of 
Timothy in Phil. i. 1, and Col. i. 1, and Phn. 1, might 
be regarded as the consequence of this ; but (com- 
pare 5 and 7 above) there are almost insuperable 
difficulties in supposing this Epistle to have been 
written before those three. (14.) The salutations 
from Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, and Claudia (2 Tim. 



1 Timothv was then in that period of life which both by 
Greeks and Romans was considered as " youth." Serving 
Tullius, it is said, classed the Romans from seventeen to 
forty-six years old as in youth, those older as in old arre, 
those younger as in childhood. Others make youth = the 
period of military age, or from twenty to forty years. 



1120 



TIN 



TIR 



iv. 21). TIip absence of these names from all the 
Epistles, which, according to A, belong to the same 
period, would be difficult to explain. B leaves it 
open to conjecture that they were converts of more 
recent date, and might have become acquainted with 
Timothy at Rome. On the whole, it is believed that 
the evidence preponderates strongly in favor of the 
later date. — III. Placet. In this respect also 1 Tim. 
leaves much to conjecture. The absence of any local 
reference but that in i. 3, suggests Macedonia or 
pome neighboring district. In A and other MSS. 
(New Testament, I. § 28), in the Pcshito, Ethiopic, 
and other versions (Versions, Ancient), Laopicea 
is named in the inscription as the place whence it 
was sent, hut this seems to have grown out of a 
traditional belief resting on very insufficient grounds. 
The Coptic version as improbably suggests Athens. 
The Second Epistle is free from this conflict of con- 
jectures. With the exception of Bottgcr, who sug- 
gests Cesar ea, there is a general agreement in favor 
of Rome. — IV. Structure and Characteristics. On 
the language, see I. 1, above. Assuming the genu- 
ineness of the Epistles, some characteristic features 
remain to be noticed. (1.) The ever-deepening sense 
in St. Paul's heart of the Divine Mercy, of which 
lie was the object. (2.) The greater abruptness of 
the Second Epistle, which is full of emotion and 
without any carefully arranged plan. (3.) The ab- 
sence, as compared with St. Paul's other Epistles, 
of 0. T. references (compare 2, above, and 2 Tim. 
iv. 13). (4.) The conspicuous position of the "faith- 
ful sayings " as taking the place occupied in other 
Epistles by the O. T. Scriptures (1 Tim. i. 15, iv. 9 ; 
2 Tim. ii. 1 1 ; Tit. iii. 8 ; compare 1 Tim. iv. 1 ; 
1 Cor. xiv.). (5.) The tendency of the apostle's 
mind to dwell more on the universality of the re- 
demptive work of Christ (1 Tim. ii. 3-6, iv. 10), and 
his strong desire that all the teaching of his dis- 
ciples should be "sound" (1 Tim. i. 10, vi. 3 [A. V. 
"wholesome"]; 2 Tim. i. 13, iv. 3; Tit. i. 9, 13, ii. 
1, 2). (6.) The importance attached by him to the 
practical details of administration. (7.) The recur- 
rence of doxologies (1 Tim. i. 17, vi. 15, 16; 2 Tim. 
iv. 18). Epistle; Titus, Epistle to. 

Tin (Heb. bcdil), a well-known white metal, easily 
melted and very malleable. Tin was found among 
the spoils of the Midianitcs (Num. xxxi. 22). It 
was known to the Hebrew metal-workers as one of 
the inferior metals (lead, tin, &c.) combined with 
silver in the ore and separated from it by smelting 
(Is. i. 25; Ez. xxii. 18, 20). The markets of Tyre 
were supplied with it by the ships of Tarshisii 
(xxvii. 12). It was used for plummets (Zech. iv. 
10), and was so plentiful as to furnish Eccl. xlvii. 18 
a figure by which to express the wealth of Solomon. 
In the Homeric times the Greeks were familiar with 
it. The melting of tin in a smelting-pot is men- 
tioned by Hesiod. Tin is not found in Palestine. 
Whence, then, did the ancient Hebrews obtain their 
supp'y ? " Only three countries are known to con- 
tain any considerable quantity of it: Spain and 
Portugal, Cornwall and the adjacent parts of Devon- 
shire (in England), and the islands of Junk, Ceylon, 
and Banca, in the Straits of Malacca" (Kenrick, 
Phenicia, p. 212). There can be little doubt that 
the mines of Britain were the chief source of sup- 
ply to the ancient world (so Mr. Wright, with Sir 
G. C. Lewis, &c). The tin obtained from Spain does 
not appear to have been produced in sufficient quan- 
tities to supply the Phenician markets. Metals ; 
Mines. 

Tiph'sah (Heb. passage, ford, Ges.), mentioned in 



1 K. iv. 24 as the limit of Solomon's empire toward 
the Euphrates, and in 2 K. xv. 16 said to have been 
attacked by Menahem. It is generally admitted that 
the town intended, at any rate in the former pas- 
sage, 1 is that known by the Greeks and Romans as 
Thapsacus, a town of considerable importance in 
northern Syria, at a point where it was usual to 
cross the Euphrates. It must have been a place- of 
considerable trade, the land-traffic between East and 
West passing through it. It is a fair conjecture 
that Solomon's occupation of the place was con- 
nected with his efforts to establish a line of trade 
with Central Asia directly across the continent, and 
that Tadmor was intended as a resting-place on the 
journey to Thapsacus. (Commerce; Solomon.) At 
Thapsacus armies inarching E. or W. usually crossed 
the " Great River." It has been generally supposed 
that the site of Thapsacus was the modern De'ir 
(D'Anville, Rennell, Vaux, &c). But the Euphra- 
tes expedition proved that there is no ford at De'ir, 
and that the only ford in this part of the Euphrates 
is at Suriych, 45 miles below Balis, and 165 above 
Dcir, where the river is 800 yards wide and was 20 
inches deep in the winter of 1841-2, and where a 
paved causeway is visible on each side, and a long 
line of mounds in the form of an irregular paral- 
lelogram probably marks the site of the ancient city. 
This, then, must have been the position of Thapsacus 
(so Rawlinson). 

Tl'ras (Heb. longing, desire, Sim.), youngest son 
of Jai'Iii iii Mil ii. x. '2 only); identified by ancient 
authorities generally (Josephus, Jerome, Targums) 
and by many moderns (Bochart, Michaelis, Ernst, 
&c.)with the Thracians. (Thracia ; Tonoues, Con- 
fusion OF.) The precise ethnic position of the 
Thracians is, indeed, uncertain; but all authorities 
agree in their general Indo-European character. 
Other explanations have identified Tiras with the 
Agathyrsi, a Scythian tribe in Transylvania (Kno- 
bel) ; with Taurus and the various tribes occupying 
that range (Kalisch) ; the river Tyras, Dniester, with 
its cognominous inhabitants, theTyrita; (Havernick, 
Schultbess); and, lastly, the Tyrrhenians, ancestors 
of the Etrurians of Italy (Tuch). 

Ti'rath-ites (fr. Heb. sing, collective — people of 
Tirah [i. e. gate], a place otherwise unknown, Ges.), 
the 5 one ol the three families of Scribes residing at 
Jabez (1 Chr. ii. 55), the others being the Shimeatii- 
ites and Suciiatiiites. 

Tire (Heb. peer), an ornamental fiead-dress worn 
on festive occasions (Ez. xxiv. 17, 23). Chain. 

Tir'lia-kall (Heb. fr. Ar. = brought forth, exalted, 
Sim.), king of Ethiopia (Cush), and the opponent 
of Sennacherib (2 K. xix. 9 ; Is. xxxvii. 9). He 
advanced to fight Sennacherib (so Mr. R. S. Poole, 
j original author of this article) n. c. about 713, un- 
I less we suppose that the expedition took place in 
J the twenty-fourth, instead of the fourteenth year 
of Hezekiah, which would bring it to b. c. about 
703 (see Chronology, and table under Israel, Kinc- 
dom of). If it were an expedition later than that 
of which the date is mentioned, it must have been 
j before b. c. about 698, Hezekiah's last year. But 
if the reign of Manasseh is reduced to thirty-five 
I years, these dates would be respectively b. c. about 
j 693, 683, and 678, and these numbers might have 
to be slightly modified, the fixed date of the cap- 
ture of Samaria, b. c. 721, being abandoned. Ac- 
cording to Manetho's epitomists, Tarkos or Tarakos 

1 Gesenius, Fflrat, Fairbairn, Ayre, &c., regard the 
Tiphsah of 2 K. xv. 16 as a place in Palestine, perhaps 
; near Tirzah, or at a ford of the Jordan. 



TIR 



TIT 



1121 



was the third and last king of the twenty-fifth dyn- 
asty, which was of Ethiopians, and reigned eighteen 
(so Africanus) or twenty (so Eusebius) years. (So.) 
We should probably date Tirhakah's accession b. c. 
about 695, and assign him a reign of twenty-six 
years. In this case we should be obliged to take 
the later reckoning of the Biblical events, were it 
not for the possibility that Tirhakah ruled over 
Ethiopia before becoming king of Egypt. The name 
of Tirhakah is written in hieroglyphics Teharka. 
Sculptures at Thebes commemorate his rule, and 
at Gebel Berkel, or Napata, he constructed one tem- 
ple, and part of another. 

TlYka-nait (Heb. inclination ? Ges. ; condescension, 
goodness, Fii. ; a permanent dwelling, Sim.), son of 
Caleb 1 by his concubine Maachah (1 Chr. ii. 48). 

Tir'i-a (fr. Heb. — fear, Ges.), son of Jehaleleel 
of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 16). 

Tir-sha'tlia, or Tir'slia-tba (Heb., always written 
with the article ; see below), the title of the gov- 
ernor of Judea under the Persians, derived by 
Gesenius from a Persian root signifying stem, severe, 
— your Severity (compare the English expression 
" dread sovereign "). It is added as a title after 
the name of Nehemiah (Neh. viii. 9, x. 1 [Heb. 2]); 
and occurs also in three other places (Ezr. ii. 63 ; 
Neh. vii. 65, 70). It is usually rendered " governor " 
in the margin (compare Neh. xii. 26 and Governor 

Tir'zali (fr. Heb. = delight, Ges.), the youngest 
of the five daughters of Zelophehad (Num. xxvi. 
33, xxvii. 1, xxxvi. 11 ; Josh. xvii. 3). Heir. 

Tir'zali (see above), an ancient Canaanite city, 
whose king is enumerated among the twenty-one 
overthrown in the conquest of the country (Josh, 
xii. 24). It reappears as a royal city — the residence 
of Jeroboam 1 (1 K. xiv. 17), and of his successors 
Baasha, Elah, and Zimri (xv., xvi.). Zimri was 
besieged there by Omri, and perished in the flames 
of his palace (xvi. 18). Omri reigned six years in 
Tirzah, and then made Samaria his capital. Once 
only does Tirzah reappear as the seat of the con- 
spiracy of Menahem against Shallum (2 K. xv. 14, 
16). Its reputation for beauty must have been 
wide-spread (Cant. vi. 4). Eusebius mentions it in 
connection with Menahem, and identifies it with a 
" village of Samaritans in Batansea," E. of Jordan. 
Brocardus places "Thersa"on a high mountain, 
three leagues from Samaria to the E. This is the 
direction, and very nearly the distance of Tulluzah, 
which Robinson (iii. 302-3) and others would iden- 
tify with Tirzah. It is a large and thriving village, 
on a commanding eminence N. of Nctbnius. 

Tish'bite (fr. Heb. Tishbi ; see below), the; the 
well-known designation of Elijah (1 K. xvii. 1, xxi. 
17, 28; 2 K. i. 3, 8, ix. 36). (1.) The name natu- 
rally points to a place called Tishbeh, Tishbi, or 
rather, perhaps, Tesheb, as the residence of the 
prophet. Assuming that a town is alluded to, as 
Elijah's native place, it is not necessary to infer 
that it was itself in Gilead, as Epiphanius, Adri- 
chomius, Castell, and others, have imagined ; for the 
Heb. toshdb, rendered " inhabitant " (viz. of Gilead, 1 
K. xvii. 1), really = resident, or even stranger (A.V. 
"sojourner" in Gen. xxiii. 4, &c). The commen- 
tators and lexicographers, with few exceptions, 
adopt the name " Tishbite " as referring to the 
place Thisbe in Naphtali, which is found in the 
LXX. text of Tob. i. 2. The difficulty in the way 
of this is the great uncertainty in which the text of 
that passage is involved. Bunsen suggests in sup- 
port of the reading " the Tishbite from Tishbi of 
71 



Gilead," that the place may have been purposely so 
described, to distinguish it from the town of the 
same name in Galilee. (2.) Michaelis translates the 
Heb. hat-lishbi (differently pointed) as an appellative 
denoting " the stranger." 

Ti'tans (fr. Gr. = [so Hesiod] the stretchers, strio- 
ers ; or [so others] avengers ; or [so others] kings, 
L. & S.). These children of Uranus (= Heaven) 
and Gaia (= Earth) were, according to the earliest 
Greek legends, the vanquished predecessors of the 
Olympian gods, condemned by Zeus (= L. Jupiter) 
to dwell in Tartarus (Hell), yet not without retain- 
ing many relics of their ancient dignity. By later 
(Latin) poets they were confounded with the kindred 
Gigantes (= giants), and both terms were trans- 
ferred by the LXX. to the Rephaim (Giants 3) of 
Palestine. In 2 Sam. v. 18, 22, "the valley of 
Rephaim " is in the LXX. the valley of the Titans ; 
and in 1 Chr. xi. 15, xiv. 9, it is the valley of the 
giants. So in Jd. xvi. 7, " the sons of the Titans " 
stands parallel with " high giants." Several Chris- 
tian Fathers inclined to the belief that Teitan ( — 
Titan) was the mystic name of " the beast " indi- 
cated in Rev. xiii. 18. Riddle. 

Tithe (Heb. ma' user ; Gr. dekate) = a tenth part. 
(Number.) Numerous instances of the use of tithes 
are found both in profane and in Biblical history, 
prior to or independently of the appointment of 
the Levitical tithes under the Law. In Biblical 
history the two prominent instances are — (1.) Abram 
presenting the tenth of all his property, or rather 
of the spoils of his victory, to Melchizedek (Gen. 
xiv. 20; Heb. vii. 2, 6). (2.) Jacob, after his vision 
at Luz, devoting a tenth of all his property to God 
in case he should return home in safety (Gen. xxviii. 
22). — The Law first lays down the general principle 
that the tenth of all produce, as well as of flocks 
and cattle, belongs to Jehovah, and must be paid 
in kind, or, if redeemed, with an addition of one- 
fifth to its value (Lev. xxvii. 30-33). This tenth, 
called a " heave-offering," is assigned to the Levites, 
as the reward of their service, and it is ordered 
further, that they are themselves to dedicate to the 
Lord a tenth of these receipts, to be devoted to the 
maintenance of the priests (Num. xviii. 21-28). — 
This legislation is modified or extended in Deuter- 
onomy, i. e. from thirty-eight to forty years later. 
Commands are given to the people, (a.) to bring 
their tithes, votive, and other offerings and first- 
fruits to the chosen centre of worship, the metrop- 
olis, there to be eaten in festive celebration in com- 
pany with their children, their servants, and the 
Levites (Deut. xii. 5-18). (b.) To tithe all the 
produce of the soil every year, these tithes with the 
firstlings of the flock and herd to be eaten in the 
metropolis, (c.) In case of distance, permission is 
given to convert the produce into money, to be 
taken to the appointed place, and there laid out in 
the purchase of food for a festal celebration, in 
which the Levite is, by special command, to be in- 
cluded (xiv. 22-27). (d.) At the end of three years 
all the tithe of that year is to be gathered and laid 
up " within the gates," and a festival is to be held, 
in which the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, 
together with the Levite, are to partake (ver. 28, 
29). (e.) After taking the tithe in each third year, 
" which is the year of tithing," an exculpatory dec- 
laration is to be made by every Israelite, that he 
has done his best to fulfil the Divine command 
(xxvi. 12-14). — From all this we gather, 1. That one- 
tenth of the whole produce of the soil was to be 
assigned for the maintenance of the Levites. 2. 



1122 



TIT 



TIT 



That out of this the Lcvites-were to dedicate a tenth 
to God, for the use of the priests. 3. That a tithe, 
in all probability a second tithe, was to be applied 
to festival purposes. 4. That in every third year, 
either this festival tithe or a third tenth was to be 
eaten in company with the poor and the Levites. 
The question arises, were there three tithes taken in i 
this third year; or is the third tithe only the second I 
under a different description? It must be allowed 
that the third tithe is not without support. Josephus 
distinctly says that one-tenth was to be given to the 
priests and Levites, one-tenth was to be applied to 
feasts in the metropolis, and that a tenth besides 
these was every third year to be given to the poor 
(compare Toll. i. 7, 8). On the other hand, Maimou- 
ides says the third and sixth years' second tithe was 
shared between the poor and the Levites, i. e. that 
there was no third tithe. Of these opinions, that 
which maintains three separate and complete tith- 
ings seems improbable (so Mr. I'hillott, Dr. Gins- 
burg [in Kitto], Prof. Douglas [in Fbn.], Ayre, &c). 
It is plain that under the kings the tithe-system 
partook of the general neglect into which the ob- 
servance of the Law declined, and that Hezekiah, 
among his other reforms, took effectual means to 
revive its use (2 Chr. xxxi. 5, 12, 19). Similar 
measures were taken after the Captivity by Nehe- 
miah (Neb. xii. 44), and in both these cases special 
officers were appointed to take charge of the stores 
and storehouses for the purpose. Yet, notwith- 
standing partial evasion or omission, the system it- 
self was continued to a late period in Jewish his- 
tory (Heb. vii. 6-8; Mat. xxiii. 23; Lk. xviii. 12). 
Agriccltcre ; Alms; Levites; Poor; Priest; 
Stranger. 

Ti tos (L., a common Roman first name; possibly 
fr. Gr. = [so Schl., &c] honomhlc or hnnored). Our 
materials for the biography of this companion of 
St. Paul must be drawn entirely from 2 Cor., Gal., 
Tit., and 2 Tim. He is not mentioned in the Acts 
at all. Taking the passages in the Epistles in the 
order of the events referred to, we turn first to Gal. 
ii. 1, 3. We conceive the journey mentioned here 
(so Dr. Howson, original author of this article) to i 
be identical with that (recorded in Acts xv.) in 
which Paul and Barnabas went from Antioeh to 
Jerusalem to the conference which was to decide 
the question of the necessity of circumcision to the 
Gentiles. Here we see Titus in close association 
with Paul and Barnabas at Antioeh. 1 He goes with 
them to Jerusalem. His circumcision was either 
not insisted on at Jerusalem, or, if demanded, was j 
firmly resisted. He is very emphatically spoken of 
as a Gentile ("Greek "), by which is most probably 
meant that both his parents were Gentiles. Titus 
would seem, on the occasion of the council, to have j 
been specially a representative of the church of the 
uncircumcision. In the passage cited above, Titus 
is so mentioned as apparently to imply that he had 
become personally known to the Galatian Christians. 
After leaving Galatia (Acts xviii. 23), and spending 
a long time at Ephesus (xix. 1-xx. 1), the apostle 
proceeded to Macedonia by way of Troas. Here 
he expected to meet Titus (2 Cor. ii. 13), who had 
been sent on a mission to Corinth. In this hope he 
was disappointed, but in Macedonia Titus joined 
him (vii. 6, 7, 13-15). The mission to Corinth had 
reference to the immoralities rebuked in 1 Cor. and 
to the effect of 1 Cor. on the offending church, and 



1 His birthplace may have been here ; bat this is uncer- 
tain (so Dr. Howson). 



it was so far successful and satisfactory. Another 
part of the mission with which he was intrusted had 
reference to the collection, at that time in progress, 
for the poor Christians of Judea (2 Cor. viii. 6). 
The apostle now, after his encouraging conversa- 
tions with Titus regarding the Corinthian Church, 
sends him hark from Macedonia to Corinth, with 
two other trustworthy Christians (TroPHImub; 
Tychiccs), bearing the Second Epistle, and with 
an earnest request (viii. 6, 17) that he would see 
to the completion of the collection (viii. fi). It has 
generally been considered doubtful who the "breth- 
ren " were (1 Cor. xvi. 11, 12) that took the First 
Epistle to Corinth. Most probably they were Titus 
and his companion, whoever that might be, who is 
mentioned with him in 2 Cor. xii. 18. (Thophimcs; 
Tychiccs.) — A considerable interval now elapses. 
Si. Taul's first imprisonment is concluded, and his 
last trial is impending. In the interval between 
the- two, he and Titus were together in Crete (Tit. i. 
5). We see Titus remaining in the island when St. 
Paul left it, and receiving there a letter written to 
him by the apostle. (Titus, Epistlk to.) From 
this letter we gather the following biographical de- 
tails : — First we learn that he was originally con- 
verted through St. Paul's instrumentality (i. 4). 
Nexl we learn the various particulars of the respon- 
sible duties which he had to discharge in Crete. 
He is to complete what St. Paul had been obliged 
to leave unfinished (i. 5), and to organize the Church 
throughout the island by appointing presbyters in 
every city. Next he is to control and bridle (vcr. 
11) the restless and mischievous Judaizers, and to 
lir peremptory in so doing (vcr. 13). lie is to urge 
the duties of a decorous and Christian life upon the 
women (ii. 3-5), some of whom (ii. 3) possibly had 
something of an official character (vcr. 3, 4). lie 
is to be watchful over his own conduct (ver. 7), to 
impress upon the servants their peculiar duties (ii. 
9, 10), to check all social and political turbulence 
(iii. 1), and all wild theological speculations (ver. 9), 
and to exercise discipline on the heretical (ver. 10). 
The notices which remain are more strictly personal. 
Titus is to look for the arrival in Crete of Artemas 
and Tremens (iii. 12), and then to hasten to join 
St. Paul at Nicopolis, where the apostle is propo- 
sing to pass the winter. Zenas and Apollos are in 
Crete, or expected there ; for Titus is to send them 
on their journey, and supply them with whatever 
they need for it (iii. 13). Whether Titus did join 
the apostle at Nicopolis we cannot tell. But we 
naturally connect the mention of this place with 
what St. Paul wrote not long afterward, in 2 Tim. 
iv. 10 (" Titus to Dalmatia ") ; for Dalmatia lay to 
the X. of Nicopolis, at no great distance from it. 
From the form of the whole sentence it seems prob- 
able that this disciple had been with St. Paul in 
Rome during his final imprisonment ; but this can- 
not be asserted confidently. Titus is connected by 
tradition with Dalmatia ; but his traditional connec- 
tion with Crete is much more specific and constant, 
though here again we cannot be certain of the 
facts. He is said to have been permanent bishop 
in the island, and to have died there at an advanced 
age. The modern capital, Candia, appears to claim 
the honor of being his burial-place. In the frag- 
ment by the lawyer Zenas, Titus is called Bishop of 
Gortyna. The name of Titus was the watchword 
of the Cretans when they were invaded by the Ve- 
netians. Evangelist ; Timothy. 

Ti'tns (see above j, E-pis'tle to. There are no spe- 
cialties in this Epistle which require any very elab- 



TIZ 



TOB 



1123 



orate treatment distinct from the other Pastoral Let- 
ters of St. Paul (Timothy, Epistles to). If those 
two were not genuine, it would be difficult confi- 
dently to maintain the genuineness of this. On the 
other hand, if the Epistles to Timothy are received 
as St. Paul's, there is not the slightest reason for 
doubting the authorship of that to Titus. Nothing 
can well be more explicit than the quotations in 
Irenasus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, to say 
nothing of earlier allusions in Justin Martyr, Theoph- 
ilus, and Clemens Romanus. As to internal features, 
we may notice, in the first place, that the Epistle to 
Titus has all the characteristics of the other Pastoral 
Epistles. This tends to show that this letter was 
written about the same time and under similar cir- 
cumstances with the other two. But, on the other 
hand, this Epistle has marks in its phraseology and 
s^yle which assimilate it to the general body of the 
Epistles of St. Paul. As to any difficulty arising 
from supposed indications of advanced hierarchi- 
cal arrangements, it is to be observed that in this 
Epistle " elder " = " bishop " (i. 5, 7), just as in the 
address at Miletus about a. d. 58 (Acts xx. 17, 28). 
At the same time this Epistle has features of its own, 
especially a certain tone of abruptness and severity, 
which probably arises partly out of the circumstances 
of the Cretan population, partly out of the character 
of Titus himself. Concerning the contents of this 
Epistle, something has already been said in the ar- 
ticle on Titus. No very exact subdivision is either 
necessary or possible. As to the time and place and 
other circumstances of the writing of this Epistle, 
the following scheme of filling up St. Paul's move- 
ments after his first imprisonment will satisfy all the 
conditions of the case : — We may suppose him (pos- 
sibly after accomplishing his long-projected visit to 
Spain) to have gone to Epbesus, and taken voyages 
from thence, first to Macedonia and then to Crete, dur- 
ing the former to have written 1 Tim., and after re- 
turning from the latter to have written the Epistle to 
Titus, being at the time of dispatching it on the point 
of starting for Nicopolis, to which place he went, 
taking Miletus and Corinth on the way. At Nicopo- 
lis we may conceive him to have been finally appre- 
hended and taken to Rome, whence he wrote the 
Second Epistle to Timothy (so Dr. Howson, original 
author of this article.) Bible; Canon; Inspira- 
tion ; New Testament. 

Ti'tns Man ii-ns. Manlius, Titus. 

Ti'zite (fr. Heb. Titst — one from an unknown 
place called Tils, Ges. ; one from Tayits [=exteiision~\, 
Fii. ; but see below), the; the designation of Joha, 
one of David's heroes (1 Chr. xi. 45 only). Nothing 
is known of the place or family which it denotes (so 
Mr. Grove). 

To'ah (Heb. inclined, lowly? Ges.), a Kohathite 
Levite, ancestor of Samuel and Heman (1 Chr. vi. 
34 [Heb. 19]) ; = Tohu and Nahath 2 ? 

Too (Heb. gooct^ Ges.), the Land of; the place in 
which Jephthah took refuge when expelled from 
home by his half-brothers ( Judg. xi. 3) ; and where he 
remained, at the head of a band of freebooters, till he 
was brought back by the "elders " of Gilead (verse 
5); evidently not far from Gilead; but toward the 
eastern deserts. In 2 Sam. x. 6, 8, Ishtob, i. e. Man 
of Tob, according to a common Hebrew idiom, = the 
men of Tob. It appears again, in the Maccabean 
history in the names Tome, and Tubieni. Mr. 
Grove gives the names Tell Dobbe, or Tell Dibbe, at- 
tached to a ruined site at the S. end of the Lejah, a 
few miles N. W. of Kenaw&t (Kenatii), and of ed- 
Dah, some twelve hours E. of the mountain el-Kuleib, 



and hence thirty to forty miles S. S. E. of Kenaw&t, 
as both suggestive of Tob, but does not positively 
identify either of them with it. 

Tob'-ad-O-ni'jah (fr. Heb. = good is Adonijah, or 
good is my Lord Jehovah), one of the Levites sent 
by Jehoshaphat through the cities of Judah to teach 
the Law to the people (2 Chr. xvii. 8). 

To-bi'all (fr. Heb. = pleasing- to Jehovah, Ges.). 
It " The children of Tobiah " were a family who re- 
turned with Zerubbabel, but were unable to prove 
their connection with Israel (Ezr. ii. 60 ; Neh. vii. 62). 
— 2. " Tobiah the servant, the Ammonite," played a 
conspicuous part in the rancorous opposition made 
by Sanballat and his adherents to the rebuilding of 
Jerusalem. The two races of Moab and Ammon 
found in these men fit representatives of their hered- 
itary hatred to the Israelites. But Tobiah, though 
a slave (A. V. " servant," Heb. 'ebed ; Neh. ii. 10, 
19), unless this is a title of opprobrium, and an Am- 
monite, was himself son-in-law of Shectianiah 6, and 
his son Johanan 10 married the daughter of Me- 
shullam 13, who was probably a priest (vi. 17, 18); 
and these family relations created for him a strong 
faction among the Jews. Tobiah gave venom to the 
pitying scorn of Sanballat (iv. 3), and provoked the 
bitter cry of Nehemiah (4, 5); he kept up commu- 
nications with the factious Jews, and sent letters to 
put Nehemiah in fear (vi. 17, 19); and finally took 
up his residence in the Temple in the chamber which 
Eliashib had prepared for him in defiance of the 
Mosaic statute (Deut. xxiii. 3), upon which Nehe- 
miah " cast forth all the household stuff of Tobiah 
out of the chamber" (Neh. xiii. 7, 8). Nothing 
further is known of him. Ewald conjectures that 
Tobiah had been a page (slave) at the Persian court, 
and, being in favor there, had been promoted to be 
satrap of the Ammonites. 

To-bi'as(Gr. form of Tobiah or Tobijah). 1. Son 
of Tobit, and central character in the book of that 
name. (Tobit, Book of.) — 2. Father (or grandfather) 
of the Hyrcanus or Hircanus, who was apparently a 
man of great wealth and reputation at Jerusalem in 
the time of Seleucus Philopator, about b. c. 187 
(2 Mc. iii. 11). In the high-priestly schism which 
happened afterward (Menelaus), " the sons of To- 
bias" took a conspicuous part. 

To'bie (fr. Gr.), the Pla ces of (1 Mc. v. 13), prob- 
ably = the land of Tob. 

To-bi'el, or To'bi-el (Gr. fr. Heb. = the goodness 
of God), father of Tobit and grandfather of Tobias 1 
(Tob. i. 1). 

To-bi'jah (fr. Heb. = Tobiah). 1. One of the 
Levites sent by Jehoshaphat to teach the Law in the 
cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 2. One of the Cap- 
tivity in the time of Zechariah, in whose presence 
the prophet was commanded to take crowns of sil- 
ver and gold and put them on the head of Joshua 
the high-priest (Zech. vi. 10, 14). Rosenmuller con- 
jectures that he was one of a deputation who came 
up to Jerusalem, from the Jews who still remained 
in Babylon, with contributions of gold and silver for 
the Temple. But Maurer considers the offerings 
presented by Tobijah and his companions. 

To'bit (Gr. fr. Heb. = my goodness, Ilgen ; more 
probably = Tobiah, Fritzsche), father of Tobias 1 
(Tob. i. 1, &c). Tobit, Book of. 

To'bit (see above), Book of. The book is called 
simply Tobit in the old MSS. At a later time the 
opening words of the book were taken as a title. I. 
Tex'.. The book exists at present in Greek, Latin, 
Syriac, and Hebrew texts, which differ more or less 
from one another in detail, yet are so far alike that 



1124 



TOB 



TOB 



it is reasonable to suppose all derived from one writ- I 
ten original, which was modified in the course of 
translation or transcription. The Greek text is I 
found in two distinct recensions. The one is followed 
by the mass of the MSS. of the LXX., and gives the 
oldest text which remains. The other is only frag- 
mentary, and manifestly a revision of the former. 
Of this, one piece (i. 1-ii. 2) is contained in the Si- 
noitio MS. (Xkw Testament, I. § 28), and another in 
three later MSS. The Latin texts are also of two 
kinds. The common (Vulgate) text Jerome formed 
by a very hasty revision of the old Latin version with ' 
the help of a Chaldee copy translated into Hebrew 
for him by an assistant who was master of both lan- 
guages. It is of very little critical value. The old 
Latin texts are far more valuable, though these pre- 
sent considerable variations among themselves, and 
represent the revised and not the original Greek 
text. Of the Hebrew versions, one is closely moulded 
on the common Greek text, the other an extremely 
free version of the revised text. The Si/riac version 
to ch. viL 9 is a close rendering of the common 
Greek text, in the rest it follows the revised text — 
2. Contents, The outline of the book is as follows. 
Tobit, an Israelite of the tribe of Naphtali and strict 
observer of the Law, was carried captive to Assyria 
by Shalmaneser. While " purveyor " at court, he ex- 
erted himself to relieve his countrymen, and lent ten 
talents of silver to Gabael at Rages in Media. Be- 
fore Sennacherib's death he had to flee from Nineveh 
with his wife Anna and son Tobias, but returned un- 
der Esar-liaddon. As be lay one night in the court 
of his house, being unclean from having buried a 
Jew whom his son had found strangled in the mar- 
ket-place, sparrows muted warm dung into his eyes, 
and he became blind, and impoverished, and prayed 
to God for help. The same day his kinswoman Sara 
2, whose seven husbands had successively been slain 
by Asmodecs, also sought help from God. The angel 
Raphael was sent to deliver both from sorrow. As 
a kinsman (Azarias 5) he accompanied Tobias on 
his journey to reclaim the money lent to Gabael. 
At the Tigris a fish attacked Tobias, but by Raphael's 
direction he speared it and took out the heart and 
liver and gall. At Ecbatana Tobias married Sara, 
Asmodeus being driven to the utmost parts of Egypt 
by a snake made with the fish's heart and liver. The , 
money was obtained from Raguel by Raphael, and 
Tobias returned with Sara and half her father's goods 
to Nineveh. Tobit was restored to sight by the fish's 
gall rubbed on his eyes. Raphael made himself ' 
known. Tobit expressed his gratitude in a fine 
psalm, and lived to see the long prosperity of his 
son. After Tobit's death Tobias returned to Ecbat- 
ana, where " before he died he heard of the destruc- 
tion of Nineveh," of which "Jonas the prophet 
spake." — 3. Historical Character. The narrative 
seems to have been received as true till the Refor- 
mation. Luther expressed doubts as to its literal j 
truth, and these doubts gradually gained a wide cur- i 
rency among Protestant writers. Bertholdt has 
given a summary of alleged errors in detail, but the 
question turns rather upon the general complexion 
of the history than upon minute objections. This, 
however, is fatal to the supposition that the book 
could have been completed shortly after the fall of 
Nineveh (b. c. 606 ; Tob. xiv. 15), and written, in 
the main, some time before (xii. 20). The whole J 
tone of the narrative bespeaks a later age ; and above 
all, the doctrine of good and evil spirits is elaborated 
in a form which belongs to a period considerably 
posterior to the Babylonian Captivity. The inci- | 



dents are not referred to in any part of Scriptuie 
nor in Josephus or Philo. The character of the 
alleged miraculous events taken together is alien 
from the general character of such events in the 
Scriptures, while there is nothing exceptional, as in 
the case of Danikl, to explain the difference. The 
narrative is not simply history, but possibly some real 
occurrences related by tradition formed its basis. 
As the book stands it is a distinctly didactic narra- 
tive. Its point lies in the moral lesson which it 
conveys, not in the incidents. — i. Original Lan- 
guage. The superior clearness, simplicity, and ac- 
curacy of the LXX, text prove conclusively that this 
is nearer the original than any other text which is 
known, if it be not, as some have supposed, the 
original itself. Indeed, the arguments brought to 
show thai it is a translation are far from conclusive; 
yet there is no internal evidence against the suppo- 
sition that the Greek text is a translation (sec g 8, 
below). — 5. Date and place of Comjiotition. The 
data for determining these are scanty. Eichhorn 
places the author alter the time of Darius Hystaspis. 
Bertholdt brings the book considerably later than 
SeleucuH Nicator (about u. c. 250-200), and sup- 
poses it written by a Galilean or Babylonian Jew, 
from the prominence given to those districts in the 
narrative. De Wettc leaves the date undetermined, 
but argues that the author was a native of Pales- 
tine. Ewald fixes the composition in the far East, 
toward the close of the Persian period (about B. C. 
350). This last opinion is almost certainly correct 
(so Mr. Westcott, original author of this article). 
Its date will fall somewhere within the period be- 
tween the close of the work of Nehemiah and the 
invasion of Alexander (about b. c. 430-334). The 
contents of the book would suggest that he was 
living out of Palestine, in some Persian city, per- 
haps Babylon, where his countrymen were exposed 
to the capricious cruelty of heathen governors, and 
in danger of neglecting the Temple-service. If 
the-e conjcctiiri s as to the date and place of writing 
be correct, we must assume a Hebrew or Chaldee 
original. Even if the date of the book be brought 
much lower, to the beginning of the second century 
b. a, it must have been written in some Aramaic 
dialect, as the Greek literature of Palestine belongs 
to a much later time. As long as this was held to 
be strict history, it was supposed to be written by 
the immediate actors, Tobit and Tobias, the con- 
cluding verses (xiv. 12-15) by a surviving friend. 
But if the historical character of the narrative is 
set aside, there is no trace of the person of the 
author. 1 — 6. History. The history of' the book is 
in the main that of the LXX. version. (Cakok ; 
Septuagint.) There appears to be a reference 
to it in the Latin version of the Epistle of Poly- 
carp. Clement of Alexandria and Origen practi- 
cally use the book as canonical ; but Origen dis- 
tinctly notices that neither Tobit nor Judith was 
received by the Jews, and rests the authority 
of Tobit on the usage of the Churches. Atha- 
nasius quotes Tobit as Scripture, but definitely 
excludes it from the Canon. In the Latin Church, 
Cyprian, Hilary, and Lucifer, quote it as authorita- 
tive; Augustine includes it with the other apocrypha 
of the LXX. among " the books which the Christian 
Church received," and in this he was followed by 
the mass of the later Latin Fathers. Jerome, how- 
ever, followed by Rufinus, maintained the purity of 



1 "It can only be regarded in the light of an Eastern ro- 
mance written by a -Jew " (Prof. J. G. Murphy, in Fbn.). 



TOO 



TOM 



1125 



the Hebrew Canon of the 0. T. Luther pronounced 
it, if only a fiction, yet " a truly beautiful, whole- 
some, and profitable fiction, the work of a gifted 

poet A book useful for Christian reading." 

The same view is held also in the English Church, 
yet the book, like the rest of the Apocrypha, seems 
to have fallen into neglect. — V. Religious Character. 
Nowhere else is there preserved so complete and 
beautiful a picture of the domestic life of the Jews 
after the Return. There may be symptoms of a 
tendency to formal righteousness of works, but as 
yet the works are painted as springing from a living 
faith. Of the special precepts one (Tob. iv. 15) 
contains the negative side of the golden rule of 
conduct (Mat. vii. 12), which in this partial form is 
found among the maxims of Confucius Almost 
every family relation is touched upon with natural 
grace and affection. The most remarkable doctrinal 
feature in the book is the prominence given to the 
action of spirits 4 (see § 2, above ; Magic). A sec- 
ond doctrinal feature of the book is' the firm belief 
in a glorious restoration of the Jewish people ; but 
there is not the slightest trace of the belief in a 
personal Messiah. 

To'clien [-ken] (Heb. a task, measure, Ges.), a 
place mentioned (1 Chr. iv. 32 only) among the 
towns of Simeon ; site unknown. 

To-gar'mah (Heb. fr. Sansc. = tribe of Armenia, 
Grimm), son of Gomer, and brother of Ashkenaz 
and Riphath (Gen. x. 3). Togarmah, as a geograph- 
ical term, is connected with Armenia, and the sub- 
sequent notices of the name (Ez. xxvii. 14, xxxviii. 
6) accord with this view. Herodotus says the Ar- 
menians were Phrygian colonists (Hdt. vii. 73), 
which probably implies only a common origin of 
the two peoples (so Mr. Bevan). There can be 
little doubt that the Phrygians were once the domi- 
nant race in the peninsula, and that they spread 
westward from the confines of Armenia to the 
shores of the /Egean. The Phrygian language is 
undoubtedly to be classed with the Indo-European 
family. The Armenian language presents many pe- 
culiarities which distinguish it from other branches 
of the Indo-European family; but no hesitation is 
felt by philologists in placing it in this family of 
languages. Tongues, Confusion of. 

To'hn (Heb. = Toah, Ges.), ancestor of Samuel 
the prophet (1 Sam. i. 1); = Nahath 2, and Toah ? 

To'i (Heb. error, Ges.) — Tou, king of Hamath 
on the Orontes, who, after the defeat of his power- 
ful enemy the Syrian king Hadadezer by the army 
of David, sent his son Joram, or Hadoram, to con- 
gratulate the victor and do him homage with pres- 
ents of gold and silver and brass (2 Sam. viii. 9, 10). 

To la (Heb. a worm, Ges.). 1. First-born of Is- 
sachar, and ancestor of the Tolaites (Gen. xlvi. 13; 
Num. xxvi. 23; 1 Chr. vii. 1, 2). — 2. Judge of Is- 
rael after Abimelech (Judg. x. 1, 2); "the son of 
Puah, the son of Dodo, a man of Issachar." Tola 
judged Israel twenty-three years at Shamir 2 in 
Mount Ephraim, where he died and was buried. 

To'Iad (Heb. birth, Ges.), a city of Simeon (1 Chr. 
iv. 29) ; = El-tolad. 

2 "The agency of Asmodeus and of Raphael is out of 
keeping with sober history. The modes of repelling evil 
spirits and curing blindness betray a superstitious or tri- 

j fling mind. The an?el is made to feign himself a man, of 
a family known to Tobit, and to be the voucher for the 

! false charms which are introduced. The moral of the 
story rests on the error that 'alms deliver from death' 
(Tob. iv. 10). The book is of no historical value, and 
tends to beget a weak, indiscriminating moral feeling, en- 
courage self-righteousness, and cherish superstition" 

\ (Prof. J. G. Murphy, in Fbn.). 



To'la-ites (fr. Heb.), the = the descendants of Tola 
the son of Issachar (Num. xxvi. 26). 

Tol'ba-nes [-neez] (Gr.) = Telem, a porter in 
Ezra's time (1 Esd. ix. 25). 

Tomb. The sepulchral rites of the Jews (Burial) 
were marked with the same simplicity that charac- 
terized all their religious observances (so Mr, Fer- 
gusson, original author of this article). This sim- 
plicity of rite led to what may be called the distin- 
guishing characteristic of Jewish sepulchres — the 
deeploculus (L. literally a little place, i. e. a little 
chamber, cell, or recess) — which, so far as is now 
known, is universal in all purely Jewish rock-cut 
tombs, but hardly known elsewhere. Its form will 
be understood by referring to the annexed diagram, 
representing the forms of Jewish sepulture. In 




Diagram of Jewish Sopulcbre. 



the apartment marked A, are twelve such locn/i, 
about two feet wide by three feet high. On the 
ground-floor these generally open on the level of 
the floor; when in the upper story, as at C, on a 
ledge or platform, on which the body might be laid 
to be anointed, and on which the stones might rest 
which closed the outer end of each loculus. The 
shallow loculus, shown in chamber B, but apparently 
only used when sarcophagi were employed, and, 
therefore, so far as we know, only in the Greco-Ro- 
man period, would have been inappropriate, where an 
unembalmed body was laid out to decay — as there 
would evidently be no means of shutting it off from 
the rest of the catacomb. The deep loculus on the 
other hand was as strictly conformable with Jewish 
customs, and could easily be closed by a stone fitted 
to the end, and luted into the groove which usually 
exists there. This fact affords a key to much that 
is otherwise hard to be understood in certain pas- 
sages in the N. T. Thus in Jn. xi. 39 Jesus says, 
" Take away the stone," and (ver. 40) "they took 
away the stone " without difficulty, apparently. 
And in xx. 1, the same expression is used, 
" the stone is taken away." There is one catacomb 
— that known as the " Tombs of the Kings " — which 
is closed by a stone rolling across its entrance ; but 
it is the only one, and the immense amount of con- 
trivance and fitting which it has required is sufficient 
proof that such an arrangement was not applied to 
any other of the numerous rock-tombs around Je- 
rusalem, nor could the traces of it have been oblit- 
erated, had it anywhere existed. Although, there- 
fore, the Jews were singularly free from the pomps 
and vanities of funereal magnificence, they were at 
all stages of their independent existence an emi- 
nently burying people. — Tombs of the Patriarchs. 
One of the most striking events in the life of Abra- 
ham is the purchase of the field of Ephron the Hit- 



1120 



TOM 



TOM 



lite at Hebron, in which was the cave of Maciipki.au, 
thai be might therein bury Sarah his wile, and that 
it might be a sepulchre for himself and his children. 
Aaron died on the summit of Mount Hon (Num. xx. 
28, xxxiii. .'{9), and was probably buried there. 
Moses died in the plains of Moab, and was buried 
there, "but no man knoweth of his sepulchre to 
this day " (Deut. xxxiv. B). Joshua was buried in 
his own inheritance, in Timnath-serah (Josh. xxiv. 
80), and SahUXL in his own house at Uamaii ( 1 Sam. 
xxv. 1). Joab was also buried " in his own house 
in the wilderness'' (1 K. ii. 34). From the time 
when Abraham established the burying-place of his 
family at Hebron till David fixed that of his family 
in the city which bore his name, the Jewish rulers 
had no fixed or favorite place of sepulture. Each 
was buried on his own property, or where he died, 
without much caring cither for the sanctity or con- 
venience of the place chosen. — Tomb of the K'mys. 



I Of the twenty-two kings of Judah who reigned at 
Jerusalem from 1048 to 590 u. c, eleven (David, 
Solomon, Eehoboam, Abijah, Asa, Jehoshapbat, 
Ahaziah, Aniaziah, Jotham, Ue/.ekiah, Josiah, with 
the good priest Jehoiada) were buried in one hypo- 
t/eum (= subterranean structure) ill the "city of 
David." Of all these it is merely said that they 
were buried in "the sepulchres of their lathers" 
or "of the kings" in the city of David, except of 
two — Asa and lle/i kiah. Two more of these kings 
(Jehoram and Joash) were buried also in the city 
of David, " but not in the sepulchres of the kings." 
Neh. iii. 16, and Ez. xliii. 7, 9, with the reiterated 
assertion of the Books of Kings ami Chronicles 
that these sepulchres were situated in the city of 
David, h ave no doubt but that they were on Zion, 
in- the Eastern Hill, and in ihe immediate proximity 
of the Temple (so Mr. Pergusson, but sec Jkrusa- 

I LEM, III. § S). Manassch was (2 Chr. xxxiii. '20) 




Plan of tb9 " Timbi oftbe Prophets." — (From De Saulcy.) 



buried in his own house, i. e. "in the garden of his 
ow n house, in the garden of Uz/.a" (2 K. xxi. 18), 
where his son Amon was also buried in his sepulchre 
(ver. 26). Ahaz was buried " in the city even in Je- 
rusalem, but they brought him not into the sepul- 
chres of the kings of Israel" (2 Chr. xxviii. 27). 
Up to the present time we have not been able to 
identify one single sepulchral excavation about 
Jerusalem which can be said with certainty to 
have been used for burial before the time of 
the Romans. The only important hyjioycum which 
is wholly Jewish in its arrangements, and may 
consequently belong to an earlier or to any epoch, 
is that known as the Tombs of the Prophets in 
the western flank of the Mount of Olives. It has 
every appearance of having originally been a nat- 
ural cavern improved by art, and with an ex- 
ternal gallery some 140 feet in extent, into which 
twenty-seven deep or Jewish loculi open. Other 
chambers and loculi have been commenced in 



other parts, and in the passages are spaces where 
many other graves could have been located. It has 
no architectural mouldings, no sarcophagi or shallow 
locuh',_ nothing to indicate a foreign origin. — Greco- 
Roman Tombs. Besides the tombs above enumerated, 
there are around Jerusalem, in the Valleys of Hin- 
nom and Jehoshaphat, and on the plateau to the N., 
a number of remarkable rock-cut sepulchres, with 
more or less architectural decoration, sufficient to 
enable us to ascertain that they are all of nearly the 
same age, and to assert with very tolerable confi- 
dence that the epoch to which they belong must be 
between the introduction of Roman influence and 
the destruction of the city by Titus. The excava- 
tions in the Valley of Hinnom with Greek inscrip- 
tions are comparatively modern, the inscriptions be- 
ing all of Christian import, and such as to render it 
doubtful whether the chambers were not the dwell- 
ings of ascetics. In the village of Siloam there is a 
monolithic cell of singularly Egyptian aspect, which 



TOM 



TOM 



1127 



De Saulcy assumes to be a chapel of Solomon's 
Egyptian wife. It is probably of very much more 
modern date, more Assyrian than Egyptian in 
character, but probably not sepulchral. The prin- 
cipal remaining architectural sepulchres may be di- 
vided into three groups: (1.) Those existing in the 
Valley of Jehoshaphat (Jehoshaphat, Valley of), 
and known popularly as the Tombs of Zechariah, of 
St. James, and of Absalom. Of these the most 
southern is known as that of Zechariah, a popular 




So-called " Tomb of Zechariah. 



name which there is not even a shadow of tradition 
to justify. It consists of a square solid basement, 
measuring 18 feet 6 inches each way, and 20 feet high 
to the top of the cornice. On each face are four en- 
gaged Ionic columns between antae (the wall-pilasters 
at the corners), and these are surmounted by a cor- 
nice of purely Assyrian type, such as is found at 
Khorsabad. In all its details it is so distinctly 
Roman that it is impossible to assume that it be- 
longs to an earlier age than that of their influence. 
Above the cornice is a pyramid rising at rather a 
sharp angle, and hewn, like all the rest, out of the 
solid rock. To call this building a tomb is evidently 
a misnomer, as it is absolutely solid — hewn out of 
the living rock by cutting a passage round it. It 
has no internal chambers, nor even the semblance 
of a doorway. Only the outward face or that front- 
ing Jerusalem is completely finished. The so-called 
tomb of Absalom is somewhat larger, the base being 
about 21 feet square, and probably 23 or 24 to the top 
of the cornice. Like the other, it is of the Roman 
Ionic order, surmounted by a cornice of Ionic type ; 
but between the pillars and the cornice a frieze, un- 
mistakably of the Roman Doric order, is introduced. 
It is by no means clear whether it had originally a 
pyramidal top like its neighbor. Immediately in 
rear of the monolith we find a sepulchral cavern, 
undiscriminatingly called the Tomb of Jehoshaphat, 
now closed by the rubbish and stones thrown at the 
tomb of the undutiful son, but externally crowned 
by a pediment of considerable beauty, and in the 
same style as that of the Tombs of the Judges (see 
below). The third tomb of this group, called that 
of St. James, is situated between the other two, and 



is of a very different character. It consists of a 
verandah with two Doric pillars in antis, which may 
be characterized as belonging to a very late Greek 
order rather than a Roman example. Behind this 
screen are several apartments, which in another 
locality we might be justified in calling a rock-cut 




1 ° 10 20 30 40 s o FT 

Plan of Tomb of St. James. 



monastery appropriated to sepulchral purposes. In 
the rear of all is an apartment, apparently unfin- 
ished, with three shallow loculi meant for the recep- 
tion of sarcophagi, and so indicating a post-Jewish 
date for the whole, or at least for that part of the 
excavation. (2.) The hypogeum known as the Tombs 
of the Judges, about a mile north of the city, 




Facade of the Tombs of the Judges, 



is one of the most remarkable of the catacombs 
around Jerusalem, containing about sixty deep 
loculi, arranged in three stories ; the upper stories 
with ledges in front to give convenient access, and 
to support the stones that closed them ; the lower 
flush with the ground : the whole, consequently, 
so essentially Jewish that it might be of any age if 
it were not for its distance from the town, and its 
architectural character, which is identical with that 
of the Tomb of Jehoshaphat, and has nothing Jew- 
ish about it. The so-called " Jewish Tomb " in this 
neighborhood has bevelled facets over its facade, 
but with late Roman Doric details at its angles. (3.) 
The group known as the Tombs of the Kings, about 
half a mile N. of the Damascus gate (Kidron, Brook 
of), mentioned by Josephus (B. J. v. 4, § 2) as the 
Sepulchral Caverns of the Kings, and twice (B. J. v. 
3, §2, 12, § 2) as the Monuments of Herod. The 
architecture exhibits the same Roman Doric arrange- 
ments as are found in all these tombs, mixed with 
bunches of grapes, which first appear on Maccabean 
coins, and foliage which is local and peculiar, and, 
so far as any thing is known elsewhere, might be of 



1128 



TON 



TON 



any age. Its connection, however, with that of the 
Tombs of Jehoshaphat and the Judges fixes it to the 
same epoch. The entrance doorway of this tomb is 




Facade of II r 1 



i Photograph.: 



below the level of the pround, closed by a very 
curious and elaborate, but clumsy, contrivance of a 
rolling stone. Within, the tomb consist* of a vesti- 



bule or entrance-hall about twenty feet square, from 
which three other square apartments open, each sur- 
rounded by deep loculi. These possess a peculiarity 
not known in any other tomb about Jerusalem, of 
having a square apartment either beyond the head 
of the locuhis or on one side ; e. g. A A have these 
inner chambers A' A' within, and B B at B' B' on 
one side. But perhaps the most remarkable pecu- 
liarity of the kiipogeum is the sarcophagus chamber 
I), in which two sarcophagi were found. All tends 
to make it probable that this was really the sepul- 
chre of Herod. There seems no reason for doubting 
that, all the architectural tombs of Jerusalem belong 
to thr ape of the Romans, like every tiling that has 
yet been found either at Petra, Ba'albek, Palmyra, 
or Damascus, or even among the stone cities of the 

I lam an. — Tomb of Helena of Adiabi ne. Of the very 
famous tomb of Queen Helena of Adiabene not one 
vestige exists. We are told that she and her son 
Izates were buried at the pyramids which she had 
erected more than three stadia from Jerusalem (Jos. 
xx. 4, § 3). These pyramids were situated outside 
the third wall, near a gate between the Tower 
Psephinus and the Royal Caverns (Jos. B. J. v. 22, 

ni l v. 4, §2). They remained sufliciently entire in 
the fourth century to form a conspicuous object in 
the landscape. — Since the destruction of the city by 




Plan of TombBOf Herod.— (From De Snaky.) 



Titus, none of the native inhabitants of Jerusalem 
have been in a position to indulge in much sepul- 
chral magnificence, or perhaps had any taste for this 
class of display ; and we in consequence find no rock- 
cut hypogea, and no structural monuments that arrest 
attention in modern times. The people, however, 
still cling to their ancient cemeteries in the Valley 
of Jehoshaphat (Jehoshaphat, Valley of) with a 
tenacity singularly characteristic of the East. Abel ; 
Cave; Ctrcs; Ezra; Modin; Mordecai ; Pillar; 
Rachel ; Shecheji, &c. 

* Tongs (Heb. melkdhayim, or melkachayim, mda- 
tsdd). Axe 6 ; Snuffers. 

* Tongue [tung] (Heb. Idshon ; GT.glosxa, dialeklos 
[= dialect, or speech']), literally the organ in the 
mouth, used by animals for tasting, licking, &c, and 



by mankind for articulation also (Ex. xi. 7 ; Judg- 
vii. 5 ; Mk. vii. 33, 35 ; Rev. xvi. 10, &c), also meto- 
nymically = speech (Job xv. 5 ; 1 Jn. iii. 18, &c), 
language or dialect (Gen. x. 5, 20, 31 ; Acts ii. 8, 11, 
&c.), nation or people having their own language 
(Is. lxvi. 18; Rev. v. 9, &c), and tropically = that 
which resembles a tongue (Josh. vii. 21 marg. [text 
"wedge"], xv. 2 marg. [text "bay "] ; Is. v. 24 
margin, xi. 15; Acts ii. 3, &c). Chaldeans; 
Greek ; Hebrew ; Latin; Tongues, Confusion of; 
Tongues, Gift of. 

Tongues (see above), (on-fn'sion of. The unity 
of the human race is most clearly implied, if not 
positively asserted, in the Mosaic writings. (Adam ; 
Creation; Man; Noah.) Unity of language is as- 
sumed by the sacred historian apparently asacorol- 



TON 



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1129 



Jary of the unity of race. No explanation is given 
of the origin of speech, but its exercise is evidently 
regarde J as coeval with the creation of man. Speech, 
being inherent in man as a reflecting being, was re- 
garded as handed down from father to son by the 
same process of imitation by which it is still per- 
petuated. No notice is taken of any divergences in 
the antediluvian period, as their effects were oblit- 
erated by the Flood. The unity of speech would 
naturally be retained among Noah's descendants as 
long as they were held together by social and local 
bonds (Gen. xi. 1). Disturbing causes were, how- 
ever, early at work to dissolve this twofold union of 
community and speech. The human family endeav- 
ored to check the tendency to separation by the es- 
tablishment of a great central edifice, and a city 
which would serve as the metropolis of the whole 
world. The project was defeated by the interposi- 
tion of Jehovah, who determined to " confound their 
language, that they might not understand one an- 
other's speech" (xi. V; Babel, Tower ok). Con- 
temporaneously with, and perhaps as the result of, 
this confusion of tongues, the people were scattered 
abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth, 
and the memory of the great event was preserved in 
the name Babel. — Two points demand our attention 
in reference to this narrative, viz. the degree to 
which the confusion of tongues may be supposed to 
have extended, and the connection between the con- 
fusion of tongues and the dispersion of nations. ( 1. ) 
It is unnecessary to assume that the judgment in- 
flicted on the builders of Babel amounted to a loss, 
or even a suspension, of articulate speech. The 
desired object would be equally attained by a mirac- 
ulous forestalment of those dialectical differences 
of language which are constantly in process of pro- 
duction, and which ordinarily require time and varia- 
tions of place and habits to reach such maturity that 
people cannot understand one another's speech. 
The elements of the one original language may have 
remained, but so disguised by variations of pronun- 
ciation, and by the introduction of new combinations, 
as to be practically obliterated. (2.) The confusion 
of tongues and the dispersion of nations are spoken 
of in the Bible as contemporaneous events. The 
divergence of the various families into distinct tribes 
and nations ran parallel with the divergence of 
speech into dialects and languages, and thus Gen x. 
is posterior in historical sequence to the events re- 
corded in Gen. xi. Both passages must be taken 
into consideration in any disquisition on the early 
fortunes of the human race. — A. How far do modern 
researches into the phenomena of language favor the 
idea that once "the whole earth was of one speech 
and language ? " The advocate of the historical 
unity of language is met by two classes of opposing 
arguments, one arising out of the differences, the 
other out of the resemblances of existing languages. 
As to the former, no one can doubt that, though 
linguistic science itself has hardly advanced beyond 
the stage of infancy, the tendency of all linguistic 
research is in the direction of unity (so Mr. Bevan, 
original author of this article). Variety in unity is a 
general law of nature, and the formal varieties of lan- 
guage present no obstacle to the theory of a common 
origin. Amid these varieties are manifest tokens of 
unity in the original material out of which language 
was formed, in the stages of formation through which 
it has passed, in the general principle of grammati- 
cal expression, and in the spirit and power displayed 
in the development of these various formations. 
The lines of discovery, therefore, point in one direc- 



tion and favor the expectation that the various fam- 
ilies may be combined by the discovery of connect- 
ing links into one family, comprehending all the 
languages of the world. But should such a result 
be obtained, the probability of a common origin 
would still remain unshaken ; for the failure would 
probably be due to the absence, in many classes and 
families, of that chain of historical evidence, which 
in the case of the Indo-European and Shemitic fam- 
ilies enables us to trace their progress for above 3,000 
years. — As to the second class of opposing argu- 
ments — that the resemblances of existing languages 
do not necessitate the theory of historical or gen- 
tilic unity, but may be satisfactorily accounted for 
on psychological principles — the whole question 
of the origin of language lies beyond the pale of 
historical proof, and no argument against its com- 
mon origin can be derived from analogies drawn from 
the animal world, since language is not identical with 
sound, but is intimately connected with reason, and 
is perpetuated in a manner wholly distinct from that 
whereby animals learn to utter their cries. Besides, 
the theory that the language of the one protoplast was 
founded on strictly psychological principles, is cer- 
tainly as consistent with psychological unity as is the 
theory of a plurality of protoplasts arriving at similar 
independent results under the influence of the same 
psychological laws. — The present position of the lin- 
guistic science in respect to direct proof of the radi- 
cal identity of languages may be thus stated : All 
languages being classified according to their ideal 
forms as (I.) isolating, also called monosyllabic or 
radical, (II.) agglutinative, or (III.) inflecting, the 
Indo-European languages and the (so-called) Shemit- 
ic being included under the last head. The Indo-Eu- 
ropean languages have an acknowledged and well- 
defined relationship as one family ; but under the 
Shemitic family some include the sub-Shemitic lan- 
guages, as the Egyptian or Coptic, while others make 
these intermediate between the Shemitic and Indo- 
European families (see B, II., below). The agglu- 
tinative families of Europe and Asia are combined 
by Prof. Max Miiller in one family, named Turanian, 
but divided by Pott and other eminent philologists 
into a great number of families, as the Ural-Altaian, 
&c. The monosyllabic languages of S. E. Asia are 
not included in the Turanian family by Miiller, ap- 
parently as not agglutinative ; but as the Chinese 
appears to be connected radically with the Burmese, 
Tibetan, and Ural-Altaian languages, it seems en- 
titled to a place in the Turanian family. The Amer- 
ican languages are referred by eminent writers to 
an Asiatic or Turanian origin (Bunsen, Latham) ; the 
bulk of the African languages to the Shemitic fam- 
ily (Latham) ; yet they may stand by themselves as 
distinct families. The problem that awaits solution 
is, whether the several families above specified can 
be reduced to a single family by demonstrating 
their radical identity. Here, though there is a con- 
siderable amount of radical identity which appears to 
be above suspicion, yet the absence of materials and 
other causes afford abundance of room for difference 
of opinion. — B. Do the ethnological views exhibited 
in the Mosaic table (Gen. x.) accord with the evi- 
dence furnished by history and language, both in re- 
gard to the special facts recorded in it, and in the 
general Scriptural view of an historical or, more 
properly, a gentilic unity of the human race ? We 
notice — I. The Mosaic table does not profess to de- 
scribe the process of the dispersion: but, assuming 
that dispersion as an accomplished fact, it records 
the ethnic relations existing between the various 



1130 



TON 



TON 



nations affected by it. These relations are expressed I 
under the form of a genealogy ; the ethnological 
character of the document is, however, clear both 
from the names, some of which are gentilic in form, 
as Ludim, Jebusite, &c, others geographical or local, 
as Mi/.raim, Sidon, &c. ; and again from the formu- 
lary which concludes each section of the subject, 
"after their families, after their tongues, in their 
countries, and in iheir nations" (x. 5, 20, 81). In- 
cidentally, the tabic is geographical as well as eth- 
nological ; but this arises out of the practice of des- 
ignating nations by the countries they occupy. The 
general arrangement of the table is as follows : — j 
The whole human race is referred hack to Noah's 
three sons, Sbeu, Ham, and Japiiei ii. The Shemiles I 
are described last, apparently that the continuity of I 
the narrative may not be further disturbed ; and the 
Hamites stand next to the Shemites, in order to 
show that these were more closely related to each | 
other than to the Japhetites. The identification of 
the Biblical with the historical or classical names of 
nations, is by no means easy. ' particularly where 
the names are not subsequently noticed in the 
Bible. Equal doubt arises where names admit of 
being treated as appellatives, and so of being trans- 
ferred from one district to another. (I.) The Ja- 
phetitc list contains fourteen names, of which seven ] 
represent independent, and the remainder affiliated 
nations, as follows :— (i.) Gomer, connected e thni- 
cally with the Cimmerii, Cimbri (?), and Ci/wty ; 
and geographically with Crimea. Associated with 
Gomerare — ( 1.) A sue en a z ; (2.) Riphath; (8.) To- 
CARMAii. (ii. i Magog, the Sq/fhiatu. (iii.) M.w>.w, 
Media, (iv. ) Javan, the lonians, as a general ap- 
pellation for the Hellenic race, with whom are as- 
sociated — (1.) Elisiiaii ; (2.) Taksiiisii ; (3.) Kit- 
tim ; (4.) Dodanim. (v.) Tudal, the Tibureni in 
Pontus. (vi.) HjBSHEOH, the Munrhi in northwestern 
Armenia, (vii.) Tiras, perhaps Thracia. — (II.) The 
Hamitic list contains thirty names, of which four 
represent independent, and the remainder affiliated 
nations, as follows : — (i.) Cl'SH, in two branches, 
the western or African representing Ethiopia, the 
AWsh of the old Egyptian, and the eastern or 
Asiatic being connected with the names of the tribe 
Comai, the district Cissia, and the province Busiana \ 
or Alutzixtan. With Cush are associated — (1.) Se- 
Ba ; (2.) Havilah ; (3.) Sabtah ; (4.) Raamaii, with 
whom are associated— (a) Siieba, and (b) Deban; 
(5.) Sabtf.chah ; (6.) Nimrod, a personal and not a 
geographical name, the representative of the east- 
ern Cushites. (ii.) Mizraim, the two Misrs, i. e. 
Upper and Lower Egypt, with whom are connected 
— (1.) Lcdim; (2.) Anamim; (3.) Napbtcbim ; (4.) 
Pathrcsim ; (5.) Caslchim; (6.) Capbtorim ; (7.) 
Pbut. (iii.) Canaan, to whom belong — (1.) Sino.v, 
the well-known town in Phenicia ; (2.) Hetb, or the 
Hittites; (3.) the Jedcsite, of Jcbm or Jerusalem ; 
(4.) the Amorite; (5.) the Girgasite; (fi.) the Hi- 
vite; (7.) the Arkite ; (8.) the Sinite ; (9.) the Ar- 
vadite; (10.) the Zemarite ; (11.) the Hamatbite. — 
(III.) The Shemitic list contains twenty-five names, 
of which five refer to independent, and the remain- 
der to affiliated tribes, as follows :— (i.) Elam. (ii.) 
Assbur. (iii.) Arpbaxad, with whom are associated 
— (1.) Salab ; Salah's son (a) Eber; and Eber's two 
sons (a-) Peleg and (b") Joktan, with thirteen sons 
of Joktan, viz. : — (a 3 ) Almodab, (b 1 ) Sbelepb, (c 3 ) 
Hazakmavktii, (J 3 ) Jerab, (e 3 ) Haboram, (f ) 

TJZAL, ((f) DlKLAB, (/( 3 ) OBAL 01' EBAL, (P) ABIMAEL, 

(j*) Sbeba, (£ 3 ) Opbir, (P) Havilab, (to 3 ) Jobab. 
(iv.) Lub. (v.) Aeam, with whom are associated — 



(l.)Uz; (2.) Hbl; (3.) Getber ; (4.) Masb. One 
name noticed in the table, viz. Pbilistim, occurs in 
the Hamitic division (Gen. x. 14), but without any 
direct assertion of Hamitic descent. The total num- 
ber of names noticed in the table, including I'hilis- 
tim, would thus amount to seventy, which was raised 
i>_\ patristic writers in seventy-two. Before pro- 
ceeding further, it would be well to discuss a ques- 
tion materially affecting the historical value of the 
.Mosaic table, viz. the period to which it refers. On 
this poinf very various opinions arc entertained. 
Knobel, conceiving it to represent the commercial 
geograph) of the Phenicians, assigns it to about 1200 
ii. <■., while Others allow it no higher antiquity than 
the Babylonish Captivity. Internal evidence leads 
us to refer it to the age of Abraham, because — (a.) 
the Canaanites were as yet in undisputed possession 
hi Palestine; (b.) the Philistines had not. concluded 
their migration ; (c.) Tyre is unnoticed ; (d.) various 
places such as Simyra (Zemarite), Shuia (Sinite), 
ami Area (Arkite), are noticed, which had fallen 
into insignificance in later times ; (e.) Kittim, which 

in Solomon's age was ler Ihenieiau dominion, is 

assigned to Japheth, ami so Tarshish, which in that 
age undoubtedly referred to the I'heiiician empo- 
rium of Tarlessus, whatever may have been its ear- 
lier significance. The chief objection to so early a 
date as Abraham's time is the notice of the Mcdcs 
under the name Madai. The Aryan nation, which 
bears this name in history, appears not to have 
reached its final settlement until about 900 B.C.; but 
the name Media may have belonged to the district 
beloie the arrival of the Aryan Mides. — The Mosaic 
table i- supplemented by ethnological notices n - 
lating to the various divisions of the Terahite fam- 
ily (Nauor 2, Abraham, Isbmael, Kktcrab, Edom, 
Mihian, Haras 3, Lot, Moah, Ammon, &c). — Besides 
the nations whose origin is accounted for in the 
Bible, we find other early populations mentioned in 
the history without any notice of their ethnology 
(A male-kites, Anakims, Avims, Embus, Horims, 
Kcphaims, Zamziirnmims, and Zuzims). As these 
fragmentary populations intermingled with the Ca- 
r i : i ; 1 1 1 1 1 f ■ , they probably belonged to the same stock 
(compare Num. xiii. 22 ; Judg. i. 10). They may 
have belonged to an earlier migration than the Ca- 
naanitish, and may l ave been subdued by the later 
comers; but this would not necessitate a different 
origin. — Having thus surveyed the ethnological state- 
ments in the Bible, it remains to inquire how far they 
an- based on, or accord with, physiological or lin- 
guistic principles. Knobel maintains that the three 
fold division of the Mosaic table is founded on the 
physiological principle of color, Shem, Ham, and 
Japiietb representing respectively the red, black, 
and white complexions prevalent in the different 
regions of the then known world ; but the etymo- 
logical argument weakens rather than sustains his 
view, and, while it is quite consistent with the phys- 
ical character of the districts that the Hamites of 
the south should be dark, the Japhetites of the 
north fair, and the Shemites intermediate in color 
as in geographical position, we have no evidence 
that this distinction was strongly marked. — The lin- 
guistic difficulties connected with the Mosaic table 
are very considerable, and there are many conflict- 
ing opinions on the subject. The primary difficulty 
is that of accounting for the evident identity of 
language spoken by the Shemitic Terahites and the 
Hamitic Canaanites. The alternative? hitherto of- 
fered as satisfactory solutions, viz that the Terahites 
adopted the language of the Canaanites, or the Ca- 



TON 



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1131 



naanitcs that of the Terahites, are both inconsis- 
tent with the enlarged area which the language 
covers on each side. The real question at issue con- 
cerns the language not of the whole Hamitic fam- 
ily, but of the Canaauites and Cushites. Knobel sup- 
poses that the Canaanites acquired a Shemitic lan- 
guage from a prior population, represented by the 
Rephaites, Zuzim, Zamzummim, &e. ; Bunsen, that 
they were a Shemitic race who had long sojourned 
in Egypt : but neither of these explanations is satis- 
factory. With regard to the Cushites, the only ex- 
planation is that a Joktanid immigration supervened 
on the original Hamitic population, the result being 
a combination of Cushitic civilization with a She- 
mitic language ; but time and research may clear up 
much of the mystery on this subject. That the 
Egyptian language exhibits many striking and valu- 
able points of resemblance to the Shemitic type is 
acknowledged on all sides ; but there is not an equal 
degree of agreement among scholars as to the de- 
ductions to be drawn from these resemblances. 
Turning eastward to the banks of the Tigris and 
Euphrates, and the adjacent countries, the examina- 
tion of the inscriptions recently discovered has not 
yet yielded undisputed results. The Mosaic table 
places a Shemitic population in Assyria and Elam, 
and a Cushitic one in Babylon. Sufficient evidence 
is afforded by language that the basis of the popu- 
lation in Assyria was Shemitic; and the inscriptions 
especially of the neighborhood of Susa may ulti- 
mately establish the fact of a Shemitic population 
in Elam. The presence of a Cushitic population in 
Babylon is very generally held on linguistic grounds ; 
and a close identity is said to exist between the old 
Babylonian and the Mahri language, a Shemitic 
tongue of an ancient type still living in a district of 
Hadramaut, in southern Arabia. With regard to 
Arabia, the Mosaic table is confirmed by modern 
research. The Cushitic element has left memorials 
of its presence in the south in the vast ruins of 
Mareh and Sana, as well as in its influence on the 
Himyariiie and Mahri languages, as compared with 
the Hebrew. The Joktanid element forms the basis 
of the Arabian population, the Shemitic character 
of whose language needs no proof. (Shemitic Lan- 
guages.) — It remains to be inquired how far the 
Japhetic stock represents the linguistic character- 
istics of the Indo-European and Turanian families. 
Dividing the Indo-European, as suggested by the 
name itself, into the eastern and western ; and sub- 
dividing the eastern into the Indian and Iranian, and 
the western into the Celtic, Hellenic, Illvrian, Italian, 
Teutonic, Slavonian, and Lithuanian classes, we are 
able to assign Madai (Media) and Togarmah (Arme- 
nia) to the Iranian class ; Javan (Ionian) and Eli- 
shah (JEdian) to the Hellenic ; Gomer conjecturally 
to the Celtic ; and Dodanim, also conjecturally, to 
the Illvrian. According to the old interpreters, 
Ashkenaz represents the Teutonic class, while, ac- 
cording to Knobel, the Italian would be represented 
by Tarshish, whom he identifies with the Etruscans ; 
the Slavonian by Magog ; and the Lithuanian pos- 
sibly by Tiras. Knobel also identifies Riphath with 
the Gauls, as distinct from the Cymry or Gomer ; 
and Kittim (not improbably) with the Carians, at 
one period predominant on the islands adjacent to 
Asia Minor. The. evidence for these identifications 
varies in strength, but in no instance approaches to 
demonstration. Whether the Turanian family is 
fairly represented in the Mosaic table may be doubt- 
ed. Those who advocate the Mongolian origin of 
the Scythians would naturally regard Magog as the 



| representative of this family ; and those who dissent 
| from this theory might still regard Magog as applied 
broadly to all the nomad tribes of northern Asia, 
whether Indo-European or Turanian. Tubal and 
Meshech Knobel identifies respectively with the 
Iberians and the Ligurians, both perhaps Turanians. 
— II. The question now comes, How far do the pres- 
ent results of ethnological science support the gen- 
eral idea of the unity of the human race, which un- 
j derlies the Mosaic system ? The chief and often only 
instrument at our command for ascertaining the re- 
lationship of nations is language. The nomenclature 
of modern ethnology is not identical with that of 
the Bible, partly from the enlargement of the area, 
and partly from the general adoption of language as 
the basis of classification. The term Shemitic is re- 
tained, not, however, to indicate a descent from 
Shem, but the use of languages allied to the Hebrew. 
Hamitic, also, is used as subordinate to, or coordi- 
nate with, Shemitic (see A, III., above). Japhetic 
is superseded mainly by Indo-European or Aryan. 
The various nations or families of nations which find 
no place under the Biblical titles are classed by 
some ethnologists as Turanian, by others broken up 
into divisions more or less numerous. (1.) A marked 
characteristic of the Shemitic family is its inelastici- 
ty. It has expanded only about the Mediterranean 
through the commercial colonies of the Phenicians. 
(Shemitic Languages.) The bulk of the North Af- 
rican languages, both ancient and modern, though not 
properly Shemitic, so far resemble that type as to be 
called sub-Shemitic. South of Egypt the Shemitic 
type is reproduced in the majority of the Abyssinian 
languages, and Shemitic influence may be traced 
along tne eastern coast of Africa as far as Mozam- 
bique. As to the languages of the interior and south, 
Renan denies any resemblance to the Shemitic type, 
while Latham asserts that connecting links exist be- 
tween the sub-Shemitic languages of the north, the 
Negro languages in the centre, and the Caffre lan- 
guages of the south, and that the Hottentot lan- 
guage is not so isolated as has been generally sup- 
posed. Bunsen supports this view as to the lan- 
guages N. of the equator, but regards the Southern 
as rather of the Turanian type. The Indc-European 
1 family of languages consists now of nine classes, viz. 
. two Eastern or Aryan (Indian and Iranian) and seven 
! Western (Celtic, Italian, Albanian, Greek, Teutonic, 
Lithuanian, and Slavonian). Language and race are, 
indeed, by no means coextensive (e. g. Celtic, Italian, 
&c). But, while the races have so intermingled as 
often to lose all trace of their original individuality, 
the broad fact of their descent from one or other of 
the branches of the Indo-European family remains 
unaffected. In Asia the languages fall into two 
large classes — the monosyllabic, represented by the 
Chinese — and the agglutinative, represented by the 
various nations classed by Muller as Turanian, and 
falling geographically into two divisions, viz. the 
Northern or Ural-Altaian, a well-defined group with 
five branches (Tungusian, Mongolian, Turkish, Sa- 
I moiedic, and Finnish), and the Southern with four 
; classes (Tamulian, Bhotiya and Lotihic languages, 
Tai, Malay). The languages of Oceanica are gen- 
erally supposed to be connected with the Malay 
class; but the linguistic and ethnological relations 
! between the Malay and the black or Negrito popula- 
} tion found on many of the groups of islands are not 
! well defined. The polysynthetic languages of North 
i America are regarded as of the Mongolian stock, 
] and a close affinity is said to exist between the North 
| American and the Kamtchadale and Korean lan- 



1132 



TOX 



TON 



guages on the opposite coast of Asia. The tendency 
of all linguistic and ethnological research is to dis- 
cover the elements of unity amidst the most striking 
external varieties. Already the myriads of the hu- 
man race are massed together into a few large 
groups, and we are firmly persuaded that in their 
broad results these sciences will yield an increas- 
ing testimony to the truth of the Biule. Inspira- 
tion; Man. 

Tongues, Gift of. — L The Gr. glotla, or r/ldssa, uni- 
formly translated " TOKGl'E," and employed through- 
out the N. T. in designating the gift now under con- 
sideration, is used — (1.) for the bodily organ of 
speech ; (2.) in Aristotle, for a foreign word, im- 
ported and half naturalized in Greek, and hence 
needing explanation ; (3.) in Hellenistic Greek, 
for '"speech" or "language." (A) Eiehhorn and 
IJardili, and to some extent Bunsen, starting from 
the first, see in the so-called gift an inarticulate ut- 
terance. (B) Bleek adopts the second meaning, 
and infers that to speak in tongues was to use unu- 
sual, poetic language. (C) The received traditional 
view, which starts from the third meaning, and sees 
in the gift of tongues a distinctly linguistic power, 
commends itself most (so I'rof. Plumptre). — II. The 
chief passages from which we have to draw our con- 
clusion as to the nature and purpose of the gift in 
question arc — (1.) Mk. xvi. 17; (2.) Acts ii. 1-13, 
x. 46, six. 6; (3.) 1 Cor. xii., xiv. — III. The prom- 
ise of a new power coming from the Divine Spirit, 
giving not only comfort and insight into truth, but 
fresh powers of utterance of some kind, appears 
once and again in our Lord's teaching. The disciples 
are to take no thought what they shall speak, for 
the Spirit of their Father shall speak in them (Mat. 
x. 19, 20; Mk. xiii. 11). Galilean peasants are to 
speak freely and boldly before kings. In Mk. xvi. 
17 a more definite term is employed: "They shall 
speak with new tongues." The obvious meaning 
of the promise is that the disciples should speak in 
new languages which they had not learned as other 
men learn them. — IV. The wonder of the day of 
Pentecost (Acts ii.) is, in its broad features, famil- 
iar. Suddenly there swept over them " the sound 
as of a rushing mighty wind " (compare Ez. i. 24, 
xliiL 2). " There appeared unto them tongues like 
as of fire." The tongues were distributed (A. V. 
"cloven"), lighting upon each of them. "And 
they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and be- 
gan to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit 
gave them utterance." The narrative that follows 
conveys the impression that the disciples were 
heard, to speak in languages of which they had 
no colloquial knowledge previously (6-12). What 
view are we to take of a phenomenon so marvellous 
and exceptional? What views have men actually 
taken ? (1.) The prevalent belief of the Church has 
been that in the Pentecostal gift the disciples re- 
ceived a supernatural knowledge of all such lan- 
guages as they needed for their work as Evangelists. 
The knowledge was permanent, and could be used 
at their own will. This belief goes beyond the 
data with which the X. T. supplies us. Each in- 
stance of the gift recorded in the Acts connects it, 
not with teaching, but with praise and adoration ; 
not with the normal order of men's lives, but with 
exceptional epochs in them. The speech of St. Peter 
which follows (Acts ii. 14 ffi), like most other 
speeches addressed to a Jerusalem audience, was 
spoken apparently in Aramaic. When St. Paul, 
who " spake with tongues more than all," was at 
Lystra, no mention is made of his using the lan- i 



guage of Lycaonia. It is almost implied that he did 
not understand it (xiv. 11). Not one word in the 
discussion of spiritual gills in 1 Cor. xii.-xiv. im- 
plies (hat the gilt was of this nature, or given for 
this purpose. Nor, it may be added, within the lim- 
its assigned by the providence of God to the work- 
ing of the Apostolic Church, was such a gift neces- 
sary. Aramaic (Shemitio Languages), Greek, Lat- 
in, the three languages of the inscription on the 
cross, were media of intercourse throughout the 
empire. (2.) Sonic interpreters have seen their way 
to another solution of the difficulty by changing the 
character of the miracle, making it consist not in 
any new power bestowed on the speakers, but in 
the impression produced on the hearers. Thus, 
words which ihe (ialilean disciples uttered in their 
own tongue were heard, or seemed to be heard, by 
those who listened as if uttered in their native 
speech. Weighty reasons against this hypothesis 
are — (a.) It is at variance with the distinct state- 
ment of Acts ii. 4, " They began to speak with other 
tongues." (A.) It at once multiplies the miracle, and 
degrades its character. Not the 120 disciples, but 
the whole multitude of many thousands, arc in this 
caM- the subjects oi it. (<■.) it involves an element 
of falsehood. The miracle, on this view, was 
wrought to make men believe what was not actually 
the fact, (</.) It is altogether inapplicable to the 
phenomena of 1 Cor. xiv. (3.) Critics of a negative 
school have rejected the narrative cither altogether 
or in part. (Inspiration; Miracles.) — V. What, 
then, are the facts actually brought before us ? 
What inferences may be legitimately drawn from 
them? (L) The utterance of words by the dis- 
ciples in other languages than their own (ialilean 
Aramaic is distinctly asserted. (2.) The words 
spoken appear to have been determined, not by the 
will of the speakers, but by the Spirit which " gave 
them utterance." (3.) The word translated "utter- 
ance" in Acts ii. 4 (the Gr. verb apojihlhenggomai 
: to utter forth, speak out, dec/are, Kbn. N.T. Lex.; 
translated " said " in ver. 14, and " speak forth " in 
xxvi. 25) has in the LXX. a special association with 
the oracular speech of true or false prophets, and 
appears to imply some peculiar, perhaps musical, 
solemn intonation (compare 1 Chr, xxv. 1, A. V. 
" prophecy ; " Ez. xiii. 9, A. V. " divine "). (4.) The 
" tongues " were used as an instrument not of teach- 
ing but of praise. (5.) Those who spoke them 
seemed to others to be under the influence of some 
strong excitement, " full of new wine " (Acts ii. 1 3). 
(6.) Questions as to the mode of operation of a 
power above the common laws of bodily or mental 
life lead us to a region where our words should be 
" wary and few." In all likelihood such words as 
they then uttered had been heard by the disciples 
before. At previous Jewish feasts they must have 
met a varied crowd, the pilgrims of each nation 
uttering their praises and doxologies ; but before, 
the Galilean peasants had stood in that crowd, 
neither heeding, nor understanding, nor remember- 
ing what they heard, still less able to reproduce it ; 
now they had the power of speaking it clearly and 
freely. The Divine work would in this case take 
the form of a supernatural exaltation of the mem- 
ory, not of imparting a miraculous knowledge of 
words never heard before. (7.) The gift of tongues, 
the ecstatic burst of praise, is definitely asserted 
to be a fulfilment of Joel ii. 28. We are led, there- 
fore, to look for that which answers to the Gift of 
Tongues in the other element of prophecy included 
with teaching in theO. T. use of the word (Prophet), 



TON 



TON 



1133 



viz. the ecstatic praise, the burst of song (1 Sam. 
x. 5-13, xix. 20-24 ; 1 Chr. xxv. 3 ; compare 1 Cor. 
xiv.). (8.) The other instances in the Acts offer 
essentially the same phenomena. By implication in 
xiv. 15-19, by express statement in x. 47, xi. 15, 
17, xix. 6, it belongs to special critical epochs, the 
exercise of the gift being at once connected with 
and distinguished from " prophecy " in its N. T. 
sense. — VI. The First Epistle to the Corinthians 
supplies fuller data. The spiritual gifts are classi- 
fied and compared, arranged, apparently, according 
to their worth, placed under regulation. The facts 
which may be gathered are briefly these: — (1.) The 
phenomena of the gift of tongues were not confined 
to one Church or section of a Church. (2.) The 
comparison of gifts, in both the lists given by St. 
Paul (1 Cor. xii. 8-10, 28-30 ; comp. 31, xiv. 5, 18, 
20, 23, 39), places that of tongues, and the inter- 
pretation of tongues, lowest in the scale. (3.) The 
main characteristic of the " tongue " is that it is 
unintelligible. The man " speaks mysteries," prays, 
blesses, gives thanks, in the tongue (xiv. 15, 16), 
but no one understands him. He can hardly be said, 
indeed, to understand himself (ver. 14). (4.) The 
peculiar nature of the gift leads the apostle into 
what appears at first a contradiction. " Tongues 
are for a sign," not to believers, but to those who 
do not believe; yet the effect on unbelievers is not 
that of attracting, but repelling. They disturb, 
startle, awaken, are given for astonishing, but are 
not and cannot be the grounds of conviction and 
belief. Therefore it is that, for those who believe 
already, prophecy is the greater gift. (5.) There 
remains the question whether these also were 
" tongues " in the sense of being languages. It 
must have been from the phenomena of Pentecost 
that the word tongue derived its new and special 
meaning. The companion of St. Paul, and St. Paul 
himself, were likely to use the same word in the 
same sense. The " divers kinds of tongues " (1 
Cor. xii. 28), the "tongues of men" (xiii. 1), point 
to differences of some kind, and it is easier to con- 
ceive of these as differences of language than as 
belonging to utterances all equally wild and inartic- 
ulate. The utterances of the tongues may have 
been in whole or in part Hebrew and Aramaic words 
(compare xvi. 22 with xii. 3 ; Rom. viii. 15 ; Gal. iv. 
6). " Tongues of angels " in 1 Cor. xiii. 1 may be 
connected with the words surpassing human utter- 
ance, which St. Paul heard as in Paradise (2 Cor. 
xii. 4), and these again with the great Hallelujah 
hymns of Rev. xix. 1-6. (6.) Here also, as in 
Acts ii., we have to think of some peculiar intona- 
tion as frequently characterizing the exercise of the 
" tongues." The analogies which suggest them- 
selves to St. Paul's mind are those of the pipe, the 
harp, the trumpet (1 Cor. xiv. 7, 8). In the case 
of one "singing in the spirit" (xiv. 15), but not 
with the understanding also, the strain of ecstatic 
melody must have been all that the listeners could 
perceive (compare Eph. v. 19). (7.) Connected 
with the " tongues," was the corresponding power 
of interpretation (1 Cor. xiv. 13, 27). Its function 
must have been twofold. The interpreter had first 
to catch the foreign words, Aramaic or others, which 
had mingled more or less largely with what was 
uttered, and then to find a meaning and an order 
in what seemed at first to be without either. Under 
the action of one with this insight the wild utter- 
ances of the " tongues " might become a treasure- 
house of deep truths. Sometimes the tongues ap- 
pear to have passed beyond the limits of interpre- 



tation (xiv. 7-11). — VII. (1.) Traces of the gift are 
found in Romans, Galatians, and Ephesians. From 
the Pastoral Epistles, from those of St. Peter and 
St. John, they are altogether absent, and this is in 
itself significant of a calmer, more normal state. 
(2.) Probabiy, however, the disappearance of the 
"tongues" was gradual. Irenasus testifies that 
there were brethren in his time " who had prophetic 
gifts, and spoke through the Spirit in all kinds of 
tongues." For the most part, however, the part 
which they had filled in the worship of the Church 
was supplied by the " hymns and spiritual songs " 
of the succeeding age. After this, within the 
Church we lose nearly all traces of them. — VIII. 
(i.) A wider question of deep interest presents it- 
self. Can we find in the religious history of man- 
kind any facts analogous to the manifestation of the 
" tongues ? " The three characteristic phenomena 
are, as has been seen, (1.) an ecstatic state of par- 
tial or entire unconsciousness ; (2.) the utterance 
of words in tones startling and impressive, but 
often conveying no distinct meaning ; (3.) the use 
of languages which the speaker at other times was 
unable to converse in. (ii.) The 0. T. presents us 
with some instances in which the gift of prophecy 
has accompaniments of this nature (1 Sam. xix. 24). 
(iii.) We cannot exclude the false prophets and di- 
viners of Israel from the range of our inquiry. We 
have distinct records of strange, mysterious into- 
nations. The ventriloquist wizards " peep and 
mutter" (Is. viii. 19); the "voice of one who has a 
familiar spirit" comes low out of the ground (xxix. 
4 ; Divination ; Magic), (iv.) The quotation by 
St. Paul (1 Cor. xiv. 21) from Is. xxviii. 11 is sig- 
nificant. With the phenomena of the " tongues " 
present to his mind, he saw in them the fulfilment 
of the prophet's words. A remarkable parallel to 
the text thus interpreted is found in Hos. ix. 7. (v.) 
The history of heathen oracles presents examples 
of the orgiastic state, in which the wisest of Greek 
thinkers recognized the lower type of inspiration. 
(Divination; Oracle; Python.) (vi.) More dis- 
tinct parallels are found in the accounts of the 
wilder, more excited sects (Montanists, &c.) which 
have, from time to time, appeared in the history of 
Christendom, (vii.) The French prophets at the 
commencement of the eighteenth century claimed 
the gift of tongues, (viii.) The so-called " Unknown 
Tongues " manifested themselves first in the W. of 
Scotland, and afterward (1830) in the Caledonian 
Church in Regent Square, London, among the fol- 
lowers of the late Edward Irving. Here, more than 
in most other cases, were the conditions of long, 
eager expectation, fixed brooding over one central 
thought, the mind strained to a preternatural ten- 
sion. Suddenly, now from one, now from another, 
chiefly from women, devout but illiterate, mysterious 
sounds were heard. Irving himself has left on 
record his testimony, that to him they seemed to 
embody a more than earthly music, leading to the 
belief that the " tongues " of the Apostolic age had 
been as the archetypal melody of which all the 
Church's chants and hymns were but faint, poor 
echoes. To those who were without, on the other 
hand, they seemed but an unintelligible gibberish, 
"the yells and groans of madmen. The speaker was 
commonly unable to interpret what he uttered, (ix.) 
In certain exceptional states of mind and body the 
powers of memory receive a wonderful and abnor- 
mal strength. In the delirium of fever, in the ec- 
stasy of a trance, men speak in their old age lan- 
guages which they have never heard or spoken since 



1134 



TOO 



TOR 



their earliest youth. In all such eases the marvel- 
lous power is the accompaniment of disease. — IX. 
The phenomena which have been described (VIII. 
above) are, with hardly an exception, morbid ; the 
precursors or the consequences of clearly-recogniz- 
able disease. The Gift of Tongues was bestowed on j 
men in full vigor and activity, preceded by no 
frenzy, followed by no exhaustion. The gift of the 
day of Pentecost was the starting-point of the long 
history of the Church of Christ, the witness, in its 
very form, of a universal family gathered out of all 
nations. It belonged, however, to a critical epoch, 
not to the continuous life of the Church. It im- 
plied a disturbance of the equilibrium of man's 
normal state. It was a sign, but not the instrument 
for building up the Church (1 Cor. xiii. 8). Spirit ; 
Spirit, the Holy. 

"Tool. Agriculture ; Axe; Coulter; File; 
Fork; Hammer; Handicraft ; Harrow; Knife; 
Mattock; Nail; Planes; Plumb-line ; Plummet; 
Razor ; Saw ; Tongs. 

' Tootb, pi. Teeth (Heb. and dial, usually thin : 
Gr. odous\ used mostly in a literal sense in respect ' 
to men and animals ((ien. xlix. 12; Ex. xxi. 24, 27; 
Deut. xxxii. 24 ; Mat. v. 38, kc), sometimes denot- 
ing that which resembles a tooth, as the tine or 
prong of a fork or flesh-hook ( 1 Sam. ii. 13), a sharp 
rock, peak of a hill (xiv. 5 margin, text "fore- 
front"), kc The Hebrew word is frequently ren- 
dered " ivory." " Cleanness of teeth " indicates 
hunger or famine (Am. iv. 0) ; " gnashing of teeth," 
i. e. striking or grinding the teeth together, indicates 
violent passion, as rage, anguish, or desperation 
(Pj. xxxv. It) ; Mat. viii. 12, &e.) ; " to cast in one's 
teeth " (xxvii. 44) = to revile or reproach. " I am 
escaped with the skin of my teeth" (Job xix. 20), 
fiesenius explains " scarcely do my gums remain 
from disease and wasting;" Fiirst says, "i. e. my 
gums being almost taken away;" others have re- 
ferred " the skin of the teeth " to the lips, enamel, 
&c. " Tooth for tooth " was an instance of com- 
pensation in puNisnMENTS (Ex. xxi. 24, &c.). 

To'pareh-T, or Topareli-y [eh pronounced as k], 
an Anglicized form of the fir. toparchia, once (1 Me. 
xi. 28) applied in the LXX. to the three districts 
(Apiierema, Lydda, and Ramathem) to which else- 
where (x. 30, xi. 34) the Greek name nomosis given. 
In all these passages the A. V. has " governments." 
The " toparchies " or governments seem to have j 
been of the nature of agaliks, and the passages in 
which the Gr. word toparclics, i. c. a toparch or ruler 
of a toparehv, occurs (Gen. xli. 34, A.V. "officer;" 
2 K. xviii. 24, A. V. " captain ; " Dan. iii. 2, 3, A. V. 
" governor "), all harmonize with the view of that 
functionary as the aga, whose duty would be to col- 
tect the taxes and administer justice in all cases af- 
fecting the revenue, and who, for the purpose of 
enforcing payment, would have the command of a 
small military force. 

To paz (Heb. pildah ; Gr. topazion), a precious 
stone, the second in the first row of the high-priest's 
breastplate (Ex. xxviii. 17. xxxix. 10), an Ethiopian 
gem (Job xxviii. 19), one of the jewels of the Tvrian 
king (Ez. xxviii. 13), the ninth foundation of the 
wall of New Jerusalem (Rev. xxi. 20). The ancient 
" topaz " was probably the modern Chrysolite, 
which is a green mineral, a silicate of magnesia and 
iron. For the modern Oriental topaz (= ancient 
chrysolite), see Adamant and Sapphire. 

To'phel (Heb. lime, Ges.), a place mentioned in 
Deut. i. 1 only ; probably (so Mr. Hayman, after 
Robinson, Winer, Gesenius, &c.) at TufUeh ovWctdy \ 



Tu filch, fifteen or twenty miles S. E. of the Dead 
Sea. Sea, the Salt. 

To'pliet (L. form), and To'phctli (Heb. place to be 
s/>i> ii iion, to be abhorred, ties. ; see below), a place 
which lay somewhere E. or S. E. of Jerusalem, in 
"the Valley of the Son of Hinnom," which is "by 
the entry of the east gate " (2 K. xxiii. 10 ; Is. xxx. 
33; Jcr. vii. 31, 82, xix. 6, 11-14). It was not 
identical with Hinnom, but was in it, and seems also 
to have been part of the king's gardens, and watered 
bj Si loam, perhaps a little to the S. of the present 
liifket tl-llt nun i (so Dr. P>onar, original author of 
this article). The N. T. does not refer to it, nor the 
Apocrypha, nor Josephus. Jerome is the first who 
notices it ; but we can see that by his time the name 
had disappeared. Hinnom by old writers, western 
and eastern, is always placed east of the city, and 
corresponds to what we call the " Mouth of the 

Tyrop n." Tophet lias been variously translated. 

Jerome says breadth or uidth ; others garden, drum, 
place of burning ox burying, abomination, kc. The 
most natural seems that suggested by the occurrence 
in two consecutive verses of the two nearly identical 
Hebrew words, for which the A. V. has "tahhet" 
and "Tophet" (Is. xxx. 32, 33). Tophet was prob- 
ably the king's tabrtt-grove, or valley, or garden, de- 
noting originally nothing evil or hateful. Certainly 
there is no proof that it took its name from the 
drums beaten to drown the cries of the burning vic- 
tims that passed through the lire to MoLECII. After- 
ward, defiled by idols, and polluted by the sacrifices 
of Baal and the fires of Molech, it became the place 
of abomination, the very gate or pit of hell. The 
piOUfi kings defiled it, and threw down its altars and 
high places, pouring into it all the filth of the city, 
till it became the "abhorrence" of Jerusalem. 

* Tore lit Lamp; Lantern. 

Tor mull (Heb., see below) occurs only in the mar- 
gin of Judg. ix. 81. The Heb. bUorm&h, translated 
" craftily," or " to Tormah " in the margin, is trans- 
lated " privily " in the text, and in fraud or in dreeit 
by Gesenius, Bush, &c. A few commentators have 
conjectured that the word was originally the same 
with Arumah in ver. 41. 

* Tor-ment or, the A. V. translation of Gr. basan- 
ittet, properly a torturer, examiner, inquisitor ; but 
in the X. T. (so Grotius, Robinson, L. & S.) a jailer 
or prison-keeper (Mat. xviii. 34 only). Meyer and 
Lange sustain the literal rendering of the A. V., 
" tormentor." Among the ancient Romans a credit- 
or might use certain legal tortures, as a heavy chain 
and a system of half-starvation, to extort from the 
debtor a confession of any concealed treasures, or 
bring him to terms (Dr. Schaff, in Lange's Comm. 
on Mat., 1. a). 

Tor toise [-tis], the A. V. translation of Heb. tuab, 




Tortoise (Emya Cai^ica). — Fbn.; 



TOU 



TRA 



1135 



which occurs only in Lev. xi. 29, as the name of 
some unclean animal. Bochart with much reason 
(so Mr. Houghton, with Gesenius, Fiirst, W. L. Alex- 
ander [in Kitto], &c.) refers the Hebrew term to 
the kindred Arabic dhab, " a large kind of lizard," 
apparently the terrestrial monitor or skink of Egypt 
(Psammosaurus Scincvs or Monitor terrestris of Cu- 
vier), which is three or four feet long, and common 
in the deserts of Palestine and N. Africa. Mr. 
Gosse (in Fairbairn) favors the rendering "tortoise," 
in which the A. V. follows Elias Levita. Various 
fresh-water tortoises, land-tortoises, and sea-tor- 
toises are found in Palestine and its neighborhood. 
The Emys Caspicais a marsh tortoise, found in Eu- 
rope, Palestine, &c. Palestine, Zoology. 




Terrestrial Monitor or Skiufc of Egypt (Psammosaurus Scincus). 



Ton (Heb.) = Toi (1 Chr. xviii 9, 10). 

*T0W [to], the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. 
rte'oreth = low, as shaken or beaten off from flax, 
Gesenius, Fiirst (Judg. xvi. 9; Is. i. 31). — 2. Heb. 
pishldh = a wick, as made of linen, Ges. (xliii. 17) ; 
elsewhere = "flax," A. V., Gesenius, Fiirst.- 

Tow'er (Heb. migdAl, migdol, &c. ; Gr. purgos). 
For towers as parts of city-walls, or as strongholds 
of refuge in villages, see Antonia ; Fenckd City \ 
Hananeel ; Jerusalem ; Lachish ; Meah ; Migdol ; 
Ophel ; Siloam ; War, &c. Watch-towers or forti- 
fied posts in frontier or exposed situations are men- 
tioned in Scripture, as the tower of Edar, Lebanon, 
&c. (Gen. xxxv. 21 ; Mic. iv. 8 ; Is. xxi. 5, 8, 11, &c. ; 
Shepherd). Remains of such fortifications may still 
be seen, which probably have succeeded to more an- 
cient structures built in the same places for like pur- 
poses. Towers were also built in vineyards as an 
almost necessary appendage to them (Is. v. 2 ; Mat. 
xxi. 33 ; Mk. xii. 1). Such towers are still in use 
in Palestine in vineyards, especially near Hebron, 
and are used as lodges for the keepers of the vine- 
yards. God is figuratively spoken of as a " tower " 
(Ps. lxi. 3) ; likewise (so Gesenius) proud and pow- 
erful men (Is. ii. 15, xxx. 25). 

* Town, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. bath, 
literally "daughter ," in specifying small dependent 
"towns" and "villages " (Josh. xv. 45, 47 twice, 
xvii. 11 six times, 16, &c; Daughter 5). — 2. Heb. 
plural havvoth or chavvoth = villages, nomadic en- 
campments, properly places of living or dwelling, 
Ges. ; used only of " the towns of Jair " (Josh. xiii. 
30; IK. iv. 13; 1 Chr. ii. 23) = " Havoth-jair ; " 
in Num. xxxii. 41 also translated "small towns." 



— 3. Heb. hdUer or chdtser (Gen. xxv. 16), usually 
translated "court" or "village." (Hazer.) — 4. 
Heb. Hr (Deut. iii. 5 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 4, xxiii. 7), trans- 
lated " city " more than 1,000 times. — 5. Pleb. Mr 
(Josh. ii. 15), elsewhere usually translated " wall." 
— 6. Heb. plural perdzoih (in part) = country regions, 
open country, Ges. (Esth. ix. 19, A. V. "unwalled 
towns ; " Zech. ii. 4, Heb. 8, A. V. " towns without 
walls"); in Ez. xxxviii. 11 translated "unwalled 
villages." — 7. Gr. home = a village, hamlet, country- 
town, without walls, Rbn. N. T. Lex., L. & S. (Mat. 
x. 11 ; Mk. viii. 23, 26 twice, 27; Lk. v. 17, ix. (5, 
12 ; Jn. vii. 42, xi. 1, 30), oftener translated " vil- 
lage" (Mat. ix. 35, &c). — 8. Gr. komopolis = a vil- 
lage-city, i. e. a large village or town like a city, but 
without walls, Rbn. N. T. Lex. (Mk. i. 38 only). 

Town'-clcrk, the A. V. translation of the Gr. 
gramma'.eus (= a writer, scribe, secretary, clerk), the 
title of the magistrate at Ephesus who appeased the 
mob in the theatre at the time of the tumult exuited 
by Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen (Acts xix. 
35). The original service of this class of men was, 
to record the laws and decrees of the state, and to 
read them in public (so Prof. Hackett, original au- 
thor of this article). " On the subjugation of Asia 
by the Romans," says Baumstark, " grammaleis 
(Gr. plural = scribes, or secretaries) were appointed 
there in the character of governors of single cities 
and districts, who even placed their names on the 
coins of their cities, caused the year to be named 
from them, and sometimes were allowed to assume 
the dignity, or at least the name, of high-priest." 

Traeh-o-ni'lis (Gr. a rugged or stony tract), in Lk. 
iii. 1 only, probably = Argob. From Josephus we 
gather that it lay S. of Damascus, and E. of Gaulan- 
itis. and bordered on Auranitis and Batana?a. From 
Ptolemy we learn that it bordered on Batana?a, near 
the town of Saccsea. In the Jerusalem Gemara it is 
made to extend as far S. as Bostra. Trachonitis (so 
Prof. Porter, original author of this article) included 
the whole of the modern province called el-Lejah, 
with a section of the plain southward, and also a 
part of the western declivities of Jebel Haurdn. The 
Lejah is bounded on the E. by the mountains of 
Batansea (now Jebel Haurdn), on whose slopes are 
the ruins of Sacca;a and Kenatii ; on the S. by 
Auranitis (now Haurdn), in which are the extensive 
ruins of Bostra (Bozrah ?) ; on the W. by Gaular.itis 
(now Jauldn) ; and on the N. by Ituraja (now Jedur) 
and Damascus. 

* Trade. Arabia ; Commerce ; Dispersion ; Sol- 
omon, &c. 

* Tra-dl'tion (fr. L.), the A. V. translation of Gr. 
paradosis, which, in N. T., = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
any thing orally delivered, a precej/t, ordinance, instruc- 
tion ; applied particularly to the Oral Law of the 
Jews (Pharisees ; Scribes), or their precepts and 
doctrines handed down from age to age (Mat. xv. 2, 
3, 6; Mk. vii. 3, 5, 8, 9, 13; Gal. i. 14; Col. ii. 8); 
thrice used in a more general sense to denote the 
precepts and doctrines which the apostles taught 
(1 Cor. xi. 2, A. V. "ordinances;" 2 Th. ii. 15, iii. 
6). The apostles taught first by word of mouth or 
preaching ; afterward their instructions were com- 
mitted to writing, and appear in the Gospels, Epis- 
tles, &c, of the New Testament. 

Trance (fr. L. Iran situs ; Gr. ekstasis). (1.) In 
Num. xxiv. 4, 16, where only in the A. V. of the O. 
T. this word occurs, there is, as the Italics show, no 
corresponding word in Hebrew. In the N. T. the 
word occurs three times (Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii. 17), 
and denotes the condition of seeming death to the 



1136 



TRA 



TRI 



outer world, or the state in which a man has passed 
out of the usual order of his life, beyond the usual 
limits of consciousness and volition (so Prof. Plump- 
tre, original author of this article). (2.) Prom the 
time of Hippocrates, who uses it to describe the loss 
of conscious perception, the Greek word (used in the 
N. T., in this special sense, only by Luke " the 
physician ") had probably borne the medical signifi- 
cation which it has had, with shades of meaning for 
good or evil, ever since. (3.) In the more precise 
definitions of modern medical science the ecstatic 
state appears as one form of catalepsy. In cata- 
lepsy pure and simple, there is " a sudden suspension 
of thought, of sensibility, of voluntary motion." In 
the ecstatic form of catalepsy, " the patient is lost 
to all external impressions, but wrapt and absorbed 
in some object of the imagination." There is, for 
the most part, a high degree of mental excitement. 
The patient utters the most enthusiastic mid fervid 
expressions or the most earnest warnings. The char- 
acter of the whole frame is that of intense contem- 
plative excitement. The causes of this state are to 
be traced commonly to strong religious impressions. 
(4.) Whatever explanation may be given of it, it is 
true of many, if not of most, of those who have left 
the stamp of their own character on the religious 
history of mankind, that they have been liable to 
pass at times into this abnormal state. The union 
of intense feeling, strong volition, long-continued 
thought (the conditions of all wide and lasting influ- 
ence), aided in many cases by the withdrawal from 
the lower life of the support which is needed to main- 
tain a healthy equilibrium, appears to have been 
more than the " earthen vessel " will bear. The 
words which speak of " an ecstasy of adoration " are 
often literally true. (5.) We are now able to take 
a true estimate of the trances of Biblical history. 
As in other things, so also here, the phenomena are 
common to higher and lower, to true and false sys- 
tems. We may not point to trances and ecstasies 
as proofs of a true revelation, still less think of them 
as at all inconsistent with it. Thus, we have the thing, 
though not the word, in the " deep sleep," the " hor- 
ror of great darkness," that fell on Abraham (Gen. xv. 
12). Balaam, as if overcome by the constraining 
power of a Spirit mightier than his own, " sees the 
vision of God, f ailing, but with opened eyes " (Num. 
xxiv. 4). Saul, in like manner, when the wild chant of 
the prophets stirred the old depths of feeling, him- 
self also " prophesied " and " fell down " (most, if 
not all, of his kingly clothing being thrown off in 
the ecstasy of the moment) "all that day and all 
that night" (1 Sam. xix. 24). Something in Jere- 
miah made men say of him that he was as one that 
is mad and maketh himself a prophet" (Jer. xxix. 
26). In Ezekiel the phenomena appear in more 
wonderful and awful forms (Ez. iii. 15, viii. 3). (6.) 
As other elements and forms of the prophetic work 
were revived in " the Apostles and Prophets " of the 
N. T., so also was this. Though different in form, 
it belongs to the same class of phenomena as the 
gift of tongues (Tongues, Gift of), and is connected 
with " visions and revelations of the Lord." In 
some cases, indeed, it is the chosen channel for such 
revelations (Acts x., xi., xxii. 17-21). Wisely for the 
most part did the apostle draw a veil over these 
more mysterious experiences (2 Cor. xii. 1-4). 
Paul ; Peter ; Prophet. 

* Ttans-fig-n-ra'tion. Cesarea Philippi ; Her- 
mos ; Jesus Christ ; Tabor. 

* Trans-gres sion. Six. 

* Treas ure [trezh-] (Heb. otsdr, hosen or chosen, 



matmdn, plural miscendth, &c. ; Chal. pi. aiming 
Gr. t/usauros, once [Acts viii. 27] gaza), in A. V. = 
whatever is laid up in store, as provisions, gold and 
silver, &c. ; also the store, repository, or magazine 
itself; hence, whatever is esteemed precious or 
highly valued (Gen. xliii. 23 ; Ex. xix. 5 ; 1 K. vii. 
51; Neb. xii. 44; Job xxxviii. 22 twice; Mat. vi. 
21, xiii. 44, 52, &c). Treasure-cities (Ex. i. 11; 
Rameses) = store-cities, i. e. cities where were 
magazines or depots of provisions, &c. Treasure- 
house (Ezr. t. 17 5 Neh. x. 38, &c.) = storehouse or 
treasury. 

* Tieasu-rcr (Ileb. *nd Chal. gizbdr ; Chal. pi. 
gfddbirin, &c.) = one who has charge of royal treas- 
ures or of a treasury (Ezr. i. 8, vii. 21 ; Neh. xiii. 
13; Dan. iii. 2, 3, &c). Chamberlain; Kino; 

MlTIIREDATII 1 ; SlIEBXA. 

* Treas'n-ry, the A. V. translation of— 1. LTeb. 
Otsdr = what is laid up, a store or stock of fruit, 
produce, provision, gold, silver, &c, treasure, a store- 
house, gamer, Ges. (Josh. vi. 19, 24 ; 1 Chr. ix. 26, 
xxviii. 12 twice; 2 Chr. xxxii. 27 ; Neh. xiii. 12, 13 ; 
Ps. exxxv. 1; Jer. xxxviii. 11), also translated 
"treasure" (Deut. xxviii. 12, xxxii. 34, &c, often), 
"storehouse" (1 Chr. xxvii. 25; Ps. xxxiii. 7), 
"garner" (Joel i. 17), "store" (2 Chr. xi. 11 ; Mai. 
iii. 10), &0. — 2. Heb. pi. ymdzim = treasures, treas- 
ure-chests, Ges. (Esth. iii. 9, iv. 7). (Chest 2.) — 3. 
Heb. ganzaeh = treasury of the Temple, Ges. (1 
Chr. xxviii. 11 only; see No. 4 below). — 4. Gr. 
gazophulakion = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) the treasury 
'/I' the Tkmi'I.k, which, according to the Rabbins, was 
in the court of the women, where stood thirteen 
chests (called trumpets from their form) into which 
the Jews cast their offerings (Mat. xii. 41 twice, 43; 
Lk. xxi. 1), also, by metonymy, the court itself (Jn. 
viii. 20). — 5. Gr. korhands = (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) 
COUbas ; by metonymy, the treasury in the Temple 
= No. 4 (Mat. xxvii. 6). Barn ; Food ; Mosey ; 
Tribute. 

*Trcc. Adam; Algum-Trees ; Almond; Aloes ; 
Apple; Bay-tree; Box; Cedar; Chestnut-tree ; 
Fig; Fir; Holm-tree; Juniper; Mastich-tiiee ; 
Mulberry-trees ; Myrtle ; Oak ; Oil-tree ; Olive ; 
Palm; Pine; Pomegranate; Shittah-ti;ee; Syca- 
mine-tree; Sycamore; WIllow, &c. 
Tres' pass-of fer-ing. Si n-offering. 
Tri al. Information on the subject of trials under 
the Jewish law will be found in other articles. (Ap- 
peal; Bribe; Chain; Council; Deputy; Excom- 
munication; Fetters; Governor; Jesus Christ; 
Judge; Judgment; King; Lawyer; Lot; Oath; 
Officer ; Orator ; Prison ; Procurator ; Pun- 
ishments ; Sanheprim ; Tormentor ; Witness.) A 
few remarks may here be added on judicial pro- 
ceedings mentioned in Scripture, especially as con- 

j ducted before foreigners. 1. The trial of our Lord 
before Pilate was, in a legal sense, a trial for the 
offence of leze-majesty, punishable, under Roman 
law, with death (Lk. xxiii. 2, 38; Jn. xix. 12, 15). 
2. The trials of the apostles, of St. Stephen, and of 
St. Paul before the high-priest, were conducted ac- 
cording to Jewish rules (Acts iv., v. 27, vi. 12, xxii. 
30, xxiii. 1). 3. The trial (?) of St. Paul and Silas 
at Philippi was held before the duumviri (A. V. 

j "magistrates;" Gr. slrategoi = pretors), on the 
charge of innovation in religion — a crime punishable 

I with banishment or death (xvi. 19, 22). 4. The in- 
terrupted trial of St. Paul, before the proconsul 
Gallio, was an attempt by the Jews to establish a 
charge of the same kind (xviii. 12—17). 5. The 
trials of St. Paul at Cesarea (xxiv., xxv., xxvi.) were 



TRI 



TRO 



1137 



conducted according to Roman rules of judicature. 
In the first of these, before Felix, we observe (a.) 
the employment by the plaintiffs of a Roman advo- 
cate to plead, probably in Latin. (Orator ; Ter- 
tullus.) (b.) The postponement of the trial after 
St. Paul's reply, (c.) The free custody in which the 
accused was kept, pending the decision of the judge 
(xxiv. 23-26). The second formal trial (xxv. 7, 8) 
presents two new features : (d.) the appeal to Cesar, 
by St. Paul as a Roman citizen, thus removing the 
case at once to the jurisdiction of the emperor, (e.) 
The conference of the procurator with " the council" 
(xxv. 12), i. e. the assessors, who sat on the bench 
with him as advisers or assistant judges (so most), 
or (so Mr. Phillott suggests) the deputies from the 
Sanhedrim. 6. A judicial assembly, composed of 
the proconsul and his assessors, held its session at 
Ephesus (xix. 38). 

* Tribe (Heb. matteh, skebet ; Gr. phule), some- 
times = a race, people, or nation (Ps. lxxiv. 2 marg. ; 
Mat. xxiv. 30); usually a division or branch of a 
people, especially one of the great divisions of the 
Israelites (Ex. xxxi. 2, 6 ; Num. L, ii. ; Mat. xix. 28 ; 
Rev. vii. &c). The twelve sons of Jacob became 
each the head of a tribe, and the two sons of Joseph 
likewise, making thirteen tribes in all ; but the tribe 
of Levi received no territorial inheritance, so that 
Israel was usually reckoned as consisting of twelve 
tribes. Congregation ; Elder ; Number, &c. 

Trib'nte (fr. L. ; Heb. meches, mas, &c. ; Chal. 
be/6; Gr. phoros [Lk. xx. 22, xxiii. 2; Rom. xiii. 6, 
7], ta didrachma [Mat. xvii. 24 twice], kewos [25, 
xxii. 17, 19; Mk. xii. 14]). (1.) The chief Biblical 
facts connected with the payment of tribute are 
given under Taxes. A few remain to be added in 
connection with Mat. xvii. 24, 25). The payment of 
the half-shekel (— half stater = two drachmas; 
see Piece of Silver 2), as a fixed annual rate, was 
of late origin' (so Prof. Plumptre), though resting on 
an ancient precedent (Ex. xxx. 13). It was pro- 
claimed according to Rabbinic rules, on the first of 
Adar, began to be collected on the 15th, and was 
due, at latest, on the first of Nisan. It was applied 
to defray the general expenses of the Temple. 
After the destruction of the Temple it was seques- 
trated by Vespasian and his successors, and trans- 
ferred to the Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter. (2.) 
The explanation thus given of the " tribute " of 
Mat. xvii. 24 is adopted by Prof. Plumptre, Robin- 
son, Lange, and most commentators. To suppose 
with Chrysostom, Augustine, Maldonatus, &c, that 
it was the same as the tribute paid to the Roman 
emperor (Mat. xxii. 17), is at variance with the dis- 
tinct statements of Josephus and the Mishna, and 
takes away the whole significance of our Lord's 
words. As explained by most commentators, they 
are an assertion by our Lord of His divine Sonship, 
an implied rebuke of Peter for forgetting the truth 
which he had so recently confessed (comp. xvi. 16). 
Lange (on Mat. xvii. 26, Schaff's ed.) says, " God is 
king of the Temple-city ; hence His Son is free from 
any ecclesiastical tribute. . . . Meyer reminds us, that 
although as Messiah Jesus was above the Law, yet in 
His infinite condescension, He submitted to its de- 
mands. . . . But it was inconsistent to reject, and 



i "There is the clearest proof of its having been collected 
both before and after the Captivity ; allusion is made to it in 
2 K. xii. 4 and 2 Chr. xxiv. 9 ; and both Josephus and Philo 
testify to its being regularly contributed by all Jews, 
wherever they were sojourning, and to a regular organiza- 
tion of persons and places for its proper collection and 
safe transmission to Jerusalem" (Fairbairn). 

72 



virtually (though perhaps not formally) to excom- 
municate Jesus, and yet at the same time to de- 
mand from him the Temple tribute. And in this 
sense the apostles themselves were included among 
the sons (' children '). They were to share in the 
suffering and in the excommunication of their Mas- 
ter." (3.) But Prof. Plumptre thinks that a higher 
and broader truth is implied in our Lord's teaching, 
which he presents as follows. The question whether 
the cost of the morning and evening sacrifice ought to 
be defrayed by such a fixed compulsory payment, or 
left to the free-will offerings of the people, had been 
contested between the Pharisees and Sadducees, 
and the former had carried the day after a long 
struggle and debate. In a hundred different ways, 
the teaching of our Lord had been in direct antag- 
onism to that of the Pharisees. The collectors of 
the rate come, half-expecting opposition on this 
point also. Our Lord, in His answer to Peter, 
teaches that the offerings of the children of the 
kingdom should be free, and not compulsory (comp. 
2 Cor. ix. 7). The Sanhedrim, by making the Tem- 
ple-offering a fixed annual tax, collecting it as men 
collected tribute to Cesar, were placing every Israel- 
ite on the footing of a " stranger," not on that of a 
" son." In proportion to the degree in which any 
man could claim the title of a Son of God, in that 
proportion was he " free " from this forced exaction. 
Yet our Lord adds, " Notwithstanding, lest we 
should offend them, . . . give unto them for Me 
and thee " (xvii. 27). 

Trib'ntc-mon'ey. Taxes ; Tribute. 

Trip'o-lis (Gr. a union of three cities, L. & S.), an 
important commercial city of Phenicia, at one time 
a point of federal union for Aradus (Arvad), Sidon, 
and Tyre. At Tripolis b. c. 351 was planned the 
simultaneous revolt of the Phenician cities and the 
Persian dependencies in Cyprus against the Persian 
kingOchus. (Zidon.) The subsequent destruction of 
Tyre and of Sidon would naturally tend rather to in- 
crease than diminish the importance of Tripolis as a 
commercial port. When Demetrius Soter succeeded 
in wresting Syria from the young son of Antiochus 
(b. c. 161), he landed there and made the place the 
base of his operations (2 Mc. xiv. 1). The prosper- 
ity of the city, so far as appears, continued down to 
the middle of the sixth century a. c. The posses- 
sion of a good harbor in so important a point for 
land-traffic, doubtless combined with the richness 
of the neighboring mountains in determining the 
original choice of the site, which seems to have 
been a factory for the purposes of trade established 
by the three great Phenician cities. Each of these 
held a portion of Tripolis surrounded by a fortified 
wall. It was laid in ruins by the earthquake of 
July, a. d. 543. The ancient Tripolis was destroyed 
by the Sultan El Mansour a. d. 1289 ; and the mod- 
ern Tardbulus or Tripoli is situated a couple of 
miles to the E., and is no longer a port. El-Mina, 
perhaps on the site of the ancient Tripolis, is a 
small fishing village. Tardbulus has 15,000 or 16,000 
inhabitants and is the centre of one of the four 
pashalics of Syria. 

Tro'as (Gr. and L. = of Troi/, Trojan, Freund), 
the city from which St. Paul sailed, in consequence 
of a divine intimation, to carry the Gospel from 
Asia to Europe (Acts xvi. 8, 11). In the next mis- 
sionary journey, he visited Troas twice (2 Cor. ii. 
12, 13 ; Acts xx. 5, 6), and there restored Eutychus 
to life. There, after many years, the apostle left 
(during a journey the details of which are unknown) 
a cloak and some books and parchments in the 



1138 



TRO 



TUB 



house of Carpus (2 Tim. iv. 13). The full name of 
the city was Alexandria Troas, and sometimes it 
was called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply 
Troas. It was first built by Antigonus (after the 
death of Alexander the Great), named Antigonia 
Troas, and peopled with the inhabitants of some 
neighboring cities ; afterward it was embellished by 
Lysimaehus, and named Alexandria Troas. It was 
on the coast of Mysia, opposite the southeastern 
extremity of the island of Tenedos, and a little S. 
of the ruins of ancient Troy. Under the Romans it 
was one of the most important towns of the prov- 
ince of Asia. In St. Raid's time, it was a Roman 
colony. The ruins, now called Eski-Stamboul ( = 
old Constantinople), are considerable. The walls, 
which may represent the extent of the city in the 
apostle's time, enclose a rectangular space, above a 
mile from E. to W., and nearly a mile from N. to S. 
The harbor is still distinctly traceable in a basin 
about 400 feet long and 200 broad. 

Tro-gyl li-om [-jil-] ( ,r - Gr.). Samos is exactly op- 
posite the rocky extremity of the ridge of Myeale, 
called Trogyllium in Acts xx. 15 and by Ptolemy. 
St. I'm i sailed through the narrow channel here at 
the close of his third missionary journey, and spent 
the night at Trogyllium. It was the time of dark 
moon, and the navigation of this coast is intricate 
(so Dr. Howson). A little E. of the extreme point 
is an anchorage, still called St. I J auts Fori. 

Troop often in the 0. T. represents the Hcb. 
gidud, which (so Gesenius) is used mostly of light- 
armed troops engaged in plundering and predatory 
excursions (Gen. xlix. 19; 1 Sam. xxx. 8, 15 twice 
[A. V. "conipanv" here and in 23] ; 2 Sam. iii. 22; 
1 K. xi. 24 [A. V. "band "] ; 2 K. v. 2 [A. V. "com- 
pany"]; 1 Chr. xii. 21 [A. V. "band of the 
rovers "] ; IIos. vi. 9, vii. 1 [A. V. " troop of rob- 
bers" in both], &c). Army ; Moab, p. 6G5 ; Re- 
chad 2, kc. 

Troph'i-mus (L. fr. Gr. = nourishing, nourished, 
L. & S.), one of St. Paul's companions. From Acts 
xx. 4 we learn that Tychiccs and Trophimus were 
natives of Asia, and travelled with the apostle, in 
the third missionary journey, from Macedonia as far 
as Asia, where Tychicus seems to have remained, 
while Trophimus proceeded with the apostle to 
Jerusalem. There, as a Gentile and an Ephesian, 
he was the innocent cause of the tumult in which 
St. Paul was apprehended (Acts xxi. 27-29). For 
a considerable interval now we have no trace of 
either Tychicus or Trophimus ; but in the last letter 
written by St. Paul, shortly before his martyrdom, 
from Rome, he mentions both (2 Tim. iv. 12, 20), 
the latter passage showing that no long time before 
Trophimus had been with the apostle in the Levant, 
and had been left in infirm health at Miletus. Troph- 
imus was probably (so Dr. Howson, with Stanley, 
&c.) one of the two brethren who, with Titcs, con- 
veyed the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (2 Cor. 
viii. 16-24). The story in the Greek Menology that 
Trophimus was one of the seventy disciples is evi- 
dently wrong; the legend that he was beheaded by 
Xero's orders is possibly true (so Dr. Howson). 

Trumpet. 'Cornet; Jubilee; Trumpets, Feast 
of. 

Trum pets, Feast of (Num xxix. 1 ; Lev. xxiii. 
24), the feast of the new moon on the first of Tisri. 
It differed from the ordinary festivals of the new 
moon in several important particulars. It was one 
of the seven days of Holy Convocation. Instead 
of the mere blowing of the trumpets of the Temple 
at the time of the offering of the sacrifices, it was 



I "a day of blowing of trumpets." In addition to 
the daily sacrifices and the eleven victims offered on 
the first of every month, there were offered a young 

j bullock, a ram, and seven lambs of the first year, 
with the accustomed meat-offerings, and a kid for a 
sin-oMcring (Num. xxix. 1-6). The regular monthly 
offering was thus repeated, with the exception of 

] one young bullock. It has been conjectured that 
I's. Ixxxi., one of the songs of Asaph, was composed 
expressly for the Feast of Trumpets. The psalm is 
used in the service for the day by the modern Jews. 
Maimonides considered the Feast of Trumpets a 
preparation for the solemn humiliation of the Day 
of Atonement, which followed it within ten days 
(compare Joel ii. 15). Some have supposed it in- 
tended to introduce the seventh or Sabbatical month 
of the year. Philo and some early Christian writers 
regarded it as a memorial of the giving of the Law 
on Sinai. But the common opinion of Jews and 
Christians is, that it was the festival of the New 
Year's Day of the civil year, the first of Tisri, the 
month which commenced the Sabbatical Year and 
the year of Jubilee. Some regarded it as the anni- 
versary of the world's birthday. 

Try-plie'na (fr. Gr. = delicious, delicate, Schl.) and 
Try-pho'sa (L. fr. Gr. = living delicately, Schl.), two 
( lni-iian women at Rome, saluted by St. Paul as 
" laboring in the Lord " (Rom. xvi. 12). They may 
have been sisters, but Dr. Howson supposes them 
fellow-deaconesses. An improbable tradition makes 
Tryphena a rich and benevolent Christian widow of 
Antioch. The columbaria of " Cesar's household " 
in the Vigna Codini, near Porta San Sebastiano, 
at Rome, contain the names Tryphena, Philologus, 
and Julia (15), and Amplias (8). 

Try'phon (L. fr. Gr. = reveller, gormandizer, deb- 
auchee, Pape), a usurper of the Syrian throne. His 
proper name was Diodotus, and the surname Try- 
phon was given to him, or, according to Appian, 
adopted by him, after his accession to power. He 
was a native of Cariana, in the district of Apamea 
(Syria). In the time of Alexander Balas he was 
attached to the court ; but toward the close of his 
reign he seems to have joined in the conspiracy to 
transfer the crown of Stria to Ptolemy Piiilometor 
(1 Mc. xi. 13). After the death of Alexander Balas 
he took advantage of the unpopularity of Deme- 
trius II. to put forward the claims of Antiochus 
VI., the young son of Alexander (xi. 39; b. c. 145). 
After a time he obtained the support of Jonathan, 
and the young king was crowned (b. c. 144). Try- 
phon, however, soon revealed his real designs on the 
kingdom, and, fearing the opposition of Jonathan, 
gained possession of his person by treachery (xii. 
39-50), and after a short time put him to death (xiii. 
23). He now murdered Antiochus and seized the 
supreme power (xiii. 31, 32). Demetrius was pre- 
paring an expedition against him (b. c. 141), when 
he was taken prisoner (xiv. 1-3), and Tryphon re- 
tained the throne till Antiochus VII., the brother 
of Demetrius, drove him to Dora, from which he 
escaped to Orthosia (xv. 10-14, 37-39; b. c. 139). 
Not long afterward, being hard pressed by Antiochus, 
he committed suicide, or, according to other ac- 
counts, was put to death by Antiochus. Josephu3 

[ adds that he was killed at Apamea, the place which 
he made his headquarters. 

Try-pho'sa (L. fr. Gr.). Tryphena. 
Tubal (Heb. a flowing forth or going forth, Sim.). 
Tubal is reckoned with Javan and Meshech among 
the sons of Japheth (Gen. x. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 5). The 

I three are a-sociated as trading " the persons of men 



TUB 



TUR 



1139 



(Slave) and vessels of brass" (copper) in the mar- 
ket of Tyre (Ez. xxviL 13). Tubal and Javan (Is. 
lxvi. 19), Meshech and Tubal (Ez. xxxii. 26, xxxviii. 
2, 3, xxxix. 1), are nations of the north (xxxviii. 15, 
xxxix. 2). Josephus identifies the descendants of 
Tubal with the Iberians, i. e. — not, as Jerome would 
understand it, Spaniards, but — the inhabitants of a 
tract of country, between the Caspian and Euxine 
Seas, which nearly corresponded to the modern 
Georgia (so Mr. Wright). This approximates to the 
view of Bochart, who makes the Moschi and Tiba- 
reni represent Meshech and Tubal. The Moschi 
and Tibareni are constantly associated, under the 
names of Muskai and Tuplai, in the Assyrian in- 
scriptions. In the time of Sargon, according to the 
inscriptions, Ambris, the son of Khuliya, was he- 
reditary chief of Tubal (the southern slopes of Tau- 
rus). In former times the Tibareni were probably 
more important, and the Moschi and Tibareni, Me- 
shech and Tubal, may have been names by which 
powerful hordes of Scythians were known to the 
Hebrews. But in history we only hear of them as 
occupying a small strip of country along the S. E. 
coast of the Euxine or Black Sea, between Tra- 
pezus (Trebkond) and Sinope. Professor Rawlin- 
son conjectures that the Tibareni occupied the coast 
between Cape Yasoun (Jasonium) and the River Me- 
lantkius (Meld Irmak), but if we follow Xenophon, 
we must place Boon (about ten miles E. of the prom- 
ontory of Jasonium) as their western boundary, 
and their eastern limit must be some ten miles E. 
of the Melet Irmak, perhaps not far from the mod- 
ern Aptar. In the time of Xenophon the Tibareni 
were an independent tribe. Long before this they 
were subject to a number of petty chiefs, which ren- 
dered their subjugation by Assyria more easy. The 
Arabic Version of Gen. x. 2 gives Chorasan and 
China for Meshech and Tubal ; in Eusebius (see 
Bochart) they are Illyria and Thessaly. 

Tu'bal-ea'in, or Tubal-cain (Heb., see below), son 
of Lamech 1 by his wife Zillah (Gen. iv. 22). He 
is called "a furbisher of every cutting instrument 
of copper and iron " (so Mr. Wright ; A. V. " an in- 
structor [margin 'whetter'] of every artificer in 
brass and iron "). A Jewish legend associates him 
with his father's song. " Lamech was blind," says 
the story as told by Rashi, " and Tubal-cain was 
leading him ; and he saw Cain, and he appeared to 
him like a wild beast, so he told his father to draw 
his bow, and he slew him. And when he knew that 
it was Cain his ancestor he smote his hands together 
and struck his son between them. So he slew him, 
and his wives withdraw from him, and he conciliates 
them." In this story Tubal-cain is the " young 
man " of the song. The derivation of the name is 
extremely obscure. Hasse identifies Tubal-cain with 
Vulcan. Gesenius supposed it might be compound- 
ed of Pers. lupat, iron slag, or scoria, and Ar. kain, 
a smith ; but this etymology Mr. Wright regards as 
more than doubtful. 

To-bi-c'ni (fr. Gr. Toubienoi). The " Jews called 
Tubieni " (2 Mc. xii. 17) were doubtless those else- 
where mentioned as living in the towns of Toubion 
(A. V. " Tobie "), probably = Tob. 

* Tor' bans (Dan. iii. 21 margin, text "hats"). 
Dress III. ; Head-dress. 

Tnr'pen-tine-tree occurs only once (Ecclus. xxiv. 
16), as the A. V. translation of the Gr. tereminthns 
or lerebinthos, i. e. the Pistacia Terebinthus, terebinth- 
tree, common in Palestine and the East, supposed by 
some writers to represent the Heb. el&h — " oak." 
The terebinth (Ar. butin) occasionally grows to a 



large size. (Elah, Valley of; Palestine, Botany.) 
Its small lancet-shaped leaves (so Robinson) fall in 
the autumn and are renewed in the spring. Its small 




Terebinth or Turpentine- tree (PUlacta Terebialius). 

flowers are followed by small oval berries in clusters. 
From incisions in the trunk a sort of transparent 
balsam is said to flow, which constitutes a very pure 
and fragrant species of turpentine. 

Tur tle, Tnr tle-dovc (Heb. tor ; Gr. trugon). The 
name is phonetic, evidently derived from the plain- 
tive cooing of the bird. The turtle-dove occurs first 
in Scripture in Gen. xv. 9. In the Law of Moses, a 
pair of turtle-doves, or of young pigeons (Dove), 
are constantly prescribed for those too poor to pro- 
vide a lamb or a kid for sacrifice. (Nazarite ; 
Purification.) During the early period of Jewish 
history, there is no evidence of any other bird ex- 
cept the pigeon having been domesticated ; and up 
to the time of Solomon, who may, with the peacock, 
have introduced other gallinaceous birds from India, 
it was probably the only poultry known to the Is- 
raelites (so Mr. Tristram, original author- of this 
article). Not improbably the palm-dove (Turtur 
sEgypliacm, Temminck) may in some measure have 
supplied the sacrifices in the wilderness, for it is 
found in amazing numbers wherever the palm-tree 
occurs, whether wild or cultivated. From its habit 
of pairing for life, and its fidelity for its mate, it 
was a symbol of purity and an appropriate offering. 
The regular migration of the turtle-dove and its re- 
turn in spring are alluded to in Jer. viii. 7, and Cant, 
ii. 11, 12. It is from its plaintive note doubtless 
that David in Ps. lxxiv. 19, pouring forth his la- 
ment to God, compares himself to a turtle-dove. 
In Palestine, the rock-dove (Columba livia, Linn.) 
is very common on all the rocky parts of the coast 
and in the inland ravines, and from it all the varie- 
ties of the domestic pigeon are derived ; the ring- 
dove ( Columba Palwnbus, Linn.) frequents all the 
wooded districts of the country ; the stock-dove or 
wild pigeon of Europe (Columba jEnas, Linn.) is as 
generally but more sparingly distributed. Another 
species has been observed in the valley of the Jor- 
dan, perhaps Columba leuconota,Yigors. The turtle- 



1140 



TWE 



TYR 



dove (Turtur auritus, Linn.) is most abundant, and 
in the valley of the Jordan, an allied species, the 
palm-dove, or Egyptian turtle (Turtur jifyypliacus, 
Temminck), is by no means uncommon. Clean and 
Unclean ; Food ; Palestine, Zoology. 




Ef^ptlnn Turtle or Palm-dov« ( Turtur sEyyj'iiaeui). 



* Twelve, the = the apostles of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, originally twelve in number (Mat. xxvi. 20, 
47; Mk. xiv. 10, 14, 20, 43 ; Lk. xxii. 47; Jn. vi. 
71, xx. 24; 1 Cor. xv. 5; compare Mat. x. 1 IF.; 
Lk. xxii. 14; Jn. vi. 70, &c). Apostle; Number; 
Tribe. 

Tyfh 1-cns [tik'e-kus] (L. fr. Gr. = fortuitous, for- 
tunate, L. in S.), a companion of St. Paul on some 
of his journeys, and one of his fellow-laborers in 
the work of the Gospel. (1.) In Acts xx. 4 he is 
expressly called (with Trophimus) " of Asia ; " but 
while Trophimus went with St. Paul to Jerusalem 
(xxi. 29), Tychicus was left behind in Asia, prob- 
ably at Miletus (xx. 15, 38). (2.) In St. Paul's first 
imprisonment he was with the apostle again — " a be- 
loved brother, and a faithful minister and fellow- 
servant in the Lord " (Col. iv. 7, 8). Together with 
Onesimus, he was doubtless the bearer of the 
epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon. 
(3.) The language concerning Tychicus in Eph. vi. 21, 
22, is very similar, though not exactly in the same 
words. (4.) The next references are in the Pastoral 
Epistles, the first in chronological order being Tit. 
iii. 12. Here St. Paul (writing possibly from Eph- 
esus; so Dr. Howson, original author of this article; 
Titus, Epistle to) says that it is probable he may 
send Tychicus to Crete, about the time when he 
himself goes to Nicopolis. (5.) In 2 Tim. iv. 12 
(written at Rome during the second imprisonment) 
he says, " I am herewith sending Tychicus to Eph- 
esus " (so Dr. Howson and Wordsworth ; but A.V., 
Conybeare & Howson, and most render " I have ! 
sent "). Bishop Ellicott suggests that this mission j 
may have been connected with the carrying of the j 
first Epistle. The tradition which places him after- 
ward as bishop of Chalcedon, in Bithynia, is ap- 
parently of no value. But there is much probabil- 
ity in the conjecture that Tychicus was one of the 
two " brethren " (Trophimus being the other) who 
were associated with Titus (2 Cor. viii. 16-24) in 



conducting the business of the collection for the 
poor Christians in Judea. 

* Types (Gr. tupoi, pi. of tupos) occurs in A. V. 
only in 1 Cor. x. 11 margin, where the text has the 
better rendering " ensumples," i. e. examples. The 
Gr. tupos (— type) is translated " print " (Jn. xx. 25 
twice)," figure " (Acts vii. -13 ; Rom. v. M), " fashion " 
(Acts vii. 44), "manner " (xxiii. 25), "form " (Rom. 
vi. IT), "example" (1 Cor. x. 6; 1 Tim. iv. 12), 
"ensample" (1 Cor. x. 11 ; Phil. iii. 17; ITh.i. 7; 
2 Th. iii. 9 ; 1 Pet. v. 3), " pattern " (Tit. ii. 7 ; Hob. 
viii. .">)■ Fire; Incense; Law of Moses III. ; Mes- 
siah; Old Testament B ; Passover IV.; Prophet 
V. flf. and note ; Sacrifice III. ; Serpent, Brazen ; 
Shechinah; Tabernacle, &c. 

'ly-rnu lins (L. fr. Gr. = a sovereign, tyrant, L. & 
S.), a man in whose school or place of audience 
Paul taught the Gospel for two years, during his 
sojourn at Epiiesus (Acts xix. 9); probably(so Prof. 
Hackett, with most commentators) a Greek, and a 
public teacher of philosophy or rhetoric. Meyer, 
Lightfoot, Vitringa, Doddridge, &c, consider Tyran- 
nus a Jewish rabbi. 

Tyre (fr. L. Tyrus ; Gr. Twos ; all fr. Heb. ; see 
lirlnv. ), a celebrated commercial city of antiquity, 
situated in Phenicia, on the eastern coast of the 
Mediterranean Sea, in latitude 33° 17' N. Its Heb. 
name Tsor =a rock; which well agrees with the 
site of Sur, the modern town, on a rocky peninsula, 
formerly an island. — l'ahetyrus(\j. fr. Gr. 1'alaituros) 
— Old Tyre. There is no doubt that, previous to 
the siege of the city by Alexander the Great, 
Tyre was situated on an island (so Mr. Twisleton, 
original author of this article) ; but, according to the 
tradition of the inhabitants, if we may believe Jus- 
tin, there was a city on the mainland before there 
was a city on the island ; and the tradition receives 
some color from the name Palsetyrus, or Old Tyre, 
borne in Greek times by a city on the continent, 30 
stadia (nearly 3£ English miles) to the south. But a 
difficulty arises in supposing that Pala;tyrus was built 
before Tyre, as Tyre evidently means a rock, and few 
persons who have visited the site of Pala;tyrus can 
seriously suppose that any rock on the surface 
there can have given rise to the name. To escape 
this difficulty, Hengstenberg (improbably) suggests 
that. Palsetyrus meant Tyre that formerly existed, 
and was so named after the destruction of the 
greater part of it by Nebuchadnezzar to distinguish 
it from that part of Tyre which continued to exist. 
Movers suggests that the original inhabitants of the 
city on the mainland possessed the island as part 
of their territory, and named their city from the 
characteristic features of the island, though the island 
itself was not then inhabited. This explanation and 
others are equally possible ; but this question re- 
garding Palsetyrus is merely archa:ological, and 
nothing in Biblical history is affected by it. Nebu- 
chadnezzar necessarily besieged the portion of the 
city on the mainland, as he had no vessels with 
which to attack the island, but it is reasonably cer- 
tain that, in the time of Isaiah and Ezekiel, the 
heart or core of the city was on the island. The 
city of Tyre was consecrated to Hercules ( Melcarl ; 
compare Samson), who was the principal object of 
worship to the inhabitants ; and Arrian says the 
temple on the island was the most ancient of all 
temples within the memory of mankind. It can- 
not be doubted, therefore, that the island had long 
been inhabited '(compare Is. xxiii. 7), though it is not 



1 According- to Herodotus, the priests at Tyre told htm 



TYR 



TYR 



1111 



mentioned either in the Iliad or in the Odyssey. — The 
tribe of Canaanites inhabiting Phenicia Proper was 
known by the generic name of Sidonians (Judg. 

xviii. 7 ; Is. xxiii. 2, 4, 12 ; Josh. xiii. 6 ; Ez. xxxii. 
30) ; and this name undoubtedly included Tyrians 
(1 K. v. 6), the inhabitants being of the same race, 
and the two cities less than 20 English miles apart. 
(Zidon.) In the Bible, Tyre is first named in Josh. 

xix. 29, as a fortified city (A.V. " the strong city"), 
in giving the boundaries of the tribe of Asher. The 
Israelites dwelt among the Sidonians or Pheuiciaus 
who were inhabitants of the land (Judg. i. 31, 32), 
and never seem to have had any war with that in- 
telligent race. In 2 Sam. xxiv. 7 it is stated that 
the enumerators of the census in the reign of David 
went in pursuance of their mission to Tyre, among 
other cities, implying, not that Tyre was subject to 
David's authority, but merely that a census was thus 
taken of the Jews resident there. But the first 
passages in the Hebrew historical writings or in 
ancient history generally, which afford glimpses of 
the actual condition of Tyre, are in 2 Sam. v. 11, in 
connection with Hiram king of Tyre sending ceiar- 
wood and workmen to David, for building him a 
palace; and subsequently in the Book of Kings, in 
connection with the building of Solomon's Temple. 
One point at this period is particularly worthy of 
attention. In contradistinction from all the other 
most celebrated independent commercial cities out 
of Phenicia in the ancient and modern world, Tyre 
was a monarchy, and not a republic. Another point 
is the skill in the mechanical arts which seems to 
have been already attained by the Tyrians. (Ar- 
chitecture; Colors ; Copper ; Handicraft; Hiram 
2, &c.) It is evident that under Solomon there was 
a close alliance between the Hebrews and the Tyr- 
ians. Hiram supplied Solomon with cedar-wood, 
precious metals, and workmen, and sailors for the 
voyage to Ophir and India (Tarshisk 2), while Sol- 
omon gave Hiram supplies of corn and oil. ceded 
to him some cities, and permitted him to make use 
of some havens on the RedSea(l K. ix. 11-14, 26- 
28, x. 22). These friendly relations survived for a 
time the secession of the Ten Tribes, and a century 
later Ahab married Jezebel, a daughter of Ethbaal, 
king of the Sidonians (1 K. xvi. 31), who, according 
to Menander, was daughter of Ithobal, king of Tyre. 
When mercantile cupidity induced the Tyrians and 
the neighboring Phenicians to buy Hebrew captives 
from their enemies and to sell them as slaves (Slate) 
to the Greeks andEdomites, there commenced pro- 
phetical denunciations, and threats (Joel iii. 4-8 ; Am. 
i. 9, 10). Accordingly, when Shalmaneser, king of 
Assyrh, had taken Samaria, conquered the kingdom 
of Israel and carried its inhabitants into captivity, 
he turned his arms against the Phenician cities. At 
this time Tyre had reached a high point of prosper- 
ity. It had planted the splendid colony of Carthage 
(Rome) ; it possessed Cyprus ; and, apparently, Sidon 
was subject to it. Shalmaneser seems to have taken 
advantage of a revolt of the Cyprians ; and what 
ensued is thus related by Menander, who translated 
the archives of Tyre into Greek (in Jos. ix. 14, § 2): 
" Eluleus reigned thirty-six years (over Tyre). This 
king, upon the revolt of the Citteans (Cyprians), 
sailed with a fleet against them, and reduced them 
to submission. On the other hand, the king of the 
Assyrians attacked in war the whole of Phenicia, 

their city was founded 2,300 years before his visit, i. e. 
about B. c. 2750. Josephus dates its foundation 230 years 
before Solomon began to buiid the Temple, i. e. about B. c. 
1242. Chronology. 



but soon made peace with all, and turned back. On 
this, Sidon and Ace (i. e. Accno or Acre) and Pala?- 
tyrus revolted from the Tyrians, with many other 
cities which delivered themselves up to the king of 
Assyria. Accordingly, when the Tyrians would not 
submit to him, the king returned and fell upon them 
again, the Phenicians having furnished him with 60 
ships and 800 rowers. Against these the Tyrians 
sailed with 12 ships, and, dispersing the fleet op- 
posed to them, they took 500 men prisoners. The 
reputation of all the citizens in Tyre was hence in- 
creased. Upon this the king of the Assyrians, mov- 
ing off his army, placed guards at their river and 
aqueducts to prevent the Tyrians from drawing 
water. This continued for five years, and still the 
Tyrians held out, supplying themselves with water 
from wells." In reference to this siege the prophecy 
against Tyre in Is. xxiii. was uttered. After the 
siege of Tyre by Shalmaneser (not long after 721 
b. a), Tyre remained a powerful state with its own 
kings (Jer. xxv. 22. xxvii. 3 ; Ez. xxviii. 2-12), re- 
markable for its wealth, with territory on the main- 
land, and protected by strong fortifications (xxviii. 
5, xxvi. 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, xxvii. 11 ; Zech. ix. 3). Our 
knowledge of its condition thenceforward until the 
siege by Nebuchadnezzar depends entirely on notices 
of it by the Hebrew prophets ; but some of these 
notices are singularly full, and especially Ez. xxvii. 
furnishes us on some points with details such as 
have scarcely come down to us respecting any one 
city of antiquity, except Rome and Athens. Tyre, 
like Carthage, employed mercenary soldiers (Ez. 
xxvii. 10, 11). Ezekiel gives interesting details re- 
specting the trade of Tyre. It appears that its gold 
came from Arabia by the Persian Gulf (ver. 22), 
just as in the time of Solomon it came from Arabi.t 
by the Red Sfia. Its silver, iron, lead, and tin came 
from the S. of Spain, where the Phenicians had es- 
tablished their settlement of Tarshish, or Tartes- 
sus. Copper, we should have presumed, was ob- 
tained from the valuable mines in Cyprus ; but it is 
mentioned here (A. V. " brass ") in conjunction 
with Javan, Tubal, and Mesiiech, which points to 
the districts on the S. of the Black Sea, in the neigh- 
borhood of Armenia, in the southern line of the 
Caucasus, between the Black Sea and the Caspian. 
Tyre obtained from Palestine wheat, oil, honey, and 
balm, but not wine apparently, notwithstanding the 
abundance of grapes and wine in Judah (Gen. 
xlix. 11). The wine was imported from Damascus, 
and was called wine of Helbon. The Bedawin 
Arabs supplied Tyre with lambs and rams and 
goats. Egypt furnished linen for sails, and the 
dyes from shell-fish were imported from the Pelo- 
ponnesus. (Colors ; Greece.) Lastly, from Dedan 
in the Persian Gulf, horns of ivory and ebony were 
imported, which must originally have been obtained 
from India (Ez. xxvii. 10, 11, 22, 12, 13, 17, 18, 21, 
7, 15). In the midst of great prosperity and wealth, 
the natural result of such an extensive trade (xxviii. 
4), Nebuchadnezzar, at the head of an army of the 
Chaldees, invaded Judea and captured Jerusalem. 
As Tyre was so near to Jerusalem, and as the con- 
querors were a fierce and formidable race (Hab. i. 
6), it would naturally be supposed that this event 
excited alarm and terror among the Tyrians. In- 
stead of this, we may infer from Ez. xxvi. 2, that 
their predominant feeling was one of exultation. 
At first sight this appears strange and almost incon- 
ceivable ; but it is rendered intelligible by some 
previous events in Jewish history. Only thirty-four 
years before the destruction of Jerusalem, com- 



1142 



TYK 



TYR 

t 



nienccd the celebrated Reformation of Josiah, B. C. 
6'2'2. In that reformation (2 K. xxii., xxiii.), Josiah 
had heaped insults on the gods who were the ob- 
jects of Tynan veneration and love (AsHERAH ; 
Ashtoreth ; Baal; Idolatry), and seemed to have 
endeavored to exterminate their religion (xxiii. 20); 
and we can .scarcely doubt that the death in battle 
of Josiah at Megiddo, and the subsequent destruc- 
tion of the city and Temple of Jerusalem were 
hailed by them with triumphant joy as instances of 
divine retribution in human affairs. This joy, how- 
ever, must soon have given way to other feelings, 
when Nebuchadnezzar invaded Phenicia, and laid 
siege to Tyre. That siege lasted thirteen years, and 
it is still a disputed point whether Tyre was actu- 
ally taken by Nebuchadnezzar on this occasion (see 
below). However this may be, it is probable that, 
on some terms or other, Tyre submitted to the C'hal- 
dees. This would explain an expedition of Apries, 
the Pharaoh-hophra of Scripture, probably not long 
after, in which he besieged Sidon, fought a naval 
battle with Tyre, and reduced the whole coast of 
Phenicia, though this could not have had lasting 
effects. The rule of Nebuchadnezzar over Tyre, 
though real, may have been light, and in the nature 
of an alliance. During the Persian domination the 
Tynans were subject in name to the Persian king, 
and may have given him tribute. With the rest of 
Phenicia, they had submitted to the Persians, with- 
out striking a blow. But their connection with the 
Persian king was not slavish. They refused to join 
Cambyses in an expedition against Carthage. They 
fought with Persia against Greece, aud furnished 
vessels of war in the expedition of Xerxes. At this 
time Tyre seems to have been inferior in power to 
Sidon. Under the Persian dominion, Tyre and Sidon 
supplied cedar-wood again to the Jews for building 
the second Temple (Ezr. iii. 7). b. c. 332 Alexan- 
der the Great, having summoned the Phenician 
cities to Bubmit to his rule, and received the sub- 
mission of all but Tyre, commenced the memorable 
siege which lasted seven months, and the success of 
which was the greatest of all Alexander's achieve- 
ments up to that time. Tyre was then situated 
on an island nearly half a mile from the main- 
land ; it was completely surrounded by prodigious 
walls, the loftiest portion of which on the side front- 
ing the mainland was not less than 150 feet high, 
and notwithstanding his persevering efforts, he could 
not have succeeded in his attempt, if the harbor of 
Tyre to the N. had not been blockaded by the 
Cyprians, and that to the S. by the Phenicians, thus 
affording an opportunity to Alexander for uniting 
the island to the mainland by an enormous artificial 
mole. The immediate results of the capture by 
Alexander were most disastrous to it, as its brave 
defenders were put to death, and 30,000 of its in- 
habitants, including slaves, free females and free 
children, were sold as slaves. (War.) It gradually, 
however, recovered its prosperity through the im- 
migration of fresh settlers, though its trade is said 
to have suffered by the vicinity and rivalry of Alex- 
andria. The Seleucidae (Syria) bestowed on it | 
many privileges. Under the Romans (Roman Em- 
pire), at first it continued to enjoy a kind of freedom. 
Subsequently, however, on the arrival of Augustus 
in the East, he is said to have deprived both Tyre 
and Sidon of their liberties for seditious conduct. 
Still the prosperity of Tyre in the time of Augus- 
tus was undeniably great. Strabo speaks of the 
wealth which it derived from the dyes of the cele- 
brate! Tyrian purple (Colors II.), and of the houses 



as consisting of many stories. Pliny gives the cir- 
cumference of the city proper (i. e. on the peninsula) 
as twenty-two stadia (about two and a half English 
milt s), and that of the whole city, including Pahe- 
tyrus, as nineteen Roman (about seventeen English) 
miles. The accounts of Strabo and Pliny tend to 
convey an idea of what the city must have been, 
when visited by Christ (Mat. xv. 21; Mk. vii. 24). 
It was perhaps more populous than Jerusalem, and 
if so, it was undoubtedly the largest city which He 
is known to have visited. From the time of Christ 
to the beginning of the fifth century, there is no 
reason to doubt that, as far as was compatible with 
the irreparable loss of independence, Tyre continued 
in uninterrupted prosperity. Jerome, in Ids Com- 
mentaries on Ezekiel, speaks of Tyre as being in his 
day the most noble and beautiful city of Phenicia. 
He also, in his remarks on Ez. xxvii. 3, in which 
Tyre is called "a merchant of the people for many 
isles," says that this continues down to his time, so 
that commercial dealings of almost all nations are 
eai ried <;n in that city. Jerome's Commentaries on 
Ezekiel are supposed to have been written about 
a. d. 411-411, so that his testimony respecting the 
prosperity of Tyre bears date almost precisely a 
thousand years after the Capture of Jerusalem by 
Nebuchadnezzar, b. c. 688. As to the passage (Ez. 

7) in which ICzeKiel states that Tyre shall be 
built no more, Jerome says the meaning is, that 
" Tyre w ill be no more the Queen of Nations, hav- 
ing its own king, as was the case under Hiram and 
Other kings, but that it was destined to be always 
subject, either to the Chaldeans, or to the Mace- 
donians, or to the Ptolemies, or at last to the Hu- 
mans." 2 Tyre had then been subject to the Ro- 
mans more than 400 years. In a. d. 633-038 all 
Syria and Palestine was conquered by the Khali! 
Omar. (Arabia.) But Tyre was still a flourishing 
city when it surrendered to the Christians on the 
27th of June, 1144. It had early been the seat of a 
Christian bishopric; and in 1125 William, a French- 
man (the Chronicler of the Crusades), was made its 
archbishop. At length, however, the evil day of 
Tyre undoubtedly arrived. It hud been more than 
a century and a half in the hands of Christians, 
when in March, a. d. 1291, the Sultan of Egypt and 
Damascus invested Acre (Accho), then known to 
Europe as Ptolemais, and took it by storm after a 
siege of two months. The result was thus told in 
the beginning of the next century by Marinus Sanu- 
tus, a Venetian : " On the same day on which Ptole- 
mais was taken, the Tyrians, at vespers, leaving the 
city empty, without the stroke of a sword, without 
the tumult of war, embarked on board their vessels, 
and abandoned the city to be occupied freely by 
their conquerors. On the morrow the Saracens en- 
tered, no one attempting to prevent them, and they 
did what they pleased." This was the turning-point 

2 ■■ The whole that the prophet can in fairness he under- 
stood to declare is. that Nebuchadnezzar should by violent 
means become master of Tyre, and thus commence the 
process of her downfall— a process which might be de- 
layed, but would never altogether cease till the period of 
her complete destruction. ... In plain terms, Tyre (like 
the king of Babylon, in Is. xiv.) was to take rank with the 
dead, and he do more numbered with the living. But, of 
course, it is the Tyre that then was, which is meant— the 
proud imperial mistress of the seas; as such, she was to 
cease to have a local habitation and a name in the earth ; 
she was to be found only among the departed. That there 
should still be a Tyre on the same spot where the ancient 
city stood, is nothing against the description: for this 
poor and shrivelled thin-.r is no loneer the Tyre of the 
prophet — that is gone, never to return again (Fbn. on 
Ez. xxvi.). 



TYR 

in the history of Tyre, 1,879 years after the capture 
of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar ; and Tyre has not 
yet recovered from the blow. In May, 1751, Has- 
selquist found there about ten inhabitants, Turks 
and Christians, who lived by fishing. Since the be- 



uca H43 

ginning of the present century there has been a par- 
tial revival of prosperity. But it has been visited 
at different times during the last thirty years by 
Biblical scholars, Robinson, Stanley, Renan, &c, 
who all concur in the account of its general aspect 




Ruins of TyTe. — From Caasaa, Yoyap". Pitloresque de la Sjrie. — (Fbn.) 



of desolation.' Its great inferiority to Beirut for 
receiving vessels suited to the requirements of mod- 
ern navigation will always prevent Tyre from be- 
coming again the most important commercial city 
on the Syrian coast. — The question whether Tyre 
was actually taken by Nebuchadnezzar after his 
thirteen years' siege has been keenly discussed. 
Gesenius, Winer, and Hitzig decide it in the nega- 
tive, while Hengstenberg, Havernick, Fairbairn, &c, 
support the other side. Assuming, with Movers, 
that Tyre, as well as the rest of Phenicia, submitted 
at last to Nebuchadnezzar, the following points may 
be observed respecting the supposed capture: — (1.) 
The evidence of Ezekiel, a contemporary, seems to 
be against it. The obvious inference from Ez. xxix. 
18 is that, however great the exertions of the army 
may have been in digging intrenchments or in cast- 
ing up earthworks, the siege was unsuccessful. This 
is confirmed by the following verses (19, 20). (2.) 
Josephus, who had access to historical writings on 
this subject which have not reached our times, 
neither states on his own authority, nor quotes any 
one else as stating, that Nebuchadnezzar took it. 
(3.) The capture of Tyre on this occasion is not 
mentioned by any Greek or Roman author whose 
writings are now in existence. (4.) In the time of 
Jerome it was distinctly stated by some of his con- 
temporaries that they had read, amongst other his- 
tories on this point, histories of Greeks and Phe- 

' " With but few exceptions," says Dr. Thomson (i. 
273), " it. is now a cluster of miserable huts, inhabited by 
about 3,500 impoverished Metawelies and Arab Christians, 
destitute alike of education, of arts, and of enterprise, 
carrying on with Egypt a small trade in tobacco from the 
neighboring hilts, and of lava mill-stones from the Haurdn. 
This is a sorry schedule for the name of Tyre, but it is 
about all she can exhibit: 

' Dim is her glory, gone her fame, 
Her boasted wealth has fled : 
On her proud rock ; alas 1 her shame, 
The fisher's net is spread. 

'The Tyrian harp has slumbered long, 

And Tyria's mirth is low , 
The timbrt-1, dulcimer, and song 
Are hushed, or wake to woe.' " 



nicians, and especially of Nicolaus Damascenus, in 
which nothing was said of the siege of Tyre by the 
Chaldees : and Jerome, in noticing this fact, does 
not quote any authority for a counter-statement, but 
alleges in general that many facts are related in the 
Scriptures which are not found in Greek works, and 
that we ought not to acquiesce in the authority of 
those whose perfidy and falsehood we detest. But 
in Jerome's Commentary on Ez. xxix. 18 he ex- 
plains that the meaning of Nebuchadnezzar's having 
received no wages for his warfare against Tyre is, 
not that he failed to take the city, but that the 
Tyrians had previously removed every thing precious 
from it in ships, so that when Nebuchadnezzar en- 
tered the city he found nothing there. 

Ty'rus (L.) = Tyre (Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3, xlvii. 
4; Ez. xxvi. 2-4, 7, 15, xxvii. 2, 3, 8, 32, xxviii. 2, 
12, xxix. 18; Hos. ix. 13; Am. i. 9, 10; Zech. ix. 
2, 3; 2 Esd. i. 11 ; Jd. ii. 28; 1 Mc. v. 15 ; 2 Mc. 
iv. 18, 32, 44, 49). 

* Izad'di (Heb. tsadey = reaping-hook or scythe? 
Ges.), the eighteenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet 
(Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

* Tzi'don (fr. Heb.) = Zidon (Gen. x. 15 margin). 

* Tzor (fr. Heb.) = Tyre (Josh. xix. 29 margin). 



u 

F'cal (Heb. eaten up, consumed? Ges. ; one that has 
pined away, sorrowful? Fii. ; see below). Accord- 
ing to the received text of Prov. xxx. 1, Ithiel and 
Ucal must be regarded as proper names, and if so, 
they must be the names of disciples or sons of Agur 
the son of Jakeh, an unknown sage among the He- 
brews (so Mr. Wright). But there is great obscurity 
about the passage. Most translators and commen- 
tators regard them as proper names. J. D. Micha- 
elis renders the words, which are translated in the 
A. V., " unto Ithiel and Ucal," thus : " I have wearied 
myself for God, and have given up the investiga- 



1144 



UEL 



UNC 



tion," applying the words to a man who had be- 
wildered himself with philosophical speculations 
about the Deity, and had been compelled to give up 
the search. So Prof. Stuart (Commentary on Prov- 
erbs), following Hitzig and Bertheau, alters the He- 
brew vowel-pointing, forms a proper name out of a 
part of the word translated " the prophecy " in the 
A. V., makes the Hebrew answering to " Ucal " = 
/ have failed in- eeK.sy </, that translated " unto Ithicl " 
= / havi' toiled for God (i. e. for the acquisition of 
a knowledge of (iod), and translates the whole verse 
thus : " The words of Agur, the son of her who was 
obeyed in Massa. Thus spake the man: I have 
toiled for God, I have toiled for God, and have 
ceased." Ewald considers both Ithiel and Ucal as 
symbolical names, employed by the poet to desig- 
nate two classes of thinkers to whom he addresses 
himself. 

I'd (Heb., probably = will of God, Ges.), a 
" son " of Bani, and husband of a foreign wife in 
Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 34). 

I k 11.1/ ( Ueb. = ami Kenaz). In the margin of 
1 Chr. iv. 15 the words "even Kenaz" in the text 
are rendered " Uknaz," as a proper name. Some 
name may have been omitted before Kenaz. 

I'lal, or l la-l (Ueb. fr. Pehlvi or ancient Pers. 
= the pure water, PtL) is mentioned by Daniel (viii. 
2, 16) as a river near to Susa (Siilsiian), where he 
saw his vision of the ram and the he-goat. D has 
been generally identified with the Eula'us of the 
Greek and Roman geographers, a large stream in 
the immediate neighborhood of that city. The Eu- 
la:us has been by many identified with the Choaspes, 
which is undoubtedly the modern Kerkhah, an afflu- 
ent of the Tigris, flowing into it a little below Kur- 
nah. By others it has been regarded as the Kuran, 
a large river, considerably further E., entering the 
Kltor Barnishir near Mohammerah. Some have sug- 
gested that it may have been the Sha/mr or Sha'ur, 
a small stream which rises a few miles N. W. of 
Susa, and flows by the ruins into the iJizful stream, 
an affluent of the Kuran. The various notices of 
ancient writers appear to identify the upper Eulams 
with the upper Kerkhah, and the lower Eulieus with 
the lower Kuran. A recent survey of the ground 
has shown that the Kerkhah once bifurcated at Pat 
Pul, about twenty miles K. W. of Susa, sending out 
a branch which passed E. of the ruins, absorbing 
into it the Shapur, and flowing on across the plain 
in a S. S. E. direction till it fell into the Kuran at 
Ahicaz. Thus the upper Kerkhah and the lower 
Kuran were in old times united, and might be 
viewed as forming a single stream. The name Eu- 
laeus ("Ulai") seems to have applied most prop- 
erly to the eastern branch-stream from Pai Pul to 
Ahwaz (so Prof. Rawlinson). 

r lam (Heb. front, vestibide, Ges.). 1. A descend- 
ant of Gilead the grandson of Manasseh ; father of 
Bedan (1 Chr. vii. 17). — 2. A Benjamite, the first- 
born of Eshek, a descendant of Saul (viii. 39, 40). 
His sons were valiant archers. 

IJl'Ia (Heb. yoke, Ges.), an Asherite chief (1 Chr. 
viL 39). 

I'm Utah (Heb. gathering, Ges.) a city of Asher 
(Josh. xix. 30 only). Dr. Thomson conjectures that 
a place called ' Alma in the highlands on the coast, 
about five miles E. N. E. of Ras en-Nakhura (Lad- 
deb of Tyrcs), may be identical with Ummah. 

* rn-tir-tnm-fis'ion. Circumcision. 

Un-clean' Meats (see Clean and Meat). These 
were things strangled, or dead of themselves, or 
through beasts or birds of prey; whatever beast did 



I not both part the hoof and chew the cud ; and cer- 
tain other smaller animals rated as " creeping 
things ; " certain classes of birds mentioned in Lev. 
xi. and Deut. xiv., twenty or twenty-one in all ; 
whatever in the waters had not both fins and scales ; 
whatever winged insect had not besides four legs the 
two hind legs for leaping ; besides things offered in 
sacrifice to idols ; and all blood or whatever con- 
tained it (save perhaps the blood of fish, as would 
appear from that only of beast and bird being for- 
bidden, Lev. vii. 20), and therefore flesh cut from 
the live animal ; also all fat, at any rate that dis- 
posed in masses among the intestines, and probably 
wherever discernible and separable among the flesh 
(Lev. iii. 14-17, vii. 23). The eating of blood was 
prohibited even to " the stranger that sojourn- 
eth among you " (xvii. 10, 12-14). The prohibi- 
tion of blood indeed dates from the declaration to 
Nn.wi against "flesh with the life thereof, which is 
the blond thereof," in Gen. ix. 4, which was perhaps 
regarded by Moses as still binding upon all Noah's 
descendants.' Besides these, "seething a kid in its 
mother's milk is twice prohibited." The general 
distinction of clean and unclean is rightly observed 
by Michaelis to have its parallel among all nations, 
there being universally certain creatures regarded as 
clean, i. e. fit for food, and the rest as the opposite 
(comp. Lev. xi. 47). With most nations, however, 
this is only a traditional usage based merely per- 
haps on an instinct relating to health, or on a re- 
pugnance of which no further account is to be given. 
The same personal interest taken by Jehovah in His 
subjects, which is expressed by the demand for a 
ceremonially pure state on the part of every Israel- 
ite as in covenant with Him, regarded also this par- 
ticular detail of that purity, viz. diet. It remained 
for a higher Lawgiver to announce that "there is 
nothing from without a man that entering into him 
can defile him" (Mk. vii. 15). — It is noteworthy that 
the practical effect of the rule laid down is to exclude 
all carnivorous quadrupeds, and birds of prey. This 
suggests the question whether they were excluded 
as being not averse to human carcasses, and in most 
Eastern countries acting as the servitors of the 
battle-field and the gibbet. Even swine have been 
known so to feed ; and, further, by their constant 
rooting among whatever lies on the ground, suggest 
impurity, even if they were not generally foul feed- 
ers. Of fish those which were allowed contain un- 
questionably the most wholesome varieties, save 
that they exclude the oyster. The exclusion of the 
camel and the hare from allowable meats is less 
easy to account for, save that the former never was 
in common use, and to eat him, especially where so 
many other creatures give meat so much preferable, 
would be the worst economy possible in an Eastern 
commissariat — destroying the best, or rather the 
only conveyance, to obtain the most indifferent food. 
The hare was long supposed, even by eminent nat- 
uralists, to ruminate, and certainly was eaten by 
the Egyptians. The horse and ass would be gen- 
erally spared from similar reasons to those which 
exempted the camel. Practically the law left among 
the allowed meats an ample variety, and no incon- 
venience was likely to arise from a prohibition to eat 
camels, horses, and asses. — But as Orientals have 
minds sensitive to teaching by types, there can be 
little doubt that such ceremonial distinctions not 
only tended to keep Jew and Gentile apart, but were 
a perpetual reminder to the former that he and the 
latter were not on one level before God. Hence, when 
that ceremony was changed, this was the very sym- 



UNO 



UNO 



1145 



bol selected to instruct St. Peter in the truth that 
God was not a "respecter of persons" (Acts x. 10 
ff.). It was no mere question of which among sev- 
eral means of supporting life a man chose to adopt, 
when the persecutor dictated the alternative of 
swine's flesh or the loss of life itself (Maccabees), 
but whether he should surrender the badge and type 
of that privilege bv which Israel stood as the favored 
nation before God (1 Me. i. 63, 64; 2 Mc. vi. 18, 
vii. 1). The same feeling led to the exaggeration 
of the Mosaic regulations, until it was " unlawful for 
a man that was a Jew to keep company with or come 
unto one of another nation" (Acts x. 28) ; and with 
such intensity were badges of distinction cherished, 
that the wine, bread, oil, cheese, or any thing cooked 
by a heathen, were declared unlawful for a Jew to 
eat. As regards things offered to idols, all who own 
one God meet on common ground ; but the Jew 
viewed the precept as demanding a literal objective 
obedience, and had a holy horror of even an uncon- 
scious infraction of the law : hence, as he could never 
know what had received idolatrous consecration, his 
only safety lay in total abstinence (comp. 1 Cor. x. 
25-29; Shambles). Michaelis thought that the pro- 
hibition to " seethe a kid in his mother's milk " was 
meant merely to encourage the use of olive-oil in- 
stead of the milk or butter of an animal, which we 
commonly use in cookery, where the Orientals use 
the former. This will not satisfy any mind by which 
the clew of symbolism has been once duly seized 
(so Mr. Hayman, original author of this article). 
Mercy to the beast is one of the under currents 
which permeate that law. To soften the feelings 
and humanize the character was the higher and more 
general aim. The milk was the destined support of 
the young creature: viewed in reference to it, the 
milk was its " life," and had a relative sanctity re- 
sembling that of the forbidden blood. The Talmud- 
ists took an extreme view of the precept, as forbid- 
ding generally the cooking of flesh in milk. — It re- 
mains to mention the sanitary aspect of the case. 
Swine are said to be peculiarly liable to disease in 
their own bodies. This probably means that they 
are more easily led than other creatures to the foul 
feeding which produces it; and where the average 
heat is great, decomposition rapid, and malaria easily 
excited, this tendency in the animal is more mis- 
chievous than elsewhere. The prohibition on eating 
fat was salubrious in a region where skin diseases 
(Leprosy) are frequent and virulent, and that on 
blood had, no doubt, a similar tendency. Yet the 
beneficial tendency is veiled under a ceremonial dif- 
ference, for the " stranger " dwelling by the Israelite 
was allowed it, although the latter was forbidden. 
If we compare the animals allowed for food with 
those forbidden, there can be no doubt on which 
side the balance of wholesomeness lies. Clean ; 
Food ; Idolatry ; Law of Moses ; Purification ; 
Samaritan Pentateuch IV. ; Uncleanness. 

Un-clcan'uess. The distinctive idea attached to 
ceremonial uncleanness among the Hebrews was, 
that it cut a person off for the time from social 
privileges, and left his citizenship among God's peo- 
ple for the while in abeyance. (Citizen ; Cove- 
nant.) It did not merely require by law a certain 
ritual of purification in order to enhance the impor- 
tance of the priesthood, but it placed the unclean 
person in a position of disadvantage, from which 
certain ritualistic acts alone could free him. There 
is an intense reality in the Divine Law taking hold 
of a man by the ordinary infirmities of flesh, and 
setting its stamp, as it were, in the lowest clay of 



which he is moulded. The sacredness attached to 
the human body is parallel to that which invested 
the Ark of the Covenant itself. It is as though 
Jehovah thereby would teach them that the '' very 
hairs of their head were all numbered " before Him, 
and that " in His book were all their members writ- 
ten." Thus was inculcated, so to speak, a bodily 
holiness (Lev. xi. 44, 45, xix. 2, 28, 32). Nor were 
the Israelites to be only " separated from other peo- 
ple," but they were to be " holy unto God" (xx. 24, 
26), " a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation." 
Hence a number of ordinances regarding outward 
purity, used in Egypt only by the priests, were made 
publicly obligatory on the Hebrew nation. The im- 
portance to physical well-being of the injunctions 
which required frequent ablution (Baptism ; Bath ; 
Laver ; Washing the Hands and Feet) can be but 
feebly appreciated in our cooler and damper climate. 
Hence the obvious utility of reenforcing, by the sanc- 
tion of religion, observances tending in the main to 
that healthy state which is the only solid basis of 
comfort, even though in certain points of detail they 
were burdensome. Uncleanness, as referred to man, 
may be — (1.) that which defiled merely " until even," 
and was removed by bathing and washing the clothes 
at the end of it — such were all contacts with dead 
animals ; (2.) that graver sort which defiled for 
seven days, and was removed by the use of the 
"water of separation" (Purification) — such were 
all defilements connected with the human corpse; 
(3.) uncleanness from the morbid, puerperal, or 
menstrual state, lasting as long as that morbid state 
lasted (Blood, Issue of; Child; Issue, Running; 
Medicine) ; and in the case of leprosy lasting often 
for life. As the human person was itself the seat 
of a covenant-token (Circumcision), so male and 
female had each their ceremonial obligations in pro- 
portion to their sexual differences (Lev. xii., xv.). 
Further than this the increase of the nation was a 
special point of the promise to Abraham and Jacob 
(Gen. xlix. 25), and, therefore, their fecundity as 
parents was under the Divine tutelage, beyond the 
general notion of a curse, or at least of God's dis- 
favor, as implied in barrenness. There is an em- 
phatic reminder of human weakness in the fact of 
birth and death — man's passage alike into and out 
of his mortal state — being marked with a stated pol- 
lution. Thus the birth of the infant brought defile- 
ment on its mother, which she, except so far as ne- 
cessarily isolated by the nature of the circumstances, 
propagated around her. Nay, the conjugal act it- 
self, or any act resembling it (Lev. xv. 16-18), en- 
tailed uncleanness for a day. The corpse, on the 
other hand, bequeathed a defilement of seven days 
to all who handled it, to the " tent " or chamber of 
death, and to sundry things within it. Nay, contact 
with one slain in the field of battle, or with even a 
human bone or grave, was no less effectual to pol- 
lute, than that with a corpse dead by the course of 
nature (Num. xix. 11-18). This shows that the 
source of pollution lay in the mere fact of death. 
The duration of defilement caused by the birth of 
a female infant — eighty days in all, double that 
due to a male (Lev. xii. 2-5) — may perhaps repre- 
sent the woman's heavier share in the first sin and 
first curse (Gen. hi. 16 ; 1 Tim. ii. 14). For a man's 
" issue," besides the uncleanness while it lasted, a 
probation of seven days, including a washing on the 
third day, is prescribed. Similar was the period in 
the case of the woman, and in that of intercourse 
with a woman so affected (Lev. xv. 13, 28, 24 ; comp. 
xx. 18). The propagation of uncleanness from the 



11-iG 



UNC 



UNN 



person to the bed, saddle, clothes, &c, and through 
them to other persons, tends to impress an idea of 
the loathsomeness of such a state, or the heinousness 
of such acts, more forcibly by far than if the defile- 
ment clove to the first person merely (xv. 5, 6, 9, 12, 
17, 20, 22-24, 26, 27). Uncleanness from contact 
with a corpse, grave, Sic, w as communicated to other 
persons, apparently for the day only, by the unclean 
person's contact with them (Num. six. 22); but this 
minor pollution for one day only, whether engen- 
dered by the major pollution or arising directly, Mr. 
Dayman, original author of this article, regards as 
not communicable (compare v. 2-4 ; Lev. xv. 5-11). 
Willi regard to uncleanness arising from the lower 
animals, Lightfoot remarks, that all which were un- 
Clean to touch when dead were unclean to eat, but 
not conversely; and that all which were unclean to 
eat were unclean to sacrifice, but not conversely. 
(UNCLEAN Meats. ) All animals, however, if dying 
of themselves, or eaten with the BLOOD, were unclean 
to eat. The carcass also of any animal unclean as 
regards diet, however dying, defiled whatever per- 
son, garment, sack, skin, vessel, &c, it, or any part 
of it, touched. All these defilements were "until 
even" only, save the eating "with the blood," the 
offender in which respect was to "be cut off" (xi , 
xvii. 14). The same sentence of "cutting off" was 
also denounced against all who should "do pre- 
sumptuously " in respect even of minor defilements ; J 
by which we may understand all contempt of the 
legal provisions regarding them. (Punishments; 
Six.) The term " defilement " also includes the con- 
tiaction of unlawful marriages and the indulgence 
ol unlawful lusts, as denounced in Lev. xviiL (MAR- 
RIAGE.) The fruit of trees was counted as " uncir- 
cumcised," L e. unclean for the first three years. 
(First-fruits ; Foon.) The directions in Deut. xxiii. 
10—13, relate to the avoidance of impurities in the 
case of a host encamped, and are based on the scru- 
pulous ceremonial purity demanded by the God 
whose presence was in the midst of them. The 
ashes of the red heifer, burned whole, which were 
mixed with water, and became the standing resource 
for purifying uncleanness in the second degree, them- 
selves became a source of defilement to all w ho were 
clean, even as of purification to the unclean, and so 
the water. Somewhat similarly the scape-goat, who 
bore away the sins of the people, defiled him who 
led him into the wilderness, and the bringing forth 
and burning the sacrifice on the Great Day of Atone - 
ment had a similar power. (ATONEMENT, Day ok.) 
This lightest form of uncleanness was expiated by 
bathing the body and washing the clothes. Besides 
the water of purification made as aforesaid, men and 
women in their " issues " were, after seven days, 
reckoned from the cessation of the disorder, to bring 
two turtle-doves or young pigeons to be killed by the j 
priests. The purification after childbed is well I 
known from the N. T. (Lk. ii. 22-24) ; for that of the 
leper, see Purification. (Mourning V.) All these 
kinds of uncleanness disqualified for holy functions : 
as the layman so affected might not approach the 
congregation and the sanctuary, so any priest who 
incurred defilement must abstain from holy things 
(Lev. xxii. 2-8). But the priests, in their contact 
with the leper to be adjudged, were exempted from 
the law of defilement ; and the garb and treatment 
of the leper seem to be that of one dead in the eye 
of the Law or rather a perpetual mourner for his 
own estate of death with " clothes rent and head 
bare." — It may be mentioned that among the Arabs 
the touching a corpse still defile?, and that the reli- 



gion of the Persians, according to Chardin, shows a 
singularly close correspondence with the Levitical 
code in regard to purification and uncleanness. 

*Une'tlon (1 Jn. ii. 20) = Anointing. 

liu-der-gird ing ( Acts xxvii. 17). Ship. 

I iii-. ■urn. the A. V. rendering, after the LXX. and 
Vulgate, the Heb. rHim, r&eym, rSym, the name of 
some large wild animal (Num. xxiii. 22, xxiv. 8 ; Deut. 
xxxiii. 17 ; .lob xxxix. 9, 10; Ps. xxii. 21 [Heb. 221, 
xxix. c, xeii. 10 [Heb. LI]; Is. xxxiv. 7 [margin " rhi- 
nocerots"]). The Rlhn of the Hebrew Bible, how- 
ever, has nothing at all to do with the one-horned 
animal 1 mentioned by Aristotle, Pliny, and other 
Greek and Roman writers, as is evident from Deut. 
xxxiii. 17, where, in the blessing of Joseph, it is 
said, " His glory is like the firstling of his bullock, 
and bis limns are like the horns of a unicorn" not, 
a> the text of the A. V. renders it, "the horns of 
||)lico)•n.s. , ' The two horns of the litem arc " the 

ten tl -am!.- of Kphraim and the thousands of 

Manasseh." This text puts a one-horned animal 
entirely out of the question, and disposes of the 
opinion of Bruce, &c, that some species of rhinoc- 
eros is denoted, and of other writers that the riem 
and the " unicorn " = some one-horned animal saitl 
to have been seen by travellers in South Africa and 
in Thibet (so Mr, Houghton, original author of this 
article). Bochart, followed by Rosenmiiller, Winer, 
&c, contends that the Heb. Riem = the Ar. Rim, 
which is usually referred to the Oryx leucorys, the 
white antelope of North Africa, and at one time 
perhaps an inhabitant of Palestine. Arnold Boot, 
with much better reason, conjectures that the litem 
= some species of Vrus or wild-ox. Robinson and 
Gesenius, with A. Scbultens, De Wette, &c., have 
little doubt that the buffalo {liubulus Ditfftdus) is the 
Riem of the Bible. — Little can be urged in favor of 
the rhinoceros, for it would have been forbidden to 
be sacrificed by the Law of Moses, whereas the 
luiu, i- mentioned by Isaiah as coming down with 
bullocks and rams to the Lord's sacrifice. Again, 
the skipping of the young litem (Ps. xxix. 6) is 
scarcely compatible with the habits of a rhinoceros. 
The white antelope ( Oryx leiicoryx), like the rest of 
the family, is harmless unless wounded or hard 
pressed by the hunter, nor is it remarkable for any 
extraordinary strength. Considering, therefore, that 
the Riem is spoken of as a two-homed animal of 
great strength and ferocity, was evidently well known 
and often seen by the Jews, is mentioned as an ani- 
mal fit for sacrificial purposes, and is frequently as- 
sociated with bulls and oxen, we think there can be 
no doubt that some species of wild-ox is intended. 
The allusion in Ps. xcii. 10, " But thou shalt lift up, 
as a Rieym, my horn," seems to point to the mode 
in which the ox family use their horns, lowering the 
head, and then tossing it up. But it is impossible 
to determine what particular species of wild-ox is 
signified. Some have conjectured that the Riem 
denotes the wild buffalo. Possibly some wild spe- 
cies of buffalo (Bubalus Arnee, or Bubahis brachyc- 
erus) may have existed formerly in Palestine. We 
are, however, more in favor of some gigantic Urus. 

* In-lcav'encd Bread. Bread ; Leaven ; Pass- 
over. 

Un'ni (Heb. depressed, Ges.). 1. A Levite door- 
keeper (" porter," A. V.) and musician in David's 
time (1 Chr. xv. 18, 20). — 2. A second Levite (un- 
less the family of the foregoing be intended) con. 



1 This '• unicorn" of the ancients Mr. Houghton regards 
as fabulous. 



UPH 



UR 



1147 



cerned in the sacred office after the return from 
Babylon (Neh. xii. 9). 

* ll-pliar'siu (Chal.). Mene, &c. 

ll'phaz (Heb., see below), a gold country (Jer. x. 
9 ; Dan. x. 5) ; regarded by Gesenius, Henderson, 
&c, as a corruption of Ophir, which the Clialdee, 
Syriac, and Theodotion put for it in Jer. 1. c. ; consid- 
ered by Hitzig of Sanscrit origin, and placed by him 
in Yemen, in South xVrabia ; supposed by Bochart 
to be Ceylon, &c. 

Ur (Heb. light ; as an appellative [comp. Pers.] = 
fortress, castle? Ges.), the land of Haran's nativity 
(Gen. xi. 2S), the place from which Terah and Abra- 
ham started "to go into the land of Canaan" (ver. 
31) ; uniformly called in the 0. T. " Ur of the Chal- 
dees " (xi. 28, 31, xv. 7; Neh. ix. 7), but, in Acts 
vii. 2, 4, impliedly placed by Stephen in Mesopo- 
tamia. These are all the indications which Scrip- 
ture furnishes as to its locality, (a.) One tradition 
identifies Ur with the modern Or/ah. There is some 
ground for believing that this city, called by the 
Greeks Edessa, had also the name of Orrha as early 
is about b. c. 150. According to Pocock that Ur 
is Edessa or Or/ah is " the universal opinion of 
the Jews ; " and it is also the local belief. (6.) A 
tradition in the Talmud and in some of the early 
Arabian writers finds Ur in Warka, the Orchoe of 
the Greeks, and probably the Erech of Holy Scrip- 
ture, (c.) A third tradition distinguishes Ur from 
Warka, while still placing it in the same region. 
There can be little doubt that this tradition points 
to the city which appears by its bricks to have been 
called Hur by the natives, and is now represented 
by the ruins at Mugheir or (fmgheir. (rf. ) Bochart, 
Calraet, Bunsen, Michaelis, »Gesenius, &c, unsup- 
ported by any tradition, identify " Ur of the Chal- 
dees " with a place of the name, mentioned by Am- 



mianus Marcellinus (fourth century a. c.) as "a 
castle" existing in his day in Eastern Mesopotamia, 
between Hatra and Nisibis. Of these four local- 
ities two (a, d) are in Upper Mesopotamia, between 
the Moiis Masius and the Sinjar range, while the 
other two (b, c) are in the alluvial tract near the 
sea, at least 400 miles further S. That Chaldea 
was, properly speaking, the southern part of Baby- 
lonia, the region bordering upon the Gulf, will be 
admitted by all. Those who maintain the northern 
emplacement of Ur argue, that with the extension 
of Chaldean power the name travelled northward, 
and became coextensive with Mesopotamia; but 
Prof. Rawlinson, original author of this article, 
claims that — (1.) there is no proof that the name 
Chaldea was ever extended to the region above the 
Sinjar; (2.) if it was, the Jews at any rate mean 
by Chaldea exclusively the lower country, and cal! 
the upper, Mesopotamia or Padan-aram (Job i. 17 ; 
Is. xiii. 19, xliii. 14, &c.) ; (3.) there is no reason to 
believe that Babylonian power was established be- 
yond the Sinjar in these early times; (4.) it is in 
the lower country only^that a name closely corre- 
sponding to the Heb. Ur (i^k) ' s found, the cunei- 
form Hur representing the Hebrew letter for letter, 
and only differing from it in the greater strength of 
the aspirate or initial letter. The argument that 
Ur should be sought in the neighborhood of Arret- 
pachi/is and Sencj, because the names Arphaxad 
and Serug occur in the genealogy of Abraham, has 
no weight till it is shown that the human names in 
question are really connected with the places, which 
is at present assumed somewhat boldly. On the 
whole we may regard it as tolerably certain that 
" Ur of the Chaldees " was a place situated in the 
real Chaldea — the low country near the Persian 
Gulf. The only question that remains in any degree 




Rotas of Temple nt Mvghtir (= " Ur of the Chaldees! ").— (From Loftns.) 



doubtful is, whether Warka or Mugheir is the true 
locality. They are not far apart ; traditions at- 
tached to both, but perhaps more distinctly to 
Warka. But it seems certain that Warka, the na- 
tive name of which was Huruk, represents the 
Erech of Genesis, which cannot possibly be the Ur 



of the same Book. Mugheir, therefore, which bore 
the exact name of Ur or Hur, remains with the best 
claim, and is entitled to be (at least provisionally) 
regarded as the city of Abraham (so Prof. Rawlin- 
son, Porter [in Kitto], Eadie [in Fbn.], Loftns, Ayre, 
&C, after Sir Henry Rawlinson). Ur or Hur, now 



1148 



UR 



URI 



Mugheir, or Um-Mugheir (= the bitumencd, or the 
mother of bitumen), is one of the most ancient, if 
not the most ancient, of the Chaldean sites hither- 
to discovered. It lies on the right bank of the 
Euphrates, about six miles from the present course 
of the stream, nearly opposite the point where the 
Euphrates receives the Shat-et-Hie from the Tigris. 
It is now not less than 125 miles from the sea; but 
there are grounds for believing that it was anciently 
a maritime town, but now inland from the rapid 
growth of the alluvium. The remains of buildings 
cover an oval space, 1,000 yards long by 800 broad. 
The most remarkable building near the northern 
end of the ruins is a temple of the true Chaldean 
tyjn-, built in slages of bricks, laid chiefly in 
bitumen (Babel, Tower of), and bearing the name 
of Uviihh, who is regarded as the earliest of 
the Chaldean monumental kings, d. c. 2000, or 
a little earlier. Up, the capital of this monarch, 
retained its metropolitan character for above two 
centuries, and, even after it became second to 
Babylon, was a great city, with an especially sacred 
character. It is in the main a city of tombs. 
It probably fell into decay under the Persians, and 
was a mere ruin at Alexander's conquests, u, c. 330. 

* lr(IIeb., see above), father of Eliphal, or Eliph- 
clet, among David's valiant men (1 Chr. xi. 35); 

= AhASBAI. 

Ir'banr [a as in cam] (fr. L. Urbanus = of a city, 
T(fi>« J, urbane, Frcuud ; as a proper name better 
written Urban), a Christian man among those whom 
St. Paul salutes in writing to Rome (Rom. xvi. 9); 
probably at some time in active religious coopera- 
tion with the apostle. 

l"rl (Heb. fiery, or perhaps = Uriaii, Urijaii, 
Gcs.). |. A man of the tribe of Judah ; grandson 
of Caleb 1, and father of Bezaleel 1, the architect 
of the Tabernacle (Ex. xxxi. 2, xxxv. 30, xxxviii. 
22; 1 Chr.ii. 20; 2 Chr. i. 5).— 2. Father of Geber, 
Solomon's commissary in Gilead (1 Iv. iv. 19). — 3. A 
l.evite pcirter or ilnm -keeper. husband of a foreign 
wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 24). 

r-ri'ah (fr. Heb. = light of Jehovah = Urijaii 
and Urias). I. One of the thirty commanders of 
the thirty bands into which the Israelite army of 
David was divided (1 Chr. xi. 41 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 39) ; 
called Urias in X. T. Like others of David's offi- 
cers he was a foreigner — a Hittite. His name, how- 
ever, and his manner of speech (xi. 11) indicate that 
he had adopted the Jewish religion. He married 
Bath-sjieba, a woman of extraordinary beauty, the 
daughter of Eliam. It may be inferred from Na- 
than's parable (xii. 3) that he wa3 passionately 
devoted to his wife, and that their union was 
celebrated in Jerusalem as one of peculiar tender- 
ness. In the first war with Ammon he followed 
Joab to the siege, and with him remained encamped 
in the open field (xi. 11). He returned to Jerusa- 
lem, at an order from the king (David), on the pre- 
text of asking news of the war, — really in the hope 
that his return to his wife might cover the shame 
of his own crime. The king met with an unex- 
pected obstacle in the austere, soldier-like spirit 
which guided all Uriah's conduct, and which gives 
us a high notion of the character and discipline of 
David's officers. On the morning of the third day, 
David sent him back to the camp with a letter con- 
taining the command to Joab to cause his destruc- 
tion in the battle. The device of Joab was, to ob- 
serve the part of the wall of Rabbath-Ammon (Rab- 
bah 1) where the greatest force of the besieged was 
congregated, and thither, as a kind of forlorn hope, to 



send Uriah. A sally took place. Uriah and the officers 
with him advanced as far as the gate of the city, 
and were there elicit down by the archers on the 
wnll. Just as Joab had forewarned the messenger, 
the king broke into a furious passion on hearing of 
the loss. The messenger, as instructed by Joab, 
calmly continued, and ended the story with the 
words: "Thy servant also, Uriah the Hittite, is 
dead." In a moment David's anger is appeased. 
It is one of the touching parts of the story that 
Uriah falls unconscious of his wife's dishonor. 
Uriah remains to us an example of the chivalrous 
and devoted characters found among the Canaan- 
iie- serving in the Hebrew army (so Dean Stanley). 
— 2. A priest in the reign of Ahaz, a witness to 
Isaiah's prophecy concerning M ahek-shai.al-hasiu 
j uaz (Is. viii. 2); probably = " Urijaii the priest," 
who built the idolatrous altar for Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10- 
16), :unl perhaps (so Lord A. C. Hervey) summoned 
as a witness on account of his position as HIOH- 
| priest, not on account of his personal qualities; 
though, as the incident occurred at the beginning 
ol the reign of Ahaz, Uriah's irreligious subserviency 
may not yet have manifested itself. He probably 
succeeded Azariaii 14, who was high-priest in the 
reign of Uz/.iah, and was succeeded by that Azahiaii 
18 who was high-priest in the reign of llc/.ekiah. 
Hence he was probably son of the former and father 
of the latter. — 3. A priest, father or ancestor of 
MerbmOTH 1 (Ezr. viii. 33); = Urijaii 2. 

l-riiis (L. = Uriah or Ukijah). 1. Uriah 1, 
husband of Iiath-shcba (Mat. i. 6). — 2. Urijaii 3 
(1 Esd. ix. 43). 

l 'ri-el (Heb. the fire of God). I. A Kohathite 
Levite, son of Tahath (1 Chr.,vi. 24, Heb. 9). — 2. 
f'hief of the Koh.ithites in David's reign (xv. 5, 11). 
— 3. " Uriel of (iibeah " was the father of Maaciiah 
3, or Michaiah, the favorite wife of Rehoboam, and 
mother of Abijah (2 Chr. xiii. 2). In 2 Chr. xi. 20 
she is called " Maachah the daughter of Absalom." 
Uriel was probably husband of Tamar 3, though 
Rashi makes his name Uriel Abishalom.— 4, An 
angel, or archangel, named only in 2 Esd. iv. 1, 36, 
v. 20, x. 28. 

I'-ri'jali (fr. Heb. Uriy&h = flame of Jehovah, 
, Ges. ; = Uriah and Urias). 1, Urijah the priest 
in the reign of Ahaz (2 K. xvi. 10) probably = 
Uriah 2. — 2. A priest (Neh. iii. 4, 21); = Uriah 
3.-3. One (probably a priest) who stood at Ezra's 
! right hand when he read the Law to the people 
(Neh. viii. 4). — 4. A prophet, son of Shemaiah of 
Kirjath-jeanm. He prophesied in the days of Je- 
hoiakim concerning the land and the city, just as 
j Jeremiah had done, and the king sought to put him 
i to death ; but he escaped into Egypt. His retreat 
was soon discovered : Elnathan and his men brought 
him up out of Egypt, and Jehoiakim slew him with 
the sword, and cast his body forth among the graves 
: of the common people (Jer. xxvi. 20-23). 

Trim and Tluim mini (Heb. plurals, see below). 
1. (1.) When the Jewish exiles were met on their 
i return from Babylon by a question which they had 
no data for answering, they agreed to postpone the 
settlement of the difficulty till there should rise up 
"a Priest with Urim and Thummim " (Ezr. ii. 63; 
j Neh. vii. 65). The inquiry, what those Urim and 
Thummim themselves were, seems likely to wait 
long for a final and satisfying answer. (2.) The 
starting-point of such an inquiry must be from the 
■ words themselves, which the A. V. has let t untrans- 
lated, (a.) Hebrew scholars, with hardly an excep- 
| tion, make Urim (urim) the plural of ur ( = light, 



URI 

or fire). The LXX. render it manifestation, mani- 
fest, enlightening ; the Vulgate leaching, judgment, 
&c. The literal English equivalent would of course 
be " lights ; " but the renderings in the LXX. and 
"Vulgate indicate, at least, a traditional belief among 
the Jews that the plural form did not involve nu- 
merical plurality, (b.) Thummim is almost unani- 
mously derived from torn (= perfection, complete- 
ness). The LXX. and Vulgate render it perfect 
once (Ezr. ii. 63), elsewhere truth. What has been 
said as to the plural of Urim applies here also. 
" Light and perfection " would probably be the 
best English equivalent of " Urim and Thummim." 
The mere phrase, as such, leaves it uncertain 
whether each word by itself denoted many things 
of a given kind, or whether the two taken together 
might be referred to two distinct objects, or to one 
and the same object (so Prof. Plumptre, original 
author of this article). In Deut. xxxiii. 8, we have 
separately, " Thy Thummim and thy Urim," the 
first order being inverted. " Urim " is found alone 
in Num. xxvii. 21 and 1 Sam. xxviii. 6. — II. Script- 
ural Statement.'!. (1.) The mysterious words meet 
us first, as if they needed no explanation, in the 
description of the high-priest's apparel (Ex. xxviii. 
30 ; High-priest, p. 382). Over the Ephod is to be 
a "breastplate of judgment," of gold, scarlet, pur- 
ple, and fine linen, folded square and doubled, a 
" span " in length and width. In it are to be set 
four rows of precious stones, each stone with the 
name of a tribe of Israel engraved on it, that Aaron 
may " bear them upon his heart." Inside the 
breastplate, as the Tables of the Covenant were 
placed inside the Ark (Heb. el, Ex. xxv. 16 [A. V. 
"into"], and xxviii. 30 [A. V. "in"]), are to be 
placed " the Urim and the Thummim," the light and 
the perfection ; and they, too, are to be on Aaron's 
heart, when he goes in before the Lord (xxviii. 15- 
30). Not a word describes them. They are men- 
tioned as things already familiar both to Moses and 
the people, connected naturally with the functions 
of the high-priest, as mediating between Jehovah 
and His people. The command is fulfilled (Lev. 
viii. 8). They pass from Aaron to Eleazar with the 
sacred Ephod and other pontificals (Num. xx. 28, 
compare xxvii. 21 ; Deut. xxxiii. 8, 9; see above, I. 
2,6). Once only are the "Urim" mentioned by 
name in the history of the Judges and the monarchy 
(1 Sam. xxviii. 6). At the close of the Captivity 
there is no longer " a priest with Urim and Thum- 
mim " (Ezr. ii. 63 ; Neh. vii. 65) to answer hard 
questions. (2.) Besides these direct statements, 
there are others in which we may, without violence, 
trace a reference, if not to both, at least to the 
" Urim." When questions precisely of the nature 
of those described in Num. xxvii. 21 are asked by 
the leader of the people, and answered by Jehovah 
(Judg. i. 1, xx. 18) — when like questions are asked 
by Saul of the high-priest Ahiah, " wearing an 
ephod" (1 Sam. xiv. 3, 18) — by David, as soon as 
he has with him the presence of a high-priest with 
his ephod (xxiii. 2, 12, xxx. 7, 8) — we may legiti- 
mately infer that the treasures which the ephod con- 
tained were the conditions and media of his answer. 
(3.) In some cases of deflection from the established 
religious order, we find the ephod connected not 
with the Urim, but with the Teraphim (Judg. xvii. 
5, xviii. 14, 20 ; Hos. iii. 4). — III. Theories. Of the 
numerous theories upon the subject the favorite view 
of Jewish and of some Christian writers has been, 
that the Urim and Thummim were identical witli 
1 the twelve stones on which the names of the tribes 



uz U49 

of Israel were engraved, and the mode in which an 
oracle was given wa3 by the illumination, simulta- 
neous or successive, of the letters which were to 
make up the answer (Mainionides, Chrysostom, 
Drusius, Grotius, &c). Another theory is, that in 
the middle of the ephod, or within its folds, was a 
stone engraved with the name Jehovah, and that 
by gazing on this, or reading an invocation engraved 
with it, or standing in his ephod before the mercy- 
seat, the high-priest became capable of prophesying, 
or hearing the Divine voice (Buxtorf, Lightfoot, 
&c). Spencer supposed the Urim = Teraphim. 
Michaelis regarded the Urim and Thummim as three 
stones ( Yes, No, and blank) used as lots. Ziillig 
(and so Winer) regards the Urim as bright (i. e. cut 
and polished) diamonds, the Thummim as perfect 
(i. e. whole, uncut) ones, each class with inscrip- 
tions, and a handful of them carried in the high- 
priest's breastplate, and, on being taken out and 
thrown, indicating an answer by their position in 
falling. Prof. Plumptre would trace the Urim and 
Thummim to the symbolism of Egypt, where priestly 
judges each wore suspended from his neck by a gold 
chain an image of Truth, often with closed eyes and 
made sometimes of a sapphire or other precious 
stone, and where members of the priestly caste wore 
in the centre of a pectoral plate or over the heart a 
known symbol of Light, viz. the sacred beetle or 
scarabmis. Another theory is, that the answer was 
given simply by the Word of the Lord to the high- 
priest (compare Jn. xi. 51), when he had inquired 
of the Lord clothed with the ephod and breast- 
plate. But all the theories are conjectures with- 
out knowledge. Divination ; Idolatry ; Inspira- 
tion ; Magic ; Oracle ; Prophet. 

U'sn-ry [yu'zhu-re] (fr. L. usura — a using, hence 
interest ; Heb. usually neshech ; Gr. tokos), now usu- 
ally = exorbitant interest, in the A. V. =: interest of 
money at any rate. The practice of mortgaging 
land, sometimes at exorbitant interest, grew up 
among the Jews during the Captivity, in direct vio- 
lation of the law (Lev. xxv. 36, 37 ; Ez. xviii. 8, 13, 
17). We find the rate among the ancient Romans, 
at the East now, &c, reaching 1 in 100 a month, or 
12 per cent, per annum. The law of the Koran, 
like the Jewish, forbids all exaction of interest. 
The laws of Menu (Hindoo) allow 18 and even 24 
per cent, as an interest rate ; but, as was the law in 
Egypt, accumulated interest was not to exceed twice 
the original sum lent. This Jewish practice was 
annulled by Nehemiah (Neh. v. 3-13). Loan. 

U'ta (fr. Gr.), ancestor of certain Nethinim (1 
Esd. v. 30) ; not in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

! thai, or U'tlia-i (Heb. whom Jehovah succors, 
Ges.). 1. Son of Ammihud, and descendant of Ju- 
dah (1 Chr. ix. 4) ; = Athaiah. — 2^ One of the sons 
of Bigvai, who returned with Ezra (Ezr. viii. 14). 

L'tUi (fr. Gr.) = Uthai 2 (1 Esd. viii. 40). 

Uz (fr. Heb. 'wis = light sandg soil and fertile? 
Ges.). 1. A son of Aram and grandson of Shem 
(Gen. x. 23 ; 1 Chr. i. 17).— 2. A son of Nahor 2 bv 
Milcah (Gen. xxii. 21; A. V. " Huz ").— 3. A son 
of Dishan, and grandson of Seir (xxxvi. 28). — 1. 
The country in which Job lived (Job i. 1). Mr. 
Bevan, original author of this article, regards the 
genealogical statements of the Book of Genesis as 
ethnological, and in many instances also geograph- 
ical (Tongues, Confusion of), and considers the co- 
incidence of names in the above cases as pointing 
to a fusion of various branches of the Shemitic race 
in a certain locality (compare Dedan, Seba, Shkba, 
&c). In his view the coincidences of names imply 



1150 



UZA 



UZZ 



that certain branches of the Aramaic family, being 
both more ancient and occupying a more northerly 
position than the others, coalesced with branches of 
the later Abrahamids, holding a somewhat central 
position in Mesopotamia and Palestine, and again 
with branches of the still later Edomites of the 
south, after they had become a distinct race from 
the Abrahamids. This conclusion he confirms by 
the geographical position of Uz, as described in the 
Book of Job. As far as we can gather, it lay either 
E. or S. E. of Palestine (Job i. 3) ; adjacent to the 
Sabcans and the Chaldeans (15, 17), consequently 
northward of the southern Arabians, and westward 
of the Euphrates ; and, lastly, adjacent to the Edom- 
ites of Mount Seir, who at one period occupied Uz, 
probably as conquerors (Lam. iv. 21), and whose 
troglodyte habits are probably described in Job xxx. 

6, 7. Hence Mr. Bevan and others infer that the 
land of Uz corresponds to the Arabia Dcserta of 
classical geography, at all events to so much of it 
as lies X. of latitude 30°. (Arabia.) Whether the 
name of Uz survived to classical times is uncertain : 
a tribe named -tEsitas (Gr. Aisitai) is mentioned by 
Ptolemy : this Bochart identifies with the Uz of 
Scripture. East. 

t'ul, or I 'za-l (lleb., probably = strong, robu.il, 
Ges.), father of Palal, who assisted Nehemiah in re- 
building the city-wall (Neb. iii. 20). 

I'zal (lleb. a continual going forth, Sim. ; a wan- 
derer? Ayrc), sixth son of Joktan (Gen. x. 27; 1 
C'hr. i. 21), whose settlements arc clearly traced in 
the ancient name of San'd, the capital city of the Ye- 
men, which was originally AwzAl (so Mr. E. S. Poole, 
and scholars generally). It has disputed the right 
to be the chief city of the kingdom of Siif.ba from 
the earliest ages of which any traditions have come 
down to us. From its position in the centre of the 
best portion of that, kingdom, it must always have 
been an important city, though probably of less im- 
portance than Sebd itself. Xiebuhr says that it is 
a walled town, in an elevated country, in lat. 15° 
2', and with a stream (after heavy rains) running 
through it, and another larger stream a little to the 
W. It has a citadel on the site of a famous temple. 
The houses and palaces of San'u are finer than those 
of any other town of Arabia; and it possesses many 
mosques, public baths, and caravanserais. Its pres- 
ent population is estimated at 70,000 (Ntw Amcr. 
Ci/e.). Uzal, or Awzd!, most probably = the Au- 
zara, or Ausara, of the classics. It is perhaps re- 
ferred to in Ez. xxvii. 19, translated in the A. V. j 
"Javan, going to and fro," margin " Meuzal ; " 
which might be translated from Uzal; but Gese- ! 
nius, &c., translate something spun, i. e. thread, yarn. 

Iz'za (Heb. slren<fth, Ges.). 1. A Benjamite of 1 
the sons of Ehud (1 Chr. viii. 7). — 2. Uzzah (xiii. 

7, 9-11). — 3. Ancestor of a family of Xethinim who 
returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 49; Xeh. vii. 51). 
— i. A Levite, son of Shimei and descendant of 
Merari (1 Chr. vi. 29 [Heb. 14]). Some suppose a 
gap in the verse, and conjecture that this Uzza may 
be a Gershonite, = Zina, or Zizah, the son of Shimei 
(xxiii. 10, 11 ; Shimei 17). 

Iz'za ^see above), the garden of; the spot in 
which Manasseh and his son Amon, kings of Judah, 
were both buried (2 K. xxi. 18, 26). It was the i 
garden attached to Manasseh's palace (ver. 18). j 
The fact of its mention shows that it was not where 
the usual sepulchres of the kings were. (Tomb.) It 
is ingeniously sugge-ted by Cornelius a LapiJe, that 
the garden was so called from being on the spot 
where Uzza 2 or Uzzah died. 



I'z'zah (Heb. = Uzza, Ges.), one of the sons of 
Abinaoab 1, in whose house at Kirjath-jkarim the 
ark rested for twenty years; = Uzza 2. Uzzah 
probably was the second, and Amo 1 the third son. 
(Ei.eazar 2.) They both accompanied its removal, 
when David first undertook to carry it to Jerusa- 
lem. Ahio apparently went before the new cart ( 1 
Chr. xiii. 7) on which it was placed, and Uzzah 
walked by the side. " At the threshing-floor of 
Xaciion " (2 Sam. vi. G), or Ciiidon (1 Chr. xiii. 9), 
the oxen stumbled. Uzzah caught the ark to pre- 
vent its falling. He died immediately by its side. 
His death, so sudden and awful, is ascribed directly 
to the Divine anger. The narrative seems to imply 
that his "error" or sin was the rough, hasty han- 
j dlingof the sacred coder (so Dean Stanley). Perez- 

UZZAH. 

I z zoil-she rall (Heb. ear of Shcrah, or Shcrah's 
corner, Ges.), a town founded or rebuilt by Siikraii ; 
named only in 1 Chr. vii. 24, in connection with the 
two Beth-horons. Xo trace of it appears to have 
been yet discovered, unless in D, it Sira, on the X. 
side of the Wady Suleiman, about three miles S. W. 
of Deitur et-tnhta (lower Bktii-horon). 

Iz'zi (Heb. = Uzziah, Ges.). 1. Son of Bukki, 
and father of Zerahiah, in the line of the high-priests 
(1 Chr. vi. 5, 51 ; Ezr. vii. 4). He must have been 
contemporary with, but rather earlier than, Eli. 
(High-priest.) — 2. Son of Tola the son of Issaehar 
(1 Chr. vii. 2, 3).— 3. A Benjamite chief, son of 
Bela (vii. 7). — I. A Benjamite, father or ancestor 
of the Elah settled at Jerusalem after the Captivity 
(ix. 8). — 5. A Levite, son of Bani, and overseer of 
the Levites at Jerusalem, in Xehemiah's time (Xeh. 
xi. 22).— 6. A priest, chief of the house of Jcdaiah, 
in the time of high-priest Joiakim (xii. 19). — 7. Oik; 
of the priests who assisted Ezra in the dedication of 
the wall of Jerusalem (xii. 42) ; perhaps = Xo. 6. 

1'z-zi'n (IV. Heb. = Uzziel, Fii.), "the Ashtkka- 
tiiite," one of David's valiant men (1 Chr. xi. 44). 

I'z-zi'ali (fr. Heb. = might of Jehovah, Ges.). 1. 
A king of Judah. (Israel, Kingdom of; Judah, 
Kingdom ok.) In some passages his name appears 
as Azariah, which Gesenius attributes to an error 
of the copyists. This is possible, but there are other 
instances of the princes of Judah changing their 
names on succeeding to the throne (so Bishop Cot- 
ton, original author of this article). After the mur- 
der of Amaziaii, his son Uzziah was chosen by the 
people to occupy the vacant throne at the age of 
sixteen ; and for the greater part of his long reign 
of fifty-two years he lived in the fear of God, and 
showed himself a wise, active, and pious ruler. He 
began his reign by a successful expedition against 
his father's enemies, the Edomites, who had revolted 
from Judah in Jehoram's time, eighty years before, 
and penetrated as far as the head of the Gulf of 
'Akabah, where he took Elath (2 K. xiv. 22 ; 2 Chr. 
xxvi. 1, &c). Uzziah waged other victorious wars 
in the S., especially against the Mehdnim, and the 
Arabs of Gur-baal. Toward the W., Uzziah fought 
with equal success against the Philistines, levelled to 
the ground the walls of Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod, 
and founded new fortified cities in the Philistine ter- 
ritory. He strengthened the walls of Jerusalem, 
and equipped an army of 307,500 men. He was 
also a great patron of agriculture. He never de- 
serted the worship of the true God, and was much 
influtneed by Zechariah 24, a prophet mentioned 
only in connection with him. So the southern king- 
dom was raised to a condition of prosperity which 
it had not known since the death of Solomon. Uz- 



uzz 



VAU 



1151 



ziah, elated with his splendid career, determined to 
burn incense on the altar of God, but was opposed 
by the high-priest Azariah 14 and eighty others (see 
Ex. xxx. 7, 8 ; Num. xvi. 40, xviii. 7 ; Priest). The 
king was enraged at their resistance, and, as he 
pressed forward with his censer, was suddenly smit- 
ten with leprosy. Uzziah was buried "with his 
fathers " (Tomb), yet apparently not actually in the 
royal sepulchres (2 Chr. xxvi. 23). During his reign 
an earthquake occurred, apparently very serious 
in its consequences (Am. i. 1 ; Zeeh. xiv. 5). The 
prophets Isaiah, Amos, and Hosea were contempo- 
rary with Uzziah. — 2. A Kohathite Levite, ancestor 
of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 24 [Heb. 9]).— 3. A priest of 
the sons of Harim ; husband of a foreign wife in 
Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 21). — 4. Father of Athaiah, or 
Uthai (Neh. xi. 4). — 5. Father of Jehonathan, one 
of David's overseers (1 Chr. xxvii. 25). 

Bz'zi-el, or llz-zi'el (Heb. might of God, Ges. ; 
God is my strength, Lord A. C. Hervey). 1. A 
Levite, fourth son of Kohath, and ancestor of the 
Uzzielites; father of Mishasl, Elzaphan or Eliza- 
phan, and Zithri, and uncle to Aaron (Ex. vi. 18, 22 ; 
Lev. x. 4 ; Num. iii. 19, 30; 1 Chr. vi. 2, 18, xv. 10, 
xxiii. 12, 20, xxiv. 24). — 2. A Simeonite captain, son 
of Ishi, and participant in the expedition against the 
Amalekites of Seir in Hezekiah's time (iv. 42). — 3. 
A Benjamite chief, son of Bela (vii. 7). — 4. A Levite 
musician, son of Heman (xxv. 4); = Azareel 2. — 
5. A Levite, of the sons of Jeduthun, active in puri- 
fying the Temple in Hezekiah's time (2 Chr. xxix. 
14, 19). — 6. Son of Harhaiah, probably a priest, in 
the days of Nehemiah, who took part in repairing 
the wall (Neh. iii. 8). He is described as " of the 
goldsmiths," i. e. of those priests whose hereditary 
office it was to repair or make the sacred vessels (so 
Lord A. C. Hervey). 

Uz'zi-el-ites, or Uz-zi'el-ites, the = the descend- 
ants of Uzziel 1, and one of the four great families 
of the Kohathites (Num. iii. 27 ; 1 Chr. xxvi. 23). 



V 

* Va'heb (Heb. a gift ?), a doubtful word found 
only in Num. xxi. 14 margin, translated " what he 
did " in the text ; perhaps the proper name of a 
place in the territory of Moab on the Arnon ; ac- 
cording to Le Clerc, =: Mattanah in ver. 18 (Ges.). 
Numbers, p. 745. 

* Vail = Veil. 

Va-jez'a-taa, or Vaj-c-za'tha (Heb. fr. Pers. = 
white, pure, Ges.), one of Hainan's ten sons whom 
the Jews slew in Shushan (Esth. ix. 9). 

Vale, and Val'ley = a hollow sweep of ground be- 
tween two more or less parallel ridges of high land. 
" Vale " is the poetical or provincial form. The 
structure of the greater part of the Holy Land does 
not lend itself to the formation of valleys in our 
sense of the word. The abrupt transitions of its 
crowded rocky hills preclude the existence of any 
extended sweep of valley. The nearest approach is 
found in the space (not mentioned in the Bible) be- 
tween the mountains of Gerizim and Ebal, which 
contains the town of Ndbulus, the ancient Shechem. 
Another is the " Valley of Jezreel." Valley is em- 
ployed in the A. V. to render six different words, 
Hebrew and Greek, two of which (No. 1 and 5) are 
also translated " vale." — 1. Heb. 'emek (so Mr. Grove) 
appears to approach more nearly to the general sense 
of the English word than any other. Gesenius makes 



the Hebrew word = " a valley, properly a long low 
plain." (Plain 8.) It is connected with Achor, 
Ajalon, Baca, Berachah, Betii-reiiob, Decision, 
Elah, Gibeon, Hebron, Jehoshaphat, Keziz, Reph- 
aim, Siiaveh, SmniM, Succoth ; but the only one 
which can be identified with any certainty is that of 
Jezreel. — 2. Heb. gay and gey — a valley, so called 
as the place where waters flow together ; then a level 
region, low plain, Ges. One example remaining can 
be identified with certainty — the deep hollow which 
encompasses theS. W. and S. of Jerusalem, and with- 
out doubt = " the Valley of Hinnom " (Heb. gey- 
Hinnom) or " the valley of the son of Hinnom " 
(Heb. gey ben-Hinnom) of the 0. T. This identifica- 
tion appears to establish the gey as a deep and abrupt 
rayine, with steep sides and narrow bottom (so Mr. 
Grove). Other " valleys " of this kind, or ravines, 
are those of Gedor, Jiphthah-el, Zeboim, Zepiia- 
thah, of Salt, of Charashim or " craftsmen," on the 
N. of A i, and opposite Beth-peor. — 3. Heb. nahctl 
or nachal = Ar. wady = " Brook " 4, and " River " 
2. — 4. Heb. bik'dh (Plain 2) is rendered by " valley " 
in Deut. viii. 7, xi. 11, xxxiv. 3; Josh. xi. 8, 17, xii. 
7; 2 Chr. xxxv. 22; Ps. civ. 8 ; Is. xli. 18, lxiii. 14; 
Ez. xxxvii. 1, 2; Zech. xii. 11.— 5. Heb. hash- 

j Shepheldh (Judah 1 [II.]; Low Country; Pales- 
tine; Plain 6 ; Sephela) is rendered " the vale" in 

I Deut. i. 7; Josh. x. 40; 1 K. x. 27; 2 Chr. i. 15; 

j Jer. xxxiii. 13; and "the valley" or "valleys" in 
Josh. ix. 1, xi. 2, 16 twice, xii. 8, xv. 33; Judg. i. 9; 
Jer. xxxii. 44. — 6. Gr. pharangx — (so Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.) a ravine, chasm, a narrow and deep pass or 
valley with precipitous rocky sides (Lit. iii. 5 only, 
quoted from Is. xl. 4, where the LXX. has it for 
No. 2 above). 

*Val'ley-gate (2 Chr. xxvi. 9; Neh. iii. 13), or 
Gate of the Val'ley (ii. 13, 15), a gate of Jerusalem, 
leading out into the upper part of the Valley of Hin- 
nom, where now is the Jaffa gate (Ges.). 

Va-lli'all (fr. Heb. = Jah is praise, Fii.), one of 
the sons of Bani ; husband of a foreign wife in Ezra's 
time (Ezr. x. 36). 

* Vapor, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. ed. 
(Mist.) — 2. Heb. ndsi (in pi. literally risings, i. e. 
vapors rising from the earth, Ges.) (Ps. exxxv. 7; 
Jer. x. 13, li. 16), also translated in A. V. and by 
Gesenius once " clouds " (Prov. xxv. 14). (Cap- 
tain, &c.)— 3. Heb. kitor once (Ps. cxlviii. 8), else- 
where translated in A. V. and by Gesenius " smoke " 
(Gen. xix. 28 ; Ps. cxix. 83). — 4. Heb. y 6hh once (Job 
xxxvi. 33, marg. " that which goeth up ; " Gesenius 
translates Him who goeth up on high, i. e. God ascend- 
ing in the tempest). 5. Gr. atmis (Acts ii. 19 ; Jas. 
iv. 14). Cloud; Dew, &c. 

Vasb'ni (Heb., see below), the firstborn of Samuel 
as the text now stands (1 Chr. vi. 28 [Heb. 13]); = 
Joel 1. Many suppose that in the Chronicles the 
name " Joel " has dropped out, and " Vashni " is a 
corruption of Heb. visheni, " and (the) second." But 
Fiirst makes " Vashni " = Jah is strong, and says, 
" Joel," which stands for it in 1 Sam. viii. 2, may 
have the same signification. 

Vash'ti (Heb. fr. Pers. = a beauty, Ges.), the 
" queen " of Ahasuerus 3, who, for refusing to show 
herself to the king's guests at the royal banquet, 
when sent for by the king, was repudiated and de- 
posed (Esth. i.). Lord A. C. Hervey supposes that 
she was only one of the inferior wives, with the title 
of " queen," whose name has disappeared from his- 
tory. Esther. 

* Vat. Fat ; Olive ; Wine-press. 

* Van (Heb. vdv = a peg, nail, hook, Ges.), the 



1152 



VED 



VER 



sixth letter of the Hebrew alphabet (Pa. cxix.). 
Writing. 

* Ve dan. Dan 3. 

Veil. Under Dkkss, p. 235, are noticed three He- 
brew terms {milpahath or mitpachath, tsd'iph, and 
rad'ul), rendered " vail " or " veil " in the A. V., but 
regarded as denoting rather shawls, or mantles, 
which might at pleasure be drawn over the face, but 
were not designed for the special purpose of veils. 
The following terms (so Mr. Bevan) describe the veil 
proper : — 1. Heb. masveh, used of the " veil " which 
Moses assumed when he came down from the mount 
(Ex. xxxiv. 33-35), for which the LXX. (1. c.) and 
N. T. (2 Cor. iii. 13) have Gr. kalumma. It was 
probably an ample outer robe which might be drawn 
over the face when required. — 2. Heb. pi. mispaholh, 
or mitpdchdth, used of the veils which the false proph- 
ets placed upon their heads (Ez. xiii. 18, 21 ; A. 
V. "kerchiefs"). — 3. Heb. pi. rc'dloth, used of the 
light veils worn by females (Is. iii. 19, A. V. " muf- 
flers"). — 4. Heb. tsammah, understood by the A. 
V. (with Rashi, and Kimchi, and Winer) of "locks" 
of hair (Cant. iv. 1, 3, vi, 7 ; Is. xlvii. 2); but the 
contents of the passages in which it is used favor 
the sense of veil (Gesenius, Fiirst, ic.). The use 
of the veil was by no means so general in ancient as 
in modern times (Gen. xii. 14, xxiv. 16, xxix. 10; 1 
Sam. i. 12). At present females are rarely seen 
without it in Oriental countries. Much of the scru- 
pulousness in this respect dates from the promulga- 
tion of the Koran, which forbade women appearing 
unveiled except in the presence of their nearest rela- 
tives. In ancient times, the veil was adopted only 
in exceptional cases, as an article of ornamental 
dress (Cant, iv 1, 3, vi. 7), or by betrothed maidens 
in the presence of their future husbands, especially 
at the time of the wedding (Gen. xxiv. 65, xxix. 25), 
or by women of loose character for purposes of con- 
cealment (xxxviii. 14). Among the Jews of the N. 
T. age it appears to have been customary for the 
women to cover their heads (not necessarily their 
faces) when engaged in public worship (1 Cor. xi. 
6-15). Marriage; Women. 

Veil of the Tab'er-na-cle, Veil of the Tem'ple 
(Heb. massechak, perochelh ; Gr. kalapttasma). Tab- 
ernacle; Temple. 

* Ver-mil ion. Colors, II. 4. 

Ver sions, An'eient, of the Old and Xew Testa- 
ments. The ancient versions that have come down 
to us, in whole or in part, will be described in the 
alphabetical order of the languages. In most of 
them the 0. T. is not a version from the Hebrew, 
but merely a secondary translation from the Scptua- 
gint in some one of its early forms. It may be added 
:hat during the present century, more than 200 dif- 
ferent versions of the Bible, or of parts of the Bible, 
in more than 150 different languages or dialects, an- 
cient or modern, have been published and circu- 
lated, in great part through the efforts of Christian 
missionaries and Bible societies. Of the articles 
here grouped under the general title of ancient ver- 
sions, eight (A, B, D, E, F, G, J, R) are abridged 
from the originals by Dr. Tregelles, and one(L) from 
that by Mr. Deutsch. These are followed by a 
separate article (Version, Authorized) on the Eng- 
lish version. The Samaritan Version, Septuagint, 
and Vulgate, are treated of elsewhere under their 
respective titles. Bible ; Canon ; New Testament ; 
Old Testament, &c. 

A. Ar a-bic Ver sions.— I. Arabic Versions of the 
0. T. — (A.) From the Hebrew. Eabbi Saadia'h (in. 
L. Saadias) Haggaon, the Hebrew commentator of 



the tenth century, translated portions (some think 
the whole) of the 0. T. into Arabic. His version 
of the Pentateuch was printed at Constantinople, in 
1546. The Paris Polyglott contains the same ver- 
sion from a MS. differing in many of its readings : 
this was reprinted by Walton. It seems as if copy- 
ists had in parts altered the version considerably. 
The version of Isaiah by Saadiah was printed by 
Paulus, at Jena, in 1791, from a Bodleian MS.; the 
same library contains a MS. of his version of Job 
and of the Psalms. Kimchi quotes his version of 
Ilosca. — The Book of Joshua in the Paris and Wal- 
ton's Polyglotts is also from the Hebrew; and this 
(so Rodiger) is tin- case with the Polyglott text of 1 
K. xii.— 2 K. xii. 16, and of Neh. i.-ix. 27.' (Samar- 
itan Pentateuch, II. 3.) (B.) From the Peshito- 
Syriac. This is the base of the Arabic text in the 
Polyglotts of the Books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, 
Kings, and Xehemiah. (C.) From the LXX. The 
version in the Polyglotts of the books not specified 
above. Another text of the Psalter in Justinian's 
Octuple Psa/tcr, Genoa, 1516. — II. Arabic Versions 
of the X. T. The printed editions are — 1. The Ro- 
man first edition of the four Gospels, 1590-91. 2. 
The Erpenian Arabic. The whole N. T. edited by 
Erpenius, 1616, al Leyden, from a MS. of the thir- 
teenth or fourteenth century. 3. The Arabic of 
the Paris Polyglott, 1645. In the Gospels this fol- 
lows mostly the Roman text; in the Epistles a MS. 
from Aleppo was used. The Arabic in Walton's 
Polyglott appears to be simply taken from the Paris 
text. 4. The Carshuni Arabic text (i. e. in Syriac 
letters), the Syriac and Arabic N. T., published at 
Rome, in IT 1 ':;. For this a MS. brought from Cyprus 
was used. — Storr proved that in all these editions 
the Gospels are really the same translation. Juyn- 
boll proves that an Arabic MS. at Franeker coin- 
cides in its general text with the Roman first edi- 
tion, that both follow the Latin Vulgate. The 
greater agreement of the Polyglott text with the 
(ireek he ascribes to the influence of the Aleppo 
M.S. Juynljoll identifies the text of the Franeker 
MS. (and of the Roman edition) with the version 
made in the eighth century by John, Bishop of Se- 
ville. In the Erpenian Arabic the latter part is a 
translation from the Peshito-Syriac ; the Epistles 
not found in that version and the Apocalypse are 
said to be from the Memphitic. The latter part of 
the text in the Polyglotts is from the Greek (see 
note *, below). 

B. Ar-me'ni-an Ver'sion. Before the fifth century 

I the Armenians are said to have used the Syriac al- 
phabet; but at that time Miesrob is stated to have 

| invented the Armenian letters. Soon after this it 
is said that Miesrob, with his companions, Joseph 
and Eznak, began a version of the Scriptures from 

' the Syriac, and completed all the 0. T. ; and in the 
Xew, they used the Syriac as their basis, from their 
inability to obtain any Greek books. But when, in 
431, Joseph and Eznak returned from the council 

! of Ephesus with a Greek copy of the Scriptures, 
Isaac, the Armenian patriarch, and Miesrob, threw 
aside what they had done, that they might execute 
a version from the Greek. But now arose the diffi- 
culty of their want of a competent acquaintance 
with that language : to remedy this, Eznak and Jo- 
seph were sent with Moses of Chorene (the narrator 



1 A new and accurate Arabic version of the entire Bible, 
made from the original langnases bv the late Eli Smith, 
D. D.. and Rev. C. H. A. Van D'yck. M. D., American mis- 
sionaries at Beirflt in Syria, was electrotyped by the Amer- 
: lean Bible Society in 1867. 



VER 



VER 



1153 



of these details) to study Greek at Alexandria. 
There they made what Moses calls their third trans- 
lation, the first being that from the Syriac, and the 
second that attempted without sufficient acquaint- 
ance with the Greek. The first printed edition of 
the 0. and N. T. in Armenian appeared at Amster- 
dam in 1666, under the care of a person commonly 
termed Oscan, or Uscan, and described as an Arme- 
nian bishop. Zohrab, in 1789, published at Venice 
an improved text of the Armenian N. T. ; and in 
1805 he and his coadjutors completed an edition of 
the entire Armenian Scriptures. The basis was a 
MS. written in the fourteenth century. The Arme- 
nian version in its general texture is a valuable aid 
to the criticism of the text of the N. T. 3 Armenia. 

C. Clial'dee Ver'sions = Targums. (See L, below). 

Dt E-gyp'tian Ver'sions. — I. The Memphitic Ver- 
sion, formerly called (from the ancient Coplos in Up- 
per Egypt) the Coptic Version, was for a considerable 
time the only Egyptian translation known to schol- 
ars ; but when the fact was established that there 
were at least two Egyptian versions, the name Cop- 
tic was found to be indefinite, and even unsuitable 
for the translation then so termed ; and Copto-Mem- 
phitic, or more simply Memphitic (Memphis), is the 
better name for the version in the dialect of Lower 
Egypt. When Egyptian translations were made we 
do not know : probably before the middle of the 
fourth century. When the attention of European 
scholars was directed to the language and races of 
modern Egypt, it was found that while the native 
Christians use only Arabic vernacularly, yet in their 
services and in their public reading of the Script- 
ures they employ a dialect of the Coptic. This is 
the version now termed Memphitic. Wilkins in 
1716 published at Oxford, England, the first Mem- 
phitic N. T., founded on MSS. in the Bodleian, and 
compared with some at Rome and Paris. In 1846-8 
Schwartze published at Berlin an edition of the 
Memphitic Gospels, in which he employed MSS. in 
the Royal Library there. He produced a far more 
satisfactory work than that of Wilkins ; but death 
prevented the continuation of his labors. Since 
then Boetticher's editions, first of the Acts and then 
of the Epistles, have appeared. In 1848-52 a mag- 
nificent edition of the Memphitic N. T. was published 
by the (English) Society for Promoting Christian 
Knowledge, under the editorial care of the Rev. R. 
T. Lieder of Cairo. This edition, intended solely 
for the use of the Coptic Churches, has at the side 
a small column in Arabic. The 0. T. of this version 
was made from the LXX. Of this various portions 
have been published at different times. — II. The 
Thebaic Version. The examination of Egyptian 
MSS. in the last century showed besides the Mem- 
phitic another version in a cognate Egyptian dialect. 
To this the name Sahidic was applied by some, from 
an Arabic designation for Upper Egypt and its an- 
cient language ; but Copto-Thebaic (as styled by 
Giorgi), or simply Thebaic (Thebes), is far prefer- 
able. In 1785 Mingarelli published a few portions 
of this version of the N. T. from MSS. In 1789 
Giorgi edited very valuable Greek and Thebaic frag- 
ments of St. John's Gospel, which appear to belong 
to the fifth century. Miinter, in 1787, published a 

2 The ancient Armenian being unintelligible to the mass 
of the people, several translations of the Scriptures into 
the modern Armenian and Armeno-Turkish (i. e. Turkish 
in Armenian characters) have been published, the latest 
and best being those prepared by American missionaries 
in Turkey (Rev. J. B. Adger, Rev. Elias Riggs, D. D., Rev. 
Wm. Goodell, D. D., &c), and published by the American 
Bible Society. 

73 



fragment of Daniel in this version ; and in 1789 
portions of the Epistles to Timothy, with readings 
from MSS. in other parts of the N. T. In the fol- 
lowing year Mingarelli printed, hut died without, 
properly speaking, publishing, Mk. xi. 29-xv. 22, 
from MSS. Woide's edition appeared after his 
death, under the editorial care of Ford, in 1799, and 
contains the greater part of the Thebaic N. T. — III. 
A Third Egyptian Version. Some Egyptian frag- 
ments, noticed by Miinter and Giorgi amongst the 
Borgian MSS., and differing in dialect both from the 
Memphitic and Thebaic, were edited by both these 
scholars independently in 1789. Other portions, 
transcribed independently by Zoega and Engelbreth, 
appeared in 1810 and 1811. Arabian writers men- 
tion a third Egyptian dialect named Bashmuric, and 
this has by some been assumed as the appellation 
for this version. Giorgi supposed this the dialect 
of the Ammonian Oasis ; in this Miinter agreed 
with him ; and thus they called the version the Am- 
monian. The dialect is, however, closely allied to 
the Thebaic, if really different from it. — Character 
of the Egyptian Versions. The Thebaic and Mem- 
phitic translations are independent of each other, 
and both spring from Greek copies. It is probable 
that the Thebaic version was made in the early part 
of the third century, for the common people among 
the Christians in Upper Egypt ; that it was formed 
from MSS. such as were then current in the regions 
of Egypt distant from Alexandria; that afterward 
the Memphitic version was executed in the more 
polished dialect, from the Greek copies of Alexan- 
dria ; and that thus in process of time the Memphitic 
remained alone in ecclesiastical use. In textual 
criticism, the value of these versions, though known 
only through defective channels, is very high. (New 
Testament, III. 3.) The fragments of the third 
Egyptian version follow the Thebaic so closely as to 
have no independent character. This version does, 
however, possess critical value, as furnishing evi- 
dence in a small portion not known in the Thebaic. 

E-thi-op'ic Ver'sion. Christianity was intro- 
duced into Ethiopia in the fourth century, through 
the labors of Frumentius and ^Edesius of Tyre, who 
had been made slaves and sent to the king. Hence 
arose the episcopal see of Axum, to which Frumen- 
tius was appointed by Athanasius. The Ethiopic 
version which we possess is in the ancient dialect of 
Axum ; hence some have ascribed it to the age of 
the earliest missionaries ; but, from the general char- 
acter of the version itself, this is improbable ; and 
the Abyssinians themselves attribute it to a later 
period. The 0. T., as well as the N. T., was exe- 
cuted from the Greek. (New Testament ; Septua- 
gint.) In 1513 Potken published the Ethiopic Psal- 
ter at Rome. In 1548-9, the Ethiopic N. T. was 
also printed at Rome, edited by three Abyssinians. 
The Roman edition was reprinted in Walton's Poly- 
glott; and from this Bode, in 1753, published a care- 
ful Latin translation of the Ethiopic text. In 1826. 
-30, a new edition, formed by a collation of MSS.,. 
was published in England under the care of Mr.. 
Thomas Pell Piatt, whose object was not strictly 
critical, but rather to give to the Abyssinians their 
Scriptures for ecclesiastical use in as good a form as 
he conveniently could, consistently with MS. author- 
ity. The probability appears to be that there was- 
originally one version of the Gospels ; that this was 
afterward revised with Greek MSS. of a different 
complexion of text ; that succeeding copyists adopt- 
ed one or the other form, or a confused combination! 
of readings; and that all the portion of the N. T. 



1154 



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after the Gospels originated from some of the later 
revisers of the former part, its paraphrastic tone ac- 
cording with this opinion. An examination of the 
version proves both that it was executed from the 
Greek, and also that the translator made such mis- 
takes that he could hardly have been a person to 
whom Greek was the native tongue. The first por- 
tion of a complete edition by Dillmann of the Ethi- 
opic 0. T. appeared at Leipsic in 1853. 

F. dotli if Version. Ulphilas, born in a. r>. 318, 
succeeded Theophilus as bishop of the Goths (then 
inhabiting regions on the Danube) in 348, when he 
subscribed a confession rejecting the Nicene creed ; 
through him it is said that the Goths in general 
adopted Arianism. The great work of Ulphilas was 
his version of the Scriptures, the use of which can 
be traced among the Goths in Italy (Romas Empire) 
and Spain. In 1048, amongst the spoils from Prague 
was sent to Stockholm a copy of the Gothic Gospels, 
known as the Codex Argcntent (= the Silver MS.), 
generally supposed to be the same that Morillon had 
noted as previously in the monastery at Werden in 
Westphalia. In 1C55 it was in the possession of 
Isaac Vossius in Holland. In 1662 it was repur- 
chased for Sweden by Count Magnus Gabriel de 
la Gardie, who placed it in the library of the Univer- 
sity of Opsal. While the book was in the hands 
of Vossius a tran>cript was made of its text, from 
which Junius, his uncle, edited the first edition of 
the Gothic Gospels at Dort in 1C65. The MS. is 
written on vellum that was once purple, in silver 
letters, except those at the beginning of sections, 
which are golden. The gospels have many lacunce 
(=gap.i): it is calculated that when entire it con- 
sisted of 320 folios; there are now but 188. It is 
pretty certain that this beautiful and elaborate MS. 
must have been written in the sixth century, prob- 
ably in Upper Italy when under the Gothic sover- 
eignty. Knittel, in 1762, edited from a Wolfenbiit- 
tel palimpsest some portions of the Epistle to the 
Romans in Gothic, in which the Latin stood by the 
side of the version of Ulphilas. In 1817 Cardinal 
Mai found among the palimpsests in the Ambrosian 
Library at Milan five which contained portions of 
the Gothic Version. Mai and Count Carlo Ottavio 
Castiglione deciphered these MSS., and their labors 
resulted in the recovery, besides a few portions of 
the 0. T., of almost the whole of the thirteen Epis- 
tles of St. Paul and some parts of the Gospels. The 
edition of Gabelentz and Loebe (1836-45) contains 
all that has been discovered of the Gothic Version, 
with a Latin translation, notes, and a Gothic Dic- 
tionary and Grammar. In 1854 Uppstrom published 
an excellent edition of the text of the Codex Argen- 
teus, with a beautiful facsimile. In 1855-6 Mass- 
mann issued an excellent small edition of all the 
Gothic portions of the Scriptures known to be ex- 
tant. As an ancient monument of the Gothic lan- 
guage the version of Ulphilas possesses great in- 
terest ; as a version the use of which was once ex- 
tended widely through Europe, it is a monument of 
the Christianization of the Goths ; and as a version 
known to have been made in the fourth century, and 
transmitted to us in ancient MSS., it has its value in 
textual criticism. In certain passages it has been 
thought that there is some proof of the influence 
of the Latin ; but its Greek origin is not to be mis- 
taken. The Greek from which the version was made 
must in many respects have been what has been 
rtermed the transition text of the fourth century. 

G. Greek Ver sions of the Old Tes'ta-ment. — 1. 
Septuagint. — 2. Aqtila. The first of the three 



Greek versions of the 0. T. made in the second cen- 
tury was by Aquila, a native of Sinope in Pontus, 
who had become a proselyte to Judaism. The Je- 
rusalem Talmud describes him as a disciple of Rabbi 
Akiba; and this would place him in the reign of 
Hadrian (a. d. 117-138). It is supposed that his 
object was to aid the Jews in their controversies 
with the Christians. Extreme literality and an oc- 
casional polemical bias appear to be its chief char- 
acteristics. Aquila put forth a second edition (i. e. 
revision) of his version, in which the Hebrew was 
yet more servilely followed, but it is not known if 
this extended to the whole, or only to Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel, and Daniel. — 3. Theodolion. The second 
, version executed in the second century is Theodo- 
tion's. He is stated to have been an Ephesian, and 
an Ebionite : if this is correct, his work was prob- 
ably intended for those semi-Christians who may 
have desired to use a version of their own instead 
of employing the LXX. with the Christians, or that 
of Aquila with the Jews. But the work of Theodo- 
ti"ii is rather a re vision of the LXX. with the Hebrew 
text than a translation. The statement of Epipha- 
nius, that he made his translation in the reign of 
( lommoduB, accords well with its having been quoted 
by Irena;us, but cannot be correct if it is one of the 
translations referred to by Justin Martyr as giving 
interpretations contrary to the Christian doctrine 
of the N. T. In most editions of the LXX. Theodo- 
tion's version of Daniel is still substituted for that 
which really belongs to that translation. — 4. Sym- 
rnaehus is stated by Euscbius and Jerome to have 
been an Ebionite: so too in the Syrian accounts 
given by Assemani ; Epiphanius, however, and others 
style him a Samaritan. Epiphanius says that he 
lived under the Emperor Severus. The translation 
which he produced was probably better than the 
others as to sense and general phraseology. — 5. The 
Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Versions. Besides the 
translations of Aquila, Symroachus, and Theodotion, 
the great critical work of Origen comprised, as to 
portions of the 0. T., three other versions, placed 
for comparison with the LXX. ( Sept tag i nt), which, 
from their being anonymous, are only known as the 
fifth, sixth, and seventh; designations taken from 
their places in Origen's columnar arrangement. 
Eusebius says that one of these versions was found 
at Jericho, and another at Nicopolis on the gulf of 
Actium. Epiphanius says that the fifth was found 
at Jericho, and the sixth at Xicopolis ; while Je- 
rome speaks of the filth as found at the latter place. 
The contents of the fifth version appear to have been 
the Pentateuch, Psalms, Canticles, and the minor 
prophets ; it seems also referred to in the Syro- 
Hexaplar text of 2 Kings. The translator used the 
Hebrew original, but was aided by the work of for- 
mer translators. The sixth version seems to have 
been just the same in its contents as the fifth (ex- 
cept 2 Kings). Jerome calls the authors of the fifth 
and sixth " Jewish translators ; " but the translator 
of this must have been a Christian when he executed 
his work, or else a Christian reviser must have med- 
dled with it before it was employed by Origen. Of 
the seventh version very few fragments remain. It 
seems to have contained the Psalms and minor 
prophets ; and the translator was probably a Jew. 
The existing fragments of these varied versions are 
mostly to be found in the editions of the relics of 
Origen's Hexapla, by Montfaucon and by Bardht. 
— 6. The Veneto-Greek Version. A MS. of the four- 
teenth century, in the library of St. Mark at Venice, 
contains a peculiar version of the Pentateuch, Prov- 



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erbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, 
and Daniel. All of these books, except the Penta- 
teuch, were published by Villoison at Strasburg in 
1784 ; the Pentateuch was edited by Amnion at 
Erlangen in 1790-91. The translation was made 
from the Hebrew, although the present punctuation 
and accentuation is often not followed, and the trans- 
lator was no doubt acquainted with some other Greek 
versions. Matthew ; New Testament. 

H. Lat in Ver sions. Vulgate. 

I. Sa-niar'i-tan Ver'sions. Samaritan Penta- 
teuch. 

J. Sla-von'ic Version. In a. d. 862 there was a 
desire expressed, or an inquiry made, for Christian 
teachers in Moravia, and in 863 the labors of mis- 
sionaries began amongst them. These missionaries 
were Cyrillus (or Cyril) and Methodius, two brothers 
from Thessalonica : to Cyrillus is ascribed the in- 
vention of the Slavonian alphabet, and the com- 
mencement of the translation of the Scriptures. He 
appears to have died at Rome in 868, while Metho- 
dius continued for many years to be the bishop of 
the Slavonians. He is stated to have continued his 
brother's translation, although how much they them- 
selves actually executed is uncertain. The 0. T. is 
a version from the LXX., but what revision it may 
since have received seems by no means certain. As 
the oldest known Slavonic MS. of the whole Bible is 
of the year 1499, it may reasonably be questioned 
whether this version may not in large portions be 
comparatively modern. The oldest MS. of any part 
of this version is one of the four Gospels, of the 
year 1056. The first printed portion was an edition 
of the Gospels in Wallachia, in 1512; in 1575 the 
same portion was printed at Wilna ; and in 1581 the 
whole Bible was printed at Ostrog in Volhynia. 
The general text is such as would have been ex- 
pected in the ninth century: some readings from the 
Latin have, it appears, been introduced in places. 

K.. Syr'i-ac Ver'sions. — I. Of the Old Testament. 
(A.) From the Hebrew. In the early times of Syrian 
Christianity there was executed a version of the 0. 
T. from the Hebrew, the use of which must have 
been as widely extended as was the Christian pro- 
fession among that people. (Syria.) Ephrcm the 
Syrian, in the latter half of the fourth century, calls 
it our version, not in opposition to any other Syriac 
translation, but in contrast to the original Hebrew 
text, or to those in other languages. At a later 
period — probably after another version had been 
formed from the Hexaplar Greek text — this Syriac 
translation was designated Peshito (= Simple). This 
translation from the Hebrew has always been the 
ecclesiastical version of the Syrians. It is highly 
improbable that any part of it is older than the ad- 
vent of our Lord ; those who placed it under Ab- 
garus, king of Edessa, seem to have argued on the 
account that the Syrian people then received Chris- 
tianity. All that the account shows clearly is, that 
it was believed to belong to the earliest period of 
the Christian faith among them. Ephrem, in his 
commentaries, gives explanations of terms which 
were obscure even in the fourth century. This 
might have been from age : if so, the version was 
made comparatively long before his days : or it 
might be from its having been in a dialect different 
from that to which he was accustomed at Edessa. 
In this case, then, the translation was made in some 
other part of Syria. Probably the Old Syriac version 
differed as much from the polished language of 
Edessa as did the Old Latin, made in the African 
province, from the contemporary writers of Rome. 



(Vulgate.) The Old Syriac has the peculiar value 
of being the first version from the Hebrew original 
made for Christian use. The proof that this version 
was made from the Hebrew is twofold— from the 
direct statements of Ephrem, and from the internal 
examination of the version itself. The first printed 
edition of this version was that which appeared in 
the Paris Polyglott of Le Jay in 1645 ; it is said 
that the editor, Gabriel Sionita, a Maronite, had only 
an imperfect MS. In Walton's Polyglott, 1657, the 
Paris text is reprinted, but with the addition of the 
Apocryphal books. In the punctuation given in the 
Polyglotts, a system was introduced which was in 
part a peculiarity of Gabriel Sionita himself. Dr. 
Lee collated for the text which he edited for the 
British and Foreign Bible Society six Syriac MSS. of 
the 0. T. in general, and a very ancient copy of the 
Pentateuch : he also used in part the commentaries 
of Ephrem and of Bar-HebrEeus. From these various 
sources he constructed his text, with the aid of that 
found already in the Polyglotts. But in the MSS. 
brought to England, from the Nitrian valleys in 
Egypt, may be found the means of far more accu- 
rately editing this version. — It has been much dis- 
cussed whether this translation was a Jewish or a 
Christian work; but there need be no reasonable ob- 
jection to the opinion that it is a Christian work. 
The Syriac in general supports the Hebrew text that 
we have. A resemblance has been pointed out be- 
tween the Syriac and the reading of some of the 
Chaldee Targums (see L, below); if the Targum is 
the older, it is not unlikely that the Syriac transla- 
tor examined the Targums in difficult passages. If 
existing Targums are more recent than the Syriac, 
their coincidences may have arisen from the use of 
a common source — an earlier Targum. — Another 
point of inquiry of more importance is, how far has 
this version been affected by the LXX. ? and to 
what are we to attribute this influence ? It is pos- 
sible that the influence of the LXX. is partly to be 
ascribed to copyists and revisers ; while in part this 
belonged to the version as originally made. When 
the extensive use of the LXX. is remembered, and 
how soon it was imagined to have been made by 
direct inspiration and to be canonically authoritative 
(Canon ; Septuagint), we cannot wonder that read- 
ings from the LXX. should have been from time to 
time introduced. Some comparison with the Greek 
is probable even before the time of Ephrem ; for, as 
to the Apocryphal books, while he cites some of 
them (though not as Scripture), the Apocryphal ad- 
ditions to Daniel and the Books of Maccabees were 
not yet found in Syriac. Whoever translated any 
of these books from the Greek may easily have also 
compared with it in some places the books previously 
translated from the Hebrew. In the Book of Psalms 
this version exhibits many peculiarities. Either the 
translation of the Psalter must be a work indepen- 
dent of the Peshito in general, or else it has been 
strangely revised and altered, not only from the 
Greek, but also from liturgical use. It is stated 
that, after the divisions of the Syrian Church (fifth 
century), there were revisions of this one version 
by the Monophysites and by the Nestorians. The 
liarkaphensian recension mentioned by Bar-Hebracus 
is found in two MSS. in the Vatican, and was formed 
for the use of Monophysites. (B.) Tlte Syriac version 
from the Hexaplar Greek Text. The only Syriac ver- 
sion of thcO. T. up to the sixth century was apparent- 
ly the Peshito. Moses Aghelaeus, who lived in the mid- 
dle of the sixth century, speaks of the versions of the 
N. T. and the Psalter as made in Syriac by Polycarp, 



1156 



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It is said tliat the Ncstoi ian patriarch, Marabba, a. d. 
552, made a version from the Greek. The version 
by Paul of Tela, a Monophysite, was made in the 
beginning of the seventh century ; for its basis he used 
the Hexaplar Greek text, i. e. the LXX., with Origen's 
corrections, marks, and references to the other Greek 
versions. (Septuagint.) The Syro-Hexaplar ver- 
sion follows the Greek as exactly as possible, contains 
Origen's marks and references, and acquaints us 
most accurately with the results of his critical labors. 
A MS. of this version in the Ambrosian Library at 
Milan contains the Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Ecclc- 
eiastes, Canticles, Wisdom, Ecelcsiasticus, minor 
prophets, Jeremiah, Baruch, Daniel, E/.ekiel, and 
Isaiah. Norberg published at Lund, in 1787, the 
Books of Jeremiah and Ezckiel, from his transcript 
of the MS. at Milan. In 1788 Bugati published at 
Milan the Book of Daniel ; he also edited the 
Psalms, the printing of which had been completed 
before his death in 1810; it was published in 1820. 
The rest of the contents of the Milan MS. (except 
the Apocryphal books) was published at Berlin, in 
1835, by Middeldorpf from Nforberg's transcript; 
Middeldorpf also added the Fourth (second) Book 
of Kings from a MS. at Paris. Besides these por- 
tions of this S>riac version, the MSS. from the 
Nitrian monasteries, now in the British Museum, 
would add a good deal more. Thomas of llarkel 
(see II. B, below) seems to have made a translation 
from the Greek into Syriac of some of the Apoc- 
ryphal books — at least, the subscriptions in certain 
MSS. state this.— II. Of the New Testament. (A.) 
The Pcshito-Syriac N. T. It may stand as an ad- 
mitted fact that a ver.-ion of the N. T. in Syriac ex- 
isted in the second century, and in the fourth cen- 
tury was as well known as the Syriac version of the 
O. T. To the translation in common use among 
the Syrians, orthodox, Monophysite, or Nestorian, 
from the fifth century and onward, the name of 
Peshito has been as commonly applied in the N. T. 
as the Old. Cosmas Indicopleustes, in the former 
half of the sixth century, incidentally informs us 
that the Syriac translation does not contain 2 Peter, 
2 and 3 John, and Jude. In 1552 Moses of Mardin 
came U> Rome to Pope Julius III., commissioned by 
Ignatius the Jacobite (Monophysite) patriarch, to 
state his religious opinions, to effect (it is said) a 
union with the Roman Catholic Church, and to ejel 
the Syriac N. T. printed. Through the influence of 
Widmanstadt, the chancellor of the Emperor Ferdi- 
nand I., the emperor undertook the charge of an 
edition, which appeared at Vienna, in 1555, through 
the joint labors of Widmanstadt, Moses, and Postell. 
In having only three Catholic epistles, this Syriac 
N. T. agreed with the description of Cosmas; the 
Apocalypse was also wanting, as well as Jn. viii. 1- 
11. One of the principal editions is that of Leusden 
and Sehaaf, 1708-9, with a text as full as possible, 
and a Lexicon of great value. Professor Lee pub- 
lished an edition in 1816, in which he corrected or 
altered the text on the authority of a few MSS. In 
1828 the edition of Mr. William Greenfield was pub- 
lished by Messrs. Bagster. — This Syriac version has 
been variously estimated : some have thought it a 
genuine and unaltered monument of the second, or 
perhaps even of the first century. Others finding 
in it indubitable marks of a later age, were inclined 
to deny that it had any claim to a very remote an- 
tiquity. The fact is, that this version as transmit- 
ted to us contains marks of antiquity, and also 
traces of a later age. The two things are so blend- 
ed, that if either class of phenomena alone were re- 



garded, the most opposite opinions might be formed- 
Griesbach (and so Tregelles) supposed that it had 
been repeatedly revised at different times by differ- 
ent Greek MSS. Whether the whole of this version 
proceeded from the same translator has been ques- 
tioned. Dr. Tregelles thinks that the N. T. of the 
Peshito is not from the same hand as the O. T., and 
that not only may Michaelis be right in supposing a 
peculiar translator of Hebrews, but also other parts 
maybe from different hands. The revisions to which 
the version was subjected may have succeeded in 
part, but not wholly, in effacing the indications of a 
plurality of translators. The Acts and Epistles 
seem to be cither more recent than the Gospels, 
though far less revised ; or else, if coeval, far more 
corrected by later Greek MSS. The MSS. of the 
Karknphcnsian recension (as it lias been termed) of 
the Peshito 0. T. contain also the N. T. with a 
similar character of text. — The Curetonian Syriac 
Gospels. Among the MSS. brought from the Nitrian 
monasteries in 1842, Dr. Cureton noticed a copy of 
the Gospels, differing greatly from the common 
text: and to this form of text the name of Cureto- 
nian Syriac has been applied. Every criterion which 
proves the common Peshito not to exhibit a text 
of extreme antiquity, equally proves the early origin 
of this. Dr. Cureton considers the MS. of the Gos- 
pels to be of the fifth century, a point in which all 
competent judges are probably agreed. The MS. 
contains Mat. i.-viii. 22, x. 31-x.xiii. 25; Mk., the 
four last verses only; Jn. i. 1-42, iii. 6-vii. 37, xiv. 
11-29; Lk. ii. 48— iii. 16, vii. 33-xv. 21, xvii. 24- 
xxiv. 41. In examining the Curetonian text with 
the common printed Peshito, we often find such 
identity of phrase and rendering as to show that 
they are not wholly independent translations : then, 
again, we meet with such variety in the forms of 
words, &c, as seems to indicate that in the Peshito 
the phraseology had been revised and refined. But 
the great (it might be said characteristic) difference 
between the Curetonian and the Peshito Gospels is 
in their readings. The Curetonian Syriac presents 
such a text as we might have concluded would be 
current in the second century: the Peshito has many 
features which could not belong to that age. Dr. 
Cureton and Dr. Tregelles regard the Curetonian 
Syriac of St. Matthew's Gospel as translated from the 
apostle's Hebrew (Syro-Chaldaic) original, although 
injured since by copyists or revisers. (Matthew, 
Gospel of.) — (B.) The Philoxenian Syriac Version 
and its revision by Thomas of Harkcl. Philoxenus, 
or Xenaias, a Monophysite, bishop of Hierapolis or 
Mabug at the beginning of the sixth century, 
caused Polycarp, his Chorepiscopus (local or assistant 
bishop), to make a new translation of the N. T. into 
Syriac. This was executed in a. d. 508, and it is 
generally termed Philoxenian from its promoter. 
This version has been transmitted to us only as re- 
vised with Greek MSS. by Thomas of Harkel in the 
following century (The Gospels, a. d. 616), and there- 
fore called the Harklean text. This was edited by 
White at different times, from 1778 to 1803, and 
St. John's Gospel from a Vatican MS. by Bernstein, 
in 1851. This version differs from the Peshito in 
containing all the seven Catholic Epistles. The text 
of this version, as it has come down to us, is char- 
acterized by extreme literality : the Syriac idiom is 
constantly bent to suit the Greek. The kind of 
Greek text that it represents is just what might 
have been expected in the sixth century. The work 
of Thomas in the text itself is seen in the introduc- 
tion of obeli, by which passages which he rejected 



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1157 



were condemned ; and of asterisks, with which his 
insertions were distinguished. His model in all this 
was the Hexaplar Greek text. It is probable that 
the Philoxenian version was very literal, but that 
the slavish adaptation to the Greek is the work of 
Thomas. — (C.) Syriac Versions of portions wanting 
in the Peshito. (a.) 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Jude 
were published by Pococke in 1630, from a MS. in 
the Bodleian. The suggestion of Dr. Davidson, that 
the text of Pococke is that of Philoxenus before it 
was revised by Thomas, seems most probable. (6.) 
The Apocalypse. In 1627 De Dieu edited a Syriac 
version of the Apocalypse from a MS. in the Leyden 
Library, written by one " Caspar from the land of 
the Indians," who lived in the latter part of the six- 
teenth century. A MS. at Florence, also written 
by this Caspar, has a subscription stating that it 
was copied in 1582 from a MS. in the writing of 
Thomas of Harkel, in a. n. 622. A more ancient 
copy of the version is in the British Museum. It is 
of small critical value, and the MS. from which it 
was edited is incorrectly written. This book, from 
the Paris Polyglott and onward, has been added to 
the Peshito in this translation.— {c.) The Syriac Ver- 
sion of Jn. viii. 1-11. From the MS. of the Syriac 
N. T. (of what version is unknown, but probably of 
Paul of Tela, who translated the Hexaplar Greek 
text into Syriac [see above, LB.]) sent by Archbishop 
Usher to De Dieu, the latter published this section 
in 1631. From De Dieu it was inserted in the Lon- 
don Polyglott, with a reference to Usher's MS., and 
hence it has passed with the other editions of the 
Peshito where it is a mere interpolation. — (D.) Tlie 
Jerusalem Syriac Lectionary. The MS. in the Vatican 
containing this version was written in a. d. 1031, in 
peculiar Syriac writing; the portions are of course 
those for the different festivals, some parts of the 
Gospels not being there at all. The dialect was 
termed the Jerusalem Syriac, from its supposed re- 
semblance to that of the Jerusalem Talmud. The 
grammar is peculiar; the forms almost Chaldee 
rather than Syriac ; two characters are used for 
expressing F and P. For critical purposes this 
Lectionary has a far higher value than for any 
other: its readings often coincide with the oldest 
and best authorities. Adler dates the version from 
the fourth to the sixth century ; but more probably 
this Lectionary was translated at some later period 
from a Greek Lectionary. An edition of this Lec- 
tionary, containing the Syriac text, with a Latin 
translation, glossary, &c, has been published by 
Count Miniscalchi Erizzo, 2 vols. 4to, Verona, 1861 
-64. 3 

L. Tar gum, a Chaldee word of uncertain origin ; 
the general term for the dial dee, or, more ac- 
curately, Ar-a-ma'ic Ver'sions of the Old Testament. 
The injunction to " read the Book of the Law be- 
fore all Israel, .... the men, and women, and 
children, and the strangers," on the Feast of Taber- 
nacles of every Sabbatical year, as a means of 
solemn instruction and edification, is first found in 
Deut. xxxi. 10-13. Among the first acts undertaken 
by Ezra toward the restoration of the primitive re- 
ligion and public worship is reported his reading 
" before the congregation, both of men and women," 
of the returned exiles, " in the Book in the Law of 
God " (Neh. viii. 2, 8 ; Synagogue). Aided by those 



* The ancient Syriac is still the sacred or ecclesiastical 
language of the Maronites, Nestorians. &c. ; but is no 
longer intelligible to the people. The Bible, translated 
into modern Syriac by American missionaries to the Nes- 
torians, has been published at Oroomiah, in Persia. 



men of learning and eminence with whom, accord- 
ing to tradition, he founded the Great Synagogue 
(Synagogue, the Great), he appears to have so 
firmly established regular and frequent public read- 
ings in the Sacred Records, that later authorities al- 
most unanimously trace this custom to times imme- 
morial—nay, to the times of Moses himself. To 
these ancient readings in the Pentateuch were added, 
in the course of time, readings in the Prophets (in 
some Babylonian cities even in the Hagiographa), 
which were called Haphldrdlh. (Bible IV.) Ere 
long it was found necessary to translate the national 
books into the Aramaic (Hebrew ; Shemitic Lan- 
guages), and to add to the translation an explana- 
tion, particularly of the more difficult and obscure 
passages. Both translation and explanation were 
designated by the term Targum. In the course of 
time there sprang up a guild, whose special office it 
was to act as interpreters in both senses (Meturge- 
man), while formerly the learned alone volunteered 
their services. These interpreters were subjected 
to certain bonds and regulations as to the form and 
substance of their renderings, their position, voice, 
relation to those who read the Law in public, &c. 
They were required to interpret orally ; certain pas- 
sages were specified in the Mishna, which might be 
read in the synagogue and translated ; others, which 
might be read but not translated ; others, again, 
which might neither be read nor translated. These 
interpreters, who were paid for their services, do 
not seem to have been held generally in very high 
respect. A fair notion of what was considered a 
proper Targum may be gathered from the maxim 
sreserved in the Talmud : " Whosoever translates 
as Meturgeman] a verse in its closely exact form 
without proper regard to its real meaning] is a liar, 
and whosoever adds to it is impious and a blasphemer, 
e. g. the literal rendering into Chaldee of the verse, 
' They saw the God of Israel ' (Ex. xxiv. 10), is as 
wrong a translation as ' They saw the angel of God ;' 
the proper rendering being 'They saw the glory of 
the God of Israel.' " (Shechinah.) The same causes 
which, in the course of time, led to the writing down 
of the whole body of the Traditional Law, engen- 
dered also, and about the same period, as it would 
appear, written Targums : for certain portions of 
the Bible, at least. The gradual growth of the Code 
of the written Targum, such as now embraces almost 
the whole of the 0. T., and contains, we may pre- 
sume, but few snatches of the primitive Targums, is 
shrouded in deep obscurity. (Old Testament, B ; 
Pharisees ; Scribes.) The Targums now extant are 
as follows : — I. The Targum of Onkelos on the Penta- 
teuch. Onkelos = Aquila, the Greek translator of the 
O. T. (so Mr. Deutsch, with Graetz, &c. ; see above, G, 
2); and the name Targum had become expressive oi 
the type and ideal of a Bible-translation; so that, in 
fact, the Chaldee version was a Targum done in the 
manner of Aquila : — Aquila Targum (so Mr. Deutsch, 
with Luzzatto, Geiger, Jost, Frankel, Graetz, and 
other Jews). The writing of it was begun about the 
end of the second century a. c. ; but it was so far from 
superseding the oral Targum at once, that it was 
strictly forbidden to be read in public. We may place 
the work of collecting the different fragments of 
translation with their variants, and reducing them 
into one — finally authorized Version — about the end 
of the third, or the beginning of the fourth century, 
and in assigning Babylon as its birthplace.* The lan- 



4 Dr. S. Davidson (in Kitto) regards Onkelos as " neither 
the author of the Targum nor a historical person." He 
supposes " that the work was of Palestiuian origin, . . . 



n.-.s 



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guagc of the Targum is Chaldce, closely approaching 
in purity of idiom to that of Ezra and Daniel. It 
follows a sober and clear, though not a slavish exe- 
gesis, and keeps as closely and minutely to the text 
as is at all consistent with its purpose, viz. to be 
chiefly, and above all, a version for the people. Its 
explanations of difficult and obscure passages bear 
ample witness to the competence of those who gave 
it its final shape, and infused into it a rare unity. 
It is always concise, clear, und dignified. It avoids 
the legendary character with which all the later 
Targuraa entwine the Biblical word, as far as ever 
circumstances would allow. Only in the poetical 
passages it was compelled to yield — though reluc- 
tantly — to the popular craving for Haggddah ; but 
even here it chooses and selects with rare taste and 
tact. In spite of its many and important changes 
of the text in regard to language, or meaning, or 
both, the Targum never forgets its aim of being a 
clear, though free, translation for the people, and 
nothing more. Wherever it deviates from the liter- 
alness of the text, such a course, in its ease, is fully 
justified — nay, necessitated — either by the obscurity 
of the passage, or the wrong construction that nat- 
urally would be put upon its wording by the multi- 
tude. The explanations given agree either with the 
real sense, or develop the current tradition supposed 
to underlie it. As to the Bible Text from w hich the 
Targum was prepared, we have no certainty what- 
ever on this head, owing to the extraordinarily cor- 
rupt state of our Targum texts. It would appear, 
however, that, broadly speaking, our present Maso- 
retic text has been the one from which the Onkelos 
Version was, if not made, yet edited, at all events. 
The Samaritan version is sometimes identical with 
it. (Samaritan Pentateuch, II. 1.) The 5ISS. of 
Onkelos are extant in great numbers. It was first 
printed at Bologna in 1482 with the Hebrew text 
and Rashi. (Ot-n Testament, A, II., 3.) Other edi- 
tions are in Buxtorfs Rabbinical Bible, Walton's 
Polvglott, &c. A recent and much emendated edi- 
tion dates Wilna, 1852. — II. Targum on the Proph- 
ets, viz. Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jere- 
miah, Ezekiel, and the twelve minor prophets — called 
Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel. We may place this 
Targum some time, although not long, after Onkelos, 
or about the middle of the fourth century ; — the 
latter years of Rabbi Joseph, who, it is said, occu- 
pied himself chiefly with the Targum when he had 
become blind. This Targum holds, in point of in- 
terpretation and enlargement of the text, the middle 
place between Onkelos, who only in extreme cases 
deviates into paraphrase, and the subsequent Tar- 
gums, whose connection with their texts is frequently 
of the most flighty character. The interpretation 
of Jonathan, where it adheres to the text, is mostly 
very correct in a philosophical and exegetical sense, 
closely literal even, provided the meaning of the 
original is easily to be understood by the people. 
When, however, similes are used, unfamiliar or ob- 
scure to the people, it unhesitatingly dissolves them, 
and makes them easy in their mouths like household 
words, by adding as much of explanation as seems 
fit ; sometimes, it cannot be denied, less sagaciously, 
even incorrectly, comprehending the original mean- 
but underwent much alteration in the hands of the Baby- 
lonian Jews It has been supposed not without 

reason that Rabbi Joseph [president of the college at Pum- 
badita ; born in Babylon about a. d. 270 ; t about 333] and 
his contemporaries brought it to its fiDa] redaction ; but 
it is now impossible to trace the various stages of improve- 
ment through which it passed till it appeared complete 
about tie end of the third century." 



ing. The Shemitie fairy and legendary lore is to a 
very great extent to be found in an embryo state, so 
to say, in this Targum. The first printed edition 
was at Leiria in 1494, and later editions are in the 
Polyglotts. (Old Testament, A, II. 3.)— III. and 
IV. Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel and Jerusalem- 
Targum on (he Pentateuch. Onkelos and Jonathan 
on the Pentateuch and Prophets, whatever be their 
exact date, place, authorship, and editorship, are the 
oldest of existing Turgums, ami belong, in their pres- 
ent shape, to Babylon and the Babylonian academies 
flourishing between the third and fourth centuries. 
But precisely as two parallel and independent devel- 
opments of the Oral Law have sprung up in the Pales- 
tinian and Babylonian Talmuds respectively, so also 
recent investigation has proved the existence of two 
distinct cycles of Targums on the Written Law — i. e. 
the entire body of the O.T. The one first collected, re- 
vised, and edited in Babylon, called — more especially 
thai part of it which embraced the Pentateuch (On- 
kelos) — the Babylonian. The other, continuing its 
oral life, .••o to say, down to a much later period, was 
written and edited — less carefully, or rather with a 
much more faithful retention of the oldest and 
youngest fancies of the interpreters and preachers 
— on the soil of Judea itself. Of this entire cycle, 
however, the Pentateuch and a few other books and 
fragmentary pieces only have survived entire, while 
of most of the other books of the Bible a few de- 
tached fragments are all that is known, and this 
chiefly from quotations. We are in the possession 
of two Palestinian Targums on the Pentateuch, pre- 
served in their original forms. The one, which ex- 
tends from the first verse of Genesis to the last of 
Deuteronomy, is known under the name of Targum 
Jonathan (ben Uzziel) or Pseudo-Jonathan on the 
Pentateuch. The other, interpreting single verses, 
often single words only, is extant in the following 
proportions : a third on Genesis, a fourth on Deu- 
teronomy, a fifth on Numbers, three-twentieths on 
Exodus, and about one-fourteenth on Leviticus. 
The latter is generally called Targum of Jerusalem 
or of the land of Israel. Not before the first half 
of this century did the fact become fully established 
that both Targums were in reality one, know n dow n 
to the fourteenth century only as the Targum of Je- 
rusalem. Zunz assumes that Pseudo-Jonathan is 
the original Targum, and that the fragmentary Tar- 
gum of Jerusalem is a collection of variants to it. 
Frankel, followed by Traub and Levysohn, concludes 
that the Jerusalem is a collection of emendations 
and additions to single portions, phrases, and words 
of Onkelos, and Pseudo-Jonathan a further emended 
and completed edition to the whole Pentateuch of 
Jerusalem Onkelos. The Jerusalem, in both its re- 
censions, is written in the Palestinian dialect. It is 
older than the M&sordh (Old Testament) and the 
conquest of Western Asia by the Arabs. Syria or 
Palestine must be its birthplace, the second half of 
the seventh century its date. Its chief aim and pur- 
pose is, especially in its second edition, to form an 
entertaining compendium of all the Haluehuh and 
Haggaddh (Scribes), which refers to the Pentateuch, 
and takes its stand upon it. And in this lies its 
chief use to us. There is hardly a single allegory, 
parable, mystic digression, or tale in it which is not 
found in the other haggadistic writings — Mishna, 
Talmud, &e. The Targum of Jerusalem was first 
printed in Bomberg's Bible, Venice, 1518 fT., re- 
printed in Walton, &c. Jonathan to the Penta- 
teuch was first printed in 1590 as Targum "Jona- 
than ben Uzziel " at Venice, reprinted in WaltOD, 



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&c. — V. Targums of "Joseph the Blind' 1 '' on the Ha- 
giographa. " When Jonathan ben Uzziel began to 
paraphrase the Cethubim." (Hagiographa ; Bible, 
III. 3), says the Talmud, " a mysterious voice was 
heard saying: It is enough. Thou hast revealed 
the secrets of the prophets — why wouldst thou also 
reveal those of the Holy Ghost ? " — It would thus 
appear, that a Targum to these books (Job except- 
ed) was entirely unknown up to a very late period. 
Those Targums on the Hagiographa which we now 
possess have been attributed vaguely to different 
authors, it being assumed in the first instance that 
they were the work of one man. Popular belief 
fastened upon Joseph the Blind. Yet, if ever he 
did translate the Hagiographa, certain it is that 
those which we possess are not by his or his dis- 
ciples' hands — i. e. of the time of the fourth cen- 
tury. Between him and our hagiographical Tar- 
gums, many centuries must have elapsed. Yet we 
do not venture to assign to them more than an ap- 
proximate round date, about 1000 a. d. — Besides 
the Targums to the Pentateuch and the Prophets, 
those now extant range over Psalms, Proverbs, Job 
(these three being probably nearly contemporaneous 
productions of Syria, and the two former mere para- 
phrases, while the latter, like Onkelos, adheres as 
closely to the original as possible), the five Milge- 
loth, i. e. Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Es- 
ther, Ecclesiastes (" versions " of the greatest free- 
dom — mere HaggAd&h — probably by one author 
much later than th'e Talmud) ; the Chronicles and 
Daniel. Ezra and Nehemiah alone are left without 
a Targum at present. — VI. Targum on the Book of 
Chronicles. This Targum was unknown up to a very 
recent period. In 1680 it was first edited from an 
Erfurt MS. by M. F. Beck, and in 1715 from a more 
complete as well as correct MS. at Cambridge, by 
D. Wilkins. The name of Hungary occurring in it, 
and its frequent use of the Jerusalem-Targum to 
the Pentateuch, amounting sometimes to simple 
copying, show sufficiently that its author is neither 
" Jonathan ben Uzziel " nor " Joseph the Blind," as 
has been suggested. But the language, style, and 
the Haggdddh, with which it abounds, point to its 
being written at a late period in Palestine. Its use 
must be limited to philological, historical, and geo- 
graphical studies ; exegesis will profit little by it. — 
VII. The Targum to Daniel. Munk found this in 
a MS. in the Imperial Library at Paris, entitled 
" History of Daniel," not indeed in the original Ara- 
maic, 6 but in what appears to him to be an extract 
of it written in Persian. It contains several legends 
and a long prophecy of Daniel, from which it is shown 
to have been written after the first crusade. — VIII. 
There is also a Chaldee translation extant of the 
apocryphal pieces of Esther, published by De Rossi, 
Tubingen, 1783. 

Ver sion, An'thor-ized, or English Ver'sion. I. 
Early Translations. Csedmon (f a. d. 680) em- 
bodied the whole history of the Bible in the allitera- 
tive metre of Anglo-Saxon poetry ; Aldhelm, bishop 
of Sherborne, in the seventh century, rendered the 
Psalter; Bede translated in the last hours of his 
life (a. d. 735) the Gospel of St. John; King Alfred 
(f 901) set forth in his mother- tongue as the great 
groundwork of his legislation Ex. xx.-xxiii., and 
translated for his own and his children's use por- 
tions of the Bible, some of the Psalms, and extracts 
from other books. One Anglo-Saxon version of the 

5 Davidsun (in Kitto) and others doubt the existence, 
either now or formerly, of any such Aramaic or Chaldee 
paraphrase of Daniel. 



four Gospels, interlinear with the Latin of the Vul- 
gate, known as the Durham Book, in the British 
Museum, and another known as the Rushworth 
Gloss, in the Bodleian Library, are referred to the 
ninth or tenth century. The name of jElfric (arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, •)• 1005 ?) is connected with 
an Epitome of Scripture History, including a trans- 
lation of many parts of the historical books of the 
Bible. Three versions of the Gospels belonging to 
the eleventh or twelfth century are in the British 
Museum, &c. The metrical paraphrase of the Gos- 
pel history, known as the Orundum, in alliterative 
English verse, is ascribed to the latter part of the 
twelfth century ; a prose translation of the Bible into 
Norman JJYeneh to about a. d. 1260. Three English 
versions of the Psalms were made, one about the 
close of the thirteenth century ; another by Schor- 
ham about a. d. 1320 ; another — with other canticles 
from the O. T. and N. T. and a devotional exposi- 
tion — by Richard Rolle of Hampole, about 1349; 
and a version of the Gospels of St. Mark and St. 
Luke and of all St. Paul's Epistles is in a library at 
Cambridge, England. All these versions were from 
the Vulgate.— II. Wycliffe or Wickliffe (born 1324; 
f 1384). The history of the English Bible begins 
with the work of the first great reformer. 1. The 
first translation from the Bible connected with the 
name of John Wycliffe was of part of the Apoca- 
lypse. The Last Age of the Church (a. d. 1356) 
translates and expounds the vision in which the re- 
former read the signs of his own times, the sins and 
the destruction of "Antichrist and his meynee" ( = 
multitude). Shortly after this he completed a ver- 
sion of the Gospels, accompanied by a commentary. 
Another translation and commentary appear to have 
been made about the same time, in ignorance of 
Wycliffe's work. These preliminary labors were 
followed up by a complete translation of the N. T. 
by Wycliffe himself. The O. T. was undertaken by 
his coadjutor, Nicholas de Hereford, but was inter- 
rupted, probably in 1382, and ends abruptly (follow- 
ing so far the order of the Vulgate) in the middle 
of Baruch. Many of the MSS. of this version now 
extant present a different recension of the text, and 
it is probable that the work of Wycliffe and Here- 
ford was revised by Richard Purvey, about 1388. 
2. The version was based entirely upon the Vulgate. 
Many MSS. were compared, and the true reading 
ascertained as far as possible. Then the glosses, 
commentaries, grammars, &c, were consulted as to 
the meaning of difficult passages. He aimed at 
making the translation idiomatic rather than literal. 
As he went on he submitted the work to the judg- 
ment of others, and obtained their suggestions. 3. 
The extent of its circulation may be estimated from 
the fact that, in spite of all the chances of time and 
all the systematic efforts for its destruction by Arch- 
bishop Arundel, &c, not less than 150 copies are 
known to be extant. 4. The following characteris- 
tics may be noticed : (a.) The general homeliness 
of its style, (b.) The substitution, in many cases, 
of English equivalents for quasi-technical words, 
(c.) The extreme literalness with which, in some in- 
stances, even at the cost of being unintelligible, the 
Vulgate text is followed, as in 2 Cor. i. 17-19. — III. 
Tyndal. The work of Wycliffe stands by itself. 
By the reign of Henry VIII. its English was already 
obsolescent, and men became dissatisfied with a ver- 
sion not made from the original. William Tyndal — 
who went to Oxford about 1500, and, after some 
years of study there, to Cambridge — is the patriarch, 
in no remote ancestry, of the A. V. More than 



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Cranmcr or Ridley he is the true hero of the English 
Reformation. " Ere many years," he said, at the 
age of thirty-six (a. d. 1520), he would cause "a 
boy that driveth the plough" to know more of 
Scripture than the great body of the clergy then 
knew. Whether Tyndal had gained any knowledge 
of Hebrew before he h it England in 1524 may be 
uncertain ; but in 1530-31 he published a transla- 
tion of Genesis, Deuteronomy, and Jonah. The 
N. T. was, however, the great object of his care. 
First the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark were 
published tentatively, then in 1525 the whole of the 
N. T. was printed in 4to at Cologne and in small 
8vo at Worms. The work was received in England 
with denunciations. Tonstal, bishop of London, 
preaching at Paul's Cross, asserted that there were 
;it lea<t • m h m i errors in it, ami ordered all copies of 
it to be bought up and burnt. An Act of Parlia- 
ment forbade the use of all copies of Tyndal's 
" false translation." The treatment which it re- 
ceived from professed friends was hardly less annoy- 
ing. Piratical editions were published, often care- 
lessly, at Antwerp. A scholar of his own, George 
Joye, undertook (in 1534) to improve the version 
by conforming it more closely to the Vulgate, Sc. 
The most zealous reformers in England encouraged 
Coverdale in undertaking another version. In the 
mean time the work went on. Editions were printed 
one after another. The last appeared in 1535, just 
before his death. His heroic life was brought to a 
close in 1536. We may cast one look on its sad 
end — the treacherous betrayal, the Judas-kiss of 
the false friend, the imprisonment at Vilvorden, the 
last prayer as he was fastened to the stake, " Lord, 
open the king of England's eyes." To Tyndal be- 
longs the honor of having given the first example 
of a translation based on true principles, and the 
excellence of later versions has been almost in exact 
proportion as they followed his. Believing that 
every part of Scripture had one sense and one only, 
the sense in the mind of the writer, he made it his 
work, using all philological helps that were acces- 
sible, to attain that sense. Believing that the duty 
of a translator was to place his readers as nearly as 
possible on a level with those for whom the books 
were originally written, he looked on all the later 
theological associations that had gathered round the 
words of the N. T. as hindrances rather than helps, 
and sought, as far as possible, to get rid of them. 
All the exquisite grace and simplicity which have 
endeared the A. V. to men of the most opposite 
tempers and contrasted opinions — is due mainly to 
his clear-sighted truthfulness. The desire to make 
the Bible a people's book led him in one edition to 
something like a provincial rather than a national 
translation, but on the whole kept him free from 
the besetting danger of the time, that of writing for 
scholars, not for the people. And throughout there 
is the pervading stamp of the most thorough truth- 
fulness. — IV. Coverdale. 1. A complete translation 
of the Bible, different from Tyndal's, bearing the 
name of Miles Coverdale, printed probably at Zurich, 
appeared in 1535. The undertaking itself, and the 
choice of Coverdale as the translator, were probably 
due to Cromwell, secretary of King Henry VIII. 
Tyndal's controversial treatises, and the polemical 
character of his prefaces and notes, had irritated 
the leading ecclesiastics and embittered the mind 
of the king himself against him. There was no hope 
of obtaining the king's sanction for any thing that 
bore his name. But the idea of an English transla- 
tion began to find favor. The bishops even began 



to think of the thing as possible. Cromwell, it is 
probable, thought it better to lose no further time, 
and to strike while the iron was hot. A divine 
whom he had patronized, though not, like Tyndal, 
feeling himself called to that special work, was will- 
ing to undertake it. To him accordingly it was in- 
trusted. 2. The work thus executed was done, as 
might be expected, in a very different fashion from 
Tyndal's. Of the two men, one had made this the 
great object of his life, the other, in his own lan- 
guage, " sought it not, neither desired it," but ac- 
cepted it as a task assigned him. One prepared 
himself for the work by long years of labor in Greek 
and Hebrew. The other is content to make a trans- 
lation at second hand "out of the Douche (Luther's 
German Version) and the Latine." He used Tyn- 
dal's version and five others. 3. In Coverdale's ver- 
sion the proper names of the 0. T. appear for the 
most part in their Latin form, Elias, Eliscus, Ocho- 
zias ; sometimes, as in Esay and Jeremy, in that 
which was familiar in spoken English. " Cush," 
which in Wyeliffe, Tyndal, and the A. V. is uni- 
formly rendered " Ethiopia," is in Coverdale " Mo- 
rians' land " (Ps. Ixviii. 31 ; Acts viii. 27, &c), after 
Luther, and appears in this form accordingly in the 
Prayer-book version of the Psalms. The proper 
name Kabshakeh passes, as in Luther, into the 
"chief butler" (2 K. xviii. 17; Is. xxxvi. 11). 
" Shiloh," in Gen. xlix. 10, becomes "the worthy," 
after Luther. The singular word " Lamia " is taken 
from the Vulgate (A. V. " wild beast") in Is. xxxiv. 
14. But we have " Congregation," throughout the 
N. T., for Gr. ckklisia ("Church," A. V.); and 
" love " instead of " charity " in 1 Cor. xiii. Baruch 
is placed after Lamentations. 4. What has been 
stated practically disposes of the claim sometimes 
set up for this version of Coverdale's, as though 
made from the original text. It is not improbable, 

| however, that as time went on he added to his 

| knowledge. He, at any rate, continued his work as 
a painstaking editor. Freeh editions of his Bible 
were published, keeping their ground in spite of 
rivals, in 1537, 1539, 1550, 1553. He was called 
in at a still later period to assist in the Geneva 
version. — V. Matthew. 1. In 1537, a large folio 
Bible appeared as edited and dedicated to the 
king, by Thomas Matthew. No one of that name 
appears at all prominently in the religious history 

j of Henry VIII., and this suggests the inference that 
the name was adopted to conceal the real trans- 

! lator. The tradition which connects this Matthew 
with John Rogers, the proto-martyr of the Marian 

] persecution, is all but undisputed. Matthew's Bible 
reproduces Tyndal's work, in the N. T. entirely, in 
the 0. T. as far as 2 Chr., the rest being taken with 
occasional modifications from Coverdale. 2. The 
printing of the book was begun apparently abroad, 
and was carried on as far as the end of Isaiah. At 

! that point a new pagination begins, and the names 
of the London printers, Grafton and Whitchurch, 

I appear. A copy was ordered, by royal proclama- 
tion, to be set up in every church, the cost being 
divided between the clergy and the parishioners. 
This was, therefore, the first Authorized Version. 
3. What has been said of Tyndal's Version applies, 
of course, to this. There are, however, signs of a 
more advanced knowledge of Hebrew. All the 
technical words connected with the Psalms, Negi- 
noth, Shiggaion, Sheminith, &c, are elaborately ex- 
plained. Ps. ii. is printed as a dialogue. The names 
of the Hebrew letters are prefixed to the verses of 
Lamentations. Reference is made to the Chaldee 



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Paraphrase (Jobvi.), to Rabbi Abraham (Job xix.), 
to Kimchi (Ps. iii.). A like range of knowledge is 
shown in the N. T. Strabo is quoted to show that 
the Magi were not kings, Macrobius as testifying to 
Herod's ferocity (Mat. ii.), Erasmus's Paraphrase on 
Mat. xiii., xv. The popular identification of Mary Mag- 
dalene with " the woman that was a sinner" is dis- 
cussed and rejected (Lk. x.). More noticeable even 
than in Tyndal is the boldness and fulness of the 
exegetical notes scattered throughout the book. 
Strong and earnest in asserting what he looked on 
as the central truths of the Gospel, there was in 
Rogers a Luther-like freedom in other things which 
has not appeared again in any authorized transla- 
tion or popular commentary. The Preface to the 
Apocrypha explains the name, and distinctly asserts 
the inferiority of the books. (4.) In the order of 
the books of the N. T. Rogers follows Tyndal, 
agreeing with the A. V. as far as Philemon. This 
is followed by the Epistles of St. John, then that 
to the Hebrews, then those of St. Peter, St. James, 
and St. Jude. Woodcuts, not freely introduced else- 
where, are prefixed to every chapter in the Revela- 
tion. — VI. Taverner (1539). 1. The boldness of 
the pseudo-Matthew had frightened the ecclesiastical 
world from its propriety. Coverdale's Version was, 
however, too inaccurate to keep its ground. It was 
necessary to find another editor, and the printers 
applied to Richard Taverner. The fact that, though 
a layman, he had been chosen as one of the canons 
of the Cardinal's College at Oxford indicates a 
reputation for scholarship, and this is confirmed by 
the character of his translation. 2. In most re- 
spects this is an expurgated edition of Matthew's. 
The notes are briefer, less polemical, some entirely 
omitted ; the Epistles follow the same order. — VII. 
Cranmer. 1. In the same year as Taverner's, and 
coming from the same press, appeared an English 
Bible, in a more stately folio, printed with a more 
costly type, bearing a higher name than any pre- 
vious edition. The title-page is an elaborate en- 
graving. It declares the book to be " truly trans- 
lated after the verity of the Hebrew and Greek 
texts " by " divers excellent learned men, expert in 
the foresaid tongues." A preface, in April, 1540, 
with the initials T. C. (i. e. Thomas Cranmer, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury) implies the archbishop's sanc- 
tion. In a later edition (November, 1540) his name 
appears on the title-page, and the names of his 
coadjutors are given, Cuthbert (Tonstal), bishop of 
Durham, and Nicolas (Heath), bishop of Rochester ; 
but others may have been employed for the first 
edition. 2. The prologue gives a more complete 
ideal of what a translation ought to be than we have 
as yet seen. Words not in the original are to be 
printed in a different type. The sign * indicates di- 
versity in the Chaldee and Hebrew. The frequent 
hands (|^") in the margin show an intention to give 
notes at the end ; but Matthew's Bible had made men 
cautious, and they were omitted, and no help was 
given to the reader beyond the marginal references. 
There is a greater display of Hebrew than in any 
previous edition. But in the edition of 1539 the 
editors adopted the Preface to the Apocrypha from 
Matthew's Bible, but (substituting Hagiographa for 
Apocrypha) said that " the books were called Ha- 
giographa " because " they were read in secret and 
apart (!)." 3. A later edition in 1541 appears as 
" authorized " to be " used and frequented " in 
every church in the kingdom. The introduction, 
with its elaborate promise of a future perfection, 
disappears, and, in its place, is a long preface of a 



neutral character by Cranmer. It was reprinted 
again and again, and was the Authorized Version 
of the English Church till 1568— the interval of 
Mary's reign excepted. From it, accordingly, were 
taken most, if not all, the portions of Scripture in 
the Prayer-books of 1549 and 1552. The Psalms 
in the Prayer-book, the quotations from Scripture 
in the Homilies, the Sentences in the Communion 
Services, and some phrases elsewhere, still preserve 
the remembrance of it. — VIII. Geneva. 1. The ex- 
perimental translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew 
by Sir John Cheke into a purer English than before 
had little influence on the versions that followed. 
The reaction under Mary gave a check to the whole 
work, as far as England was concerned ; but the 
exiles who fled to Geneva — among them Whitting- 
ham, Goodman, Pullain, Sampson, and Coverdale 
himself — labored " for two years or more, day and 
night." Their translation of the N. T. was " dili- 
gently revised by the most approved Greek ex- 
amples." The N. T., translated by Whittingham, 
was printed by Conrad Badius in 1557, the whole 
Bible in 1560. 2. The Geneva Bible was for sixty 
years the most popular of all versions. Not less 
than eighty editions, some of the whole Bible, were 
printed between 1558 and 1611. It kept its ground 
for some time even against the A.V., and gave way, 
as it were, slowly and under protest. The volume 
was cheaper and more portable than Cranmer's. It 
was the first Bible which appeared in Roman type, 
and the first which, following the Hebrew example, 
recognized the division into verses. It was accom- 
panied, in most editions after 1578, by a Bible Dic- 
tionary of considerable merit. The notes were often 
really helpful, and were looked upon as spiritual 
and evangelical. It was the version specially 
adopted by the Puritan party through the reign of 
Elizabeth, and far into that of James. It was based 
on Tyndal's Version. 3. Some peculiarities are — 
(a.) It professes a desire to restore the " true wri- 
ting " of many Hebrew names, and we meet accord- 
ingly with " Izhak " (Isaac), " Jaacob," &c. (b.) It 
omits the name of St. Paul from the title of the 
Epistle to the Hebrews ; and, in a short Preface, 
leaves the authorship an open question. (<?.) It 
avows the principle of putting all words not in the 
original in Italics, (d.) Its Calendar, prefixed to 
the Bible, commemorated Scripture facts, and the 
deaths of the great Reformers, but ignored saints' 
days altogether, (e.) It was the first English Bible 
which entirely omitted the Apocrypha. (/.) The 
notes were characteristically Swiss, not only in their 
theology, but in their politics. They made allegiance 
to kings dependent on the soundness of their faith. 
—IX. The Bishops' Bible. 1. The facts just stated 
will account for the wish of Archbishop Parker, to 
bring out another version which might establish its 
claims against that of Geneva. Great preparations 
were made. The correspondence of Parker with 
his Suffragans shows little agreement as to the true 
theory of a translation. 2. The bishops thus con- 
sulted, eight in number, together with some deans 
and professors, brought out the fruit of their labors 
in a magnificent folio (1568 and 1572). Every thing 
had been done to make it attractive. It had a long 
erudite preface, many wood engravings, three cop- 
perplate portraits (of the Queen, Earl of Leicester, 
and Lord Burleigh), a map of Palestine (in the edi- 
tion of 1572), and an elaborate series of genealogical 
tables. It was avowedly based on Cranmer's trans- 
lation. Cranmer's Prologue was reprinted. The 
Geneva division into verses was adopted throughout. 



11G2 



VER 



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3. Some peculiarities were — (a.) The Books of the 
Bible were classified as legal, historical, sapiential, 
and prophetic, (6.) Many passages were marked to 
be omitted in the public service of the Church, (e.) 
One edition contained the version of the Psalms 
from Matthew's Bible, in parallel columns with that 
now issued. (</.) The initials of the translators were 
attached to the books, which they had severally 
undertaken, (e.) Here, as in the Geneva, is the at- 
tempt to give the Hebrew names more accurately, 
e. g. " Heva," " Izahac," " Uziahu," &c. 4. Of all 
the English versions, the Bishops' Bible had prob- 
ably the least success. It did not command the 
respect of scholars, and its size and cost were far 

ti n leeting the wants of the people. It had, how- 

ever, some good Hebrew scholars among the trans- 
lators ; and, together with the A. V., received from 
Selden the praise of being " the best translation in 
the world." — X. Hheinm and Douay. The succes- 
sive changes in the Protestant versions of the Script- 
ures were, as might be expected, matter of triumph 
to Roman Catholic controversialists. Some saw in 
it an argument against any translation of Scripture 
into the spoken language of the people. Others 
pointed derisively to the want of unity which these 
changes displayed. Some, however, like Sir T. 
More and Gardiner, under Henry VIII., did not ob- 
ject to the principle of an English translation, but 
charged all the versions hitherto made with being 
false, corrupt, heretical. To this there was the 
ready retort, that they had done nothing; that their 
bishops in the reign of Henry had promised, but had 
not performed 1 . It was felt that they must take 
some steps to turn the edge of this reproach, and 
the English refugees who were settled at Rheims — 
Gregory Martin (a graduate of Cambridge), Allen 
(afterward cardinal), and Bristow — undertook the 
work. After some years the N. T. was published 
at Rheims, in 1582. Though Martin was competent 
to translate from the Greek, it professed to be based 
on " the authentic text of the Vulgatk." Notes 
were added as strongly dogmatic as those of the 
Geneva Bible, and often keenly controversial. The 
work was completed by the publication of the 0. T. 
at Douay, in 1609. ! — XL Authorized Version or Com- 
mon English Version. 1. The position of the Eng- 
lish Church in relation to the versions in use at the 
commencement of the reign of James I. was hardly 
satisfactory. The Bishops' Bible was sanctioned 
by authority. That of Geneva had the strongest 
hold on the affections of the people. Scholars, 
Hebrew scholars in particular, found grave fault 
with both. Among the demands of the Puritan 
representatives at the Hampton Court Conference, 
in 1604 (Dr. John Rainolds [or Reynolds], President 
of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, being the spokes- 
man), was one for a new, or, at least, a revised trans- 
lation. The bishops treated the difficulties which 
they raised with supercilious scorn. Had it been 
left to the bishops, we might have waited for the 
A. V. " till the day after doomsday." But the king 
declared that there was as yet no good translation. 
Nothing, however, was settled at the Conference be- 



1 This is now the standard English Version of the Ro- 
man Catholics ; hut the present officially approved editions 
of it (after Rev. Dr. Challoner) often adopt the language 
of the A. V. rather than that of the Rheims and Douay 
translations, retaining, however, "pasch" and " azyms " 
in Mk. xiv. 1, &c. (A. V. "passover" and "unleavened 
bread "), "do penance" in Mat. iii. 2, iv. 17, &c. (A. V. 
"repent''), "justice" in Mat. v. 6, 10, 20, &c. (A. V. 
" righteousness "). and other terms in imitation of the 
Latin from which the version was made. 



yond the hope thus held out. 2. But the king was 
not forgetful of what he thought likely to Lc the 
glory of his reign. The work of organizing and 
superintending the arrangements for a new transla- 
tion was one specially congenial to him, and in 1600 
the task was accordingly commenced. The selec- 
tion of the fifty-four scholars to whom it was in- 
trusted, seems, on the whole, to have been a wise 
and fair one. Andrews, Saravia, Overal, Montague, 
and Barlow, represented the "higher" party in the 
Church ; Rainolds, Chaderton, and Lively that of 
the Puritans. 3 Scholarship, unconnected with party, 
was represented by Henry Savile and John Boys. 
3. What reward other than that of their own con- 
sciences and the judgment of posterity were the 
men thus chosen to expect for their long and labori- 
ous task ? The king was not disposed to pay them 
out of his state revenue. A king's letter, however, 
was sent to the archbishops and bishops, to be 
transmitted by them to their chapters, commending 
all the translators to their favorable notice. They 
were exhorted to contribute in all 1,000 marks, and 
the king was to be informed of each man's liberal- 
ity. If any livings in their gift, or in the gift of 
private persons, became vacant, the king was to be 
informed of it, that he might nominate some of the 
translators to the vacant preferment. Heads of 
colleges, in like manner, were enjoined to give free 
board and lodging to such divines as were sum- 
moned from the country to labor iff the great work. 
That the king might take his place as the director 
of the whole, a copy of fifteen instructions was 
sent to each translator, and apparently circulated 
freely into both Universities. 4. These fifteen in- 
structions bore thus on the work in hand, and its 
relation to previous versions: [1.] The Bishops' 
Bible was to be followed, and as little altered as 
the original will permit. [2.] The names of proph- 
ets and others were to be retained, as nearly as 
may be, as they are vulgarly used. [3.] The old 
ecclesiastical words to be kept, e. g. " church " not 
to be translated " congregation." [4.] When any 
word hath divers significations, that to be kept 
which hath been most commonly used by the most 
eminent Fathers, being agreeable to the propriety 
of the place and the analogy of faith. [5.] The 
division of the chapters to be altered either not at 
all, or as little as possible. [6.] No marginal notes 
to be affixed but only for the explanation of Hebrew 
and Greek words. [7 ] Such quotations of places 
to be marginally set down as may serve for fit ref- 
erence of one Scripture to another. The marginal 
references of the A. V. of 1611 were somewhat 
scanty, most of those now printed having been 
added in later editions. [8. and 9.] State plan of 
translation. Each company of translators is to 
take its own books ; each person to bring his own 
corrections. The company to discuss them, and 
having finished their work, to send it on to another 
company, and so on. [10.] Differences of opinion 
between two companies to be referred to a general 
meeting. [11.] Gives power, in cases of difficulty, 
to consult any scholars. [12.] Invites suggestions 
from any quarter. [13.] Names the directors of 
the work : Andrews, dean of Westminster ; Barlow, 
dean of Chester; and the Regius Professors of 



2 Only forty-seven names appear in the king's list. 
Seven may have died, or declined to act; or it may have 
been intended that there should be a final committee of re- 
vision. Rainolds and Lively (Hebrew Professor at Cam- 
bridge for thirty years) died during the progress of the 
work. 



VER 



VER 



1163 



Hebrew and Greek at both Universities. [14.] 
Names translations to be followed when they agree 
more with the original than the Bishops' Bible, 
sc. Tyndal's, Coverdale's, Matthew's, Whitchurch's 
(Cranmer's), and Geneva. [15.] Authorizes Uni- 
versities to appoint three or four overseers of the 
work. 5. It is not known that any of the corre- 
spondence connected with this work, or any minute 
of the meetings for conference, is still extant. 
6. For three years the work went on, the sepa- 
rate companies comparing notes as directed. When 
the work drew toward its completion, two from each 
of the three groups 3 were accordingly selected, and 
the six met in London, to superintend the publica- 
tion. Now, for the first time, we find some more 
definite remuneration than the shadowy promise 
held out in the king's letter, of a share in the 1,000 
marks which Deans and Chapters would not contrib- 
ute. The Company of Stationers thought it expe- 
dient to give the six editors thirty pounds each, in 
weekly payments, for their nine months' labor. The 
final correction, and writing the arguments of the 
several books, was given to Bilson, bishop of Win- 
chester, and Dr. Miles Smith, the latter of whom also 
wrote the dedication and preface. 7. This version 
did not all at once supersede those already in pos- 
session, though five editions of it were published in 
three years. But the Bishops' Bible probably re- 
mained in many Churches, and of the Geneva Ver- 
sion there were not less than thirteen reprints, in 
whole, or in part, between 1611 and 1617. It is not 
easy to ascertain the impression which the A. V. 
made at the time of its appearance. Selden, a few 
years later, says it is " the best of all translations as 
giving the true sense of the original," yet adds that 
"no book in the world is translated as the Bible is, 
word for word, with no regard to the difference of 
idioms." Proposals for another revision, brought 
forward in the Grand Committee of Religion in the 
House of Commons in January, 1656, were referred 
to a sub-committee acting under Whitelock, with 
power to consult divines and report; but nothing 
ever came of this. 8. The highest testimony of this 
period is that of Walton, the editor of the Polyglott, 
who characterized this version as " eminent among 
all." With the reign of Anne the tide of glowing 
panegyric set in. It would be easy to put together 
a long string of praises stretching from that time to 
the present. The language of the A. V. has inter- 
twined itself with the controversies, the devotion, 
the literature of all who speak the English language. 
The most solemn and tender of individual memories 
are, for the most part, associated with it. While 
from time to time scholars and divines have admitted 
the necessity of a revision, those who have attacked 
the present version and produced new ones have 
been, for the most part, men of narrow knowledge 
and defective taste. — XII. Schemes for a revision. 
1. The first half of the eighteenth century was not 
favorable for such a work. An almost solitary 
Essay for a new Translation by H. R. (Ross), 1702, 
attracted little or no notice. A Greek Testament 
with an English translation, singularly vulgar and 
offensive, was published in 1729. A folio Neio and 
literal translation of the whole Bible by Anthony 
Purver, a Quaker (1764), in spite of its defective 
taste, may be contrasted favorably with most of the 



3 Those appointed by the king met at Westminster ; 
those appointed by the Universities of Oxford and Cam- 
bridge met within their respective precincts. Eacb of 
these three groups had been subdivided, and thus there 
were six sections in all. 



single-handed translations which have followed. It 
was far above the depth of degradation and folly 
reached in Harwood's Literal Translation of the N. 
T. " with freedom, spirit, and elegance" (1768). 2. 
Biblical revision was happily not left entirely in such 
hands as these. A translation by Worsley " accord- 
ing to the present idiom of the English tongue " 
(1770) was, at least, less offensive. Durell {Preface 
to Job), Lowth (Preface to Isaiah), Blayney (Preface 
to Jeremiah, 1784), were all strongly in favor of a 
new, or revised translation. Each contributed, in 
the best way, to the work by laboring steadily at a 
single book. Kennicott's labors in collecting MSS. 
of the O. T. issued in his Stale of the present Hebrew 
Text (1753, '59), and excited expectations that there 
might before long be something like a basis for a 
new version in a restored original. A more am- 
bitious scheme was started by the Roman Catholic 
Dr. Geddes, in his Prospectus for a New Translation 
(1786). He, too, like Lowth, finds fault with the 
superstitious adherence to the Masoretic text, with 
the undue deference to lexicons, and disregard of 
versions shown by our translators. The work was 
issued in parts, according to the terms of the Pros- 
pectus, but did not get further than 2 Chr., in 1792, 
when the death of the translator put a stop to it. 
This translation fell rapidly into disfavor. 3. The 
revision of the A. V., like many other salutary re- 
forms, was hindered by the French Revolution. In 
1792, Archbishop Newcome had published an elab- 
orate defence of such a scheme, taking the same line 
as Lowth. Revised translations of the N. T. were 
published by Wakefield in 1795, by Newcome him- 
self in 1796, by Scarlett in 1798. Campbell's ver- 
sion of the Gospels appeared in 1788, Macknight's 
of the Epistles in 1795. But in 1796 the note of 
alarm was sounded. There is a long interval before 
the question again comes into any thing like promi- 
nence. Dr. John Bellamy published a new transla- 
tion under the patronage of the Prince Regent (1818). 
The work was poor and unsatisfactory, and tremen- 
dous batteries were opened upon it in the Quarterly 
Review and elsewhere. The most masterly of the 
manifestoes against all change, was an anonymous 
pamphlet (Remarks on the Critical Principles, &c, 
Oxford, 1820), written by Archbishop Laurence. 4. 
A correspondence between Herbert Marsh, bishop 
of Peterborough, and the Rev. H. Walter, in 1S28, 
is the next link in the chain. Marsh had spoken 
(Lectures on Biblical Criticism) with some contempt 
of the A. V. as based on Tyndal's, Tyndal's on Lu- 
ther's, and Luther's on Munster's Lexicon, which 
was itself based on the Vulgate. Walter, in his an- 
swer, proves what is plain enough, that Tyndal knew 
some Hebrew, and that Luther, in some instances, 
followed Rabbinical authority and not the Vulgate ; 
but the evidence hardly shows that Tyndal's version 
of the O. T. was entirely independent of Luther's, 
or Luther's of the Latin. 5. The last five-and- 
twenty years have seen the question of a revision 
from time to time gaining fresh prominence in Great 
Britain. Dr. Conquest's Bible, with " 20,000 emen- 
dations," has not commanded the respect of critics. 
Dr. Beard's A Revised English Bible the Want of the 
Church (1857), though tending to overstate the de- 
fects of the A. V., is yet valuable as containing much 
information, and representing the opinions of the 
more learned Nonconformists. Far more important, 
every way, both as virtually an authority in favor 
of revision, and as contributing largely to it, are 
Professor Scholefield's Hints for an Improved Trans- 
lation of the V. T. (1832). To Bishop Ellicott also 



1164 



VER 



VIL 



belongs the credit of having spoken at once boldly 
and wisely on this matter [Preface to Pastoral Epis- 
tles). The translations appended by Ellicott to 
his editions of St. Paul's Epistles proceed on the 
true principle of altering the A. V. "only where it 
appears to be incorrect, inexact, insufficient, or ob- 
scure." Dr. Trench ( On the A. V. of the N. T., 1858), 
in like manner, states his conviction that " a revision 
ought to come," though as yet, he thinks, " the 
Greek and the English necessary to bring it to a 
successful issue are alike wanting." The Revision 
of the A. V. by Five Clergymen (Dr. Barrow, Dr. 
Moberly, Dean Alford, Mr. Humphry, and Dr. Elli- 
cott) represents the same school of conservative 
progress. As yet, this series includes only the Gos- 
pel of St. John, and the Epistles to the Romans and 
Corinthians. The publications of the American 
Bible Union are signs that the same want has been 
felt in America. 4 The translations given by Alford, 
Stanley, Jowett, and Conybeare & Howson, in their 
respective commentaries, arc, in like manner, admis- 
sions of the necessity of the work and contributions 
toward it. Others, as Mr. Sharpe (1840), Mr. High- 
ton (1862), Mr. Cookcsley, &c, have undertaken to 
translate the entire N. T. Yet the opponents of a 
revision have probably the majority, and Mr. Scriv- 
ener, Dr. McCaul, Mr. C. S. Malone, and Dr. Gumming 
have given utterance to the feeling on this side. — 
XIII. Present Stale of the Question. — 1. To take an 
accurate estimate of the extent to which the A. V. 
requires revision would require an examination of 
each single book, and involve an amount of detail 
beyond our limits. 2. The translation of the N. T. 
is from a Greek text (Bcza's ?) confessedly imperfect. 
No revision ought to ignore the results of the textual 
criticism of the last hundred years. (New Testa- 
ment, II., III.) 3. Still less had been done at the com- 
mencement of the seventeenth century for the text 
of the 0. T. The materials for a revised text are, 
of course, scantier than with the N. T. (Old Testa- 
ment, A.) 4. All scholars worthy of the name are 
now agreed that as little change as possible should 
be made in the language of the A. V. Some words, 
however, are altogether obsolete; others have been 
slowly passing into a different meaning. 5. The 
self-imposed law of fairness which led the A. V. 
translators to admit as many English words as pos- 
sible to the honor of representing one in the Hebrew 
or Greek text has, as might be expected, marred the 
perfection of their work. Side by side with this 
fault, there is another just the opposite to it. One 
English word appears for several Greek or Hebrew 
words, and thus shades of meaning, often of impor- 
tance to the right understanding of a passage, are 
lost sight of. 5 6. Grammatical inaccuracy must be 
noted as a defect pervading, more or less, the pres- 



4 The commentaries of American Biblical students often 
contain or involve new translations of particular portions 
of Scripture, e. "Prof. Stuart (on Romans. Hebrews, Apoc- 
alypse. Daniel, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes), Prof. J. A. Alex- 
ander (on Psalms. Isaiah. Mark). Prof. H. B. Hackett (on 
Acts, <fec). Rev. A. Barnes (on N. T., Isaiah. Job, Daniel), 
Prof. C. Hodge (on Romans, 1 Cor., Epbesians), Prof. G. 
Bush (on Genesis. Exodus, Leviticus. Numbers, Joshua, 
Judges), J. J. Owen (on Gospels), Jacobus, Conant. Ripley, 
Whedon. Nast. &c. The English translation of Lange's j 
Commentary, edited by Dr. Schaff and other American 
scholars, contains numerous emendations of the A. V. 

6 The present work furnishes help for overcoming this 
difficulty, not only by systematically giving the Hebrew 
and Greek equivalents of important terms in the A. V., 
but also by illustrating the various English renderings of 
each of these original words in its turn. See Assembly ; 
Atonement ; Eternal ; God ; Lobd ; Ordain ; Preach ; 
Sk; Soul; Spirit, &c, &c. 



ent version. Both Greek and Hebrew were learned 
by the translators through the medium of Latin, 
which failed utterly to represent, e. g., the force of 
the Greek and Hebrew article, the difference of the 
Greek aorist and perfect tenses, &c. 1. The division 
into chapters and verses is a matter that ought not 
to be passed over in any future revision. (Bible 
IV.) 8. Other points of detail may be noticed: (a.) 
The chapter headings of the A. V. often go beyond 
their proper province. What should be a mere 
table of contents becomes a gloss upon the text. 
(6.) The use of italics in printing the A. V. is at 
least open to some risks. At first they seem an 
honest confession on the part of the translators of 
what is or is not in the original. On the other hand, 
they tempt to a loose translation, (e.) The marginal 
references, as now printed, are over-abundant, often 
only verbal, and need a careful sifting, (d.) Marginal 
readings, on the other hand, indicating variations in 
the text, or differences in the judgment of trans- 
lators, might be profitably increased in number, and 
thus many difficulties and stumbling-blocks might 
be removed. 9. What has been said will serve to 
show at once to what extent a new revision is re- 
quired, and what are the chief difficulties to be en- 
countered." 

* Ves'selt Bag ; Barrel; Basin; Bottle; Cal- 
dron ; Furniture ; Handicraft ; Kettle ; Pitcher ; 
Pot; Potsherd; Ship, &c. 

* Vi'al, the A. V. translation of— 1. Hob. pack — 
a fash, iiottle, Ges. (I Sam. x. 1); less correctly 
translated "box" (2 K. ix. 1, 3). — 2. Gr. phiale = 
a bowl, gobht, broad and shallow, Rbn. N. T. Lex. 
(Rev. v. 8, xv. 1, xvi. 1 ff., xvii. 1, xxi. 9); in LXX. 
= Heb. mizrdk, translated "basin" and "dowl." 

* Victuals [vit'lz]. Food. 

Village. It is evident that the Heb. hdtscr or 



9 The views of Prof. Plumptre given in the text of this 
article agree with those of many eminent Biblical scholars, 
and contain much truth well presented. That the A. V. 
hns many infelicitous, inexact, inconsistent, and even 
palpably erroneous renderings is freely admitted ; these 
renderings are noticed and corrected in this Dictionary ac- 
cording to the best authorities, whenever it seemed re- 
quisite and practicable so to do; yet, as a whole, the A. 
V. in its general faithfulness to the original Scriptures, its 
pure and forcible EnglUb, its familiar yet, for the most 
part, dignified forms of expression, and its common ac- 
ceptance by men of all denominations and of all shades of 
religious belief, presents a combination of advantages 
which no other English translation yet made can claim or 
counterbalance. Certainly no denominational versions, 
like those of the American Bible Union, and none made 
simply by and for scholars, like many of those mentioned 
under XII. and note 4 above, and indeed none made by 
Britons alone, or by Americans alone, can reasonably ex- 
pect to take the place of the A. V., except to a limited ex- 
tent and for particular purposes. It should be bome in 
mind that no translation made by men is itself inspired, 
and hence none either is or can be infallible or absolutely 
perfect ; yet one that is confessedly imperfect or faulty in 
some respects may not only be far better than none, but, 
so long as it does not essentially mislead or prevent the 
use of other helps to ascertain the exact truth of God, it 
may be abundantly sufficient to fill the place which it is 

groperly designed to occupy. " Our incomparable English 
ible stands in no need of a radical revision : its idiom, 
beauty, and vigor are all that can be desired. But no good 
scholar will deny that it miirht be greatly improved as to 
clearness and accuracy; while many doubt whether it 
could be done without producing greater division and con- 
fusion, and thus doing more harm than good. A final re- 
vision for popular use should proceed from a body of 
scholars representing the British and American Bible So- 
cieties, and all the Protestant churches which worship 
God in the English laneuage. and have an equal claim to 
this inestimable inheritance of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries. In the mean time, no one can object to 
new translations and revisions for exegetical and critical 
use" (Rev. Philip Schaff. D. D., Preface to the American 
Edition of Lange's Commentary). 



VIN 

ch&tser, "a village," literally an enclosure (Court; 
Hazer), a collection of huts, is often used, especially 
in the enumeration of towns in Josh, xiii., xv., xix., 
to imply unwalled suburbs outside the walled towns 
(eomp. Lev. xxv. 31 with 34; "suburbs"). Arab 
villages, as found in Arabia, are often mere collec- 
tions of stone huts, " long, low, rude hovels, roofed 
only with the stalks of palm-leaves," or covered for 
a time with tent-cloths, which are removed when the 
tribe change their quarters. Others are more solidly 
built, as are most of the modern villages of Pales- 
tine, though in some the dwellings are mere mud- 
huts. There is little in the T. to enable us more 
precisely to define a village of Palestine, beyond the 
fact that it was destitute of walls or external de- 
fences. Persian villages are spoken of in similar 
terms (Ez. xxxviii. 11; Esth. ix. 19). By the Tal- 
mudists a village was defined as a place destitute of 
a synagogue. In the N. T. the term " village " (Gr. 
kdme ; Town 7) is applied to Bethphage (Mat. xxi. 
2), Bethany (Lk. x. 38), Emmaus (xxiv. 13, 28), 
Bethlehem (Jn. vii. 42, A. V. "town"). Depend- 
ence on a chief town of a district appears to be de- 
noted by the phrase " villages of Cesarea Philippi " 
(Mk. viii. 27). Capernaum ; Caphar ; City ; Havoth- 
jair ; Town. 

Vine (Heb. gephen; soreh = " the choicest vine " 
[Is. v. 2], " a noble vine " [Jer. ii. 21] ; sorekdh — 
"choice vine" [Gen. xlix. 11]; nctzir = "vine un- 
dressed," i. e. not pruned [Lev. xxv. 5, 11 ; Naza- 
rite) ; Gr. ampelos), the well-known valuable plant 
( Vilis vinifera), very frequently referred to in the 
Old and New Testaments, and cultivated from the 
earliest times. The first mention of this plant oc- 
curs in Gen. ix. 20, 21. (Noah.) The Egyptians 
say that Osiris first taught men the use of the vine. 
That it was abundantly cultivated in Egypt is evi- 
dent from the monuments, as well as from the 
Scriptural allusions (Gen. xl. 9-11 ; Num. xx. 5 ; Ps. 
lxxviii. 47). The vines of Palestine were celebrated 
both for luxuriant growth and for the immense 
clusters of grapes which they produced. The spies, 
on their arrival at the valley of Eshcol, cut down a 
branch with one cluster of grapes, and bare it be- 
tween two on a staff (Num. xiii. 23). Travellers 
have frequently testified to the large size of the 
grape-clusters of Palestine. Schulz speaks of sup- 
ping at Beitshin, a village near Ptolemais, under a 
vine about thirty feet high with a stem about a foot 
and a half in diameter, forming by its branches a 
hut upward of thirty feet broad and long. " The 
clusters of these extraordinary vines," he adds, " are 
so large that they weigh ten or twelve pounds, and 
the berries may be compared with our small plums." 
Especial mention is made in the Bible of the vines 
of Eshcol (Num. xiii. 24, xxxii. 9), of Sibmah, Hesh- 
bon, and Elealeh (Is. xvi. 8-10 ; Jer. xlviii. 32), 
and En-gedi (Cant. i. 14). — The vine is frequently 
the subject of metaphor in the Scriptures. To dwell 
under the vine and fig-tree is an emblem of domestic 
happiness and peace (1 K. iv. 25; Mic. iv. 4 ; Ps. 
exxviii. 3); the rebellious people of Israel are com- 
pared to " wild grapes," " an empty vine," " the de- 
generate plant of a strange vine," &c. (Is. v. 2, 4 ; 
Hos. x. 1 ; Jer. ii. 21). It is a vine which our Lord 
selects to show the spiritual union between Himself 
and His members (Jn. xv. 1-6). — The ancient He- 
brews probably allowed the vine to grow trailing on 
the ground, or upon supports. Dr. Robinson saw 
them at Hebron planted singly in rows eight or ten 
feet apart, the stock growing up large to the height 
of six or eight feet, then fastened in a sloping position 



VIN H65 

to a strong stake, and the shoots extending in festoons 
from one plant to another, but pruned away in 
autumn. The vintage (Heb. batsir), which formerly 
was a season of general festivity, commenced in 
September. The towns are deserted, and the peo- 
ple live among the vineyards in the lodges and tents 
(compare Judg. ix. 2V; Jer. xxv. 30; Is. xvi. 10). 
The grapes were gathered with shouts of joy by the 
" grape-gatherers " (Jer. xxv. 30), and put into 
baskets (vi. 9). They were then carried on the 
head and shoulders, or slung upon a yoke, to the 
" wine-press." Those intended for eating were per- 
haps put into flat open baskets of wickerwork, as 
was the custom in Egypt. (Basket.) In Palestine 
at present the finest grapes, says Dr. Robinson, are 
dried as "raisins" (Heb. tsimmuk), and the juice of 
the remainder, after having been trodden and pressed, 
" is boiled down to a syrup which, under the name 
of dibs, is much used by all classes, wherever vine- 
yards are found, as a condiment with their food." 
(Drink, Strong ; Food ; Honey ; Wine.) The vine- 
yard, which was generally on a hill (Is. v. 1 ; Jer. 

xxxi. 5 ; Am. ix. 13), was surrounded by a wall or 
hedge to keep out the wild boars (Ps. lxxx. 13), 
jackals, and foxes (Num. xxii. 24 ; Nell, iv. 3 ; Cant, 
ii. 15 ; Ez. xiii. 4, 5 ; Mat. xxi. 33). Within the 
vineyard was one or more towers (Tower) of stone 
in which the vine-dressers lived (Is. i. 8, v. 2 ; Mat. 
xxi. 33). The wine-press and vat ("fat"), which 
was dug (Mat. xxi. 33) or hewn out of the rocky 
soil, were part of the vineyard furniture (Is. v. 2). 
See the three following articles ; also Agriculture ; 
First-fruits ; Gleaning, &c. 

Vine (Heb. gephen) of Sod om occurs only in Deut. 

xxxii. 32. It is generally supposed that this passage 
alludes to the celebrated apples of Sodom, of which 
Josephus speaks, " which indeed resemble edible 
fruit in color, but, on being plucked by the hand, 
are dissolved into smoke and ashes." Some travel- 
lers, as Maundrell, regard the whole story as a fic- 
tion. Pococke supposed the apples of Sodom to be 
pomegranates. Hasselquist seeks to identify them 
with the egg-shaped fruit of the Solanum Melongena 
(egg-plant) when attacked by some insect (a species 
of Tenthredo) which converts the whole of the in- 
side into dust, while the rind remains entire and 
keeps its color. Burckhardt, Irby and Mangles, 
Robinson, Tristram, Mr. Houghton, Dr. Hamilton 
(in Fbn.), &c, identify the apples of Sodom with 
the fruit of the dsher of the Arabs, the Asclepias 
gigantra or Calotropis procera, which is a shrub or 
tree abundant in Upper Egypt, &c, but apparently 
confined in Palestine to the borders of the Dead 
Sea ; growing at '4w Jidy to a height of ten to fif- 
teen feet, and a diameter of six or eight inches ; 
having a grayish cork-like bark, and long oval 
leaves ; discharging copiously from its broken leaves 
and flowers a milky fluid ; and in general appearing 
like a gigantic perennial species of the milkweed or 
silkweed (Asclepias cornuti ?) common in the North- 
ern United States ; bearing fruit in Clusters of three 
or four, having a slender pod in the centre, con- 
taining a small quantity of fine silk with seeds, but 
filled mostly with air, and externally resembling a 
large, smooth apple or orange, yellow when ripe, 
and, on being pressed, exploding like a bladder or 
puff-ball. Mr. Walter Elliot endeavors to show 
that the apples of Sodom are oak-galls, which grow 
plentifully on dwarf oaks (Quercus infedoria) in the 
country beyond the Jordan. Dr. J. D. Hooker 
identifies the Dead Sea apple or apple of Sodom 
with the Solanum Sodomceum (Palestine, Botany). 



1166 



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Dr. Hooker and Mr. Houghton regard the " vine of 
Sodom " as the colocynth ( Cucumis Colocynthh) ; 
Gourd 2), " which " says Dr. Hooker, " is bitter 
and powdery inside ; the term vine would scarcely 
be given to any but a trailing or other plant of the 
habit of a vine." 

Vin e-gar. The Hebrew term hornets or chomets 
was applied to a beverage consisting generally of 
wine or strong drink turned sour, but sometimes 
artificially made by an admixture of barley and 
wine, and thus liable to fermentation. It was acid 
even to a proverb (Prov. x. 26), and by itself nau- 
seous (Ps. lxix. 21), but was used by laborers (Ru. 
ii. 14). Similar to this was the acctum of the Ro- 
mans — a thin, sour wine consumed by soldiers, 
either pure, or more usually mixed with water, and 
then termed posca. Of this (Gr. oxos) the Saviour 
partook in His dying moments (Mat. xxvii. 48; Mk. 
xv. 36 ; Jn. six. 29, 30). Crucifixion ; Gall ; 
Myrrii. 

* Y'ine'yard [via-]. Vine ; Wine.^ 

Vine yards, Plain of the (Ilcb. Abel Cir&mim or 
Crumim), mentioned only in Judg. xi. 33 ; — Abel 
5 ; possibly (so Mr. Grove), at a ruin Beit el-Kcrm 
( = house of the vine) encountered by De Saulcy to 
the N. of Kerak. 

* Vint age. Vine. 

Vi ol. For an explanation of the Hebrew word 
translated " viol," sec Psaltery. The old English 
viol, like the Spanisli vic/wla, was a six-stringed 
guitar. Etymologically, viol is connected with the 
Dan. Fiol, and the A. S. Jtoclr t through the Fr. viole, 
Old Fr. vidJc, Med. Lat. vitella. 

* Vi'o-let. Colors, II. 2. 

Vi per, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. cph'ch, 
from a root signifying to hiss (Job xx. 16 ; Is. xxx. 
6, lis. 5). Mr. Houghton thinks it impossible to 
determine the species of serpent indicated by this 
Hebrew term ; Gesenius defines it "a viper, adder; 
any poisonous serpent." — 2. Heb. epjha' (Is. xli. 24 
margin), after some of the Rabbins, but wholly 
against the context (so Gesenius). The A. V. text 
and most expositors translate " nothing." — 3. Gr. 
echidna (.Mat. iii. 7, xii. 34, xxiii. 33; Lk. iii. 7; 
Acts xxviii. 3). The "viper" which fastened on 
Paul's hand in Melita was probably (so Mr. Hough- 
ton, kc.) the common viper of Europe (Pclias [or 




Common Viper of Europe ( Vipera [or Peliat] Berut). — (Fbo.) 



Vipera ] Berus), or else the Vipera Aspis, which is 
not uncommon on the Mediterranean coasts. The 
poison of the former (so Mr. Gosse) is much more 
virulent in the S. of Europe than in England. 
" Generation of vipers " in Mat. and Lk. is spoken 
figuratively of wicked men. Adder ; Asp ; Gall ; 
Poison ; Serpent. 

* Vir gin [-jin] (Heb. bethuldh, 'almah ; Gr. parthe- 



nos) — a maiden chaste and pure (Gen. xxiv. 16, 
43 ; Mat. i. 23, &c). The Hebrews often personi- 
fied the inhabitants of a city or country, taken col- 
lectively, as a " daughter " and " virgin " (2 K. xix. 
21 ; Lam. i. 15, &c). In Rev. iv. 14 " virgins" = 
the chaste or pure in a moral sense, and is applied 
to males. Adultery ; Child ; Daughter ; Idol- 
atry ; Immanuel ; Marriage ; Mary the Virgin. 

* Vis ion. Dream ; Prophet ; Trance. 

* Vol nine. Bible ; New Testament ; Old Testa- 
ment ; Scroll ; Writing. 

Vopll'si (Heb. my addition or apipendagc? Ges.), 
father of Nahbi, the Naphtalite spy (Num. xiii. 14). 

Vow. The practice of making vows is extremely 
ancient, and common in all systems of religion. 
The earliest vow mentioned is Jacob's (Gen. xxviii. 
18-22, xxxi. 13). Vows in general are also men- 
tioned in Job xxii. 27, &c. The Law, therefore, did 
not introduce, but regulated the practice of vows. 
Three sorts are mentioned : — I. Vow of devotion 
(Heb. nedcr) ; II. Vow of abstinence (Heb. e~sdr or 
issdr) ; III. Vow of destruction (Heb. herem or 
cMrem). I. As to vows of devotion, the following 
rules are laid down : — A man might devote to 
sacred uses possessions or persons, but not the 
first-born either of man or beast, which was de- 
voted already (Lev. xxvii. 26). a. If he vowed 
land, he might either redeem it or not. If he in- 
tended to redeem, two points were to be considered : 
(1.) the rate of redemption (xxvii. 16 ff.); (2.) the 
distance, prospectively and retrospectively, from 
the year of jubilee. The purchaser of land, if he 
devoted and also wished to redeem it, was required 
to pay a redemption-price according to the priestly 
valuation, but without the additional fifth. The 
owner who wished to redeem would thus be re- 
quired to pay either an annual rent or a redemption- 
price answering to the number of years short of 
the jubilee, but deducting Sabbatical years (xxv. U, 
15, 16), and adding a fifth, or twenty per cent, in 
either case. If he refused or was unaMe to re- 
deem, either the next of kin came forward, as he 
had liberty to do, or, if no redemption was elfected, 
the land became the property of the priests (xxv. 
25, xxvii. 21 ; Ru. iii. 12, iv. 1, &c.). In the case of 
a house devoted, its value was to be assessed by 
the priest, and a fifth added to the redemption-price 
in case it was redeemed (Lev. xxvii. 15). b. Animals 
fit for sacrifice, if devoted, were not to be re- 
deemed or changed ; and if a man attempted to do 
so, he was required to bring both the devotee and 
the changeling (xxvii. 9, 10, 33 ; Blemish). An 
animal unfit for sacrifice might be redeemed by add- 
ing a fifth to the priest's valuation, or it became 
the property of the priests (ver. 12, 13). c. The 
case of persons devoted stood thus : — A man might 
devote either himself, his child (not the first-born), 
or his servant. If no redemption took place, the 
devoted person became a servant of the sanctuary: 
see the case of Absalom (2 Sam. xv. 8). (Naza- 
rite.) Otherwise he might be redeemed at a valua- 
tion according to age and sex, on the scale given in 
Lev. xxvii. 1-8. — Among general regulations affect- 
ing vows may be mentioned: — 1. Vows were en- 
tirely voluntary, but once made were regarded as 
compulsory (Num. xxx. 2 ; Deut. xxiii. 21 ; Eccl. v. 
4). 2. If persons in a dependent condition made 
vows, as (a) an unmarried daughter living in her 
father's house, or (b) a wife, even if she afterward 
became a widow, the vow, if (a) in the first case 
her father, or (b) in the second, her husband heard 
and disallowed it, was void ; but if they heard with- 



VUL 



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1167 



out disallowance, it was to remain good (Num. xxx. 
3-16). 3. Votive offerings arising from the produce 
of any impure traffic were wholly forbidden (Deut. 
xxiii. 18; Dog; Sodomite).— II., III. For vows of 
abstinence, see Corban ; and for vows of extermi- 
nation, Anathema, also Ezr. x. 8 and Mic. iv. 13. For 
the vows of the Apostle Paul (Acts xviii. 18, xxi. 
24), see Nazarite IV. 

Vulgate, the. (Abridged from the original article 
of Mr. Westcott.) The influence of the Latin Ver- 
sions of the Bible upon Western Christianity is 
scarcely less than that of the Septuagint upon the 
Greek Churches. For many centuries it was the 
only Bible generally used ; and, directly or in- 
directly, it is the real parent of all the vernacular 
versions of Western Europe. The Gothic Version 
of Ulphilas alone is independent of it. (Versions, 
Ancient.) The Anglo-Saxon and Wickliffe's ver- 
sions were made from it. In the age of the Refor- 
mation the Vulgate was rather the guide than the 
source of the popular versions, though all the Roman 
Catholic versions were derived from it. That of 
Luther (N. T. in 1523) was the most important, and 
in this the Vulgate had gre;it weight. From Luther 
the influence of the Latin passed to our own Au- 
thorized Version. (Version, Authorized.) The 
Vulgate is not only the source of our current theo- 
logical terminology, but it is, in one shape or other, 
the most important early witness to the text and 
interpretation of the whole Bible. — I. Origin and 
History of the name Vulgate. The name Vulgate, = 
L. Vulgata edilio (the current text of Holy Script- 
ure), has necessarily been used differently in various 
ages of the Church. The phrase originally an- 
swered to the koine ekdosis (Gr. = common edition or 
recension) of the Greek Scriptures (Septuagint, p. 
995), and is thus used constantly by Jerome in his 
Commentaries. In some places Jerome distinctly 
quotes the Greek text; but generally he regards 
the Old Latin, which was rendered from the LXX., 
as substantially identical with it, and thus introduces 
Latin quotations under the name of the LXX., or 
Vulgata editio. In this way the transference of the 
name from the current Greek text to the current 
Latin text became easy and natural. Yet more : 
as the Gr. koine ekdosis came to signify an uncor- 
rected (and so corrupt) text, the same secondary 
meaning was attached to the L. vulgata edilio. 
Thus, in some places the vulgata editio stands in 
contrast with the true Hexaplaric text of the LXX. 
This use of the phrase Vulgata editio to describe 
the LXX. (and the Latin Version of the LXX.) was 
continued to later times. As a general rule, the 
Latin Fathers speak of Jerome's Version as " our " 
Version ; but it was not unnatural that the Council 
of Trent (as many later scholars) should be misled 
by the associations of their own time, and adapt to 
new circumstances terms which had grown obsolete 
in their original sense. — II. The Old Latin Versions. 
The history of the earliest Latin Version of the 
Bible is lost in obscurity. All that can be affirmed 
with certainty is that it was made in Africa. During 
the first two centuries the Church of Rome, and so 
that of Gaul, was essentially Greek ; but the Church 
of Northern Africa seems to have been Latin-speak- 
ing from the first. At what date this Church was 
founded is uncertain. Tertullian (about a. d. 200) 
distinctly recognizes the general currency of a Latin 
Version of theN. T., characterized by a " rudeness" 
and "simplicity" which seem to point to the nature 
of its origin. The version of the N. T. appears to 
have arisen from individual and successive efforts ; 



but it does not follow by any means that numerous 
versions were simultaneously circulated, or that the 
several parts of the version were made independent- 
ly. Even if it had been so, the exigencies of the 
public service must soon have given definiteness 
and substantial unity to the fragmentary labors of 
individuals. The work of private hands would nec- 
essarily be subject to revision for ecclesiastical use. 
The separate books would be united in a volume; 
and thus a standard text of the whole collection 
would be established. With regard to the 0. T. the 
case is less clear. Probably the Jews settled in 
Northern Africa were confined to the Greek towns ; 
otherwise it might be supposed that the Latin Ver- 
sion of the 0. T. is in part anterior to the Christian 
era, and that (as in the case of Greek) a preparation 
for a Christian Latin dialect was already made when 
the Gospel was introduced into Africa. However 
this may have been, the substantial similarity of the 
different parts of the 0. T. and N. T. justifies the 
belief that there was one popular Latin Version of 
the Bible current in Africa in the last quarter of the 
second century. The exact literality of the Old 
Version was not confined to the most minute ob- 
servance of order and the accurate reflection of the 
words of the original: ill many cases the very forms 
of Greek construction were retained in violation of 
Latin usage. — From considerations of style and 
language it seems certain that Hebrews, James, and 
2 Peter did not form part of the original African 
Version of the N. T. In the 0. T., on the other 
hand, the Old Latin erred by excess, and not by 
defect, including the Apocryphal Books from the 
current copies of the LXX., to which 2 Esdras was 
early added. (Canon.) After the translation once 
received a definite shape in Africa, which could not 
have been long after the middle of the second cen- 
tury, it was not publicly revised. The old text was 
jealously guarded by ecclesiastical use, and was re- 
tained there when Jerome's version was elsewhere 
almost universally received. In the 0. T. the ver- 
sion was made from the unrevised edition of the 
LXX. — But while the earliest Latin Version was 
preserved generally unchanged in Northern Africa, 
it fared differently in Italy. There the provincial 
rudeness of the version was more offensive, and a 
revision was more feasible. In the fourth century 
a definite ecclesiastical recension (of the Gospels at 
least) appears to have been made in Northern Italy 
by reference to the Greek, which was distinguished 
by the name of the Italian (L. Itala). This appears 
to have been made in some degree with authority : 
other revisions were made for private use, in which 
such changes were introduced as suited the taste of 
scribe or critic. The next stage in the deterioration 
of the text was the intermixture of these various 
revisions. — III. Labors of Jerome. At the close of 
the fourth century the Latin texts of the Bible cur- 
rent in the Western Church had fallen into the 
greatest corruption. The evil was yet greater in 
prospect than at the time ; for the separation of the 
East and West was growing imminent. But in the 
crisis of danger the great scholar was raised up who 
probably alone for 1,500 years possessed the quali- 
fications necessary for producing an original version 
of the Scriptures for the use of the Latin Churches. 
Jerome — in Latin Eusebius Hieronymus — was born 
a. n. 329 at Stridon in Dalmatia, and died at Beth- 
lehem a. d. 420. After long and self-denying studies 
in the East and West, Jerome went to Rome a. d. 
382, probably at the request of Damasus the Pope, 
to assist in an important synod. His active biblical 



1168 



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VUL 



labors date from this epoch, and in examining them 
it will be convenient to follow the order of time, 
noticing — (1.) Revision of the Old Latin Version of 
the iV. T. Jerome had not been long at Rome (a. n. 
383) when Damasus consulted him on points of 
Scriptural criticism. Apparently in the same year 
he applied to Jerome for a revision of the current 
Latin version of the N. T. by the help of the Greek 
original. The need of this was urgent. " There 
were," says Jerome, "almost as many forms of text 
as copies." The Gospels had naturally suffered 
most. Jerome therefore applied himself to these 
first His aim was to revise the Old Latin, not to 
make a new version ; yet the difference of the Old 
and Revised (Hicronymian) text is clear and striking. 
Some of the changes which Jerome introduced were 
made purely on linguistic grounds. Others involved 
questions of interpretation. But the greater num- 
ber consisted in the removal of the interpolations 
by which the synoptic Gospels especially were dis- 
figured. — The preface to Damasus speaks only of a 
revision of the Gospels, and a question has been 
raised whether Jerome really revised the remaining 
books of the N. T. But Damasus had requested a 
revision of the whole ; Jerome (a. d. 398) enumer- 
ates among his works " the restoration of the 
(Latin version of the) N. T. to harmony with the 
original Greek;" and an examination of the Vulgate 
text, with the quotations of fathers before Jerome 
and the imperfect evidence of MSS., is itself suffi- 
cient to show that the revision of the later books 
was real, but hasty and imperfect. (2.) Revision of 
tlie 0. T. from Vie LXX. About the same time 
(a. d. 3S3 ?), Jerome made a first revision of the 
Psalter by the help of the Greek, but the work was 
not very complete or careful. This revision obtained 
the name of the Roman Psalter, probably because 
it was made for the use of the Roman Church at 
the request of Damasus. In a short time, at the 
urgent request of Paula and Eustochium, Jerome 
commenced a new and more thorough revision (Gal- 
liean Psalter). This was probably soon after 387, 
when he retired to Bethlehem, and certainly before 
391, when he had begun his new translations from 
the Hebrew. In the new revision Jerome adopted 
Origen's notation (Septcagint), and attempted to 
represent as far as possible, by the help of the 
Greek versions, the real reading of the Hebrew. 
This new edition soon obtained a wide popularity. 
Gregory of Tours is said to have introduced it from 
Rome into the public services in France, and from 
this it obtained the name of the Gallican Psalter. 
Numerous MSS. remain which contain the Latin 
Psalter in two or more forms (Roman, Gallican, He- 
brew, &c). From the second (Gallican) revision of 
the Psalms Jerome appears to have proceeded to a 
revision of the other books of the 0. T., restoring 
all, by the help of the Greek, to a general con- 
formity with the Hebrew. The Prefaces to the Re- 
visions of Job, Chronicles, and Solomon's three 
books, and the revised texts of the Psalter and Job 
have alone been preserved ; but there is no reason 
to doubt that Jerome carried out his design of re- 
vising all the " Canonical Scriptures," though there 
is very great difficulty in tracing the history of the 
revision. (3.) Translation of the 0. T. from the 
Hebrew. Jerome commenced the study of Hebrew 
when he was already advanced in middle life (about 
374); but he availed himself of every help to per- 
fect his knowledge of the language. His first 
teacher had been a Jewish convert ; but afterward 
he did not scruple to seek the instruction of Jews, 



whose services he secured with great difficulty and 
expense. In some of his earliest critical letters 
(a. d. 381, 383) he examines the force of Hebrew 
words ; and in 384, he had been engaged for some 
time in comparing the version of Aquila with He- 
brew MSS., which a Jew had obtained for him from 
the synagogue. After retiring to Bethlehem, he 
appears to have devoted himself with renewed ar- 
dor to the study of Hebrew, and he published sev- 
eral works on the subject (about 389). These es- 
says served as a prelude to his New Version, which 
he now commenced. This version was not under- 
taken with any ecclesiastical sanction, as the revision 
of the Gospels was, but at the urgent request of 
private friends, or from his own sense of the im- 
perious necessity of the work. Its history is told 
in the main in the prefaces to the several instal- 
ments successively published. The Books of Samuel 
and Kings were issued first, and to t hese he prefixed 
the famous Prologas galeatus, addressed to Paula 
and Eustochium, in which he gives an account of 
the Hebrew Canon. At the time when this was 
published (about 391, 392) other books seem to 
have been already translated ; and in 393 the six- 
teen prophets were in circulation, and Job had lately 
been put into the hands of his most intimate friends. 
Indeed, it wtfuld appear that in 392 he had in some 
sense completed a version of the 0. T. ; but many 
books were not completed and published till some 
years afterward. The next books which he put into 
circulation, yet with the provision that they should be 
confined to friends, were Ezra and Nehemiah, proba- 
bly in 394. The Chronicles may be set down to 395. 
The three Books of Solomon followed in 398, " the 
work of three days " after a severe illness. The Octa- 
teueh now alone remained (i. e. Pentateuch, Joshua, 
Judges and Ruth, and Esther). Of this the Pen- 
tateuch was published first, probably after 400. 
The remaining books were completed shortly after 
404. Thus the whole translation was spread over 
about fourteen years, from the sixtieth to the sev- 
enty-sixth year of Jerome's life ; yet parts of it were 
finished in great haste (e. g. the Books of Solomon, 
Tobit, Judith). There are errors in the work which 
a more careful revision might have removed ; but 
such defects are trifling compared with what he ac- 
complished successfully. The work remained for 
eight centuries the bulwark of Western Christianity ; 
and as a monument of ancient linguistic power the 
translation of theO. T. stands unrivalled and unique. 
— IV. History of Jerome's Translation to the Inven- 
tion of Printing. The critical labors of Jerome 
were received with a loud outcry of reproach. He 
was accused of disturbing the repose of the Church, 
and shaking the foundations of faith. Acknowl- 
edged errors, as he complains, were looked upon as 
hallowed by ancient usage ; and few had the wisdom 
or candor to acknowledge the importance of seeking 
for the purest possible text of Holy Scripture. Even 
Augustine was carried away by the popular preju- 
dice, and endeavored to discourage Jerome from the 
task of a new translation, which seemed to him 
dangerous and almost profane. But the new trans- 
lation gradually came into use equally with the old, 
and at length supplanted it. In the fifth century it 
was adopted in Gaul by Eucherius of Lyons, Vin- 
cent of Lerins, Sedulius and Claudianus Mamertus; 
but the Old Latin was still retained in Africa and 
Britain. In the sixth century the use of Jerome's 
Version was universal among scholars except in Af- 
rica, where the other still lingered ; and at the close 
of it Gregory the Great, while commenting on Je- 



t 



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1169 



rome's Version, acknowledged that it was admitted 
equally with the Old by the Apostolic See. But the 
Old Version was not authoritatively displaced, though 
the custom of the Roman Church prevailed also in 
the other Churches of the West. In the seventh 
century the traces of the Old Version grow rare. 
In the eighth century Bede speaks of Jerome's Ver- 
sion as " our edition ; " and from this time it is 
needless to trace its history, though the Old Latin 
was not wholly forgotten. Yet throughout, the New 
Version made its way without any direct ecclesias- 
tical authority. It was adopted in the different 
Churches gradually, or at least without any formal 
command. — But the Latin Bible which thus passed 
gradually into use under the name of Jerome was a 
strangely composite work. The books of the 0. 1:, 
with one exception, were taken from his Version 
from the Hebrew, but variously corrupted, and in 
many particulars (especially in the Pentateuch) at 
variance with his later judgment. Long use, how- 
ever, made it impossible to substitute his Psalter 
from the Hebrew for the Gallican Psalter ; and thus 
this book was retained from the Old Version, as 
Jerome had corrected it from the LXX. Of the 
apocryphal books Jerome hastily revised or trans- 
lated two only, Judith and Tobit. The remainder 
were retained from the Old Version against his judg- 
ment; and the apocryphal additions to Daniel and 
Esther, which he had carefully marked as apocryphal 
in his own version, were treated as integral parts of 
the books. In the N. T. the only important addition 
which was frequently interpolated was the apoc- 
ryphal Epistle to the Laodiceans. The text of the 
Gospels was in the main Jerome's revised edition ; 
that of the remaining books his very incomplete 
revision of the Old Latin. Thus the present Vul- 
gate contains elements which belong to every period 
and form of the Latin Version — (1.) Unrevised Old 
Latin: Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 1 and 2 Maccabees, 
Baruch. (2.) Old Latin revised from the LXX. : 
Psalter. (3.) Jerome's free translation from the 
original text: Judith, Tobit. (4.) Jerome's trans- 
lation from the Original: 0. T. except Psalter. (5.) 
Old Latin revised from MSS. : Gospels. (6.) Old 
Latin cursorily revised: the remainder of the N. T. 
— The Revision of Alcnin. The simultaneous use 
of the Old and New Versions led to great corrup- 
tions of both texts. Mixed texts were formed ac- 
cording to the taste or judgment of scribes, and the 
confusion was further increased by the changes 
sometimes introduced by those who had some 
knowledge of Greek. Scarcely any Anglo-Saxon 
Vulgate MS. of the eighth or ninth centuries which 
Mr. Westcott has examined is wholly free from an 
admixture of old readings. As early as the sixth 
century, Cassiodorus attempted a partial revision 
of the text (Psalter, Prophets, Epistles) by a colla- 
tion of old MSS. But private labor was unable to 
check the growing corruption ; and Charlemagne in- 
trusted to Alcuin (about 802) the task of revising 
the Latin text for public use. This Alcuin appears 
to have done simply by the use of MSS. of the Vul- 
gate, and not by reference to the original texts. His 
revision, which had a wide currency, probably con- 
tributed much toward preserving a good Vulgate 
text. The best MSS. of his recension do not differ 
widely from the pure Hieronymian text. But the 
new revision was gradually deformed, though at- 
tempts at correction were made by Archbishop Lan- 
franc of Canterbury in 1089, Cardinal Nicolaus in 
1150, and the Cistercian Abbot Stephanus about 
1150. In the thirteenth century Correctoria ( — 
74 



notes of corrected readings) were drawn up, espe- 
cially in France, in which varieties of reading were 
discussed. Little more was done for the text of 
the Vulgate till the invention of printing; and 
Laurentius Valla (about 1450) alone deserves men- 
tion, as one who devoted the highest powers to 
the criticism of Holy Scripture, at a time when 
such studies were little esteemed. — V. History 
of the Printed Text. It was a noble omen for 
the future progress of printing that the first 
book which issued from the press was the Bible ; 
and the splendid pages of the Mazarin Vulgate 
(Mainz, Gutenburg, and Fust) stand yet unsurpassed 
by the latest efforts of typography. This work is 
referred to about 1455, and presents the common 
text of the fifteenth century. Other editions followed 
in rapid succession. The first collection of various 
readings appears in a Paris edition of 1504, and 
others followed at Venice and Lyons in 1511, 1513; 
but Cardinal Ximenes (1502-151*7) first seriously 
revised the Latin text, to which he assigned the mid- 
dle place of honor in his Polyglot, between the He- 
brew and Greek texts. (New Testament, II. 2 ; 
Old Testament, A, 3.) Robert Stephens used three 
MSS. of high character and the earlier editions in 
carefully preparing his edition of 1528 (second edi- 
tion 1532). About the same time various attempts 
were made to correct the Latin from the original 
texts (Erasmus, 1516; Pagninus, 1518-28; Cardi- 
nal Cajetan ; Steuchius, 1529 ; Clarius, 1542), or 
even to make a new Latin version (J. Campensis, 
1533). 1 A more important edition of R. Stephens 
followed in 1540, in which he made use of twenty 
MSS. and introduced considerable alterations into 
his former text. In 1541 another edition was pub- 
lished by J. Benedictus at Paris, based on the colla- 
tion of MSS. and editions, and often reprinted after- 
ward. Vercellone speaks much more highly of the 
Biblia Ordinaria, with glosses, &c, published at 
Lyons, 1545, as giving readings in accordance with 
the oldest MSS. An authorized edition became a 
necessity for the Roman Catholic Church, and the 
Council of Trent decided in favor of the oldest Latin 
text. — The Sixline and Clementine Vulgates. The 
first session of the Council of Trent was held De- 
cember 13, 1545. After formally promulgating the 
Nicene Creed as the foundation of the Christian 
faith, February 4, 1546, the Council proceeded to 
the question of the authority, text, and interpretation 
of Holy Scripture. A committee, appointed to re- 
port upon the subject, held private meetings from 
February 20th to March 17th. Considerable varieties 
of opinion existed as to the relative value of the 
original and Latin texts, and the final decree (April 
8th) — consisting of two parts, the first containing the 
list of the canonical books, with the usual anathema 
on those who refuse to receive it, and the second, 
" On the Edition and Use of the Sacred Books," 
without an anathema— was intended as a compro- 
mise. In affirming the authority of the " Old Vul- 
gate " it contains no estimate of the value of the 
original texts. The question decided is simply the 
relative merits of the current Latin versions, and 



'Other Latin versions or editions of the Vulgate, cor- 
rected from the original Hebrew and Greek, are those of 
Beza (N. T., 1556, &e.), Minister (O. T., 1534-5, 2d edition 
1546), Leo Judse, Bibliander, &c. ("Zurich version," 1543, 
&c), Castellio (1551, &c), Junius and Tremellius (1575- 
9, &c), Cocceius (1701), Sebastian Schmid (1696, &c), Le 
Clerc (in L. Clericus; 1693-1731), Houbigant (O. T. and 
Apocrypha, 1753), Dathe (O. T., 1773-89), Schott and Win- 
zer (Pentateuch, 1816; N. T., 1805, &c.), &c. See Kitto, 
article on Latin Versions, by Dr. W. L. Alexander. 



1170 



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VUL 



this only in reference to public exercises. It was 
also enacted, that " Holy Scripture, but especially the 
old and common (Vulgate) edition should be printed 
as correctly as possible." The decree, however, was 
received with little favor, and the want of a standard 
text of the Vulgate practically left the question as 
unsettled as before. The theologians of Belgium 
did something to meet the want. In 1547 the first 
edition of Hentenius appeared at Louvain, which had 
very considerable influence upon later copies. It 
was based upon the collation of Latin MSS. and 
Stephens's edition of 1540. In the Antwerp Poly- 
glot of 1568-72 the Vulgate was borrowed from the 
Complutensian ; but in the Antwerp edition of the 
Vulgate of 1573-4 the text of Hentenius was adopted 
with copious additions of readings by Lucas Brugen- 
sis. This last was designed as the preparation and 
temporary substitute for the Papal edition : indeed 
it may be questioned whether it was not put forth 
as the correct edition required by the decree of the 
Council of Trent. But a Papal board was already 
engaged, however desultorily, upon the work of re- 
vision. In 1561 Paulus Manutius (son of Aldus 
Manutius) was invited to Rome to superintend the 
printing of Latin and Greek Bibles. During that 
year and the next several scholars (with Sirletus at 
their head) were engaged in the revision of the text. 
In the pontificate of Pius V. the work was continued, 
and Sirletus still took a chief part in it (1569, 1570), 
but it was currently reported that the difficulties of 
publishing an authoritative edition were insuperable. 
Nothing further was done toward the revision of the 
Vulgate under Gregory XIII., but preparations were 
made for an edition of the LXX. This appeared in 
15S7, in the second year of the pontificate of Sixtus 
V., who had been one of the chief promoters of the 
work. After the publication of the LXX., Sixtus 
immediately devoted himself to the production of 
an edition of the Vulgate. A board was appointed, 
under the presidency of Cardinal Carafa, to arrange 
the materials and offer suggestions for an edition. 
Sixtus himself revised the text, and when the work 
was printed he examined the sheets with the utmost 
care, and corrected the errors with his own hand. 
The edition appeared in 1590, with the famous con- 
stitution or ordinance (dated March 1, 1589) pre- 
fixed, in which Sixtus decreed that this edition was 
" to be received and held as true, lawful, authentic, 
and unquestioned in all public and private discus- 
sion, reading, preaching, and explanation." He for- 
bade expressly the publication of various readings 
in copies of the Vulgate, and decreed that all read- 
ings which varied from his edition should " have no 
credit or authority for the future." It was also 
enacted that the new revision should be introduced 
into all missals and service-books ; and the greater 
excommunication was threatened against all who in 
any way contravened the constitution. Sixtus, how- 
ever, died in August, 1590; and, though during the 
brief pontificate of Urban VII. nothing could be 
done, the reaction was not long delayed. On the 
accession of Gregory XIV. some went so far as to 
propose that the edition of Sixtus should be abso- 
lutely prohibited ; but Bellarmin's suggestion — that 
the erroneous alterations of the text " should be 
corrected with all possible speed and the Bible re- 
printed under the name of Sixtus, with a prefatory 
note to the effect that errors had crept into the for- 
mer edition by the carelessness of the printers " — 
found favor with those in power. A commission 
was appointed to revise the Sixtine text, under the 
presidency of the Cardinal Colonna (Columna). At 



first the commissioners made but slow progress ; 
but, after changes in the mode and place, the work, 
if we may believe the inscription which still com- 
memorates the event, and the current report of the 
time, was completed in nineteen days. The task was 
hardly finished when Gregory died (October, 1591), 
and the publication of the revised text was again de- 
layed. His successor, Innocent IX., died the same 
year, and at the beginning of 1692 Clement VIII. 
was raised to the popedom. Clement intrusted the 
final revision of the text to Toletus, and the whole 
was printed by Aldus Manutius (the grandson) be- 
fore the end of 1592. The preface, written by Bel- 
larmin, is favorably distinguished from that of Six- 
tus by its temperance and even modesty. Another 
edition followed in 1593, and a third in 1598, with 
a list of errata for each of the three editions. Other 
editions were afterward published at Rome, but with 
these corrections the history of the authorized text 
properly terminates. — The respective merits of the 
Sixtine and Clementine editions have been often de- 
bated. In point of mechanical accuracy, the Sixtine 
seems to be clearly superior. The collections lately 
published by Vercellone place in the clearest light 
the strange and uncritical mode in which Sixtus 
dealt with the evidence and results submitted to 
him. The recommendations of the Sixtine correct- 
ors are marked by singular wisdom and critical tact, 
and in almost every case where Sixtus departs from 
them he is in error. The Gregorian correctors 
(whose results are given in the Clementine edition) 
in the main simply restored readings adopted by the 
Sixtine board and rejected by Sixtus. In point of 
fact the Clementine edition errs by excess of caution. 
— While the Clementine edition was still recent, some 
thoughts seem to have been entertained of revising 
it. Lucas Brugensis made important collections for 
this purpose, but the practical difficulties were found 
to be too great, and in the next generation use and 
controversy gave a sanctity to the authorized text. 
But in 1706 Martianay published a new, and in the 
main better text, chiefly from original MSS., in his 
edition of Jerome. Vallarsi added fresh collations 
in his revised issue of Martianay's work. Sabatier, 
though professing only to deal with the Old Latin, 
published important materials for the criticism of 
Jerome's Version, and gave at length the readings 
of Lucas Brugensis (1743). More than a century 
elapsed before any thing more of importance was 
done for the text of the Latin version of the O. T., 
when at length the discovery of the original revision 
of the Sixtine correctors again directed the attention 
of Roman scholars to their authorized text. The 
first-fruits of their labors are given in the volumes 
of Vercellone (Rome, 1860-62), which have thrown 
more light upon the history and criticism of the 
Vulgate than any previous work. — VI. The Critical 
Value of the Latin Versions. Jerome's translation 
of the O. T. as a whole is a remarkable monument 
of the substantial identity of the Hebrew text of the 
fourth century with the present Masoretic text. In 
the N. T. the revision of Jerome, where it differs 
from the Old Latin, represents the received Greek 
Text of the fourth century, and so far claims a re- 
spect (speaking roughly) equal to that due to a first- 
class Greek MS. The substance of the Vulgate, and 
the copies of the Old Latin, bear witness to a text 
more ancient, and, therefore, other things being 
equal, more valuable, than is represented by any 
other authority (except perhaps the Peshito), yet 
not free from serious corruptions, though very dif- 
ferent ones from those which affected Greek MSS., 



VUL 



VUL 



1171 



the two authorities, therefore, mutually correcting 
one another. — In estimating the critical value of 
Jerome's labors, it is necessary to draw a distinc- 
tion between his different works. The three ver- 
sions of the Psalter represent the three different 
methods which he followed. At first he was con- 
tented with a popular revision of the current text 
(the Roman Psalter) ; then he instituted an accurate 
comparison between the current text and the origi- 
nal (the Gallican Psalter) ; and in the next place he 
translated independently, giving a direct version of 
the original (the Hebrew Psalter). These three 
methods follow one another in chronological order, 
and answer to the wider views which Jerome grad- 
ually gained of the functions of a biblical scholar. 
The revision of the N. T. belongs to the first period. 
When it was made, his aim was little more than to 
remove obvious interpolations and blunders ; and in 
doing this he likewise introduced some changes of 
expression which softened the roughness of the old 
version, and some which seemed to be required for 
the true expression of the sense ; yet he failed to 
curry out even this limited purpose with thorough 
completeness. Jerome's revision of the Gospels was 
far more complete than that of the remaining parts 
of the N. T. It is, indeed, impossible, except in the 
Gospels, to determine any substantial difference in 
the Greek texts represented by the Old and Hiero- 
nymian Versions. But his commentaries show that he 
used copies differing widely from the recension which 
passes under his name, and even expressly condemned 
as faulty many passages which are undoubtedly part 
of the Vulgate. The chief corruptions of the Old Lat- 
in consist in the introduction of glosses. The places 
where the Old Latin and the Vulgate have separately 
preserved the true reading are rare, when compared 
with those in which they combine with other ancient 
witnesses against the great mass of authorities. Of 
the interpretative value of the Vulgate little need 
be said. We have better means of elucidating the 
text, at least of the N. T., than the translators of 
the Latin Version enjoyed. Versions supply au- 
thority for the text, and opinion only for the ren- 
dering. — VII. The Language of the Latin Version. 
Generally it is necessary to distinguish two distinct 
elements both in the Latin Version and in subsequent 
patristic writings: (1.) Provincialisms. Early forms 
found in Plautus or noted as archaisms by gram- 
marians reappear in the language of the Latin Ver- 
sion, and establish in a signal manner the vitality 
of the popular as distinguished from the literary 
idiom. There are also many other peculiarities 
which evidently belong to the African (or common) 
dialect, and not merely to the Christian form of it. 
Compounds, especially formed with the prepositions, 
are peculiarly abundant in the Latin Version. (2.) 
Grecisms. The " simplicity" of the Old Version ne- 
cessarily led to the introduction of very numerous 
Septuagintal or N. T. forms, many of which have 
now passed into common use. The Vulgate Latin 
bears traces of a threefold influence derived from 
the original text (viz. [a.] an extension of the use 
of prepositions for simple cases ; [6.] an assimilation 
of pronouns to the meaning of the Greek article; 
[c] a constant employment of the definitive and 
epithetic genitive, when classical usage would have 
required an adjective) ; and the modifications of 
form traceable to this source occur yet more largely 
in modern languages, whether from the plastic 
power of the Vulgate on the popular dialect, or, 
more probably, from the powers widely working in 
the times of the empire on the common Latin and 



making their record in the Vulgate. These pecu- 
liarities, found in greater or less frequency through- 
out the Vulgate, are naturally most abundant and 
striking in the parts least changed from the Old 
Latin, the Apocrypha, the Acts, Epistles, and Apoc- 
alypse. — Generally it may be said that the Scriptural 
idioms of our common language have come to us 
mainly through the Latin ; and in a wider view the 
Vulgate is the connecting link between classical and 
modern languages. It contains elements which be- 
long to the earliest stage of Latin, and exhibits (if 
often in a rude form) the flexibility of the popular 
dialect. On the other hand, it has furnished the 
source and the model for a large portion of current 
Latin derivatives. By far the greater part of the 
current doctrinal terminology is based on the Vul- 
gate, and, as far as can be ascertained, was origi- 
nated in the Latin Version. Predestination, justifi- 
cation, supererogation (Latin verb supererogo), sanc- 
tification, salvation, mediator, regeneration, revelation, 
visitation (metaphorically), propitiation, first appear 
in the Old Vulgate. Grace, redemption, election, rec- 
onciliation, satisfaction, inspiration, scripture, were de- 
voted there to a new and holy use. Sacrament ( = 
Gr. musterion, mystery) and communion are from the 
same source ; and though baptism is Gre^k, it comes to 
us from the Latin. To these add orders, penance, con- 
gregation, priest. The Latin Versions have left their 
mark upon our language and upon our thoughts ; 
and if the right method of controversy is based upon 
a clear historical perception of the force of words, 
it is evident that the study of the Vulgate, however 
much neglected, can never be neglected with im- 
punity. It was the Version which alone they knew 
who handed down to the Reformers the rich stores 
of mediaeval wisdom ; the Version with which the 
greatest of the Reformers were most familiar, and 
from which they had drawn their earliest knowledge 
of Divine truth. 

Vnl'tnre, the A.V. translation of Heb. dddh (Lev. 
xi. 14 only) and dayydh (Deut. xiv. 13 ; Is. xxxiv. 15 ), 
also once of ayydh (Job xxviii. 7). Mr. Tristram, 
original author of this article, regards these Hebrew 
words as referring to some of the smaller species 
of raptorial birds, as kites or buzzards. Dayydh 
evidently = Ar. h'dayah, the vernacular for the 
" kite " in North Africa, and without the epithet 
" red " for the black kite especially. The Samaritan 
and all other Eastern Versions agree in rendering it 
" kite." Ayydh yet more certainly = " kite " as 
in other passages. Two very different species of 
bird are comprised under the English term vulture: 
the griffon ( Vullur fulvus, or Gyps fuhms, Savigny), 
Ar. nesser, Heb. nesher, invariably rendered " eagle " 
by the A. V. ; and the percnopter, or Egyptian vul- 
ture (Neophron percnopterus, Savigny), Ar. rakhma, 
Heb. rdhdm or rdchdm, rendered " gier-eagle " 
by the A. V. The identity of the Hebrew and 
Arabic terms in these cases can scarcely be ques- 
tioned. The griffon is in all its movements and 
characteristics a majestic and royal bird, the largest 
and most powerful which is seen on the wing in 
Palestine, and far surpassing the eagle in size and 
power. Its only rival in these respects is the 
Bearded Vulture or Lammergeyer (see below). — If 
we make the Heb. ayydh — the red kite (Milvus re- 
galis, Temminck), and dayydh — the black kite 
I (Milvus aler, Temminck), we shall find the piercing 
sight of the former referred to in Job xxviii. *7, and 
the gregarious habits of the latter in Is. xxxiv. 15. 
Both species are inhabitants of Palestine, the red 
kite being found all over the country, as formerly 



1172 



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WAR 



in England, but nowhere in great numbers, gener- 
ally soaring at a great height over the plains, and 
apparently leaving the country in winter. The 
black kite, so numerous everywhere as to be gre- 
garious, may be seen at all times of the year, hov- 
ering over the villages and the outskirts of towns, 
on the lookout for offal and garbage, its favorite 
food. — Three species of vulture are known to in- 
habit Palestine: — 1. The Lammergeyer {Gi/pa'elos 
barbaius, Cuvier), which is rare everywhere, and only 
found in desolate mountain-regions. (Ossifrage.) 
2. The griffon (Gi/ps fulvus, Savigny), mentioned 
above, remarkable for its power of vision and the 
great height at which it soars. It scents its prey 
from afar, and congregates in the wake of an army 
(compare Mat. xxiv. 28 ; Job xxxix. 30 ; Eaglk). 
Mr. Tristram observed this bird universally distrib- 
uted in all the mountainous and rocky districts of 
Palestine, and especially abundant in the S. E. Its 
favorite breeding-places are between Jerusalem and 
Jericho, and all round the Dead Sea. 3. The Egyp- 
tian vulture {Neophron pcrcnopterus, Savigny), often 
called Pharaoh's hen, observed in Palestine by Has- 
selquist and all subsequent travellers, and very 
numerous everywhere. It is slovenly and cowardly, 
the familiar scavenger of all Oriental towns and 
villages, protected for its useful habits, but loathed 
and despised. Gier-eagle. 

w 

* Wa'fer (Heb. usually rdkik) — a thin cake or 
leaf-like bread (Ex. xvi. 31, xxix. 2, 23, &c). 

Wa'ges (Heb. masedrelh, adchdr, &c. ; Gr. mhthos, 
opsonia). The earliest mention of wages is of a 
recompense not in monev, but in kind, to Jacob 
from Laban (Gen. xxix. 15, 20, xxx. 28, xxxi. 7, 8, 
41). In Egypt money payments by way of wages 
were in use, but the terms cannot now be ascer- 
tained (Ex. ii. 9). The only mention of the rate of 
wages in Scripture is found in the parable of the 
householder and the vineyard (Mat. xx. 2), where 
the laborer's wages are set at one " penny " (= 
denarius, or 15 cents) for a day, a rate which agrees 
with Tob. v. 14, where a " drachm " is mentioned 
as the rate for a day, a sum which may be fairly 
taken as equivalent to the denarius, and to the 
usual pay of a soldier in the later days of the Ro- 
man republic (Tacitus, Annals, i. 17 ; Polybius, vi. 
39). In earlier times the rate was probably lower. 
But it is likely that laborers, and also soldiers, were 
supplied with provisions. A drachma (= 17 cents) 
a day was also, according to Boeckh, the pay of a 
common laborer at Athens in the time of Pericles, 
b. c. 450 ; and the same was paid to the members 
of the Council of 500, at Athens {B. S. xv. 188, 
193). — The Law was very strict in requiring daily 
payment of wages (Lev. xix. 13 ; Deut. xxiv. 14, 
15). The employer who refused to give his laborers 
sufficient victuals is censured (Job xxiv. 11), and 
the iniquity of withholding wages is denounced 
(Jer. xxii. 13 ; Mai. iii. 5 ; Jas. v. 4). Money ; 
Weights and Measures. 

Wag'on (Heb. dgdldh, once recheb ; Cart; Char- 
iot). The Oriental wagon is a vehicle composed of 
two or three planks fixed on two solid circular 
blocks of wood, from two to five feet in diameter, 
which serve as wheels. To the floor are sometimes 
attached wings, which slant outward like the sides 
of a wheelbarrow. For the conveyance of passen- 
gers, mattresses or clothes are laid in the bottom, 



and the vehicle is drawn by buffaloes or oxen. The 
covered wagons for conveying the materials of the 
Tabernacle were probably constructed on Egyptian 
models. Cart ; Chariot. 
* Wail ing. Mourning. 

Wall [wawl]. Only a few points need be noticed 
in addition to what has been said elsewhere on wall- 
construction, whether in brick, stone, or wood. 
(Brick ; Fenced City ; Handicraft ; Hedge ; House ; 
Jerusalem ; Mortar 2 ; Sheep-fold ; Slime.) 1. The 
practice common in Palestine of carrying founda- 
tions down to the solid rock (Palestine, II., § 25), 
as in the case of the Temple, and in the present 
day with structures intended to be permanent (Lk. 
vi. 48). 2. A feature of some parts of Solomon's 
buildings, as described by Josephus (viii. 5, § 2), 
corresponds to the method adopted at Nineveh of 
encrusting or facing a wall of brick or stone with 
slabs of a more costly material, as marble or ala- 
baster. 3. Another use of walls in Palestine is to 
support mountain-roads or terraces formed on the 
sides of hills for purposes of cultivation. (Agri- 
culture; Highway.) 4. The "path of the vine- 
yards" (Num. xxii. 24) is a pathway through vine- 
yards, with walls on each side. 

Wan'der-ing in the Wil'der-ness. Wilderness of 
the Wandering. 

War. The formation of the army, their arms, 
and encampment, have been already described. Be- 
fore entering on a war of aggression, the Hebrews 
sought for the Divine sanction by consulting the 
Urim and Thummim (Judg. i. 1, xx. 2, 27, 28 ; 1 Sam. 
xiv. 37, xxiii. 2, xxviii. 6, xxx. 8), or some prophet 
(1 K. xxii. 6; 2 Chr. x viii. 5; Divination). Divine 
aid was further sought in actual warfare by bring- 
ing into the field the Ark of the Covenant, which 
was the symbol of Jehovah Himself (1 Sam. iv. 4- 
18, xiv. 18). Formal proclamations of war were 
not interchanged between the belligerents; but oc- 
casionally messages either deprecatory or defiant 
were sent (Judg. xi. 12-27; 1 K. xx. 2 ; 2 K. xiv. 




Assyrian king putting out the eyes "of a captive, who, with others, ia held 
prisoner by a hook in the lips.— From Botta's fiinevek.— (Fbn.j 

8). Before entering the enemy's district, spies were 
sent to ascertain the character of the country, and 
the preparations of its inhabitants for resistance 
(Num. xiii. 17 ; Josh. ii. 1 ; Judg. vii. 10 ; 1 Sam. 



WAR 



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1173 



xxvi. 4). When au engagement was imminent a 
sacrifice was offered (vii. 9, xiii. 9), and an inspirit- 
ing address delivered either by the commander (2 
Chr. xx. 20) or by a priest (Deut. xx. 2). Then fol- 
lowed the battle-signal (1 Sam. xvii. 52; Is. xlii. 
13 ; Jer. 1. 42 ; Ez. xxi. 22 ; 
Am. i. 14 ; Cornet). The com- 
bat assumed the form of a num- 
ber of hand-to-hand contests. 
Hence the high value attached 
to fleetness of foot and strength 
of arm (2 Sam. i. 23, ii. 18; 1 
Chr. xii. 8). Various strate- 
gic devices were practised, as 
the ambuscade (Josh. viii. 2, 
12 ; Judg. xx. 36), surprise 
(Judg. vii. 16), or circumven- 
tion (2 Sam. v. 23). Another 
mode of settling the dispute 
was by the selection of cham- 
pions (1 Sam. xvii. ; 2 Sam. ii. 
14), who were spurred on to 
exertion by the offer of high 
reward (1 Sam. xvii. 25, xviii. 
25; 2 Sam. xviii. 11; 1 Chr. 
xi. 6). The contest having 
been decided, the conquerors 
were recalled from the pursuit 
by the sound of a trumpet (2 
Sam. ii. 28, xviii. 16, xx. 22). 
— The siege of a town or for- 
tress was conducted thus : — A 
line of circumvallation was 
drawn round the place (Ez. iv. 
2; Mic. v. 1), constructed out 
of the trees in the neighbor- 
hood (Deut. xx. 20), earth, &c. 
This line not only cut off the 
besieged from the surrounding 
country, but also served as a 
base of operations for the be- 
siegers. The next step was 
to throw out from this line 
one or more " mounts " or 
"banks" in the direction of 
the city (2 Sam. xx. 15 ; 2 K. 
xix. 32 ; Is. xxxvii. 33), to be 
gradually increased in height 
until about half as high as the 
city wall. On this mound or 
bank towers were erected (2 
K. xxv. 1 ; Jer. lii. 4 ; Ez. iv. 
2, xvii. 17, xxi. 22, xxvi. 8), 
whence the slingers and arch- 
ers might attack with effect. 
Battering-rams (Ez. iv. 2, xxi. 
22) were brought up to the 
walls by means of the bank 
(Engine ; Ram, Battering), 
and scaling-ladders might also 
be placed on it. Undermining 
the walls is not noticed in the Bible. (Jerusalem.) 
Burning the gates was a mode of obtaining ingress 
(Judg. ix. 52). The water-supply would naturally be 
cut off, if possible ( Jd. vii. 7). The besieged strength- 
ened and repaired their fortifications (Is. xxii. 10) ; re- 
pelled the enemy from the wall by missiles (2 Sam. xi. 
24), beams and heavy stones (Judg. ix. 53 ; 2 Sam. xi. 
2l), boiling oil, use of engines (2 Chr. xxvi. 15), 
&c. ; made sallies to burn the besiegers' works (1 
Mc. vi. 31) and drive them away. — The treatment 
of the conquered was extremely severe in ancient 



times. The bodies of the soldiers killed in action 
were plundered (1 Sam. xxxi. 8 ; 2 Mc. viii. 27); the 
survivors were killed in some savage manner (Judg. 
ix. 45 ; 2 Sam. xii. 31 ; 2 Chr. xxv. 12), or mutilated 
(Judg. i. 6 ; 1 Sara. xi. 2), or carried into captivity 




A city taken by assault, and the inhabitants led away captive. 

ii. 285.) 



From Kouyunjik. — (Lnyard'a Nineveh, 



(Num. xxxi. 26; Deut. xx. 14). Sometimes the bulk 
of the population of the conquered country was re- 
moved to a distant locality. (Captivity.) The 
Mosaic Law mitigated to a certain extent the sever- 
ity of the ancient usages toward the conquered. 
With the exception of the Canaanites (Canaan 1) 
who were under an anathema, the Israelites were 
to put to death only males bearing arms, to keep 
alive women and children (xx. 13, 14), to spare fruit- 
trees (ver. 19), to treat females humanely (xxi. 10- 
14). The majority of the savage acts recorded as 



1174 



WAR 



WAT 



practised by the Jews were either retaliatory for 
some gross provocation ( Judg. i. 6, 1 ; 2 Sam. x. 2- 
4, xii. 31 ; 1 Chr. xx. 3), or done by lawless usurp- 
ers (2 K. xv. 16; compare 1 K. xx. 31). The con- 
querors celebrated their success by the erection of 



monumental stones (1 Sam. vii. 12; Pillar), by 
hanging up trophies in their public buildings (xxi. 
9, xxxi. 10; 2 K. xi. 10), and by triumphal songs 
and dances in which the whole population took 
part (Ex. xv. 1-21 ; Judg. v. ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6-8 ; 2 



Bas-relief of Ceutio Palace, Wi 




ud, representing warriors before a besieged city.— A battering-ram drawn up to the walls, and captiTes impaled. - 
(Layard'a Nineveh, ii. 283.) 



Sam. xxii. ; Jd. xvi. 2-17; 1 51c. iv. 24).— For "the 
Book of the Wars of the Lord," see Numbers B. — 
Booty ; Hostages ; Punishments ; Slave ; Unclean- 

NESS. 

* Ward = watch, guard, custody, &c. (Gen. xl. 3, 
4, 7, &c). Prison. 

* Washing [wosh-]. Washing the clothes is fre- 
quently spoken of in the Scriptures, mostly as con- 
nected with ritual purifications (Ex. xix. 10, 14 ; Lev. 
xi. 25, 40, &c.), sometimes simply for cleansing them 
from dirt (Neh. iv. 23). Moral and spiritual purifi- 
cation is denoted by washing the clothes or the per- 
son (Ps. lxxiii. 13; Is. i. 16; Heb. x. 22; Rev. vii. 
14, &c). Neglect of washing the clothes was sig- 
nificant of affliction and mourning (2 Sam. xix. 24). 
Anointing ; Baptism ; Bath ; Fuller ; Nitre ; Pu- 
rification ; Regeneration; Soap; Washing the 
Hands and Feet ; Water. 

Wash ing tlie Hands and Feet. As knives and 
forks were dispensed with in eating, the hand, 
which was thrust into the common dish, needed to 
be scrupulously clean ; and again, as sandals were 
ineffectual against the dust and heat of an Eastern 
climate, washing the feet on entering a house was 
an act both of respect to the company, and of re- 
freshment to the traveller. The former of these 
usages was transformed by the Pharisees of the 
N. T. age into a matter of ritual observance (Mk. 
vii. 3), and special rules were laid down as to the 
times and manner of its performance. The Gr. 
pugmei in Mk. 1. c. is translated in A. V. " oft " 
(margin " or diligently; Gr. with the fist — up to the 
elbow, Theophylact ") ; by Alford, &c, after the 



Syriac, "diligently;" by the Vulgate, Gothic, he, 
" frequently " or " oft ; " Lange, taking the literal 
meaning " with the fist," says, " probably it was 
part of the rite, that the washing hand was shut, 
because it might have been thought that the open 
hand engaged in washing might make the other un- 
clean, or be made unclean by it, after having itself 
been washed," and suggests that "the expression 
might mean a vigorous and thorough washing ; " 
Rbn. N. T. Lex. explains, " literally, unless they wash 
their hands, rubbing them with the fist, i. e. not 
merely dipping the fingers or hand in water as a. sign 
of ablution, but rubbing the hands together as a 
ball or fist, in the usual Oriental manner when water 
is poured over them ; . . . hence (translated freely) 
sedulously, carefully, diligently." Washing the feet 
did not rise to the dignity of a ritual observance, 
except in connection with the services of the sanc- 
tuary (Ex. xxx. 19, 21). It held a high place, how- 
ever, among the rites of hospitality. When a 
guest presented himself at the tent-door, it was 
usual to offer the necessary materials for washing 
the feet (Gen. xviii. 4, xix. 2, xxiv. 32, xliii. 24 ; 
Judg. xix. 21). It was a yet more complimentary 
act, betokening equally humility and affection, if 
the host actually performed the office for his guest 
(1 Sam. xxv. 41 ; Lk. vii. 38, 44 ; Jn. xiii. 5-14 ; 1 
Tim. v. 10 ; Jesus Christ). Such a token of hos- 
pitality is still occasionally exhibited in the East. 
Meals ; Sandal ; Washing. 

Watch es of Night. The Jews, like the Greeks 
and Romans, divided the night into military watch- 
es instead of hours, each watch representing the 



WAT 



WEA 



1175 



period for which sentinels or pickets remained on 
duty. (Encampment.) The proper Jewish reckon- 
ing recognized only three such watches, entitled the 
first or " beginning of the watches " (Lam. ii. 19), 
the middle watch (Judg. vii. 19), and the morning 
watch (Ex. xiv. 24; 1 Sam. xi. 11). These would 
last respectively from sunset to 10 p. m ; from 10 
p. m. to 2 a. m. ; and from 2 a. m. to sunrise. After 
the establishment of the Roman supremacy, the 
number of watches was increased to four, which 
were described either according to their numerical 
order, e. g. the " fourth watch " (Mat. xiv. 25), or 
by the terms " even, midnight, cock-crowing, and 
morning " (Mk. xiii. 35). These terminated respec- 
tively at 9 p. m., midnight, 3 a. m., and 6 a. m. The 
guard (Quaternion) of soldiers was accordingly di- 
vided into four relays (Acts xii. 4). Watchmen ap- 
pear to have patrolled the streets of the Jewish 
towns (Cant. iii. 3, v. 7 ; compare Ps. cxxvii. 1, 
cxxx. 6). Chronology ; Day ; Hour ; Peter, note 3 . 

* Wa ter [waw-] (Heb. pi. mayim, construct mey 
or meymey ; Gr. hudor). To the ancient Hebrews 
water appeared of inestimable value. Famine was 
a direct consequence of a deficiency of it ; and in 
the wilderness the people often murmured from the 
want of it (Ex. xv. 22, xvii. 1 ff., xx. 2 ff., xxi. 5, 
&c). An abundance of water was one of the 
choice blessings of the Promised Land (Deut. viii. 
7, &c). Water is an emblem of the spiritual nour- 
ishment or soul-satisfying blessings or salvation 
which God bestows upon His people (Is. lv. 1 ; Jn. 
iv. 14 thrice ; Rev. xxi. 6, xxii. 1, 17, &c). Agri- 
culture ; Ain ; Brook; Cistern; Creation; Dew; 
Firmament; Fountain ; Frost ; Ishmael 1 ; Jordan ; 
Mist ; Jerusalem III., § 9, &c. ; Palestine II., §§ 
13-15, 34 ff., Climate, &c. ; Pond; Pool; Rain; 
River ; Sea ; Snow ; Spring ; Tabernacles, the 
Feast of, III. ; Vapor ; Washing ; Well ; also 
the five following articles, &c. 

* Wa'ter-gate (Neh. xii. 37), a gate of Jerusalem, 
probably (so Gesenius) N. E. of the Fountain-gate. 
East-gate. 

* Wa'ter-ing. Agriculture ; Chaldea ; Cistern ; 
Egypt; Well. 

Wa'ter of Jeal'ons-y (Num. v. 11-31). The rit- 
ual prescribed consisted in the husband's bring- 
ing the woman before the priest, and the essential 
part of it is unquestionably the oath to which the 
" water " was subsidiary, symbolical, and ministerial. 
With her he was to bring the tenth part of an ephah 
of barley-meal as an offering. Perhaps the whole 
is to be regarded from a judicial point of view, and 
this " offering " in the light of a court-fee. God 
Himself was solemnly invoked to judge, and His 
presence recognized by throwing a handful of the 
barley-meal on the blazing altar in the course of 
the rite. In the first instance, however, the priest 
" set her before the Lord " with the offering in her 
hand. As she stood holding the offering, so the 
priest stood holding an earthen vessel of holy water 
mixed with the dust from the floor of the sanctuary, 
and declaring her free from all evil consequences if 
innocent, solemnly devoted her in the name of Jeho- 
vah to be " a curse and an oath among her people," 
if guilty, further describing the exact consequences 
ascribed to the operation of the water in the " mem- 
bers " which she had " yielded as servants to un- 
cleanness" (ver. 21, 22, 27 ; compare Rom. vi. 19). 
He then " wrote these curses in a book, and blotted 
them out with the bitter water," and having thrown, 
probably at this stage of the proceedings, the hand- 
ful of meal on the altar, " caused the woman to 



drink " the potion thus drugged, she moreover an- 
swering to the words of his imprecation, " Amen, 
amen." Josephus adds, if the suspicion was un- 
founded, she obtained conception, if true, she died 
infamously. The custom of such an ordeal was 
probably traditional in Moses' time, and by fencing 
it round with the wholesome awe inspired by the 
solemnity of the prescribed ritual, the lawgiver 
would deprive it to a great extent of its barbarous 
tendency. Adultery ; Law of Moses. 
Wa'ter of Sep-a-ra'tion. Purification. 

* Wa'ter-pot, the A. V. translation of Gr. hudria. 
In Jn. ii. 6, 7, it is a large vessel of stone in which 
water is kept standing ; in iv. 28, a vessel for carry- 
ing water, usually in the East of stone or earthen- 
ware. Pitcher ; Pot. 

Wave'-of fcr-ing (Heb. tenuph&h). The breast of 
every peace-offering, the Passover sheaf, loaves 
and lambs at Pentecost, &c, were to be " waved " 
before the Lord, and were hence called " wave-offer- 
ings." The Scriptural notices of these rites are to 
be found in Ex. xxix. 24-28 ; Lev. vii. 30, 34, viii. 
27, 29, ix. 21, x. 14, 15, xxiii. 10, 15, 20; Num. vi. 
20, xviii. 11, 18, &c. (First-fruits; Passover, II. 
g, h , Pentecost, &c.) It seems not quite certain 
from Ex. xxix. 26, 27, whether the waving was per- 
formed by the priest or by the worshipper with the 
former's assistance. The Rabbinical tradition rep- 
resents it as done by the worshipper, the priest sup- 
porting his hands from below. This rite was the 
accompaniment of peace-offerings. These not only, 
like the other sacrifices, acknowledged God's great- 
ness and His right over the creature, but they wit- 
nessed to a ratified covenant, an established com- 
munion between God and man. The Rabbis explain 
the heaving of the shoulder as an acknowledgment 
that God has His throne in the heaven, the waving 
of the breast that He is present in every quarter of 
the earth. 

* Wax (Heb. donag), a well-known substance pro- 
duced by bees, and employed in the construction of 
their cells ; mentioned in Scripture only as easily 
melted by heat (Ps. xxii. 14 [Heb. 15], lxviii. 2 
[Heb. 3], xcvii. 5 ; Mic. i. 4). Bee. 

* Wax, to = to grow or become, as to wax great, 
to wax hot, to wax old, to wax faint, &c. (Gen. xxvi. 
13, xii. 56 ; Ex. xvi. 21 ; Lev. xxv. 47 twice ; 1 Sam. 

11. 5, iii. 2 ; 2 Sam. xxi. 15 ; Ps. cii. 26 ; Mat xxiv. 

12, &c). 

* Wax'en (participle of the verb "to wax") = 
grown or become (Gen. xix. 13 ; Lev. xxv. 25, 35, 
39, &c). 

Way (Heb. derech, &c. ; Gr. hodos) = a road, 
track, puth, or highway (Gen. xvi. 7 ; Num. xiv. 
25; 1 Sam. vi. 12; Mat. xx. 17; Mk. x. 32, &c.) ; 
figuratively a course or mode of life (Prov. i. 31, 
xii. 15, &c.) ; a religious course (Ps. exxxix. 24; 
Am. viii. 14, &c.) ; particularly applied to the Chris- 
tian religion (Acts ix. 2, xix. 9, 23, &c). 

* Wean'ing. Abraham ; Banquets ; Child ; Ish- 
mael 1 ; Samuel. 

Weap'ons. Arms. 

Wca'sel [wee'zl] (Heb. holed or choled) occurs only 
in Lev. xi. 29, in the list of unclean animals. Accord- 
ing to the old versions, the Talmud, Gesenius, &c, 
the Hebrew denotes " a weasel ; " but Bochart, &c, 
would make it = Ar. chuld and Syr. chuldo = a mole. 
The weasel family have long slender bodies and 
short legs, and are remarkably bloodthirsty quadru- 
peds. Col. C. H. Smith (in Kitto) says, the ferret 
or polecat (which he regards as the same species, 
Putorim vulgaris), the weasel (Mustela vulgaris A f- 



1176 



WEA 



WEE 



ricana, larger and darker than the common Euro- 
pean weasel), &c., inhabit Syria, &c. These animals 
are very destructive to other small animals. 

•Weather. Frost; Palestine, Climate; Rain; 
Snow. 

Weav'ing. The art of weaving appears to be coe- 
val with the first dawning of civilization. In what 
country, or by whom it was invented, we know not; 
but it was very early practised with great skill by 
the Egyptians. The " vestures of fine linen," such 
as Joseph wore (Gen. xli. 42), were the product of 
Egyptian looms, and their quality, as attested by ex- 
isting specimens, is pronounced not inferior to the 
finest cambric of modern times. The Israelites 
were probably acquainted with the process before 
their sojourn in Egypt ; but undoubtedly there they 
attained the proficiency which enabled them to ex- 
ecute the hangings of the Tabernacle (E\\ xxxv. 
35 ; 1 Chr. iv. 21), and other artistic textures. At 
a later period the Egyptians were still famed for 
their manufactures of "fine" (i. e. hackled) flax 
and of hordy or choray, rendered in the A. V. " net- 
works " (margin " white works "), probably (so Mr. 
Bevan, &c.) a white material cither of linen or cot- 
ton (Is. xix. 9 ; Ez. xxvii. 7). The Egyptian loom 
(Handicraft) was usually upright, and the weaver 
stood at his work. The cloth was fixed sometimes 
at the top, sometimes at the bottom. The modern 
Arabs use a procumbent loom, raised above the 
ground by short legs. The Bible notices, not the 
loom itself, but the beam to which the warp was at- 
tached (1 Sam. xvii. 7; 2 Sam. xxi. 19) ; the pin to 
which the cloth was fixed, and on which it was rolled 
(Judg. xvi. 14); the shuttle (Job vii. 6); the thrum 
or threads which attached the web to the beam (Is. 
xxxviii. 12 margin); and the web itself (Judg. xvi. 
14, A. V. " beam "). Whether the two terms in 
Lev. xiii. 48, rendered " warp " and " woof," really 
mean these, admits of doubt. The textures pro- 
duced by the Jewish weavers were very various. 
The coarser kinds, such as tent-cloth, sackcloth, 
and the " hairy garments " of the poor were made 
of goat's or camel's hair (Ex. xxvi. 7 ; Mat. iii. 
4). Wool was extensively used for ordinary cloth- 
ing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Prov. xxvii. 26, xxxi. 13 ; Ez. 
xxvii. 18), while for finer work flax was used, vary- 
ing in quality, and producing the different textures 
described in the Bible as " linen" and "fine linen." 
The mixture of wool and flax in cloth intended for 
a garment was interdicted (Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 
11). Babylonish Garment; Cotton; Dress; Em- 
broiderer ; Spinning ; Tent ; Woolen. 

Wed'ding. Marriage. 

Week (Heb. shabua 1 ; Gr. hebdomas in LXX., sab- 
baton [usually translated "Sabbath"] in N. T.). 
The origin of this division of time has given birth 
to much speculation. Its antiquity is so great (Gen. 
viii. 10, xxix. 27), its observance so wide-spread, 
and it occupies so important a place in sacred 
things, that it has been very generally thrown back 
as far as the creation of man. The week and the 
Sabbath are, if this be so, as old as man himself. 
A purely theological ground is thus established for 
the week and for the sacredness of the number sev- 
en. They who embrace this view support it by a 
reference to the six days' creation and the Divine 
rest on the seventh, and to the absence of any nat- 
ural ground for it. To this view Mr. Garden, origi- 
nal author of this article, objects: — (a.) That the 
week rests on a theological ground may be cheer- 
fully acknowledged by both sides ; but nothing is 
determined by such acknowledgment as to the origi- 



nal cause of adopting this division of time. Whether 
the week gave its sacredness to the number seven, 
or the ascendancy of that number helped to deter- 
mine the dimensions of the week, it is impossible to 
say. (b.) The prevalence of the weekly division 
was indeed very great, but a nearer approach to 
universality is required to render it an argument for 
the view in aid of which it is appealed to. It was 
adopted by all the Shemitic races, and, in the later 
period of their history at least, by the Egyptians 
and Hindoos; it has been found in China, either 
universally or among the Buddhists ; the Peruvians 
also had it or a division all but identical with it. 
On the other hand, there is no reason for thinking 
the week known till a late period either to Greeks 
or Romans, (c.) So far from the week being a divi- 
sion of time without ground in nature, there was 
much to recommend its adoption. Where the days 
were named from planetary deities, as among first 
the Assyrians and Chaldees, and then the Egyp- 
tians, 1 there of course each period of seven days 
would constitute a whole, and that whole might 
come to be recognized by nations that disregarded 
or rejected the practice which had shaped and de- 
termined it. But further, the week is a most nat- 
ural and nearly an exact quadripartition of the 
month, so that the quarters of the moon may easily 
have suggested it. — Mr. Garden holds that the in- 
stances in Genesis (viii. 10, 12, xxix. 27 [compare 
Judg. xiv. 12], 1. 10) show only a custom of observ- 
ing a term of seven days for any observance of im- 
portance, not a custom of dividing the whole tear, 
or the whole month, at all times and without regard 
to remarkable events. (Sabbath.) In Exodus the 
week comes into very distinct manifestation. Two 
of the great feasts (Festivals) — the Passover and 
the Feast of Tabernacles — are prolonged for seven 
days after that of their initiation (Ex. xii. 15-20, 
&c.). The division by seven was expanded so as to 
make the seventh month and the seventh year Sab- 
batical. (Jubilee, Year of; Sabbatical Year.) 
Whether " days " were or were not intended in Dan- 
iel and the Apocalypse to be understood as meaning 
years, their being so would have been a congruous 
and even logical attendant on the scheme which 
counts weeks of years, and both would have been a 
natural computation to minds familiar and occupied 
with the law of the Sabbatical year. (Day.) — The 
Christian Church, from the very first, was familiar 
with the week. St. Paul's language (1 Cor. xvi. 2) 
shows this. We cannot conclude from it that such 
a division of time was observed by the inhabitants 
of Corinth generally ; for they to whom he was wri- 
ting, though doubtless the majority of them were 
Gentiles, yet knew the Lord's Day, and most prob- 
ably the Jewish Sabbath. But though we can in- 
fer no more than this from the place in question, it 
is clear that if not by this time, yet very soon after, 
the whole Roman world had adopted the hebdom- 
adal division. Dion Cassius, who wrote in the 
second century, speaks of it as both universal and 



i The credit of introducing the planetary week has been 
claimed for the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Hin- 
doos. Prof. H. H. Wilson, Rev. R. Hunter (in Fairbaim), 
&c., have favored the claim for the Hindoos.— The English 
names of the days of the week are derived from the names 
of Saxon or rather Teutonic deities ; viz. Sunday from the 
Sun, Monday from the Moon, Tuesday from Tiw (= Ro- 
man Mars), Wednesday from Woden (the highest god 
among the Germans and Scandinavians), Thursday from 
Thor (the god of thunder, = Roman Jupiter), Friday from 
Frig (wife of Woden and goddess of marriage, = Roman 
Juno, or [so some] Venus), Saturday from Sater or Saturn. 



WEE 



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1177 



recent in his time, and represents it as coming from 
Egypt. Chronology. 

Weeks, Feast of. Pentecost. 

Weights and Measures. — A. Weights (originally 
by Mr. R. S. Poole). — Introduction. The general 
principle of the present article is to give the evi- 
dence of the monuments the preference on all 
doubtful points, and to compare it with that of 
literature, so as to ascertain the purport of state- 
ments which otherwise appeared explicable in two 
or three different ways. Besides this general prin- 
ciple, it will be necessary to bear in mind the fol- 
lowing postulates : — a. All ancient Greek systems 
of weight were derived, either directly or indirectly, 
from an Eastern source. 6. All the older systems 
of ancient Greece and Persia, the ^Eginetan, the At- 
tic, the Babylonian, and the Euboic, are divisible 
either by 6,000 or by 3,600. c. The 6,000th or 
3,600th part of the talent is a divisor of all higher 
weights and coins, and a multiple of all lower weights 
and coins, except its two-thirds, d. Coins are al- 
ways somewhat below the standard weight, e. The 
statements of ancient writers as to the relation of 
different systems are to be taken either as indicating 
original or current relation, f. The statements of 
ancient writers are to be taken in their seemingly- 
obvious sense, or discarded altogether as incorrect 
or unintelligible, g. When a certain number of 
drachms or other denominations of one metal are 
eaid to correspond to a certain number of drachms 
or other denominations of another metal, it must 
not be assumed that the system is the same in both 
cases. — I. Early Greek talents. Three principal 
systems were used by the Greeks before the time 
of Alexander the Great, those of the jEginetan, the 
Attic, and the Euboic talents. 1. The ^Eginetan 
talent is stated to have contained 60 minaj, and 
6,000 drachms. Its drachm was heavier than the 
Attic, by which, when unqualified, we mean the 
drachm of the full monetary standard, weighing 
about 67.5 grains Troy. Pollux states that it con- 
tained 10,000 Attic drachms and 100 Attic minae. 
We find accordingly a monetary system in use in 
Macedonia and Thrace, of which the drachm weighs 
about 110 grains, in very nearly the proportion re- 
quired to the Attic (6 : 10 :: 67.5 : 112.5). The sil- 
ver coins of ^Egina, however, and of many ancient 
Greek citias, follow a lower standard, of which the 
drachm has an average maximum weight of about 
96 grains. The drachm obtained from the silver 
coins of JSgina has very nearly the weight, 92.3 
grains, that Boeckh assigns to that of Athens before 
Solon's reduction, of which the system continued 
afterward in use as the commercial talent. The 
coins of Athens give a standard, 67.5 grains for the 
drachm of Solon. An examination of Mr. Burgon's 
weights from Athens, in the British Museum (one 
mina weighing 9,980 grains troy, another 7,171 
grains troy), has, however, induced us to infer a 
higher standard in both cases, viz, about 99.8 grains 
troy for the drachm of the Commercial or Market 
system and about 71.7 grains for the drachm of the 
Popular or Solonian system. We thus obtain the fol- 
lowing principal standards of the jEgiuetan weight: 
a. The Macedonian talent, or ^Eginetan of the wri- 
ters, weighing about 660,000 grains, containing 60 
minse and 6,000 drachms, b. The Commercial talent 
of Athens, used for the coins of ^Egina, weighing, as 
a monetary talent, never more than about 576,000 
grains, reduced from a weight-talent of about 598,800, 
and divided into the same principal parts as the pre- 
ceding. 2. The Attic talent, when simply thus des- 



ignated, is the standard weight introduced by Solon, 
which stood to the older or Commercial talent in 
the relation of 100 to 1 38§. Its average maximum 
weight, as derived from the coins of Athens and the 
evidence of ancient writers, gives a drachm of about 
67.5 grains ; but Mr. Burgon's weights enable us to 
raise this sum to 71.7. It appears that the Attic 
talent weighed about 430,260 grains by the weights, 
and that the coins give a talent, of about 405,000 
grains, the latter being apparently the weight to 
which the talent was reduced after a time, and the 
maximum weight at which it is reckoned by ancient 
writers. It gradually lost weight in the coinage, 
until the drachm fell to about 57 grains or less, 
thus coming to be equivalent to, or a little lighter 
than, the denarius ("Penny") of the early Cesars. 
3. The Euboic talent, though used in Greece, is of 
Eastern origin (see II. 2, below). — II. Foreign talents 
of the same period. Two foreign systems of the 
same period, besides the Hebrew, are mentioned by 
ancient writers, the Babylonian talent and the Eu- 
boic. 1. The Babylonian talent may be determined 
from existing weights (in the forms of lions and 
ducks) found by Mr. Layard at Nineveh. The 
weights represent a double system, of which the 
heavier talent contained two of the lighter talents, 
the talent in each system being divided into 60 
manehs, and the maneh in each subdivided into six- 
tieths, &c. The following table exhibits our results. 



Heavier Talent. 



60ths of 
Maneh 

1 
2 
60 
3600 



30ths of 
Maneh 



1 

= 30 
= 1800 



= 1 
= 60 

Lighter Talent. 



1 



30thB of GOths 
of Maneh 

1 

30 
1800 
108000 



60thsof 
Maneh 



1 

60 
3600 



= 1 
= 60 



= 1 



Grs. troy. 

2(36.4 
532.8 
15.984 
059,040 



Grs. troy. 
4.44 

133.2 
7,992 
479,520 



Herodotus speaks of the Babylonian talent as not 
greatly exceeding the Euboic, which has been compu- 
ted to be = the Commercial Attic, but more reason- 
ably as nearly = the ordinary Attic. Pollux makes 
the Babylonian talent = 7,000 Attic drachms. We 
may, therefore, suppose that the lighter talent was 
generally, if not universally, in use in the time of 
the Persian coins. Herodotus relates that the king 
of Persia received the silver tribute of the satrapies 
according to the Babylonian talent, but the gold 
tribute according to the Euboic. The larger silver 
coins of the Persian monarchy, and tho?e of the 
satraps, are of the following denominations and 
weights : — 

Grs. troy. 

Piece of three sigli 253.5 

Piece of two sigli 169 

Siglos 84.5 

The only denomination of which we know the name 
is the siglos, which, as having the same type as the 
Daric, appears to be the oldest Persian silver coin. 
It is the ninetieth part of the maneh of the lighter 
talent, and the 5,400th of that talent. 2. The Euboic 
talent is rightly held to have been originally an 
Eastern system. As it was used to weigh the gold 
sent as tribute to the king of Persia, we may infer 
that it was the standard of the Persian gold money ; 
and it is reasonable to suppose that the coinage of 
Eubcea was upon its standard. We suppose the 



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Euboic talent was to the Babylonian as 60 to 72, or 
6 to 6. Taking the Babylonian maneh at 7,992 
grains troy, we obtain 399,600 grains for the Euboic 
talent. The principal, if not the only, Persian gold 
coin is the Daric ("dram"), weighing about 129 
grains. This was the standard coin, according to 
which the silver money was adjusted. Its double in 
actual weight is found in the silver coinage, but its 
equivalent is wanting, as though for the sake of dis- 
tinction. The Daric was the 3,600th part of the 
Babylonian talent. It is nowhere stated how the 
Euboic talent was divided, but if we suppose it to 
have contained 50 mina;, then the Daric would have 
been the sixtieth of the mina, but if 100 mina;, the 
thirtieth. In any case it would have been the 
3,000th part of the talent. The coinage of Euboea 
has hitherto been the great obstacle to the discovery 
of the Euboic talent. The silver coins (the only 
gold coin of Euboea known to us weighs 49.4 grains) 
give the following denominations : 



Coins o/Eubxa. 



Highest 
weight. 
Grs. troy. 

121 
85 
G3 
43 



Assumed true 
weight. 
Grs. troy. 

258 
129 

86 

64.5 

43 



Coins of Athens. 

Assumed true 
weight. 
Grs. troy. 

Tetradrachm 270 
Didrachm 135 



Drachm 
Tetrobolon 



67.5 
45 



It will be perceived that though the weights of all 
denominations, except the third in the Euboic list, 
are very near the Attic, the system of division is 
evidently different. The third Euboic denomination 
is identical with the Persian siglos, and indicates the 
Persian origin of the system. The second piece is, 
however, identical with the Daric. The relation of 
the Persian and Greek systems maybe thus stated: 



Persian silvei 
Babylonian. 
Grs. troy. 

253.5 
169 

84.5 



Persian gold, 

Euboic. 
Gra. troy. 



129 



Greek EuboTc. 
Actual weight. Assumed. 
Gra. troy. Grs. troy. 

258 



121 

85 



43 



129 



64.5 
43 



3. The talents of Egypt have hitherto formed a most 
unsatisfactory subject. The gold and silver coins of 
the Ptolemies follow the same standard as the silver 
coins of the kings of Macedon to Philip II. inclusive, 
which are on the full ^Eginetan weight: but the cop- 
per coins of the Ptolemies follow the standard of the 
ancient Egyptians, the two talents, if calculated from 
the coins, being in the proportion of about 10 (gold 
and silver) to 13 (copper), or, if calculated from the 
higher correct standard of the gold and silver sys- 
tem, in the proportion of about 10 to 12.7. 4. The 
Carthaginian talent may not be as old as the period 
before Alexander, yet it reaches so nearly to that 
period that it cannot be here omitted. Those silver 
coins of the Carthaginians which do not follow the 
Attic standard seem to be struck upon the standard 
of the Persian coins, the Babylonian talent. — III. 
The Hebrew talent or talents and divisions. 1. A talent 
of silver is mentioned in Ex. xxxviii. 25-28 (comp. 
xxx. 13, 15), which contained 3,000 shekels, distin- 
guished as " the holy shekel," or " shekel of the 
sanctuary." 2. A gold maneh is spoken of (A. V. 
"pound," 1 K. x. 17), and, in a parallel passage (2 
Chr. ix. 16), shekels are mentioned, three manehs 
being represented by 300 shekels, a maneh there- 
fore = 100 shekels of gold. 3. Josephus (iii. 6, 
§ 7) states that the Hebrew talent of gold contained 



100 mina;. 4. Josephus (xiv. 7, § 1) states that the 
Hebrew mina of gold = two libra; (= pounds) and 
a half. Taking the Roman pound at 5,050 grains, 
the maneh of gold = about 12,625 grains. 5. Epi- 
phanius estimates the Hebrew talent at 125 Roman 
pounds, which, at the value given above, = about 
631,250 grains. 6. A difficult passage in Ezekiel 
seems to speak of a maneh of 60 (possibly 50, LXX.) 
shekels (Ez. xlv. 12). 7. Josephus (iii. 8, § 10) 
makes the gold shekel a Daric. From these data it 
may be reasonably inferred, (1.) that the Hebrew 
gold talent contained 100 manehs, each of which 
again contained 100 shekels of gold, and, basing the 
calculation on the stated value of the maneh, weighed 
about 1,262,500 grains, or, basing the calculation on 
the correspondence of the gold shekel to the Daric, 
weighed about 1,290,000 grains (129x 100x 100), 
the latter being probably nearer the true value, and 
(2.) that the silver talent contained 3,000 shekels, 
and is probably the talent spoken of by Epiphanius 
as equal to 125 Roman pounds, or 631,250 grains, 
which would give a shekel of 210.4 grains. It is 
reasonable to suppose that the gold talent was ex- 
actly double the silver talent. — Let us now examine 
the Jewish coins. 1. The shekels and half-shekels 
of silver, if we take an average of the heavier spec- 
imens of the Maccabean issue, give the weight of 
the former as about 220 grains. A talent of 3,000 
such shekels would weigh about 660,000 grains. 
This result agrees very nearly with the weight of the 
talent given by Epiphanius. 2. The copper coins 
are generally without any indications of value. The 
two heaviest denominations of the Maccabean issue, 
however, bear the names " half" and " quarter." In 
the following scheme they are compared with the 
silver coins : 

Copper Coins. Silver Coins. 

Average Supposed Average Supposed 

weight. weight. weight. weight 

Grs. troy. Grs. troy. Grs. troy. 

Half 235.4 250 Shekel 220 Same. 

Quarter.. 132.0 125 Half shekel. 110 Same. 

(Sixth;.... 81.8 83.3 [Third] 73.3 

Our theory of the Hebrew coinage would be as fol- 
lows: — Gold . . . Shekel or Daric (foreign) 129 
grains. Silver . . Shekel 220, Half-shekel 110. 
Copper. . Half (-shekel) 264, Quarter (-shekel) 132, 
(Sixth-shekel) 88. — We can now consider the 
weights. The gold talent contained 100 manehs, 
and 10,000 shekels. The silver talent contained 
3,000 shekels, 6,000 bekas, and 60,000 gerahs. The 
copper talent probably contained 1,500 shekels. 
The " holy shekel," or " shekel of the sanctuary," 
is spoken of both of the gold (Ex. xxxviii. 24) and 
silver (25) talents of the time of the Exodus. We 
also read of the. "king's weight" (2 Sam. xiv. 26). 
But there is no reason for supposing different sys- 
tems to be meant. The significations of the names 
of the Hebrew weights must be here stated. The 
Heb. ciccdr (A. V. " talent ") = a circle or globe, prob- 
ably an aggregate sum. The "shekel" simply = a 
weight. The " bekah " or " half-shekel " = a division, 
or half. The " quarter-shekel " is once mentioned 
(1 Sam. ix. 8). The "gerah" = a grain or bean. 
— IV. The history and relations of the principal an- 
cient talents. The following is a list of the talents : — 

A. Eastern Talents. 

Hebrew gold 1,320,000 Hebrew silver. . . . 660,000 

Babylonian (sil- 959 040 Babylonian lesser j. 4179530 

Egyptian'. '. '. '. '. '. .... 840,000 

s Persian gold 399,600 

Hebrew copper?. ..792,000? 



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B. Greek Talents. 



.iEginetan 660,000 

Attic Commercial 598,800 

Attic Commercial, lowered 558,900 

Attic Solonian, double 860,520 

Attic Solonian, ordinary 430,260 

Attic Solonian. lowered 405,000 

Euboie 387,000 + 



We take the Hebrew to be the oldest system of 
weight. Apart from the evidence from its relation 
to the other systems, this may be almost proved by 
our finding it to obtain in Greece, in Phenicia, and 
in Judea, as the oldest Greek and Phenician sys- 
tem, and as the Jewish system. The Hebrew system 
had two talents for the precious metals in the rela- 
tion of 2 : 1. The gold talent, apparently not used 
elsewhere, contained 100 manehs, each of which 
contained again 100 shekels, there being thus 10,000 
of these units, weighing about 132 grains each, in the 
talent. The silver talent, also known as the iEgine- 
tan, contained 3,000 shekels, weighing about 220 
grains each. One gold talent appears to have been 
equal to 24 of these. The reason for making the 
talent of gold twice that of silver was probably 
merely for the sake of distinction. — The Babylonian 
talent, like the Hebrew, consisted of two systems, in 
the relation of 2 to 1, upon one standard. It ap- 
pears to have been formed from the Hebrew by re- 
ducing the number of units from 10,000 to 7,200. 
The system was altered by the maneh being raised 
so as to contain 120 instead of 100 units, and the 
talent lowered so as to contain 60 instead of 100 
manehs. It is possible that this talent was origi- 
nally of silver. — The derivation, from the lighter 
Babylonian talent, of the Euboie talent, is easily 
ascertained. Their relation is that of 6 : 5. — The 
Egyptian talent cannot be traced to any other. The 
Hebrew copper talent is equally obscure. Perhaps 
it is the double of the Persian gold talent. — The 
J3ginetan talent was the same as the lesser or silver 
Hebrew talent. Its introduction into Greece was 
doubtless due to the Plienicians. The Attic Com- 
mercial was a degradation of this talent, and was it- 
self further degraded to form the Attic Solonian. 
Money ; Shekel ; Talent. 

B. Meas'nres (originally by Mr. Bevan). The most 
important topic to be discussed in connection with 
the subject of the Hebrew measures is their relative 
and absolute value. Another topic demands a few 
prefatory remarks, viz. the origin of these measures, 
and their relation to those of surrounding countries. 
We divide the Hebrew measures into two classes, 
according as they refer to length or capacity, and 
subdivide each of these classes into two, the former 
into measures of length and distance, the latter into 
liquid and dry measures. I. Measures of length and 
distance. 1. The denominations referring to length 
were derived for the most part from the arm and 
hand. We may notice the following four as derived 
from this source: — (a.) The finger's breadth (Heb. 
etsba\ A. V. "finger"), in Jer. lii. 21 only, (b.) 
The " hand breadth " (Heb. tephah or -ach and 
tophah or -ach ; Ex. xxv. 25 ; IK. vii. 26 ; 2 Chr. 
iv. 5, &c), applied metaphorically to a short period 
of time in Ps. xxxix. 5. (c.) The "span" (Heb. 
zerelh), the distance between the extremities of the 
thumb and the little finger in the extended hand 
(Ex. xxviii. 16, xxxix. 9; 1 Sam. xvii. 4; Ez. xliii. 
13), applied generally to describe any small measure 
in Is. xl. 12. (d.) The "cubit" (Heb. ammdh ; Gr. 
pechus), the distance from the elbow to the extrem- 
ity of the middle finger. This occurs very frequently 
in the Bible in relation to buildings, &c. (Gen. vi. 



15; Ex. xxv.-xxvii. ; Jh. xxi. 8; Rev. xxi. 17, &c). 
In addition to the above we may notice : — (e.) The 
Heb. gomed (A. V. "cubit"), literally a rod, applied 
to Eglon's dirk (Judg. iii. 16). Its length is uncer- 
tain, but it probably fell below the " cubit " (so Mr. 
Bevan; Ges. has cubit ; Fii. span, fist ; LXX. span ; 
Vulg. palm, &c). (/.) The " reed " (Heb. kdneh ; Gr. 
kalamos ; Reed 4), for measuring buildings on a large 
scale (Ex. xl. 5-8, xli. 8, xlii. 16-19; Rev. xi. 1, xxi. 
15, 16). — Little information is furnished by the Bible 
itself as to the relative or absolute lengths described 
under the above terms. With the exception of the 
notice that the " reed" = 6 cubits (Ez. xl. 5), we 
have no intimation that the measures were combined 
in any thing like a scale. The most important con- 
clusion to be drawn from the Biblical notices is, 
that the cubit, which may be regarded as the stand- 
ard measure, was of varying length, and that, to 
secure accuracy, it was necessary to define the kind 
of cubit intended, the result being that the other 
denominations, if combined in a scale, would vary 
in like ratio. Thus in Deut. iii. 11, the cubit is 
specified to be " after the cubit of a man ; " in 2 
Chr. iii. 3 " after the first," or rather " after the 
older measure ; " and in Ez. xli. 8 " a great cubit," 
or literally " a cubit to the joint," further defined 
in xl. 5 " a cubit and an hand breadth." These ex- 
pressions involve one of the most knotty points of 
Hebrew archeology, viz. the number and the re- 
spective lengths of the Scriptural cubits. That 
there was more than one cubit, is clear ; but whether 
there were three, or only two, is not so clear. It is 
generally conceded that the " former " or " older " 
measure of 2 Chr. iii. 3 was the Mosaic or legal 
cubit, and that the modern measure, the existence 
of which is implied in that designation, was some- 
what larger. Further, the cubit " after the cubit 
of a man" of Deut. iii. 11, is held to be a common 
measure in contradistinction to the Mosaic one, and 
to have fallen below this latter in point of length. 
In this case we should have three cubits — the com- 
mon, the Mosaic or old measure, and the new meas- 
ure. AVe turn to Ezekiel, and find a distinction of 
another character, viz. a long and a short cubit. 
Now, as it has been urged by many writers, Ezekiel 
would not be likely to adopt any other than the 
old Mosaic standard for the measurements of his 
ideal temple. If so, his long cubit would be iden- 
tical with the old measure, and his short cubit with 
the one " after the cubit of a man," and the new 
measure of 2 Chr. iii. 3 would represent a still 
longer cubit than Ezekiel's long one. Other ex- 
planations of the prophet's language have, however, 
been offered : it has been sometimes assumed that, 
while living in Chaldea, he and his countrymen had 
adopted the long Babylonian cubit ; but in this 
case his short cubit could not have belonged to the 
same country, inasmuch as the difference between 
these two amounted to only three fingers (Hdt. i. 
178). Again, it has been explained that his short 
cubit was the ordinary Chaldean measure, and the 
long one the Mosaic measure ; but this is unlikely 
on account of the respective lengths of the Baby- 
lonian and the Mosaic cubits (see below). Indepen- 
dently of these objections, we think that Deut. iii. 11 
and 2 Chr. iii. 3 imply the existence of three cubits. 
An examination of Biblical notices (Ex. xxvii. 1, 
compare xx. 26 ; 1 K. vii. 27, &c.) tends to the con- 
clusion that the cubit of early times, or Mosaic 
cubit, fell far below the length usually assigned to 
it ; but these notices are so scanty and ambiguous 
that this conclusion is by no means decisive. The 



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earliest and most reliable testimony as to the length 
of the cubit is supplied by the existing specimens 
of old Egyptian measures. Several of these have 
been discovered in tombs, carrying us back at all 
events to 1700 d. c, while the Nilometer at Ele- 
phantine exhibits the length of the cubit in the 
time of the Roman emperors. No great difference 
is exhibited in these measures, the longest being 
estimated at about 21 inches, and the shortest at 
about 20i, or exactly 20.4729 inches. They are 
divided into 28 digits, while the Mosaic cubit, ac- 
cording to Rabbinical authorities, was divided into 
24 digits. There is some difficulty in reconciling 
this discrepancy with the almost certain fact of the 
derivation of the cubit from Egypt. It has been 
generally surmised that the Egyptian cubit was of 
more than one length, and that the sepulchral 
measures exhibit the shorter as well as the longer 
by special marks. Wilkinson denies the existence 
of more than one cubit ; but most writers on the 
subject agree that the Egyptian cubit-measures in 
the Turin and Louvre Museums contain a combina- 
tion of 2, if not 3 kinds of cubit. Thenius makes 
the old cubit = 26 digits or 19.066 inches, the royal 
cubit = 28 digits, = 20.611 or 20.591 inches (the 
length of the Turin and Louvre measures respec- 
tively), and a third or ordinary cubit = 23 digits, 
or about 16.9 inches. Another explanation makes 
the old cubit = 25 digits or 18.189 inches; another 
makes it — 24 digits. The use of more than one 
cubit appears to have also prevailed in Babylon, 
for Herodotus states that the " royal " exceeded the 
" moderate " cubit by three digits. Boeckh makes 
the Babylonian royal cubit = 20.806 inches ; but 
Oppert's data would give 23.149 inches. — Mr. Bevan 
would identify the new Hebrew measure implied in 
2 Chr.iii. 3 with the full Egyptian cubit; the "old" 
measure and Ezekiel's cubit with the lesser one, 
either of 26 or 24 digits ; and the " cubit of a man " 
with the third one of 23 digits of which Thenius 
speaks. In the Mishna the Mosaic cubit is defined 
to be one of 6 palms. It is termed the moderate 
cubit, and is distinguished from a lesser cubit of 5 
palms and from a larger one of 6 palms and a digit. 
The palm consisted, according to Maimonides, of 4 
digits ; and the digit, according to Arias Montanus, of 
4 barley-corns. The length of the Mosaic cubit, as 
computed by Thenius (after several trials with the 
specified number of barley-corns of middling size), 
is 214.512 Paris lines, or 19.0515 inches. It seems 
hardly possible to arrive at any very exact conclu- 
sion by this mode of calculation. The Talmudists 
state that the Mosaic cubit was used for the edifice 
of the Tabernacle and Temple, and the lesser cubit 
for the vessels thereof. This was probably a fiction. 
Taking the estimate of Thenius, the length of the 
other denominations will be as follows : — 



Digit 
4 

12 

24 
144 



Inches. 

7938 

Palm 3.1752 

3 Span 9.5257 

6 I 2 I Cubit 19.0515 

36 12 6 1 Reed. . 114.3090 



Land and area were measured either by the cubit 
(Num. xxxv. 4, 5 ; Ez. xl. 27) or by the reed (xlii. 
20, xliii. 17, xlv. 2, xlviii. 20 ; Rev. xxi. 16). There 
is no indication in the Bible of the use of a square 
measure by the Jews. (Acre.) Whenever they 
wished to define the size of a plot, they specified its 
length and breadth, even if it were a perfect square, 
as in Ez. xlviii. 16. The difficulty of defining an 



area by these means is experienced in the interpre- 
tation of Num. xxxv. 4, 5. (Suburbs.) — 2. The 
measures of distance noticed in the 0. T. are the 
three following: — (a.) The "pace" (Heb. isa'ad, 2 
Sam. vi. 13), answering generally to our yard, (b.) 
The Heb. cibraih hddreis, rendered in the A. V. "a 
little way," margin " a little piece of ground " (Gen. 
xxxv. 16, xlviii. 7 ; 2 K. v. 19). The Hebrew ex- 
pression appears to indicate some definite distance, 
but the only conclusion to be drawn from the Bible 
is, that it did not exceed and probably equalled the 
distance between Bethlehem and Rachel's burial- 
place (Rachel), which is traditionally identified with 
a spot li miles N. of the town, (c.) The " day's 
journey " (Heb. derech yom or mahalach yom ; Gr. 
hemeras hodos), which was the most usual method 
of calculating distances in travelling (Gen. xxx. 36, 
xxxi. 23; Ex. Hi. 18, v. 3, &c), though but one in- 
stance of it occurs in the N. T. (Lk. ii. 44). The 
ordinary day's journey among the Jews was 30 
miles ; but when they travelled in companies only 
10 miles : Neapolis (Sheciiem) formed the first stage 
out of Jerusalem, according to the former, and 
Beeroth, according to the latter computation. It 
is impossible to assign any distinct length to the 
day's journey. In the Apocrypha and N. T. we 
meet with the following additional measures : — (d.) 
The " Sabbath-day's journey." (e.) The " furlong" 
(Gr. stadion, L. form stadium, Eng. s/ade), a Greek 
measure introduced into Asia after Alexander's 
conquest, and hence first mentioned in the Apoc- 
rypha (2 Mc. xi. 5, xii. 9, 17, 29), subsequently in 
the N. T. (Lk. xxiv. 13 ; Jn. vi. 19, xi. 18 ; Rev. xiv. 
20, xxi. 16). Both the name and the length of the 
stade were borrowed from the footrace-course at 
Olympia. It = 600 Greek feet (Hdt. ii. 149), or 
125 Roman paces (Pliny, ii. 23), or 606£ feet of our 
measure. It thus falls below the furlong by 534; 
feet. (/.) The Mile, a Roman measure, = 1,000 
Roman paces, 8 stades, or 1,618 English yards, (ff.) 
The " fathom " (Gr. orguia, Acts xxvii. 28 twice), 
strictly = the length of the outstretched arms ; as 
a measure of length, according to Herodotus, =: 
■j-Jru stadium = 6 feet 1 inch (L. & S.). — II. Measures 
of capacity. The Hebrew measures of capacity for 
liquids were: — (a.) The log (Lev. xiv. 10 if.), the 
name originally signifying a basin. (6.) The kin, a 
name of Egyptian origin (properly = vessel, Ges.), 
frequently noticed in the Bible (Ex. xxix. 40, xxx. 
24; Num. xv. 4 ff. ; Ez. iv. 11, &c). (c) The bath 
(= measured), the largest of the liquid measures (1 
K. vii. 26, 38 ; 2 Chr. ii. 10, iv. 5 ; Ezr. vii. 22 ; Is. 
v. 10, &c). We gather from Josephus (iii. 8, § 3) 
that the bath contained 6 hins, and from the Rab- 
binists that the hin contained 12 logs. The relative 
values, therefore, stand thus : — 

Log 
12 I Hin 
72 | 6 | Bath 

The Hebrew dry measure contained the following 
denominations: (a.) The cab (literally = hollow or 
concave), mentioned only in 2 K. vi. 25. (6.) The 
omer (= a heap, and secondarily a sheaf), men- 
tioned only in fix. xvi. 16-36. The same measure 
is elsewhere termed issdrdit (= a tenth), as being 
the tenth part of an ephah (compare Ex. xvi. 36), 
whence in the A. V. " tenth deal" (Lev. xiv. 10, 
xxiii. 13 ; Num. xv. 4, &c). (c.) The Heb. sedh, 
etymologically and appropriately translated "meas- 
ure," the ordinary measure for household purposes 
(Gen. xviii. 6 ; 1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; IK. xviii. 32 ; 2 K. 



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vii. 1, 16, 18). The Greek equivalent (salon, A. V. 
"measure") occurs in Mat. xiii. 33 and Lk. xiii. 21. 
The seah was also termed shdlish (Heb. = a third), 
as being the third part of an ephah (Is. xl. 12 ; Ps. 
lxxx. 5 [A. V. "great measure"]), (d.) The ephah 
(Heb. form eyphdh, rarely ephdh), a word of Egyp- 
tian origin, = measure, specially of corn, Ges. 
(Ex. xvi. 36 ; Lev. v. 11, vi. 20; Ru. ii. 17; 1 Sam. 
i. 24, xvii. 17; Ez. xlv. 10, 11, 13, 24, xlvi. 5, 7, 11, 
14, &c). (e.) The Heb. letheuh, A.V. "half-homer" 
(Hos. iii. 12 only), literally = what is poured out. 
(/.) The homer, meaning heap (Lev. xxvii. 16 ; Num. 
xi. 32; Is. v. 10; Ez. xlv. 11-14; Hos. iii. 2). It 
is elsewhere termed cor (properly a round vessel, 
Ges.), from the circular vessel in which it was 
measured (1 K. iv. 22, v. 1 1 ; 2 Chr. ii. 10, xxvii. 5 ; 
Ezr. vii. 22; Ez. xlv. 14 [A. V. "cor" here and in 
1 K. iv. 22 margin ; elsewhere translated " meas- 
ure"]). The Greek equivalent (koros, A.V. "meas- 
ure ") occurs in Lk. xvi. 7. The following is the 
scale of relative values (partly from Ex. xvi. 36 and 
Ez. xlv. 11, and partly from the Rabbinists): — 



Cab 

1* 
6 
18 
180 



Omer 
3^ | Seah 
10 | 3 
100 I 30 



Ephah 
10 



Homer 



The absolute values of the liquid and" dry measures 
form the subject of a single inquiry, inasmuch as 
the two scales have a measure of equal value, viz. 
the bath and the ephah (Ez. xlv. 11). Attempts 
have been made to deduce the value of the bath 
from a comparison of the dimensions and contents 
of the molten sea (Sea, Molten) as given in 1 K. vii. 
23-26 ; but uncertainty attends every statement. 
Josephus (viii. 2, § 9) states that the bath = 72 
xesla; (see below), that the hin = 2 Attic cho'es (iii. 
8, § 3, 9, § 4), and that the seah = 1| Italian modii 
(ix. 4, § 5), that the cor = 10 Attic medimni (xv. 9, 
§ 2), and that the issaron or omer = 7 Attic cotylce 
(iii. 6, § 6). It may further be implied from Jos. 
ix. 4, § 4, as compared with 2 K. vi. 25, that he re- 
garded the cab = 4 xestes. Now, to reduce these 
statements to consistency, it must be assumed that 
in Jos. xv. 9, § 2, he has confused the medimnus 
with the melretes, and in Jos. iii. 6, § 6, the colyle 
with the xestes. Such errors throw doubt on his 
other statements, and tend to the conclusion that 
Josephus was not really familiar with the Greek 
measures. Nevertheless his testimony must be 
taken as decisively favoring the identity of the He- 
brew bath with the Attic melretes. The statements 
of Jerome and of Epiphanius in respect to Hebrew 
measures are equally remarkable for inconsistency. 
Assuming that Josephus was right in identifying the 
bath with the melretes, its value would be, according 
to Boeckh's estimate of the latter, 1993.95 Paris 
cubic inches, or 8.7053 English gallons, but, accord- 
ing to the estimate of Bertheau, 1985.77 Paris cubic 
inches, or 8.6696 English gallons. The Rabbinists 
furnish data of a different kind on the basis of 
which Thenius has estimated the bath at 1014.39 
Paris cubic inches or 4.4286 gallons. As we are 
unable to decide between Josephus and the Rab- 
binists, we give a double estimate of the various de- 
nominations, adopting Bertheau's estimate of the 
melretes : — 



Homer or Cor. . . 
Ephali or Bath . 
Seah 



(Josephus.) 
Gallons. 

.86.696 
. 8.6696 
. 2.8898 



(liabbinists.' 
Gallons. 

44.286 
4.4286 
1.4762 



(Josephus.) (Rabbinists.) 
Gallons. Gallon9. 

Hin 1.4449 or .7381 

Omer 8669 or .4428 

Cab 4816 or .246 

Log 1204 or .0615 

In the N. T. we have notices of the following foreign 
measures: — (a.) The Gr. melretes (Jn. ii. 6 ; A. V. 
" firkin "), for liquids. (6.) The charnix (Gr. choinix. 
Rev. vi. 6; A. V. "measure"), for dry goods, (c.) 
The xestes, applied, however, not to the particular 
measure so named by the Greeks, but to any small 
vessel, such as a cup (Mk. vii. 4, 8; A. V. "pot"). 
(d.) The modius (Gr. modios), similarly applied to 
describe any vessel of moderate dimensions (Mat. 
v. 15; Mk. iv. 21; Lk. xi. 33; A. V. " bushel ") ; 
though properly meaning a Roman measure (= j- 
Attic medimnus, or § Attic melretes, Rbn. N. T. 
Lex.), amounting to about a peck. Taking the At- 
tic melretes — 8.6696 gallons, the amount of liquid 
in six stone jars, containing on the average 2£ metre- 
la; each, would exceed 110 gallons (Jn. ii. 6). Very 
possibly, however, the melretes represents the He- 
brew bath, and if the bath be taken at the estimate 
of the Rabbinists (see above), the amount would be 
reduced to about 60 gallons. The chcenix was of 
an Attic medimmis, and contained nearly a quart. 
It represented the usual amount of corn for a day's 
food ; hence a choenix for a " penny " (denarius), 
which usually purchased a bushel (Cic. Verr. iii. 81), 
indicated a great scarcity. (Wages.) — As to the 
use of fair measures, various precepts are expressed 
in the Mosaic Law, &c. (Lev. xix. 35, 36 ; Deut. xxv. 
14, 15 ; Prov. xx. 10 ; Ez. xlv. 10), and probably 
standard measures were kept in the Temple, as was 
usual in other ancient countries. 

Weil (Heb. usually bier, sometimes bor, ma'ydn, 
mdkor, or 'ayin ; Gr. phrear and pege, both used in 
N. T. only of Jacob's " well " in Jn. iv. ; see Aim, 
Cistern, Fountain, Pit). The special necessity of 
a supply of water (Judg. i. 15) in a hot climate has 
always involved among Eastern nations questions 
of property of the highest importance, and some- 
times given rise to serious contention. Thus the 
well Beer-sheba was opened, and its possession at- 
tested with special formality by Abraham (Gen. xxi. 
30, 31). The Philistines stopped up the wells dug 
and named by Abraham, an encroachment stoutly 
resisted by Isaac's followers (xxvi. 15-33 ; see 2 K. 
iii. 19; 2 Chr. xxvi. 10). The Koran notices aban- 
doned wells as signs of desertion. To acquire wells 
which they had not themselves dug, was one of the 
marks of favor foretold to the Hebrews on their en- 
trance into Canaan (Deut. vi. 11). To possess one 
is noticed as a mark of independence (Prov. v. 15), 




and to abstain from the use of wells belonging to 
others, a disclaimer of interference with their prop- 
erty (Num. xx. 17, 19, xxi. 22). Similar rights of 
possession, actual and hereditary, exist among the 
Arabs of the present day. Wells, Burekhardt says, 
in the interior of the desert are exclusive property, 



1182 



WEN 



WHE 



either of a whole tribe, or of individuals whose an- 
cestors dug the wells. Wells have become in many 
cases links in the history and landmarks in the 
topography both of Palestine and of the Arabian 
Peninsula. Wells in Palestine are usually excavated 
from the solid limestone rock, sometimes with steps 
to descend into them (Gen. xxiv. 16). The brims 
are furnished with a curb or low wall of stone, in 
which furrows are worn by the ropes used in draw- 
ing water. This curb, as well as the stone cover, 
also very usual, agrees with the directions of the 
Law, as a protection against accidents (Ex. xxi. 33). 
On a curb of this sort our Lord sat when He con- 
versed with the woman of Samaria (Jn. iv. 6), and 
it was this, the usual stone cover, which the woman 
placed on the mouth of the well at Bahurim (2 Sam. 
xvii. 19, A. V. "a covering"). The usual methods 
for raising water are — 1. The rope and bucket, or 
water-skin (Gen. xxiv. 14-20; Jn. iv. 11). 2. The 
sakiyeh, or Persian wheel. This consists of a ver- 
tical wheel with buckets or earthen jars attached to 
a cord passing over the wheel, which descend empty 
and return full as the wheel revolves. 3. A modifi- 
cation of the last method, by which a man, sitting 
opposite to a wheel furnished with buckets, turns it 
by drawing with his hands one set of spokes pro- 
longed beyond its circumference, and pushing an- 
other set from him with his feet. 4. A method 
very common, in ancient and modern Egypt, &c, is 
the shadoof, consisting of a lever moving on a pivot, 
which is loaded at one end with some weight, and 
has at the other a bowl or bucket. Wells are usu- 
ally furnished with troughs of wood or stone, into 
which the water is emptied for the use of persons 
or animals coming to the wells. Unless ma- 
chinery is used, which is commonly worked by men, 
women are usually the water-carriers. See Beer ; 
Beer-lahai-roi ; Beer-sheba ; Bethlehem ; Corn ; 
Dragon-well ; Elim ; Esek ; Harod ; Rehoboth ; 
Shechem ; Sitnah ; also cuts under Chaldea ; 
Fountain ; Hamath ; Jerusalem, &c. 

* WeD. The Heb. yabb&l, A. V. " having a wen," 
applied to animals from the flock or herd (Lev. xxii. 
22 only), is translated by Gesenius "flowing,, run- 
ning, sc. with matter as a sore, i. e. having running 
sores, ulcers." Medicine. 

* Weiieh (2 Sam. xvii. 17 only) = maid-servant. 
Servant. 

* West (Heb. yarn. [= sea], rna'arab, once [Is. 
xlv. 6] ma'ardbdh [both literally = the Occident or 
place where the sun sets, Ges.] ; Gr. dusme [= the 
selling of the sun]), the quarter of the heavens or 
earth which lies toward the setting sun, or opposite 
to the east (Gen. xii. 8, xxviii. 14 [Heb. yam in 
both] ; Ps. ciii. 12, cvii. 3 [Heb. rna'arab in both] ; 
Mat. viii. 11, xxiv. 27, &c). The Mediterranean 
Sea (" the hinder sea ; " see East) formed the west- 
ern border of Palestine, and hence the Hebrews 
would naturally use " seaward " or " toward the 
sea" to denote a western direction. Sea, the 
Great ; Wind. 

Whale. For the Heb. tan and tannin, rendered in 
the A. V. " dragon," " whale," " serpent," " sea- 
monster," see Dragon 1, 2. The Book of Jonah 
records the swallowing of that prophet by some 
" great fish " which in Mat. xii. 40 is called in Greek 
ketos, in A. V. " whale." But the Gr. kilos is not 
restricted in its meaning to " a whale," or any Ceta- 
cean ; like the L. cete or cetm, it may denote any 
sea-monster, " a whale," " a shark," " a seal," " a 
tunny of enormous size," &c. (so Mr. Houghton, 
and scholars universally). Although two or three 



species of whale are found in the Mediterranean 
Sea, yet the "-great fish " that swallowed the proph- 
et cannot properly be identified with any Cetacean, 
for, although the Sperm whale ( Catodon macrocepha- 
lus) has a gullet sufficiently large to admit the body 
of a man, yet it can hardly be the fish intended ; 
as the natural food of Cetaceans consists of small 
animals, such as medusas and Crustacea. The onlv 
fish, then, capable of swallowing a man would he a 
large specimen of the white shark (Carcharias vxd- 
garis), that dreaded enemy of sailors, and the most 
voracious of the shark family, which sometimes at- 
tains the length of thirty feet. Ruysch says that 
the whole body of a man in armor has been found 
in the stomach of a white shark ; and Captain King, 
in his Survey of Australia, says he caught one which 
could have swallowed a man with the greatest ease. 
Blumenbach mentions that a whole horse has been 
found in a shark, and Captain Basil Hall reports the 
taking of one in which, besides other things, he 
found the whole skin of a buffalo which a short time 
before had been thrown overboard from his ship. 
The white shark is not uncommon in the Mediter- 
ranean ; it occurs, as Forskal assures us, in the Ara- 
bian Gulf, and is common also in the Indian Ocean. 
It might therefore have been seen on the voyage to 
Tarshish. So far for the natural portion of the 
subject. But how Jonah could have been swallowed 
whole unhurt, or how he could have existed for any 
time in the shark's belly, cannot be explained by 
simply natural causes, though certainly no more re- 
markable than the preservation of SiiADRAcn, &c, 
in the " burning fiery furnace." Leviathan ; Mir- 
acles. 

Wheat, the well-known valuable cereal, cultivated 
from the earliest times, and frequently mentioned 
in the Bible. In the A. V. the Heb. bar, ddgdn, and 
ripholh, are occasionally translated " wheat ; " but 
the proper Hebrew name of this cereal, as distin- 
guished from " barley," " rye," &c, is hittdh or 
chittdh (Chal. hintin or chinlin). As to the former 
Hebrew tei-ms and the Gr. sitos, see under Corn. 
The first mention of wheat (" wheat-harvest ") oc- 
curs in Gen. xxx. 14, in the account of Jacob's sojourn 
with Laban in Mesopotamia. Egypt in ancient times 
was celebrated for its wheat ; the best quality, ac- 
cording to Pliny, was grown in the Thebaid ; it was 
all bearded, and the same varieties, Sir G. Wilkin- 
son writes, " existed in ancient as in modern times, 
among which may be mentioned the seven-eared 
quality described in Pharaoh's dream " (Gen. xii. 
22). Babylonia was also noted for the excellence 
of its wheat and other cereals. Modern writers, as 
Chesney and Rich, bear testimony to the great fer- 
tility of Mesopotamia. Syria and Palestine produced 
wheat of fine quality and in large quantities (Ps. 
lxxxi. 16, cxlvii. 14, &c). There appear to be two 
or three sorts of wheat at present grown in Pales- 
tine, the Trilicum vulgarc (var. hyhcrnum, the com- 
mon "winter wheat"), Trilicum. Spella (i. e. spelt; 
" Rye "), and another variety of bearded wheat 
which appears to be the same as the " Egyptian 
wheat," the Trilicum compositum. In the parable 
of the sower our Lord alludes to grains of wheat 
which in good ground produce a hundred-fold (Mat. 
xiii. 8). The common wheat will sometimes pro- 
duce one hundred grains in the ear. Wheat is 
! reaped toward the end of April, in May, and in 
June, according to the differences of soil and posi- 
tion ; it was sown either broadcast, and then ploughed 
in or trampled - in by cattle (Is. xxxii. 20), or in rows, 
if we rightly understand Is. xxviii. 25, which seems 



\ 



WHE 

to imply that the seeds were planted apart in order 
to insure larger and fuller ears. The wheat was 
put into the ground in the winter, and some time 
after the barley ; in the Egyptian plague of hail, 




Egyptian Wleat.— (Fbn.) 



consequently, the barley suffered, but the wheat had 
not appeared, and so escaped injury (Ex. ix. 32). 
Agriculture ; Barn ; Bread ; First-fruits ; Food ; 
Mill ; Mortar 1, &c. 

* Wheel (Heb. 6pha?i, galgal, &c.). For the com- 
mon uses of the wheel, see Cart ; Chariot ; Ha- 
math; Laver; Well, &c. In Ps. lxxxiii. 13 (Heb. 
14), the A. V. has "wheel" for Heb. galgal, which 
Gesenius (and so Fiirst in substance) here makes = 
" chaff, stubble, any thing driven round before a 
whirlwind." Thomson (ii. 357-8) suggests that it 
denotes in Ps. 1. c. and Is. xvii. 13 (A. V. " a rolling 
thing," margin " thistledown ") the globe or sphere 
— a foot or more in diameter — formed by the 
branches of the wild artichoke, which, becoming 
light and dry in autumn, is broken off from the 
main stem and carried by the wind over the plain, 
rolling and leaping hither and thither to the great 
annoyance of the traveller and his horse. In some 
parts, as on the plain N. of Hamath and in the des- 
ert E. of Haurdn, hundreds and even thousands of 
these artichoke globes may be seen in full motion 
before the wind. For " wheel " in Eccl. xii. 6, see 
Medicine, p. 628. Whirlwind. 

* Whip. Goad ; Punishments ; Rod ; Scourging. 
Whirl wind. The Hebrew terms thus translated 



WID 11, 

in the A. V., viz. suphdh (Job xxxvii. 9 ; PrOv. i. 27, 
x. 25; Is. v. 28, xvii. 13, xxi. 1, lxvi. 15; Jer. iv. 
13; Hos. viii. 7; Am. i. 14; Nab. i. 3; translated 
"storm " in Job xxi. 18, also in Ps. lxxxiii. 15 [Heb. 
16], and Is. xxix. 6), sa'aj- (Jer. xxiii. 19 b, xxv. 32, 
xxx. 23 6: translated "tempest" in Ps. lv. 8 [Heb. 
9], lxxxiii. 15 [Heb. 16], also in Am. i. 14 and Jon. 
i. 4, 12), and sS'drdh (2 K. ,i. 1, 11 ; Job xxxviii. 1, 
xl. 6 ; Is. xl. 24, xli. 16 ; Jer. xxiii. 19 a, xxx. 23 a ; 
Ez. i. 4 ; Zech. ix. 14 : translated " storm " in Ps. 
cvii. 29; "stormy" [literally of storm or of storms] 
in ver. 25, cxlviii. 8, and Ez. xiii. 11, 13 ; " tempest" 
in Is. xxix. 6), convey the notion of a violent wind 
or hurricane, the first because such a wind sweeps 
away every object it encounters, the other two be- 
cause the objects so swept away are tossed and agitatea. 
Gesenius, Fiirst, &c, translate by " whirlwind " the 
Heb. galgal, in Ps. lxxvii. 18 (A. V. " heaven "), and 
Ez. x. 13 (A. V. " wheel "). It does not appear (so 
Mr. Bevan) that any of the above terms express the 
specific notion of a whirl-wind. The most violent 
winds in Palestine come from the east. The " whirl- 
wind " is frequently used as a metaphor of violent 
and sweeping destruction. Rain ; Wind. 

* White is often used as symbolical of cleanness, 
purity, brightness, &c. (Is. i. 18; Dan. xii. 10; Rev. 
iii. 4, 5, &c). Ass; Colors; Dress; Leprosy; 
Linen ; Snow ; Stones 8. 

* Whore. Harlot ; Idolatry ; Sodomite. 

Wid ow (Heb. almdndh ; Gr. ehera). Under the 
Mosaic dispensation no legal provision was made 
for the maintenance of widows. They were left de- 
pendent partly on the affection of relations, espe- 
cially of the eldest son, whose birthright, or extra 
share of the property, imposed such a duty upon 
him (First-born; Heir), and partly on the privileges 
accorded to other distressed classes (Alms ; Poor ; 
Stranger), such as a participation in the triennial 
third tithe (Deut. xiv. 29, xxvi. 12), in gleaning 
(xxiv. 19-21 ; Corner), and in religious feasts (xvi. 
11, 14 ; Festivals). Taking a widow's garments in 
pledge was specially prohibited (xxiv. 17 ; compare 
Job xxiv. 3). The widow was commended to the 
care of the community (Ex. xxii. 22 ; Deut. xxvii. 
19; Is. i. 17; Jer. vii. 6, xxii. 3; Zech. vii. 10), and 
any neglect or oppression was strongly reprobated 
(Job xxii. 9, xxiv. 21 ; Ps. xciv. ; Is. x. 2 ; Ez. xxii. 
7; Mai. iii. 5; Mat. xxiii. 14, &c). — With regard to 
the remarriage of widows, the only restriction im- 
posed by the Mosaic law had reference to one left 
childless, whom the brother of the deceased husband 
was to marry (Deut. xxv. 5, 6 ; Mat. xxii. 23-30 ; 
Marriage, p. 605). In the Apostolic Church the 
widows were sustained at the public expense, the 
relief being daily administered in kind, under the 
superintendence of officers appointed for this special 
purpose (Acts vi. 1-6). Particular directions are 
given by St. Paul as to the class of persons entitled 
to such public maintenance (1 Tim. v. 3-16). These 
were the poor and friendless (ver. 3-5, 16). Out 
of the body of such widows a certain number were 
to be enrolled (A. V. " taken into the number "), 
each (1.) not under sixty years of age ; (2.) having 
been " the wife of one man," probably meaning but 
once married ; and (3.) having led a useful and 
charitable life (ver. 9, 10). Alford, De Wette, Lange, 
&c, favor the view that the enrolled widows formed 
an ecclesiastical order, having duties identical with 
or analogous to those of the deaconesses of the 
early Church. (Deaconess.) But Mr. Bevan, origi- 
nal author of this article, taking the passage as a 
whole, concludes that the main condition of enrol- 



1184 



WIF 



WIL 



ment was poverty, and its primary object eleemosy- 
nary, simply to enforce a more methodical adminis- 
tration of the Church funds, though the order of 
widows might easily obtain a quasi-official position 
in the Church, as they would naturally be looked up 
to as models of piety to their sex, and would belong 
to the class whence deaconesses would be chiefly 
drawn.' Women. 

Wife. Marriage ; Widow ; Women. 

Wild Beast. Beast. 

* Wil'der-ncss. Arabah ; Desert ; Wilderness 
of the Wandering ; Zin, &c. 

Wil'der-ness of the Wan'der-ing. The evidence in 
respect to many of the localities of that wilderness 
in which the Israelites wandered for forty years, is 
so scanty that the whole subject of their route is 
involved in much obscurity. The fact that from 
" Etham in the edge of the wilderness," their path 
struck across the Red Sea (Ex. xiii. 20), and from 
the sea into the same wilderness of Etham, seems to 
indicate the upper end of the furthest tongue of the 
Gulf of Suez as the point of crossing. There seems 
reason also to think that this gulf had then, as also 
at Ezion-geber, a further extension northward than 
at present. (Baal-zephon ; Exonus, the ; Goshen ; 

MlGDOL 1 ; Pl-HAHIROTH ; R.ED Sea, PASSAGE OF.) 

The twin gulfs of Suez and , Akabah, into which the 
Red Sea separates, embrace the Peninsula on its 
cast and west sides respectively. The northern 
portion of the whole Peninsula is a plateau called 
et-Tik (Ar. = the wandering, sc. of the Israelites), 
bounded S. by the range of tt-Tih, which extends 
somewhat like a slack chain from Suez on the W. to 
some sandstone cliffs on the E., which shut off this 
region from the Gulf of 'A/cabah. The northwestern 
member of this chain converges with the shore of 
the Gulf of Suez, till the two run nearly parallel. 
Its eastern member throws off several fragments of 
long and short ridges toward the Gulf of , Akabah 
and the northern plateau et-Tih. The greatest ele- 
vation of the et-Tih range is a little W. of long. 34°, 
viz. 4,654 feet above the Mediterranean. From this 
point the watershed of the plateau runs obliquely 
between N. and E. toward Hebron, the part of the 
plateau W. of this line being drained by the great 



1 "J. G. M." (in article "Widow," in Kitto's Bib. Cyc, 
ed. 1866) maintains "that by 'widows indeed' (1 Tim. v. 
3. 5, 16) the apostle means widows by the decease of their 
husbands— widows in the ordinary way common to all 
lands and ages ; and that, as distinguished from these, 
he intends by 'widows' (the widows of believers) to de- 
note the repudiated tvires of converted polygamists." He 
adds, "When a polvgamist, either Jew or Gentile, became 
a Christian, and found that 'one wife' was the law of 
Christ's house, for the sake of a godly seed (Mai. ii. 15), 
he had to select one and put away the rest of his two or 
more wives. The multiplication of disciples, therefore, 
among Jewish or Gentile polygamists was the multiplica- 
tion of widows ; and the proper care and treatment of 
such widows was the first perplexing question of the 
Church, occasioning the appointment of deacons (Dea- 
con), and grew to such dimensions by the conversion of 
Gentile polygamists and the consequent increase of wid- 
ows by divorce, that Paul found it necessary to dispose of 
the question forever by his instructions to Timothy." He 
explains 1 Tim. v. 16—" If any man or woman that be- 
lieverh have widows, let them relieve them, and let not 
the Church be charged ; that it may relieve them that are 
widows indeed" — by reference to "a converted polyga- 
mist in Jamaica, who, on his conversion repudiated all 
his wives but one, and provided for the divorced ones ac- 
cording to his ability. . . . Here was a believing man that 
had widows, whom he relieved. . . . When such a man 
died, the obligation to relieve the surviving ' widows ' de- 
scended with nis property:" and thus, if his wife (now a 
" widow indeed "), or a believing eon or daughter inher- 
ited, each would he a believing man or woman that had 
" widows," and was under obligation to provide for them. 
Divorce. 



Wady el- Arish along a gradual slope to the Mediter- 
ranean, and consisting of limestone covered with 
coarse gravel interspersed with black flints and 
drift, while the shorter and much steeper slope east- 
ward is drained by the Wadys Fikreh and el-Jeib and 
el-Jerdfch into the Dead Sea, and consists of a flat 
rising here and there in heights steep on one side, 
composed of white chalk with frequent lumps of 
flint embedded. Sand is rare in the Peninsula, ex' 
cept in the plain or broad band known as the Deb 
bet cr-Hamleh, on the south side of the et-Tih range. 
Of sandstone on the edges of the granitic central 
mass there is no lack. It is chiefly found between 
the chalk and limestone of et-Tih and the southern 
rocky triangle of Sinai. The hardness of the granite 
in the Jebcl et-Tur has been emphatically noticed by 
travellers. — As to the sustenance in this wilderness 
of the 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 Israelites with their 
flocks and herds, we know not to what extent the 
last were fed with the manna which supported the 
human life, and there is no doubt that the vegeta, 
tion of the wadys lias considerably decreased from 
the violence of the winter torrents, the reckless 
waste of the Bedouin tribes (who have of late years 
ruthlessly destroyed the acacia-trees for charcoal), 
&c. The Wady er-Rdliah (at Sinai), which was " a 
vast green plain " in the sixteenth century, is now 
entirely bare. Seetzen gives a list of sixty-three 
places as a proof that the region from the Hijaz to 
the neighborhood of Damascus, now arid and deso- 
late, was once extremely populous. The gardens at 
the wells of Moses ( Ayun Musa) and at Mount 
Sinai are conspicuous examples of successful at- 
tempts to produce vegetation in this desert. There 
seems to be no deficiency of rain. Human foster- 
ing hands might extend the prospect of possible re- 
sources from the present " transparent coating of 
vegetation" in the wilderness of Sinai to a point as 
far in excess of present facts as were the numbers 
of the Israelitish host above the 6,000 Bedouins 
computed now to form the population of the desert. 
(Agriculture.) — Assuming the passage of the Red 
Sea to have been effected at some spot N. of the 
now extreme end of the Gulf of Suez, the Israelites 
would march from their point of landing a little to 
the E. of S. Here they were in the wilderness of 
Shur, and in it " went three days and found no wa- 
ter." The next point mentioned is Marah, thought 
by most travellers since Burckhardt's time to be 
'ii» el-HawArah. On this first section of their 
desert-march, Stanley (Syria and Palestine, 37) re- 
marks, " There can be no dispute as to the general 
track of the Israelites after the passage [of the Red 
Sea]. If they were to enter the mountains at all, they 
must continue in the route of all travellers, between 
the sea and the table-land of the Tih, till they entered 
the low hills of Ghurundel. Marah must either be 
Hawdrah or Ghurundel." He adds in a note, " Dr. 
Graul, however, was told of a spring near Till 

el-Amdra, right (i. e. south) of Havdrah, so bitter 
that neither men nor camels could drink of it. 
From hence the road goes straight to Wady Ghu- 
rundel." Seetzen inclines to favor the identification 
of el-Amdra with Marah. It seems almost certain, 
however, that Wady Ghurundel — whether it be 
Marah, as Lepsius and (although doubtfully) Seetzen 
thought, or Elim as Niebuhr, Robinson, and Kruse 
— must have lain on the line of march, and furnished 
a camping station (so Mr. Hayman, original author 
of this article). In this wady Seetzen found more 
trees, shrubs, and bushes than anywhere else from 
Sinai to Suez. The scenery in this region becomes 



WIL 



WIL 



1185 



a succession of watercourses ; and the Wady ei- 
Taiyibeh (= the good), connected with Ghurundel by 
Useit, is so named from the goodly water and vege- 
tation which it contains. These three wadys en- 
compass on three sides the Jebel ffummdm ; the sea, 



which it precipitously overhangs, being on the 
fourth. There seems no reason why all three should 
not have combined to form Elim, or at any rate, as 
Stanley suggests, two of them. From Elim, the next 
stage brought the people again to the sea. This fact, 




Thb Map is tnVen from Ayrc's Treasury/ of Bible Knowledge. 



and the water supply, and consequent great fertility, 
enjoyed by Tur on the coast (lat. 28° 13'), would make 
it seem probable that Tur was the locality intended ; 
but as it lies more than seventy miles, in a straight 
line, from the nearest probable assignable spot for 
Elim, such a distance makes it a highly improbable 
75 



site for the next encampment. The account in Ex. 
xvi. omits this encampment by the sea, and brings 
the host at once into " the wilderness of Sin." This 
is probably the alluvial plain, called by Stanley the 
plain of Murkhah, which lower down the coast ex- 
pands into the broadest in the peninsula, and is there 



1186 



WIL 



WIL 



called el-Ka'a, somewhere in tlie still northern por- ! 
tion of which we must doubtless' place the next 
stations, Dophkah and Alush (Num. xxxiii. 12-14). 
In the wilderness of Sin occurred the first murmur- 
ing for food, and the first fall of manna. If, now, 
Rephidim be found at Feirdn, it becomes almost 
certain that the track of the host lay to the N. of 
Serbdl, a magnificent five-peaked mountain, which 
becomes first visible at the plain of Murkhdh. j 
(Sinai.) Feirdn must have been gained by some | 
road striking off from the sea-coast, like the Wady 
Mokatteb, which is now the usual route from Cairo 
thither, perhaps by several parallel or converging 
lines. Stanley suggests the road by the S. of Ser- 
bdl, through Wady Hibrdn, as also a possible route 
to Sinai, and designates it " the southern " one. The 
identification of Sinai itself will probably never be 
free from obscurity, though Mr. Hayman thinks that 
a slight preponderance of probability rests in favor 
of the Jebel Musa. 1 — The sojourn of the Israelites 
for a year in the neighborhood of Mount Sinai em- 
braced the memorable events connected with the 
receiving of the two Tables (Ten Commandments) 
and the institution of the Law of Moses, the Golden 
Calf, Moses' vision of God (Jehovah), the visit of 
Jethro, the death of Nadab and Abihu, &c. The 
last incident mentioned before the wilderness of 
Sinai was quitted for that of Paran is the intended 
departure of Hobab the Kenite, which it seems he 
abandoned at Moses' urgency. They now quitted 
the Sinaitic region for that of Paran, in which they 
went three days without finding a permanent en- 
campment (Num. i., ix. 15-23, x. 13, 33, xi. 35, xii. 
16). Here a choice of two main routes begins, in 
order to cross the intervening space between Sinai 
and Canaan, which they certainly approached in the 
first instance on the southern, and not on the eastern 
side." Taberah and Kiuroth-hattaavah seem to 
belong to the same encampment where Israel abode i 
for at least a month (xi. 20), being names given to it 
from the two events which happened there. These ; 
stations seem from Num. x. 11-13, 33-36, to have 
lain in the wilderness of Paran ; but possibly x. 11- j 
13 should come after 33-36, and the "three days' j 
journey " of verse 33 lie still in the wilderness of 
Sinai ; and even Taberah and Hazeroth, reached in 
xi., xii., also there. Hazeroth is coupled with Diza- 
hab — the Dahab on the shore of the gulf of ''Aka- 
bah (Deut. i.). This makes a seaward position likely 
for Hazeroth, which is probably 'A in el-Hud/iera. 
In Hazeroth the people tarried seven days, if not 
more (Num. xi. 35, xii.), during the exclusion of 
Miriam from the camp while leprous. The next 



1 Mr. Hayman suggests that this loftiest S. E. peak may 
have been the mount to which Moses retired, leaving the 
people encamped in the plain er-Rdkah, which is about 
three miles distant; aud says, "That the spot is out of 
sight from that plain is hardly a difficulty, for ; the moun- 
tain burning with fire unto the midst of heaven ' was what 
the people saw (Deut. iv. 11); and this would give a rea- | 
sonable distance for the spot, somewhere midway, whence j 
the elders enjoyed a partial vision of God (Ex. xxiv. 9, ) 
10)." Most, however, consider the plain where the people 
stood as situated at the base of Sinai and in full view of it, ' 
and hence connect Wady er-Edhah with Eds Sufwifeh (or j 
Sasdfeh), Wady es-Sebd'iyeA (or Sebdyeh) with Jebel Musa, ' 
&c. 

" Robinson (i. 151, &c), Porter (in Kitto). &c, maintain i 
that the route of the Israelites was from Wady er-Edhah 
at the foot of Sinai nearly N. E. to the coast of the Gulf | 
of 'Akabah, and so along the coast to 'Akabah. thence ] 
through the Wady el-Arabah to his Kadesh CAin el- Wei- i 
beh). Rev. J. Rowlands (in Fairbairn. and so Stanley, in ■ 
part) advocates a route passing nearly ]N. from el-Ain 
(about twenty miles W. from the Gulf in latitude 29°) over 
the desert et- Tih to his Kadesh ("Ain Kadeis). 



permanent encampment brought them into the wil- 
derness of Paran, and here the greatest difficulties 
begin. These difficulties resolve themselves into 
two main questions. Did Israel visit Kadesh once, 
or twice? And where is it now to be looked for? 
We read in Num. x. 11, 12, that "on the twentieth 
day of the second month of the second year .... 
the children of Israel took their journeys out of the 
wilderness of Sinai, and the cloud rested in the uilder- 
ness of Paran." The latter statement is probably 
to be viewed as made by anticipation ; as we fiud 
that, after quitting Kibroth-hattaavah and Hazeroth, 
" the people pitched in the wilderness of Paran " 
(Num. xii. 16). Here the grand pause was made 
while the spies, "sent," it is again impressed upon 
us (xiii. 3), " from the wilderness of Paran," searched 
the land for "forty days," and returned "to Moses 
and to Aaron, and to all the congregation . . . unlo 
the vrilderness of Paran to KadesJi." This is the first 
mention of Kadesh in the narrative of the Wander- 
ings (verses 25, 26). "Kadesh " probably = (1.) 
a region of the desert spoken of as having a relation, 
sometimes with the wilderness of Paran, and some- 
times with that of Zin (comp. verses 21, 26); and 
(2.) a distinct city within that desert limit. Now, all 
the conditions of the narrative of the departure and 
return of the spies, and of the consequent despond- 
ency, murmuring, and penal sentence of wandering, 
will be satisfied by supposing that " Kadesh " here 
means the region merely. It has been proposed un- 
der Kadesh to regard part of the 'Arabah, including 
all the low ground at the southern and southwestern 
extremity of the Dead Sea, as the wilderness of Zin. 
Then the broad lower plateau N. of the et-Tih range, 
including both its slopes (viz. the more gradual one 
whose waters are drained by the Wady el-Arish to- 
ward the Mediterranean on theN. W., and the much 
steeper one whose waters pass through the Wadys 
el-Fikreh, el-Jeib, and el-Jerdfeh, into the Dead Sea), 
will be defined as the Paran wilderness proper. If 
we assume the higher superimposed plateau to bear 
the name of " Kadesh " as a desert district, and its 
southwestern mountain-wall to be "the Mountain 
of the Amorites," then the Paran wilderness, so far 
as synonymous with Kadesh, will mean most natu- 
rally the region where that mountain-wall from Jebel 
'Ardif en-Ndkah to Jebel Mukhrah, and perhaps 
thence northward along the other side of the angle 
of the highest plateau, overhangs the lower terrace 
of the Tih. The spies' return to " the wilderness 
of Paran to Kadesh " means to that part of the 
lower plateau where it is adjacent to the higher, and 
probably the eastern side of it. The expression 
" from Kadesh-barnea even unto Gaza," is decisive 
of an eastern site for the former (Josh. x. 41). Here, 
as is plain both from Num. xiv. 40-45 and from Deut. 
i. 41-44, followed the wayward attempt of the host 
to win their way, in spite of the sentence of prohi- 
bition, to the " hill " or " mountain " of the Amalek- 
ites, and Canaanites, or Amorites, and their humil- 
iating defeat. They were repelled in trying to force 
the pass at Hormah (or Zephath, Judg. i. 14), and 
the region of this defeat is called Seir. — Here, then, 
the penal portion of the wanderings commences, and 
the great bulk of it, comprising nearly thirty-eight 
years, passes over between this defeat in Num. xiv., 
and the resumption of local notices in Num. xx., 
where again the names of "Zin " and " Kadesh " are 
the first that meet us. We gather from Deut. i. 46, 
that the greater part, perhaps the whole, of this 
period of nearly thirty-eight years, if so we may in- 
terpret the " many days " there spoken of, was passed 



WIL 



WIL 



1187 



in Kadesh, i. e. the region, not the city. But Num. 
xx. 1 brings us to a new point of departure. The 
people have grown old, or rather again young, in 
their wanderings. Here, then, we are at " the desert 
of Zin, in the first month," with the " people abiding 
in Kadesh." By the sequel, " Miriam died there, and 
was buried there," a more precise definition of locality 
now seems intended ; which is further confirmed by 
the subsequent message from the same place to the 
king of Edom, " Behold, we are in Kadesh. a city in 
the uttermost of thy border" (Num. xx. 16). This, 
then, must be supposed to coincide with the encamp- 
ment, recorded as taking place "in the wilderness 
of Zin, which is Kadesh," registered in the itinerary 
(xxxiii. 36). We see then why, in that register of 
specific camping-spots, there was no necessity for 
any previous mention of " Kadesh ; " because the 
earlier notice in the narrative, where that name oc- 

CONJECTURAL SlTE. 

(a.) 'Ain Hasb, N. W. in the 1 Arabah. 
(1.) Kusheibeh, mouth of the Wady Abu, 

near the foot of Mount Hor. 
(2.) 'Ain Ghurundel.^ 
(3.1 Wady el-Ghudhdqidh. 
(4.) Confluence of Wady el-' Adhbeh with 

elrjerafeh. 



curs, introduces it not as an individual encampment, 
but only as a region, within which perpetual changes 
of encampment went on for the greater part of 
thirty-eight years. We also see that they came 
twice to Kadesh the region, if the city Kadesh lay 
in it, and once to Kadesh the city ; but once only to 
Kadesh the region, if the city lay without it. We 
are not told how the Israelites came into possession 
of the city Kadesh, nor who were its previous occu- 
pants. The itinerary takes here another stride from 
Kadesh to Mount Hor, where Aaron was buried. 
In Deut. x. 6, 7, is a short list of names of localities, 
on comparing which with the portion of the itin- 
erary in which corresponding names occur, we get 
some clew to the line of march from the region Ka- 
desh to Ezion-geber southward. Their order is, 
however, slightly changed, standing in the two pas- 
sages as follows : — 

Deut. x. 6, 7. 

(1.) Beeroth of the children 
op Jaakan. 

(2.) MOSERA. 
(3.) GuDGODAH. 
(4.) JOTBATH. 



Num. xxxiii. 30-35. 
(a.) (Hashmonah). 
(1.) moseroth. 

(2.) Bene-jaakan. 
(3.) hor-hagidgad. 
(4.) jotbathah. 
(Ebronah). 

(EziON GEBER). 



Now, in Num. xx. 14, 16, 22-29, the narrative con- 
ducts us from Kadesh the city, reached in or shortly 
before " the fortieth year," to Mount Hor, where 
Aaron died, a portion o f which route is accordingly 
that given in Deut. x. 6, V ; whereas the parallel 
column from Num. xxxiii. gives substantially the 
name route as pursued in the early part of the penal 
wandering, when fulfilling the command given in the 
region Kadesh, "turn you, get you into the wilder- 
ness by the way of the Red Sea " (Num. xiv. 25 ; 
Deut i. 40), which command we further learn from 
Deut. ii. 1 was strictly acted on, and which a march 
toward Ezion-geber would exactly fulfil. (Deuter- 
onomy, B, I. 5.) — The mountains on the W. of the 
''Arabah must have been always poor in water, and 
form a dreary contrast to the rich springs of the 
eastern side in Mount Seir. From the cliff front of 
this last, Mount Hor stands out prominently. Hor- 
hagidgad, or Gudgodah, possibly = Wady el-Ghud- 
hdghidh, which has a confluence with the Wady eU 
Jerdfeh, the latter running into the ' Arabah on the 
W. side. Jotbath, or Jotbatha, described as " a land 
of rivers of waters " (Deut. x. 7), may stand for any 
confluence of wadys in sufficient force to justify that 
character, but should certainly be in the southern 
portion of the ' Arabah, or a little to the W. of the 
same. — The probabilities of the whole march from 
Sinai, then, seem to stand as follows : they proceeded 
toward the N. E. to the ' Ain el-Hudhera (Hazeroth), 
and thence quitted the maritime region, striking di- 
rectly northward to el- Ain, and thence by a route 
wholly unknown, perhaps a little to the E. of N. 
across the lower eastern spurs of the el-Tih range, 
descending the upper course of the Wady el-Jerdfeh, 
until the southeastern angle of the higher plateau 
confronted them at the Jebel el-Mukhrdh. Hence, 
after dispatching the spies, they moved perhaps into 
the ' Arabah, or along its western overhanging hills, 
to meet their return. Then followed the disastrous 
attempt at or near es-Sufdh (Zephath), and the 
penal wandering in the wilderness of Kadesh, with a 
track wholly undetermined, save in the last half- 
dozen stations to Ezion-geber inclusively, as shown 
above. They then marched on Kadesh, the city, 
probably up the 'Arabah by these same stations, 



took it, and sent from there the message to Edom. 
The refusal with which it was met forced them to 
retrace the 'Arabah once more, and meanwhile Aaron 
died. Thus the same stations (Deut. x. 6, 7) were 
passed again, with the slight variation just noticed, 
probably caused by the command to resort to Mount 
Hor which that death occasioned. Thence, after 
reaching ' Akabah, and turning northeastward, they 
passed by a nearly straight line toward the eastern 
border of Moab. — Of the stations in the list of Num. 
xxxiii. 19-28 (Rithmah ; Rimmon-parez ; Libnah 2 ; 
Rissah ; Kehelathah; Shapher, Mount; Hara- 
dah ; Makheloth ; Tahath ; Tarah ; Mithcah) 
nothing is known, though Mithcah and the few pre- 
ceding it probably belong to the wilderness of Ka- 
desh. After the burial of Aaron, the refusal of 
Edom to permit Israel to " pass through his border" 
made it necessary for the people to " compass the 
land of Edom " (xxi. 4), when they were much " dis- 
couraged on account of the way," and the con- 
sequent murmuring was rebuked by the visitation 
of the " fiery serpents " ( ver. 5, 6). There is near 
Elath a promontory known as the Rds Um Haye, 
" the mother of serpents," which seem to abound in 
the region adjacent ; and, if we may suppose this 
the scene of that judgment, the event would be 
thus connected with the line of march, rounding 
the southern border of Mount Seir, whence " turn- 
ing northward," having " compassed that mountain 
(Mount Seir) long enough," they "passed by the 
way of the wilderness of Moab " (Deut. ii. 3, 8). 
Some permanent encampment, perhaps at Zalmonah 
(Num. xxxiii. 41, 42), seems here to have taken 
place, to judge from the urgent expression of Moses 
to the people in Deut. ii. 13 : " Now rise up, said I, 
and get you over the brook Zered," which lay 
further N. a little E., probably the Wady el-Ahsy. 
The delay caused by the plague of serpents miy 
account for this apparent urgency, which would on 
this view have taken place at Zalmonah ; and as we 
have connected the scene of that plague with the 
neighborhood of Elath, so, if we suppose Zalmonah 
to have lain in the Wady el-Ithm, which has its junc- 
tion with the 'Arabah close to 'Akabah, the modern 
I site of Elath, this will harmonize the various indi- 



1188 



WIL 



WIN 



cations, and form a suitable point of departure for 
the last stage of the wandering, which ends at the 
brook Zered (Deut. ii. 14). Three stations, Punon, 
Oboth, and Ije-abaium, were passed between this 
locality and the brook or valley of Zered (Num. xxi. 
10-12, compare xxxiii. 43, 44), this last name, with 
" the brooks of Arnon," Beer, Mattanah, Naha- 
liel, and Bamoth, being in Num. xxi. 14-20, but 
not in xxxiii. ; but the interval between Ije-abarim 
and Nebo, which last corresponds probably (Deut. 
xxxiv. 1) with the Pisgah of Num. xxi. 20, is filled 
by two stations merely, Dibon-gad and Almon- 
mblathaim, whence we may infer that in these 
two only were permanent halts made. In this stage 
of their progress occurred the " digging " of the 
" well " by " the princes," the victories over Suion 
and Og, the episodes of Balaam and Phinehas, and 
the final numbering of the people, followed by the 
chastisement of the Midi amtes (Num. xxi. 17, xxii.- 
xxvi., xxxi. 1-12 ; compare Deut. ii. 24-37, iii. 1- 
17). Several names of places, which are identical 
with some herein considered, occur in Deut. i. 1, 
where Moses is said to have spoken " on this (i. e. 
E.) side Jordan in the wilderness, in the plain over 
against the Red Sea, between Paran and Tophel, 
and Laban and Hazeroth and Dizahab." Paran 
here is perhaps theEl-paran to which Chedorlaomer 
came in Gen. xiv. 6, and probably Tophel is the 
well-known TufVeh to the N. N. E. of Petra ; and 
similarly the Red Sea, " over against " which it is 
spoken of as lying, is defined by Dizahab on its 
coast, and Hazeroth near the same. The introduc- 
tion of " Laban " is less clear. Arabia ; Old Tes- 
tament B; Palestine, Botany, Zoology, Climate, 
&c. ; Parched; Sea, the Salt, &c. 

Wil lows (Heb. , ardbim ) are mentioned in Lev. 
xxiii. 40, as used for making booths at the Feast of 
Tabernacles ; in Job xl. 22 as giving shade to behe- 
moth ; in Is. xliv. 4 in illustration of the springing 




WeepiDg Willow or " Willow of Babylon " (Salix Cabylonica) — (Fbn.) 



up of Israel's offspring. The tree upon which the 
captive Israelites hung their harps (Ps. exxxvii. 2) 
was undoubtedly (so Mr. Houghton, &c.) the weep- 
ing willow (Salix Babyloniea), which grows abun- 
dantly on the banks of the Euphrates, in other parts 
of Asia as in Palestine, and in Northern Africa. Spren- 
gel seems to restrict the Hebrew word to the weep- 
ing willow ; but there can scarcely be a doubt that 
the term is generic, and includes other species of 
the large family of willows, which is probably well 
represented in Palestine and the Bible lands, as the 
white willow (Salix alba), osier (Salix viminahs), 
Egyptian willow (Salix sEc/yptiaca), which latter 
plant Sprengel identifies with the Ar. safsdf, prob- 
ably = the Heb. tsaph-U&pMh (A. V. " willow ") of 
Ez. xvii. 5. 

Willows, the Brook of the (Heb. nahal[ov naehaf] 
hd'drdbim), a wady mentioned (Is. xv. 7) as one of 
the boundaries of Moab — probably, as Gesenius ob- 
serves, the southern one; possibly = a wady men- 
tioned in Am. vi. 14 (A. V. " the river of the wil- 
derness ") as the then recognized southern limit of 
the northern kingdom, the Hebrew word being the 
same here for "brook" in Isaiah, and "river" in 
Amos, while that translated "wilderness " in Amos 
is hd-'Ardbdh (Arabah), elsewhere almost exclu- 
sively = the Valley of the Jordan, the Ohdr of mod- 
ern Arabs. Mr. Grove, with Ewald, Hitzig, &c, re- 
gards the Heb. 'drdbim in Isaiah as = deserts (pi. 
of Arabah) ; the A. V. margin, with the LXX., 
Syr., and Ar., translates it "Arabians;" while the 
Vulgate, Luther, Gesenius, Pusey, J. A. Alexander, 
A. V., &c, render it " willows." Most consider the 
Wady el-A/isy (Zered?) as intended in one, if not 
in both, of the above passages, though Mr. Grove 
remarks that the name Wady Safsdf, " Willow 
Wady," is still attached to a part of the main 
branch of the ravine which descends from Kerak to 
the northern end of the peninsula of the Dead Sea, 
and that either of these positions would agree with 
the requirements of either passage. 

Wills. Under a system of close inheritance 
(Heir), like that of the Jews, the scope for bequest 
in respect of land was limited by the right of re- 
demption and general reentry in the Jdbilee year. 
But the Law does not forbid bequests by will of such 
limited interest in land as was consistent with those 
rights. (Vows.) The case of houses in walled 
towns was different, and they must have frequently 
been bequeathed by will (Lev. xxv. 30). Two in- 
stances are recorded in the O. T., under the Law, 
of testamentary disposition, (1.) effected in the case 
j of Ahithophel (2 Sam. xvii. 23), (2.) recommended 
I in the case of Hezekiah (2 K. xx. 1 ; Is. xxxviii. 1). 

Wim'ple, an old English word for hood or veil, 
j representing the Heb. mitpahath or milpaehath in Is. 
' iii. 22. The Hebrew word signifies rather a kind of 
: shawl or mantle. Dress, p. 235. 

Wind (Heb. ruah or ruacli ; Gr. anemos, pnewna, 
\ jmoe). That the Hebrews recognized four prevail- 
i ing winds as issuing, broadly speaking, from the 
I four cardinal points, north, south, east, and west, 
\ may be inferred from their using the "four winds" 
as = the "four quarters" of the hemisphere (Ez. 
i xxxvii. 9; Dan. viii. 8; Zech. ii. 6; Mat. xxiv. 31 ; 
compare Jer. xlix. 36). The N. wind, or, as it was 
usually called, " the North," was naturally the cold- 
| est of the four (Ecclus. xliii. 20), and its presence 
I is hence invoked as favorable to vegetation in Cant, 
j iv. 1 6. It is described in Prov. xxv. 23 (margin) as 
i bringing rain ; in this case we must understand the 
| N. W. wind. The N. W. wind prevails from the 



WIN 

autumnal equinox to the beginning of November, 
and the N. wind from June to the equinox. The E. 
wind crosses the sandy wastes of the Arabian Desert 
before reaching Palestine, and was hence termed 
" the wind of the wilderness" (Job i. 19 ; Jer. xiii. 
24). It blows with violence, and is hence supposed 
to be = any violent wind (Job xxvii. 21, xxxviii. 24 ; 
Ps. xlviii. 7 ; Is. xxvii. 8 ; Ez. xxvii. 26). Probably 
in this sense it is used in Ex. xiv. 21. The Greek 
translators appear to have felt the difficulty of ren- 
dering the Heb. kddim ("East wind") in Gen. xli. 
6, 23, 27, because the parching effects of the E. 
wind, with which the inhabitants of Palestine are 
familiar, are not attributable to that wind in Egypt, 
but either to the S. wind, called in that country the 
khamdseen, or to that known as the samoom, which 
comes from the S. E. or S. S. E. (Blasting; 
Plagues, the Ten.) In Palestine the E. wind pre- 
vails from February to June. The S. wind, which 
traverses the Arabian peninsula before reaching 
Palestine, must necessarily be extremely hot (Job 
xxxvii. 17 ; Lk. xii. 55). In Egypt the S. wind 
(khamdseen) prevails in the spring, a portion of 
which in April and May is hence termed el-khamd- 
seen. The W. and S. W. winds reach Palestine 
loaded with moisture gathered from the Mediter- 
ranean, and are termed by the Arabs " the fathers 
of the rain." Westerly winds prevail in Palestine 
from November to February. The Sea of Gennes- 
aret was liable to local squalls (Mk. iv. 37 ; Lk. viii. 
23). Thomson (i. 337) mentions a fierce wind which 
in the plain of Ijon, December 28, chilled ten men 
and eighty-five cattle to death in a few minutes. 
(Am; Euroclydon; Whirlwind.) The winds are 
often spoken of metaphorically ; the E. wind was the 
symbol of nothingness (Job xv. 2; Hos. xii. 1), of 
the wasting by war (Jer. xviii. 17), and of the effects 
of Divine vengeance (Is. xxvii. 8), in which sense, 
however, general references to violent wind are also 
employed (Ps. ciii. 16; Is. lxiv. 6; Jer. iv. 11). The 
wind is an image of transitoriness (Job vii. 7; Ps. 
lxxviii. 39), a witness of the Creator's power (Job 
xxviii. 25 ; Ps. cxxxv. 7 ; Prov. xxx. 4 ; Eccl. xi. 5 ; 
Jer. x. 13; Am. iv. 13), and a representative of the 
operations of the Holy Spirit (Ju. iii. 8 ; Acts ii. 2 ; 
Spirit). 

Wia'dow (Heb. hallon or challdn ; Chal. cav ; Gr. 
thuris). The window of an Oriental house consists 
generally of an aperture closed in with lattice-work, 
named in Heb. arubbdh (Eccl. xii. 3, A. V. " win- 
dow;" Hos. xiii. 3, A. V. "chimney"), hdraccim or 
characcim (Cant. ii. 9), and eshndb ( Judg. v. 28 ; Prov. 
vii. 6, A V. "casement"). (Lattice.) Glass has 
been introduced into Egypt in modern times as a 
protection against the cold of winter, but lattice- 
work is still the usual, and with the poor the only, 
contrivance for closing the window. The windows 
generally look into the inner court of the house, 
but in every house one or more look into the street. 
For the " window " in the Ark, see Noah, p. 738. 

Wine. The manufacture of wine is carried back 
in the Bible to the age of Noah (Gen. ix. 20, 21), 
to whom the discovery of the process is apparently, 
though not explicitly, attributed. For the natural 
history and culture of the vine, see Vine. The only 
other plant whose fruit is noticed as converted into 
wine was the pomegranate (Cant. viii. 2). In Pales- 
tine the vintage takes place in September, and is 
celebrated with great rejoicings. The ripe fruit 
was gathered in baskets (Jer. vi. 9), and carried to the 
wine-press. It was then placed in the upper one of 
the two vats of the wine-press, and was subjected 



win H89 

to the process of " treading," which has prevailed 
in all ages in Oriental and South-European countries 
(Neh. xiii. 15; Job xxiv. 11; Is. xvi. 10; Jer. xxv. 
30, xlviii. 33 ; Am. ix. 13 ; Rev. xix. 15). A certain 
amount of juice exuded from the ripe fruit from its 
own pressure before the treading commenced. This 
appears to have been kept separate from the rest 
of the juice, and to have formed the sweet wine (Gr. 
gleukos, A. V. "new wine") noticed in Acts ii. 13. 
The " treading " was by one or more men, accord- 
ing to the size of the vat. They encouraged one 
another by shouts and cries (Is. xvi. 9, 10 ; Jer. xxv. 
30, xlviii. 33). Their legs and garments were dyed 
red with the juice (Gen. xlix. 11 ; Is. lxiii. 2, 3). 
The expressed juice escaped by an aperture into 
the lower vat, or was at once collected in vessels. 
A hand-press was occasionally used in Egypt, but 
we have no notice of such an instrument in the 
Bible. The wine was sometimes preserved in its 
unl'ermented state, and drunk as must, but more 
generally it was bottled off after fermentation, and, 
if it were designed to be kept for some time, a cer- 
tain amount of lees was added to give it body (Is. 
xxv. 6). The wine consequently required to be " re- 
fined " or strained previously to being brought to 
table (xxv. 6). — The produce of the wine-press was 
described in Hebrew by a variety of terms, indica- 



t 7\v.\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\l//////////////////7777Z7^ ' 





Egyptian Wine-press, from Wilkinson. 



tive either of the quality or of the use of the liquid. 
The most general Heb. term for " wine " is yayin 
(probably from a root signifying to boil up, to fer- 
ment, Ges.), which is undoubtedly connected with the 
Gr. oinos, the L. vinum, and our " wine." The Heb. 
tirosh (A. V. " wine," " new wine," once " sweet 
wine") is referred to the root ydrash = to get pos- 
session o f, and is applied, according to Gesenius, to 
wine from its inebriating qualities, whereby it gels 
possession of the brain ; but, according to By thner, to 
the vine as a possession in the eyes of the Hebrews. 
Both yayin and tirosh are occasionally connected 
with expressions that would apply properly to a fruit ; 
e. g. the former (A. V. "wine") with verbs of gath- 
ering (Jer. xl. 10, 12) and growing (Ps. civ. 14, 15); 
the latter with gathering (Is. lxii. 9, A. V. "brought 
it together," viz. " thy wine," comp. ver. 8), tread- 
ing (Mic. vi. 15, A. V. " sweet wine "), withering (Is. 
xxiv. 7, A. V. "the new wine mourneth ; " Joel i. 
10, A. V. " the new wine is dried up "), finding " in 
the cluster " of the grapes (Is. lxv. 8, A. V. " new 
wine"). There is, however, in most, if not all, the 
passages where these and similar expressions occur, 
something to denote that the fruit is regarded not 
simply as fruit, but as the raw material out of which 



1190 



WIN 



WIN 



wine is manufactured. The question whether either 
of the above terms ordinarily signified a solid sub- 
stance, would be settled by the manner in which 
they were consumed. We are not aware of a single 
passage which couples yayin with the act of eating 1 
(so Mr. Bevan, original author of this article). In 
the only passage where the act of consuming tirosh 
alone is noticed (Is. lxii. 8 [A. V. " shall not drink 
thy wine "], 9 ["shall drink it"]), the Hebrew verb 
is shdthdh, which constantly indicates the act of 
drinking (e. g. Gen. be. 21, xxiv. 14, 18, 19, 22; Ex. 
yii. 18, 21, 24; Ru. ii. 9; 1 Sam. xxx. 12, 16; Job 
i. 4, &c). To the argument that tirosh is generally 
connected with " corn " (Gen. xxvii. 28, 37 ; Deut. 
vii. 13, xi. 14, &c. ; A. V. "wine" usually in this 
connection, but " new wine " in Neh. x. 39 [Heb. 
40], xiii. 5, 12), and therefore implies an edible 
rather than drinkable substance, it may reasonably 
be urged that in any enumeration of the materials for 
man's support, " meat and drink " would be specified, 
rather than several kinds of the former and none 
of the latter. There are, moreover, passages which 
seem to imply the actual manufacture of tirosh by 
the same process by which wine was ordinarily made 
(Mic. vi. 15, "sweet wine;" Prov. iii. 10, "new 
wine;" Joel ii. 24, "wine"). Lastly, we have in- 
timations of the effect produced by an excessive use 
of yayin and tirosh. To the former are attributed 
the "darkly flashing eye" (Gen. xlix. 12, A. V. 
"red with wine"), the unbridled tongue (Prov. xx. 
1 ; Is. xxviii. 7), the excitement of the spirit (Prov. 
xxxi. 6; Is. v. 11 ; Zech. ix. 15, x. 7), the enchained 
affections of its votaries (Hos. iv. 11), the perverted 
judgment (Prov. xxxi. 5; Is. xxviii. 7), the indecent 
exposure (Hab. ii. 15, 16), and the sickness result- 
ing from the heat (Heb, hetndh or chemdh, A. V. 
"bottles," marg. "heat") of wine (Hos. vii. 5). In 
Hos. iv. 11 — " Whoredom and wine (yayin), and 
new wine (tirosh) take away the heart " — tirosh ap- 
pears as the climax of engrossing influences, in im- 
mediate connection with yayin. The impression 
produced by a ;eneral review of the above notices 
is, that both yayin and tirosh in their ordinary and 
popular acceptation referred to fermented, intoxi- 
cating wine. 2 A certain amount of fermentation is 
implied in the distension of the leather bottles when 
new wine was placed in them, which was liable to 
burst old bottles (Job xxxii. 19; Mat. ix. 17). 
Very likely new wine was preserved in the state of 
must by placing it in jars or bottles, and then bury- 
ing it in the earth. But we should be inclined to 
understand the passages above quoted as referring 
to wine drawn off before the fermentation was com- 
plete, either for immediate use, or for forming it into 
sweet wine. 3 — The Heb. ash (Cant. viii. 2 [A. V. 

1 The "buy (Heb. shibru) and eat " of Is. Iv. 1 properly 
means " buy grain and eat " (Gesenins), or " buy food and 
eat" (J. A. Alexander, &c), and hence expresses in itself 
the substance to be eaten, without referring to the follow- 
ing words " buy wine and milk." 

2 Dr. Robinson (in Ges. Heb. Lex. ed. of 1854) says : 
" All the passages go to show that tirosh is new wine of the 
first year, the wine-crop or vintage of the season ; and hence 
it is mostly coupled with wine [corn] and oil as a product 
of the land. That it was regarded as intoxicating is shown 
by Hos. iv. 11." 

3 Rev. Eli Smith, D. D., the well-known American mis- 
sionary in Syria (182fi-'57), describes the methods of making 
wine in Mount Lebanon as numerous, but reducible to 
three classes, viz. " (1.) The simple juice of the grape is fer- 
mented, without desiccation or boiling: (2.) The juice of 
the grape is boiled down before fermentation: (3.) The 
grapes are partially dried in the sun before being pressed." 
Brandied wines, drugged wines, and unintoxicatmg wines, 
all appear to be unknown in Syria and Palestine. " The 
Only form in which the unfermented juice of the grape is 



"juice"] ; Is. xlix. 26 and Am. ix. 13 [in both " sweet 
wine," marg. "new wine"] ; Joel i. 5, iii. 18 [iv. 18, 
Heb. ; "new wine " in both]) is derived from a word 
signifying to tread, and would very properly refer to 
new wine as being recently trodden out, but not nec- 
essarily to unfermented wine. It forms part of a 
Divine promise (Joel iii. 18; Am. ix. 13) very much 
as tirosh occurs elsewhere, though other notices im- 
ply that it was the occasion of excess (Is. xlix. 26 ; 
Joel i. 5). The Heb. sobe is derived from a root 
signifying to soak or drink to excess (Is. i. 22, A. V. 
" wine ; " Hos. iv. 18, " drink ; " Nah. i. 10, " drunk- 
en"), and seems to be characterized by strength 
rather than sweetness. The term occurs in Hos. iv. 
18, in the sense of a debauch. — The Heb. hewer or 
chemer (Deut. xxxii. 14, A. V. "pure;" Is. xxvii. 2, 
" red wine "), dial, hamar or chamar(k. V. " wine " 
in Ezr. vi. 9, vii. 22), and hamrd or chamrd (A. V. 
" wine," Dan. v. 1 ft'.), convey the notion of foaming 
or ebullition, and may equally well apply to the proc- 
ess of fermentation or to the frothing of liquid fresh- 
ly poured out, in which latter case they might be 
used of an unfermented liquid. — The Heb. meseeh 
(A. V. " mixture," Ps. lxxv. 8, Heb. 9), mezeg 
("liquor," margin "mixture," Cant. vii. 2, Heb. 3), 
and mimsach (Prov. xxiii. 30, " mixed wine ; " Is. 
lxv. 11, "drink-offering"), imply a mixture of wine 
with some other substance, and this mingling may 
have increased or diminished the strength of the 
wine according as the substance added was spices or 
water. The notices chiefly favor the former view ; 
for mingled liquor was prepared for high festivals 
(Prov. ix. 2, 5), and occasions of excess (xxiii. 30 ; 
Is. v. 22). A cup " full-mixed " was emblematic of 
severe punishment (Ps. lxxv. 8). The wine "mingled 
with myrrh " (Gali.) given to Jesus may have been 
a bitter draught or one designed to deaden pain 
(Mk. xv. 23), and the spiced pomegranate wine pre- 
pared by the bride (Cant. viii. 2) may well have been 
of a mild character. — The Heb. shechar (A. V. 
" strong drink ") is a generic term applied to all fer- 
mented liquors except wine (Drink, Strong) ; hornets 
or chomets is a weak sour wine (Vinegar) ; ushislidh 
(A. V. "flagon of wine," 2 Sam. xvi. 1, &c.) = a 
cake of pressed raisins ; and sheindrim, properly 
the " lees " or " dregs " of wine, in Is. xxv. 6 = 
wine that had been kept on the lees to increase its 
body. — In the N. T. the Gr. oinos answers to the 
Heb. yayin as the general designation of "wine" 
(Mat. ix. 17 thrice; Mk. iv. 22 four times, xv. 23; 
Lk. i. 15, &c.) ; sikera is a Grecized form of the 
Heb. shechdr = "strong drink " (Lk. i. 15 only); 
oxos = " vinegar." The Gr. gleukos, properly sieeet 
wine, A. V. "new wine" (Acts ii. 13 only), could 
not be new wine in the proper sense, as about eight 



preserved is that of dibs, which may be called grape molas- 
ses. . . . Wine in Syria is not an article of exportation." 
Wine-making '"is not the most important, but rather the 
least so, of all the objects for which the vine is cultivated " 
(Eli Smith, D. D., in B. S. iii. 385 ff.). Rev. Henry A. 
Homes, formerly (1S35-'51) American missionary in Con- 
stantinople, describes (in B. S. v. 288 f.) grape syrup or 
molasses (Ar. dibs; Turkish pekmez) as made by boiling 
fresh grape-juice or must (purified by calcareous earth, 
&c.) from five to seven hours in Turkey, and still longer in 
Syria, the Syrian article becoming so hard that it does not 
easily run. This dibs, which is sometimes converted into 
brandy, is never regarded as a boiled wine, but as a sweet- 
ening syrup. (Honey.) Mr. Homes also describes nardenk, 
which is simple boiled must (not purified by any earth, 
but boiled down to one- fourth), as unintoxiratingand cool- 
ing, and used as a syrup for a beverage, one part of the syrup 
to from six to fifteen parts of water, and regards this nar- 
denka.* corresponding with the accounts of certain drinks 
included by some of the ancients under the appellation 
" wine." 



WIN 



WIS 



1191 



months must have elapsed between the vintage and 
the feast of Pentecost, and the context implies that 
it was a fermented liqnor (comp. note '''). The ex- 
planations of the ancient lexicographers lead us to 
infer that its luscious qualities were due, not to its 
being recently made, but to its being produced from 
the very purest juice of the grape. — There can be 
little doubt that the wines of Palestine varied in 
quality, and were named after the localities in which 
they were made. The only wines of which we have 
special notice, belonged to Syria: these were the 
wine of Helbon (Ez. xxvii. 18), and the wine of 
Lebanon (note 3 ), famed for its aroma (Hos. xiv. 7). 
— Wine was produced on occasions of ordinary hos- 
pitality (Gen. xiv. 18), and at festivals, such as mar- 
riages (Jn. ii. 3). (Banquets; Marriage.) The 
monuments of ancient Egypt furnish abundant evi- 
dence that the people of that country, both male and 
female, indulged liberally in the use of wine. — Under 
the Mosaic law wine formed the usual drink-offering 
that accompanied the daily sacrifice (Ex. xxix. 40), 
the presentation of the first-fruits (Lev. xxiii. 13), 
and other offerings (Num. xv. 5). Tithe was to be 
paid of wine as of other products. The priest was 
also to receive first-fruits of wine, as of other articles 
(Deut. xviii. 4; compare Ex. xxii. 29). The priests 
were prohibited from the use of wine and strong 
drink before performing the services of the Temple 
(Lev. x. 9; Abihu). The Nazarite was prohibited 
from the use of wine or strong drink, or even the 
juice of grapes, during his vow (Num. vi. 3). (Re- 
ciiabites. ) The use of wine at the Passover was not 
enjoined by the Law, but had become an established 
custom, at all events in the post-Babylonian period. 
The wine was mixed with warm water on these oc- 
casions, as implied in the notice of the warming- 
kettle. Hence in the early Christian Church it was 
usual to mix the sacramental wine with water. The 
Pastoral Epistles direct that bishops and deacons 
shall not be "given to wine" (1 Tim. iii. 3, 8; Tit. 
ii. 3). St. Paul advises Timothy himself to be no 
longer an habitual water-drinker, but to take a little 
wine for his health's sake (1 Tim. v. 23). 4 Drunk- 
ard. 

* Wine'-bib-ben Drunkard ; Wine. 

* Wine'-fat = wine-vat or wine-press. Fat. 

Wine'-press. The wine-presses of the Jews con- 
sisted of two receptacles or vats placed at different 
elevations, in the upper one of which the grapes 
were trodden, while the lower one received the ex- 
pressed juice. The two vats are mentioned together 
only in Joel iii. 13 (iv. 13, Heb.) :— " The press (Heb. 
gath) is full : the vats (Heb. pi. yekdbtm) overflow " — 
the upper vat being full of fruit, the lower one over- 
flowing with the must. The Heb. yekeb is similarly 
applied to the lower vat in Joel ii. '24 (A.V. " fat") 
and probably in Prov. iii. 10 (" press "), &c. The 
Heb. gath is also strictly applied to the upper vat in 
Neh. xiii. 15, and in Lam. i. 15 (A. V. "wine-press " 
in both), and Is. lxiii. 2 (A.V. " wine-fat "), with Heb. 
purah (A. V. "wine-press") in a parallel sense in 
ver. 3. Gesenius regards the Heb. yekeb in 2 K. vi. 
27 and Job xxiv. 11 (" wine-press" in both) as = 
the upper vat. The Heb. purdh, as used in Hag. ii. 
16 (A. V. "press"), probably refers to the contents 
of a wine-vat, rather than to the press or vat itself. 

4 The great Christian principle of abstaining from that 
which occasions injury or becomes a stumbling-block to 
another is thus laid down by the apostle: "It is good 
neither to eat flesh (Shambles), nor to drink wine, nor 
any thing whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is offended 
(Offend, to, 9), oris made weak" (Rom. xiv. 21; comp. 
1 Cor. viii. 13). 



The two vats were usually dug or hewn out of the 
solid rock (Is. v. 2, margin ; Mat. xxi. 33). Dr. 
Robinson describes one of these ancient wine-presses 
in the rock as having the upper vat eight feet square 
and fifteen inches deep, the other vat two feet lower 
down and four feet square by three feet deep. 

Win'now-ingt Agriculture ; Chaff, &c. 

* Wiu'ter. Agriculture ; Chronology I. ; Pal- 
estine, Climate ; Rain, &c. 

Wis dom of Je sos, Son of Si'rach. Ecclesias- 
ticus. 

Wis'dom of Sol'o-mon, the (Gr. Sophia Salomon ; 
Sophia Solomoutos ; later, he Sophia). (This article 
is abridged from the original of Mr. Westcott.) A. 
Text. The Book of Wisdom is preserved in Greek 
(Septuagint) and Latin (Vulgate) texts, and in sub- 
sidiary translations into Syriac, Arabic, and Arme- 
nian. (Versions, Ancient.) The Greek text is un- 
doubtedly the original. The chief Greek MSS. in 
which the book is contained are the Sinaitic (x), 
Alexandrine (A), the Vatican (B), and Ephrem (C). 
The entire text is preserved in the three former; in 
the latter, only considerable fragments : viii. 5-xi. 
10; xiv. 19-xvii. 18; xviii. 24-xix. 22.— B. Con- 
tents. The book has been variously divided, but it 
seems to fall most naturally into two great divisions : 
(I.) i.-ix. ; (II.) x.-xix. — I. Chapters i.-ix. The 
doctrine of Wisdom in its spiritual, intellectual, and 
moral aspects. (1.) i.-v. Wisdom the giver of hap- 
piness and immortality, (a.) The conditions of 
wisdom (i. 1-11); Uprightness of thought (1-5) — 
Uprightness of word (6-11). (6.) The origin of 
death (i. 1 2— ii. 24): Sin (in fact) by man's free will 
(i. 12-10) — The reasoning of the sensualist (ii. 1-20) 
— Sin (in source) by the envy of the devil (21-24). 
(c.) The godly and wicked in life (as mortal) (iii. 1- 
iv.): In chastisements (iii. 1-10) — In the results of 
life (iii. 11-iv. 6)— In length of life (7-20). (d.) The 
godly and wicked after death (v.) : The judgment of 
conscience (1-14); — The judgment of God — On the 
godly (15, 16)— On the wicked (17-23). (2.) vi.- 
ix. Wisdom the guide of life, (a.) Wisdom the 
guide of princes (vi. 1-21): The responsibility of 
power (1-11) — Wisdom soon found (12-16) — Wis- 
dom the source of true sovereignty (17-21). (b.) 
The character and realm of wisdom : Open to all 
(vi. 22-vii. 7) — Pervading all creation (vii. 8— viii. 1) 
—Swaying all life (viii. 2-17). (c.) Wisdom the gift 
of God (viii. 17-ix.): Prayer for wisdom (ix.) — II. 
Chapters x.-xix. The doctrine of Wisdom in its his- 
torical aspects. (1.) Wisdom a power to save and 
chastise, (a.) Wisdom seen in the guidance of 
God's people from Adam to Moses (x.-xi. 4). (b.) 
Wisdom seen in the punishment of God's enemies 
(xi. 5-xii.): The Egyptians (xi. 5-xii. 1) — The Ca- 
naanites (xii. 5-28) — The lesson of mercy and judg- 
ment (19-27). (2.) The growth of idolatry the op- 
posite to wisdom, (a.) The worship of nature (xiii. 
1-9). (b.) The worship of images (xiii. 10-xiv. 13). 
(c.) The worship of deified men (xiv. 14-21). (d.) 
The moral effects of idolatry (xiv. 22-31)— (3.) The 
contrast between true worshippers and idolaters 
(xv.-xix.) («.) The general contrast (xv. 1-17). (b.) 
The special contrast at the Exodus : The action of 
beasts (xv. 18-xvi. 13) — The action of the forces of 
nature — water, fire (xvi. 14-29) — The symbolic dark- 
ness (xvii.-xviii. 4) — The action of death (xviii. 5- 
25) — The powers of nature changed in their work- 
ing to save and destroy (xix. 1-21)— Conclusion 
(xix. 21). — C. Unity and Integrity. The book forms 
a complete and harmonious whole. But the distinct 
treatment of the subject, theoretically and histori- 



1192 



WIS 



WIS 



cally, in two parts, has given occasion for the main- 
tenance by Houbigant, Eichhorn, Bretschneider, 
Bertholdt, &c, that it is the work of two or more 
authors. The idea (Grotius, Gratz) that the book 
has been interpolated by a Christian hand is as little 
worthy of consideration as the idea (Eichhorn, Gro- 
tius, &c.) that it is incomplete. — I). Style and Lan- 
guage. In the richness and freedom of its vocabulary 
it most closely resembles the fourth Book of Macca- 
bees, but it is superior to that in power and variety 
of diction. No existing work represents perhaps 
more completely the style of composition produced 
by the sophistic schools of rhetoric, and hence the 
effect of different parts of the book is very unequal. 
The florid redundancy and restless straining after 
effect, which may be not unsuited to vivid intellec- 
tual pictures, is wholly alien from the philosophic 
contemplation of history. The magnificent descrip- 
tion of Wisdom (vii. 22-viii. 1) must rank among 
the noblest passages of human eloquence. Ex- 
amples of strange or new words may be found on 
almost every page. — E. Original Language. The 
book was once supposed to be the work of Solomon, 
yet its style and language show conclusively that 
it was written in Greek, not translated from any 
Hebrew or Aramaic text (see I], below). — F. Doc- 
trinal character. The theological teaching of the 
book offers, in many respects, the nearest approach 
to the language and doctrines of Greek philosophy 
which is found in any Jewish writing up to the time 
of Philo. Thus, in speaking of the almighty power 
of God, the writer describes Him as " having cre- 
ated the universe out of matter without form " (Wis. 
si. 17), adopting the very phrase of the Platonists, 
found also in Philo. Scarcely less distinctly heathen 
is the conception of the body as a mere weight and 
•3log to the soul (ix. 15 ; contrast 2 Cor. v. 1-4). 
The preexistenee of souls finds expression in Wis. 
viii. 20. The writer represents the Spirit of God as 
filling (i. 7) and inspiring all things (xii. 1), but even 
here the idea of " a soul of the world " seems to 
influence his thoughts. There is no trace of the 
Christian doctrine of a resurrection of the body ; 
and the future triumph of the good is entirely un- 
connected with any revelation of a personal Mes- 
siah (iii. 7, 8, v. 16). The identification of the 
tempter (Gen. iii.), directly or indirectly, with the 
devil, as the bringer " of death into the world " 
(Wis. ii. 23, 24), is the most remarkable develop- 
ment of Biblical doctrine which the book contains. 
It is in this point that the Pseudo-Solomon differs 
most widely from Philo, who recognizes no such 
evil power in the world. The subsequent deliver- 
ance of Adam from his transgression is attributed 
to wisdom — not the scheme of Divine Providence, 
but that wisdom given by God to man, which is im- 
mortality (viii. 17). There are few traces of the 
recognition of the sinfulness even of the wise man 
in his wisdom, which forms, in the Psalms and the 
Prophets, the basis of the Christian doctrine of the 
atonement (yet compare xv. 2). A typical signifi- 
cance is assumed to underlie the historic details of 
the 0. T. (xvi. 1, xviii. 4, 5, &c). In connection 
with the 0. T. Scriptures, the book, as a whole, may 
be regarded as carrying on one step further the 
great problem of life contained in Ecclesiastes and 
Job. — G. Tlie doctrine of Wisdom. It would be im- 
possible to trace here in detail the progressive de- 
velopment of the doctrine of Wisdom, as a Divine 
Power standing in some sense between the Creator 
and creation, yet without some idea of this history 
no correct opinion can be formed on the position of 



this book in Jewish literature. The foundation of- 
the doctrine is to be found in Prov. viii., where 
Wisdom is represented as present with God before 
(22) and during the creation of the world. By the 
personification of Wisdom, and the relation of Wis- 
dom to men (31), a preparation is made for the ex- 
tension of the doctrine. In Ecclus. xxiv. Wisdom 
is represented as a creation of God (9), penetrating 
the whole universe (4-6), and taking up her special 
abode with the chosen people (8-12). Her personal 
existence and providential function are thus dis- 
tinctly brought out. In the Book of Wisdom the 
conception gains yet further completeness. In this, 
Wisdom is identified with the Spirit of God (Wis. 
ix. 17). She is the power which unites (i. 7) and 
directs all things (viii. 1). By her, in especial, men 
have fellowship with God (xii. 1). Her working, in 
the providential history of God's people, is traced at 
length (x.); and her power is declared to reach be- 
yond the world of man into that of spirits (vii. 23). 
The conception of Wisdom, however boldly personi- 
fied, yet leaves a wide chasm between the world and 
the Creator. Wisdom answers to the idea of a 
spirit vivifying and uniting all things in all time, as 
distinguished from any special outward revelation 
of the Divine Person. Thus at the same time that 
the doctrine of Wisdom was gradually constructed, 
the correlative doctrine of the Divine Word was also 
reduced to a definite shape. The Word (Memrd), the 
Divine expression, as it was understood in Palestine, 
furnished the exact complement to Wisdom, the Di- 
vine thought. Broadly, the Word properly repre- 
sented the mediative element in the action of God, 
Wisdom the mediative element of His omnipresence. 
The Book of the Pseudo-Solomon, which gives the 
most complete view of Divine wisdom, contains only 
two passages in which the Word is invested with 
the attributes of personal action (xvi. 12, xviii. 15; 
ix. 1 is of different character). These, however, are 
sufficient to indicate that the two powers were dis- 
tinguished by the writer ; and it has been commonly 
argued that the superior prominence given in the 
book to the conception of Wisdom is an indication 
of a date anterior to Philo. The doctrine of the 
Divine wisdom passes by a transition, often imper- 
ceptible, to that of human wisdom, which is derived 
from it. This embraces not only the whole range 
of moral and spiritual virtues, but also the various, 
branches of physical knowledge. (Philosophy.) 
In this aspect, the enumeration of the great forms 
of natural science in vii. 17-20 (viii. 8) offers a most 
instructive subject of comparison with the corre- 
sponding passages in 1 K. iv 32-34. — H. Place and 
date of writing. It seems most reasonable to believe 
that the book was composed at Alexandria some 
time before the time of Philo (about 120-80 b. c). 
Alexandria was the only place where Judaism and 
philosophy, both of the East and West, came into 
natural and close connection. The mode in which 
Egyptian idolatry is spoken of indicates present and 
living antagonism. It may, indeed, be said justly, 
that the local coloring of the latter part of the book 
is conclusive as to the place of its composition. 
But all the guesses as to its authorship are abso- 
lutely valueless. The earliest, mentioned by Je- 
rome, assigned it to Philo. Lutterbeck suggested 
Aristobulus. Eichhorn, Zeller, Jost, &c, supposed 
the author one of the Therapeutoe. Some later crit- 
ics have held that the book is of Christian origin, 
or even definitely the work of Apollos. — I. History. 
The history of the book is extremely obscure. There 
is no trace of the use of it before the Christian era. 



WIS 



WOM 



1193 



On the other hand, it can scarcely be doubted that 
St. Paul, if not other apostolic writers, was familiar 
with its language, though he makes no definite quo- 
tation from it (the supposed reference in Lk. xi. 49 
to Wis. ii. 12-14 is wholly unfounded). Thus we 
have striking parallels in Rom. ix. 21 to Wis. xv. 7; 
in Rom. ix. 22 to Wis. xii. 20 ; in Eph. vi. 13-17 to 
Wis. v. 17-19 (the heavenly armor), &e. It may be 
questioned whether his acquaintance with the book 
may not have been gained rather orally than by di- 
rect study. The first clear references to the book 
occur not earlier than the close of the second cen- 
tury. According to Eusebius, Irenaeus made use of 
it in a lost work, and in a passage of his great work 
(against Heresies) Irenaaus silently adopts a charac- 
teristic clause from it (Wis. vi. 19). From the time 
of Clement of Alexandria the book is constantly 
quoted as an inspired work of Solomon, or as 
" Scripture," even by those Fathers who denied its 
assumed authorship, and it gained a place in the 
Canon (with the other apocryphal books ; Apoc- ' 
rypha) at the Council of Carthage, about a. n. 397. 
From this time its history is the same as that of the 
other apocryphal books up to the period of the Ref- 
ormation. (Vulgate.) It furnishes for the Church 
of England and the Protestant Episcopal Church 
of America several lessons for church-festivals. 

* Wise Men. Magi. 

*Wist = knew or had knowledge (Ex. xvi. 15, 
xxxiv. 29, &c). 

* Wit, to = to know (Gen. xxiv. 21 ; Ex. ii. 4). 
" We do you to wit " (2 Cor. viii. 1) = we cause 
you to know, or we make known to you. 

Witch, Witch' crafts. Divination ; Enchantments ; 
Magic. 

* Withs, or Withes, the A. V. translation of Heb. 
yethdrim (Judg. xvi. 7-9), pi. of yether — a cord i 
or rope, Ges., Fu. For the " green withs " of the 
A. V., Gesenius and Fiirst have new ropes. A with 1 
or withe is probably a flexible twig used for binding, j 

Witness. Among people with whom writing is j 
not common (Education), or who for any reason do j 
not have permanent offices or courts of record, the 
evidence of a transaction is often given by some j 
tangible memorial or significant ceremony. Abra- 
ham gave seven ewe-lambs to Abimelech as an evi- 
dence of his property in the well of Beer-sheba. 
Jacob raised a heap of stones as a boundary-mark 
between himself and Laban (Gen. xxi. 30, xxxi. 47, 
52). The tribes of Reuben and Gad raised an " al-. 
tar " as a witness to the covenant between them- 
selves and the rest of the nation ; Joshua set up a 
stone as an evidence of the allegiance promised by 
Israel to God (Josh. xxii. 10, 26, 34, xxiv. 26, 27). 
Thus also symbolical usages, in ratification of con- 
tracts, or completed arrangements, &c, as the cere- 
mony of shoe-loosing (Deut. xxv. 9, 10; Ru. iv. 7, 
8 ; Marriage), the ordeal prescribed in the case of 
a suspected wife (.Num. v. 17-31 ; Adultery), the 
ceremony at offering First-fruits, &c. — But written 
evidence was by no means unknown to the Jews. 
Divorce was to be proved by a written document 
(Deut. xxiv. 1, 3). In civil contracts, at least in 
later times, documentary evidence was required and 
carefully preserved (Is. viii. 16 ; Jer. xxxii. 10-16). 
— The Law was very careful to provide and enforce 
evidence for all its infractions and all transactions 
bearing on them (Num. xv. 39, 40, xvi. 38 ; Deut. 
xix. 14, xxvii. 2-4, 17 ; Josh. iv. 9, viii. 30 ; Prov. 
xxii. 28 ; Ark ob' the Covenant ; Testimony). Spe- 
cial provisions with respect to evidence are — 1. Two 
witnesses at least are required to establish any 



charge (Num. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvii. 6; Jn. viii. 17; 
2 Cor. xiii. 1; Heb. x. 28; compare 1 Tim. v. 19). 

2. In the case of the suspected wife, evidence be- 
sides the husband's was desired (Num. v. 13). 3. 
The witness who withheld the truth was censured 
(Lev. v. 1). 4. False witness was punished as the 
offence which it sought to establish. (Oath ; Pun- 
ishments.) 5. Slanderous reports and officious wit- 
ness are discouraged (Ex. xx. 16, xxiii. 1 ; Lev. xix. 
16, 18, &c). 6. The witnesses were the first execu- 
tioners (Deut. xiii. 9, xvi. 7 ; Acts vii. 58). 7. In 
case of an animal left in charge and torn by wild 
beasts, the keeper was to bring the carcass in proof 
of the fact and disproof of his own criminality (Ex. 
xxii. 13). 8. According to Josephus, women and 
slaves were not admitted to bear testimony (Jos. iv. 
8, § 15). — In the N. T. the original notion of a wit- 
ness is exhibited in the special form of one who at- 
tests his belief in the Gospel by personal suffering 
(Acts xxii. 20; Rev. ii. 13, &c. ; Martyr). Judge; 
Trial. 

Wiz'ard. Divination ; Enchantments ; Magic. 

Wolf (Heb. zeeb ; Gr. lukos), a fierce and rapacious 
animal (Gen. xlix. 27 ; Ez. xxii. 27; Hab. i. 8; Mat. 
vii. 15), which prowls at night (Jer. v. 6; Zeph. iii. 

3, &c), and is especially destructive to sheep and 
lambs (Mat. x. 16 ; Lk. x. 3 ; Jn. x. 12). Isaiah 
(xi. 6, lxv. 25) foretells the peaceful reign of the 
Messiah under the metaphor of a wolf dwelling 
with a Iamb ; cruel persecutors are compared with 
wolves (Mat. x. 16; Acts xx. 29). There can be 
little doubt (so Mr. Houghton) that the wolf of Pal- 
estine is the common wolf ( Canis Lupus), and that 




Wolf (Gin Liif>us\—CFbn.\ 



this is the animal so frequently mentioned in the 
Bible, though we lack precise information with re- 
gard to the canine animals of Palestine. (Dog ; 
Fox.) Col. Hamilton Smith mentions, under the 
name of derboun, a species of black wolf, as occur- 
ring in Arabia and Southern Syria. Wolves were 
doubtless far more common in Biblical times than 
they are now, though they are occasionally seen by 
modern travellers. 

Woman [o as in wolf], pi. Wom'en [wim'en] 
(Heb. usually iihsMh, sometimes nekebah [commonly 
translated "female"]; Gr. usually gune, theleia [ = 
female] only in Rom. i. 26, 27). The position of 
women in the Hebrew commonwealth contrasts fa- 
vorably with that now generally assigned to them in 
Eastern countries. 1 The most salient point of con- 



1 Yet in the East legal rights are secured to women more 
fully than in England and most of the United States. 
Here, according to the common law. a woman's personal- 
ity is merged on marriage in her husband's ; but in the 



1194 



woo 



WOR 



trast in the usages of ancient as compared with 
modern Oriental society was the large amount of 
liberty enjoyed by women. Instead of being im- 
mured in a harem, or appearing in public with the 
face covered, the wives and maidens of ancient times 
mingled freely and openly with the other sex in the 
duties and amenities of ordinary life. Rebekah 
travelled on a camel with her face unveiled, until 
she came into the presence of her affianced (Gen. 
xsiv. 64, 65). Jacob saluted Rachel with a kiss in 
the presence of the shepherds (xxix. 11). Women 
played no inconsiderable part in public celebrations 
(Ex. xv. 20, 21 ; Judg. xi. 34, &c. ; Dance). The 
odes of Deborah (Judg. v.) and of Hannah (1 Sam. 
ii. 1, &c.) exhibit a degree of intellectual cultivation 
which is in itself a proof of the position of the sex 
in that period. Women also occasionally held pub- 
lic offices, particularly that of prophetess or in- 
spired teacher (Ex. xv. 20; Judg. iv. 4; 2 K. xxii. 
14 ; Neh. vi. 14 ; Lk. ii. 36 ; Athaliah ; Jezebel). 
— The management of household affairs devolved 
mainly on the women. The value of a virtuous and 
active housewife forms a frequent topic in the Book 
of Proverbs (xi. 16, xii. 4, xiv. 1, xxxi. 10 ff.). 
Her influence was of course proportionably great. 
The effect of polygamy was to transfer female in- 
fluence from the wives to the mother. (Qdeen.) 
Polygamy also necessitated a separate establishment 
for the wives collectively, cr for each individually. 
Adam ; Adultery ; Banquets; CniLD; Concubine; 
Creation ; Daughter ; Deaconess ; Divorce ; Dress ; 
Education ; Eve ; Forehead ; Fountain ; Hair ; 
Head-dress ; Man ; Marriage ; Meals ; Ornaments, 
Personal ; Patriarch ; Purification ; Slave ; Veil ; 
Widow. 

Wood. Agriculture ; Architecture ; Coal ; 
Festivals II. ; Fire ; Forest ; Oak ; Palestine, 
&c. 

Wool (Heb. tsemer ; Chal. , arnar ; Gr. erion). 
Wool was an article of the highest value among the 
Jews, as the staple material for the manufacture of 
clothing (Lev. xiii. 47 ; Deut. xxii. 11 ; Job xxxi. 20 ; 
Prov. xxxi. 13 ; Ez. xxxiv. 3 ; Hos. ii. 5). The 
" fleece " (Heb. gez, gizzdh) is mentioned in Deut. 
xviii. 4, and in Judg. vi. 37 ff. and Job xxxi. 20. 
The importance of wool is shown by Mesha's trib- 
ute of rams "with the wool" (2 K. iii. 4), and by 
its being specified with the first-fruits to be offered 
to the priests (Deut. xviii. 4). The wool of Damas- 
cus was highly prized in the mart of Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 
18). Wool is an image of purity and brilliancy 
(Is. i. 18; Dan. vii. 9 ; Rev. i. 14). Dress; Handi- 
craft ; Sheep ; Spinning ; Weaving ; Woollen. 

Wool en, or Wool len (Lin en, and). Among the 
laws against unnatural mixtures is found one to this 
effect: " Neither shall a garment mingled of linen 
and woollen come upon thee " (Lev. xix. 19) ; or, as 
in Deut. xxii. 11, " thou shalt not wear a garment 
of divers sorts, as of woollen and linen together." 
The same Heb. word (sha'alnez) is translated in Le- 
viticus "of linen and woollen," and in Deuteronomy 
"a garment of divers sorts." The word sha'atnezis 
foreign, but its origin is uncertain. Its signification 
is sufficiently defined in Deut. xxii. 11. Jablonski 



East the case was and is different, for she retains her name 
and property (both real and personal), she can carry on 
business and obtain legal redress for wrongs done her by 
her husband or by others. In Mohammedan countries 
the Koran is the basis of civil law as the Pentateuch (Law- 
op Moses) was in the Hebrew commonwealth; but the 
common law of England and the United States is derived 
from the Roman law, and to a great extent ignores the 
claims of morality and religion. Marriage IV. 



favors Forster's suggestion that a garment of linen 
and woollen was called by the Egyptians shontnes, 
and that this word was borrowed by the Hebrews, 
and written shefatnez. The reason given by Jo- 
sephus (iv. 8, § 11) for the law against wearing a 
garment woven of linen and woollen is, that such 
were worn by the priests alone. Maimonides found 
in the books of the ancient Zabii that the priests 
of the idolaters clothed themselves with robes of 
linen and woollen mixed together. Probably the 
law was based on some relation of the prohibited 
mixtures to impurity or idolatry. 

* Word in the general sense (= something spoken, 
a saying, the expression or sign of an idea) often oc- 
curs in the A. V. as the translation of the Heb. 
emer, omer, imrdh, dabar, rnilldh, &c, and of the 
Gr. logos and rema. But in Jn. i. 1, 14 is a special 
application of the Gr. logos, A. V. " Word," to the 
Lord Jesus Christ, or rather to His preexistent 
Divine nature. In Jn. i. 1-14 He is declared to be 
closely united with God, and Himself Divine, the 
Creator of all things, the Author and Source of all 
life, spiritual as well as physical, the Incarnate God. 
The same term is also applied to Jesus Christ in 1 
Jn. i. 1, v. 7 (according to the A. V., and the Re- 
ceived Greek text), and Rev. xix. 13. The precise 
meaning of the Gr. logos in this application is a 
matter of dispute. Some make it — the promised 
one; others, the teacher ; others, the author of the 
word, &c. Perhaps therevealer is sufficiently exact. 
The origin of this application of the term has also 
been much discussed. It is well known that in the 
0. T. " the word of the Lord" is sometimes per- 
sonified or = Jehovah Himself (Gen. xv. 1 ff. ; IK. 
xiii. 9, 17, &c.) — that the Targums (Versions, An- 
cient [Targum]) often used the Chal. meymrd di 
Yehovdh (= the icord of Jehovah), &c, instead of the 
simple Divine title Jehovah (" Lord," A. V.), &c. — 
that the " wisdom " of God is personified (Prov. 
viii. ; Wis. vii. 21 ff. ; Ecclus. xxiv.) — that Philo 
represents in a peculiar way the distinction between 
God revealed and God concealed, connecting, if not 
identifying, the " wisdom " with the " word " (lor/os) 
of God. See Alexandria ; Philosophy ; Wisdom of 
Solomon; Prof. Stuart in B. S. vii. 13 ff., 281 ff, 
696 ff. ; Rbn. JV T. Lex., &c. 

* World, the A. V. translation of— 1. Heb. erets 
(Ps. xxii. 27 [Heb. 28] ; Is. xxiii. 17), usually and 
properly translated " earth " or " land." (Earth 
1 )— -2. Heb. hedel or chedel = place of rest, region 
of the dead, hades, Ges., Fii. (Is. xxxviii. 11 only). — 3. 
Heb. heled or cheled = this world as fleeting, tran- 
sient, vain, Ges. (Ps. xvii. 14, xlix. 1 [Heb. 2]) ; else- 
where translated "age" (Job xi. 17; Ps. xxxix. 5 
[Heb. 61), or "time" (lxxxix. 47 [Heb. 48]).— 4. 
Heb. '61dm (Ps. lxxiii. 12; Eccl. iii. 11 ; [in phrases] 
Is. xlv. 17 [A. V. " world without end "] and lxiv. 4 
[Heb. 3, A. V. "the beginning of the world"]), 
usually translated " for ever " or " everlasting." 
(Eternal 1 ; Eternity.) — 5. Heb. lebel = the earth, 
as fertile and inhabited, the habitable globe, world ; 
also often the wholeearlh, the world'm general, Ges. (1 
Sam. ii. 8 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 16, and 33 other passages; 
compare No. 10 below), once (followed by No. 1) 
" the habitable part" of his earth (Prov. viii. 31). 
—6. Gr. aion (Mat. xii. 32, xiii. 22, 39, 40, 49, &c. ; 
Eternal 4). — 7. Gr. adj. aidnios in the phrases 
"before (or 'since') the world began" (Rom. xvi. 
25 ; 2 Tim. i. 9 ; Tit. i. 2 ; Eternal 5).— 8. Gr. ge 
(Rev. xiii. 3 only, put for the inhabitants of the 
earth), usually and correctly translated " earth" or 
" land." — 9. Gr. kosmos, primarily (so Rbn. N~. T. 



WOR 



WRI 



1195 



Lex.) = order, i. e. regular disposition and arrange- 
ment ; hence in N. T. (1.) decoration, ornament (1 
Pet. iii. 3 only in this sense, A. V. "adorning"); 
(2.) order of the universe, the world, so used by 
Pythagoras and subsequent philosophers ; hence 
(a.) Generally, the world, the universe, the heavens 
and earth (Mat xiii. 35, xxiv. 21, &c), by metonymy 
the inhabitants of the universe (1 Cor. iv. 9), and 
tropically an aggregate or congeries of any thing, as 
"a world of iniquity" (Jas. iii. 6); (6.) By synec- 
doche, the earth, this lower world, as the abode of 
man (Mat. iv. 8 ; Mk. xvi. 15 ; Jn. i. 9, iii. 17, 19, 
&c), and by metonymy the inhabitants of the earth 
or mankind (Mat. v. 14, xiii. 38, &c); (c.) In the 
Jewish mode of speaking, the present world, the pres- 
ent order of things, as opposed to the kingdom of 
Christ, and hence as transient, worthless, evil, 
troubled, though having its pleasures and good 
things (Mat. xvi. 26; Jn. xii. 25, &c), and by me- 
tonymy the men of this world, worldlings (vii. 7, xii. 
31 twice, &c). This word occurs in N. T. nearly 
200 times, and is uniformly translated " world," ex- 
cept in 1 Pet. iii. 3 (see above).— 10. Gr. oikoumenS 
= (so Rbn. N. T. Lex.) the inhabited earth, the world, 
i. e. (1.) In Greek usage, as inhabited by Greeks, 
opposed to barbarian lands, and hence in N. T. the Ro- 
man world, the Roman empire (Lk. ii. 1 ; Acts xi. 28 
[these two passages probably refer chiefly to the 
regions in and around Palestine, Rbn.], xvii. 6, 
xxiv. 5); (2.) Generally, in later usage, the habitable 
globe, the earth, the world, as known to the ancients 
(Mat. xxiv. 14 ; Lk. iv. 5 [hyperbolically], xxi. 26 ; 
Rom. x. 18 ; Heb i. 6 ; Rev. xvi. 14), and by me- 
tonymy the inhabitants of the earth, mankind (Acts 
xvii. 31, xix. 27 ; Rev. iii. 10, xii. 9), also once trop- 
ically in the phrase "the world to come" (Heb. ii. 
5), i. e. the kingdom of Christ in its full develop- 
ment after the day of judgment (compare Eternal, 
4 c). This word in LXX. is used for No. 1, and 
especially for No. 5. 

Worm, the A. V. translation of — 1. Heb. sds (Is. 
Ii. 8 only), probably = some particular species of 
moth, whose larva is injurious to wool. — 2. Heb. 
rimmdh (Ex. xvi. 24 ; Job vii. 5, xvii. 14, xxi. 26, 

xxiv. 20, xxv. 6 a/ Is. xiv. 11 a). The Hebrew 
word points evidently to various sorts of maggots, 
and the larva; of insects which feed on putrefying 
animal matter, rather than to earthworms. — 3. Heb. 
toloV (Ex. xvi. 20), toletdh and told'ath (Deut. xxviii. 
39 ; Job xxv. 6 6; Ps. xxii. 6 [Heb. 7] ; Is. xiv. 
11 b, xii. 14, Ixvi. 24; Jon. iv. 7). The Heb. rim- 
mdh and toWah-AVB clearly used indiscriminately to 
denote either true worms {Annelida), or the larval 
condition of various insects. (Colors, II. 3.) Job 

xxv. 6 compares the estate of man to a rimmdh, 
and the son of man to a tolffah. This latter is ap- 
plied in Deut. xxviii. 39 to some sorts of larva? de- 
structive to the vines. Of the various insects 
which attack the vine, one of the most destructive 
is a species of moth (Tortrix vitisana), the little 
caterpillar of which eats off the inner parts of the 
blossoms, the clusters of which it binds together 
by spinning a web around them. — 4. Gr. skolex = 
(so Rbn. N. T.Lex.) a worm, feeding on dead bodies 
(Mk. Lx. 44, 46, 48); in LXX. = No. 3. The 
death of Herod Agrippa I. was caused by worms 
(Acts xii. 23, Gr. skolekobrotos, A. V. literally 
" eaten of worms ") ; according to Josephu.s (xix. 
8), his death took place five days after his departure 
from the theatre. Whether the worms were the 
cause or the result of the disease is an immaterial 
question. Medicine. 



Worm'wood (Heb. Mandh ; Gr. apsinthos), a bit- 
ter plant, or rather the name common to several 
species of aromatic and bitter plants of the genus 
Artemisia. The word occurs frequently in the 
Bible, and generally in a metaphorical sense (Deut. 
xxix. 18 [Heb. 17] ; Prov. v. 4; Jer. ix. 15 [Heb. 
14], xxiii. 15 ; Lam. iii. 15, 19 ; Am. v. 7 [in vi. 12 
the A. V. has " hemlock " for la'andh] ; Rev. viii. 
11 twice). The Orientals typified sorrows, cruel- 
ties, and calamities of any kind by plants of a 
poisonous or bitter nature. (Gall.) Kitto {Phys- 
ical History of Palestine, p. 215) enumerates four 
kinds of wormwood as found in Palestine — Artemi- 
sia Nilotica, Artemisia Judaica, Artemisia fruticosa, 
and Artemisia cinerea. 

* Wor'ship. Adoration ; Altar ; God ; Idol ; 
Idolatry ; Minister ; Prayer ; Priest ; Sacrifice, 
&c. 

Wor'ship-er or Wor'ship-per = one who renders 
worship or adoration, as to Baal (2 K. X. 19 ff.) 
or to God (Jn. iv. 23, ix. 31 ; Heb. x. 2). In Acts 
xix. 35 only is it the A. V. translation of the Gr. 
nedkoros (margin " temple-keeper ; " literally temple- 
sweeper), originally an attendant in a temple, prob- 
ably intrusted with its charge, but afterward ap- 
plied to cities or communities which undertook the 
worship of particular gods, and even of emperors 
during their lives. The first occurrence of the term 
in connection with Ephesds is on coins of the age 
of Nero (a. d. 54-68). 

* Worth is used in the A. V., as now, to indicate 
value or equality in value (Gen. xxiii. 9, 15; 1 K. 
xxi. 2, &c.) ; once as a verb in the phrase " Woe 
worth the day ! " (Ez. xxx. 2), i. e. woe be to the 
day ! Let woe befall the day ! 

* Wot, to = to know, to have knowledge (Gen. 
xxi. 26, xxxix. 8, xliv. 15, &c). Wit, to. 

Wrestling [res'ling]. Games. 

* Wried [ride] = made wry, distorted (Ps. xxxviii. 
6 margin ; altered to " wearied " in some copies). 

Wri ting. It is remarkable that although the 
Hebrews have assigned the discovery of other arts, 
e. g. of music and metal working, to the heroes of 
a remote antiquity, there is no trace or tradition 
whatever of the origin of letters. The Book of 
Genesis has not a single allusion, direct or indirect, 
either to the practice or to the existence of writing. 
(Seal.) That the Egyptians, in the time of Joseph, 
were acquainted with writing of a certain kind there 
is other evidence to prove, but there is nothing to 
show that up to this period the knowledge ex- 
tended to the Hebrew family (so Mr. Wright). At 
the same time there is no evidence against it. Wri- 
ting is first distinctly mentioned in Ex. xvii. 14, and 
the connection clearly implies that it was then so 
familiar as to be used for historic records, Moses 
being commanded to preserve the memory of Ama- 
lek's onslaught in the desert by committing it to 
writing. The tables of the testimony are said to be 
" written by the finger of God " (Ex. xxxi. 18) on 
both sides, and " the writing was the writing of God, 
graven upon the tables" (xxxii. 15). The engraving 
of the gems of the high-priest's breast-plate with 
the names of the children of Israel (xxviii 11) and 
the inscription upon the mitre (xxxix 30) have to 
do more with the art of the engraver than of the 
writer, but both imply the existence of alphabetic 
characters. The curses against the adulteress were 
written by the priest " in the book ; " and blotted 
out with water (Num v. 23) This proceeding, 
though principally distinguished by its symbolical 
character, involves the use of some kind of ink, and 



1198 



WRI 



WRI 



of a material on which the curses were written, 
which would not be destroyed by water. Hitherto, 
however, nothing has been said of the application 
of writing to the purposes of ordinary lite, or of 
the knowledge of the art among the common people. 
Up to this point such knowledge is only attributed 
to Moses and the priests. From Deut. xxiv. 1, 3, 
however — " let him (the husband) write her a bill of 
divorcement " (Divorce) — it would appear that it 
was extended to others. It is not absolutely nec- 
essary to infer from this that the art of writing was 
an accomplishment possessed by every Hebrew cit- 
izen, though there is no mention of a third party ; 
and it is more than probable (so Mr. Wright) that 
these " bills of divorcement," though apparently so 
informal, were the work of professional scribes. 
It was one of the king's duties (Deut. xvii. 18) to 
transcribe the book of the Law for his own private 
study. If we examine the instances in which wri- 
ting is mentioned in connection with individuals 
(Deut. xxvii. 3, 8, xxxi. 22, 24; Josh. viii. 32, xviii. 
8; Judg. v. 14; 1 Sam. x. 25; 2 Sam. xi. 14, 15; 1 
Chr. xxix. 29; 2 Chr. ix. 29, xii. 15, xiii. 22, xx. 34; 
Epistle), we shall rind that in all cases the writers 
were men of superior position (so Mr. Wright). In 
Is. xxix. 11, 12, a distinction is drawn between the 
man who was able to read, and the man who was 
not, and Mr. Wright regards it as a natural inference 
that the accomplishments of reading and writing, 
though possessed by the Hebrews at a very early 
period, were not widely spread among the people, 
especially when we find that they are universally 
attributed to those of high rank or education, kings, 
priests, prophets, and professional scribes. (Edu- 
cation; Kirjath-sepher ; Witness.) — Recent in- 
vestigations have shown that the square character 
of the Hebrews is of comparatively modern date, 
and has been formed from a more ancient type by a 
gradual process of development. (Old Testament, 
A, I. ; Samaritan Pentateuch ; Shemitic Lan- 
guages.) What, then, was this ancient type ? Most 
probably the Phenician. To the Pheniciaxs tradi- 
tion assigned the honor of the invention of letters. 



Anc. Greek. Anc Persian. 



1 ! I 

Etruscan. Roman. Later Greek. 
TTmhrian. | 

Oscan. Runic? 
Samnite. I 

Celti Coptic. Gothic. Slavonian, 
berian 



Zend. 

| Pehlvi. 

Armen'an ? 

Whatever minor differences may exist between 
the ancient and more modern Shemitic alphabets, 
they have two chief characteristics in common : — 
1 That they contain only consonants and the three 
principal long vowels, ^ (aleph, a,) -| (v&v, d), i (yod, 
i), the other vowels being represented by signs 
above, below, or in the middle of letters, or being 
omitted altogether 2 That they are written' from 
right to left. The Eth'opic, being perhaps a non- 
Shemitic alphabet, is an exception to this rule, as is 
the cuneiform character in which some Shemitic in- 
scriptions are found. — The old Shemitic alphabets 



Pliny was of opinion that letters were of Assyrian 
origin, but he mentions as a belief held by others 
that they were discovered among the Egyptians by 
Mercury, or that the Syrians had the honor of the 
invention. Diodorus Siculus says that the Syrians 
invented letters, and from them the Phenicians hav- 
ing learned them, transferred them to the Greeks. 
On the other hand, according to Tacitus (Annals, xi. 
14), Egypt was believed to be the source whence 
the Phenicians got their knowledge. It may be 
reasonably inferred that the ancient Hebrews de- 
rived from, or shared with, the Phenicians the 
knowledge of writing and the use of letters. The 
names of the Hebrew letters indicate (so Mr. 
Wright, &c.) that they must have been the invention 
of a Shemitic people. They contain no trace what- 
ever of ships or seafaring matters ; on the contrary, 
they point distinctly to an inland and pastoral peo- 
ple. Perhaps all that can be inferred from the tra- 
dition that letters came to the Greeks from the 
Phenicians, but that they were the invention of the 
Egyptians, is that the Egyptians possessed an alpha- 
bet before the Phenicians. Gesenius argues for a 
Phenician origin of the alphabet, in opposition to a 
Babylonian or Aramcan, because — 1. The names 
of the letters are Phenician, and not Syrian. 2. It 
is not probable that the Aramaic dialect was the 
language of the inventors ; for the letters n (ydd), 
1 (vdv), J Cayin), ^ (aleph), which to them were cer- 
tainly consonants, had become so weak in the Ara- 
maic that they could scarcely any longer appear as 
such, and could not have been expressed by signs 
by an inventor who spoke a dialect of this kind. 
3. If the Phenician letters are pictorial, as there 
seems reason to believe, there is no model, among 
the old Babylonian discoverers of writing, after 
which they could have been formed. But whether 
or not the Phenicians were the inventors of the 
Shemitic alphabet, there can be no doubt of their 
just claim to being its chief disseminators; and with 
this understand ng we may accept the genealogy of 
alphabets as given by Gesenius, and exhibited in the 
accompanying table. 



Anc. Hebrew. Anc. Aramean. 



Samaritan. Palmyrene. Heb. square 
character. 



Sassanid-writiug. Estrangelo Sabian. 

and Nc-siorian. 



CuBc. Peshito. TJiguric, or 

| Old Turkish. 

Nischi. 

may be divided into two principal classes : 1. The 
Phenician, as it exists (a.) in the inscriptions in 
Cyprus, Malta, Carpentras, and the coins of Phe- 
nicia and her colonies ; distinguished by an absence 
of vowels, and by having the words sometimes di- 
vided and sometimes not. (6.) In the inscriptions 
on Jewish coins. (Money.) (c.) In the Phenicio- 
Egyptian writing, with three vowel signs, deciphered 
by Caylus on the mummy bandages. From (a) are 
derived (d), the Samaritan character, and (e), the 
Greek. 2. The Hebrew-Chaldee character ; to which 
belong (a), the Hebrew square character ; (b), the 



Phenician. 

I 



Numidian. 



WRI 



WRI 



1197 



P.ilmyrene, which has some traces of a cursive 
hand ; (e), the Estrangelo, or ancient Syriac ; and 
(</), the ancient Arabic or Cufic. The oldest Arabic 
writing (the Himyaritic) was perhaps the same as 
the ancient tlebrew or Phenician. — Arguments that 
the Samaritan character is older than the square 
Hebrew are derived from the existence of the Sa- 
maritan Pentateuch, from the names of the letters 
and the correspondence of their forms to their 
names in the Phenician and Phenicio-Samaritan al- 
phabets, and from the fact that the Phenician alpha- 
bet can be traced much further back than the 
square character, the latter not being found on his- 
toric monuments before the birth of Christ. Gese- 
nius (in article Paliiographie, in Ersch & Gruber's 
Eneyklo/iadie) concludes as most probable that the 
ancient Hebrew was first changed for the square 
character about the birth of Christ. Hupfeld main- 
tains that the original alphabet was invented by the 
Babylonians and extended by the Phenicians, and 
that from this the square character was developed 
by three stages : (1.) In its oldest form it appears 
on Phenician monuments, stones, and coins. Closely 
allied with it are the characters on the Maccabean 
coins (Money) and the Samaritan alphabet. (2.) 
The old writing underwent a gradual transformation 
among its original inventors, the Arameans, es- 
pecially those of the West (Palmyrenes, &c. ; see 
Shemitic Languages). (3.) A similar and simul- 
taneous process of change went on in the old char- 
acter among the Jews, and thus it became an an- 
gular, uniform, broken, " square " character. Hup- 
feld rejects altogether the theory of an abrupt 
change of character. — It is evident that in the 
fourth century a. c. the square character was sub- 
stantially the same as now, that the Hebrew letters 
were then called by their present names, and that 
the change of character, even in Origen's time (a. d. 
185-254) was an event already long past, and was 
attributed in the common legend to Ezra, or by 
most of the Talmudists to God Himself. Mat. v. 
18, generally brought forward as a proof that the 
square character must have been in existence in the 
time of Christ, who mentions iota, or yod (" Jot "), 
as the smallest letter of the alphabet, proves at 
least that the old Hebrew or Phenician character 
was no longer in use, but that the Palmyrene char- 
acter, or one very much like it, had been introduced. 
Mr. Wright supposes it was probably about the fir?t 
or second century after Christ that the square char- 
acter assumed its present form. — Tlie Alphabet. The 
oldest evidence on the subject of the Hebrew alpha- 
bet is derived from the alphabetical Psalms and 
poems (Ps. xxv., xxxiv., xxxvii., cxi., cxii., cxix., cxlv. ; 
Prov. xxxi. 10-31 ; Lam. i.-iv.). From these we ascer- 
tain that the number of the letters was twenty-two, 
as at present. The Arabic alphabet originally consist- 
ed of the same number. It has been argued by many 
that the alphabet of the Phenicians at first consisted 
of sixteen letters, or according to Hug of fifteen, 
Ti to i 3; Di Q, X being omitted. The legend, as 
told by Pliny, is that Cadmus brought with him into 
Greece sixteen letters ; at the time of the Trojan 
war Palamedes added four others, 0, E, X, 
and Simonides of Melos four more, Z, H, CI. 
Aristotle recognized eighteen letters of the original 
alphabet, ABTAEZIKAMNOnPSTT*, 
to which and X were added by Epicharmus. But 
in the oldest story of Cadmus, as told by Herodotus 
and Diodorus, nothing is said of the number of the 
letters. Recent investigations, however, have ren- 
dered it probable that at first the Shemitic alphabet 



N 


351 


n 


i n u 


b a 3 


b 


ol 


'A 


Br a 


'E 


F H 


A M N 







consisted of but sixteen letters. It is true that no 
extant monuments illustrate the period when the 
alphabet was thus curtailed, but the theory is based 
upon an organic arrangement first proposed by 
Lepsius, and, according to Dr. Donaldson, makes 
"four classes, each consisting of four letters: the 
first and second classes consist each of three mutes 
preceded by a breathing, the third of the three liquids 
and the sibilant, which perhaps closed the oldest 
alphabet of all, and the fourth contains the three 
supernumerary mutes preceded by a breathing." The 
original sixteen letters of the Greek alphabet, corre- 
sponding to those of the Shemitic, are thus given by 
Dr. Donaldson: 

" S3 p n 
n 9 t 

"In the Greek alphabet, as it is now given in the 
grammars, F and 9 are omitted, and ten other char- 
acters added to these." — The following are the letters 
of the Hebrew alphabet in their present shape, with 
their names, probable meanings, and English repre- 
sentatives, as employed in the A. V., and in this 
Dictionary : — 

^ , Aleph ( = an ox). The old Phenician forms have 

some resemblance to an ox-head, ^ 

This Heb. letter being a light breathing, is 
not represented by any corresponding English 
letter. Gr. Alpha ( A ) = a. 
^, Beth (= a house) = Eng. b. The figure in 
the square character corresponds more to its 
name, while the Ethiopic fl has greater re- 
semblance to a tent. Gr. Beta ( B ) = b. 
^, Gimel(= a camel) = Eng. g. The ancient 
form is supposed to represent the head and 

neck of this animal. In Phenician it is ~j . 

i 

in Ethiopic 1 ; in Gr. Gamma (V) = g. 

, Daleth (= a door). The significance of the 

name is seen in the older form ^ , whence 

the Greek Delta (A = Eng. d), a tent-door. 
f[ , He(= lattice or window? Ges.) = h (as in Hadc- 
ram, Hagar, Haman, &c). The correspond- 
ing Gr. letter is Epsihn (E = e short), which 

is the Phenician turned from left to 

right. 

1, Vau (= a hook or tent-peg) — v. The old Greek 
equivalent, Bau ( f~), or Digamma, resem- 
bles the Phenician ^ . 

T , Zain (= a weapon) = z. It appears to be the 
same as the ancient Gr. San (afterward dis- 
used). 

J"] , Cheth ( = a fence, enclosure), rarely represented 
in the A. V. by ch (as in Achmetha, Cheth, 
Rachel), but usually hy h (as in Habakkuk, 
Hadad, Haggai, Ham, Hamath, Hananiah, 
&c, &c.) ; commonly written ch by Germans, 
and uniformly written h or ch in this Dic- 
tionary. Comp. the Phenician R. Cheth 
is the Gr. Eta ( H ) = e long. \ 

£j , Teth (—a snake, Ges. ; or a basket, Fii.) = Gr. 
Theta (@) = th; represented"(Hke Tau) by t. 
"I , Jod (—a hand), properly = y or i (as in Abiel, 



1198 



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WRI 



Ariel, Sinai, &c), but often written j (as in | 
Hallelujah, Jebus, Jehovah, Jod, and most 
proper names beginning with J), or with both 
i andj in the same word (as in Abijah, Ahi- 
jah, &c). The form of the letter was per- 
haps originally longer, as in the Greek Iota 
( I ) = i. Phenician | | | ; Samaritan jjj. 

5, or (when final) *"J , Caph (= the hollow of the 
hand) — c (as in Caleb, Carmel, Cush, &c.) 
or ch (as in Aehan, Achbor, Achish, &c.) ; 
often in A. V. written ch in the beginning of 
a word, when c hard or k might represent it (as 
in Chalcol, Cherub, Chittim, Chozeba, &c.) ; 
represented in this Dictionary by c, or (if 
aspirated) by ch. The Gr. Kappa ( K = Eng. 
/•) is the old Phenician form (h) reversed. 

5, Lamed (= ox-goad) = /. Gr. Lambda (A) = /. 

)2 > or (when final) Q , Mem (— water) = m. In 
the old alphabets it is */-J , in which Gesenius 

sees the figure of a trident, and so possibly 
the symbol of ihe sea. Gr. Mu ( M ) = m. 

5, or (when final) *j, Nun (= a fsh, Chal., Ar., 
and Syr.) — n. In almost all Phenician alpha- 
bets the figure is "| . Gr. l\ r u (N) == n. 

'Qy Samech (= a prop) = s. Gr. Sigma ( 2) = s. 

y , Ain (= an eye). A guttural sound, usually 
not represented in the A. V., but sometimes 
expressed by g, as in Gaza (also written 
Azzah), Gomorrah, &c. ; represented in this 
Dictionary by an apostrophe ( ' ). In the 
Phenician and Greek alphabets 0. 

Q, or (when final) £|, Pe (= a mouth) = p, 
or (if aspirated) ph. Gr. Pi ( n ) = p. 

j£) or (when final) Tzaddi ( — a reaping-hook 

or fish-hook, Fii.), properly = Is (as in Hat<i- 
ham-menuchoth), but usually represented in 
A. V. by z(as in Azel, Ezbon, Mizraim, Zadok, 
Zedekiah, etc.), rarely by tz (as in Tzaddi). 
From this name is derived the Gr. Zeta ( Z ) 
= z. 

p, Koph (= the back of the head) = k. The old 
' Hebrew form ( P ), inverted CJ , became the 

old Greek Koppa ( *1 ) ; and the form ( O ) 
which occurs on the ancient Syracusan coins, 
suggests the origin of the Roman Q. 
"I , Resh (= a head) = r. The Phenician q 
when turned round became the Gr. Kho ( P ) 
= r or rh. 

"£) , Shin, and , Sin (= a tooth) = shors. (Schin.) 
The letters and IT) were probably at first 
one letter, and afterward became distin- 
guished by the diacritic point. The Gr. Xi 
( E = Eng. x) is derived from Shin: 

J"), Tac (= a mark or sign; probably a cross, 
like a cattle-mark) = Eng. t, or (if aspi- 
rated) th. The signification corresponds 
to the shapes of the old Hebrew letter ou 
coins +, x , from the former of which 
comes the Gr. Taw ( T ) = t. 

The Greek alphabet is usually given as consisting 
of twenty-four letters, viz. : 

Alpha (A, o) = a ; Beta (B, fi, £) = b ; Gamma 
(r, y) = g hard (when doubled = ngg) ; Delta (A, 5) 



= d; Epsilon (E, t) = e short ; Zeta (Z, () = z ; 
Eta (H, 7?) = e long ( e ) ; Theta (0, », 6) = //( ; 
Iota (!,()='«/ Kappa (k, k) = k ; Lambda (A, A.) 
= / / Ma (M, fi) —m; Nu (N, v) = n ; Xi (E, £) 
= x ; Omicron (O, o) = o short ; Pi (IT, ir) = p ; 
Rho (P, p, p) = r or rh ; Sigma (2, C, <r, s) = s ; 
Tan (T, r) = t; Upsilon (T, v) = u (usually written 
y in Latin) ; Phi (*, <p) = ph(=f) ; Chi (X, x ) = 
ch hard (as in Christ) ; Psi (■*, <J/) = ps ; Omega 
(n, a) — o long (d). 

Divisions of words. Hebrew was originally writ- 
ten, like most ancient languages, without any divi- 
sions between the words (so Mr. Wright). The 
same is the case with most Greek and Phenician in- 
scriptions. (New Testament ; Old Testament.) — 
Final letters, &c. We find in all Hebrew MSS. and 
printed books particular forms assumed by five of 
the Hebrew letters, when they occur at the end of 
words. Their invention was clearly due to an en- 
deavor to render reading more easy by distinguish- 
ing one word from another, but they are of com- 
paratively modern date. The final nun is found on 
the Palmyrene inscriptions. The five final letters 
are mentioned in Bereshith Rabba and in both Tal- 
muds. On the ancient Phenician inscriptions, as in 
the Greek uncial MSS., the letters of a word were 
divided at the end of a line without any indication 
being given of such division, but in Hebrew MSS. a 
twofold course has been adopted in this case. If at 
the end of a line the scribe found that he had not 
space for the complete word, he either wrote as 
many letters as he could of this word, but left them 
unpointed and put the complete word in the next 
line, or he made use of what are called extended 
letters, in order to fill up the superabundant space. 
That abbreviations vi ere employed in the ancient He- 
brew writing is shown by the inscriptions on the Mac- 
cabean coins. The greater and smaller letters which 
occur in the middle of words (compare Ps. lxxx. 16 ; 
Gen. ii. 4), the suspended letters (Judg. xviii. 30; 
Ps. lxxx. 14), and the inverted letters (Num. x. 35), 
are transferred from the MSS. of the Masoretes, and 
have all received at the hands of the Jews an alle- 
gorical explanation. (Old Testament, A, 1.) Num- 
bers were indicated either by figures, as on Pheni- 
cian coins, on the sarcophagus of Ashmunazar (king 
of Zidon), on the Palmyrene inscriptions, and prob- 
ably also in the Arameo-Egyptian writing ; or by 
letters, as on the Maccabean coins, and among the 
Arabs, and the early Greeks. It is also conjectured 
that figures and letters were likewise used as numerals 
by the ancient Hebrews. (Number.) — Vowel-points 
and diacritical marks. Almost all the learned Jews 
of the middle ages maintained the equal antiquity 
of the vowels and consonants, or at least the intro- 
duction of the former by Ezra and the men of the 
Great Synagogue ; but the preponderance of evi- 
dence goes to show that Hebrew was written with- 
out vowels or diacritical marks all the time that it 
was a living language (so Mr. Wright). No vowel- 
points are found on any of the Jewish coins, or in 
the Palmyrene inscriptions, or in the relics of Phe- 
nician writing. A single example of a diacritical 
mark occurs for the first time on one of the Car- 
thaginian inscriptions. The first certain indication 
of vowel-points in a Shemitic language is in the Ara- 
bic. (Shemitic Languages.) Kalisch, one of the first 
Hebrew scholars of Europe, states his conclusions 
thus : " According to a statement on a scroll of the 
Law, which may have been in Susa from the eighth 
century, Moses the Punctator was the first who, in 
order to facilitate the reading of the Scriptures for 



WRI 



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1199 



his pupils, added vowels to the consonants, a prac- 
tice in which he was followed by his son Judah, the 
Corrector or Reviser. These were the beginnings 
of a full system of Hebrew points, the completion 
of which has, by tradition, been associated with the 
name of the Karaite Acha of Irak, living in the 
first half of the sixth century, and which comprised 
the vowels and accents, dagesh and rapheh, keri and 
cethib. It was, from its local origin, called the Baby- 
lonian or Assyrian system. Almost simultaneously 
with these endeavors, the scholars of Palestine, 
especially of Tiberias, worked in the same direc- 
tion, and here Rabbi Mocha, a disciple of Anan the 
Karaite, and his son Moses, fixed another system of 
vocalization (about 570), distinguished as that of 
Tiberias, which marks still more minutely and accu- 
rately the various shades and niceties of tone and 
pronunciation, and which was ultimately adopted by 
all the Jews. For though the Karaites, with their 
characteristic tenacity, and their antagonism to the 
Rabbanites, clung for some time to the older signs, 
because they had used them before their secession 
from the Talmudical sects, they were at last, in 
95V, induced to abandon them in favor of those 
adopted in Palestine. Now, the Babylonian signs, 
besides differing from those of Tiberias in shape, 
are chiefly remarkable by being almost uniformly 
placed above the letters. There still exist some 
MSS. which exhibit them, and many more would 
probably have been preserved had not, in later 
times, the habit prevailed of substituting in old 
codices the signs of Tiberias for those of Baby- 
lonia." From the sixth century downward the 
traces of punctuation become more and more dis- 
tinct. The object of the accents is twofold: (1.) 
To mark the tone-syllable, and at the same time to 
show the relation of each word to the sentence ; (2.) 
To indicate the modulation of the tone according 
to which the 0. T. was recited in the synagogues. 
" The manner of recitation was different for the 
Pentateuch, the Prophets, and the metrical books 
(Job, the Proverbs, and the Psalms) : old modes of 
cantillation of the Pentateuch and the Prophets 
have been preserved in the German and Portuguese 
synagogues; both differ, indeed, considerably, yet 
manifestly show a common character, and are al- 
most like the same composition sung in two different 
keys ; while the chanting of the metrical books, not 
being employed in the public worship, has long been 
lost" (Kalisch). — Writing materials, &c. The oldest 
documents which contain the writing of a Shemitic 
race are probably the bricks of Nineveh and Baby- 
lon (Babel) on which are impressed the cuneiform 
Assyrian inscriptions. There is, however, no evi- 
dence that they were ever employed by the He- 
brews, Ez. iv. 1 being manifestly an exception. (En- 
graver ; Print, to ; Stones ; Table ; Tablets ; Ten 
Commandments.) Wood was used upon some occa- 
sions (Num. xvii. 3), and writing-tablets of box-wood 
are mentioned in 2 Esd. xiv. 24. The "lead," to 
which allusion is made in Job xix. 24, is supposed 
to have been poured when melted into the cavities 
of the stone made by the letters of an inscription, 
in order to render it durable. Probably the most 
ancient as well as the most common material which 
the Hebrews used for writing was dressed skin in 
some form or other. We know that the dressing 
of skins was practised by the Hebrews (Ex. xxv. 5 ; 
Lev. xiii. 48), and they may have acquired the 
knowledge of the art from the Egyptians, among 
whom it had attained great perfection, the leather- 
cutters constituting one of the principal subdivisions 



of the third caste. (Leather.) Perhaps the He- 
brews may have borrowed, among their other ac- 
quirements, the use of papyrus from the Egyptians, 
but of this we have no positive evidence. (Egypt ; 
Paper-reeds; Reed 2.) In 2 Jn. 12 the Gr. chartes 
(A. V. "paper") occurs, which refers especially to 
papyrus paper, and in 3 Mc. iv. 20 the Gr. charleria 
is found in the same sense. In Josephus the trial of 
adultery is made by writing the name of God on a 
skin, and the seventy men sent to Ptolemy from Jeru- 
salem by the high-priest Eleazar, to translate the Law 
into Greek (Septuagint), took with them the skins 
on which the Law was written in golden characters 
(Jos. xii. 2, § 10). Herodotus, after telling us that 
the Ionians learned the art of writing from the Phe- 
nicians, adds that they called their books skins, 
because they made use of sheep-skins and goat skins 
when short of paper. 1 Parchment was used for the 
MSS. of the Pentateuch in the time of Josephus, 
and the " parchments " (Gr. pi. membranai) of 2 
Tim. iv. 13 were skins of parchment. It was one 
of the provisions in the Talmud that the Law should 
be written on the skins of clean animals, tame or 
wild, or even of clean birds. The skins when writ- 
ten upon were formed into rolls (Heb. pi. mcgillolli ; 
Ps. xl. 8 ; compare Is. xxxiv. 4 ; Jer. xxxvi. 14 ; Ez. 
ii. y ; Zech. v. 1). They were rolled upon one or 
two sticks and fastened with a thread, the ends of 
which were sealed (Is. xxix. 11; Dan. xii. 4; Rev. 
v. 1, &c.). 2 The rolls were generally written on one 
side only, except in Ez. ii. 9 and Rev. v. 1. They 
were divided into columns (Heb. pi. deldlhoth, lit- 
erally doors, A. V. "leaves," Jer. xxxvi. 23); the 
upper margin was to be not less than three fingers 
broad, the lower not less than four ; and a space of 
two fingers' breadth was to be left between every 
two columns. (New Testament, I. §§ 2, 3, 17 ; 
Old Testament, A, 2 ; Roll.) The rolls were kept 
in a case (Gr. teuchos or theke). But besides skins, 
which were used for the more permanent kinds of 
writing, tablets of wood covered with wax (Lk. i. 
63, Gr. pinakidion, A. V. "writing-table") served 
for the ordinary purposes of life. Several of these 
were fastened together and formed volumes. They 
were written upon with a pointed style (Heb. 'e/, A. 
V. "pen"), sometimes of iron (Job xix. 24; Ps. xlv. 
1 [Heb. 2] ; Jer. viii. 8, xvii. 1). For harder mate- 
rials a graver (Heb. heret or cheret ; Ex. xxxii. 4, 
A. V. " graving tool ; " Is. viii. 1, A. V. " pen ") was 
employed : the hard point might be "the point of a 
diamond," i. e. tipped with emery or corundum (Jer. 
xvii. 1 ; Engraver). For parchment or skins a reed 
was used (3 Jn. 13, A. V. " pen," Gr. kalamos ; Reed 
4 ; 3 Mc. iv. 20). The ink (Heb. deyd, literally black, 
Jer. xxxvi. 18 : Gr. rnelan, literally black ; 2 Cor. iii. 
3 ; 2 Jn. 12 ; 3 Jn. 13) was to be of lamp-black dis- 
solved in gall-juice, though sometimes a mixture of 
gall-juice and vitriol was allowable. It was carried 
in an inkstand (Heb. keselh hassopher, A. V. " a wri- 



1 " Paper," in our use of the word to denote the material 
for writing made of cotton or linen pulp, was not known 
in Europe until long after the Christian era. The art of 
manufacturing paper of this kind, is said by Gibbon to 
have been derived from the manufacturers of Samarcand, 
where it was introduced from China a. d. 651, and thence 
spread over Europe. 

2 Hence a "book" (Heb. sepher ; Gr. biblion, biblos) in 
the Scriptures is ordinarily a roll or scroll of parchment, 
&c. (Jer. xxxvi. 2 ; Ez. ii. 9 : Lk. iv. 17 ; Rev. v. 1 ff., 
<fcc). " The book of life " (Phil. iv. 3 ; Rev. iii. 5. xx. 12, 
15, &o. ; compare " the book of the living," Ps. Ixix. 28) 
is the roll or MS. in which God is figuratively represented 
as having recorded the names of those destined to eternal 

LIFE. 



1200 



XAtf 



YEA 



ter's inkhorn "), which was suspended at the girdle 
(Ez. ix. 2, 3, 11), as it is done at the present day in 




Ancient WritiDg-matLTials.— (Ayre.) 



the East. Modern scribes "have an apparatus 
consisting of a metal or ebony tube for their reed 
pens, with a cup or bulb of the same material, at- 
tached to the upper end, for the ink. This they 
thrust through the girdle, and carry with them at 
all times" (Thn. i. 188). Bible; Divination; 
Epistle ; Prophet ; Revelation, &c. 



X 

Xan'fhi -CDS [zan'the-kus] (L. fr. Gr.), one of the 
Macedonian months ; = (so Josephus) Heb. Nisan. 
Month. 

T 

Tarn (Heb. mil-veh, mikve). The notice of yarn 
is contained in 1 K. x. 28 and 2 Chr. i. 16 : " Solo- 
mon had horses brought out of Egypt, and linen 
yarn : the king's merchants received the linen yarn 
at a price." The probability is (so Mr. Bevan) that 
the term refers to some entrepot of Egyptian com- 
merce, but whether Tekoah, as in the LXX., or 
Coa, as in the Vulgate (with which agree the Chal- 
dee, Maurer, Fiirst, Bertheau, W. L. Alexander [in 
Kitto], &c), is doubtful. The Douay Bible (after 
the Vulgate) translates the verse thus : " And horses 
were brought for Solomon out of Egypt and Coa : 
for the king's merchants brought them out of Coa, 
and bought them at a set price." Gesenius (fol- 
lowed by Keil, &c.) gives the sense of company 
(Pool 4) as applying equally to the merchants and 
the horses: — '"A company of the king's merchants 
brought a company (of horses) at a price ; " but the 
verbal arrangement in 2 Chronicles is opposed to 
this rendering. The sense adopted in the A. V. is 
derived from Jewish interpreters. Horse ; Linen. 

Year (Heb. shandh ; Gr. etos), the highest ordinary 
division of time. The Hebrew name (root shan&h 
= to repeat, to do the second time) is thought by Gese- 
nius, Fiirst, &c, to mean properly a repetition, sc. of 
the course of the sun, or of the seasons. — I. Years, 
properly so called. Two years were known to, and 
apparently used by, the Hebrews. 1. A year of 
360 days, containing twelve months of thirty days 
each, is indicated by certain passages in the pro- 
phetical Scriptures. The time, times, and a half, of 
Dan. vii. 25, xii. 7, where " time " means " year," 
evidently = the 42 months of Rev. xi. 2 and 1,260 
days of Rev. xi. 3, xii. 6, for 360 x 3.5 = 1,260, 
and 30 x 42 = 1,260. This year perfectly corre- 
sponds to the Egyptian Vague year, without the five 



intercalary days. It appears to have been in use in 
Noah's time, for in the narrative of the Flood the 
interval from the 17th day of the 2d month to the 
17th day of the 7th of the same year appears to be 
stated to be a period of 150 days (Gen. vii. 11, 24, 
viii. 3, 4, compare 13), and, as the 1st, 2d, 7th, and 
10th months of one year are mentioned (viii. 13, 14, 
vii. 11, viii. 4, 5), the 1st day of the 10th month of 
this year being separated from the 1st day of the 
1st month of the next year by an interval of at least 
54 days (viii. 5, 6, 10, 12, 13), we can only infer a 
year of 12 months. (Chronology I. ; Sabbath ; 
Week.) A year of 360 days is the rudest known. 
It is formed of 12 spurious lunar months, and was 
probably the parent of the lunar year of 354 days, 
and the Vague year of 365. The Hebrew year, from 
the time of the Exodus, was evidently lunar, though 
in some manner rendered virtually solar, and we 
may therefore infer that the lunar year is as old as 
the Exodus. As the Hebrew year was not an Egyp- 
tian year, and as nothing is said of its being new, 
save in its time of commencement, it was perhaps 
earlier in use among the Israelites, and either 
brought into Egypt by them or borrowed from She- 
mitic settlers. (Egypt, Chronology and History.) 
2. The year used by the Hebrews from the time of 
the Exodus may be said to have been then instituted, 
since a current month, Abib, on the 14th day of 
which the first Passover was kept, was then made 
the first month of the year. This Hebrew year was 
essentially solar, for the offerings of productions 
of the earth, first-fruits, harvest-produce, and in- 
gathered fruits, were fixed to certain days of the 
year, two of which were in the periods of great 
feasts, the third itself a feast reckoned from one of 
the former days. (Festivals ; Passover ; Pente- 
cost ; Tabernacles, Feast of.) But the months 
were lunar, each commencing with a new moon. 
There must therefore have been some method of 
adjustment. Probably the Hebrews determined 
their new year's day by the observation of heliacal 
or other star-risings or settings known to mark the 
right time of the solar year (so Mr. R. S. Poole, 
original author of this article). (Astronomy.) It 
follows, from the determination of the proper new 
moon of the first month, whether by observation of 
a stellar phenomenon, or of the forwardness of the 
crops, that the method of intercalation can only 
have been that in use after the Captivity, the addi- 
tion of a thirteenth month whenever the twelfth 
ended too long before the equinox for the offering 
of the first-fruits to be made at the time fixed. The 
later Jews had two commencements of the year, 
whence it is commonly but inaccurately said that 
they had two years, the sacred year and the civil. We 
prefer to speak of the sacred and civil reckonings. 
The sacred reckoning was that instituted at the Ex- 
odus, according to which the first month was Abib : 
by the civil reckoning the first month was the sev- 
enth (= Tisri). The interval between the two com- 
mencements was thus exactly half a year. It has 
been supposed that the institution at the time of the 
Exodus was a change of commencement, not the in- 
troduction of a new year, and that thenceforward 
the year had two beginnings, respectively at about 
the vernal and the autumnal equinoxes. (Agricul- 
ture.) — II. Divisions of the Year. The Bible makes 
mention of two seasons ("summer" and "winter"), 
of months, weeks, days, &c. (Agriculture ; Chro- 
nology I. ; Day ; Fasts ; Festivals ; Hour ; Month ; 
Palestine, Climate; Sabbath; Week, &c.) — III. 
Sacred Years. Sabbatical Year ; Jubilee, Yeah of. 



YEL 



ZAC 



1201 



* Tcl'low. Colors ; Leprosy. 

Yok& 1. A well-known implement of husbandry 
(Agriculture), described by the Hebrew terms mot 
(Nah. i. 13; elsewhere "bar," &c), motdh (Is. lviii. 
6, 9; Jer. xxvii. 2, xxviii. 10, 12, 13 twice; Ez. xxx. 
18; elsewhere "bands," &c), and 'o/ (Gen. xxvii. 
40; Lev. xxvi. 13 ; Num. xix. 3 ; Deut. xxi. 3, xxviii. 
48 ; 1 Sam. vi. 7 ; 1 K. xii. 4 ff. ; 2 Chr. x. 4 ff., &c), 
the two former specifically applying to the bows of 
wood out of which it was constructed, and the last 
to the application (binding) of the article to the neck 
of the ox. In the N. T. the Gr. zugos is usuallv trans- 
lated "yoke" (Mat. xi. 29, 30; Acts xv. 10, &c). 
"Yoke" often figuratively denotes a burden, bond- 
age, &c. (1 K. xii. 4 ff". ; Jer. xxviii. 2 ff. ; Mat. xi. 28, 
30, &c). — 2. (Heb. tsemcd.) A pair of oxen, so termed 
as being yoked together (1 Sam. xi. 7, xiv. 14 ; IK. 
xix. 19, 21 ; Job i. 3, xlii. 12 ; Jer. li. 23 ; elsewhere 
translated " a couple," " two," &c. ; Acre) The 
Gr. zeugos is applied to " a pair " of turtle-doves (Lk. 
ii. 24) and five "yoke" of oxen (xiv. 19). 

* Yokc'-fel'lOW (Gr. suzugos) = a fellow-laborer, 
colleague (Phil. iv. 3). It is not known whom the 
apostle here addresses by this title, probably (so 
Conybeare & Howson) some eminent Christian at 
Philippi. Some (improbably) have supposed the 
word a proper name = " Syzygus." 

z 

Za-a-na'im (fr. Heb. = removals, Ges.), the Plain 
of (Heb. elon, see Plain 7), more accurately "the 
oak by Zaanaim ; " a tree near which Heber the Ke- 
nite was encamped when Sisera took refuge in his 
tent (Judg. iv. 11). It was "near Kedesh," i. e. 
Kedesh-naphtali, on the high ground W. of the 
Lake of el-Huleh. The Targum gives as the equiva- 
lent of the name, mishor agganiyd = the plain of 
the swamp, which can hardly refer to any thing but 
the marsh bordering the lake of H&leh on the N., 
and probably more extensive in the time of Deborah 
than now. On the other hand, Dr. Stanley has 
pointed out an appropriate situation for this tree in 
" a green plain .... studded with massive tere- 
binths," which adjoins on the S. the plain contain- 
ing the remains of Kedesh. The Keri, or Hebrew 
correction, of Judg. iv. 11 substitutes Zaanannim 
for Zaanaim. 

Za'a-nan (fr. Heb. = place of flocks, Ges.), a place 
named by Micah (i. 11); doubtless = Zenam. 

* Z>a-nan'nim (fr. Heb. = removals, Ges.), a place 
on the border of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 33). Allon 
1 ; Zaanaim. 

Za'a-van (Heb. unquiet, Ges.), a Horite chief, son 
of Ezer the son of Seir (Gen. xxxvi. 27) ; = Zavan. 

Za'bad (Heb. whom God gave, Ges.) 1. Son of 
Nathan, son of Attai, son of Ahlai, Sheshan's daugh- 
ter (1 Chr. ii. 31-37), and hence called son of Ahlai 
(xi. 41). He was one of David's "valiant men." — 
2. An Ephraimite (1 Chr. vii. 21). (Shuthelah.) 
— 3. Son of the Ammonitess Shimeath, and an as- 
sassin, with Jehozabad, of King Joash (2 Chr. xxiv. 
26); = Jozachar. — 4. The name of three Israelites 
in Ezra's time who had married foreign wives ; viz. 
the first, one of the sons of Zattu (Ezr. x. 27); — 5. 
The second, one of the sons of Hashum (x. 33) ; — G. 
The third, one of the sons of Nebo (x. 43). 

Zab-a-dai as [-da'yas] (Gr.) = Zabad 6(1 Esd. ix. 
35). 

Zab-a-dc'ans (fr. Gr.), an Arab tribe attacked and 
spoiled by Jonathan, on his way back to Damascus 
76 



from his fruitless pursuit of the army of Demetrius 
(1 Mc. xii. 31). Josephus (xiii. 5, § 10) calls them Nab- 
ateans, but he is evidently in error (so Mr. Wright). 
Nothing certain is known of them. Jonathan 
had pursued the enemy's army as far as the river 
Eleutherus (Nalir el-Kebir), and was on his march 
back to Damascus when he attacked and plundered 
the Zabadeans. Mr. Wright thinks that the modern 
village of Zebed&ny, on the road from Damascus to 
Ba'albek, about 8 j hours (26 miles) N. W. from Da- 
mascus, at the upper end of a plain of the same 
name, which is the very centre of Antilibanus, is pos- 
sibly a relic of the ancient tribe of the Zabadeans. 

Zab'bai (Heb., probably a corruption of Zaccai, 
Ges.). 1. One of the sons of Bebai, and husband of a 
foreign wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 28). — 2t Father 
of the Baruch who assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding 
the city wall (Neh. iii. 20). 

Zab'bud (Heb. = Zabud, Ges.), one of the sons of 
Bigvai, and companion of Ezra in returning from 
Babylon (Ezr. viii. 14 ; margin " Zaccur, as some 
read "). 

Zab-de'os (fr. Gr. form) = Zebadiah 6 (1 Esd. ix. 
21). 

Zabdi (Heb. gift of Jehovah, Ges.). 1. Son of 
Zerah, the son of Judah, and ancestor of Achan 
(Josh. vii. 1, 17, 18); Zimri 3 ?— 2. A Benjamite 
chief, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). — 3. David's 
officer over the produce of the vineyards for the 
wine-cellars (xxvii. 27); called "the Shiphmite."— 
4. A Levite, son of Asaph (Neh. xi. 17) ; probably 
= Zaccur 3 and Zichri 5. 

Zab'di-el (Heb. gift of God, Ges.). 1. Father of 
Jashobeam (1 Chr. xxvii. 2). — 2. An overseer of 
the priests in Nehemiah's time ; son of one of the 
great men, or, as the margin gives it, " Haggedolim " 
(Neh. xi. 14). — 3. An Arabian chieftain, who put 
Alexander Balas to death (1 Mc. xi. 17). 

Za'bad (Heb. given, Ges.), son of Nathan 1 (1 K. 
iv. 5); described as a priest (A. V. "principal offi- 
cer"), and as holding at the court of Solomon the 
confidential post of " king's friend," which had been 
occupied by Hushai the Archite during the reign of 
David (2 Sam. xv. 37, xvi. 16; 1 Chr. xxvii. 3. ). 
Some suppose Zabud = Zabad 1. King. 

Zab'n-lon, the Latinized Greek form of Zebulun 
(Mat. iv. 13, 15 ; Rev. vii. 8). 

Zac cai, or Zac'ca-i (Heb. pure, innocent, Ges.), an- 
cestor of 760 who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
9; Neh. vii. 14). 

Zac-chaVns [-kee-] (L.) = Zaccheus 2. 

Zac-chc'ns (L. Zacchosus, fr. Heb. = Zaccai). 1. 
An officer of Judas Maccabeus (2 Mc. x. 19). — 2. A 
tax-collector near Jericho, who being short in stature 
climbed up into a sycamore-tree, to obtain a sight of 
Jesus Christ as He passed through that place (Lk. 
xix. 1-10). He was " a son of Abraham, i. e. a Jew. 
The term " chief among the publicans " (Gr. archi- 
teldnes), which designates his office, describes him no 
doubt as the superintendent of customs or tribute 
in the district of Jericho, where he lived, as one 
having a commission from his Roman principal to 
collect the imposts levied on the Jews by the Ro- 
mans, and who in the execution of that trust em- 
ployed subalterns, who were accountable to him, as 
he in turn was accountable to his superior (so Prof. 
Hackett). The office must have been lucrative in 
such a region, and Zaccheus was " rich." (Pub- 
lican.) The eagerness of Zaccheus to see Jesus in- 
dicates a deeper interest than that of mere curiosity. 
There was evidently a religious susceptibility and a 
preparation for the reception of spiritual blessings 



1202 



ZAC 



ZAL 



Though regarded as " a man that was a sinner," he 
was ready to engage to restore " fourfold " for the 
illegal exactions of which he would not venture to 
deny that he might have been guilty. That day sal- 
vation came to his house. The Saviour spent the 
night probably in his house, and the next day pur- 
sued his journey to Jerusalem. We read in the 
Rabbinic writings also of a Zaccheus who lived at 
Jericho at this same period, well known on his own 
account, and especially as the father of the cele- 
brated Rabbi Jochanan ben Zachai. 

Zac'char (fr. Heb. = Zaccur), a Simeonite, of the 
family of Mishnia (1 Chr. iv. 26). 

Zac'cur (Heb. mindful, Ges.). 1. A Reubenite, 
father of Shammua the spy (Num. xiii. 4). — 2. A Me- 
rarite Levite, son of Jaaziah (1 Chr. xxiv. 27). — 3. 
A Levite, son of Asaph, and chief of the third divi- 
sion of the Temple choir (xxv. 2, 10; Neh. xii. 35) ; 
probably = Zabdi 4 and Zichri 5. — 4. Son of Imri, 
assisted Nehemiah in rebuilding the city wall (iii. 2). 
— 5. A Levite, or family of Levites, who sealed the 
covenant with Nehemiah (x. 12). — 0. A Levite, 
whose son or descendant Hanan was one of the 
treasurers appointed by Nehemiah (xiii. 13). 

Zacll-a-ri'all [zak-], properly Zechariah. 1. Son 
of Jeroboam II. ; fourteenth king of Israel, and the 
last of the house of Jehu. Most chronologers as- 
sume an interregnum of eleven years between Jero- 
boam's death and Zachariah's accession, during 
which the kingdom was suffering from the anarchy 
of a disputed succession. (Israel, Kingdom of.) 
Zachariah's reign lasted only six months. He was 
killed in a conspiracy, of which Shallum was the 
head, and by which the prophecy in 2 K. x. 30 was 
accomplished. — 2. Father of Abi, or Abijah, Heze- 
kiah's mother (2 K. xviii. 2) ; = Zechariah 25. 

Zurii-a-ri'as(Gr. and L. = Zechariah). I. Zech- 
ariah 27 (1 Esd. i. 8).— 2. Heman 2 (i. 15).— 3. Se- 
raiah 6 = Azariah 20 (v. 8). — 1. The prophet 
Zechariah 1 (vi. 1, vii. 3). — 5, Zechariah 8 (viii. 
30). — 6. Zechariah 9 (viii. 37). — 7. Zechariah 10 
(viii. 44).— 8. Zechariah 11 (ix. 27).— 9. Father of 
Joseph 5, a leader in the first campaign of the Mac- 
cabean war (1 Mc. v. 18, 56-62).— 10. Father of 
John the Baptist (Lk. i. 5, &c). — 11. Son of Bar- 
achias, slain, our Lord says, by the Jews between 
the altar and the temple (Mat. xxiii. 35 ; Lk.xi. 51). 
There has been much dispute who this Zacharias 
was. Many of the Greek Fathers maintained that 
the father of John the Baptist (No. 10 above) is the 
person to whom our Lord alludes ; but there can be 
little or no doubt that the allusion is to Zechariah 
6, the son of Jehoiada. The name of the father of 
Zacharias is not mentioned by St. Luke, and we may 
suppose that the name of Barachias crept into the 
text of St. Matthew from a marginal gloss, a confu- 
sion having been made between Zachariah, the son 
of Jehoiada, and Zacharias, the son of Barachias 
(Berechiah) the prophet. 

Zach'a-ry (fr. Gr.) — the prophet Zechariah 1 (2 
Esd. i. 40). 

Za'cber (Heb. remembrance, memorial, Ges.), a son 
of Jehiel, the father or founder of Gibeon, by his 
wife Maachah (1 Chr. viii. 31); = Zechariah 3. 

Zadok (fr. Heb. = righteous). 1. Son of Ahitub 
2, and one of the two chief priests (High-priest) in 
the time of David, Abiathar being the other. Zadok 
was of the house of Eleazar, the son of Aaron (1 
Chr. xxiv. 3), and eleventh in descent from Aaron. 
The first mention of him is in 1 Chr. xii. 28, as join- 
ing David at Hebron after Saul's death with twenty- 
two captains of his father's house, and, apparently, 



with 900 men (4,600—3,700, ver. 26, 27). Up to 
this time, it may be concluded, he had adhered to 
the house of Saul. But henceforth his fidelity to 
David was inviolable. When Absalom revolted, and 
David fled from Jerusalem, Zadok and all the Le- 
vites, bearing the Ark, accompanied him, and it was 
only at the king's express command that they re- 
turned to Jerusalem, and became the medium of 
communication between the king and Hushai the 
Archite (2 Sam. xv., xvii.). When Absalom was 
dead, Zadok and Abiathar persuaded the elders of 
Judah to invite David to return (xix. 11). When 
Adonijah, in David's old age, set up for king, and 
had persuaded Joab, and Abiathar the priest, to 
join his party, Zadok was unmoved, and was em- 
ployed by David to anoint Solomon to be king in his 
room (1 K. i.). Solomon " thrust out Abiathar from 
being priest unto the Lord," and " put in Zadok the 
priest " in his room (ii. 27, 35). From this time, 
however, we hear little of him. In the enumeration 
of Solomon's officers of state Zadok is named as the 
priest (iv. 4 ; 1 Chr. xxix. 22), but no single act of 
his is mentioned. Zadok and Abiathar were of 
nearly equal dignity (2 Sam. xv. 35, 36, xix. 11). 
The duties of the office were divided. Zadok min- 
istered before the Tabernacle at Gibeon (1 Chr. xvi. 
39), Abiathar had the care of the Ark at Jerusalem. 
Not, however, exclusively, as appears from 1 Chr. 
xv. 11 and 2 Sam. xv. 24, 25, 29). — 2. According to 
the genealogy of the high-priests in 1 Chr. vi. 12, 
there was, about the time of King Ahaziah, a second 
Zadok, son of a second Ahitub, son of Amariah. 
Lord A. C. Hervey supposes it probable that this 
second Zadok (and so Ahitdb 3) never existed, and 
that the insertion of the two names is a copyist's 
error; but we have no authority for excluding these 
names. (Genealogy; High-priest.)— 3. Father of 
Jerushah, the wife of King Uzziah, and mother of 
King Jotham (2 K. xv. 33; 2 Chr. xxvii. 1).— 4. 
Son of Baana, repaired a portion of the wall in the 
time of Nehemiah (Neh. iii. 4) ; probably the Zadok 
in the list of those that sealed the covenant in Neh. 
x. 21. — 5. Son of Immer; a priest who repaired a 
portion of the wall over against his own house (iii. 
29). — 6. In Neh. xi. 11, and 1 Chr. ix. 11, mention 
is made of Zadok, the son of Meraioth, the son of 
Ahitub. But Lord A. C. Hervey considers Meraioth 
as inserted by the error of a copyist, and Zadok the 
son of Ahitub as meant. (Ahitub 2; Meraioth 1.) 
— 1, "Zadok the scribe " was one of the treasurers 
appointed by Nehemiah (Neh. xiii. 13). 

Za'ham (Heb. loathing, Ges.), son of Rehoboam 
by Abihail, the daughter of Eliab (2 Chr. xi. 19). 

* Za iii (Heb. zayin = a weapon, Ges.), the seventh 
letter of the Hebrew alphabet(Ps. cxix.). Writing. 

Za'ir (fr. Heb. = small, Ges.), a place (probably in 
or near Edom), where Joram, in his expedition against 
the Edomites, having been surrounded by the latter, 
cut his way through them by night and escaped (2 
K. viii. 21 only). In 2 Chr. xxi. 9 the words " to 
Zair" are omitted, and the words " with his princes " 
inserted, perhaps by the error of a copyist (Dahier), 
or intentionally, because the name Zair was not 
elsewhere known (Keil). Others (Movers, Ewald) 
suggest that Zair = Zoar. A third conjecture 
(Thenius) is, that Zair is an alteration for Seir. 

Za'laph (fr. Heb. = fracture, wound, Ges.), father 
of Hanun, who assisted in rebuilding the city wall 
(Neh. iii. 30). 

Zal'mon (fr. Heb. = shady, Ges.), an Ahohite, one 
of David's thirty warriors (2 Sam. xxiii. 8); = Ilal 

Zal moo (see above), Blount, a wooded eminence 



ZAL 



ZAR 



1203 



near Shechem, from which Abimelech and his peo- 
ple cut down the boughs for setting fire to the cita- 
del ( Judg. ix. 48). Mount Ebal is now called Jcbel 
Salamiyeh ; but it is uncertain whether there is any 
connection between this name and Zalmon. The 
name Dalmanutha has been supposed a corruption 
of Zalmon. Salmon. 

Zal-mo'nall (fr. Heb. — shady, Ges.), a desert- 
station of the Israelites (Num. xxxiii. 41 ). It lies on 
the E. side of Eiiom ; but whether or not — Ma'dn, 
a few miles E. of Petra, as Raumer thinks, is doubt- 
ful. More probably Zalmonah may be in the Wady 
el-Ithm (so Sir. Hayman). Wilderness of the Wan- 
dering. 

Zal-Junn na (fr. Heb. = shelter is denied him, Ges., 
FU.), one of the two "kings'' of Midian taken and 
slain by Gideon (Judg. viii. 5-21; Ps. lxxxiii. 11). 
Zebah. 

Zam bis (fr. Gr.) = Amariah 5 (1 Esd. ix. 34). 

Zam'bri (Gr.) = Zimri 1 (1 Me. ii. 26). 

Za'moth (Gr.) = Zattu (1 Esd. ix. 28). 

Zam-zmn'mim (Heb. pi. = noisy people, Ges.), 
Zam-znm'miius (fr. Heb.), the Ammonite name for 
the people, who by others were called " Rephaim " 
(Deut. ii. 20 only) ; described as originally a power- 
ful and numerous nation of giants. From a slight 
similarity between the two names, and from the 
mention of the Emim in connection with each, it is 
usually assumed that the Zamzummim = the Zuzim. 
(Giants 3.) But the identification is conjectural (so 
Mr. Grove). 

Za-mo'all (Heb. marsh, boy? Ges.). In the gene- 
alogies of Judah, Jekdthiel is called "the father 
of Zanoah" (1 Chr. iv. 18;. Mr. Grove supposes 
this passage indicates that Zanoah 2, a town of 
Judah (see below), was colonized by Egyptians or 
by Israelites directly from Egypt. 

Za-no'iih (see above), the name of two towns of 
Judah. 1. In the low country, named in the same 
group with Zoreah and Jarmuth (Josh. xv. 34) ; re- 
inhabited by Jews after the Captivity (Neh. xi. 30), 
the inhabitants assisting in the repair of the wall of 
Jerusalem (iii. 13); identified by Dr. Robinson, &c, 
with ZAnu'a, a site on the low slope of a hill not far E. 
of 'Ain She/as (Beth-shemesh), and about ten miles 
W. S. W. from Jerusalem. — 2. In the mountains, 
named with Maon, Carmel, Ziph, &c. (Josh. xv. 56) ; 
perhaps at Zainutah (Rbn. ii. 204), which appears to 
be about ten miles S. S. W. of Hebron. 

Zaphnath - pa - a-ne ' ah 
(Heb. tsdphena'h pa'aneah 
or -aeh ; written in the 
LXX. psonlhomphanech ; 
see below), a name given 
by Pharaoh to Joseph 1 
(Gen. xli. 45). This name 
has been explained as He- 
brew or Egyptian, and al- 
ways as a proper name. 1. 
The Rabbins, Josephus, 
&c, interpreted Zaphnath- 
paaneah as Hebrew = re- 
vealer of a secret. 2. Isi- 
dore, Jerome, Fiirst, &c, in- 
terpret it as of Egyptian 
origin = saviour (or pre- 
server) of the world. 3. Mod- 
ern scholars have looked 
lo Coptic for an explana- 
tion of this name, Jablonski and others proposing as 
the Coptic of the Egyptian original psol em pheneek 
— the preservation (or preserver) of the age. Geseuius 



1 prefers the form p-soni-m-ph-enech = sustainer (or 
defender) of the age ; Brugsch gives p-so-nto-p-ench 
= prince of the life of the world. Mr. R. S. Poole 
identifies the LXX. form with p-sent-n p-ankhee = 
the defender (or preserver) of the living ; but he gives 
no satisfactory explanation of the name as it appears 
in the Hebrew and A. V. Mr. Poole says that the 
name, at first sight, seems to be a proper name, but, 
as occurring after the account of Joseph's appoint- 
ment and honors, may be a title. 

Za'pllOli (fr. Heb. — the north, Ges.) a place " in 
the valley " (Valley 1), allotted to the tribe of Gad 
(Josh. xiii. 27). Mr. Grove supposes it was near the 
Sea of Chinneroth ; but its site is unknown. In Judg. 
xii. 1 the Heb. tsAphonah (A. V. " northward ") may 
be rendered to Zaphon, as in the Alexandrine LXX., 
&c. 

Za'ra (Gr.) = Zarah or Zerah 1 (Mat. i. 3). 

Zar'a-tes [-seez] (fr. Gr., apparently a corruption 
of Zedekiah), brother of Jehoiakim king of Judah 
(1 Esd. i. 38). 

Za'rah (Heb.) = Zerah 1 (Gen. xxxviii. 30, xlvi. 
12). 

Za-ral'as [-ra'yas], orZar-a-i'as (Gr. = Zerahiah). 
1. Zerahiah 1 (1 Esd. viii. 2). — 2. Zerahiah 2 (viii. 
31).— 3. Zebadiah 5 (viii. 34). 

Za're-ali (fr. Heb.) = Zorah and Zoreah (Neh. 
xi. 29). 

Za'rc-ath-itCS (fr. Heb.), the = the inhabitants of 
Zareah or Zorah (1 Chr. ii. 53); = Zorathites. 

Za'rcd (Heb. = Zered), the Val'ley of; accurately 
Zered (Num. xxi. 12). 

Zar'e-pliath (fr. Heb. = smelling-house ? Ges.), a 
town near to, or dependent on, Zidon ; the residence 
of the prophet Elijah during the latter part of the 
drought (IK. xvii. 9, 10). It is also mentioned in 
Ob. 20. It was on the coast road between Tyre and 
Zidon (Josephus, Jerome), near the modern village 
of Surafend, which is more than a mile from the 
coast, high up on the slope of a hill. Of the old 
town on the shore considerable indications remain. 
One group of foundations is on a headland called 
'Ain el-Kanterah ; but the chief remains are S. of 
this, and extend for a mile or more, with many frag- 
ments of columns, slabs, and other architectural 
features. The site of the chapel erected by the cru- 
saders on the spot then reputed to be the site of the 
widow's house where Elijah dwelt, is probably now 
marked by a tomb and small khan dedicated to cl- 




Zarephnth (ruin 



TEstonrnel, Voyatje en Orient.— (Fbn.) 

IDiudr, who unites, in the popular Moslem faith, 
Elijah and St. George. In the N. T. Zarephath ap- 
pears under the Greek form of Sarepta. 



1204 



ZAR 



ZEB 



Zar'o-tan (fr. Heb.) = Zarthan (Josh. iii. 16). 

Za'retll-sha'har (fr. Heb. = splendor of the dawn, 
Ges.), a town of Reuben, named between Sibmah 
and Beth-peor, and specified as " in the Mount of 
the Valley" (Josh. xiii. 19 only); site unknown. 

Zar'llites (fr. Heb. = descendants of Zerah), the. 

I. A branch of the tribe of Judah, descended from 
Zerah 2 (Num. xxvi. 20; Josh. vii. IV ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 

II, 13). — 2. A family of Simeonites, descended from 
Zerah 3 (Num. xxvi. 13). 

Zar'ta-nah (fr. Heb., probably — Zereda, Ges.), a 
place named in 1 K. iv. 12, to define the position of 
Beth-siiean ; possibly — Zarthan. 

Zar'tlian (fr. Heb., probably = Zereda, Ges.), a 
place in the plain or circle of Jordan, mentioned in 
connection with Succoth (1 K. vii. 46); also named, 
in the account of the passage of the Jordan by the 
Israelites (Josh. iii. 16, A. V. "Zaretan"), as de- 
fining the position of the city Adam ; = Zereda- 
thah ; perhaps = Zartanah and Zererath. All 
these spots agree in proximity to the Jordan, but 
beyond this we are absolutely at fault as to their 
position. Van de Velde would identify the name 
with Kurn Surlabeh, a lofty hill on the W. side of 
the Jordan valley, about seventeen miles N. of 
Jericho. 

Zatli'o-e (Gr., see below). This name occurs in 1 
Esd. viii. 32, for Zattu, supposed by some to have 
been omitted in Ezr. viii. 5, which would then read, 
" Of the sons of Zattu, Shechaniah the son of Jaha- 
ziel." 

Za-tho'i (fr. Gr.) = Zattu (1 Esd. v. 12). 

Zat'thu (fr. Heb.) = Zattu (Neh. x. 14). 

Zattu (Heb. a sprout, Ges.), ancestor of a family 
of laymen of Israel who returned with Zerubbabel 
(Ezr. ii. 8; Neh. vii. 13). Several of this family 
married foreign wives (Ezr. x. 27). One of the chief 
of the people who sealed the covenant with Nehe- 
miah was " Zatthu ' — Zattu (Neh. x. 14). Shecha- 
niah 3 ; Zatiioe. 

Za'van (fr. Heb.) = Zaavan (1 Chr. i. 42). 

Za'za (Heb. projection, Fii. ; comp. Ziza), son of 
Jonathan, a descendant of Jerahmeel (1 Chr. ii. 33). 

*Zeal (Heb. kindh ; Gr. zclos) may include both 
warmth and excitement of feeling and impetuosity 
or vehemence of action, and may be commendable 
or censurable according to the goodness or badness 
of.its motives and aims and the wisdom or folly of its 
modes of procedure. Thus the "zeal" of Jehu (2 
K. x. 16), of Saul of Tarsus (Phil. iii. 6), and of the 
Israelites who opposed Christ (Rom. x. 2), was un- 
worthy of the praise bestowed on the " zeal " of the 
Corinthian Christians (2 Cor. vii. 11, ix. 2) and of 
Epaphras (Col. iv. 13). The "zeal" of the Lord 
of hosts (2 K. xix. 31 ; Is. ix. 7 [Heb. 6], xxxvii. 32, 
&c.) signifies "not only God's intense love for His 
people but His jealousy in their behalf, i. e. His dis- 
position to protect and favor them at the expense of 
others" (J. A. Alexander on Is, ix. 6). "The zeal 
of Thine house " (Ps. lxix. 9 [Heb. 10] ; Jn. ii. 17) 
was " a jealous regard for the honor of the Sanc- 
tuary, as the visible centre of true religion . . . im- 
plying an extreme intensity of feeling" (Alexander 
on Ps, 1. c). " A zeal of God, but not according to 
knowledge " (Rom. x. 2), is zeal or ardor for God, 
which is not intelligent, discerning, enlightened 
(Stuart on Rom. 1. c ). 

* Zealot [zel-]. Judas of Galilee ; Zelotes. 

Zeb-a-di'ah (fr. Heb. = Jehovah gave, Ges.). 1. 
A Benjamite chief, son of Beriah (1 Chr. viii. 15). — 
i, A Benjamite chief, son of Elpaal (viii. 17). — 3. 
One of the sons of Jeroham of Gedor, joined David 



at Ziklag (xii. 7). — 4. Son of Joab's brother Asahel, 
and Asahel's successor as David's captain for the 
fourth month (xxvii. 7). — 5. Son of Michael, returned 
in Ezra's caravan with eighty sons of Shephatiah 
(Ezr. viii. 8). — 6. A priest of the sons of Immer; 
husband of a foreign wife in Ezra's time (x. 20). — 7. 
A Levite porter, third son of Meshelemiah the Kor- 
hite (1 Chr. xxvi. 2). — 8. A Levite in Jehoshaphat's 
reign, one of those sent to teach the Law in the 
cities of Judah (2 Chr. xvii. 8). — 9. Son of Ishmael 
and prince of Judah in Jehoshaphat's reign, super- 
intendent or judge "for all the king's matters " (xix. 
11). 

Zc'bab (Heb. slaughter, sacrifice, Ges.), one of the 
two "kings" of Midi an who appear to have com- 
manded the great invasion of Palestine, and fell by 
the hand of Gideon himself. He is always coupled 
with Zalmunna (Judg. viii. 5-21 ; Ps. lxxxiii. 11). 
While Oreb and Zeeb, two of the inferior leaders of 
the incursion, had been slain, with a vast number 
of their people, by the Ephraimites, at the central 
fords of the Jordan, the two kings had succeeded in 
making their escape by a passage further to the N. 
(probably the ford near Beth-shean), and thence to 
Karkor. Here they were reposing with 15,000 men, 
I a mere remnant of their huge horde, when Gideon 
overtook them. The name of Gideon was still full 
of terror, and the Midianites were entirely unpre- 
pared for his attack — they fled in dismay, and the 
two kings were taken. Gideon, on his return after 
this victory, probably strode on foot by the side of 
his captives. They passed Penuel and Succoth; 
they crossed the rapid stream of the Jordan ; they 
ascended the highlands W. of the river, and at length 
reached Opiirah, the native village of their captor. 
Then, at last, the question which must have been on 
Gideon's tongue during the whole of the return found 
a vent. "What manner of men were they which ye 
slew at Tabor? " Up to this time the sheikhs may 
have believed that they were reserved for ransom ; 
but these words once spoken, there can have been 
no doubt what their fate was to be. They met it 
without fear or weakness. One request alone they 
make — that they may die by the sure blow of the 
hero himself— " and Gideon arose and slew them." 

Zc-bilim (fr. Heb. = rocs, antelopes, Ges.). "The 
children of Pochereth of Zebaim " are mentioned 
among the children of Solomon's servants, who re- 
turned from the Captivity with Zerubbabel (Ezr. ii. 
57 ; Neh. vii. 59). Mr. Grove, &c, suppose Zebaim 
the name of a place (Zeboim 1 ?) ; Gesenius, W. L. 
Alexander, Ayre, &c, make Pochereth-Zebaim (=: 
snaring llie antelopes) the proper name of a man 
who was probably a mighty hunter of antelopes. 

Zeb'c-dee (fr. Gr. Zebedaios — Zebediah, Ges.), a 
fisherman of Galilee, the father of the apostles 
James the Great and John (Mat. iv. 21 ; James 1; 
John the Apostle), and the husband of Salome 
(xxvii. 56 ; Mk. xv. 40). He probably lived either 
at Bethsaida or in its immediate neighborhood. _ It 
has been inferred, from the mention of his " hired 
servants " (i. 20), and from the acquaintance be- 
tween the apostle John and Annas the high-priest 
(Jn. xviii. 15), that the family of Zebedee were in 
easy circumstances (compare xix. 27), although not 
above manual labor (Mat. iv. 21). He appears only 
once in the Gospel narrative (iv. 21, 22 ; Mk. i. 19, 
20), where he is seen in his boat with his two sons 
mending their nets. 

Ze-bi'na (Heb. bought, Ges.), one of the sons of 
Nebo; husband of a foreign wife in Ezra's time 
(Ezr. x. 43). 



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* Zc-boi'iin (fr. Heb.) = Zeboim 1 (Gen. xiv. 2, 8). 

Ze-bo'ini (fr. Heb. = roes or hyenas, Ges.). This 
word represents in the A. V. two names which in 
the original are quite distinct. 1. One of the five 
cities of the " plain " or circle of Jordan ; also writ- 
ten " Zeboiim." (Sea, the Salt ; Sodom ; Zoar.) It 
is mentioned in Gen. x. 19, xiv. 2, 8, in Deut. xxix. 
23, and in Hos. xi. 8, in each either coupled with 
Admah, or placed next it in the lists. No attempt 
appears to have been made to discover the site of 
Zeboim, till M. de Saulcy suggested the Tatda Sebdan, 
a name which he, and he alone, reports as attached 
to extensive ruins on the high ground between the 
Dead Sea and Kerak. — 2. A place, named with 
Hadid, Neballat, Lod, Ono, &c., as reinhabited by 
Benjamites after the Captivity (Neli. xi. 34 only) ; 
site unknown (compare No. 3). — 3. " The Val ley 
(Heb. gey ; Valley 2) of Ze-boim " (fr. Heb. = 
hyenas or ravenous beasts, Ges.), a ravine or gorge, 
apparently E. of Michmash, mentioned only in 1 
Sam. xiii. 18. The road running from Michmash 
to the E. is specified as " the road of the border 
that looketh to the ravine of Zeboim toward the 
wilderness." The " wilderness " (Heb. midbdr; 
Desert 2) is no doubt the district of uncultivated 
mountain tops and sides which lies between the 
central district of Benjamin and the Jordan Valley ; 
and here, apparently, the ravine of Zeboim should 
be sought. In that very district there is a wild 
gorge, bearing the name of Shuk ed-Dubba" 1 ( = 
ravine of the hyena), the exact equivalent of the 
Hebrew (so Mr. Grove). 

Ze-ba dali (Heb. fern, of Zabud), daughter of 
Pedaiah of Rumah ; wife of Josiah, and mother of 
King Jehoiakim (2 K. xxiii. 36). 

Ze bill (Heb. habitation, Ges.), chief man (A. V. 
" ruler ") of Shechem at the contest between Abim- 
elech and the men of Shechem. He accomplished 
the ejection of Gaal from the city (Judg. ix. 28 ff.). 

Zeb'u-lon-itc (fr. Heb.) = a member of the tribe 
of Zebulun; applied only to Elon, the one judge 
produced by the tribe (Judg. xii. 11, 12). 

Zfb n-lnu (Heb. habitation, dwelling, Ges.), in N. T. 
Zabulon, tenth son of Jacob; sixth and last son 
of Leah (Gen. xxx. 20, xxxv. 23, xlvi. 14 ; 1 Chr. 
ii. 1). His birth is recorded in Gen. xxx. 19, 20. 
His three sons, Sered, Elon, Jahleel (Gen. xlvi. 14), 
were the founders of the chief families of the tribe 
(compare Num. xxvi. 26) at the time of the migra- 
tion to Egypt. During the journey from Egypt to 
Palestine the tribe of Zebulun formed one of the 
first camp, with Judah and Issachar (also sons of 
Leah), marching under the standard of Judah. Its 
numbers, at the census of Sinai, were 57,000, sur- 
passed only by Simeon, Dan, and Judah. At that 
of Shittim they were 60,500. The head of the tribe 
at Sinai was Eliab, son of Helon (Num. vii. 24) ; its 
prince, appointed to assist in dividing the land of 
Canaan, was Elizaphan, son of Parnach (xxxiv. 25). 
Its representative among the spies was Gaddiel, son 
of Sodi (xiii. 10). Besides what may be implied in 
its appearances in these lists, the tribe is not re- 
corded to have taken part, for evil or good, in any 
of the events of the wandering or the conquest. In 
the division of Canaan, Judah, Joseph, Benjamin, 
had acquired the south and the centre of the coun- 
try. To Zebulun fell one of the fairest of the remain- 
ing portions. Its limits (Jos. v. 1, § 22) reached on 
the one side to the Lake of Gennesaret, and on the 
other to Carmel and the Mediterranean. On the S. 
it was bounded by Issachar, who lay in the great 
plain or valley of the Kishon ; on the N. it had 



Naphtali and Asher. (Palestine, map.) It was 
afterward included in Galilee. The fact recognized 
by Josephus, that Zebulun extended to the Mediter- 
ranean, though not appearing in the lists of Joshua 
and Judges, is alluded to in the Blessing of Jacob 
(Gen. xlix. 13). Situated so far from the centre of 
government, Zebulun remains throughout the his- 
tory mostly in the obscurity which envelops the 
whole of the northern tribes. But the conduct of 
the tribe during the struggle with Sisera, when they 
fought with desperate valor side by side with their 
brethren of Naphtali, was such as to draw down 
the especial praise of Deborah, who singles them 
out from all the other tribes (Judg. v. 18). Elon, 
the single judge produced by the tribe (Judg. xii. 
11, 12), may have been one of the "scribes" re- 
ferred to in Josh. i. 10, i. e. probably officers who 
registered and marshalled the host. A similar war- 
like reputation is implied in the mention of the tribe 
among those who attended the inauguration of Da- 
vid's reign at Hebron (1 Chr. xii. 33). The same 
passage, however, shows that they did not neglect 
the arts of peace (ver. 40). The head of the tribe 
under David was Ishmaiah, the son of Obadiah 
(xxvii. 19). We are nowhere directly told that the 
people of Zebulun were carried off to Assyria, 
though it is implied in Is. ix. 1. Many of the tribe 
came to Jerusalem to attend Hezekiah's passover 
(2 Chr. xxx. 18). In Ez. xlviii. 26-33 and Rev. vii. 
8 this tribe finds its due mention. 

Zcb'n-lnn-ites, the = the members of the tribe 
of Zebulun (Num. xxvi. 27 only). 

Zecll-a-ri ah [zek-~] (fr. Heb. = whom Jehovah 
remembers, Ges.). 1, The eleventh in order of the 
twelve minor prophets. (Bible ; Canon ; Inspira- 
tion ; Old Testament ; Prophet.) Of his personal 
history we know but little. He is called in Zech. i. 
1 the son of Berechiah, and the grandson of Iddo ; 
in Ezr. v. 1, vi. 14, the son of Iddo. Cyril of Alex- 
andria supposes Berechiah the father of Zechariah 
according to the flesh, and Iddo his instructor and 
spiritual father. Gesenius and Rosenmuller take 
" son " in Ezra to mean " grandson." Knobel thinks 
that " Berechiah " has crept into the present text 
of Zechariah from Is. viii. 2. Mr. J. J. S. Perowne, 
original author of this article, considers it more 
natural to suppose, as the prophet himself mentions 
his father's name, whereas the historical Books of 
Ezra and Nehemiah mention only Iddo, that Ber- 
echiah had died early, and that there was now no 
intervening link between the grandfather (who may 
have been the priest mentioned in Neh. xii. 4) and 
the grandson (compare No. 15, below). Zechariah, 
according to this view, like Jeremiah and Ezekiel 
before him, was priest as well as prophet. He 
seems to have entered upon his office while yet 
young (Zech. ii. 4), and must have been born in 
Babylon, whence he returned with the first caravan 
of exiles under Zerubbabel and Joshua. It was in 
the eighth month, in the second year of Darius, 
that he first publicly discharged his office. In this 
he acted in concert with Haggai. Both prophets 
had the same great object before them : both di- 
rected all their energies to the building of the 
Second Temple. The foundations of the Temple 
had indeed been laid (Ezr. v. 16), but, discouraged 
by the opposition encountered at first, the Jewish 
colony were not able to finish ; and even when the 
letter came from Darius sanctioning the work, and 
promising his protection, they showed no hearty dis- 
position to engage in it. At such a time no more 
fitting instrument could be found to rouse the peo- 



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pie, whose heart had grown cold, than one who united 
to the authority of the prophet the zeal and the 
traditions of a sacerdotal family. (Priest.) Ac- 
cordingly, to Zechariah's influence we find the re- 
building of the Temple in a great measure ascribed. 
"And the elders of the Jews builded, and they 
prospered through the prophesying of Haggai the 
prophet, and Zechariah the son of Iddo" (vi. 14). 
Later traditions assume, what is indeed very prob- 
able, that Zechariah took personally an active part 
in providing for the liturgical service of the Temple. 
He and Haggai are both said to have composed 
psalms with this view. If the later Jewish accounts 
may be trusted, Zechariah, as well as Haggai, was a 
member of the Great Synagogue. (Synagogue, the 
Great.) The patristic notices of the prophet are 
worth nothing. According to these, he exercised 
his prophetic office in Chaldea, and wrought many 
miracles there; returned to Jerusalem at an ad- 
vanced age, where he discharged the duties of the 
priesthood, and where he died and was buried by 
the side of Haggai. Zechariah leans avowedly on 
the authority of the older prophets, and copies their 
expressions. Jeremiah especially seems to have 
been his favorite ; and hence the Jewish saying, 
" the spirit of Jeremiah dwelt in Zechariah." But 
in what may be called the peculiarities of his proph- 
ecy, he approaches more nearly to Ezekiel and 
Daniel. Like them he delights in visions, uses sym- 
bols and allegories, beholds angels ministering be- 
fore Jehovah, and fulfilling His behests on the earth. 
He is the only one of the prophets who speaks of 
Satan. That some of these peculiarities are owing 
to his Chaldean education can hardly be doubted. 
Even in the form of the visions a careful criticism 
might perhaps discover some traces of the prophet's 
early training. Generally speaking, Zechariah's 
style is pure, and remarkably free from Chaldaisms ; 
but in orthography, and in the use of some words 
and phrases, he betrays the influence of a later age. 
— Contents of the Prophecy. The Book of Zechariah, 
in its existing form, consists of three principal 
parts, chs. i.-viii., chs. ix.-xi., chs. xii.-xiv. I. The 
first of these divisions is allowed by all critics to be 
the genuine work of Zechariah the son of Iddo. 
It consists, first, of a short introduction or preface, 
in which the prophet announces his commission ; 
then of a series of visions, descriptive of all those 
hopes and anticipations of which the building of 
the Temple was the pledge and sure foundation ; 
and finally of a discourse, delivered two years later, 
in reply to questions respecting the observance of 
certain established fasts. 1. The short introductory 
oracle (ch. i. 1-6) is a warning voice from the past, 
and manifestly rests upon the former warnings of 
Haggai. 2. In a dream of the night there passed 
before the eyes of the prophet a series of visions 
(i. 7-vi. 15). These visions are obscure, and, ac- 
cordingly, the prophet asks their meaning. The 
interpretation is given by an angel who knows the 
mind and will of Jehovah. (1.) In the first vision 
(i. 7-15) the prophet sees, in a valley of myrtles, a 
rider upon a roan horse, accompanied by others 
who, having been sent forth to the four quarters of 
the earth, had returned with the tidings that the 
whole earth was at rest (with reference to Hag. ii. 
20). Hereupon the angel asks how long this state 
of things shall last, and is assured that the indif- 
ference of the heathen shall cease, and that the 
Temple shall be built in Jerusalem. (2.) The sec- 
ond vision (ii. 1-17, A. V. i. 18— ii. 13) explains how 
the promise of the first is to be fulfilled. It sym- 



bolizes the destruction of the heathen kingdoms 
hitherto combined against Jerusalem, and the rapid 
increase of its population. The old prophets, in 
foretelling the happiness and glory of the times 
which should succeed the Captivity in Babylon, had 
made a great part of that happiness and glory to 
consist in the gathering together again of the whole 
dispersed nation in the land given to their fathers. 
This vision was designed to teach that the expecta- 
tion thus raised — the return of the dispersed of 
Israel — should be fulfilled. (3.) The next two 
visions (iii., iv. ) are occupied with the Temple, and 
with the two principal persons on whom the hopes 
of the returned exiles rested. The permission 
granted for the rebuilding of the Temple had no 
doubt stirred afresh the malice and the animosity 
of the enemies of the Jews. Joshua the high-priest 
had been singled out, it would seem, as the especial 
object of attack, and perhaps formal accusations 
had already been laid against him before the Per- 
sian court. The prophet, in vision, sees him sum- 
moned before a higher tribunal, and solemnly ac- 
quitted, despite the charges of the Satan or Adver- 
sary. This is done with the forms still usual in an 
Eastern court, the filthy garments of the accused 
being exchanged for the robe of honor put on the 
innocent. (4.) The last vision (iv.) supposes that 
all opposition to the building of the Temple shall 
be removed. This sees the completion of the work. 
— The two next visions (v. 1-11) signify that the 
land, in which the sanctuary has just been erected, 
shall be purged of all its pollutions. (5.) First, the 
curse is recorded against wickedness in the whole land 
(not as A.V. " earth ; " v. 3). (6.) Next, the unclean 
thing, whether in the form of idolatry or any other 
abomination, shall be utterly removed. (7.) And 
now the night is waning fast, and the morning is 
about to dawn. Chariots and horses appear, issu- 
ing from between two brazen mountains, the horses 
like those in the first vision ; and these receive their 
several commands and are sent forth to execute the 
will of Jehovah in the four quarters of the earth. 
Thus, then, the cycle of visions is completed. 
Scene after scene is unrolled till the whole glow- 
ing pictuie is presented to the eye. All enemies 
crushed ; the land repeopled and Jerusalem girt as 
with a wall of fire ; the Temple rebuilt, more truly 
splendid than of old, because more abundantly filled 
with a Divine Presence ; the leaders of the people 
assured in the most signal manner of the Divine, 
protection ; all wickedness solemnly sentenced, and 
the land forever purged of it ; — such is the mag- 
nificent panorama of hope which the prophet dis- 
plays to his countrymen. A symbolical act imme- 
diately follows. Three Israelites had just returned 
from Babylon, bringing with them rich gifts to Je- 
rusalem, apparently as contributions to the Temple, 
and had been received in the house of Josiah the 
son of Zephaniah. Thither the prophet is com- 
manded to go — whether still in a dream or not, is 
not very clear — and to employ the silver and gold 
of their offerings for the service of Jehovah. He is 
to make of them two crowns, and to place these on 
the head of Joshua the high-priest — a sign that, in 
the Messiah who should build the Temple, the kingly 
and priestly offices should be united. 3. From this 
time, for nearly two years, the prophet's voice w as 
silent, or his words have not been recorded. But in 
the fourth year of King Darius, in the fourth day 
of the ninth month, there came a deputation of Jews 
to the Temple, anxious to know whether the fast- 
days instituted during the seventy years' captivity 



ZEC 



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were still to be observed. It is remarkable that 
this question should have been addressed to priests 
and prophets conjointly in the Temple. Still Zech- 
ariah, as chief of the prophets, has the decision of 
this question. In language worthy of his position 
and his office, language which reminds us of one of 
the most striking passages of his great predecessor 
(Is. lviii. 5-7), he lays down the same principle that 
God loves mercy rather than fasting, and truth and 
righteousness rather than sackcloth and a sad coun- 
tenance (Zech. vii. 4-14). Again he foretells, but 
not now in vision, the glorious times near at band 
when Jehovah shall dwell in the midst of them, and 
Jerusalem be called a city of truth (viii. 1-15). 
Again, he declares that " truth and peace " (ver. 
16, 19) are the bulwarks of national prosperity. 
And he announces, in obedience to the command 
of Jehovah, not only that the fasts are abolished, 
but that the days of mourning shall henceforth be 
days of joy, the fasts be counted for festivals. His 
prophecy concludes with a prediction that Jerusa- 
lem shall be the centre of religious worship to all 
nations of the earth (viii. 16-23). — II. The remain- 
der of the book consists of two sections, ix.-xi. and 

xii. -xiv., each of which has an inscription. 1. In 
the first section he threatens Damascus and the sea- 
coast of Palestine with misfortune ; but declares 
that Jerusalem shall be protected. The Jews who 
are still in captivity shall return to their land. The 
land too shall be fruitful as of old (compare viii. 
12). The Teraphim and the false prophets may in- 
deed have spoken lies, but upon these will the Lord 
execute judgment, and then He will look with favor 
upon His people and bring back both Judah and 
Ephraim from their captivity. The possession of 
Gilead and Lebanon is again promised, as the spe- 
cial portion of Ephraim ; and both Egypt and As- 
syria shall be broken and humbled. The prophecy 
now takes a sudden turn. An enemy is seen ap- 
proaching from the N., who, having forced the nar- 
row passes of Lebanon, the great bulwark of the 
northern frontier, carries desolation into the coun- 
try beyond. Hereupon the prophet receives a com- 
mission from God to feed His flock, which God Him- 
self will no more feed because of their divisions. 
The prophet undertakes the office, makes to himself 
two staves in order to tend the flock, and cuts off 
several evil shepherds whom his soul abhors ; but 
observes at the same time that the flock will not be 
obedient. Hence he throws up his office ; he breaks 
asunder one crook in token that God's covenant 
with Israel is dissolved ; he demands and receives 
the wages of his service, thirty pieces of silver, 
which he casts into the house of Jehovah ; he cuts 
in pieces the other crook, in token that the brother- 
hood between Judah and Israel is dissolved. 2. 
The second section, xii.-xiv., is entitled "The bur- 
den of the word of Jehovah for Israel." Israel 
here = the nation at large, not Israel as distinct 
from Judah. The prophet beholds the near ap- 
proach of troublous times, when Jerusalem should 
be hard pressed by enemies. But in that day Je- 
hovah shall come to save them, and all the nations 
which gather themselves against Jerusalem shall be 
destroyed. At the same time the deliverance shall 
not be from outward enemies alone. God will pour 
out upon them a spirit of grace and supplications. 
There shall be a deep and true repentance (xii. 1- 

xiii. 6). Then follows a short apostrophe to the 
sword of the enemy to turn against the shepherds 
of the people ; and a further announcement of 
searching and purifying judgments. The prophecy 



closes with a grand and stirring picture. All na- 
tions are gathered together against Jerusalem ; and 
seem already sure of their prey. Half of their cruel 
work has been accomplished, when Jehovah Himself 
] appears on behalf of His people. He goes forth to 
; war against the adversaries of His peopk. He estab- 
lishes his kingdom over all the earth. All nations 
that are still left shall come up to Jerusalem, as 
the great centre of religious worship, and the city 
from that day forward shall be a holy city. Such 
is, briefly, an outline of the second portion of that 
book which is commonly known as the Prophecy of 
Zechariah. — Integrity. Is the book in its present 
form the work of one and the same prophet, Zecha- 
riah the son of Iddo, who lived after the Babylonish 
exile ? Joseph Mede (f 1638) was the first to call 
this in question. The probability that the later 
chapters (ix.-xiv.) were by some other prophet 
seems first to have been suggested to him by the 
citation in Mat. xxvii. 9, 10 — " Then was fulfilled 
that which was spoken by Jeremy the prophet," 
&c. Mede ascribed Zech. ix.-xiv. to Jeremiah, 
partly on the authority of St. Matthew, and partly 
on the ground that the contents of the later chap- 
ters require a date earlier than the exile. Arch- 
bishop Newcome was the first who advocated the 
theory, that the last six chapters of Zechariah are 
the work of two distinct prophets. His words are : 
" The eight first chapters appear by the introductory 
parts to be the prophecies of Zechariah, stand in 
connection with each other, are pertinent to the 
time when they were delivered, are uniform in style 
and manner, and constitute a regular whole. But 
the six last chapters are not expressly assigned to 
Zechariah; are unconnected with those which pre- 
cede ; the three first of them are unsuitable in many 
parts to the time when Zechariah lived ; all of them 
have a more adorned and poetical turn of composi 
tion than the eight first chapters ; and they mani- 
festly break the unity of the prophetical book." 
" I conclude," he continues, " from internal marks 
in chs. ix., x., xi., that these three chapters were 
written much earlier than the time of Jeremiah and 
before the captivity of the tribes. . . . The twelfth, 
thirteenth, and fourteenth chapters form a distinct 
prophecy, and were written after the death of Jo- 
siah ; but whether before or after the Captivity, and 
by what prophets, is uncertain." A large number 
of critics (Bishop Kidder, Whiston, Hammond, J. P. 
Smith, S. Davidson, &c, in England ; Fliigge, Eich- 
horn, Bauer, Bertholdt, Augusti, Forberg, Rosen- 
miiller, Credner, Ewald, Maurer, Knobel, Hitzig, 
Blc:k, &c, in Germany) have followed Mede and 
Newcome in denying the later date of Zech. ix.-xiv., 
and maintaining that these chapters are not the 
work of Zechariah the son of Iddo. The later date 
of these chapters and their being the work of Zech- 
ariah the son of Iddo have been maintained in Eng- 
land by Blayney, Henry, Scott, Henderson, Ayre, 
&c. ; in Germany by Carpzov, Beckhaus, Jahn, 
Koster, Hengstenberg, Havernick, Keil, De Wette 
(in tne later editions of his Introduction), Stahelin, 
&c. ; in the United States by Moore, &c. Those 
who impugn the later date of Zech. ix.-xiv. rest 
their arguments on the change in style and subject 
after ch. viii., but differ much in the application of 
their criticism. Thus, of those who argue that chs. 
ix.-xiv. must have been written by one author, 
Rosenmuller (from Zech. xiv. 5; compare Am. i. 1) 
assigns him to the reign of Uzziah, Davidson (from 
Is. viii. 2) to the reign of Ahaz, Eichhorn to the time 
of Alexander the Great. Others, as Bertholdt, Gese- 



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nius, Knobel, Maurer, Bunsen, and Ewald, think 
that chs. ix.-xi. (to which Ewald adds xiii. 7-9) are 
a distinct prophecy from chs. xii.-xiv., most of them 
regarding the author of the former portion as the 
Zechariah mentioned Is. viii. 2, while they all assign 
the section xii.-xiv. to a period immediately previous 
to the Babylonish Captivity. According to this 
hypothesis (of Bertholdt, &c), we have the works 
of three different prophets collected into one book, 
and passing under one name : — 1. Chs. ix.-xi., the 
book of Zechariah, a contemporary of Isaiah, under 
Ahaz, about b. c. 736. 2. Chs. xii.-xiv., author un- 
known (Bunsen makes him Urijah, a contemporary 
of Jeremiah), about b. c. 607 or 606. 3. Chs. i.- 
viii., the work of Zechariah the son (or grandson) 
of Iddo, Haggai's contemporary, about b. c. 520- 
518. In reply to the arguments alleged by the ad- 
vocates of the theories that chs. ix.-xiv. are by one 
or two prophets different from Zechariah the son of 
Iddo, Keil, Stahelin, &c., urge that the difference 
of style is not greater than may reasonably be ac- 
counted for by the change of subject — that the pre- 
dictions which do occur in the first section have a 
general similarity to those of the second — that the 
same peculiar forms of expression occur in the two 
sections — and that the historical references in the 
later chapters are perfectly consistent with a post- 
exile date. — With regard to the quotation in Mat. 
xxvii. 9, 10, there seems no good reason for setting 
aside the received reading. Jerome said that he 
found the passage word for word in an apocryphal 
book of Jeremiah, but was still inclined to think 
the quotation made from Zechariah. Eusebius 
thought the passage thus quoted stood originally 
in the prophecy of Jeremiah, but was erased subse- 
quently by the malice of the Jews, or else the name 
of Zechariah was substituted for that of Jeremiah 
through the carelessness of copyists. Augustine 
testifies that the most ancient Greek copies had 
Jeremiah, and thinks that the mistake was originally 
St. Matthew's. 1 Some have suggested that in the 
Greek autograph of Matthew, ZPIOY {— Zriou, an 
abbreviation for Zachariou, a Greek genitive deno- 
ting Zechariah) may have been written, and that 
copyists may have taken this for IPIOT (= Iriou, 
an abbreviation for Ieremiou or Hieremiou, a Greek 
genitive denoting Jeremiah or " Jeremy "). But there 
is no evidence that abbreviations of this kind were 
in use so early. The most ancient copy of the Latin 
Version of the Gospels omits the name of Jeremiah, 
and has merely '' it was said by the prophet ; " it 
has been conjectured that this represents the origi- 
nal Greek reading, and that some early annotator 
wrote Jeremiah cn the margin, whence it crept into 
the text. 2 — 2. Son of Meshelemiah, or Shelemiah ; 
a Korhite porter (1 Chr. ix. 21, xxvi. 2, 14); = No. 
4 ? — 3. A Benjamite, son of Jehiel (ix. 37) ; = 
Zacher. — 4. A Levite, one of those appointed to 
play "with psalteries on Alamoth " (xv. 18, 20); = 

1 So also hold Alford. Meyer, Fritzsche. 

2 Lange (Comm. on Mat. 1. c. translated by Schaff) re- 
gards the passage as combining four different quotations : 
(a.) "And they took the thirty pieces of silver," derived 
from the narrative in Matthew, with special reference to 
Zech. xi. 12; (b.) "the price of Him that was valued." 
also after Zechariah ; (c.) " whom they bought of the chil- 
dren of Israel" (as in A. V. margin), after Gen. xxxvii. 
28; (d.) "and gave them for the potter's field," from the 
narrative, with special reference to Zechariah ; (e.) " as 
the Lord appointed to me "—the key of the whole passage, 
quoted from Jer. xxxii. 6, 8. — Lightfoot and Scrivener 
suppose that the Bool; of J'eremiah, arranged by the Jews 
as the first of all the prophets, gave its name to the whole 
body of their writings (Schaff, in Lange). Old Testa- 
ment, C. 



No. 2? — 5. One of the princes of Judah sent to 
teach the people the Law in Jehoshaphat's reign (2 
Chr. xvii. 7). — 6. Son of the high-priest Jehoiada, 
and therefore cousin of Joash, king of Judah (a Chr. 
xxiv. 20). After Jehoiada's death Zechariah prob- 
ably succeeded to his office, and in attempting to 
check the reaction in favor of idolatry which imme- 
diately followed, he fell a victim to a conspiracy 
formed against him by the king, and was stoned in 
the court of the Temple. Probably "Zacharias son 
of Barachias," who was slain between the Temple 
and the altar (Mat. xxiii. 35), is the same with Zech- 
ariah the son of Jehoiada. (Zacharias 11.) — 7. A 
Kohathite Levite, an overseer of the workmen at 
the Temple in Josiah's reign (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12). — 8. 
Leader of the sons of Pharosh who returned with 
Ezra (Ezr. viii. 8). — 9. Leader of the sons of Bebai 
under Ezra (viii. 11). — 10t One of the "chief men " 
whom Ezra summoned in council at the river Ahava 
(viii. 16). Some suppose him = No. 9 or 10 ; others 
suppose him = the Zechariah of Neh. viii. 4, who 
was probably a priest or Levite, and perhaps = No. 
16. — 11. One of the family of Elam, husband of a 
foreign wife in Ezra's time (Ezr. x. 26). — 12. A de- 
scendant of Perez and ancestor of Athaiah, or Uthai 
(Neh. xi. 4). — 13. A son of Shiloni and ancestor of 
Maaseiah 9 (xi. 5). — 14. A priest, son of Pashur 
(xi. 12). — 15. Chief of the priestly family of Iddo 
in the days of High-priest Joiakim (xii. 16) ; prob- 
ably = Zechariah the prophet (No. 1, above). — 16. 
A descendant of Asaph, and participant in musical 
services at the dedication of the wall of Jerusalem 
(xii. 35) ; perhaps different from the Zechariah of ver. 
41, who then had one of the trumpets, and was ap- 
parently a priest. — 17. A Reubenite chief at the cap- 
tivity by Tiglath-pileser (1 Chr. v. 7).— 18. One of 
the priests with trumpets who accompanied the ark 
from the house of Obed-edom (xv. 24). — 19. A Ko- 
hathite Levite descended from Uzziel ; son of Isshiah 
or Jesiah (xxiv. 25). — 20. A Merarite Levite, fourth 
son of Hosah (xxvi. 11). — 21. A Manassite, father 
of Iddo 3 (xxvii. 21).— 22. A Levite, father of Ja- 
hazikl 4 (2 Chr. xx. 14). — 23. One of the sons of 
Jehoshaphat, slain by Jehoram (xxi. 2). — 24. A man 
in Uzziah's reign " who had understanding in the 
visions (margin ' seeing ') of God," i. e. a prophet, 
or (as some suppose) one eminent for piety, or for 
discernment in things pertaining to God or His ser- 
vice (xxvi. 5). — 25. Father of Hezekiah's mother 
(xxix. 1) ; = Zachariah 2. — 26. A descendant of 
Asaph, aided in purifying the Temple in Hezekiah's 
reign (xxix. 13). — 27. One of the rulers of the Tem- 
ple in Josiah's reign (xxxv. 8) ; probably (so Ber- 
theau) "the second priest" (compare 2 K. xxv. 18; 
High-priest). — 28. Son of Jeberechiah ; taken by 
the prophet Isaiah as one of the " faithful witnesses 
to record," when he wrote concerning Maher-shalal- 
hash-baz (Is. viii. 2) ; supposed by some = No. 26, 
and by others = No. 25. Bertholdt, &c, have 
ascribed to him the writing of Zech. ix.-xi. (see 
No. 1, above). 

Ze'dad (fr. Heb. = a mountainside, Ges. ; steep 
place, Fii.), a place on the N. border of the land of 
Israel, as promised by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 8) and 
as restored by Ezekiel (xlvii. 15); identified by 
Robinson (ii. 507), Porter (in Kitto), Wilson (ii. 
358), &c, with the large modern village of Sudud, 
E. of the northern extremity of the chain of Anti- 
libanus, about fifty miles E. N. E. of Ba'albek, and 
thirty-five S. S. E. of Hums. 

Zcd-o-fhi'as [-ki-] = Zedekiah 1 (1 Esd. i. 46). 

Zed-e-ki'all (fr. Heb. — justice of Jehovah, Ges.). 



ZED 



ZED 



1209 



1, The last king of Judah and Jerusalem. (Israel, 
Kingdom of; Judah, Kingdom of.) He was the 
son of Josiah by his wife Hamutal, and, therefore, 
own brother to Jehoahaz (2 K. xxiv. 18, compare 
xxiii. 31). His original name, Mattaniah, was 
changed to Zedekiah by Nebuchadnezzar, when he 
carried off his nephew Jehoiakim to Babylon, and 
left him on the throne of Jerusalem. Zedekiah was 
but twenty-one years old when he was thus placed in 
charge of an impoverished kingdom, and of a city 
which, though still strong, both naturally and arti- 
ficially, was bereft of well-nigh all its defenders. His 
history is given in 2 K. xxiv. 17-xxv. 7, and in Jer. 
xxxix. 1-7, Hi. 1-11, and 2 Chr. xxxvi. 10, &c. ; and 
also in Jer. xxi., xxiv., xxvii.-xxix., xxxii.-xxxiv., 
xxxvii., xxxviii. (containing Jeremiah's prophecies, 
&c, of this reign), and Ez. xvi. 11-21. To these 
add Jos. x. 7, 8. From these it is evident that Zed- 
ekiah was a man not so much bad at heart as weak 
in will. It is evident from Jer. xxvii. and xxviii. that 
the earlier portion of Zedekiah's reign was marked 
by an agitation throughout Syria against the Baby- 
lonian yoke. In the fourth year of Zedekiah's reign 
we find ambassadors from all the neighboring king- 
doms — Tyre, Sidon, Edom, and Moab — at his court, 
to consult as to the steps to be taken. This hap- 
pened either during the king's absence or imme- 
diately after his return from Babylon, whither he 
went, perhaps, to blind the eyes of Nebuchadnezzar 
to his contemplated revolt (Jer. li. 59). The first 
act of overt rebellion of which any record survives 
was the formation of an alliance with Egypt (2 Chr. 
xxxvi. 13 ; Ez. xvii. 13). As a natural consequence 
it brought on Jerusalem an immediate invasion of 
the Chaldeans. The mention of this event in the 
Bible occurs only in Jer. xxxvii. 5-11, xxxiv. 21, 
and Ez. xvii. 15-20 ; but Josephus (x. 7, § 3) relates 
it more fully, and gives its date, viz. the eighth 
year of Zedokiah. It appears that Nebuchadnezzar, 
made aware of Zedekiah's defection, either by the 
non-payment of the tribute or by other means, at 
once sent an army to ravage Judea. This was done, 
and the whole country reduced, except Jerusalem, 
Lachish, and Azekah (Jer. xxxiv. 7). In the panic 
which followed the appearance of the Chaldeans the 
princes and people at Jerusalem solemnly cove- 
nanted with Zedekiah to release all the Hebrews 
held in bondage, and many were thus freed (8 ff.). 
— In the mean time Pharaoh had moved to the as- 
sistance of his ally. On hearing of his approach the 
Chaldeans at once raised the siege and advanced to 
meet him. The nobles seized the moment of respite 
to reassert their power, and reduce to bondage again 
those recently freed (11 ff.). How long the Babylo- 
nians were absent from Jerusalem we are not told ; 
but on the tenth day of the tenth month of Zede- 
kiah's ninth year the Chaldeans were again before 
the walls (lii. 4). From this time forward the siege 
progressed slowly but surely to its consummation, 
with the accompaniment of both famine and pesti- 
lence (Jos.). Zedekiah interfered to preserve the 
life of Jeremiah from the vengeance of the princes 
(Jer. xxxviii. 7-13), and then occurred the interview 
between the king and the prophet, which affords so 
good a clew to the condition of abject dependence 
into which a long course of opposition had brought 
the weak-minded monarch (14 ff.). While the king 
was hesitating, the end was rapidly coming nearer. 
The city was indeed reduced to the last extremity. 
The fire of the besiegers had throughout been very 
destructive (Jos.), but it was now aided by a severe 
famine. The bread had for long been consumed 



(Jer. xxxviii. 9), and all the terrible expedients had 
been tried to which the wretched inhabitants of a 
besieged town are forced to resort in such cases 
(Lam. iv. 5-10). At last, after sixteen dreadful 
months, the catastrophe arrived. It was on the 
ninth day of the fourth month, about the middle of 
July, at midnight, as Josephus with careful minute- 
ness informs us, that the breach in those stout and 
venerable walls was effected. The moon, nine days 
old, had gone down below the hills which form the 
western edge of the basin of Jerusalem, or was at 
any rate too low to illuminate the utter darkness 
which reigns in the narrow lanes of an Eastern 
town, where the inhabitants retire early to rest, and 
few windows emit light from the interior of the 
houses. The wretched remnants of the army, starved 
and exhausted, had left the walls, and there was 
nothing to oppose the entrance of the Chaldeans. 
Passing in through the breach, they made their way, 
as their custom was, to the centre of the city, and 
for the first time the Temple was entered by a hos- 
tile force. The .alarm quickly spread through the 
sleeping city, and Zedekiah, collecting his wives and 
children (Jos.), and surrounding himself with the 
few soldiers who survived, made his way out of the 
city at the opposite end to that at which the Assyr- 
ians had entered, by a street which ran between 
two walls, and issued at a gate above the royal gar- 
dens and the Fountain of Siloam. Thence he took 
the road toward the Jordan. On the way they were 
met and recognized by some of the Jews who had 
formerly deserted to the Chaldeans. By them the 
intelligence was communicated to the generals in the 
city (Jos.), and, as soon as the dawn of day per- 
mitted it, swift pursuit was made. The king's party 
were overtaken near Jericho, when just within sight 
of the river. A few of the people only remained 
round the person of the king. The rest fled in all 
directions, so that he was easily taken. Nebuchad- 
nezzar was then at Riblah, about ten days' journey 
from Jerusalem. Thither Zedekiah and his sons 
were dispatched : his daughters left behind were 
taken to Mizpah and afterward into Egypt (Jer. xl. 7, 
xli. 16, xliii. 6, 7, lii.). Nebuchadnezzar, with a re- 
finement of cruelty characteristic of those cruel 
times, ordered his sons to be killed before him, and 
lastly his own eyes to be thrust out. (Punishments ; 
War.) He was then loaded with brazen fetters, and 
at a later period taken to Babylon, where he died. 
— 2. Son of Chenaanah ; a false prophet at the court 
of Ahab. He appears but once, viz. as spokesman 
when the prophets are consulted by Ahab on the 
result of his proposed expedition to Ramoth-gilead 
(1 K. xxii. ; 2 Chr. xviii.). Zedekiah had prepared 
himself for the interview with a pair of iron horns 
after the symbolic custom of the prophets (compare 
Jer. xiii., xix., and Deut. xxxiii. 17). With these, 
in the interval before Micaiah's arrival, he illustrated 
the manner in which Ahab should drive the Syrians 
before him. When Micaiah appeared and had de- 
livered his prophecy, Zedekiah sprang forward and 
struck him a blow on the face, accompanying it by 
a taunting sneer. For this he is threatened by 
Micaiah in terms which evidently allude to some 
personal danger to Zedekiah. Josephus relates that 
after Micaiah had spoken, Zedekiah again came for- 
ward, and denounced him as false on the ground 
that his prophecy contradicted the prediction of 
Elijah, that Ahab's blood should be licked up by 
dogs in the field of Naboth of Jezreel ; and as a 
further proof that he was an impostor, he struck 
him, daring him to do what Iddo, in somewhat sim- 



1210 



ZEE 



ZEP 



ilar circumstances, had done to Jeroboam — viz. 
wither his hand. — 3. Son of Maaseiah ; a false 
prophet in Babylon (Jer. xxix. 21, 22). He was de- 
nounced in the letter of Jeremiah for having, with 
Ahab the son of Kolaiah, buoyed up the people with 
false hopes, and for profane and flagitious conduct. 
Their names were to become a byword, and their 
terrible fate of being burnt to death a warning. — 4. 
Son of Hananiah, one of the princes of Judah in 
Jeremiah's time (Jer. xxxvi. 12). 

Zccb (Heb. wolf), one of the two " princes " 
of Mi ihan in the great invasion of Israel ; always 
named with Oreb ( Judg. vii. 25, viii. 3; Ps. Ixxxiii. 
11). Zeeb was slain by the Ephraimitcs in a wine- 
press which in later times bore his name — the " wine- 
press of Zeeb." Zebah. 

Zo'lah (fr. Heb. = a rib, the side, Ges.), a city of 
Benjamin, named between Taralah and Eleph (Josh, 
xviii. 28). It contained the family tomb of Kish the 
father of Saul (2 Sam. xxi. 14). Zelzah. 

Zc'lek (fr. Heb. = fissure, Ges.), an Ammonite, 
one of David's thirty " valiant men " (2 Sam. xxiii. 
37 ; 1 Chr. xi. 39). 

Ze-lo plie-liad (fr. Heb. = first fracture, perhaps 
first-born, Ges.), son of Hepher, son of Gilead, son 
of Machir, son of Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 3); appar- 
ently the second son of Hepher (1 Chr. vii. 15). 
Zelophehad came out of Egypt with Moses, but died 
in the wilderness, as did the whole of that genera- 
tion (Num. xiv. 35, xxvii. 3). On his death without 
male heirs, his five daughters (Mahlah, Noah, Hog- 
lah, Milcah, Tirzah), just after the second numbering 
in the wilderness, came before Moses and Eleazar 
to claim the inheritance of their father in the tribe 
of Manasseh. The claim was admitted by Divine 
direction (xxvi. 33, xxvii. 1-11). Heir. 

Zc-lo'tcs (Gr. the Zealot = the Canaanite, Rbn. 
A r . 2\ J^ex.), an epithet given to the Apostle Simon 
5 to distinguish him from Simon Peter (Lk. vi. 
15). 

Zel zah (fr. Heb. = shade from the sun, Ges.), a 
place named once only (1 Sam. x. 2), as on the 
boundary of Benjamin, close to Rachel's sepulchre. 
It is usually considered = Zf.lah, and that again 
with Beit Jala, about a mile W. S. W. from Rachel's 
tomb (so Wilson, i. 401 ; Porter [in Kitto], &c). 
" But," says Mr. Grove, " this is not tenable ; at any 
rate there is nothing to support it." 

Zem-a-ra'ini (fr. Heb. = double mountain-forest, 
Fii. ; see below), a city of Benjamin, named between 
Beth-arabah and Bethel (Josh, xviii. 22). If it 
lay in the Jordan valley, a trace of the name may 
remain in Khurbet es-Sumrah, about four miles N. 
of Jericho. If between the valley and Bethel, it may 
be connected, or identical, with Mount Zemarairn 
(see below), which must have been in the highland 
district. In either event Zemaraim may have de- 
rived its name from the ancient tribe of the Zemarim 
or Zemarites (so Mr. Grove). Zemaeite. 

Zem-a-ra'im (see above), Mount, an eminence men- 
tioned in 2 Chr. xiii. 4 only). It was " in Mount 
Ephraim," i. e. within the general district of the high- 
lands of that great tribe. It appears to have been 
close to the scene of the engagement mentioned in 
the narrative, which again may be inferred to have 
been S. of Bethel and Ephraim (ver. 19). Whether 
Mount Zemaraim is identical with, or related to, the 
Zemaraim of the preceding article, cannot be ascer- 
tained. 

Zem'a-rite (fr. Heb. sing, collective isemdri = peo- 
ple of Tsemar [i. e. mountain-regiori\, the ancient 
Sirnyra, Fii. ; see below), the ; a son of Canaan, or 



a collective name of one of the Hamite tribes de- 
scended from Canaan ( Gen. x. 18; 1 Chr. i. 16). 
Nothing is certainly known of this ancient tribe. 
The old interpreters (Jerusalem Targum, Arabic 
Version, &c.) place them at Emesa, the modern 
Hums. (Syria.) Michaelis, Gesenius, Fiirst, Dr. 
P. Holmes (in Kitto), &c, locate them at Sumra (the 
Simyra of the classical geographers), a site of ruins 
near 'Arka. Abkite ; Zemaraim. 

Zc-mi'ra (fr. Heb. — song, Ges.), son of Becher the 
son of Benjamin (1 Chr. vii. 8). 

Ze nail (fr. Heb. = Zaanan ? Ges.), a city of Judah 
in the lowland district (Josh. xv. 37 ; probably = 
Zaanan. Schwarz proposes to identify it with "the 
village Zan-abra (= es-Sendbirah of Robinson ?), 
situated two and a half English miles S. E. of Ma- 
rcshah." But this identification is more than doubt- 
ful (so Mr. Grove). 

Zc lias (Gr. given by Zeus, the Rom. Jupiter, Pott, 
Pape), a believer, and, as may be inferred from the 
context, a preacher of the Gospel, mentioned in Tit. 
iii. 13, and described as "the lawyer" (Gr. nomi- 
kos). It is impossible to determine whether Zenas 
was a Roman jurisconsult or a Jewish doctor. 
Grotius thinks that he was a Greek who had studied 
Roman law. The N. T. usage of " lawyer " leads 
rather to the other inference (so Mr. Jones). An 
untrustworthy tradition makes him one of the "sev- 
enty-two " disciples, and subsequently bishop of 
Diospolis (Lvdda) in Palestine. 

Zepll-a-ni'ah (fr. Heb. = Jehovah hides, protects, 
Ges.). 1, The pedigree of the prophet Zepha- 
niah (Zcph. i. 1) is traced to his fourth ancestor, 
Hezekiah : supposed by Aben Ezra, Eichhorn, 
Hitzig, Havernick, Keil, Bleek, &c, to be the cele- 
brated king of that name. — Analysis of the proph- 
ecy of Zephaniah. Ch. i. The utter desolation of 
Judea is predicted as a judgment for idolatry, and 
neglect of the Lord, the luxury of the ^princes, and 
the violence and deceit of their dependents (ver. 
3-9). The prosperity, security, and insolence of the 
people is contrasted with the horrors of the day of 
wrath (ver. 10-18). Ch. ii., a call to repentance 
(ver. 1-3), with prediction of the ruin of the cities 
of the Philistines, and the restoration of the house 
of Judah after the visitation (ver. 4-7). Other ene- 
mies of Judah, Moab, Ammon, are threatened with 
perpetual destruction, Ethiopia with a great slaugh- 
ter, Nineveh with desolation (ver. 8-15). Ch. iii. 
The prophet addresses Jerusalem, which he reproves 
sharply for vice, disobedience, &c. (ver. 1-7). He 
then concludes with a series of promises (ver. 8-20). 
— The chief characteristics of this book are the 
unity and harmony of the composition, the grace, 
energy, and dignity of its style, and the rapid and 
effective alternations of threats and promises. The 
general tone of the last portion is Messianic, but 
without any specific reference to the Person of our 
Lord. The date of the book is given in the in- 
scription ; viz. the reign of Josiah, from 642 to 61 1 
b. c. It is most probable, moreover, that the proph- 
ecy was delivered before the reformation in the 
eighteenth year of Josiah (so Mr. Cook, with Hitzig, 
Jahn, Keil, Ewald, De Wette, Movers, Anderson, 
&c). (Bible; Canon; Inspiration; Old Testa- 
ment. >— 2. A Kohathite Levite, ancestor of Samuel 
and Heman (i Chr. vi. 36 [Heb. 21]).— 3. The son 
of Maaseiah (Jer. xxi. 1), and sagan or second priest 
in the reign of Zedekiah. (High-priest.) He suc- 
ceeded Jehoiada (xxix. 25, 26), and was probably a 
ruler of the Temple, whose office it was to punish 
pretenders to the gift of prophecy, &c. In this ca- 



ZEP 



ZER 



1211 



pacity he was appealed to by Shemaiah the Nehe- 
lamite to punish Jeremiah (xxix. 29). Twice was 
he sent from Zedekiah to inquire of Jeremiah the 
issue of the siege of the city by the Chaldeans (xxi. 
1), and to implore him to intercede for the people 
(xxxvii. 3). On the capture of Jerusalem he was 
taken and slain at Riblah (lii. 24, 27 ; 2 K. xxv. 18, 
21). — 4. Father of Josiah 2 and of Hen (Zech. vi. 
10, 14). 

Zc plinth (fr. Heb. = watch-tower, G-es.), a Canaan- 
ite town (Judg. i. 17), which after its capture and 
destruction was called by the Israelites Hormah. 
Two identifications have been proposed for Zephath : 
that of Robinson with the well-known Pass cs-Sufd, 
by which the ascent is made from the borders of 
the 'Arabah to the higher level of the " South 
country," and that of Rowlands and Wilton with 
Sebtita or Sebdl, about five miles S. W. of Khulasah 
(Ciiesil ?) on the road to Suez, and about a mile N. 
of Rohebeh or Ruluibeh (Rehoboth ?). Wilderness 
op the Wandering. 

Zepli'a-thah (fr. Heb. = Zephath, Ges.), the Val'- 
Icy of (Heb. gey ; see Valley 2), the spot in which 
Asa joined battle with Zerah 5 the Ethiopian (2 
Chr. xiv. 10 only). It was "at" or rather "be- 
longing to " Mareshah. This would seem (so Mr. 
Grove) to exclude the possibility of its being, as 
suggested by Dr. Robinson, at Tell es-S&fieh (Gath ?), 
which is not less than eight miles from Mar ash ( = 
Mareshah). Porter (in Kitto) would identify it 
with a deep valley which runs past Marash down to 
Beit Jibrin, and thence down to the plain of Philis- 
tia. 

Ze'phi (fr. Heb.) = Zepho (1 Chr. i. 36). 

Ze'pllO (fr. Heb. = watch-tower, Ges.), a son of 
Eliphaz, son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 11); a "duke" 
of the Edomites (ver. 15); = Zephi. 

Ze'phon (fr. Heb.) = Ziphion the son of Gad 
(Num. xxvi. 15), and ancestor of the Zephonites. 

Zc'plltfii-ites (fr. Heb.), the = a family or branch 
of the tribe of Gad, descended from Zephon or 
Zipiiion (Num. xxvi. 15). 

Zer (fr. Heb. = flint, Ges.), a fortified town of 
Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35 only), probably (so Mr. 
Grove) in the neighborhood of the S. W. side of 
the Lake of Gennesaret ; site unknown. 

Zo'rah (Heb. a ruing, of light, Ges.). 1. A son 
of Reuel, son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13 ; 1 Chr. i. 
37) ; a " duke " of the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 17). — 
2° (Less properly Zarah). Twin son, with his elder 
brother Pharez, of Judah and Tamar (xxxviii. 30; 
1 Chr. ii. 6 ; Mat. i. 3). His descendants were Zar- 
hites 1, E.zrahites, or Izrahites (Num. xxvi. 20 ; 
1 K. iv. 31 ; 1 Chr. xxvii. 8, 11).— 3. Son of Simeon 
(1 Chr. iv. 24) ; ancestor of the Zarhites 2 ; = Zo- 
har 2. — 4. A Gershonite Levite, son of Iddo or 
Adaiah (1 Chr. vi. 21, 41, [6, 26, Heb.]).— 5. " The 
Ethiopian " or Cushite, an invader of Judah, de- 
feated by Asa (2 Chr. xiv. 9 if.). (1.) The name, 
identical with the Hebrew proper name above, has 
been supposed to represent the Egyptian Vsarken, 
a name almost certainly of Shemitic origin (so Mr. 
R. S. Poole, original author of this article). (2.) 
The war between Asa and Zerah appears to have 
taken place soon after the tenth, and shortly before 
the fifteenth year of Asa, probably late in the four- 
teenth. It therefore occurred in about the same 
year of Usarken II., fourth king of the twenty- 
second dynasty of Egypt, who began to reign about 
the same time as the king of Judah. Asa's reign, 
as far as the fourteenth year inclusive, was B. c. 
about 953-940, or, if Manasseh's reign be reckoned 



Of thirty-five years, 933-920. (Shishak.) (3.) 
The first ten years of Asa's reign were undisturbed 
by war. Then Asa took counsel with his subjects, 
and walled and fortified the cities of Judah. He 
also maintained an army of 580,000 men, 300,000 
spearmen of Judah, and 280,000 archers of Benja- 
min (2 Chr. xiv. 1-8). At length, probably in the 
fourteenth year of Asa, the anticipated danger came. 
Zerah, with an army of a million, invaded the king- 
dom, and advanced unopposed in the field as far as 
Mareshah. The invading army had swarmed across 
the border and devoured the Philistine fields before 
Asa could march to meet it. " In the Valley of 
Zephathah at Mareshah," the two armies met. 
From the prayer of Asa we may judge that, when 
he came upon the invading army, he saw its huge- 
ness, and so that, as he descended through a valley, 
it lay spread out beneath him. The Egyptian monu- 
ments enable us to picture the general disposition 
of Zerah's army. The chariots formed the first 
corps in a single or double line ; behind them, 
massed in phalanxes, were heavy-armed troops; 
probably on the flanks stood archers and horsemen 
in lighter formations. The hills and mountains were 
the favorite camping-places of the Hebrews, who 
usually rushed down upon their more numerous or 
better-disciplined enemies in the plains and valleys. 
The chariots, broken by the charge, and with horses 
made unmanageable by flights of arrows, must have 
been forced back upon the cumbrous host behind. 
" So the Lord smote the Ethiopians before Asa, and 
before Judah ; and the Ethiopians fled. And Asa 
and the people that [were] with him pursued them 
unto Gerar: and [or 'for'] the Ethiopians were 
overthrown, that they could not recover them- 
selves." So complete was the overthrow, that the 
Hebrews could capture and spoil the cities around 
Gerar, which must have been in alliance with Zerah. 
Zerah and his people were too signally crushed to 
attack Asa again. (4.) Zerah has been thought to 
be a Cushite of Arabia, or a Cushite of Ethiopia 
above Egypt. But lately it has been supposed that 
Zerah is the Hebrew name of Usarken I., second 
king of the Egyptian twenty-second dynasty ; or 
perhaps more probably Usarken II., his second suc- 
cessor. The composition of the army of Zerah, of 
Cushim (A. V. " Ethiopians ") and Lubim (2 Chr. 
xvi. 8), closely resembles that of Shishak (xii. 3) : 
both armies also had chariots and horsemen (xvi. 8, 
xii. 3). The Cushim might have been of an Asiatic 
Cush, but the Lubim can only have been Africans. 
The kings of the twenty-second dynasty employed 
mercenaries of the Mashuwasha, a Libyan tribe, 
which apparently supplied the most important part 
of their hired force. That the army was of an 
Egyptian king, therefore, cannot be doubted. The 
name Usarken has been thought to be Sargon. It 
is less remote from Zerah than seems at first sight. 
According to Mr. Poole's computation, Zerah might 
have been Usarken II., but according to Dr. Hincks's, 
Usarken I. (5.) The defeat of Zerah's army is 
without parallel in the history of the Jews. We 
have, indeed, no distinct statement that this defeat 
was a miracle, yet God providentially enabled the 
Hebrews to vanquish a force greater in number, 
stronger in the appliances of war, with horsemen 
and chariots, more accurate in discipline, no raw 
levies - hastily equipped from the king's armory, 
but a seasoned standing army, strengthened and 
more terrible by the addition of swarms of hungry 
Arabs, bred to war, and whose whole life was a 
time of pillage. This great deliverance is one of 



1212 



ZER 



ZER 



the many proofs that God is to His people ever 
the same. 

Zer-a-hi'all (fr. Heb. = Jehovah caused to be born, 
Ges.). 1. A priest, son of Dzzi, and ancestor of 
Ezra the Scribe (1 Chr. vi. 6, 51; Ezr. vii. 4); = 
Zaraias 1. — 2. Father of Elihoenai of the sons of 
Pahath-moab (Ezr. viii. 4) ; — Zaraias 2. 

Ze'rcd (Heb. exuberant growth of trees, Ges.), a 
brook or valley (Brook 4) running into the Dead 
Sea near its S. E. corner, regarded by Robinson, 
Gesenius, Porter (in Kitto), Fairbairn, &c, as prob- 
ably the Wady el-AIisy. It lay between Moab and 
Edom, and is the limit of the proper term of the 
Israelites' wandering (Deut. ii. 14); = Zared. La- 
borde, arguing from the distance, thinks that the 
source of the Wady Ghurundel in the Arabah is 
the site. The Wady el-Ahsy, also known, after it 
issues from the mountains, as Wady el-Kurahy and 
Wady (or Nahr) es-S&fieh, is a plentiful stream, and 
the source of all the fertility of the Ghor cs-S&jieh. 
It forms the boundary between the districts of 
Jebdl and Kerek. Sea, the Salt ; Wilderness of 
the Wandering ; Willows, Brook of the. 

Zcr'e-da(fr. Heb. = cooling, Ges.), the native place, 
according to the present Hebrew text, of Jeroboam 
1 (1 K. xi. 26 only). The Vatican MS. of theLXX. 
for"Zereda" substitutes Sareira, while the Alex- 
andrine LXX. has Sarida. In the long addition to 
the history of Jeroboam which the LXX. inserts 
between 1 K. xii. 24 and 25 of the Hebrew text, 
Sareira appears as the town which Jeroboam forti- 
fied for Solomon in Mount Ephraim, to which he 
went on his return from Egypt, and where he as- 
sembled the tribe of Ephraim, and built a fortress. 
The LXX. further make it the residence of Jero- 
boam at the time of the death of his child, and sub- 
stitute it for Tirzah three times. Gesenius, Fi'irst, 
Winer, &c., suppose Zereda = Zeradathaii, Zere- 
rath, and perhaps Zarthan or Zartanah. 

Zc-red'a-tbab (fr. Heb. = Zereda, Ges.), a place 
between which and Succoth were the foundries for 
the brass-work of Solomon's Temple (2 Chr. iv. 17 
only). In 1 K. vii. 46 Zarthan occupies the place 
of Zeredathah. 

Zer'e-ratU (fr. Heb. = Zereda, Ges.), a place 
named only in Judg. vii. 22, in describing the flight 
of the Midianite host before Gideon ; apparently in 
the Jordan valley, and probably = Zeredathah. 
Zereda. 

Zc'resh (Heb. fr. Pers. = gold, Ges.), wife of Ha- 
man the Agagite (Esth. v. 10, 14, vi. 13). 

Ze'retU (fr. Heb. — splendor, Ges.), son of Ashur 
the founder of Tekoa, by his wife Helah (1 Chr. iv. 

Ze'ri (fr. Heb.) = Izri, son of Jeduthun in the 
reign of David (1 Chr. xxv. 3). 

Ze'ror (ft. Heb. — a bundle, pebble, grain, Ges.), I 
a Benjamite, ancestor of Kish the father of Saul (1 I 
Sam. ix. 1). 

Ze-m'ah (ft. Heb. = leprous, Ges.), mother of 
Jeroboam 1(1 K. xi. 26). 

Ze-rub'ba-bel (Heb. sown [i. e. begotten] in Baby- 
lon, Ges.), in N. T. and Apocrypha Zorobabel, the 
head of the tribe of Judah at the return from the 
Babylonish Captivity in the first year of Cyrus. 
His exact parentage is a little obscure, from his 
being called the son of Shealtiel or Salathiel 
(Ezr. iii. 2, 8, v. 2, &c. ; Hag. i. 1, 12, 14, &c), and 
appearing as such in the genealogies (Mat. i. 12; 
Lk. iii. 27), whereas in 1 Chr. iii. 19 he is repre- 
sented as the son of Pedaiah 2, and consequently 
as Salathiel's nephew. Probably the genealogy in 



1 Chr. exhibits his true parentage (so Lord A. C. 
Hervey, original author of this article), and he 
succeeded his uncle as head of the house of Ju- 
dah. (Genealogy of Jesus Christ.) According 
to the Scriptures (Ezr. i. ff., &c), he was living at 
Babylon in the first year of Cyrus, and was the 
recognized prince of Judah in the Captivity, what 
in later times was called " the Prince of the Cap- 
tivity," or " the Prince." (Rhesa.) On the issuing 
of Cyrus's decree he placed himself at the head 
of those of his countrymen "whose spirit God had 
raised to go up to build the House of the Lord 
which is in Jerusalem." It is probable, both from 
his having a Chaldee name (Sheshbazzar), and from 
his receiving from Cyrus the office of governor of 
Judea, that he was' in the service of the king of 
Babylon. On arriving at Jerusalem, Zerubbabel's 
first care was to build the altar on its old site, and 
to restore the daily sacrifice. (Jeshua 4.) But his 
great work, which he set about immediately, was 
the rebuilding of the Temple. In the second month 
of the second year of their return, the foundation 
was laid with all the pomp which they could com- 
mand. But there were many hindrances and delays 
to be encountered before the work was finished. 
(Ezra, Book of; Nehemiah, Book of.) The Samar- 
itans or Cutheans (Samaria 3) put in a claim to join 
with the Jews in rebuilding the Temple ; and when 
Zerubbabel and his companions refused to admit 
them into partnership, they tried to hinder them 
from building, and hired counsellors to frustrate 
their purpose. They were successful in putting a 
stop to the work during the seven remaining years 
of the reign of Cyrus, and through the eight years 
of Cambyses and Smerdis. (Ahasuerus 2 ; Arta- 
xerxes 1.) Nor does Zerubbabel appear quite 
blameless for this long delay. The difficulties in 
the way of building the Temple need not have stopped 
the work ; and during this long suspension of six- 
teen years Zerubbabel and the rest of the people 
had been building costly houses for themselves. 
But in the second year of Darius the spirit of proph- 
ecy (Haggai ; Zechariah 1) suddenly blazed up 
with a most brilliant light amongst the returned 
captives. Their words fell like sparks upon tinder. 
In a moment Zerubbabel, roused from his apathy, 
threw his whole strength into the work, zealously 
seconded by Jeshua and all the people. Undeterred 
by a fresh attempt of their enemies to hinder the 
building, they went on with the work even while a 
reference was being made to Darius ; and when, after 
the original decree of Cyrus had been found at Ec- 
batana, a favorable decree was issued by Darius 2, 
enjoining Tatnai and Shethar-boznai to assist the 
Jews with whatsoever they had need of at the king's 
expense, the work advanced so rapidly that on the 
third day of the month Adar, in the sixth year of 
Darius, the Temple was finished, and was forthwith 
dedicated with much pomp and rejoicing. The only 
other works of Zerubbabel which we learn from the 
Scripture history are the restoration of the courses 
of priests and Levites, and of the provision for their 
maintenance, according to the institution of David 
(Ezr. vi. 18; Neb. xii. 47); the registering the re- 
turned captives according to their genealogies (vii. 
5) ; and the keeping of a Passover in the seventh 
year of Darius, with which last event ends all that 
we know of Zerubbabel's life. Zerubbabel was in- 
ferior to few of the great characters of Scripture, 
whether we consider the perilous undertaking to 
which he devoted himself, the importance, in the 
Divine economy, of his work, his courageous faith, 



ZER 



ZID 



1213 



or the singular distinction of being the object of so 
many and remarkable prophetic utterances. — The 
apocryphal history of Zerubbabel, which, as usual, 
Josephus follows, may be summed up in a few 
words. The story told in 1 Esd. iii.-vii. is, that on 
the occasion of a great feast made by Darius on his 
accession, three young men of his body-guard had 
a contest who should write the wisest sentence. 
That one of the three (Zerubbabel) writing " Wom- 
en are strongest, but above all things Truth beareth 
away the victory ; " and afterward defending bis 
sentence with much eloquence, was declared by ac- 
clamation to be the wisest, and claimed for his re- 
ward, at the king's hand, that the king should per- 
form his vow which he had vowed to rebuild Jeru- 
salem and the Temple. Upon which the king gave 
him letters to all his treasurers and governors on 
the other side of the river, with grants of money 
and exemption from taxes, and sent him to rebuild 
Jerusalem and the Temple, accompanied by the 
families of which the list is given in Ezr. ii. and 
Neh. vii. ; and then follows, in utter confusion, the 
history of Zerubbabel as given in Scripture. Jo- 
sephus (xi. 4, § 9) has also another story, not in 1 
Esdras, of Zorobabel going to Darius and obtaining 
from him a decree commanding his officers in Sa- 
maria to supply the high-priest with all that he re- 
quired for sacrifices, &c. — It has already been ob- 
served that in Mat. i. 12, and Lk. iii. 27, Zerubbabel 
is represented as son of Salatliiel, though the Book 
of Chronicles tells us he was the son of Pedaiah, and 
nephew of Salatliiel. It is of more moment to re- 
mark that, while St. Matthew deduces his line from 
Jechonias (= Jehoiachin) and Solomon, St. Luke 
deduces it through Neri and Nathan. Zerubbabel 
(so Lord A. C. Hervey) was the legal successor and 
heir of Jehoiachin's royal estate, the grandson of 
Neri, and the lineal descendant of Nathan the son 
of David. Genealogy of Jesus Christ ; Hananiah 8. 

Zer-u-i'ali, or Ze-ru'iab (fr. Heb. = cleft, wounded, 
Ges.), the mother of the three leading heroes of 
David's army — Abishai, Joab, and Asahel 1 — the 
" sons of Zeruiah." She and Abigail 2 are specified 
in 1 Chr. ii. 16 as sisters of the sons of Jesse, and in 2 
Sam. xvii. 25 Abigail is called "the daughter of Na- 
hash, sister to Zeruiah, Joab's mother." (Jesse ; 
Nahasii 2.) Zeruiah's husband, not mentioned in 
the Bible, is called by Josephus (vii. 1, § 3) Sttri. 

Zc'tliani (Heb. = Zethan ? Ges.), a Gershonite 
Levite, son or grandson of Laadan (1 Chr. xxiii. 8, 
xxvi. 22). 

Zc'tlian (fr. Heb. — olive-tree, Ges.), a Benjamite, 
son of Bilhan (1 Chr. vii. 10). 

Ze'thar (Heb. star ? Ges.), one of the seven " cham- 
berlains " or eunuchs of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 10). 

Zi'a (Heb. motion, Ges.), one of the Gadites who 
dwelt in Bashan (1 Chr. v. 13). 

Zi'ba (fr. Heb. = statue, Ges.), " a servant of the 
house of Saul," one of Saul's freedmen (so Jos. vii. 
5, § 5), who had fifteen sons and twenty servants, and 
was prominent in the transactions between David 
and Mephibosheth (2 Sam. ix. 2-12, xvi. 1-4, xix. 
17, 29). 

Zib'c-oa (fr. Heb. = dyed, Ges.), father of Anah, 
whose daughter Aholibamah was Esau's wife (Gen. 
xxxvi. 2). Although called a Hivite, he probably = 
Zibeon the son of Seir the Horite (ver. 20, 24, 29 ; 1 
Chr. i. 38, 40). 

Zib-i'a, or Zib'i-a (fr. Heb. = roe, Ges.), a Ben- 
jamite, son of Shaharaim by his wife Hodesh (1 
Chr. viii. 9). 

Zib-i'a!i, or Zib'i-ah (fr. Heb. — roc, Ges.), a native 



of Beer-sheba, and mother of King Joash 1 (2 K. 
xii. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxiv. 1). 

Zich'ri [s»k-] (Heb. remembered, renowned, Ges.). 
1. Son of Izhar the son of Kohath (Ex. vi. 21, in- 
correctly " Zithri " in some editions). — 2. A Ben- 
jamite chief, son of Shimhi (1 Chr. viii. 19). — 3. A 
Benjamite chief, son of Shashak (viii. 23). — 4. A 
Benjamite chief, son of Jeroham (viii. 27). — 5. A 
Levite, son of Asaph (ix. 15); probably = Zabdi 
4 and Zaccur 3. — 6. A Levite, descended from Eli- 
ezer the son of Moses (xxvi. 25). — 7. Father of the 
Reubenite chief Eliezer (xxvii. 16). — 8. Father of 
Jehoshaphat's captain Amasiah (2 Chr. xvii. 16) — 
9. Fathei of Elishaphat, a captain associated with 
Jehoiada (xxiii. 1). — 10. An Ephraimite hero inPe- 
kah's army, who slew Maaseiaii 17, &c. (xxviii. 7). 
— 11. Father or ancestor of Joel 14 (Neh. xi. 9).— 
12. A priest, chief of the family of Abijah, in the 
days of High-priest Joiakim (xii. 17). 

Zid'diin (fr. Heb. = the sides, Ges.), a fortified 
town of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 35) ; probably (so Mr. 
Grove, &c, after Schwarz) at the modern village 
of Hattin, about five miles nearly W. of Tiberias. 

Zid-ki'jall (fr. Heb. ™ Zedekiah), a priest, or 
family of priests, who sealed the covenant with Ne- 
hemiah (Neh. x. 1). 

Zi don (fr. Heb. Tsidon = fishing or fishery, Ges.), 
or Si'doa (Gr. and L. fr. Heb.) (Gen. x.'l9, 15 ; Josh. 

xi. 8, xix. 28 ; Judg. i. 31, xviii. 28 ; 1 Chr. i. 13 ; Is. 
xxiii. 2, 4, 12; Jer. xxv. 22, xxvii. 3; Ez. xxviii. 21, 
22 ; Joel iii. 4 [iv. 4] ; Zecb. ix. 2 ; 2 Esd. i. 1 1 ; 
Jd. ii. 28 ; 1 Mc. v. 15 ; Mat. xi. 21, 22, xv. 21 ; Mk. 
iii. 8, vii. 24, 31 ; Lk. iv. 26, vi. 17, x. 13, 14 ; Acts 

xii. 20, xxvii. 3), an ancient and wealthy city of 
Phenicia, on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean 
Sea, in latitude 30° 34' 05" N., less than twenty 
English miles N. of Tyre. Its modern name is 
Saida. It is situate in the narrow plain between 
Lebanon and the sea. From a Biblical point of 
view, this city is inferior in interest to its neighbor 
Tyre, with which its name is so often associated. 
Justin says that the inhabitants of Sidon, when their 
city had been reduced by the king of Ascalon, found- 
ed Tyre the year before the capture of Troy. But 
Justin is a weak authority for any disputed histori- 
cal fact (so Mr. Twisleton, original author of this 
article), and in contradiction of his statement, it has 
been insisted on, that the relation between a colony 
and the mother-city among the Phenicians was sa- 
cred, and that as the Tyrians never acknowledged 
this relation toward Zidon, the supposed connection 
between Tyre and Zidon is morally impossible. 
There is otherwise nothing improbable in Zidonians 
having founded Tyre, as the Tyrians are called 
Zidonians, but the Zidonians are never called Tyri- 
ans. And this circumstance tends to show that in 
early times Zidon was the more influential of the 
two cities. This is shadowed forth by the state- 
ment that Zidon was the first-born of Canaan (Gen. 

x. 15 ; 1 Chr. i. 13), and is implied in the name of 
" Great Zidon," or " the Metropolis Zidon " (Josh. 

xi. 8 [margin " Zidon-rabbah "], xix. 28). It is con- 
firmed, likewise, by the use of " Sidonians " as = 
Phenicians, or Canaanites (xiii. 6; Judg. xviii. 7); 
and by the reason assigned for there being none to 
deliver the people of Laish from massacre, that 
" they were far from the Zidonians," though the 
Tyrians were much nearer and of substantially the 
same religion (xviii. 28). From the time of Solomon 
to the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar Zidon is not often 
directly mentioned in the Bible, and it appears to 
have been subordinate to Tyre. When the people 



1214 



ZID 



ZID 



called " Zidonians " is mentioned, it sometimes seems 
that the Phenicians of the plain of Zidon are meant 
(1 K. v. 6, xi. 1, 5, 33, xvi. 31 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13). And 
this seems to be equally true of "merchants of Zi- 
don," "Zidon," and "daughter of Zidon," in Is. 



xxiii. There is no doubt, however, that Zidon itself, 
the city properly so called, was threatened by Joel 
(iii. 4) and Jeremiah (xxvii. 3). Still, all that is 
known respecting it during the epoch is very scanty, 
amounting to scarcely more than that one of its 




Modern Saida = Zidon or Sidon.— (Kitto.) 



sources of gain was trade in slaves (Slavk), the 
Zidonians selling inhabitants of Palestine ; that the 
city was governed by kings (Jer. xxvii. 3, xxv. 22); 
that, previous to Nebuchadnezzar's invasion, it had 
furnished mariners to Tyre (Ez. xxvii. 8) ; that, at 
one period it was subject, in some sense, to Tyre ; 
and that, when Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, in- 
vaded Phenicia, Zidon seized the opportunity to re- 
volt. During the Persian domination, Zidon seems 
to have attained its highest prosperity ; and it is 
recorded that, toward the close of that period, it 
far excelled all other Phenician cities in wealth and 
importance. Very probably the long siege of Tyre 
by Nebuchadnezzar had tended to enrich Zidon at 
the expense of Tyre. In the expedition of Xerxes 
against Greece, the Sidonians were a preeminently 
important element of his naval power. But while 
the Persians in the time of Artaxerxes Ochus were 
making preparations in Phenicia to put down the 



revolt in Egypt, some Persian satraps and generals 
behaved oppressively and insolently to Sidonians in 
the Sidonian division of Tmrous. On this the Si- 
donian people projected a revolt ; and having first 
concerted arrangements with other Phenician cities, 
and made a treaty with the Egyptian king, they 
seized and put to death the insolent Persians, ex- 
pelled the satraps from Phenicia, strengthened their 
defences, equipped a fleet of 100 triremes, and pre- 
pared for a desperate resistance. But their King 
Tennes betrayed into the power of the Persian king 
100 of the most distinguished citizens of Sidon, who 
were all shot to death with javelins. Five hundred 
other citizens, who w r ent out to the king with en- 
signs of supplication, shared the same fate; the Per- 
sian troops were treacherously admitted within the 
gates, and occupied the city walls. The Sidonians, 
before the arrival of Ochus, had burnt their vessels 
to prevent any one's leaving the town ; and when 



ZID 



ZIL 



1215 



they saw themselves surrounded by the Persian 
troops, they shut themselves up with their families, 
and set fire each man to his own house (b. c. 351). 
Forty thousand persons are said to have perished 
in the flames ; Tennes was put to death by Ochus ; 
and the privilege of searching the ruins was sold for 
money. After this dismal tragedy, Sidon gradually 
recovered from the blow. The battle of Issus was 
fought b. c. 333, and then the inhabitants of the re- 
stored city, from hatred of Darius and the Persians, 
opened their gates to Alexander the Great of their 
own accord. The Sidonian fleet in joining Alexan- 
der was an essential element of his success against 
Tyre. From this time Sidon, dependent on the for- 
tunes of war in the contests between the successors 
of Alexander, ceases to play any important political 
part in history. It became, however, again a flour- 
ishing town. Strabo, in his account of Phenicia, 
says of Tyre and Sidon, " Both were illustrious and 
splendid formerly, and now ; but which should be 
called the capital of Phenicia, is a matter of dis- 
pute between the inhabitants." According to Stra- 
bo, it was on the mainland, on a fine naturally-formed 
harbor; its inhabitants cultivated arithmetic and 
astronomy, and had the best opportunities for ac- 
quiring a knowledge of these and of all other 
branches of philosophy. Strabo mentions distin- 
guished philosophers, natives of Sidon, as Boethus, 
with whom he studied the philosophy of Aristotle, 
and his brother Diodotus. The names of both these 
are Greek, and probably, in Strabo's time, Greek was 
the language of the educated classes at least, both 
in Tyre and Sidon. A few years after Strabo wrote, 
Sidon was visited by Christ. It is about fifty miles 
from Nazareth, and is the most northern city men- 
tioned in connection with His journeys. 1 Pliny 
notes the manufacture of glass here. In later ages 
Sidon has shared generally the fortunes of Tyre, ex- 
cept that it was several times taken and retaken 
during the Crusades, and suffered accordingly more 
than Tyre previous to its being abandoned to the 
Mohammedans in 1291. Since that time it never 
seems to have fallen quite so low as Tyre. Through 
Fakhr ed-Din, emir of the Druzes 1594-1634, and 
the establishment at Sidon of French commercial 
houses, it had a revival of trade in the seventeenth 
and part of the eighteenth century, and became the 
principal city on the Syrian coast for commerce be- 
tween the East and the West. This was terminated 
in 1791 by oppression and violence. The town still 
shows signs of former wealth. 2 Its ancient harbor 
was filled up with stones and earth by Fakhr ed- 
Din, so that only small boats can now enter it. The 
trade between Syria and Europe now mainly passes 
through Beirut. — At the base of the mountains E. 
of Sidon are numerous sepulchres in the rock, and 
there are likewise sepulchral caves in the adjoining 
plain. In January, 1855, a sarcophagus of black 
syenite was discovered in one of these caves, its lid 
hewn in the form of a mummy with the face bare, 
upon the lid a perfect Phenician inscription in twen- 
ty-two lines, 3 and on the head of the sarcophagus 



1 The Apostle Paul touched at Sidon in his voyage to 
Rome, and was permitted to refresh himself there with 
his friends, i. e. Christians (Acts xxvii. 3). 

a The population, according to ecclesiastical returns (al- 
ways understated), is said to be 0,800 Moslems and Me- 
tawelies, 850 Greek Catholics, 750 Maronites, 150 Greeks, 
and 300 jews. The entire population is therefore not far 
from 10,000 (Thn. i. 154). 

3 The lid of this sarcophagus is four feet broad and 
about seven long. The inscription is in the name of Ash- 
mnnazer. king of the SidonUns and forbids opening his 



another almost as long. This sarcophagus is now 
in the Louvre in Paris. Zidonians. 

Zi-do 'ni-ans, or Si-do'ui-ans = the inhabitants of 
Zidon. They were among the nations of Canaan 
left to practise the Israelites in the art of war(Judg. 
iii. 3), and colonies of them appear to have spread 
up into the hill country from Lebanon to Misrephoth- 
maim (Josh. xiii. 4, 6), whence in later times they 
hewed cedar-trees for David and Solomon (1 Chr. 
xxii. 4). They oppressed the Israelites on their first 
entrance into the country (Judg. x. 12), and appear 
to have lived a luxurious, reckless life (xviii. 7) ; they 
were skilful in hewing timber (1 K. v. 6), and were 
employed for this purpose by Solomon. They were 
idolaters, and worshipped Ashtoreth as their tute- 
lary goddess (xi. 5, 33 ; 2 K. xxiii. 13), as well as the 
sun-god Baal, from whom their king was named (1 
K. xvi. 31). "Zidonians" among the Hebrews ap- 
pears = Phenicians among the Greeks. Glass ; 
Handicraft. 

* Zi'dou-rab'bali (fr. Heb.) — "great Zidon" 
(Josh. xi. 8 marg.). 
ZiL Month. 

Zi'ha (fr. Heb. = dry, thirsty, Ges.). 1. Ancestor 
of a family of Nethinim who returned with Zerub- 
babel (Ezr. ii. 43 ; Neh. vii. 46).— 2. Chief of the 
Nethinim in Ophel (xi. 21) ; probably representative 
or descendant of No. 1. 

Zik'lag (fr. Heb. = outpouring o f a fountain [so 
Sim.] ? Ges.), a place first mentioned in the catalogue 
of the towns of Judah (Josh. xv. 31); next among , 
the places allotted out of the territory of Judah to 
Simeon (xix. 5) ; next as in the possession of the 
Philistines fl Sam. xxvii. 6), when it was, at David's 
request, bestowed upon him by Achish, king of Gath. 
David resided there for a year and four months (7 ; 
xxxi. 14, 26 ; 1 Chr. xii. 1, 20). There he received 
the news of Saul's death (2 Sam. i. 1, iv. 10). He 
then relinquished it for Hebron (ii. 1). Ziklag is 
finally mentioned as reinhabited by the people of 
Judah after their return from the Captivity (Neh. 
xi. 28). The town was certainly in "the south" 
(Judah 1 [I.]) ; yet this is difficult to reconcile with 
its connection with the Philistines, and with the fact 
— which follows from 1 Sam. xxx. 9, 10, 21 — that it 
was N. of the Brook Besor. But with a portion of 
the south country the Philistines had a connection 
which may have lasted from the time of their resi- 
dence there in the days of Abraham and Isaac. Mr. 
Rowlands (in Fairbairn) identifies Ziklag with 'Asluj, 
or Kaduj, an ancient site with ancient wells, about 
four hours S. S. E. of Khidasah (Chesil?), and about 
three hours S. E. or E. S. E. of Sebata (Zephath ?). 
The identification is supported by Mr. Wilton {Negeb, 
209) ; but it is impossible at present to do more than 
name it (so Mr. Grove). 

Zil'Iah (fr. Heb. = shade, Ges.), one of the two 
wives of Lamech 1, to whom he addressed his song 
(Gen. iv. 19, 22, 23). She was the mother of Tubal- 
cain and Naamah 1. 

Zil'pali (Heb. a dropping, Ges.), a Syrian given by 
Laban to his daughter Leah as an attendant, and by 
Leah to Jacob as a concubine; mother of Gad and 
Asher (Gen. xxix. 24, xxx. 9-13, xxxv. 26, xxxvii. 
2, xlvi. 18). 

Zil'thai (fr. Heb. = shadow [i. e. protection] of Je- 
hovah, Ges.). 1, A Benjamite chief, son of Shinihi (1 



sepulchre or disturbing his remains. Tt, mentions his 
mother as priestess of Astarte (Ashtoreth). and records 
his conquest of "Dor and Joppa, and atnple corn-lands 
which are at the root of Dan" (Thn. i. 200-1). 



1216 



ZIM 



ZIZ 



dir. viii. 20). — 2. A Manassite captain who joined 
David at Ziklag (xii. 20). 

Zim'mab (Heb. plan, mischief, Ges.). 1. A Ger- 
shonite Levite, '"son" of Jahath (1 Chr. vi. 20). — 2. 
A Gershonite, son of Shimei, and grandson of Jahath 
(vi. 42); probably — No. 1. — 3. Father or ancestor 
of Joah, a Gershonite in the reign of Hezekiah (2 
Chr. xxix. 12); perhaps = No. 1. 

Zim ran (Heb. = Zimri, Ges.), son of Abraham, 
eldest by Keturah (Gen. xxv. 2 ; 1 Chr. i. 32). His 
descendants are not mentioned. Some would iden- 
tify Zimran with Zimri 5; others suggest a com- 
parison with Zambran, the chief city of the Cinaido- 
eolpitae, who dwelt on the Red Sea, W. of Mecca; 
Hitzig and Lengerke connect Zimran with Zimiris, 
a district of Ethiopia, mentioned by Pliny ; but 
Grotius, with more plausibility, finds a trace of it in 
the Zamereni, a tribe of the interior of Arabia (so 
Mr. Wright). 

Zimri (Heb. sung, celebrated in song, Ges.). It 
Son of Salu ; a Simeonite chieftain, slain by Phine- 
h as with the Midianitish princess Cozbi (Num. xxv. 
14, comp. 6 ff.). (Baal-peor; Midian.)— 2. Fifth 
sovereign of the separate kingdom of Israel, of 
which he occupied the throne for seven days. 
(Israel, Kingdom of.) Originally in command of 
half the chariots in the royal army, he gained the 
crown by the murder of Elah 3. But the army then 
besieging Gibbethon, when they heard of Elah's 
murder, proclaimed their general Omri king. He im- 
mediately marched against Tirzah, and took the city. 
Zimri retreated into the innermost part of the late 
king's palacs, set it on fire, and perished in the ruins 
(1 K. xvi. 9-20).— 3. One of the five sons of Zerah 
the son of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 6); = Zabdi 1. — 1. Son 
of Jehoadah and descendant of Saul (viii. 36, ix. 42). 
— 5. An obscure name, mentioned (Jer. xxv. 25) in 
probable connection with Dedan, Tema, Buz, Ara- 
bia, the " mingled people." Nothing further is 
known respecting Zimri, but it may possibly be the 
same as, or derived from, Zimran. 

Zin (fr. Heb. = a low palm-tree, Ges.), the name 
given to a portion of the desert tract between the 
Dead Sea, Ghor, and ' Arabali on the E., and the gen- 
eral plateau of the Tik which stretches westward. 
(Wilderness of the Wandering.) The country in 
question consists of two or three successive terraces 
of mountain converging to an acute angle at the Dead 
Sea's southern verge, toward which also they slope. 
Here the drainage finds its chief vent by the Wady 
el-Fikreh into the Ghor, the remaining waters run- 
ning by smaller channels into the 'Arabah, and ul- 
timately by the Wady el-Jeib also to the Ghor. 
Judging from natural features, it is likely that the 
portion between, and drained by these vvadys, is the 
region in question ; but where it ended westward is 
quite uncertain. Kadesh lay in it, or on this un- 
known boundary, and here also Idumea was conter- 
minous with Judah ; since Kadesh was a city in the 
border of Edom (Num. xiii. 21, xx. 1, xxvii. 14, xxxiii. 
36, xxxiv. 3; Josh. xv. 1). 

Zi'na (Heb.) — Zizah (1 Chr. xxiii. 10, comp. 11). 

Zi'on (fr. Heb. Tsiyon = sunny place, sunny mount, 
Ges.), in N. T. Sion. Jerusalem, pp. 458, 461-2, 
&c. 

Zi'or (fr. Heb. = smallncss, Ges.), a town in the 
mountains of Judah, named next after Hebron (Josh, 
xv. 54 only) ; perhaps, as suggested by Mr. Grove, 
at the modern Sa'ir, a small village about six miles 
N. N. E. of Hebron. 

Ziph (Heb. a flowing, Ges.), the name borne by 
two towns of Judah. 1. In the S. ; named between 



Ithnan and Telf.m (Josh. xv. 24 only). Mr. Row- 
lands (in Fairbairn) supposes the name may be found 
in the pass es-Sufdh, and the site of the town may 
be near the top of the pass. (Akrabbim.) — 2. In 
the highland district ; named between Carmel and 
Juttah (xv. 55). Near it some of the greatest perils 
and happiest escapes of David took place (1 Sam. 
xxiii. 14, 15, 24, xxvi. 2). The "wood" near it in 
David's time has disappeared ; but the " wilderness " 
(i. e. waste pasture-ground ; Desert 2) remains. 
The name of Zif is found about three miles S. of 
Hebron, attached to a rounded hill of 100 feet or 
more in height, called Tell Zif. About half a mile 
E. of this tell on alow hill or ridge are ruins regarded 
by Robinson (i. 492) as the proper ruins of Ziph. 
Mr. Grove supposes the ruins on the top of the tell 
itself to be those of the ancient place fortified by 
Rehoboam (2 Chr. xi. 8). In 1 Chr. ii. 42 Mesha 2 
is called " the father (i. e. founder) of Ziph " (see 
Ziph, below). 

Ziph (see above), son of Jchaleleel (1 Chr. iv. 16 ; 
comp. Ziph 2 above). 

Zi'phah (Heb. = Ziph), son of Jehaleleel (1 Chr. 
iv. 16 ; comp. Ziph). 

Ziph'im (Heb. pi.), Ziph'ims [-imz] (fr. Heb.), the 
= the inhabitants of Ziph 2 (title of Ps. liv.) ; = 
Ziphites. 

Ziph'itcs (fr. Heb. Ziphi, singular of ZipMm, used 
collectively), the = Ziphim (1 Sam. xxiii. 19; xxvi. 
1)- 

Ziph i-on (fr. Heb. = a looking out, Ges.), son of 
Gad (Gen. xlvi. 16); = Zepiion. 

Ziph'ron (Heb. sweet odor, Ges.), a place between 
Zedad and IIazar-enan, on the N. boundary of the 
Promised Land as specified by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 
9). Dr. W. M. Thomson (in B. S. v. 685) suggests 
an identification with a ruin called Zephron or Za- 
phron, about twelve miles S. S. E. of Hamah (Ha- 
math). 

Zip'por (fr. Heb. = a little bird, sparrow, Ges.), 
father of Balak, king of Moab (Num. xxii. 2, 4, 10, 
16, xxiii. 18; Josh. xxiv. 9; Judg. xi. 25). 

Zip-po'rah, or Zip'po-rah (fr. Heb., fem. of Zippor, 
Ges.), daughter of Reuel or Jethro, the priest of 
Midian ; wife of Moses, and mother of his two sons 
Gershom 1 and Eliezer 2 (Ex. ii. 21, iv. 25, xviii. 2, 
comp. 6). Many consider Zipporah the Cushite (A. 
V. " Ethiopian ") wife who furnished Miriam and 
Aaron with the pretext for their attack on Moses 
(Num. xii. 1, &c. ; comp. Hab. iii. V ; Ethiopian 
Woman). Mr Grove supposes, with Ewald, that the 
Cushite was a second wife, or a concubine, taken by 
Moses during the march through the wilderness. 

Zith'ri (fr. Heb. Sithri = protection of Jehovah, 
Ges.), a Kohathite Levite, son of Uzziel (Ex. vi. 22). 
In verse 21, "Zithri" (in some copies) should be 
"Zichri," as in A. V. of 1611. 

Ziz (fr. Heb. = brightness, flower, wing, Ges.), the 
Cliff Of; the pass (Cliff) by which the horde of 
Moabites, Ammonites, and Mehunim, made their 
way up from the shores of the Dead Sea to the wil- 
derness of Judah near Tekoa (2 Chr. xx. 16 only, 
comp. 20) ; probably the pass of 'AinJidy (En-gedi) 
— " the very same route," as Dr. Robinson remarks, 
" which is taken by the Arabs in their marauding 
expeditions at the present day." The name may 
perhaps be traceable in el-HusAsah, a tract of table- 
land above the pass, bounded on the N. by Wady 
Husasah (so Mr. Grove). 

Zi'za (Heb. full breast, abundance, Ges.). 1# A 
Simeonite chief in Hezekiah's reign who took part 
in the raid on the Hamite shepherds of Gedo; (l 



ZIZ 



ZOA 



1217 



Chr. iv. 37). — 2. Son of Rehoboam by Maachah (2 
Chr. xi. 20). 

Zi'zah (Heb. = Ziza, Ges.), a Gershonite Levite, 
second son of Shimei (1 Chr. xxiii. 11) = Zina. 

Zoan (Heb. Tso'an ; Gr. and L. Tanis ; both from 
Egyptian = low region, Ges., Fii. ; but see below), 
an ancient city of lower Egypt, near the eastern bor- 
der. Its Shemitic name (so Mr. R. S. Poole, original 
author of this article) indicates a place of departure 
from a country. The Egyptian name Ha-awar, or 
Pa-awar (— Avaris), means the abode (or house) of 
going out (or departure). Zoan, or Tanis, is situate 
in N. latitude 31°, E. longitude 31° 55', on the E. 
bank of the canal which was formerly the Tanitic 
branch of the Nile. Anciently a rich plain — then 
known as the "Fields," or "Plains," or "Marshes," 
or " Pasture-lands," and watered by four of the sev- 
en branches of the Nile, but now almost covered by 
the great lake Menzeleh — extended due E. as far 
as Pelusium (Sin), about thirty miles distant, grad- 
ually narrowing toward the east. Tanis, while 
Egypt was ruled by native kings, was the chief 
town of this territory, and an important post tow- 
ard the eastern frontier. It is said to have been 
rebuilt, strongly walled, and garrisoned with 240,000 
men, by Salatis ' the first of the Shepherd kings. 
Manetho explicitly states Avaris to have been older 
than the time of the Shepherds ; but there are rea- 
sons for questioning his accuracy in this matter. 
The name is more likely to be of foreign than of 
Egyptian origin, for Zoan distinctly indicates the 
place of departure of a migratory people, whereas 
Avaris has the simple signification abode of depart- 
ure. A remarkable passage in Num. xiii. 22 — 
" Now Hebron was built seven years before Zoan 
in Egypt " — seems to determine the question. He- 
bron was already built in Abraham's time, and the 
Shepherd-invasion may be dated about the same 
period. Whether some older village or city were 
succeeded by Avaris matters little : its history be- 
gins in the reign of Salatis. What the Egyptian 
records tell us of this city may be briefly stated. 
Apepee, probably Apophis of the fifteenth dynasty, 
a Shepherd king who reigned shortly before the 
eighteenth dynasty, built a temple here to Set, the 
Egyptian Baal, and worshipped no other god. Ac- 
cording to Manetho, the Shepherds, after 511 years 
of rule, were expelled from all Egypt and shut up 
in Avaris, whence they were allowed to depart by 
capitulation about b. c. 1500. Rameses II. embel- 
lished the great temple of Tanis, and was followed 
by his son Menptah. Mr. Poole believes that the 
Pharaoh of Joseph as well as the oppressors were 
Shepherds, the former ruling at Memphis and Zoan, 
the latter probably at Zoan only. Zoan is men- 
tioned in connection with the Plagues in such a 
manner as to leave no doubt that it is the city 
6poken of in the narrative in Exodus as that where 
Pharaoh dwelt (Ps. lxxviii. 42, 43). After the fall 
of the empire, the first dynasty is the twenty-first, 
called by Manetho that of Tanites. Its history is 
obscure. The twenty-third dynasty is called Tanite, 
and its last king is probably Sethos, the contempo- 
rary of Tirhakah, mentioned by Herodotus. At 
this time Tanis once more appears in sacred history 
as a place to which came ambassadors of Hoshea, 
or Ahaz, or possibly of Hezekiah (Is. xxx. 4). As 
mentioned with the frontier-town Tahpanhes, Tanis 
is not necessarily the capital. But the same proph- 
et perhaps more distinctly points to a Tanite line — 
"the princes of Zoan " (xix. 13). The doom of 
Zoan is foretold byEzekiel, " I will set fire in Zoan" 
11 



(xxx. 14), where it occurs among the cities to be 
taken by Nebuchadnezzar. — The "field of Zoan," 
now the plain of Sdn, has become a barren waste ; 
and one of the principal abodes of the Pharaohs is 
now the habitation of fishermen, the resort of wild 
beasts, and infested with reptiles and malignant fe- 
vers. It is remarkable for the height and extent 
of its mounds, which are upward of a mile from N. to 
S., and nearly three-quarters of a mile from E. to W. 
The area in which the sacred enclosure of the temple 
stood is about 1,500 feet by 1,250, surrounded by 
mounds of fallen houses. The temple was adorned 
by Rameses II. with numerous obelisks and most 
of its sculptures. It is very ruinous, but its re- 
mains prove its former grandeur. 

Zo'ar (fr. Heb. — smallness, Ges.), an ancient city, 
originally named Bela (Gen. xiv. 2, 8). It was in 
intimate connection with the cities of the " plain 
of Jordan " — Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, and Ze- 
boim (see also xiii. 10 ; but not x. 19) ; and its king 
took part with the kings of those towns in the 
battle with Chedorlaomer, &c, which ended in 
their defeat and the capture of Lot. In the gen- 
eral destruction of the cities of the plain, Zoar was 
spared to afford shelter to Lot (xix. 22, 23, 30). It 
is mentioned in the account of the death of Moses 
as one of the landmarks which bounded his view 
from Pisgah (Deut. xxxiv. 3), and is connected with 
Moab in Is. xv. 5 and Jer. xlviii. 34. I. Zoar was 
situated in the same district with the four cities al- 
ready mentioned, viz. in the " plain " or " circle " 
(Plain 3) " of the Jordan," and the narrative of 
Gen. xix. evidently implies that it was very near to 
Sodom (ver. 15, 23, 2V). The common opinion 
among Biblical scholars has been, and is, that the 
" plain of the Jordan " in Gen. xiii., &c, extends 
to the southern end of the Dead Sea. Mr. Grove, 
Mr. Tristram, &c, argue that the plain of the Jordan 
was at the N. of the Dead Sea, and that the cities of 
the plain must therefore have been situated there, 
because — (a.) The Jordan must have discharged 
itself into the lake in Abraham's time pretty nearly 
where it does now. (Sea, the Salt, II., § 47). (6.) 
The plain was within view of the spot from which 
Abraham and Lot took their survey of the. country 
(Gen. xiii. 1-13). Now the lower part of the course 
of the Jordan is plainly visible from the hills E. of 
Beitin. On the other hand, the southern half of 
the Dead Sea is not only too far off to be discerned, 
but is actually shut out from view by intervening 
heights. To this argument it is replied that the 
narrative does not necessarily imply either that the 
cities were near, or that every part of the plain in 
which they were contained was either situated E. of 
the spot where Abram and Lot stood, or distinctly 
visible from that spot. Lot's view embraced so much 
of the valley as to give a correct idea of the fruit- 
fulness, &c, of the whole ; and " Lot journeyed 
east " from Bethel on his way thither. " The ar- 
gument assumes that there has been no essential 
change in the plain and the sea since that day, ex- 
cept what would result in the former from disuse 
of the artificial irrigation which then made it so 
fruitful. But the phrase ' before the Lord de- 
stroyed,' &c. (ver. 10), plainly indicates a marked 
change in consequence of that event ; and there is 
certainly nothing in the Scripture narrative incon- 
sistent with the general belief that the catastrophe 
of the cities, which destroyed also ' the country,' 
wrought a great and general change in ' the land 
of Sodom and Gomorrah,' thus turned ' into ashes.' 
If the cultivated plain or valley, with or without a 



1218 



ZOB 



ZOP 



lake of fresh water, in a part of the present bed of 
the sea, then extended as far as the present south- 
ern limit of the sea and adjacent plain, and the 
cities were in that section of it, the fact would not 
conflict with the sacred record " (Dr. S. Woleott, in 
B. S. xxv. 129). (c.) In the account of the view of 
Moses from Pisgah the " plain " or " circle " is more 
strictly defined as " the plain (or ' circle ') of the 
plain of Jericho " (A. V. " plain of the valley of 
Jericho "), and Zoar is mentioned in immediate con- 
nection with it (" unto Zoar "). Mr. Grove con- 
siders it impossible to believe that the " plain of 
Jericho " can have been extended to the southern 
end of the Dead Sea, and therefore regards it as 
highly probable that the Zoar of the Pentateuch was 
to the N. of the Dead Sea, not far from its northern 
end, in the general parallel of Jericho, and on the 
eastern side of the valley, because the descendants 
of Lot, the Moabites and Ammonites, are in posses- 
sion of that country as their original seat when they 
first appear in the sacred history. Mr. Tristram, 
on the other hand, would place Zoar on the N. W. 
side of the Dead Sea, between Wady Dabur and 
Rds Feshkhah, because this was the limit of Moses' 
view from Nebo. Porter (in Kitto, art. " Sodom ") 
sustains the common view by remarking that 
" names derived from rivers and towns often extend 
to a wide region ; and the very word circuit 
('Plain' 3) would seem to denote a district de- 
fined by some great natural boundaries, such as the 
mountains which shut in the Jordan valley," and 
that " it is not uncommon at the present day 
for geographers to give the name ' Jordan valley ' 
to the whole valley reaching from Hermon to Jebel 
Usdum." II. The passages in Isaiah and Jeremiah 
in which Zoar is mentioned imply that it was a city 
of Moab, and therefore E. of the Dead Sea. III. 
Among later writers, including Ptolemy and Jo- 
sephus, Eusebius and Jerome, the crusaders and 
later historians, travellers, geographers, &c, the 
representation is almost unanimous that the Zoar 
of the Bible was at the southeastern end of the 
Dead Sea. Thus Josephus (i. 11, §4) says that it re- 
tained its name to his day, that it was at the further 
end of the Asphaltic Lake, in Arabia — by which he 
means the country lying S. E. of the lake, whose 
capital was Petra. Fulcher (a monk or priest, who 
accompanied Robert of Normandy in the first Cru- 
sade, a. d. 1096, &c.) states that "having encircled 
the southern part of the lake on the road from He- 
bron to Petra, we found there a large village which 
was said to be Segor, in a charming situation, and 
abounding with dates. Here we began to enter the 
mountains of Arabia." The natural inference from 
the description of Fulcher is, that Segor lay in the 
Wady Kerak, the ordinary road, then and now, from 
the S. of the Dead Sea to the eastern highlands. 
The conjecture of Irby and Mangles, that the ex- 
tensive ruins which they found in the lower part of 
this "Wady were those of Zoar, is therefore probably 
accurate. The name Dra'a or Dera'ah, which they, 
Poole and Burekhardt, give to the valley, may be a 
corruption of Zoar. Zoar was an episcopal see, 
represented by its bishops at the Council of Chalee- 
don (a. d. 451), and of Constantinople (a. d. 536). 
M. de Saulcy places Zoar in the Wady Zuweirah, the 
pass leading from Hebron to the Dead Sea. But 
the names Zuweirah and Zoar are not nearly so sim- 
ilar in the originals as they are in their Western 
forms. Zoghal (in Um Zoghal) is mach nearer the 
Hebrew of Zoar. 

Zo'ba, or Zo ball (both fr. Heb. = station, Ges.), a 



portion of Syria, which formed a separate kingdom 
in the time of Saul, David, and Solomon. Prof. 
Rawlinson, original author of this article, regards it 
as lying chiefly eastward of Coelesyria, and extend- 
ing thence N. E. and E. toward, if not even to, the 
Euphrates. Zobah appears first in Saul's time 
among bis enemies, a separate country, governed, 
apparently, by a number of kings who owned no 
common head or chief (1 Sam. xiv. 41). Some forty 
years later, Hadadezer, son of Eehob, ruler of Zo- 
bah, had wars with Toi, king of Hamath (2 Sam. 
viii. 10), and held various petty Syrian princes as 
vassals under his yoke (x. 19). David (viii. 3) at- 
tacked Hadadezer in the early part of his reign, de- 
feated his army, and took from him a thousand 
chariots, seven hundred (seven thousand, 1 Chr. 
xviii. 4) horsemen, and twenty thousand footmen. 
Hadadezer's allies, the Syrians of Damascus, were 
defeated in a great battle. The wealth of Zobah is 
very apparent in the narrative of this campaign. 
(Arms, II. 6.) It is not clear whether the Syrians 
of Zobah submitted and became tributary on this 
occasion, or whether, although defeated, they were 
able to maintain their independence. At any rate, 
a few years later, the Syrians of Zobah, hired by 
the Ammonites, were again in arms against David. 
The allies were defeated in a great battle by Joab, 
who engaged the Syrians in person (2 Sam. x. 9). 
Hadadezer, upon this, drew to his aid the Syrians 
beyond the Euphrates (1 Chr. xix. 16). A battle 
was fought near Helam, where the Syrians of Zobah 
and their new allies were defeated with great slaugh- 
ter. Zobah, however, though subdued, continued to 
cause trouble to the Jewish kings. A man of Zobah, 
Rezon, son of Eliadah, made himself master of Da- 
mascus, where he proved a fierce adversary to Israel 
all through Solomon's reign (1 K. xi. 23-25). Solo- 
mon also was, it would seem, engaged in a war with 
Zobah itself (2 Chr. viii. 3). This is the last that 
we hear of Zobah in Scripture. The name, how- 
ever, is found at a later date in the inscriptions of 
Assyria, where the kingdom of Zobah seems to 
intervene between Hamath and Damascus. Aram ; 
Hamath-zobah. 

Zo-be'bah (fr. Heb. = the slow-moving, Ges.), son 
of Coz, of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 8). 

Zo liar (fr. Heb. = whiteness, Ges.). 1. Father 
of Ephron the Hittite (Gen. xxiii. 8, xxv. 9). — 2. 
Son of Simeon (Gen. xlvi. 10 ; Ex. vi. 15); = Ze- 
rah 2. 

Zo'he-leth (Heb. serpent, Ges.), the Stone. This was 
"by En-rogel" (1 K. i. 9); and, therefore, if En- 
rogel be the modern Um ed-I)eraj, this stone, " where 
Adonijah slew sheep and oxen," was in all likelihood 
not far from the well of the Virgin. (Jerusalem ; 
Siloam.) The Targumists translate it the rolling 
stone ; and Rashi affirms that it was a large stone 
on which the young men tried their strength in at- 
tempting to roll it. Others make it the serpent-stone. 
Others connect it with running water ; but there is 
nothing strained in making it the stone of the conduit, 
from its proximity to the great rock-conduit or con- 
duits that poured into Siloam. Stones. 

Zo'heth (Heb. corpulent, strong, Fii.), son of Ishi 
of the tribe of Judah (1 Chr. iv. 20). 

Zo'phah (fr. Heb. = a cruse, Ges.), son of Helem, 
j or Hotham, the son of Heber, an Asherite (1 Chr. 
I vii. 35, 36). 

Zo'phai (fr. Heb. = Zcph), a Kohathite Levite, 
son of Elkanah and ancestor of Samuel (1 Chr. vi. 
| 26 [Heb. 11]); = Zcph. 

I Zo'pbar (fr. Heb. = Zippor ? Ges.), one of the 



ZOP 



zuz 



1219 



three friends of Job; "the Naamathite" (Job ii. 
11, xi. 1, xx. 1, xlii. 9). 

Zo'phim (Heb. watchers, lookers-out, Targum of 
Onkelos, Syr.), the Field of; a spot on or near the 
top of Pisgah, from which Balaam had his second 
view of the encampment of Israel (Num. xxiii. 14). 
If the Heb. sadeh (A. V. "field ") may be taken in 
its usual sense, then " the field of Zophim " was a 
cultivated spot high up on the top of the range of 
Pisgah. But that word is the almost invariable 
term for a portion of the upper district of Moab ; 
and Mr. Grove asks, May not the field of Zophim be 
the same place as " Mizpeh of Moab ? " (Mizpah 
2.) Porter (in Kitto) would identify the field of 
Zophim with a plateau of arable land reaching from 
Heshbon to the ruins of Md'in (Baal-meon). 

Zo'rah (fr. Heb. = hornet's town, Ges.), a city of 
Dan (Josh. xix. 41), previously mentioned (xv. 33), 
in the catalogue of Judah, among the places in the 
lowland district (A. V. "Zoreah"). In both lists 
it is in immediate proximity to Eshtaol. Zorah 
was the residence of Manoah and the native place 
of Samson. It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chr. 
xi. 10), and reinhabited after the Captivity (A. 
V. "Zareah," Neh. xi. 29). In the Onomasticon it 
is mentioned as lying some ten miles N. of Eleu- 
theropolis, on the road to Nicopolis( = Emmaus 2). 
By the Jewish traveller hap-Parchi, it is specified 
as three hours S. E. of Lydd. These notices agree 
in direction — though in neither is the distance near- 
ly sufficient — with the modern village of Sur'ah, 
which lies just below the brow of a sharp-pointed 
conical hill, at the shoulder of the ranges which 
there meet and form the northern side of the Wady 
Ghurdb, the northernmost of the two branches 
which unite just below Sur'ah, and form the great 
Wady Surdr. Zareathites ; Zorathites ; Zorites. 

Zo'rath-ites (fr. Heb.), the — the people of Zo- 
eah, mentioned in 1 Chr. iv. 2 as descended from 
Shobal 3. 

Zo're-ah (fr. Heb.) = Zorah (Josh. xv. 33). 

Zo'ritcs (fr. Heb. = Zorathites, Ges.), the, are 
named in the genealogies of Judah (1 Chr. ii. 54) 
apparently amongst the descendants of Salma and 
near connections of Joab (so Mr. Grove) ; the Tar- 
gum, Gesenius, Fiirst, make Zorites = Zorathites. 

Zo-rob'a-bcl (Gr. and L.) = Zerubbabel (1 Esd. 



iv. 13, v. 5-70, vi. 2-29 ; Ecclus. xlix. 11 ; Mat. i. 
12, 13; Lk. hi. 21). 

Zn'ar (fr. Heb. = smallness, Ges.), father of Ne- 
thaneel the chief of Issachar at the Exodus (Num. 
i. 8, ii. 5, vii. 18, 23, x. 15). 

Znph (fr. Heb. = honey-comb, Ges.), the Land of; 
a district at which Saul and his servant arrived after 
passing through those of Shalisha, of Shalim, and 
of the Benjamites (1 Sam. iv. 5 only). It evidently 
contained the city in which they encountered Samuel 
(ver. 6), and that was not far from the " tomb of 
Rachel." The only trace of the name of Zuph in 
modern Palestine, in any suitable locality, is to be 
found in Soba, a well-known place about seven miles 
due W. of Jerusalem, and five miles S. W. of Neby 
Samwil. But this is conjecture, and unless the land 
of Zuph extended a good distance E. of Soba, the 
city in which the meeting with Samuel took place 
could hardly be sufficiently near to Rachel's sep- 
ulchre. 

Znph (see above), a Kohathite Levite, ancestor 
of Elkanah and Samuel (1 Sam. i. 1 ; 1 Chr. vi. 35 
[Heb. 20]); - Zophai. 

Zur (fr. Heb. = a rock, edge, cut, Ges.). 1. Father 
of Cozbi (Num. xxv. 15), and one of the five princes 
of Midian slain by the Israelites when Balaam fell 
(xxxi. 8). — i, A Benjamite, son of Jehiel the founder 
of Gibeon (1 Chr. viii. 30, ix. 36). 

Zu'ri-el (fr. Heb. = my rock is God, Ges.), son of 
Abihail, and chief of the Merarite Levites at the 
Exodus (Num. iii. 35). 

Zu-ri-sliad da-i, or Zu-ri-shad'dai (fr. Heb. = my 
rock is the Almighty, Ges.), father of Shelumiel, the 
chief of Simeon at the Exodus (Num. i. 6, ii. 12, 
vii. 36, 41, x. 19). 

Zn'zim (Heb. pi. = strong people, LXX., Targum 
of Onkelos, Samaritan Version ; the wanderers, Le 
Clerc ; dwarfs, Michaelis ; flowing out, abounding, 
from the fertility of the soil ? Ges. ; the prominent 
ones, giants, Fii.), Za'zims [-zimz] (fr. Heb.), the ; an 
ancient people attacked and overthrown by Chedor- 
laomer and his allies (Gen. xiv. 5 only). There is 
some plausibility in the suggestion of Ewald, that 
the Zuzim inhabited the country of the Ammonites, 
and were = the Zamztjmmim, who were exterminated 
and succeeded in their land by the Ammonites (so 
Mr. Grove). Giants ; Hair ; Ham 2. 



THE 



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